The Project Gutenberg eBook of Notes and Queries, Number 02, November 10, 1849 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: Notes and Queries, Number 02, November 10, 1849 Author: Various Release date: February 1, 2004 [eBook #11265] Most recently updated: December 25, 2020 Language: English Credits: Produced by Jon Ingram, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team. *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NOTES AND QUERIES, NUMBER 02, NOVEMBER 10, 1849 *** Produced by Jon Ingram, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team. [Transcriber's Note: In the section 'NOTES UPON "NOTES, NO. 1."' there are several 'C's which have been flipped along a vertical axis. These have been denoted by [*C].] {17} NOTES AND QUERIES: A MEDIUM OF INTER-COMMUNICATION FOR LITERARY MEN, ARTISTS, ANTIQUARIES, GENEALOGISTS, ETC. * * * * * "When found, make a note of."--CAPTAIN CUTTLE. * * * * * No. 2.] SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10. 1849. [Price Threepence. Stamped Edition 4d. * * * * * A FEW WORDS TO OUR FRIENDS. In our opening Address we carefully avoided any thing at all approaching to a boast of what we would, or even what we hoped to perform. We stated that "we would rather give a specimen than a description." We are now in like manner unwilling to point as exultingly, as we think we might, to the position which we have already taken. But there is a vast difference between vain boasting and the expression of an honest satisfaction; and it would be worse than an affectation of humility--it would be a mean hypocrisy--if we did not express heartily and unreservedly the gratitude we owe and feel to those who have encouraged us by their friendly advice and able pens. We have opened a Literary Exchange, and we have had the gratification to see that men whose learning and talents the public recognise--leaders in their several branches of inquiry--have at once taken advantage of it. They have proved the necessity for some such medium of communication, as well as their good-will to the one now offered to them, by a gathering in its behalf which the public will respect, and of which we may well feel proud. Some whose good opinion we most value, and who have spoken most warmly in favour of our plan, have proved the sincerity of their praise by suggestions of improvement in its detail, and hints for its further extension. They may feel assured that such hints and such suggestions shall not be lost sight of. For instance, one respected correspondent hints that as we have very properly adopted Dr. Maitland's suggestion with regard to Herbert's edition of Ame's _Typographical Antiquities_, namely, that of "offering a receptacle for illustrations, additions, and corrections," and invited "our readers to take advantage of our columns to carry out Dr. Maitland's suggestions," we should open our columns with equal readiness to the correction and illustration of more modern and more popular works. We entirely concur with him; but in reference to this subject there is a distinction which must be borne in mind. Our own literature, like that of every other country, consists of two classes of books. We have the books of pretenders to knowledge, the hasty, crude, imperfect, but often for the time attractive and popular volumes of the Ned Purdons of the day. These books have a use--such as it is--and thus answer their purpose; but it would be for the credit of our literature, and save a world of trouble, if they were forgotten as soon as they had done so. To illustrate such books, to add to their information or correct their blunders, would be useless and almost ridiculous. They should be left to die of mere powerlessness and exhaustion, or to wither under the wholesome influence of a just and manly criticism. But there are books of another kind--books {18} which our worthy bibliopoles designate as "standard works." These are the books of competent workmen--books which are the result of honest labour and research, and which from the moment of their publication assume a permanent station in our national literature. Even in such books there are many things incomplete, many things erroneous. But it is the interest of every man that such books should be rendered as complete as possible; and whatever tends to illustrate or correct works of that class will be sure of insertion in our columns. We would point to Macaulay's _England_, and Hallam's _Introduction to the Literary History of the 15th, 16th, and 17th Centuries_, his _Middle Ages_, and his _Constitutional History_, and we may add, as illustrations of a different kind, _The Annals of the Stage_ of our excellent friend Mr. Collier, and _The Handbook of London_ of our valued contributor Mr. Peter Cunningham, as examples of the sort of publications to which we allude. Such were the books we had in our mind, when we spoke in our Prospectus of the "NOTES AND QUERIES" becoming, through the inter-communication of our literary friends, "a most useful supplement to works already in existence--a treasury towards enriching future editions of them." Another correspondent--a bibliographical friend--suggests that, for various reasons, which bibliographers will appreciate, our Prospectus should have a place in the body of our work. We believe that many of our readers concur in a wish for its preservation, and it will therefore be found in the Number now before them. One suggestion again urges us to look carefully to Foreign Literature, and another points out the propriety of our making our paper as British as possible, so that our topographical facts should, as far as practicable, be restricted to the illustration of British counties, and our biographical ones to such as should contribute towards a Biographia Brittanica. All these, and many other expressions of sympathy and promises of support, poured in upon us within a few hours after our birth. No one of them shall be forgotten; and if for a time our pages seem to indicate that we have made a QUERY as to the adoption of any suggestion, let our kind contributors be assured that there is no hint which reaches us, whether _at present_ practicable or not, that we do not seriously and thankfully "make a NOTE of." * * * * * BISHOP AYLMER'S LETTER, AND THE POEM ON THE ARMADA. As I am in a condition to answer the inquiry of your "Hearty Well-wisher," on p. 12 of your last Number of "NOTES AND QUERIES," I proceed to give him the information he asks. I shall be happy if what follows is of any use to your correspondent, taking it for granted that he is as zealous for your success as his signature indicates. The "foolish rhyme," to which the attention of the Bishop of London had been directed by Lord Burghley, has the subsequent doggrel title:-- "A Skeltonicall Salvtation, Or