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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 03 of 55

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Annotator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: October 5, 2004 [eBook #13616]
                Most recently updated: December 18, 2020

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team.


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1803 — VOLUME 03 OF 55 ***




Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team.









The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
beginning of the nineteenth century

Volume III, 1569-1576



Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.






Contents of Volume III


Preface. ... 15

Documents of 1569

		Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Cebu, June
		5. ... 29
		Letter to Felipe II. Andrés de Mirandaola; Cubu,
		June 8. ... 33
		Letter to Marqués de Falçes. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu,
		July 7. ... 44
		Relation of the Filipinas islands. M.L. de Legazpi;
		[Çubu, July 7]. ... 54
		Confirmation of Legazpi's title as governor and
		captain-general. Felipe II; Madrid, August 14. ... 62


Documents of 1570

		Letter to Felipe II. Fray Diego de Herrera; Mexico,
		January 16. ... 69
		Relation of the voyage to Luzón. [June, 1570?]. ... 73
		Act of taking possession of Luzón. Martin de Goiti
		and Hernando Riquel; Manila, June 6. ... 105
		Letter to Felipe II. M. L. de Legazpi; Panae, July
		25. ... 108
		Evidence regarding the Portuguese expedition against
		Cebú. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu, October 21. ... 113



Documents of 1571-72

		Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and
		Philippinas. [1571?]. ... 121
		Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in
		the Philippines [1571?]. ... 132
		Conquest of the island of Luzon. Manila, April 20,
		1572. ... 141
		Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel;
		Manilla, June 19, 1572. ... 173


Documents of 1573

		Expenses incurred for the expedition to the Western
		Islands, 1569-72. Melchior de Legazpi; Mexico, March
		2. ... 177
		Affairs in the Philippines after the death of
		Legazpi. Guido de Lavezaris; Manila, June 29. ... 179
		Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas. Diego
		de Artieda. ... 190
		Letter from the viceroy of New Spain to Felipe
		II. Martin Enriquez; Mexico, December 5. ... 209


Documents of 1574

		Letter to Felipe II. Andrés de Mirandaola; January
		8. ... 223
		 [1]Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente
		 Hernando Riquel y otros; Mexico, January 11. ... 230
		Two royal decrees regarding Manila and Luzón. Felipe
		II; Madrid, June 21. ... 250
		Opinion regarding tribute from the Indians. Fray
		Martin de Rada; Manila, June 21. ... 253
		Reply to Fray Rada's "Opinion." Guido de Lavezaris
		and others; [Manila, June, 1574?]. ... 260
		Two letters to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Manila,
		July 17 and 30. ... 272
		Slavery among the natives. Guido de Lavezaris;
		[July?]. ... 286


Documents of 1575-76

		Part of a letter to the viceroy. Guido de Lavezaris;
		[Manila, 1575?]. ... 291
		Letter to Felipe II. Juan Pacheco Maldonado; [Manila,
		1575?]. ... 295
		Encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. Francisco
		de Sande, and others; Manila, May 26, 1576. ... 304
		Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; Manila,
		June 2, 1576. ... 312


Bibliographical Data. ... 315




Illustrations



	Portrait of Fray Martin de Rada, O.S.A.; photographic
	reproduction of painting in possession of Colegio de Agustinos
	Filipinos, Valladolid. ...  _Frontispiece_
	Landing of the Spaniards at Cebú, in 1565; photographic
	reproduction of a painting at the Colegio de Agustinos
	Filipinos, Valladolid. ... 35
	Map showing the first landing-place of Legazpi in the
	Philippines; photographic facsimile of original (manuscript)
	map, contained in the pilots' log-book of the voyage, preserved
	in the Archivo General de Indias, at Sevilla. ... 47
	"Asiae nova descriptio" (original in colors), map in _Theatrum
	orbis terrarum_, by Abraham Ortelius (Antverpiae, M. D. LXX),
	fol. 3; reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston
	Public Library. ... 86, 87





Preface


The documents presented in this volume cover the last three years of
Legazpi's administration in the islands, the governorship of Guido de
Lavezaris, and the beginning of that of Francisco de Sande. In the
brief period which we thus far survey, the first decade of Spanish
occupation (1565-75), are already disclosed the main elements of
the oriental problem of today: the conflicting claims of powerful
European nations, striving for advantage and monopoly in the rich trade
of the East; the eagerness of unscrupulous Europeans to subjugate
the wealthy but comparatively defenseless Chinese people, and the
efforts of the latter to exclude foreigners from their country;
the relations between the dominant whites and the weaker colored
races; the characteristics, racial and local, of the various oriental
peoples; the Chinese migration to the islands; and the influence of
the missionaries. Interesting comparisons may be made between the
conquests by the Spaniards in the Philippines and those made at an
earlier period in New Spain.

The royal treasurer in the Philippines, Guido de Lavezaris, writes
(June 5, 1569) to Felipe II, describing the Portuguese attack on Cebú
in the preceding autumn, and briefly mentioning some other matters. A
letter from another official, Andrés de Mirandaola (dated three
days later), informs the king of the wreck of a vessel despatched to
Spain with a rich cargo of spices; and he too describes briefly the
encounter with the Portuguese. The danger of another attack leads
the Spaniards to remove their camp to Panay, as being safer than
Cebú. Mirandaola pleads for reënforcements, and asks that soldiers,
of more industrious sort than hitherto, be sent to the islands. He
also gives some interesting information about China and its people;
and asks for an increase of his salary.

A letter from Legazpi (July 1, 1569) to the viceroy of New Spain
describes the difficulties between the Portuguese and Spaniards at
Cebú, and complains of Pereira's hostile actions there. The settlement
has been removed to Panay; they send their only remaining ship to New
Spain, to entreat aid in their distress and imminent danger, for the
Portuguese threaten to drive the Spaniards out of the Philippines. All
the expense hitherto incurred will be wasted unless a permanent and
suitably-equipped settlement be made at some good port. If supplies
cannot be sent, Legazpi asks for ships with which to transport the
Spaniards home, and wishes to resign his office as governor. With
this letter he sends an account of the islands, "and of the character
and condition of their inhabitants." The natives are unreliable, and
utterly slothful. Cinnamon is the only product of the islands which can
be made profitable to the Spaniards, until they can secure control of
the gold mines, and have them worked. Legazpi offers practical advice
as to the best methods of treating the natives, conducting commerce,
etc. His title of governor in Cebú is confirmed (August 14, 1569)
by royal decree.

A letter from Fray Diego de Herrera (January 16, 1570) to Felipe
II gives a brief account of events since Legazpi arrived at the
islands. He praises the courage and loyalty of the soldiers, and
asks the king to reward them; and asserts that the hostilities of
the Portuguese must be checked before much can be done to convert
the natives. A document without signature narrates the events of
"the voyage to Luzón" in May, 1570. It is a simple but picturesque
account of the campaign which resulted in the conquest of Luzón
and the foundation of Spanish Manila--evidently written by one who
participated in those stirring events. The Moros (Mahometans) of Manila
profess a readiness to make a treaty of peace with the Spaniards;
but they treacherously begin an attack on the latter--which, however,
results in their own defeat. The Spaniards capture the city and
set it on fire, which compels the Moros to abandon it. The victors
make compacts of peace with the neighboring villages, and return to
Panay. Illustrative of this episode is the "act of taking possession
of Luzón," dated June 6, 1570.

A letter from Legazpi to the king (July 25, 1570) outlines the events
of the past year. He renews his entreaties for some light-oared
vessels, in which he could send exploring parties through the
archipelago. In pursuance of a royal order, he sends back to Mexico the
Portuguese who are among his troops; but he cannot banish the other
foreigners, as they include his best workmen. He asks royal favor
and rewards for some of his officers. On October 21 of the same year,
he despatches to the king a formal complaint that Pereira had again
appeared at the Spanish settlement (now in Panay), and demolished
its fortifications.

A writer unknown gives an outline of the controversies regarding the
Line of Demarcation, and of the Spanish discoveries in the Philippines,
and the voyages made between the archipelago and Mexico, up to
1571. Lists of supplies needed [1571?] for the struggling colony
forcibly indicate the difference between the wants of civilized
Europeans and those of the semi-barbarous tribes in the Philippines.

Another picturesque account of the reduction of Luzón is furnished
(April 20, 1572) by an unknown writer, who claims to have obtained his
information from actual participants in that campaign. He mentions
various interesting details not included in the earlier account,
and narrates occurrences after the conquest of Manila. Legazpi goes
to that place (May, 1571) to establish his official residence;
the natives at his approach set fire to the village, which they
had rebuilt after its destruction by the Spaniards in the preceding
year. The seat of government for the archipelago is founded there;
and amicable relations (involving the payment of tribute by the
natives) are established between the Spaniards and the people of some
neighboring villages. Other communities refuse to make submission,
and defy the invaders; but they are successively reduced to subjection
by the Spaniards. After narrating these transactions, the writer
gives a brief description of the people of Luzón, their mode of dress,
religious rites, and various customs; and makes commendatory mention of
the Chinese who have settled on that island, who are now converted to
the Christian faith. He then enumerates the islands thus far explored
by the Spaniards, mentioning their principal resources and products. In
June, 1572, Legazpi formally establishes the Spanish city of Manila,
and appoints municipal officers.

An official statement is made by Legazpi's son Melchior, royal
accountant in New Spain (March 2, 1573), of the expenses attending
the Philippine enterprise during the past four years. Layezaris makes
report (June 29, 1573) of Legazpi's death (August 20 preceding),
and of affairs in the islands since then. Allotments of lands which
include the natives who reside thereon (known as "repartimientos" or
"encomiendas"), are being made in the islands, as fast as they are
pacified. Most of Luzón is now subdued; its resources are great,
and will maintain numerous Spanish settlements. The Chinese trade
with its ports is extensive, and steadily increasing; and those
traders are bringing wares of better quality than formerly. Lavezaris
complains of Portuguese hostility and intrigues; a Bornean king
also has attempted an expedition against the Spaniards. The governor
sends a cargo of cinnamon to Felipe; if only he had ships in which to
transport that precious commodity, he could ruin the Portuguese trade
therein. This enterprising official has sent to New Spain plants of
ginger, tamarind, cinnamon, and pepper; the first two are already
flourishing there. He suggests that it would be well to send to the
islands Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries, to continue the conversion
of the natives, already begun by the Augustinians. He asks rewards for
his officers, as having faithfully served the king amid great dangers
and hardships--especially Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo. He
advises that municipal officers be changed annually to prevent abuses.

A Spanish captain, Diego de Artieda, writes (1573) a "Relation
of the Western Islands." He enumerates the islands thus far
discovered by the Spaniards, describing their location, appearance,
and natural resources. He adds much curious information about the
natives--concerning their religious beliefs and rites, customs, mode
of dress, weapons, food, industries, social condition, etc. Artieda
notes all that he has been able to learn concerning Japan and China,
with interesting details as to their civilization, and the skill of
the Chinese as artisans; he mentions the antiquity of printing among
them. He offers to conduct an armed expedition against the coast
of China, if the king will supply him with two vessels and eighty
soldiers. He advises that Spain abandon the attempt to establish a
footing in the Philippines, or else that she ignore the Treaty of
Zaragoza and trade with the Moluccas.

Martin Enriquez, viceroy of New Spain, writes (December 5, 1573) to
Felipe II, announcing the arrival of ships with despatches from the
Philippines. With them has come the Augustinian friar Diego de Herrera,
who is on his way to Spain to inform the king of the acts of violence
and injustice which are being committed in the islands--especially by
the soldiers, who receive no pay and therefore maintain themselves
by raids on the native villages. Several Spanish officers have been
sent thence to Mexico, by way of punishment for various misdemeanors;
from them the viceroy has obtained much information, which he records
for the king's benefit. The resources of the Philippines are great;
but "every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is
justice; and without justice there is no safety." A new governor
is needed there. Reënforcements and supplies have been sent thither
from New Spain every year; but many persons die, and there has been
little increase of population. The riches of China incline some of the
Spaniards to plan for its subjugation to Spanish power. Commerce with
that land would be very desirable; but the viceroy cannot persuade
Spanish merchants to embark therein, on the uncertain and vague
reports thus far received; moreover, the Chinese already possess all
the goods that the Spaniards would export to them. Enriquez asks that
some large ships be provided for the Philippine trade, for which he
has no vessels of adequate size. He sends to the king a cargo of
gold, spices, silks, wax, and other goods. He asks that artillery
and rigging be sent him, and supplies for a reënforcement which he
is planning to despatch next year to the Philippines. He requests the
king to reward the faithful services rendered by Legazpi; and to do so
by providing for his daughters, now of marriageable age, and giving
to his son Melchior some grant in New Spain. The viceroy asks for
orders in various matters, especially in regard to the Inquisition;
and enumerates the documents he sends with this letter.

Andrés de Mirandaola writes (January 8, 1574) to the king. He
enumerates the gold mines thus far discovered in the Philippines, and
the advantages possessed by the islands; and urges the establishment of
Spanish power therein. He describes, as well as he can from reports,
the extent and resources of China, and hints that Spain might find
it worth while to conquer that rich kingdom.

Of much interest is the brief narrative (sent from Mexico January 11,
1574) by Fernando Riquel, Legazpi's notary, of events in the islands
during 1570-73. The governor founds a town in Cebú, and allots to
his followers the land and the natives who reside thereon. In April,
1571 he conducts an expedition for the conquest of Luzón (the events
of which have been related in previous documents). Riquel mentions the
coming of the ships, Legazpi's death, and other events. The islands
are in a peaceful condition; the lands are allotted in such districts
as have been pacified; there is promise of an abundant income from
the tributary natives; and the gold mines are very rich. The Chinese
trade is described; and Riquel thinks that China, notwithstanding
its great population, could be subjugated "with less than sixty
good Spanish soldiers." His narrative is followed by a list of the
articles carried in the ships which bear his letters--gold, spices,
silks, cotton cloth, and porcelain.