condigne gratvlation, And iust vexation Of the Spanishe nation, That in a bravado Spent many a crvsado, In setting forth an armado England to invado." This is as the title stands in the Oxford impression (of which I never saw more than one copy, because, we may presume, it was suppressed by the authorities of the University), and the following is the imprint at the bottom of it:--"Printed at Oxford by Ioseph Barnes, and are to bee sold in Paules Churchyard, at the signe of the Tygres head, 1589." There exists several exemplars of the London edition--"Imprinted at London for Toby Cooke, 1589,"--the title-page of which, as well as the rest of the poem, differs only literally from that of Oxford, excepting that to the latter is appended a Latin version, also in rhyme, and in close imitation of the English. I subjoin a brief specimen of it:-- {19} "Qui regis Hispanos, Superbos et vanos, Crudeles et insanos, Multùm aberrasti, Cùm tuos animasti, Et bellum inchoasti Contra Anglos animosos, Fortes et bellicosos, Nobiles et generosos. Qui te excitavit Proculdubio deliravit Et te fascinavit," &c. The whole production consists only of ten leaves, 4to., and the Latin portion, which has the subsequent separate title-page, occupies four of them:-- "AD REGEM HISPANVM. Cum tua non fuerint heroica facta, Philippe, Risu digna cano carmine ridiculo." I shall not here introduce any part of the English version, because one or two long quotations will be found in the introductory portion of the Rev. A. Dyce's excellent edition of Skelton's Works (2 vols. 8vo. 1843). Respecting the Latin portion I have been more particular, because the learned editor was not aware that the production had come from the press of Barnes of Oxford, nor that a Latin version was appended to it. I may take the liberty of adding here a mention of Skelton which escaped notice, and which is from one of the tracts against Thomas Nash, produced by Gabriel Harvey, the friend of Spenser. He couples Skelton and Scoggin together, in no very respectful manner, and completes the triumvirate by Nash, whom he here calls Signor Capriccio:--"And what riott so pestiferous as that which in sugred baites presenteth most poisonous hookes? Sir Skelton and Master Scoggin were but innocents to Signior Capricio." This quotation is the more noticeable, because it recognises the sacred character of Skelton (however unworthy of the gown) in the prefix "Sir," which, as most people are aware, was then generally given to clergymen: Scoggin, on the other hand, is only styled "Master Scoggin." J. PAYNE COLLIER. [The preceding communication was already in type when we received the following from Mr. Bolton Corney, which we gladly print, inasmuch as it illustrates some points not touched upon by Mr. Collier.] * * * * * QUERIES ANSWERED, NO. 1. It is not without some slight reluctance that I notice anonymous communications, but shall endeavour to repress such feelings with regard to the modest students who may choose to announce their desiderata through the convenient channel of the "NOTES AND QUERIES." A _hearty well wisher_ to so commendable an enterprise, shall have my first responsive scrap. The inquiry affords no scope for ingenuity of conjecture! The _foolish rime_ to which bishop Aylmer refers, is undoubtedly the pamphlet thus entitled:-- "A Skeltonicall salutation, Or condigne gratulation, And iust vexation Of the Spanish nation, That in a bravado Spent many a crusado, In setting forth an armado England to invado." Oxford, Joseph Barnes, 1589. 4to. "A Skeltonicall salutation," &c. Imprinted at London for Toby Cook, 1589. 4to. The Oxford edition is recorded by Ames, and there is a copy of the London edition in the British Museum. Strype, in his account of bishop Aylmer, gives the substance of the letter as his _own_ narrative, almost _verbatim_--but fails to identify the pamphlet in question. Park briefly describes it in _Censura Literaria_, 1815, ii. 18.; and there is a specimen of it in _The Poetical Works of John Skelton_, as edited by the Reverend Alexander Dyce, 1843. While _queries_ evince a sharp mental appetite, _answers_ help to satisfy it; and so, by their united influence, a brisk circulation of ideas may be produced--which, as master Burton assures us, wards off melancholy. BOLTON CORNEY. * * * * * NOTES UPON "NOTES, NO. 1." Sir,--I take the liberty to send you one or two Notes on your first Number, just as they occur to me in looking it over. I will not trespass on you by preface or apology. The "_bibliographic project_" I shall rejoice {20} to see carried out; and though neither an unemployed aspirant nor a fortunate collector (of which class I hope many will be stimulated by the proposition), yet, as I once took some trouble in the matter, I should be happy to contribute some Notes then made whenever the plan is matured and the proposed appeal is made--provided (I must add, and to _you_ I may add) I can find them. The _Liber Sententiarum_ was printed by Limborch, at Amsterdam, in 1692. It forms the greater part, as, indeed, it was the occasion, of his folio volume, entitled "_Historia Inquisitionis cui subjungitur Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanæ ab anno Christi Cl[*C]CCCVI ad annum Cl[*C]CCCXXIII._" Gibbon, in a note on his fifty-fourth chapter, observes that the book "deserved a more learned and critical editor;" and, if your correspondent will only place the _Book of Sentences_ before the public in a readable form, with a map, and (by all means) a few _notes_, he will be doing a great service to all persons who take an interest in ecclesiastical history, or, indeed, in history of any kind. In the year 1731 Chandler published a translation of the _History of the Inquisition_, with a long Introduction of his own, but did not meddle with the _Book of Sentences_, except so far as to introduce into the text of the _History_ some passages from it, which Limborch (as he appended the whole book) did not think it necessary to quote. I remember seeing the MS. in the British Museum within these ten or twelve years, and, according to my recollection, it was accompanied by papers which would furnish an interesting literary history of the volume. I hope your correspondent will give us farther information. N.B. [Mr. Brooke, of Ufford, has also kindly replied to the Query of INQUISITORIUS, by referring him to Limborch.] * * * * * QUERY AS TO REFERENCES. Sir,--May I be permitted to suggest one way in which you may be of great service to many literary men, and indeed to the cause of literature in general; and this, too, without much trouble to yourself? Would you be willing to receive "Queries" respecting _references_? They frequently puzzle those who are engaged in literary works, and indeed those who are merely readers, and who have not access to public libraries or the manuscript treasures of the metropolis and the universities. If, for instance, a clergyman or squire, interested in the history of his parish, should find in the county historian something which his own local or genealogical knowledge leads him to think erroneous, vouched for by a reference to the _Cotton_ or _Harleian MSS._, might he apply to you? It may be supposed that you are not very far from some one of the great fountains of information, and have easy access to all; and it is probable that you might not only do a personal favour to the inquirer, but confer a benefit on the public, by correcting an erroneous statement. Of course you would subject yourself to unreasonable requests, but the remedy would always be in your own hands. Yours, &c. A. G. C. [The Editor inserts this letter because he is sure that it comes from a friendly quarter, and he knows that something like what it suggests is very much wanted. He would feel great diffidence as to his powers of fulfilling all that might be expected if he were simply to reply in the affirmative: but he is quite willing to make the trial, and he thinks that (though sometimes perhaps with a little delay) he could in general obtain any information of this kind which could be reasonably sought.] * * * * * LINES IN THE STYLE OF SUCKLING. Mr. Editor,--The following lines are written in pencil on sheet 61. of the _Notes of the Debates in the Long Parliament_, taken down in the House of Commons by Sir Ralph Verney. The _Notes of Debates_, but not these lines, were published by the Camden Society in 1845. For any thing that appears to the contrary, these lines may have been written in the House as well as the _Notes of Debates_. The sheet 61. refers to debates which took place in March 1641-2. I am not aware that the lines have been published, nor can I assign them to their author. If any of your readers can tell me anything about them, I shall esteem it a favour. Wert thou yet fairer than thou art, Which lies not in the power of art; Or hadst thou, in thine eyes, more darts Than Cupid ever shot at hearts; Yet, if they were not thrown at me, I could not cast one thought at thee. {21} I'd rather marry a disease Than court the thing I cannot please; She that will cherish my desires, Must feed my flames with equal fires. What pleasure is there in a kiss, To him that doubts the heart's not his? I love thee, not 'cause thou art fair, Smoother than down, softer than air, Nor for those Cupids that do lie In either corner of thine eye; Will you then know what it may be? 'Tis--I love you 'cause you love me. J. BRUCE. 24th Oct. 1849 * * * * * NOTES UPON ANCIENT LIBRARIES. A knowledge of the intellectual acquirements of the middle ages must be mainly formed upon a consideration of the writings which directed them, or emanated from them. Unfortunately such materials are very imperfect, our knowledge of the existence of works often resting only upon their place in some loosely-entered catalogue--and of the catalogues themselves, the proportion still remaining must be small indeed. Under these circumstances the following documents, which are now for the first time printed, or even noticed, will be found to be of considerable interest. The first is, in modern language, a Power of Attorney, executed by the Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, appointing two of the monks of his church to be his procurators for the purpose of receiving from the convent of Anglesey, in Cambridgeshire[1], a book which had been lent to the late Rector of Terrington. Its precise date is uncertain, but it must be of about the middle of the thirteenth century (1244-1254), as Nicholas Sandwich, the Prior of Christ Church, was the second of four priors who presided between the years 1234 and 1274. "N. Prior Ecclesiæ Christi Cantuariensis discretis viris et religiosis Domino Priori de Anglesheya et ejusdem loci sacro conventui salutem in Domino. Cum sincera semper caritate noverit faternitas vestra nos constiuisse fratres Gauterum de Hatdfeld et Nicolaum de Grantebrigiense Ecclesiæ nostræ monachos latores precencium procuratores nostros ad exigendum et recipiendum librum qui intitulatur. Johannes Crisestomus de laude Apostoli. In quo etiam volumine continentur Hystoria vetus Britonum quæ Brutus appellatur et tractatus Roberti Episcopi Herfordiæ de compoto. Quæ quondam accommodavimus Magistro Laurentio de Sancto Nicholao tunc Rectori ecclesiæ de Tyrenton. Qui post decessum præfati Magistri L. penes vos morabatur et actenus moratur. In cujus rei testimonium has litteras patentes nostro sigillo signatas vobis transmittimus." The contents of the book which is the subject of this special embassy are of the character usually found to have formed the staple of monastic libraries, though the particular treatises included in it are not common. In the Reverend Joseph Hunter's valuable treatise upon _English Monastic Libraries_[2] occurs a notice of an indenture executed in A.D. 1343, whereby the priory of Henton lent no less than twenty books to another monastic establishment. The deed is described, but not printed. It will be seen that the instrument we have given above is nearly a century earlier; and the minute description of the book given in this document supplies some very curious facts illustrative of the mode of putting together ancient books, which have not hitherto been remarked, for the simple reasons that no opportunity for comparison like that presented by the present case has yet been noticed. Among the Cottonian MSS. (Galba E. iv.) is a perfect specimen of an ancient Library Catalogue, which, although not altogether unnoticed, deserves a more careful examination than it has yet received. It relates to the magnificent monastic foundation from which emanated the deed we have printed above, and is headed "Tituli librorum de libraria Ecclesiæ Christi Cantuariensis et contenta in eisdem libris tempore H. Prioris." It is written in that bold hand which prevails so extensively in ecclesiastical MSS., with but little variation, from the middle of the fourteenth century, to the end of the fifteenth,--a hand which is not always clearly written, and which therefore, in itself, does not materially assist in the distinction of a date. Now having first assigned the credit of this noble {22} Catalogue--in which are entered about 600 volumes, in nearly every one of which, besides the substantive (or initial?) work, are particularised numerous detached writings, varying from two or three to five-and-forty distinct "tracts"--to Prior Henry Chichely (1413--1443), the founder of All Souls' and St. John's Colleges, Oxford, and who, "built the library of the church, and furnished it with books," we will see whether the book "qui intitulatur Johannes