On June 21, 1574 Felipe II bestows on Luzón the title of "New kingdom
of Castilla," and on Manila that of "Distinguished and ever loyal
city;" and permits the establishment of a new municipal office. On the
same day Fray Martin de Rada, provincial of the Augustinians in the
Philippines, gives his written opinion regarding the exaction by the
Spaniards of tributes from the Indians. He declares that he and all
his brethren regard the conquests made in these islands as unjust; and
denounces the acts of injustice, oppression, and extortion committed
against the helpless natives. Rada asserts that the rate of tribute
is three times as high as it ought to be, considering the poverty
of the Indians; and urges the governor to reduce the amount levied
to one-third of the present exaction, and to protect the natives
from oppression.

Lavezaris and other officials at Manila undertake to defend
themselves from Rada's accusations, writing (probably very soon
after his "Opinion") a letter to the king to state their side of the
contention. They deny some of Rada's statements, and excuse their
action in other matters, casting the blame for many evils on the
treachery of the natives. They claim that they are protecting the
friendly Indians, and have nearly broken up the robbery and piracy
formerly prevalent among those peoples. They assert that the natives
are well supplied with food, clothing, and gold, and that the tribute
levied is moderate, and not a burden on the people; also that it is
regulated according to the relative wealth of different classes and
regions. This is illustrated by interesting quotations of prices and
values, and enumeration of goods obtained in trade, and of the products
of native industry. The officials admit that the natives pay tribute
only under compulsion, but say, "They like to be compelled to do so;"
and they consider all poverty among the Indians as due to laziness and
drunkenness. It is also far better for them to pay tribute than to be
raided by the Spanish soldiers for the means of supporting themselves,
as was done before the encomiendas were made.

Two letters from Lavezaris (July 17 and 30, 1574) give account of the
past year's events. Juan de Salcedo has conquered the rich province of
Los Camarines in Luzón; and the governor will try to found a Spanish
settlement there. The town founded at Cebú was almost deserted by
the Spaniards; but Lavezaris obliges them to return thither and aids
them in their poverty. He hopes to establish commerce with Borneo
and eventually to found a Spanish post in that island; and has other
plans for increasing the domination of Spain in the East Indies. Juan
de Salcedo has subdued the province of Ilocos, and founded the town
of Fernandina. The Chinese trade is steadily increasing. The natives
of Luzón are being rapidly converted, and missionaries are needed to
care for their souls; Lavezaris especially recommends the Theatins
for this work. He forwards a cargo of cinnamon to the king, to which
he adds various curiosities, and specimens of oriental jewelry;
and sends to New Spain certain plants and roots of economic value,
which he desires to introduce there. He has been obliged to send
Mirandaola to New Spain under arrest; so the office of factor is
vacant, and should be filled. An attorney-general is also needful in
the islands. Lavezaris complains of the Augustinian friars for opposing
the collection of tributes from the natives. Some reënforcements have
come from New Spain. Upon receiving this letter, the royal Council
orders that arrangements be made to furnish necessary supplies for the
islands from New Spain. Another copy of the document is forwarded to
Spain, to which, as it goes on a later vessel, the governor adds some
further items of news. Salçedo has pacified not only Los Camarines,
but Albay and the island of Catanduanes. The prospect is excellent for
the establishment and prosperity of Spanish colonies in the island
of Luzón. The governor sends with his letter maps of Luzón and the
coast of China. A letter (undated) from Lavezaris enumerates the
reasons for which persons are enslaved among the native tribes. He
advises that the Spaniards adopt this institution; otherwise, "this
land cannot be preserved."

An undated letter (1575?) by the same official, to the viceroy of
New Spain, mentions the orders given by the latter that all Indians
and negroes carried from the islands must be returned. Some Chinese
junks have been seized and pillaged. As a result, the trade which
was flourishing between the Spaniards and the Moros of Luzón has been
almost destroyed for the time--a serious matter, for the Moros supply
the Spaniards with provisions. Lavezaris asks that more married men be
sent to the islands. Some remarkably fine pearls have been obtained
near Bantayán. He asks the viceroy to provide him with a cipher code
for future communications.

Captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado sends to Felipe II (probably in 1575)
a report on the condition and needs of the Spanish colony in the
Philippines. He begins by narrating briefly the conquest of Luzón;
then describes the island and its trade, which is carried on with both
China and Japan. On account of its wealth and importance, Luzón should
be thoroughly subjugated; and Maldonado enumerates the provisions
that should be made for that end. Forty or fifty ecclesiastics should
be sent; and to aid in their labors a prelate should be appointed,
for which post the writer recommends Fray Diego de Herrera. Maldonado
urges that five hundred soldiers be sent from Spain and that with these
troops conquest should be made of the Liu-Kiu and Japan Islands. He
asks also for artisans to build ships, suggesting for this purpose
the negro slaves thus employed at Havana.

The new governor, Francisco de Sande, issues a decree (May 26, 1576)
forbidding royal officials in the islands from holding encomiendas
of Indians, and appropriating to the crown those formerly granted
by Lavezaris. The affidavits annexed to this document enumerate the
payments of tribute made by the natives, and indicate the need for
Sande's action. The governor sends to the king a report (dated June 7,
1576) of his first year's work, accompanied by a letter (dated June
2). He desires to subjugate China, an undertaking which he eloquently
urges upon the king. This report will be given in the next volume.

_The Editors_

March, 1903.





Documents of 1569



	Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; June 5.
	Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; June 8.
	Letter to Marqués de Falçes. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; July 7.
	Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi;
	July 7.
	Confirmation of Legazpi's title. Felipe II; August 14.


_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, at Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Arthur
B. Myrick; the others, by Alfonso de Salvio.





Letter from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II


Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

This letter will serve to advise your Majesty that by the _capitana_
"San Pablo," which left this port on the first of July in the past
year 1568, I wrote at length to your Majesty regarding events which
had happened up to that time; and I refer you to the letters which
will go on this despatch-boat in the general budget, which is thus
accidentally increased. Now I shall relate the history of this
ship, and what happened to us after it left, with as much brevity
as possible, both to avoid prolixity and because the governor Miguel
Lopez will give your Majesty a longer and fuller relation. This ship
was despatched with more than four hundred _quintals_ of cinnamon for
your Majesty, besides small wares and other articles as specimens,
which would give no little satisfaction in that land. There arrived at
this port of Cubu on the eighteenth of September of that year a small
vessel of Portuguese, whose captain was Antonio Rrumbo de Acosta,
a person who had already come, the year before, to this port with
letters from the Captain-general Gonzalo Pereyra. He said that the
captain-general was coming with, all his fleet to see the governor
[of the Philippines] and provide him with necessaries, and that having
been separated from his fleet, he [Acosta] came to seek shelter at this
port, as he had knowledge of it, whence he would return immediately
to seek the fleet. He did so, having first been well received by
the governor [Legazpi] and this whole colony. On the twenty-eighth
of that same month, he came back to this port with letters from the
captain-general to the governor, saying that the former was very
near the port. The governor answered his letters, and despatched
them; and on the thirtieth of the same month, the captain-general
entered the port with a heavy fleet of Portuguese. They came with
nine sail--four ships of deep draught and five galleys and _fustas_,
without counting other small vessels which the natives of Maluco use
for the service of the larger boats. They remained in this port certain
days, peacefully, during which the captain-general and the governor
saw each other twice--once on land and the other time on sea. At the
last visit, the Portuguese stated that he would serve summons upon
us, which he at once proceeded to do. On the fourteenth of October he
sent the first summons, which the governor answered. The Portuguese
made answer to this reply and after that made his third demand; and
on the same day when he did this, he came to blows with us, in which
nothing was gained. He surrounded us at the entrances of this port (of
which there are two, one to the east and the other to the west). He
always endeavored to make war on us from the outside, in order to
guarantee his own safety as much as possible. Many people were seen
from this camp, and he captured many more, without it happening that
they could take or kill any of us. He granted life to a few soldiers
and boys that fled from this camp and went to his fleet. During the
time of this blockade, the flagship was burned because it was of
no use, and so that the nails it contained might serve for a ship
that was being made. At this time came the news that the _capitana_
"San Pablo" had been lost in the Ladrones during a storm, and while
the ship was moored. All the people had escaped and came to these
Filipinas islands in a bark which they made from a small boat. It
was a marvelous thing that one hundred and thirty-two people should
come in it as they did. May God pardon whomsoever did us such harm
in losing this ship in this manner. The Portuguese had notice of
this loss, and, having kept us surrounded all the rest of the year,
went away from this port on the first of January of this year 69, with
different ideas from those which they brought hither--because they had
maintained that we must go with them to India; and the captain-general
demanded in his papers or summons that we should leave these islands,
since they were within the demarcation of the king of Portugal. Now
because, as I said, the governor will give your Majesty at greater
length the news of all this, and is sending a relation and the
copy of the demands, I shall say nothing further of it. I finish by
saying that the despatch-boat "San Lucas" is being sent away today,
in order to request that your Majesty may send us sufficient help,
suitable to our need, which is very great, as they who are going to
you in this ship will bear witness; and by referring you to all that
I have before explained to your Majesty. In the ship "San Juan,"
which left this port on the twenty-sixth of July, of the year 67,
I sent certain tamarind trees and ginger roots to be planted in the
more fertile districts of that Nueva España. Now I am sending your
Majesty by Rrodrigo Despinosa, chief pilot who came in the _capitana_,
some roots of pepper already sprouted, for the same purpose. I, as
a zealous servant of your Majesty, am always, so far as my little
strength permits, watchful of everything that concerns the royal
service. And because I personally desire to inform your Majesty of
these things, and in order that I may do it as fully as I have heard
it, I beg your Majesty to do me the favor to send me your favorable
permission, in order that I may do so in the first ship that may leave
these parts for that Nueva España; and because in all things I hope to
receive favor from your Majesty, in regard to all the rest referring
to the aforesaid letters that I wrote your Majesty which are likewise
going on this vessel. I close begging our Lord to keep your Majesty's
sacred royal Catholic person, and prosper you with increase of greater
kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your Majesty's servants and vassals,
desire. From Cebu, June 5, 1569. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's
faithful vassal and humble servant, who kisses your royal feet,

_Guido de Lavesaris_




Letter from Andres de Mirandaola to Felipe II


Sacred Catholic Majesty:

With the _capitana_ which left this port on the first of July,
five hundred and sixty-eight, I sent your Majesty a relation of
what had happened up to that day in this place, with the fidelity
and loyalty which I owe as your Majesty's servant; and so will I do
in this. It pleased God that the _capitana_, making the return trip
from Nueva Spaña [2] for the second time, should lose the way, and
be driven upon the island of Guan, which is one of those called the
Ladrones, where they were lost on account of the storm that struck
them there. Assuredly this caused great sadness and anxiety in this
camp, besides the great loss that it occasioned us, both because
that ship was very convenient and important for the expedition,
and because of its large cargo of cinnamon and other goods which
would have given great satisfaction in your Majesty's kingdoms and
seigniories. It carried, registered for your Majesty, one hundred and
fifty _quintals_ of cinnamon; and for private individuals more than two
hundred and fifty--which consignments we allowed to be carried on the
register, mindful of the misery and necessity which the people were
suffering, and considering that they had nothing else with which to
help themselves. On this account, permission was given to take these
goods, and with the idea that if it should seem best in Nueva España
to take them at a moderate [price] [3] in your Majesty's name, they
would be thus taken; and advices to that effect were sent. There were
also specimens of pieces of [gold], porcelain, and other things, as I
have said, which would give great happiness to your Majesty's vassals
and make them desirous to come to these parts to serve God and your
Majesty. As I have said, it pleased God that everything should be lost,
and that the men should be saved, although with considerable risk of
life. Moreover, after both privations and shipwreck had happened to
them in a land where they had neither refuge nor refreshment, they
had to deal with the most brutish and least civilized tribe of people
ever seen hitherto. Our men experienced great difficulty with those
people, because of their utter barbarism and their savage manner of
fighting. God, who brought them to this port, protected them, showing
them his divine clemency and pity. May He give us grace to serve Him,
and may He keep us in your Majesty's service.

There arrived at this island, where we had settled in your Majesty's
name, Gonzalo Pereira with the fleet (of which we sent your Majesty
news by the _patache_ "San Juan"). He arrived on the second of October
of the year five hundred and sixty-eight; and he came thus, with
four galleons and six small galleys, which took position near this
your Majesty's camp, after having gone through certain formalities
and requisitions, as your Majesty will see by these letters. [4]
The said blockade lasted three months, during which they made war on
us, not as on Christians, and your Majesty's vassals, but as against
infidels and tyrants. They uttered all the insults and inflicted on
us all the  humiliations that they could, taking away from us the
entrances to the harbors, whence came our provisions, and burning the
houses and possessions of our neighboring friends--which certainly
gave these pagan natives a great notion of cruelty, seeing that
with such wicked ways and such cruelty the Portuguese were trying
to hurt and annoy us. And in this way, seeing that by fighting they
might lose more than they would gain, they did not care to fight,
but resolved to take, on the side toward the sea, the harbor entrances
(which are two) with their ships, as they were fully aware that we had
nothing with which to resist them. Accordingly, they kept us shut up;
and in all this time no food or anything else could be brought in for
our support, for which reason we ran a great risk of perishing and
dying in great misery. The governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, acted
with the power delegated to him by your Majesty, doing in everything
all that was possible, as was evident by the messages and requests
to which I refer, which were made in your Majesty's name.