Crisestomus," &c. was returned to Canterbury, and had a place in the list;--and this, we think, is satisfactorily shown by the following entry:-- "Johannes Crisostomus de laude Apostoli. In hoc volumine continentur Idem de laude Redemptoris. Brutus latine. Nomina Regum Britanniæ sicut in ordine successerunt. Nomina Archiepiscoporum Cantuariensis sicut in ordine successerunt. Tabula et questiones Bede de ratione temporum. Tabula ejusdem et expositio super tabulam de lunationibus. Descriptio Britanniæ Insulæ. Expositio super Merlinum, imperfecta." It may perhaps be supposed that this proves too much, as, besides the direct title of the volume, _eight_ "tracts" are here entered, while in the Power of Attorney only _two_ are noticed. But we would maintain, nevertheless, that it is the identical book, and explain this variation in the description by the circumstance that the library having, in the space of nearly two centuries, been materially enriched, numerous works, consisting in many cases only of a single "quaternion," were inserted in the volumes already existing. An examination of the structure of books of this period would confirm this view, and show that their apparent clumsiness is to be explained by the facility it was then the custom to afford for the interpolation or extraction of "sheets," by a contrivance somewhat resembling that of the present day for temporarily fixing loose papers in a cover, and known as the "patent leaf-holder." The second document is a list of certain books, belonging to the monastery of Anglesey, early in the fourteenth century, allotted out to the canons of the house for the purpose of custody, or, perhaps, of study or devotion. "Isti libri liberati sunt canonicis die ... anno regni Regis Edwardi septimo"[3] (7 Edw. II. A.D. 1314.) Penes Dominum Priorem; Parabelæ Salomonis; Psalterium cum ... Penes Dominum J. de Bodek.; Epistolæ Pauli...; Quædam notulæ super psalter et liber miraculorum ... Mariæ cum miraculis sanctorum. Penes Sub-priorem; Liber vitæ Sancti Thomæ Martiris. Penes E. de Ely; Quartus liber sententiarum cum sermo...; Liber Reymundi; Liber de vitiis et virtutibus et pastorale. Penes R. Pichard; Liber Alquini; Liber Johannis de Tyrington cum Catone et aliis. Penes Henrici Muchet; Liber de vita Sanctæ Mariæ Magdalenæ et remediarum (?) Penes Walteri de Yilwilden; Liber S ... ligatus in panno ymnaro glosatus cum constitutionibus; Belet ligatus et vita sanctorum. Penes Ricardi de Queye; Omeliæ Gregorii (?) super Evangelistos ligatæ in nigro corio. In commune biblia; Decreta; Decretales; Prima pars moralium Job; Liber de abusionibus. Liber justitiæ; penes Magistrum Adam de Wilburham. Penes Walteri de Wyth; Liber Innocentii super sacramenta cum Belet et introductione in uno volumine. Item penes Sup-priorem; Psalterium glosatum duod fuit in custodia Magistri Henrice de Melreth. Item aliud psalterium glosatum inpignoratum penes Isabellam Siccadona. Several of these descriptions are highly curious; particularly the last item, which describes one of the "glossed" psalters as being "_in pawn_," a fact which, in itself, tells a history of the then condition of the house. The first document, taken in connection with that referred to by Mr. Hunter would seem to establish the existence of a system of interchanging the literary wealth of monastic establishments, and thereby greatly extending the advantages of their otherwise scanty stores. Both are executed with all the legal forms used in the most important transactions, which would support the opinion of their not {23} being special instances: but they are, in either case, curious and satisfactory evidence of the care and caution exercised by the monks in cases where their books were concerned; and one cannot but regret that when the time came that the monasterias were destined to be dissolved, and their books torn and scattered to the winds, no attention was paid to Bale's advice for the formation of "one solemne library in every shire of England." JOSEPH BURTT [1] The information given of this house by Dugdale is very scanty. It could surely be added to considerably. [2] London, 1831. quarto. See also a Paper by Mr. Halliwell in the _Archæologia_, xxvii. p. 455., and Sir Francis Palgrave's Introduction to _Documents and Records illustrating the History of Scotland_, pp. xcvi.--cxvi., for extracts from the historical chronicles preserved in the monasteries, &c. [3] The formula of this date, "anno R.R.E. septimo," would at first sight be considered to refer to the preceding reign; but the list is merely a memorandum on the dorse of a completely executed instrument dated A.D. 1300, which it is highly improbable that it preceded. The style of Edward II. is often found as above, though not usually so. * * * * * PEDLAR'S SONG ATTRIBUTED TO SHAKSPERE, AND TRADITION CONNECTED WITH SHAKSPERE'S "HAMLET." The following verses, which would form a very appropriate song for Autolycus, were arranged as a glee for three voices by Dr. Wilson about the year 1667. They are published in Playford's _Musical Companion_ in 1673; in Warren's _Collection of Glees and Catches_; and in S. Webbe's _Conveto Harmonico_. The words were, I believe, first ascribed to Shakspere by Clark, in 1824, in his _Words of Glees, Madrigals, &c._; but he has not given his authority for so doing. It has been stated that they have since been discovered in a common-place book written about Shakspere's time, with his name attached to them, and with this indirect evidence in favour of their being written by him, that the other pieces in the collection are attributed to their proper writers. The late Mr. Douce, who was inclined to believe the song to have been written by Shakspere, once saw a copy of it with a fourth verse which was shown to him by the then organist of Chichester. The poem is not included in Mr. Collier's edition of Shakspere, nor in the Aldine edition of Shakspere's Poems, edited by the Rev. A. Dyce. Perhaps if you will be good enough to insert the song and the present communication in the "NOTES AND QUERIES," some of your readers may be enabled to fix the authorship and to furnish the additional stanza to which I have referred. PEDLAR'S SONG. From the far Lavinian shore, I your markets come to store; Muse not, though so far I dwell, And my wares come here to sell; Such is the sacred hunger for gold. Then come to my pack, While I cry "What d'ye lack, What d'ye buy? For here it is to be sold." I have beauty, honour, grace, Fortune, favour, time, and place, And what else thou would'st request, E'en the thing thou likest best; First, let me have but a touch of your gold. Then, come to me, lad, Thou shalt have What thy dad Never gave; For here it is to be sold. Madam, come, see what you lack, I've complexions in my pack; White and red you may have in this place, To hide your old and wrinkled face. First, let me have but a touch of your gold, Then you shall seem Like a girl of fifteen, Although you be threescore and ten years old. While on this subject, perhaps I may be permitted to ask whether any reader of the "NOTES AND QUERIES" can throw light on the following questionable statement made by a correspondent of the _Morning Herald_, of the 16th September, 1822. "Looking over and old volume the other day, printed in 1771, I find it remarked that it was known as a tradition, that Shakspeare shut himself up all night in Westminster Abbey when he wrote the ghost scene in Hamlet." I do not find in Wilson's _Shakspeariana_ the title of a single "old" book printed in 1771, on the subject of Shakspere. T. * * * * * SIR WILLIAM SKIPWYTH, KING'S JUSTICE IN IRELAND. Mr. Editor,--I am encouraged by the eminent names which illustrate the first Number of your new experiment--a most happy thought--to inquire whether they, or any other correspondent, can inform me who was the William de Skypwith, the patent of whose appointment as Chief Justice of the King's Bench in Ireland, dated February 15. 1370, 44 Edward III., is to be found in the _New Fædera_ vol. iii. p.877.? In the entry on the Issue Roll of that year, p. 458., of the payment of "his expences and equipment" in going there, he is called "Sir William Skipwyth, Knight, and the King's Justice in Ireland." {24} There was a Sir William Skipwyth, who was appointed a Judge of the Common Pleas in 33 Edward III., and Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 36 Edward III.; and, were it not that Collins, in his _Baronetage_, followed by Burke, says that he remained Chief Baron till 40 Edward III., _in which year he died_, I should have had no doubt that the Irish Chief Justice was the same with the English Chief Baron. The same authority adds that Sir William Skipwyth who was made a Justice of the King's Bench [it should have been of the Common Pleas] in 50 Edward III., and who resigned his office in 11 Richard II., was the eldest son of the Chief Baron. But that authority does not make the slightest allusion to the appointment of the Chief Justice of Ireland. A suspicion that this last Justice of the Common Pleas is not only the same person as the Chief Justice of Ireland, but also as the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, has arisen in my mind for the following among other reasons. 1. Collins and Burke are wrong in saying that he remained Chief Baron till 40 Edward III. His successor in that office was appointed on October 29. 1365, 39 Edward III. 2. They are further wrong, I imagine, in saying that he continued Chief Baron till his death: for Joshua Barnes, in his _History of Edward III._, p. 667., says that Skipwyth and Sir Henry Green, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, were in 1365 arrested and imprisoned on account of many enormities which the King understood they had committed against law and justice; and this relation is corroborated by the fact that Green's successor as Chief Justice was appointed on the same day as Skipwyth's successor as Chief Baron. 3. No proof whatever is given of the Chief Baron's death in 40 Edward III. I will not trouble you with other grounds of identification which occur to me: but as an answer to my question might "make these odds all even," I sent the "Query" to the "Lost and Found Office" you have established, in the hope that some stray "Note," as yet unappropriated, may assist in solving the difficulty. EDWARD FOSS. November 5. 1849. * * * * * THE THISTLE OF SCOTLAND. Mr. Editor,--May I ask if any of your contibutors could inform me in an early number, when and on what occasion the Thistle was adopted as the emblem of the Scottish nation? I have looked into many historians, but as yet found nothing definite enough. R. L. Paisley, Oct. 29. 1849. * * * * * CAPTURE OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH. Mr. Editor,--Having noticed the letter of Mr. John Bruce, in your Miscellany, I beg leave to inform him that the ash tree under which Monmouth was taken is still standing on the Woodland estate, now the property of the Earl of Shaftesbury. I shall be happy at some future day, if it suits your purpose, to collect and send you such particulars as may be gained on the spot respecting it, and the incidents of the capture. We have still in the Town Hall here the chain in which it is said Jefferies sat at the Bloody Assize. A. D. M. Dorcester, 3d Nov. 1849. [We shall gladly receive the particulars which our Correspondent proposed to collect and forward.] * * * * * SERPENTS' EGGS AND STRAW NECKLACES. [Mr. Thoms' Query in this case should have been limited to the _straw necklaces_, as Mr. Nichols has already explained the _serpents' eggs_; but our Correspondent's letter is so satisfactory on both points that we insert it entire.] The passage from Erasmus, "brachium habet ova serpentum," is plainly to be rendered "and with a string of serpents' eggs on your arm." The meaning is equally apparent on recalling the manner in which snakes' eggs are found, viz., hanging together in a row. Erasmus intends Menedemus to utter a joke at the _rosary of beads_ hanging over the pilgrim's arm, which he professes to mistake for serpents' eggs. I am not aware what particular propriety the "collar or chaplet" (for it may mean either) of _straw_ may have, as worn by a pilgrim from Compostella; or whether there may not lurk under this description, as beneath {25} the other, a jocular sense. The readiest way of determining this point would be to consult some of the accounts of Compostella and of its relics, which are to be found in a class of books formerly abundant in the north-western towns of Spain. V. * * * * * MADOC--HIS EXPEDITION TO AMERICA. "A Student" may consult the _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen_, Mr. Geogehan's _Ireland_, O'Flaherty's _Ogygia_, Magnusen and Rafn _On the Historical Monuments of Greenland and America_, and some of the _Sagas_. SCOTUS. Brechin, Nov. 5. 