It has pleased God that through some loss of his men, who died from
diseases, the Portuguese should raise the blockade on New Year's
Day of this year five hundred and sixty-nine. He went away with his
fleet, without leave-taking or without saying anything more than to
warn us that he would return in a short time, with forces enough to
crush and destroy us. Therefore it was decided to change the site
and situation of this camp to a province called Panae, where it is
believed that we can hold out until your Majesty provide us with
help and reënforcements, in order that your Majesty's affairs and
vassals may not be so injured by the vassals of the king of Portugal-
a place where no damage may be done, for never since these parts
were discovered have the Portuguese resorted thither, and neither the
king of Portugal nor his vassals had trade or commerce, nor can they
possess anything there. Therefore your Majesty will understand how
little respect the Portuguese have--in your Majesty's absence, and in
a place where they can act thus--for what is due to your Majesty. They
are willing to execute very correctly the conditions and clauses of the
agreement, that is to say those conditions that are in their favor,
but will not admit any excuse or exoneration however reasonable or
legitimate it may be. We are quite certain that your Majesty will
already have taken action in these matters, so that the Portuguese
cannot continue to harass us. This present enterprise is of such a
nature that, if your Majesty wishes to continue it--an enterprise so
long desired, and in which God has afforded your Majesty so fortunate
and evident a result--it offers God a great increase of his Catholic
faith, which may be cultivated in these regions, and to your Majesty
an increase of great kingdoms and seigniories. As I have said above,
the continuance of the liberty due to our government in these lands
would assure your Majesty of being served with the greatest diligence
and care, such service being especially necessary. I have to report, as
your Majesty's faithful servant and vassal, that the persons appointed
to your Majesty's royal service are of little experience, and that any
business, however light it is, gives them a fright. Accordingly, they
content themselves with doing little, and continually oppose certain
things which have been discussed touching the royal treasury--as has
occurred in the case of the fifths, for which my companions asked,
during my absence, in a certain council that was held, telling
the captains that for the present these ought not to be given. And
although I do not believe that the amount is yet so heavy that it
could swell your Majesty's royal treasury, through the good custom
and law permitted by God, which that would put an end to--the answer
that I gave when they notified me of it, was that, since they were
like myself, your Majesty's servants and vassals they were in duty
bound to increase your Majesty's crown and royal estate, to the best
of their ability, and ought to do so.

It is especially necessary that your Majesty order that the people
who are to come to these parts from Nueva España shall be sent
without regularly appointed captains, but that they shall bring
a person suitable to command them as far as these islands, to the
point where the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, shall reside, in
order to deliver the people to him and give up the command; and that
your Majesty shall assign to this duty persons who shall seem to be
better qualified for your Majesty's royal service, because thus our
reënforcements will come more conveniently and with less expense to
the royal treasury. There will thus be an opportunity for rewarding
the persons who have served your Majesty here, as being also men
experienced and conversant in the business and affairs of this land,
and accustomed to the hardships to be encountered here. I think that
those who newly come will feel these hardships keenly, on account of
this country being, as it is, very different from other regions--as
your Majesty will see in the case of Diego de Artieda. [5] He came
on the _capitana_, in which he wished to return immediately after
having transacted his business, and having served your Majesty very
little, as your Majesty will, by this time, have full information and
account; and the cause, as far as it is known, has been his unsteady
disposition. I say this, that your Majesty may have the most important
information in this matter; and in everything your Majesty will act
as suits your pleasure.

When the Portuguese were in this harbor, it was learned that they were
trading and bargaining on the coast of China and Japan; and that it
was a business by which they were maintaining themselves, since it
was the most extensive and advantageous trade that has been hitherto
seen in any place where trade has been carried on. I am certain of
this from what I heard from them in general, and especially from
the captain-general and other persons in the fleet that came here,
mainly to learn what your Majesty is doing--a thing they strenuously
denied. I make this observation as one who transacted the business
with them and with the said captain-general, for your Majesty and in
your Majesty's royal service. Your Majesty will understand, without
doubt, their feelings at learning that your Majesty was continuing
this affair and expedition--which were quite evident in the messages
and summons served on us by them, and their procedures while here. One
or two persons were captured in an islet, when we went to discover it,
who were there with a vessel, which we chanced to encounter--in this
vessel, as I have said, being these two men. They appeared to be more
intelligent than the others whom we met. It was learned that the Moros
from Borney had robbed them; consequently they had nothing except some
gold and silver not worth more than a hundred _escudos_ [6] and some
other articles of no value. It was learned from these men that China
is a very important country and that its people are highly civilized,
engage extensively in trade, and have a well-ordered government. They
tell of thirteen cities called Chincheo, Cantun, Huechiu, Nimpou,
Onchiu, Hinan, Sisuan, Conce, Onan, Nanquin, and Paquin. [7] Paquin is
the court and residence of the king. Fuchu, Ucau, Lintam, and Cencay
are cities of especial note. There are in all fifteen in which they
say that the king has placed his governors. The king is named Nontehe,
and a son of his Taycu. This is the relation that we have been able
to get from these men--hitherto, outside of the ancients, the only
description of the greatness of China that your Majesty has. They
say that these people are so fearful of a prophecy related to them
many times by their astrologers--namely, that they are to be subdued,
and that the race to subdue them will come from the east--that they
will not allow any Portuguese to land in China; and the king orders
his governors expressly not to allow it. Throughout his land he has
enforced great watchfulness, and stored military supplies, as these
Indians give us to understand. All of us your Majesty's servants and
vassals are quite sure that, in your time, China will be subject to
your Majesty, and that in these parts, the religion of Christ will
be spread and exalted, and your Majesty's royal crown increased,
and all this in a very short time.

I humbly beg and beseech your Majesty that you will grant me the favor
of increasing my salary to three thousand ducats, in consideration of
the poorness of the country and the fact that we have to be supplied
from España and your Majesty's realms with what we need to maintain
ourselves. Consider also the position that was granted me in your
Majesty's name by Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Nueva España (whom
may God keep in his perpetual glory); I have served until now in these
districts as your Majesty's faithful servant, enduring great hardships
and misery; and that, in order to join this expedition, I spent my
patrimony and ran into debt besides, to the extent of many gold pesos.

It was agreed to despatch this _patache_ on account of the delay there
has been in sending your Majesty's despatches from Nueva España, and
also to let your Majesty know our negotiations with the Portuguese
and our great necessity; for there does not remain to us a larger
boat in which we can give notice of what happens, nor supplies enough
to be able to make one. In consideration of this, your Majesty will
be pleased to have provided, with diligence, sufficient assistance,
so that we may find out what there is in these regions; and, that
God and your Majesty may be served therein, we are sure that your
Majesty will have this provided for. May our Lord guard your sacred
royal Catholic person and increase your kingdoms and seigniories. From
Cubu, June viii, 1569.

Your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses
your Majesty's royal feet.

_Andres de Mirandaola_




Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to the Marques de Falces


On the first of July of last year, I despatched from this port
Captain Felipe de Salzedo in the flagship to that Nueva España,
to give your Excellency [8] an account and relation of what had
occurred until then, and to carry specimens of articles produced in
this land. It pleased God that the ship should be wrecked while at
anchor in one of the Ladrones Islands; for it was driven on the coast
and all that was on board was lost, except the crew. They returned to
these islands with much difficulty, in the boat, which they repaired
for that purpose, as well as they could. Felipe de Salcedo saved
the packet of letters for your excellency, which accompanies this
letter. A few days after the departure of the flagship from here,
I heard that a Portuguese fleet was coming toward us. In fact, it
came in sight of this port--seven vessels in all, sailing in a line,
four galleons and three _fustas_. The captain-general of the fleet
was a gentleman called Goncalo Pereira. At first, he declared that he
came there only to see us and to inquire whether we needed anything
that he could supply us; but after he had entered the port with fine
words, offers, and promises both general and specific, he tried to
persuade us to go with him to India, saying that he was surprised at
our remaining so long in this land, when we knew that it belonged
to the king of Portugal. I answered him that I had believed myself
to be on land of his Majesty, but that, not being a cosmographer,
and not possessing a commission from his Majesty in regard to it, I
did not wish to contradict him or quarrel with him on that subject. I
assured him that, on arriving in this land, I was obliged to go into
winter-quarters here; and that I had despatched a ship to his Majesty
with a relation of what had occurred on the voyage. I added that I
had been expecting and still expected an answer to that report; and
that for lack of ships I had postponed my departure from the country
until they should be sent from Nueva España. To this he answered that,
on the contrary, it seemed to him that we wished to take possession
of the land of his king, with the intention of passing over into
China and other regions which were likewise his, thus breaking the
compact made between the kings of Castilla and Portugal. That was
satisfactorily answered by me, in the above manner, and I assured him
that my intention was not to injure his king in anything whatever, or
to seize anything belonging to him, because such was the injunction
imposed upon me by his Majesty. All this did not prove sufficient,
and he said that he could not go away from here unless either he
took us away, or we left the country immediately. He began to issue
some written injunctions, which, together with our answer to them,
accompany the present letter, so that your Excellency may know what
occurred. My intention was always to avoid giving him occasion for
commencing hostilities; but it availed little, for without any cause
whatever he started the war, and began to demolish with his artillery
some gabions we had built on the coast for our defense. He blockaded
both entrances to this port with his ships, to prevent us from bringing
in provisions or anything else, as will be confirmed by the testimony
accompanying this letter; and declared that, if they could not capture
us by any other means, they would do so by hunger. Thus he besieged
us for nearly three months, and the harm which he could not inflict
upon the Spaniards he inflicted upon the natives of the neighborhood
who were our friends. He burned and destroyed seven or eight towns,
and gave the natives to understand that this land belonged to the king
of Portugal. He said that we were thieves on a plundering expedition,
and that the Portuguese would destroy and kill those who befriended
us. From this we clearly saw and understood the good-will with which
they had come. Many towns which had been won to us have withdrawn from
our friendship, especially those lying along the coast of Mindanao,
where cinnamon is bartered. These towns the Portuguese injured,
and captured and took away some of the people. On the New Year's
Day just passed, they raised the blockade and departed; for God,
our lord, in His infinite goodness and mercy was pleased, through
the very means by which they thought to defeat us, to force them
to depart--namely, because of lack of provisions; although at their
departure they threatened to return soon and take us away by force.

After the blockade had been raised, and we saw the great need and
distress into which they had brought us, the captains and leaders of
the camp discussed the course which was to be taken for our defense in
case the Portuguese should return hither, as they are likely to do. All
agreed that we should change our location and settlement, because it
would be impossible to defend ourselves here where they could, simply
by closing the entrances to the port, as they did at first, starve
us, on account of the lack of food on this island. In view of other
causes and arguments set forth for this change, we thought that the
river Panae, situated forty leagues from this place, would be a more
suitable site, for it abounds in rice, and no one from the sea could
prevent us from going up the river to the mountains. Accordingly we
have removed thither the artillery, although the quantity of powder
and ammunition now remaining is so small that the artillery can be
of little help in any place. We have decided to send the companies
around the river into other towns, where they can sustain themselves
until we hear from the enemy.

The flagship having been lost, I tried to repair this _patache_
"San Lucas," in order to send word to your Excellency that I have
no other ship left, nor can I send further information until its
return. Thus we are left surrounded on all sides by water and
enemies, awaiting the mercy of God, and the help and remedy which
your Excellency will be pleased to send us, for we cannot expect
it from any other source. During the blockade by the Portuguese,
we did not lack infamous men who, persuaded by words and promises,
turned traitor and passed from this camp to their fleet. These men,
whose names accompany this letter, did us no little harm. If the
enemy return, may it please God that there be no more thus inclined;
for, as we are poor and needy, and have not seen for many years any
letter or order from his Majesty, or from any other person in his
royal name, concerning what we ought to do, some of our men are much
disheartened. On the other hand, they are strongly solicited by the
Portuguese with many offers and promises--a thing which I most regret,
and which gives me more grief than the harm which the enemy can do
us. May it please God to remedy this, for he knows what we need.

Before now I have written that if his Majesty has an eye only on the
Felipina islands, they ought to be considered of little importance,
because at present the only article of profit which we can get from
this land is cinnamon; and unless order is established and a settlement
is made, his Majesty will continue to waste money--although since
then I well understand that this land possesses regions which would
more than pay for the money spent on them. If his Majesty desires
more important things hereafter, he needs to have a settlement here
with a sure harbor and port. In order that a better explanation may
be given concerning what I am saying, I send to your Excellency a
summary relation on the nature of this country and of the natives,
[9] so that your Excellency may examine it and provide what is most
necessary for the service of God and his Majesty and for the welfare of
this land. I also send with this letter the register of the flagship,
so that it may be learned what it was carrying, and what of the cargo
was lost.

What we most need and lack at present is powder, ammunition,
arquebuses, and pikes. We are so short of them that a third of our
men possess no weapons with which to fight. I humbly beseech your
Excellency kindly to favor me by sending us what I have asked for, by
this same _patache_, or by any other which might speedily be sent. This
aid, even if no men or other supplies be brought over, will, with the
news of favors to be received hereafter, give courage to the men; and
will make them stand their ground and defend themselves until the other
supplies arrive. Otherwise, I think it will be exceedingly difficult
for them to do so. If your Excellency holds a warrant from his Majesty
to provide what we need here, may your Excellency be pleased to see
that it be fulfilled with the haste which the matter demands, and for
which we beg and implore; otherwise, may your Excellency favor us by
sending vessels by which we might leave this land, and not perish here
without any profit. And I am sure that his Majesty will be pleased
with that, for he would not wish us to perish here for lack of ships,
as long as he expects nothing else from this land.

I am sending in this _patache_ five pieces of artillery as
ballast. They are medium-sized cannon, in very good condition; and,
with their ammunition cases and fittings may be utilized by the ships
which your Excellency may be pleased to despatch. They will not be
missed here, for we lack powder and ammunition even for the cannon
which are left.