1849. * * * * * NOTES ON COFFEE. The earliest account we have of coffee is said to be taken from an Arabian MS. in the Bibliothèque du Roi in Paris. Schehabeddin Ben, an Arabian author of the ninth century of the Hegira, or fifteenth of the Christians, attributes to Gemaleddin, Mufti of Aden, a city of Arabia Felix, who was nearly his contemporary, the first introduction into that country, of drinking coffee. He tells us, that Gemaleddin, having occasion to travel into Persia, during his abode there saw some of his countrymen drinking coffee, which at that time he did not much attend to; but, on his return to Aden, finding himself indisposed, and remembering that he had seen his countrymen drinking coffee in Persia, in hopes of receiving some benefit from it, he determined to try it on himself; and, after making the experiment, not only recovered his health, but perceived other useful qualities in that liquor; such as relieving the headach, enlivening the spirits, and, without prejudice to the constitution, preventing drowsiness. This last quality he resolved to turn to the advantage of his profession; he took it himself, and recommended it to the Dervises, or religious Mahometans, to enable them to pass the night in prayer, and other exercises of their religion, with greater zeal and attention. The example and authority of the mufti gave reputation to coffee. Soon men of letters, and persons belonging to the law, adopted the use of it. These were followed by the tradesmen and artisans that were under the necessity of working in the night, and such as were obliged to travel late after sunset. At length the custom became general in Aden; and it was not only drunk in the night by those who were desirous of being kept awake, but in the day for the sake of its other agreeable qualities. Before this time coffee was scarce known in Persia, and very little used in Arabia, where the tree grew. But, according to Schehabeddin, it had been drunk in Æthiopia from time immemorial. Coffee being thus received at Aden, where it has continued in use ever since without interruption, passed by degrees to many neighbouring towns; and not long after reached Mecca, where it was introduced as at Aden, by the Dervises, and for the same purposes of religion. The inhabitants of Mecca were at last so fond of this liquor, that, without regarding the intention of the religious, and other studious persons, they at length drank it publicly in coffee-houses, where they assembled in crowds to pass the time agreeably, making that the pretense. From hence the custom extended itself to many other towns of Arabia, particularly to Medina, and then to Grand Cairo in Egypt, where the Dervises of Yemen, who lived in a district by themselves, drank coffee on the nights they intended to spend in devotion. Coffee continued its progress through Syria, and was received at Damascus and Aleppo without opposition; and in the year 1554, under the reign of Solyman, one hundred years after its introduction by the Mufti of Aden, became known to the inhabitants of Constantinople, when two private persons of the names of Schems and Hekin, the one coming from Damascus, and the other from Aleppo, opened coffee-houses. "It is not easy," says Ellis, "to determine at what time, or upon what occasion, the use of coffee passed from Constantinople to the western parts of Europe. It is, however, likely that the Venetians, upon account of the proximity of their dominions, and their great trade to the Levant, were the first acquainted with it; which appears from part of a letter wrote by Peter della Valle, a Venetian, in 1615, from Constantinople; in which he tells his friend, that, upon his return he should {26} bring with him some coffee, which he believed was a thing unknown in his country." Mr. Garland tells us he was informed by M. de la Croix, the King's interpreter, that M. Thevenot, who had travelled through the East, at his return in 1657, brought with him to Paris some coffee for his own use, and often treated his friends with it. It was known some years sooner at Marseilles; for, in 1644, some gentlemen who accompanied M. de la Haye to Constantinople, brought back with them on their return, not only some coffee, but the proper vessels and apparatus for making it. However, until 1660, coffee was drunk only by such as had been accustomed to it in the Levant, and their friends; but that year some bales were imported from Egypt, which gave a great number of persons an opportunity of trying it, and contributed very much to bringing it into general use; and in 1661, a coffee-house was opened at Marseilles in the neighbourhood of the Exchange. Before 1669, coffee had not been seen at Paris, except at M. Thevenot's, and some of his friends'; nor scarce heard of but from the account of travellers. In that year, Soliman Aga, ambassador from the Sultan Mahomet the Fourth, arrived, who, with his retinue, brought a considerable quantity of coffee with them, and made presents of it to persons both of the court and city, and it is supposed to have established the custom of drinking it. Two years afterwards, an Armenian of the name of Pascal, set up a coffee-house, but meeting with little encouragement, left Paris and came to London. From Anderson's _Chronological History of Commerce_, it appears that the use of coffee was introduced into London some years earlier than into Paris. For in 1652 one Mr. Edwards, a Turkey merchant, brought home with him a Greek servant, whose name was Pasqua, who understood the roasting and making of coffee, till then unknown in England. This servant was the first who sold coffee, and kept a house for that purpose in George Yard Lombard Street. The first mention of coffee in our statute books is anno 1660 (12 Car. II. c. 24), when a duty of 4d. was laid upon every gallon of coffee made and sold, to be paid by the maker. The statute 15 Car. II. c. 11. § 15. an. 1663, directs that all coffee-houses should be licensed at the general quarter sessions of the peace for the county within which they are to be kept. In 1675 King Charles II. issued a proclamation to shut up the coffee-houses, but in a few days suspended the proclamation by a second. They were charged with being seminaries of sedition. The first European author who has made any mention of coffee is Rauwolfus, who was in the Levant in 1573. * * * * * DR. DRYASDUST. Sir,--Do you or any of your readers know anything of the family of that celebrated antiquary, and do you think it probable that he was descended from, or connected with, the author of a work which I met with some time ago, intituled "Wit Revived, or A new and excellent way of Divertisement, digested into most ingenious Questions and Answers. By ASDRYASDUST TOSSOFFACAN. London: Printed for T. E. and are to be sold by most Booksellers. MDCLXXIV." 12mo. I do not know anything of the author's character, but he appears to have been a right-minded man, in so far as he (like yourself) expected to find "wit revived" by its digestion into "most ingenious questions and answers;" though his notion that asking and answering questions was a _new_ way of divertisement, seems to indicate an imperfect knowledge of the nature and history of mankind; but my query is simply genealogical. H. F. W. * * * * * MACAULAY'S "YOUNG LEVITE." Sir,--The following passage from the _Anatomy of Melancholy_, published 1651, struck me as a curious corroboration of the passage in Mr. Macaulay's _History_ which describes the "young Levite's" position in society during the seventeenth century; and as chance lately threw in my way the work from which Burton took his illustration, I take the liberty of submitting Notes of both for your examination. "If he be a trencher chaplain in a gentleman's house (as it befel Euphormio), after some seven years' service he may perchance have a living to {27} the halves, or some small rectory, with the mother of the maids at length, a poor kinswoman, or a crackt chambermaid, to have and to hold during the time of his life."