I notified your Excellency, through the flagship, that I detained
Captain Diego de Artieda against his will, for he desired to depart
with the ship. He has now insisted and claimed that he should return;
and I, in order not to oppose and detain him longer against his will,
have permitted him to depart on the _patache_. On the same vessel
departs father Fray Diego de Errera, [10] who has been our prior
here, and whom we shall greatly miss. Only one religious is left us,
the father Fray Martin de Herrada, [11] and it is fortunate that he
is with us. If this work is to go on, it will be necessary to send
him companions and religious suited for so great and holy a work,
and who might help him to sustain the charge and labors of this
land, where they cannot be rewarded at present as much as in that
Nueva España. The people who come here, whether they be religious
or laymen, should be such as are willing to settle in this land as
permanent residents, and not return in the same ship on which they
came. Your Excellency will provide for this and in all other necessary
matters. I humbly beg your Excellency to have much compassion on me,
and kindly give me permission to go into retirement, entrusting the
affairs of this land to the hands of one who might take them up with
more energy. This will be a very great favor to me.

Before now I have written that it is best not to allow any Portuguese
to come over with the other people. This matter ought to have careful
attention, for the Portuguese are not to be trusted, and will profit
us little. Many of them, both soldiers and sailors, came on the
flagship, and I would be glad to see them far from here. I beseech
your Excellency to be pleased to take the necessary measures in this
respect; for it is certainly an important matter, upon which much
depends. Felipe de Salzedo is coming in this _patache_ and will give
a more complete relation of everything; I refer you to him. May our
Lord keep, etc.

From this island of Çubu, July seven, 1569.



Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of the Character and Conditions
of their Inhabitants.


This archipelago is composed of many islands. Some of them are large,
and most of them thickly populated, especially on the seacoast and
all along the rivers. The mountains are also inhabited; but there
are not as many large towns as along the coast and the rivers. The
inhabitants of these islands are not subjected to any law, king, or
lord. Although there are large towns in some regions, the people do not
act in concert or obey any ruling body; but each man does whatever he
pleases, and takes care only of himself and of his slaves. He who owns
most slaves, and the strongest, can obtain anything he pleases. No
law binds relative to relative, parents to children, or brother to
brother. No person favors another, unless it is for his own interest;
on the other hand, if a man in some time of need, shelters a relative
or a brother in his house, supports him, and provides him with food
for a few days, he will consider that relative as his slave from that
time on, and is served by him. They recognize neither lord nor rule;
and even their slaves are not under great subjection to their masters
and lords, serving them only under certain conditions, and when and
how they please. Should the master be not satisfied with his slave,
he is at liberty to sell him. When these people give or lend anything
to one another, the favor must be repaid double, even if between
parents and children, or between brothers. At times they sell their
own children, when there is little need or necessity of doing so.

These people declare war among themselves at the slightest
provocation, or with none whatever. All those who have not made a
treaty of peace with them, or drawn blood with them, are considered
as enemies. Privateering and robbery have a natural attraction for
them. Whenever the occasion presents itself, they rob one another,
even if they be neighbors or relatives; and when they see and meet
one another in the open fields at nightfall, they rob and seize one
another. Many times it happens that half of a community is at peace
with half of a neighboring community and the other halves are at war,
and they assault and seize one another; nor do they have any order
or arrangement in anything. All their skill is employed in setting
ambuscades and laying snares to seize and capture one another, and
they always try to attack with safety and advantage to themselves.

The land is fertile, and abounds in all provisions common to this
region. [12] If at times some places lack the necessaries of life,
it is because the natives are the laziest people in the world,
or because they are forced to leave their towns through war, or for
other reasons. The land is neither sowed nor cultivated. Another cause
for the lack of provisions is, that they have so little authority
over their slaves. They are satisfied with what is necessary for the
present, and are always more ready to rob their neighbors of their
possessions, than to work and cultivate their own land.

More or less gold is found in all these islands; it is obtained from
the rivers, and, in some places, from the mines, which the natives
work. However, they do not work the mines steadily, but only when
forced by necessity; for because of their sloth and the little
work done by their slaves, they do not even try to become wealthy,
nor do they care to accumulate riches. When a chief possesses one or
two pairs of earrings of very fine gold, two bracelets, and a chain,
he will not trouble himself to look for any more gold. Any native who
possesses a basketful of rice will not seek for more, or do any further
work, until it is finished. Thus does their idleness surpass their
covetousness. In spite of all this, we see that the land possesses much
gold; for all men, whether they be chiefs or not, whether freemen or
slaves, extract and sell gold, although in small quantities. Then, too,
many ships come every year to these islands, from Bornei and Luzon,
laden with cloth and Chinese goods, carrying back gold [13] with them;
yet, with all this regular withdrawal of gold, the natives have always
gold enough with which to trade. All these things permit us to infer
that, if the mines were worked steadily and carefully by Spaniards,
they would yield a great quantity of gold all the time. Nevertheless,
in some places where we know that mines exist, the natives do not
care to work them; [14] but, on the arrival of the foreign vessels
for purposes of barter, they strike a bargain with those foreigners
and allow them to work in the mines for a period agreed upon. From
this it is clearly evident how slothful these people are.

There are places in these islands where pearls can be found, although
they are not understood or valued by the natives; therefore they do
not prize them, or fish for them. Cinnamon is also to be found here,
especially in the island of Mindanao, where a large quantity of it is
gathered on the headland called Quavit, [15] and in Samboaga and other
parts of the said island. In some places we have seen pepper trees and
other drugs which the natives do not value or cultivate--from which,
with care and cultivation, they might derive and obtain profit.

At present cinnamon is the only article in the land from which we can
derive profit; for, as I have said above, the gold supply will always
be small until the mines are worked. I believe that if the land is
settled and peopled by Spaniards, we shall be able to get plenty of
gold, pearls, and other valuable articles. We shall also gain the
commerce with China, whence come silks, porcelains, benzoin, musk,
and other articles. Thus partly through commerce and partly through
the articles of commerce, the settlers will increase the wealth of the
land in a short time. In order to attain this, the first and foremost
thing to be attempted is colonization and settlement. Through war
and conquest, carried on by soldiers, who have no intention to settle
or remain in this country, little or no profit will result; for the
soldiers will rather impoverish the land than derive profit from it.

If your Majesty looks forward to this land for greater and richer
things, it is necessary to people it, and to have a port here; for
this land has many neighbors and is almost surrounded by the Japanese
islands, China, Xava [Java], Borney, the Malucos and Nueva Guinea. Any
one of these lands can be reached in a short time. This country is
salubrious and has a good climate. It is well-provisioned, and has
good ports, where can be found abundance of timber, [16] planking, and
other articles necessary for the building of ships. By sending here
workmen, sails, and certain articles which are not to be found here,
ships could be built at little cost. Moreover, there is great need of
a good port here, for it is very dangerous for large ships to sail
very far in among these islands, on account of the shoals and tides
hereabout. For this reason, it would be better to build galleys and
light boats with oars, to go to the lands above-named, whence they
would bring the cargoes for the heavy vessels. Thus the latter would
not leave any port of these islands which might be founded for this
purpose; and by this method the voyages and trading would be effected
with great rapidity in every direction. The large ships would simply
come to such ports as I have said, load their cargoes, and return.

I believe that these natives could be easily subdued by good
treatment and the display of kindness; for they have no leaders,
and are so divided among themselves and have so little dealing with
one another--never assembling to gain strength, or rendering obedience
one to another. If some of them refuse at first to make peace with us,
afterward, on seeing how well we treat those who have already accepted
our friendship, they are induced to do the same. But if we undertake to
subdue them by force of arms, and make war on them, they will perish,
and we shall lose both friends and foes; for they readily abandon their
houses and towns for other places, or precipitately disperse among the
mountains and uplands, and neglect to plant their fields. Consequently,
they die from hunger and other misfortunes. One can see a proof of this
in the length of time which it takes them to settle down again in a
town which has been plundered, even if no one of them has been killed
or captured. I believe that by peaceful and kindly means, they will
be easily won over, although it may take some time to do so--because,
in all towns where Spaniards have brought peace and not destruction,
the natives have always begged for friendship, and have offered to pay
tribute from what they gather and own in their lands. And although at
times they do not fulfil their promise, it is not to be wondered at;
for the country is not yet sufficiently settled and secure. I am sure
that, when this is so, they will be subdued and will do whatever is
justly commanded them.

These natives will be easily converted to our holy Catholic faith,
for most of them are heathens, excepting the natives of Borney and
Lucon (who are chiefly Moros), and a few converted chiefs of these
islands. [17] These Moros have little knowledge of the law which they
profess, beyond practicing circumcision and refraining from pork. The
heathens have no law at all. They have neither temples nor idols,
nor do they offer any sacrifices. They easily believe what is told
and presented forcibly to them. They hold some superstitions, such
as the casting of lots before doing anything, and other wretched
practices--all of which will be easily eradicated, if we have some
priests who know their language, and will preach to them. Certainly,
there is a great opportunity to serve God, our Lord, and to expand
and extol our holy Catholic faith, if our sins do not hinder the work.

In some of these islands, [18] the mountain regions are inhabited by
blacks, with whom as a general rule, the Indians are at war, and whom
the latter capture and sell, and also employ as slaves.

Marriage among these natives is a kind of purchase or trade, which the
men make; for they pay and give money in exchange for their women,
according to the rank of the parties. The sum thus paid is divided
among the parents and relatives of the woman. Therefore the man who
has many daughters is considered rich. After marriage, whenever the
husband wishes to leave his wife, or to separate from her, he can do
so by paying the same sum of money that he gave for her. Likewise the
woman can leave her husband, or separate from him, by returning the
double of what he gave for her. The men are permitted to have two or
three wives, if they have money enough to buy and support them. The
men treat their wives well, and love them according to their habits
and customs--although they are all barbarians and have no manners
or politeness.

_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_

[_Endorsed_: "There is no date." "Relation of the Filipinas Islands
and of the character of their inhabitants."]




Confirmation of Legazpi's Title as Governor and Captain-General


Don Phelippe, etc. Inasmuch as Don Luis de Velasco, our former viceroy
of Nueva España, through my orders equipped a fleet and the necessary
men in the port of La Navidad for the discovery and finding of the
Western Islands; and inasmuch as he was pleased with you, Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, and with your merits and services rendered, and named and
appointed you captain-general of the above-mentioned fleet and its
men; and inasmuch as (so we learn from the reports and information
sent to us), having pursued your voyage and route, you discovered the
aforesaid islands and settled in one of them, called Cubu; and with
your men disembarked there, fought against several towns, and built
a fortress for the defense of the said island and its inhabitants:
therefore, in consideration of this, and of the services rendered in
this expedition, and of the private expenses that you have incurred
in making it; and because we believe that it is best for our service,
and for the prosperity and settlement of the said islands, and for
the welfare of their inhabitants--it  is our will that henceforth,
as long as you live, you shall be our governor and captain-general
of the island of Cubu, and of the other settlements which you or
any other person whatsoever may hereafter make in the island. You
are also empowered to administer our civil and criminal justice, in
company with the officers of justice who may be appointed in the said
island and settlement. By this our ordinance, we command municipal
bodies, courts, magistrates, knights, squires, officials, and good
men, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets, which shall exist or be
colonized in the said island and province, and our officials and others
residing therein, each and every one of them, as soon as they shall
be required--without any delay or hesitation, and without any further
requirement or consultation on our part, and without awaiting or
expecting any other ordinance, second order, or third injunction from
us--to take and receive from you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
the oath and formality requisite in such case, and which you must
fulfil. After you have done this, you shall be recognized, received,
and regarded as our captain-general of the said island and settlement,
as long as you live. And they shall freely grant and consent that
you fill and exercise the said offices, and that you administer and
execute our justice among them--either personally or through your
subordinates, whom you are empowered to appoint and shall appoint
to the offices of governor, captain-general, constables, and other
offices annexed and suitable to your government. You may dismiss and
remove these subordinates, whenever you desire, or consider it best
to do so for the fulfilment of our service and the execution of our
justice, and to appoint and substitute others in their stead. And you
may hear, examine, and decide any civil or criminal suit or case that
may arise in the said island, or in its towns which you have founded
or shall found, and in those settlements which shall be made in the
future, either among our colonists or among others who are natives
of the island, now or in the future. You and your said subordinates
are also empowered to take the payments annexed and pertaining to the
said offices, and to make any investigation you think best in cases
at law, precedents, and all other matters annexed and pertaining
to the said offices. You and your said subordinates shall perform
the duties which pertain to our service and the execution of our
justice, and to the colonization and government of the said island
and towns. In order that you may enjoy and exercise the said offices
and execute our justice, all persons shall yield obedience to you
as to their persons and property; they shall offer and cause to be
offered you all the support and help that you may request and need
from them; in everything they shall respect and obey you, and shall
carry out your orders and those of your subordinates; and they shall
neither in whole nor in part place or consent to place any obstacle
or hindrance in your way. By the present decree we entrust you and
consider you entrusted with the aforesaid duties, and the enjoyment
and exercise of the same. We give you power and authority to enjoy
and exercise your office, and to administer and execute our justice
in the said island and in the settlements that have been and shall
be founded in the cities, towns, and villages of the said island,
and its boundaries, by you or your subordinates as aforesaid. And in
case that you should not be received by them, or any one of them,
by this our decree we order any person or persons who exercise or
shall exercise the authority of our justice in the towns of the said
island, to relinquish and surrender it to you, the said Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, as soon as they shall be requested to do so; and they shall
enjoy the same no longer without our [19] permission and special order,
under the penalty which private citizens are liable to and incur who
make use of public and royal offices without possessing the due power
and authority. We hereby suspend, and already consider as suspended,
all such persons. Furthermore we order that the fines pertaining to
our exchequer and treasury imposed by you and your subordinates, be
enforced; and you must enforce them, and deliver and surrender them to
our treasurer in the said island. And further we order that if you,
the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, should consider it fitting to our
service and to the execution of our justice, that any one whosoever,
now or in future, in the said island, should leave it, and should not
enter or remain therein, and that he should present himself before us,
you may so order in our name; and you must banish him from the island
according to the ordinance governing this matter, giving to the
person thus banished the reason for his banishment. And if it seem
best to you that the reason should be kept secret, you shall give
it in a statement closed and sealed; and shall send the same to us
by a different person than the one banished, in order that we may be
informed of it. But you must take notice that, when you are compelled
to banish anyone, such banishment should be only for very serious
reasons. We hereby give you full power to exercise the aforesaid
offices as our governor and captain-general of the said island and
settlements, and to enact and execute our justice therein, with all
due rights, titles, and interests. It is, moreover, our pleasure and
order that you shall have and receive an annual salary of two thousand
ducats or seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis in consideration
of the said offices. You shall enjoy this from the day when you took
possession of the said island of Cubu, in our name, and as long as
you hold the said offices. We order our officials of the said island
to pay you the above-mentioned two thousand ducats from the revenues
and profits accruing to us in any manner in the island during the
time of your rule. Should this amount not be collected during the
said time, we are under no obligation to give you any of it. The
officials shall take a receipt from you, and a copy of this decree,
signed by a notary-public. We order that the said two thousand ducats
be received and placed on the accounts every year, from the said
day and henceforth. Let no person act in any manner contrary to this
decree. Given in Madrid, August fourteen, one thousand five hundred
and sixty-nine.

_I, The King_

Countersigned by Francisco de Eraso. Signed by Luis Quixada, Vasquez
Çapata, Molina, Aguilera, Villafane.

[_Endorsed_: "Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. Title of Governor and
Captain-general of the island of Çubu."]




Documents of 1570



	Letter to Felipe II. Fray Diego de Herrera; January 16.
	Relation of the voyage to Luzón. [June?]
	Act of taking possession of Luzón. Martin de Goiti and Hernando
	Riquel; June 6.
	Letter to Felipe II. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; July 25.
	Evidence regarding the Portuguese expedition against
	Cebú. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; October 21.


_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: The second and third documents are translated by
Alfonso de Salvio; the others, by Arthur B. Myrick.




Letter from Fray Diego de Herrera to Felipe II


Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

In the fleet that your Majesty had sent from this Nueva España to
the islands of the West, there were among the people some religious
of St. Augustine who were in your Majesty's service. By your order,
I was one of them. We had a prosperous voyage as your Majesty will
already have been fully informed. The fleet effected a landing, and
founded a colony (in accordance with the instructions brought from
this Nueva España) in the island of Çubu--as that place abounds in
food, has a very good port and is a healthful region, as has been
since found by experience; and it is very strong for defense, in
any casualty that might befall us. From that place a ship was sent
to discover the return route [to New Spain]. It succeeded well,
although it appears that some of its men died. The people who
remained there have all this time endured very great privations,
notwithstanding the richness of the region, because they could make
no settlement so peacefully that it was not against the will of the
natives. Therefore they were disquieted, and many fled, deserting
their towns; and those who remained determined not to cultivate their
fields, or to sow, believing that by this stratagem they could drive
us from their land. Consequently they and ours have endured very
great extremities, because the same thing was done in other islands
where the Spaniards went to find food--so much so that many times the
natives have taken the food more than four leagues inland, carrying
it upon their shoulders, and crossing creeks and rivers with it,
with great risk of their lives. Then too another cause of so great
distress has been the lack there of boats with oars; and the fact
that, up to the present, no one has ventured to seek richer and more
abundant lands--which are very near, as Lequios, Japan, and Jaba
[Java], therein fulfilling your Majesty's commands. After all that,
came the Portuguese fleet, arriving about the end of September of last
year (1569), under command of Gonzalo Pereira. That man, although we
made every possible effort for peace with him, would agree to nothing
except that, in any case, we must leave these islands, or else go
with him. The first could not be done, because we had no ships; nor
the second, because that was very ignominious for us. Therefore as we
came to no agreement, he determined to begin hostilities, and make
war on us, trusting to his numerous ships--although  afterward it
did not turn out as happily as he thought, as your Majesty will see
by the relation which the viceroy sends from this Nueva España. [20]
The blockade being so long and rations so scant, the poor soldiers were
in such distress that they took to hunting rats, of which there are
great numbers in that land, and which are much larger than those of
España. With all this privation, and the allurements and abundance in
the Portuguese fleet, they served your Majesty with as great loyalty
and cheerfulness in this war, and in all the rest, as I believe any
men in the world have ever displayed in their king's service. There
was nothing which gave them so great pleasure as being ordered to
do things wherein they risked their lives. Therefore it seems to me
that your Majesty ought to reward their services, because until this
present assistance ordered to be sent them by your Majesty (which is
very helpful), they have had nothing but two almudes [21] of uncleaned
rice every Saturday (after cleaning which there remained but one),
without receiving any other gratification.

I came to this Nueva España to give information of the great need of
supplies there, and of some injuries done to the natives on account
of the extremities that the soldiers suffered, and of many other
things which seemed to me fitting for the service of our Lord and
of your Majesty. I have informed the viceroy of all those things;
so that, as he is nearer to those regions than is your Majesty,
he may remedy them. I believe that he will remedy them, because
he is a good Christian and conducts this business as earnestly as
your Majesty would desire. Some of these things I think it will be
necessary to submit to your Majesty's consideration, and I believe
that this has been done. They have ordered me to return immediately
to the islands, because they tell me that in so doing I shall fulfil
your Majesty's service.

In what concerns the conversion of the natives, nothing has as yet
been really done, until we know your Majesty's will, because so near
Çubu there are lands as great and as rich as this, which belong to
your Majesty--as China, Lequios, Jabas [Java], and Japan. We have
heard that you will order us to go to those places and leave these
other islands--which, although they have many mines and rivers of
gold, are very ordinary, in comparison with the former. The people
there are very barbarous, while those others are civilized. Now that
your Majesty's will is manifest to us, we will commence the work in
earnest, because hitherto, only about one hundred persons have been
baptised. It will be a very great obstacle to conversions, if the war
with the Portuguese continues. Therefore, I beg your Majesty through
love of the Lord that some means and expedient be adopted to prevent
its continuation; because, besides the great scandal given to the
natives, it is a great pity that Spanish and Portuguese, who are so
friendly in España, should come here to kill each other, as if they
were infidels. I could advise your Majesty regarding everything else
in these regions, such as the nature of the land and the nature and
conditions of the peoples and what would be most profitable to your
Majesty in it. A true relation of everything has been given to the
viceroy, so that he may send it to your Majesty. May our Lord keep
your Majesty's royal person in good health and in his service many
years, and increase you into greater kingdoms. Mexico, January 16,
1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's least and humble servant,

_Fray Diego de Herrera_




Relation of the Voyage to Luzon


On the eighth of May of this year, one thousand five hundred and
seventy, the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, left the river of Panay
with ninety arquebusiers and twenty sailors on board the following
vessels: the junk "San Miguel," of about fifty tons' burden with three
large pieces of artillery; the frigate "La Tortuga;" and fifteen
_praus_ manned by natives of Çubu and of the island of Panay. The
officers who accompanied the master-of-camp were Captain Joan de
Salzedo [22] (grandson of the governor), Sergeant-major Juan de Moron,
Ensign-major Amador de Rriaran, the high constable Graviel de Rribera,
and the notary-in-chief Hernando Rriquel.

After sailing northwest for two days, they arrived at the
island of Zibuyan, a high and mountainous land known to possess
gold-mines. Without talking to any of the natives, they left that
island, which is situated about fourteen leagues from the river of
Panay, and went to the island of Mindoro. Among other islands passed
was that of Banton, where lived certain Spaniards, who had gone there
in vessels belonging to friendly Indians. The island of Banton is
about fifteen leagues from Cibuyan. It is a small circular island,
high and mountainous, and is thickly populated. The natives raise a
very large number of goats here, which they sell in other places. The
natives of this island of Banton, as well as those of Cibuyan, are
handsome, and paint themselves. From the island of Banton to that of
Bindoro there is a distance of about twelve leagues. The master-of-camp
reached this latter place, and anchored there with all the vessels
in his charge. Mindoro is also called "the lesser Luçon." All its
ports and maritime towns are inhabited by Moros. We hear that inland
live naked people called Chichimecos. As far as could be seen, this
island lacks provisions.

News reached the master-of-camp that, in a river five leagues from
the place where the ships had anchored, were two vessels from China,
the inhabitants of which these natives call _Sangleyes_. [23] Seeing
that the weather did not permit him to send the large ship, because the
wind was blowing south by west, he despatched Captain Juan de Salzedo,
with the _praus_ [24] and rowboats to reconnoiter the said ships, and
to request peace and friendship with them. This step had scarcely been
taken when the southwest wind began to blow so violently, that our
people were compelled to put into a harbor, and to find shelter for
that night behind a promontory. Four _praus_ and the frigate, unable
to do this, found shelter farther away; and, keeping always in sight
of the shore, these vessels looked for the ships all that night. The
next morning they were overtaken by five of the other vessels and the
frigate, which were searching for them. The master-of-camp and captain
Juan de Salzedo were still behind, with the large junk and the other
_praus_. At break of day, the _praus_ which had preceded the others
reached the river where the Chinese ships were anchored. The Chinese,
either because news of the Spaniards had reached them, or because they
had heard arquebuse-shots, were coming out side by side with foresails
up, beating on drums, playing on fifes, firing rockets and culverins,
and making a great warlike display. Many of them were seen on deck,
armed with arquebuses and unsheathed cutlasses. The Spaniards, who
are not at all slothful, did not refuse the challenge offered them by
the Chinese; on the contrary they boldly and fearlessly attacked the
Chinese ships, and, with their usual courage, grappled them. This was
certainly a rash move on their part, for the Chinese ships were large
and high, while the _praus_ were so small and low that they hardly
reached to the first pillar of the enemy's ships. But the goodly aim
of the arquebusiers was so effective that the Chinese did not leave
their shelter, and the Spaniards were thus enabled to board their
ships and take possession of them. There were about eighty Chinese
on board the two ships; about twenty were killed in the affray. The
soldiers searched the cabins in which the Chinese kept their most
valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins;
gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth,
gilded water-jugs, and other curious articles--although not in
a large quantity, considering the size of the ships. The decks of
both vessels were full of earthen jars and crockery; large porcelain
vases, plates, and bowls; and some fine porcelain jars, which they
call _sinoratas_. They also found iron, copper, steel, and a small
quantity of wax which the Chinese had bought. Captain Juan de Salzedo
arrived with the rear-guard of the _praus_, after the soldiers had
already placed in safety the goods taken from the Chinese ships. He
was not at all pleased with the havoc made among the Chinese. The
master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, who had remained behind with the
large ship, showed much more displeasure, when he heard of the
occurrence. As soon as he was able to cast anchor with the junk in
the river of Bato (the name of the place where the Chinese vessels
were found), he made all haste to make them understand that he was
sorry for their misfortune, and that they had done wrong in sallying
forth against the Spaniards. Nevertheless, he said he would give them,
besides their freedom, a ship, in which they might return to their
own country without any hindrance--besides  whatever was necessary
for their voyage. This was highly appreciated by the Chinese, who,
being very humble people, knelt down with loud utterances of joy.

After this proposal had been made clear to the Chinese, and gladly
accepted by them, the master-of-camp  entrusted the chief notary,
Hernando Rriquel, with the repairing of one of the ships--ordering
him to have the hatchway taken out, and to send all that the ship
contained to the port of Panay. Seeing that the sails, masts, and
rigging of the vessels were so different from ours that none of his
men had any knowledge of them, the master-of-camp thought best to ask
the Chinese to send three or four of their sailors with the junk to
Panay, in company with some friendly Moros of Luçon, who were with the
Spaniards. The Chinese very willingly agreed to that, and provided the
required men. Thus the ship was despatched with twelve Lucon Moros,
four Chinese, and four Spanish soldiers of the guard.

In this river of Bato was found some green pepper [25] growing on trees
as small as shrubs, with their clusters like agias. Here they learned
that the town of Mindoro, which is the capital of that island, was five
leagues from Bato, and that three more Chinese ships were there. They
also heard that the Moros of Mindoro had made great preparations
for its defense, and had provided themselves with a large number of
culverins, arrows, and other offensive weapons, and were intrenched
in a very strong fort. In consideration of this, and the fact that the
Spaniards in this country have always desired to come in conflict with
people who do not flee from them, they decided to proceed immediately
to that island--although the natives of the river of Bato offered
them peace, and promised to pay them two hundred gold _taels_ [26]
(the equivalent of two thousand _pesos de minas_ in Spanish reckoning),
if they would remain there a few days. The master-of-camp assured them
of peace, and, telling them to have the money ready upon his return,
set out for the port of Mindoro. Departing from the river of Baco in
the morning, the Spaniards arrived, by noon, at the town of Mindoro,
which is an excellent though poorly-sheltered seaport. The harbor has
only one entrance. Its waters beat against a hill which is the first
and the smallest of a chain of three hills overlooking the port. The
other two hills are very craggy and thus form a defense to the pass
for the natives. Many armed Moros appeared on the first hill--bowmen,
lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. All along the hillside
stood a large number of culverins. The foot of the hill was fortified
by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick. The Moros were well attired
after their fashion, and wore showy head-dresses, of many colors,
turned back over their heads. Many of them were beating drums,
blowing horns made from shells, and ringing bells. The number of men
was quite large.