--Burton, _Anat. of Mel._ part i. sect. 2. mem. 3. subsect 15. Burton is here referrng to the _Euphormionis Lusinini Satyricon_, published anno 1617. It professes to be a satire, or rather A FURIOUS INVECTIVE, on the corrupt manners of the times, and is in four parts: the 1st is dedicated to King James I.; the 2nd to Robert Cecil; the 3rd to Charles Emmanuel of Savoy; the 4th to Louis XIII., King of France. The use that Burton makes of the name of Euphormio is any thing but happy. He was not a "_trencher chaplain_" but the slave of a rich debauchée, Callion, sent in company with another slave, Percas, to carry some all-potent nostrum to Fibullius, a friend of Callion, who was suffering from an attack of stone. Euphormio cures Fibullius, not by the drug with which he was armed, but by a herb, which he sought for and found on a mountain. Fibullius, to reward his benefactor, offers him as a wife a most beautiful girl, whom he introduces to him privately while in his sick room. Euphormio looks with no little suspicion on the offer; but, after a few excuses, which are overruled by Fibullius, accepts the lady as his betrothed, "seals the bargain with a holy kiss," and walks out of the room (to use his own words) "et sponsus, et quod nesciebam--Pater," page 100. The next mention of this lady [evidently the prototype of the "crackt chambermaid,"] is in page 138. Callion had paid his sick friend Fibullius a visit, and, on the eve of his departure, had ordered Euphormio to ride post before him, and prepare the inhabitants of the districts through which he was to pass for his arrival. While Euphormio is on the horseblock in the act of mounting his steed, a rustic brings him a letter from Fibullius, and in conversation gives him such an account of his bride as forces upon him the reflection, that even the grim Libitina would be preferable, as a bride, to so confirmed a Thais, so fruitful a partner, as the _protegée_ of Fibullius would be likely to prove. But, as these _notes_ have, in spite of all my attempts at condensation, already grown to a most formidable size, I will not indulge in any moral reflections; but conclude by _querying_ you, or any of your readers, to inform me whether the personages mentioned in the _Euphorm. Lus. Satyricon_, such as Callion, Pereas, Fibullius, &c., are real characters or not? as, in the former case, I am inclined to think that the work might throw some interesting lights on the private manners and characters of some of the courtiers of the day. "No scandal against any of the maids of honour"--of course. The phrase "_To the halves_" (in the quotation from Burton) means, inadequate, insufficient; we still talk of "half and half" measures. Montanus inveighs against such "perturbations, that purge _to the halves_, tire nature, and molest the body to no purpose."--Burton, _Anat. of Mel._, part. ii. sect. 2. mem. 4. subsect. 6. MELANION. [The work referred to by our correspondent was written by Barclay, better known as the author of the _Argenis_. The First Part of the _Satyricon_, dedicated to James the First, was published, London, 12mo. 1603; and with the addition of the 2nd Part, Paris, 1605. The best edition of the work (which, really in two parts, is made, by the addition of the _Apologia Euphormionis_, &c. sometimes into five) is said to be the Elzevir 12mo., 1637. There are two editions of it _cum notis variorum_, Leyden, 1667 and 1669, 8vo., in two volumes. Of some of the editions (as that of 1623, 12mo.) it is said, "adjecta Clavi sive obscurorum et quasi ænigmaticorum nominum, in hoc Opere passim occurrentium, dilucida explicatione." The _Satyricon_ was twice translated into French; and its literary history, and that of the _Censura Euphormionis_, and other tracts, which it called forth, might furnish a curious and amusing paper.] * * * * * SERMONES SANCTI CAROLI BORROMÆI. Sir,--I have been wanting to get a sight of the following work, "Sermones Sancti Caroli Borromæi, Archiepisc. Mediol. Edidit. J.A. Saxius. 5 Tom. Mediol. 1747." Can I learn through your columns whether the work is any where accessible in London? I sought for it in vain at the British Museum a twelvemonth ago; nor, though then placed in their list of _Libri desiderati_, has it yet been procured. C. F. SECRETAN. * * * * * LUTHER AND ERASMUS. Mr. Editor,--The following lines, written in a hand of the early part of the seventeenth century, occur on the fly-leaf of a copy of the {28} _Translation of Luther on the Galatians_, edit. London, 4to. 1577. Can any of your readers oblige me by informing me who was their author? "Parum Lutherus ac Erasmus differunt Serpens uterque est, plenus atro toxico; Sed ille mordet ut cerastes in via, Hic fraudulentus mordet in silentio." Your obedient servant, ROTERODAMUS. * * * * * TOWER ROYAL--CONSTITUTION HILL--COUNTESS OF PEMBROKE'S LETTER--TENNISON'S FUNERAL SERMON ON NELL GWYNNE. Sir,--I should be glad to obtain answers to any or all of the following Queries:-- 1. What is the origin of the name TOWER ROYAL, as applied to a London locality, and when did our kings (if they ever inhabited it) cease to inhabit it? 2. When was CONSTITUTION HILL first so called, and why? 3. Is there any contemporary copy of the celebrated letter said to have been written by Anne Pembroke, Dorset and Montgomery, to Sir Joseph Williamson? It first appeared in _The World_. 4. Does a copy exist in MS., or in print, of the sermon which Archbishop Tennison preached at the funeral of Nell Gwynne? PETER CUNNINGHAM. * * * * * GROG--BISHOP BARNABY. Mr. Editor,--I hope you intend to keep a corner for Etymologies. Query, the origin of the word "Grog?"