The master-of-camp arrived with his ship, ahead of the oared
_praus_. When the first _prau_ arrived, he embarked in it
with the chief notary, Hernando Rriquel, the interpreter, and a
recently-converted Moro, who served as guide. With only these men, and
one soldier armed with a shield, the master-of-camp advanced toward
the Moro fort. He reached the foot of the hill, without allowing any
others to follow him; and, being unable to proceed any further on
account of its steepness, he summoned from above two Moros, to treat
for peace. There seemed to be a difference of opinion among the Moros,
as was gathered from their demeanor, for some made gestures of war,
and others of peace, some of them even going so far as to throw a
few stones and level the culverins. On the whole, they were not very
anxious to fight. Meanwhile, the master-of-camp was so near them that
they could have spit on him. All the Spaniards had already disembarked,
and stood at an arquebuse-shot from the master-of-camp. The latter was
so anxious to win over those Moros and gain their confidence, because
they exhibited fear, that he wished to climb the hill on all fours
to reach them; but his companions dissuaded him from this. At this
time Captain Juan de Salzedo, the sergeant-major, the high constable,
and the ensign-major, came up; and the master-of-camp, the captain,
and the officials were assembled there, with but one soldier, for the
master-of-camp would not allow the others to advance. The Moros having
seen the peaceful attitude of our people, one of them descended the
hill, almost on all fours. Our Moro guide advanced toward him; but,
on account of the great steepness of the hill, he had to be helped
up by the other Moro. After they had seen and recognized each other,
and after the customary embrace and kiss, they descended to the
master-of-camp. The latter told the Moro who had come down, through
the interpreter, that he need not fear; for he had not come to harm
them, but to seek their friendship. The Moro carried the message to
the others upon the hill, and a chief came down; and, upon reaching
the master-of-camp, said that he and all the town wished to be his
friends, and to help the Spaniards with whatever they possessed. The
master-of-camp answered that the proposition was acceptable; whereupon
the Moro chief asked him to withdraw from that place--saying that,
after they had withdrawn, he would come to treat of friendship and
of what was to be given. The master-of-camp, in order to please him,
agreed to this; and told the chief that he was going to review his men,
and that he should not be offended when he should hear arquebuse-shots
and the noise of artillery. Accordingly, he withdrew to the place where
his men were drawn up in order, and there a fine review took place--the
company closing ranks in such perfect order that both the friendly
Indians (who came with us, to the number of five or six hundred) and
the Moros were greatly frightened. The master-of-camp ordered that the
cannon amidship on the large vessel be fired, although not to increase
their fright. The review had not yet ended when a Moro came with sixty
gold taels, which he gave to the master-of-camp--asking  him not to
be offended if the gift were not brought quickly, because the people
had dispersed through fear, and therefore it could not be collected so
soon; but he promised that they would raise the amount to four hundred
taels. The master-of-camp received this gold, and had it placed in a
small box, the key of which he gave to the Moro, telling him to keep
it until the promise was fulfilled; but to consider that after treason
nothing could be more blameworthy than falsehood. The Moro salaamed
low, and said that he would not lie, and that they would fulfil their
promise, little by little. And so they did, for, on that same day,
four more messengers came with gold; and all entreated and begged the
master-of-camp not to be offended at the delay, if there should be
any. With these flatteries and promises the Moros detained us about
five days, during which time we had friendly dealings and intercourse
with them, although they mistrusted us to a certain extent. They had
already abandoned the first town on the shore and had withdrawn to
a hill about two hundred paces away. There most of them had taken
their wives, children, and part of their goods, although the best
part of their property was kept farther inland. This hill was so well
fortified by nature, that, had it not been for the two ladders, which
the Moros kept in two places, one could have ascended it only with
wings. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, our Spaniards paid
them friendly visits. On this little fortified spot the Moros had
built their huts, as high as Mexican market-tents. They resembled a
crowd of children with their holiday toys. During these five days, the
Moros had, little by little, given two hundred taels of impure gold,
for they possess great skill in mixing it with other metals. They give
it an outside appearance so natural and perfect, and so fine a ring,
that unless it is melted they can deceive all men, even the best of
silversmiths. While in this port of Mindoro the master-of-camp sought
information concerning the distance to Manilla and the towns which
would be found on the journey. Our interpreter disagreed with the
Moros of Mindoro as to the number of days it would take; but they
all agreed that it was far, and that perhaps the weather would not
permit us to sail thither. The natives of Mindoro added also that
the Spaniards were crazy to go to Manilla with so small a force,
and that they pitied us. They recounted so many wonders of Manilla
that their tales seemed fabulous; they said that there were very
large oared boats, each carrying three hundred rowers, besides the
warriors; that the people were well armed and excellent bowmen;
that the ships were well equipped with artillery, both large and
small; and that any one of those vessels could attack two _praus_,
and sink them when within range. With these accounts the Moros tried
to discourage the Spaniards; but the more they attempted to frighten
them with such things the more desirous they all became to set foot
in Manilla. In view of this, the master-of-camp did not wait for the
full payment of what the Moros had promised; but, warning them to have
the remainder ready upon his return, he left them on friendly terms,
and set out for the town of Manilla with all his men.

He left the port of Mindoro at midnight, and the next morning cast
anchor before a small island lying between Mindoro and Lucon, where
he remained two days waiting for the _praus_. Meanwhile, having
sufficient leisure, he crossed over to the shore of Lucon, which
was about two leagues distant; and discovered in that same island
a wide, spacious bay. The _praus_ went forward, in company with one
of the Moros belonging to the town of Balayan, who had offered their
friendship. These Moros pointed out to Captain Juan de Salcedo, who
went with the oared _praus_, the mouth of a river which led inland
to a lake, called Bombon. [27] All the _praus_ entered this river,
and came upon an uninhabited town. After the Moro guides from Balayan
had gathered all the house commodities that they could store in their
_prau_, they told the Spaniards that they wished to warn their own
village, so that their people should not be anxious; and so they went
away, leaving the Spaniards in that river.

The master-of-camp took a different route with his junk, and cast
anchor before the town of Balayan, two leagues from the river
of Bombon. While anchored there, and while the master-of-camp was
fretting over the non-appearance of the _praus_ that sailed with him
(since now it was already two hours after nightfall), at that very
time one of them, under command of Captain Juan de Salcedo, made its
appearance. He had been wounded in the leg by a poisoned arrow. Soon
afterward, the other _praus_ and vessels which had sailed in his
company arrived. They reported to the master-of-camp that they
had entered a narrow arm of the sea, which the land inward forms
into a medium-sized lake, around which seemed to be many people and
much cultivated land. The country seemed thickly populated and well
tilled. Captain Juan de Salcedo advanced farther up those waters, in
search of a fortified place of which information had been received on
the way thither--situated on both sides of the water, and thus very
high and rugged, and suitable for laying ambuscades. This proved to
be true; for suddenly, and without them being able to see any one,
many arrows came flying through the air, one of which wounded Captain
Juan de Salcedo in the leg; and many more would have been wounded had
not the _prau_ been supplied with canvas guards. The arquebusiers
immediately hastened to their posts with their medicine, [28] and
prevented the Moros from discharging another volley of arrows, which
ceased at their coming. The captain secured an antidotal herb for his
wound; and, seeing that the approach to the fort was too dangerous and
that it was impossible to effect a landing, he went back to collect
his _praus_, and to look for a shore where he could easily disembark. A
landing-place was found near the town; the men disembarked, and set out
on foot in search of the Moros. The latter appeared in a broad plain,
covered with grass about a hand-span high. The men were divided into
two troops, in order to attack the Moros, who were shooting arrows as
rapidly as they could, and wildly shouting. The Moros waited until
the Spaniards began to hit their flanks with arquebuse bullets; and
then, seeing the rage of their opponents, they took to flight. Our
men pursued them to the very gate of their town, where more than
forty Moros fell under the fire from the arquebuses.

The Spaniards entered the town, and set free two Chinamen, who were
kept there in chains. They learned from these men the ostensible
reason for their imprisonment, as follows. Two Chinese ships had come
to trade with the Moros in this river; but, hearing of our presence
in Mindoro, they desired to betake themselves thither. The Moros
would not allow them to go away. In the quarrel that ensued over
the question of their departure, the Chinese fired a culverin from
one of the ships and killed a Moro chief. The Moros assembled to
avenge him, and overtook the Chinese as they were about to sail out
to sea through the estuary. It seems that the vessels were wrecked
on certain shoals at the entrance to the estuary, and the Chinese
with all their possessions fell into the power of the Moros, who
inflicted on them a severe punishment--seizing them all, and putting
them to death by inches in a most cruel manner, flaying their faces,
and exposing them on reeds and mats. When the Spaniards entered the
town, they encountered not a few similar sights; and so recent was
this deed that the flayed faces of the Chinese were still bleeding.

Such was the account given by Captain Joan de Salcedo of what had
occurred that day during his absence from the master-of-camp. The
Balayan Moros who had come out peacefully detained the master-of-camp
there for three or four days, giving him, little by little, some
impure gold. The latter, to avoid any further delay, decided to
proceed to Manilla. Accordingly, he left these Moros, on peaceful
terms, telling them to collect for his return what was lacking of
the amount promised. Then he sailed along the coast toward Manilla,
which was said to be three leagues from that town. The chiefs of this
town of Balayan said that they wished to accompany the Spaniards
one day's journey from their town, in order to avenge themselves
for injuries and wrongs received at the hands of some neighboring
communities on the coast called Tulayansi. Therefore seven or eight
_praus_ of Moros went with us, and, when we reached that coast,
two _praus_ with white flags were seen, which advanced to the ship
of the master-of-camp. Upon arriving there, they declared that they
were natives of that coast, and that three towns, which could be seen
with the naked eye, wished to be our friends, and to give us tribute
as the others did. The master-of-camp received them in peace, and
assured them of friendship, notwithstanding that the Balayan Moros
who came with us opposed him--saying that those people ought not to
be admitted to friendship, because they were hostile to themselves
for making peace with us first. These arguments were of little avail,
for the master-of-camp declared to both parties, that he had come
to make friendship with all, and that his friends should have no
differences between themselves; that, in case they did, it would be
right for them to go to the Spaniards for the settlement of them;
and that the one breaking with the other would be considered as enemy
of the Spaniards. When they heard this answer, both sides promised to
abide by that decision, whereupon the master-of-camp dismissed them
all, advising those natives who had lately offered their friendship,
to have the tribute ready upon his return.

According to the men of Balayan the enmity between these towns was
because a Balayan vessel, on its return from Manilla, laden with
merchandise, was driven by stormy weather on that coast of Tulay,
and the natives showed them so excellent hospitality that, instead of
helping and receiving them kindly, as neighbors should, they stole the
goods of the Balayans and killed two of them, setting their heads on
stakes. Similar sights were noticed by the Spaniards in these towns,
which still exhibited the cruelty of the deed.

This coast is called Tulay. It has broad shoals and for this reason,
as well as for the keen desire of all our men to set foot in Manilla,
they remained there only one night. Therefore at dawn they set out
for the town called Menilla, which according to report was quite
near. They sailed along the coast, noting many bays and ports. There
were some towns along the shore, whose inhabitants and citizens had
sought other shelter, taking away the best of their possessions. The
oared vessels came to shore, to see what these towns contained; but,
finding no people, they sailed on. The large vessel was sailing about
a league from the coast. Here they met some small boats, which the
natives call _tapaques_. They were laden with provisions, rice, and
salted sardines without the heads, resembling those which are found in
España. The soldiers of the _praus_ took away a quantity of rice from
the Moros, who did not defend themselves. The latter were allowed to
depart in freedom, with their vessels. There were some who did defend
themselves, and wounded two Spaniards and killed one of the friendly
Indians who accompanied us. The master-of-camp, as he was sailing
in the large vessel, was unable to put a stop to these disorders,
for they were occurring in his absence. When he learned of this,
and that the Moro ships were coming from the bay of Menilla laden
with provisions, he cast anchor in a small port; and there, calling
together all the _praus_, censured the men for their disorderly
conduct, ordering them not to depart from his ship from that time on.

The next morning, having heard from a Moro captured in one of the
_tapaques_ that the town of Menilla was very near, all the vessels and
_praus_ set sail, taking the captured Moro as guide. In the afternoon
they came in sight of a very large bay, which formed a wide gulf. It
resembled a narrow sea with its entrance at that point; but the guides
affirmed that the land was one, and so it proved to be when we entered
the bay. We had taken with us from Panae a Moro, a native of the town
of Menilla, who has had intercourse with Spaniards for many years and
is well known among them; for, when the camp was in Zebu, he always
came to sell them provisions. Before the master-of-camp started on
this expedition from Panay, this Moro, and his wife and one son,
had become Christians. He left his wife in Panay, and accompanied
the master-of-camp as interpreter. He had taken with him his brother,
who was likewise a native of Menilla. When we entered the bay, these
men advised the master-of-camp not to cast anchor before the town of
Menilla itself, for the coast was treacherous, and to enter the river
it was necessary to wait for high tide. They advised him to anchor
in a small sheltered port, two leagues from the port of Menilla;
and thence to send word to Raxa [29] Soliman, the greatest chief of
all that country, with whom the terms of peace and friendship were
to be made, and whose opinion was to be heeded.

The master-of-camp found this advice good, and felt at ease about the
port; for he had been fretting over the possibility of finding shelter
in all that bay, which, because it was so large and spacious, seemed
almost harborless. Therefore we sailed straight to the harbor pointed
out by the guides, reaching it two hours before nightfall. The land all
around this bay, in the part where we anchored, and which the guides
declared to be the port of Menilla, was really marvelous. It appeared
to be tilled and cultivated. The slopes were smooth, and had but little
herbage. In fact, so excellent indications have not been seen in this
land, as were seen there. After the master-of-camp cast anchor in the
small port, the _praus_ and the frigate arrived there. On that day
it was decided to send to Raxá Soliman, lord of Menilla, to request
peace and friendship; and that the man appointed for this should be
the brother of Mehomete, the converted Moro. It was decided that the
captive Moro and a Cafre [30] interpreter should go to examine the port
and its position, as well as to sound the mouth of the river. These men
departed the next morning, two hours before daybreak. Before leaving
the ships, Mehomate's brother, who had been married in Menilla,
said that he would be able to bring back an answer on the same day,
as he intended to rest at his own house. The master-of-camp was so
desirous of making peaceful terms with the town of Menilla that,
although hasty by nature and disposition, he patiently waited there
for three days after the Moro's departure. The Moro returned with
another man, his uncle, who was said to be a servant of the king
of Menilla. He had been sent to act as ambassador, with certain
other Moros who accompanied him. He tried to make us understand,
with high-sounding words, that his master was a most magnificent
lord. After a great show of authority and many pauses, he finally
declared that the king of Menilla wished to be the friend of the
Spaniards, and that he would be pleased to have them settle in his
land, as they had done in Çubu and Panay. The master-of-camp answered,
through the interpreters, that he was much pleased to consider the
king of Menilla as a friend of the Spaniards, since his only aim in
coming was that of offering them peace and friendship. He also added
that to carry out these wishes it was necessary for them to see each
other. He therefore declared that he was going to set out immediately
for the said town of Menilla, and said that the Moro should precede him
to advise the chief of it. The Moro ambassador begged him not to set
sail until he had already gone a little distance, for he wished to go
first to advise his master. The master-of-camp promised him to do so,
and so managed that, until the Moro had gone a considerable distance,
he would not set out. But when it appeared that the Moro had advanced
about half a league away from us, all the vessels set out in the wake
of his _prau_. We sailed along a thickly settled coast. Moros came out
in _praus_ from some of the towns to complain of the Raxa Soliman, for
having plundered their towns and killed many of the inhabitants. The
master-of-camp was going ahead under full sail; and, receiving all
of these people very kindly, we kept on until about ten o'clock in
the morning, when we passed the bar of the river of Menila. The town
was situated on the bank of the river, and seemed to be defended by a
palisade all along its front. Within it were many warriors, and the
shore outside was crowded with people. Pieces of artillery stood at
the gates, guarded by bombardiers, linstock in hand. A culverin-shot
from us, and close to the houses of the natives, were four Chinese
ships. Immediately the Chinese came in their skiffs to visit the
master-of-camp. They brought him brandy, hens, winnowed rice, a few
pieces of silk, and knick-knacks of little value. They complained to
the master-of-camp of the Moros of Menilla, saying that the latter
had taken away by force the helms of their ships and the best of
their goods without paying for them. The master-of-camp received
them kindly; but, desiring to be at peace with all, he waived that
question. Then having dismissed the Chinese, he sent the interpreter
ashore to tell King Soliman that he wished to confer with him, and to
make arrangements therefor. The interpreters returned quickly, and said
that they would meet at the edge of the water, and that Raxa Soliman
would come thither. The master-of-camp immediately landed with the
Spaniards, to meet him. Immediately an uncle of the ruler, who also
bore the title of king, advanced with so large a following that he
was thought to be Soliman himself. He embraced the master-of-camp,
and appeared to be a man of good intentions. Soon after came the
other ruler, his nephew Soliman, who was a younger man than he who
first came. Soliman assumed an air of importance and haughtiness,
and said that he was pleased to be the friend of the Spaniards,
but the latter should understand that the Moros were not painted
Indians. He said that they would not tolerate any abuse, as had the
others; on the contrary they would repay with death the least thing
that touched their honor. This speech having been made through the
interpreter, the master-of-camp gratified the chief with kind words;
then after they had embraced each other and made a friendly compact,
the Moro entered his fort. The master-of-camp returned to his ship,
leaving all the oared boats and most of his men on shore, less than
thirty paces from the town; and gave general orders that no man
should enter the town, until the Moros, who seemed quite irritated,
had regained their calm. Then leaving ashore the sergeant-major,
Juan de Moron, in command, he returned to his ship to have it moored
and set in order.

In the afternoon of the same day, at three o'clock, the Moro Mahomate
asked permission to spend the night among his relatives, and the
master-of-camp granted his request. During the day the Moros came
to look at the soldiers ashore with their arquebuses and lighted
match-ropes. The Moros carried their weapons and showed a rather bold
attitude. They even did things which the Spaniards not often tolerate;
but in order to obey the orders of the master-of-camp, and not give
the appearance of starting hostilities on our side, they overlooked
all the unmeasured boldness displayed by the Moros. At nightfall the
men ashore withdrew to the ships, where they slept. The next morning
the Moro Mahomete returned with the same ambassador who had first
come. The latter bore a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect
that he had been informed that a tribute was to be asked of him;
and that, consequently, he would not allow the Spaniards to enter
the river. The master-of-camp--as one desirous of peace, and in view
of the orders of the governor to make peace with the said town of
Menilla--in his answer, requested the messenger to tell his lord not
to believe such reports, for hitherto he had not asked for any tribute
from him. He added that they would see each other again, and make a
friendly settlement, which would be to his taste. Thus he dismissed
the messenger; and he himself, after a little thought, went ashore
with only the Spanish and Moro interpreters, without notifying any one
of what he was going to do. He entered the palisade, whose gates were
guarded by many Moros, and was led by the Moros straightway to a small
house, where he was bidden to await King Soliman. As soon as the latter
heard that the master-of-camp was within the fort, he hastened to him;
and both went to a house where they made a friendly compact, after
the fashion of the land--namely, in this wise: the master-of-camp drew
blood with the two chiefs, uncle and nephew--both called Rraxa, which
in the Malay language signifies king. The Moros drank the blood of the
master-of-camp mixed with wine, and the master-of-camp drank that of
the Moros in a similar way. Thus the friendship was established, on the
terms that the Moros of Menilla were to support the Spaniards who came
to settle there; and, doing this, they should pay no other tribute. The
master-of-camp asked them for a list of the neighboring towns on the
bay; and they gave him the names of forty towns of those situated on
the shore, besides those inland. After this friendly agreement had
been made with the Moros, who promised to give some food for our men,
the master-of-camp left the fort, much to our pleasure. The Moros,
notwithstanding the great security given them by the master-of-camp,
persisted in their hostile and warlike attitude; and, even on account
of the peace made, would not lay aside their weapons--on the contrary,
the number of armed men seemed to be increasing continually.

In the afternoon of the same day the chief notary went to the fort
with the permission of the master-of-camp, to see whether any of
the kings wished to trade for the royal testoons which he had in
his charge. He went there accompanied by a boy only, and spoke of
the matter to one of the chiefs. The latter received him very kindly
and showed him some gold trinkets, which he wished to exchange for
gold. For each gold piece the Moro asked five of silver, but the
notary would give him only three. The Moro Mahomete, who was present
at this trading, and acted as go-between, told the chief notary to
postpone the bargain until another day; and to return to the ship,
and tell the master-of-camp that King Soliman said that, in order to
celebrate the peace made that day, he was about to pass in review his
people, both on sea and on land, and should fire all his artillery,
at which no offense should be taken, for all was in celebration of the
peace. The chief notary left the port with the message, and found the
master-of-camp receiving information in the above-mentioned vessel
of friendly Indian rowers; they were saying that, having relatives
among the Moros, they had learned that the latter were planning to
fall upon the Spaniards at the first rain, when it would be impossible
for them to make use of the arquebuses. From this news, and from the
preparations which the Moros were making on both sea and land for the
great review they said they were about to give, we saw that they were
anxious to start the affray. At this time the Moro Mahomete arrived
with a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect that King Soliman
had learned that the lord of Candola, a town on the other side of the
river, intended to fight the Spaniards on sea and had invited him to
join in the attack; but that he, Soliman, had refused to do so. For
this reason he would get in readiness, and, if the chief really
came to offer battle, he would aid the Spaniards with his people,
since the master-of-camp was his friend. This new message gave a full
understanding of the deceitful plan of the Moros; notwithstanding all
this, the master-of-camp sent his thanks to Soliman for the warning,
saying that he would be pleased to fight any one who desired to fight
with him. He added that if it were not so late he would immediately
go to the town of Candola to fight with that chief. Having dismissed
the envoy with this message the master-of-camp ordered all the men
to be on the watch, and for all the crews of the _praus_ to sleep
on land. That day the sunset was so blood-red that it presented a
wonderful sight. The men said that the sun was blood-stained. All
that night the men, both on land and sea, slept fully armed. The next
morning two or three soldiers were going ashore in a little canoe,
when, seven or eight paces from land, their small canoe suddenly
filled with water and the men went to the bottom. One of the soldiers,
Juan Nunez, a native of Talavera, was drowned. At ten o'clock of that
same morning, some sails were seen at sea, and the master-of-camp,
thinking them to be the ships of those who were coming to fight with
the Spaniards, despatched a _prau_ to reconnoiter them. As the _prau_
came near them, these vessels were seen to be _tapaques_, and the
master-of-camp, fearing that the _prau_ might do them harm, called
it back by firing a cannon seaward. The Moros, who were waiting
an opportunity for treason--but had not manifested it because it
had not rained as they had expected--therefore opened the war; and
without any warning, fired three cannon-shots, one after another. One
of them pierced the side of the ship, and struck the cast-room,
scattering its ashes among the bystanders; the other two shots were
high, passing over the ship half-way aft; and one would have killed
many men had the aim been a _vara_ [31] lower. The Moros had begun
their treacherous work even before this; for they had seized some of
the friendly Indians who had gone there to feast with their friends,
had wounded the Indian slave of a soldier, beaten and frightened two
or three others, and wounded another soldier with an arrow. When the
effrontery of the Moros was seen, and that they could do us some injury
with their artillery, it was decided to attack them. [32] Therefore in
the twinkling of an eye, the Spaniards attacked and took the palisade,
hurling down the bombardiers with linstock in hand, giving them no
chance to fulfil their duties. After this first artillery had fallen
into their hands, they immediately took the town, and set fire to it,
on account of its being large. The Moros abandoned the burning town,
for they were unable to resist the attack of the arquebusiers, or
rather the will of God, who had ordained it so--a self evident fact,
since for every Spaniard there were a hundred Moros. The large ship was
firing upon a Moro boat with long-bladed oars, which was far up the
river. This vessel was said to have three or four hundred fighting
men and rowers on board, with many culverins and large pieces of
artillery. The cannonball struck the water, for the vessel was some
distance away, surrounded by more than five hundred Moro _praus_
and other large ships full of armed men, bowmen, and lancers. All
these ships were scattered by the artillery of the large junk.

The town was rapidly burning. The master-of-camp hurriedly took the
artillery from the Moros--thirteen  pieces, small and large. He took
care to protect the vessels of the Chinese, who had been greatly
frightened. He ordered the return of the sails and helms which the
Moros had taken away from them; and the Chinese, attaching the helms to
their ships as quickly as they could, proceeded to cast anchor near the
junk, so that the firing should do them no harm. The master-of-camp,
having captured the enemy's artillery, fired upon them with their own
pieces, while they were fleeing, thus inflicting upon them severe
losses, both on land and water. About one hundred dead were found
on land, having been burned to death, or slain by arquebus bullets;
more than eighty persons were taken captive; and many others were
killed in the _praus_, as they fled up the river. The rain expected
by the Moros came when the town was quite destroyed by fire. The loss
in the town was considerable, for it was large, and carried on an
extensive trade. In the town lived forty married Chinese and twenty
Japanese. Of these some came to see the master-of-camp on board the
ship, before the breaking out of hostilities, among whom was a Japanese
with a Theatin cap, from which we thought him to be a Christian. When
we asked him if he was one, he answered in the affirmative, saying
that his name was Pablo [Paul]. He adored an image, and asked for
some beads; but people say that he was among the Moro bombardiers.

Among the prisoners were the Chinese wives of some of the Chinese
who had married and settled in the town; and although it would
have been justifiable to make them slaves, because their husbands
had fled with the Moros, the master-of-camp was unwilling to do so,
but simply handed them over to the Chinese of the ships. One of the
Chinese women wished to come with us, and we have found since that
she was insane; now she is with the governor, who will send her
back to her own country. Those who saw Soliman's house before it
was burned, say that it was very large, and that it contained many
valuable things, such as money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets,
wax, cotton, and wooden vats full of brandy; but everything was
burned to the ground with the house. Afterward the iron and copper
furnished gain to whomsoever wished to take it, for a great quantity
of it which this house and others contained, was found on the ground
after the fire. When the prisoners captured were asked why the Moros
had broken the treaty of peace and friendship, they answered that
the young Soliman was to blame, for he always opposed his uncle,
the other chief; that he had a malicious disposition; and that it
was he who gave the order to fire, and who even fired with his own
hand the first shot, which struck the ship. Next to Soliman's house
was another which was used as a store-room. It contained much iron
and copper, as well as culverins and cannon which had melted. Some
small and large cannon had just been begun. There were the clay and
wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long,
resembling a culverin. The Indians said that the furniture alone lost
in Soliman's house was worth more than five thousand ducats.

After the burning of this town the master-of-camp waited two days
in the river for some message from the Moros, but seeing that no one
appeared, and that he had but few men with him to seek them inland;
and that the bay and waterway was such that, in order to sail out of
it, they needed the northeast wind (which was now blowing, although
feebly); and that the southwest gales were coming, so that, as the
interpreters affirmed, if the necessary steps were not taken the
probability was that the large ship would not leave the place; and
in order not to lose the ship and its artillery--the master-of-camp
decided to leave the bay immediately after having first asked full
information concerning the towns upon its coast. Thus we set sail
in company with only the Chinese and their four vessels; these said
that they had no articles of trade in their vessels except some large
earthen jars and porcelain. Many of the soldiers bartered trifles of
little value with them in exchange for wax, which the Chinese greatly
value and even buy with gold. From what we could see and hear of them,
the Chinese are a very humble people. It seems that they observe
among themselves a certain form of politeness and cleanliness. They
became great friends with us, and gave us letters of security, which
consisted of white cloths that they had with them, upon which were
painted the royal coat of arms. They promised to come the next year to
this river of Panay, and to establish trade with the Spaniards. All
that the Chinese asked was given them, which pleased them much,
and they were shown the best possible treatment. Then they left us,
and, according to what they said, went to Mindoro. The master-of-camp
cast anchor in the port where we halted before; and there we remained
another day, to see whether or not any of the natives would come to
us for peace. Seeing that no one came, the master-of-camp, fearing
lest the northeast wind would cease, left the harbor with his vessels,
for it would not be possible to do so when the southwest wind should
blow. He coasted past the towns which had made peace on the voyage
hither, until the town of Balayan was reached. Thence we despatched
the junk to the island of Panae with Captain Juan de Salcedo, who
had not yet recovered from his wound in the leg, and five or six
sick soldiers. The master-of-camp remained with the oared _praus_
in order to win over all the towns which were desirous of peace. Thus
leaving them behind pacified and assured of friendship, he returned
to the camp; for the governor had sent them by sea an advice-_prau_
on the arrival of the fleet from Nueva España. Such, then, are the
events of this voyage.