--And why do the people in Suffolk call a ladybird "Bishop Barnaby?" If you can enlighten me upon either of these points, I shall feel encouraged to try again. Yours, &c. LEGOUR. * * * * * NOTES FROM FLY-LEAVES, NO. II. DR. FARMER ON DRAYTON'S WORKS. The following bibliographical memoranda, in the well-known hand of Dr. Farmer, occur in a copy of the edition of Drayton's _Poems_ published in 1619, in small folio, by John Smethwick, which contains "The Barons' Wars; England's Heroical Epistles; Idea; Odes; The Legends of Robert Duke of Normandie, Matilda, Pierce Gaveston, and Great Cromwell; The Owle; and Pastorals, containing Eglogues, with the Man in the Moone." They may be of use to some future editor of Drayton, an author now undeservedly neglected, whose _Nymphidia_ alone might tempt the tasteful publisher of the "Aldine Poets" to include a selection, at least, of his poems in that beautiful series:-- "The works of Michael Drayton, Esq., were reprinted in folio, 1748. The title-page 'promises all the writings of that _celebrated author_,' but his Pastorals (p.433. &c., first published imperfectly in 4to. 1593) and many other of his most considerable compositions (Odes, the Owle, &c., see the Appendix), are not so much as spoken of. See his article in the _Biog. Brit._ by Mr. Oldys, curiously and accurately written. "Another edition (which is called the _best_) was printed in 4 vols. 8vo. 1753. Robson, 1765. "A Poem Triumphant, composed for the Society of the Goldsmiths of London, by _M. Drayton_. 4to. 1604. _Harl. Cat._ v.3. p. 357. "Charles Coffey was the editor of the folio edit. 1748, he had a large subscription for it, but died before the publication; and it was afterward printed for the benefit of his widow. See Mottley, p. 201. "The print of Drayton at the back of the title-page, is marked in Thane's Catalogue, 1774, 7s. 6d. "N.B. The copy of the _Baron's Warres_ in this edition differs in almost every line from that in the 8vo. edit. 1610. "It was printed under the title of Mortimeriados, in 7 line stanzaes. "Matilda was first printed 1594, 4to., by Val. Simmes. Gaveston appears by the Pref. to have been publish't before. Almost every line in the old 4to. of Matilda differs from the copy in this edit. A stanza celebrating Shakespeare's Lucrece is omitted in the later edition. "Idea. The Shepherd's Garland. Fashion'd in 9 Eglogs. Rowland's sacrifice to the 9 Muses, 4to. 1593. But they are printed in this Edition very different from the present Pastorals. "A sonnet of Drayton's prefixed to the 2nd Part of _Munday's Primaleon of Greece_, B.L. 4to. 1619." [The stanza in _Matilda_, celebrating Shakespeare's _Lucrece_, to which Dr. Farmer alludes, is thus quoted by Mr. Collier in his edition of Shakespeare (viii. p. 411.):-- "Lucrece, of whom proud Rome hath boasted long, Lately revived to live another age, And here arrived to tell of Tarquin's wrong, Her chaste denial, and the tyrant's rage, {29} Acting her passions on our stately stage: She is remember'd, all forgetting me, Yet I as fair and chaste as e'er was she;"-- who remarks upon it as follows:-- "A difficulty here may arise out of the fifth line, as if Drayton was referring to a play upon the story of Lucrece, and it is very possible that one was then in existence. Thomas Heywood's tragedy, _The Rape of Lucrece,_ did not appear in print until 1608, and he could hardly have been old enough to have been the author of such a drama in 1594; he may, nevertheless, have availed himself of an elder play, and, according to the practice of the time, he may have felt warranted in publishing it as his own. It is likely, however, that Drayton's expressions are not to be taken literally; and that his meaning merely was, that the story of Lucrece had lately been revived, and brought upon the stage of the world: if this opinion be correct, the stanza we have quoted above contains a clear allusion to Shakespeare's _Lucrece_; and a question then presents itself, why Drayton entirely omitted it in the after-impression of his _Matilda_. He was a poet who, as we have shown in the Introduction to _Julius Cæsar_ (vol. viii. p. 4.), was in the habit of making extensive alterations in his productions, as they were severally reprinted, and the suppression of this stanza may have proceeded from many other causes than repentance of the praise he had bestowed upon a rival."] * * * * * BODENHAM, OR LING'S POLITEUPHUIA. Sir,--The following is an extract from a Catalogue of Books for sale, issued by Mr. Asher, of Berlin, in 1844:-- "Bodenham? (Ling?), Politeuphuia. Wits commonwealth, _original wrapper, vellum_. VERY RARE. "80 fr. 8vo. London, for Nicholas Ling, 1597. "This book, 'being a methodical collection of the most choice and select admonitions and sentences, compendiously drawn from infinite varietie,' is quoted by Lowndes under Bodenham, as first printed in 1598; the Epistle dedicatory however of the present copy is signed: 'N. Ling', and addressed 'to his very good friend Maister I.B.,' so that Ling appears to have been the author, and this an edition unknown to Lowndes or any other bibliographer." This seems to settle one point, perhaps a not very important one, in our literary history; and as such may deserve a place among your "NOTES." BOOKWORM. * * * * * COLLEY CIBBER'S APOLOGY. Mr. Editor,--No doubt most of your readers are well acquainted with Colley Cibber's _Apology for his Life_, &c., first printed, I believe, in 1740, 4to, with a portrait of himself, painted by Vanloo, and engraved by Vandergucht. Chapters IV. and V. contain the celebrated characters he drew of the principal performers, male and female, in, and just before, his time, viz. Betterton, Montfort, Kynaston, &c. Upon these characters I have two questions to put, which I hope some of your contributors may be able to answer. The first is, "Were these characters of actors reprinted in the same words, and without additions, in the subsequent impressions of Cibber's _Apology_ in 8vo?" Secondly, "Had they ever appeared in any shape before they were inserted in the copy of Cibber's _Apology_ now before me, in 1740, 4to?" To this may be added, if convenient, some account of the work in which these fine criticisms originally appeared, supposing they did not first come out in the _Apology_. I am especially interested in the history of the Stage about the period when the publication of these characters formed an epoch. I am, Mr. Editor, yours, DRAMATICUS. * * * * * A MAIDEN ASSIZE--WHITE GLOVES. Mr. Editor.--I forward for insertion in your new publication the following "Note," taken from the _Times_ of the 20th of August, 1847:-- "A Fortunate County.--In consequence of there being no prisoners, nor business of any kind to transact at the last assizes for the county of Radnor, the high sheriff, Mr. Henry Miles, had to present the judge, Mr. Justice Cresswell, with a pair of white kid gloves, embroidered in gold, and which have been forwarded to his lordship; a similar event has not taken place for a considerable number of years in that county. His lordship remarked that it was the first time it had occurred to him since he had been on the Bench." And I beg to append it as a "Query," which I shall gladly see answered by any of your correspondents, or my professional brethren,--"What is the origin of this singular custom, and what is the earliest instance of it on record?" 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