[_Endorsed_: "An account of the conquest and discovery of Manilla."

"May eight, 1570." "Relation of the discovery of the island of Luçon,
one of the western islands."]




Act of Taking Possession of Luzon [33]


In the island called by the natives "Luzon the greater," in a town
and river of the same called Manila, on the sixth of June in the year
one thousand five hundred and seventy, the honorable Martin de Goite,
his Majesty's master-of-camp in these Western Islands, declared before
me, Hernando Riquel, chief government notary, and in the presence
of the undersigned witnesses, that, inasmuch as--a thing well and
generally known--his Excellency being in this river of Manila, with
the men and ships accompanying him, and having made peace and drawn
his blood with two chiefs, styling themselves kings of this said town
(by name Soliman and Raxa respectively), and without giving them
cause or treating them in a manner that would make the said natives
change their attitude, the above said chiefs began war treacherously
and unexpectedly, without advising him beforehand; and wounded and
seized certain Indians accompanying us. After that they discharged
the artillery in their fort, two balls from which struck the ship "San
Miguel," on board of which was the said master-of-camp. He, in order
to guard himself from the injury which the said Moros were doing him in
starting the war, and to prevent their artillery from harming his men,
attacked the said fort of the Moros, and captured it by force of arms
and is now in possession of it. And inasmuch as the said fort and town
of Manila have been won in lawful and just war, and since, according
to the said natives, Manila is the capital of all the towns of this
said island: therefore in his Majesty's name, he was occupying and
did occupy, was taking and did take, royal ownership and possession,
actual and quasi, of this said island of Luzon and of all the other
ports, towns, and territories adjoining and belonging to this said
island. Moreover, as a sign of real occupation, he ordered his ensign
to raise the flag of his company on the fort built by the natives,
had the artillery found in the said fort taken for his Majesty, and
performed other acts and duties as a sign of real occupation. And
when he had thus taken the said possession in his Majesty's name,
he asked me, the aforesaid notary, to certify and attest it, and
to draw up a statement so that the proceeding might be clearly set
forth. In fulfilment of that demand, I, the said Hernando Riquel,
certify, as an actual witness, to whomsoever may see this present,
that the said master-of-camp took and seized in his Majesty's name
the said possession in the manner above specified. And in affirmation
of the above I draw up this statement, which the said master-of-camp
signed; witnesses to all the abovesaid being the sergeant-major Juan
de Morones, the high constable Graviel de Rrivera, the ensign-in-chief
Gaspar Ramirez, and many other soldiers in the said fort.

_Martin de Goite_

Drawn in my presence:

_Hernando Riquel_

Collated with the original, which is in my possession.

_Hernando Riquel_

[_Endorsed:_ "Possession taken of the island of Luçon in his Majesty's
name." "Possession of Luzon."]




Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to Felipe II


Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

With Captain Joan de la Ysla, who arrived at this river on St. John's
eve last, I received a letter from your Majesty from the Escorial
[34] dated the sixteenth of November, of the year sixty-eight, with
the despatches and the favors that your Majesty was pleased to grant
this camp. For these and for other things that we expect from your
Majesty, all these faithful vassals of your Majesty, and in their
name for all, kiss your Majesty's royal feet and hands. We pray God,
our lord, to give us time and opportunity, as loyal vassals employed in
your royal service, to merit being the instruments of the augmentation
of your royal crown, with increase of new realms and dominions; and
that in the fortunate days of your Majesty the Christian faith may
be planted, grow, and increase in these lands, where the infidelity
and rule of the Devil, our adversary, so long prevailed.

With the ships that left here last year (sixty-nine), under Captain
Felipe de Salcedo, I sent your Majesty a report of everything that
happened until then and the affair with the captain general of the
Portuguese fleet. They write me that this same Felipe de Salcedo
took this despatch to your Majesty on a despatch boat that was sent
from Mexico, for this purpose, whereby your Majesty will have seen,
learned, and understood what occurred here. We have had no word here,
since then, of the Portuguese; nor do I believe that they will return,
because they were much harassed, and also I am certain that none
of those that went from here will have any desire to return. That,
however, is no reason why I should neglect what concerns your Majesty's
royal service. I await them within three months in this archipelago,
which is the time in which they can come; and so I live with as much
foreboding as if I had them before me.

By other letters I have entreated your Majesty, informing you of the
necessity in this archipelago for boats with oars; and how important
they will be for the further discovery of other things of greater
importance, which until now has been neglected, through not having
these boats. Twice I have sent men in Indian _praus_ for explorations
to the north and northwest of us. Once they discovered certain islands,
small but well peopled with Moros; and the other time they discovered
on the coast of Luçon, which is a large island, several settlements
of Moros. The latter have artillery, which they themselves cast and
finish, and likewise powder and other ammunition. Some of the towns
received them in peace, but others would not. The possessions taken
in your Majesty's name accompany the present letter. These Moros
have much more trade, because they make voyages for that purpose,
going among the people on the Chinese mainland, and to the Japanese. I
again repeat how advantageous it would be to your Majesty's service to
have some oared vessels here, because the Spanish are not accustomed
to navigate with skill in those of the Indians, and run great risks
by going in them. And in order that this may not occur, will your
Majesty please command that what seems best to you in that case be
ascertained and provided.

The Portuguese left us so badly accredited with these natives that some
of them withdrew from our friendship; and it has been necessary to turn
to pacifying them again, and at somewhat greater cost than the first
time. In the future we shall have the greatest care in their conversion
and good treatment, as your Majesty commands. We will gladly strive
to bring them to the subjection and dominion of your royal Majesty,
and with those who refuse and do not wish it, we shall adopt more
convenient means to preach and teach to them all the evangelical law,
wherein God our lord and your Majesty will be well served.

In fulfilment of your Majesty's orders, on these two ships which
are going to Nueva España, I send ten or twelve Portuguese from this
camp. Some still remain but it seemed to me that to avoid trouble, it
was well not to send many together. I am certain that some of them are
good soldiers, and have served your Majesty very well. There has not
been heard or imagined of them anything that they ought not to have
done, but your Majesty's order was very well considered and noted,
and therefore will be executed. On the first ships that leave here
will go those who remain. The foreigners of these nations can not
be banished at present, without considerable inconvenience; because
all the workmen, carpenters, gunners, and half of the sailors are
foreigners, Some of the soldiers are Flemings, and others Italians,
Venetians, Greeks, French, and so on. Wherefore no new action has
been taken in this at present, until your Majesty is pleased to have
the matter looked into, and shall command what you think best to be
done about it.

We have had news here from Mexico that a certain fleet that sailed
from Peru in your Majesty's name, to discover Nueva Guinea and
other lands in those western regions, was instructed to settle all
the lands extending westward between ten degrees north latitude and
sixty degrees south latitude. This was incredible, because, as your
Majesty knows, the fleets that have left Nueva España in your Majesty's
name have discovered many islands and lands as far as the equator,
and in south latitude. What I have settled, subdued and discovered
in your Majesty's name commences at six degrees latitude north of the
equator, and extends from there farther north. If it were conceded to
those from Peru up to ten degrees, it would be equivalent to giving
them the greater part of all this Filipinas archipelago, and more. I
thought that I ought to inform you of it, so that your Majesty could
make what provisions seemed best to you.

Melchior de Legazpi, my son, who for a long time has resided at that
court, has charge of my affairs; and last year, Captain Felipe de
Salcedo, my grandson, went to give your Majesty a report of affairs
here. I humbly pray your Majesty to have them sent back, granting them
favor so that they may come to serve your Majesty in these regions.

Captain Joan de la Isla goes to that court, and will return on the
same ship on which he went. He has served and labored much; I pray
your Majesty to reward him as he merits. With him I send your Majesty
two bronze culverins [_versos_] made by the Moros of this land, so
that your Majesty may see what dexterity they possess in working and
casting artillery. Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty, may our Lord guard
and increase the life and person of your Royal Majesty with more
kingdoms and seigniories for many happy years, with victories over
your enemies, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Panae,
on St. James' Day, July xxv, 1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's
most humble and faithful servant, who kisses your royal feet and hands.

_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_




Evidence Regarding the Portuguese Expedition Against Cebu--1570


In the island and town of Cubu in the Western Felipinas islands,
on the twenty-first of October, one thousand five hundred and
seventy, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and
captain-general for his Majesty the king, Don Felipe, our lord, and of
his troops and royal fleet for the exploration of the said islands,
in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief government notary,
and of the undersigned witnesses: he declared that, whereas the day
before yesterday, the nineteenth of this present month, while he
was building some gabions on the river of Çubu, for the defense of
certain pieces of artillery, which he ordered to be mounted there,
Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet which is
anchored in this port, wrote to him that he must stop work on those
gabions which were being made on the said river. To please him, the
said governor, although the gabions were for the defense of the said
artillery, yesterday (the twentieth of the said month) ordered the
men to stop work. In the morning the said captain-general wrote to
him again, ordering him to demolish the said gabions, as it seemed
to him that they were being made as a menace to him and his fleet;
and that he should reply to him what he intended to do in this matter,
for, whether he answered or not, it will be held as if answered. At
the same time when the Portuguese sent the above letter, the said
governor had written to the said captain-general, and had sent to him
the factor Andres de Mirandaola, and myself, the said Fernando Riquel,
with an answer to a requisition which the said captain-general had sent
him the day before. Whereupon the captain-general again sent word that
he must order the said gabions to be destroyed; because, if they were
not destroyed between that time and the evening of that day, he would
take it for granted that war was declared. This said day, after dinner,
the aforesaid persons having returned with this message of reply to
the said governor, they told him how the galleys and small boats of
the Portuguese fleet were coming ashore. The said governor ordered the
master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, to go to see what was wanted. The said
Portuguese--immediately, and before the expiration of the time-limit
set by the said captain-general, and without waiting for any response
to be given--those of the said galleys and _fustas_, began to batter
down the said gabions with a great number of guns; and they continued
this almost until sunset. Nevertheless, the said governor ordered that
no one should discharge any artillery at them from his camp; on the
contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who, without his permission,
discharged one gun. While the said Portuguese were demolishing the
said gabions, the said governor sent the said answer to the said
captain-general, complaining that he was commencing and making unjust
war, against all reason and without the said governor having given
any occasion for it. Not only did the Portuguese not relax at all but
sent part of his galleys and fustas to blockade the other entrance to
this harbor, which lies toward the east, so that nothing can enter or
leave this camp. The governor declared that the said Portuguese have
said and published that through famine they will seize and carry us
away prisoners, by force. In order that the manner in which the said
captain-general and his men commenced to make war--and they began it,
as is related hereafter--may be manifest both now and in the future,
he said that he asked me, the said notary, as he did, to certify
these facts to all the aforesaid in public form, in such wise that
witness may be had for the protection of the rights of his Majesty,
and of himself in the king's royal name. All those who were present
he ordered to witness it, and signed it with his name.

I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary aforesaid certify to
whomsoever shall see this present, or copies of it drawn up in public
form, that on yesterday, Wednesday in the morning, the twentieth of
this said month, I, having gone by the order of his lordship the said
governor to the flagship where the said captain-general Gonzalo de
Pereira was, to take him a certain answer to a requisition sent by the
said captain-general to the said governor, the said captain-general
sent an oral message through me, the said notary, and the factor,
Andres de Mirandaola, to the said governor, to the effect that,
if on the evening of that day the gabions on the river of Cubu were
not ordered to be demolished, he would consider war declared. With
this message we came from the said ship. Almost at high noon, and
after dinner, I, being in the said governor's room, despatching
certain messages which the said governor had to send to the said
captain-general, we heard a heavy fire of artillery. It was reported
to the said governor that the Portuguese, in _fustas_ and galleys,
were attacking and firing upon the river of Cubu, where there were
certain works and soldiers from this camp. The said governor ordered
that no artillery should be fired from this camp; on the contrary, he
reproved an artilleryman who fired a piece without his permission. Then
he sent me, the said notary, with a letter and other despatches to the
said captain-general. I went to his galleon and on my way thither,
I saw that the said galleys and _fustas_ were discharging artillery
at the said river and the gabions. Having arrived where the said
captain-general was, and having complained in the name of the said
governor, he replied that he had ordered the firing of those pieces,
and those being fired at the time, to frighten the troops who were on
the said shore with the said gabions. Also the said captain-general
said that he intended to make war without wasting so much powder
as was wasted that day; that on the following day if they did not
remove the gabions, war would begin in earnest. So on the said day
at this hour (which might be eight o'clock, more or less), I see,
and it is seen clearly, that three galleys of the said Portuguese
fleet are rounding the island of Matan with oars, against a head wind,
toward the other entrance of this harbor eastward. In affirmation of
the abovesaid, I signed here my name, jointly with the said governor,
who asked to have given him necessary copies of this testimony. There
were present, as witnesses to the said request, Captains Luis de la
Haya, Andres de Ybarra, Juan de Salcedo, Juan Maldonado de Verrocal,
and many other soldiers of this camp.

_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_





I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary of the royal fleet that
came for the exploration of the Western Islands, and their government
for his Majesty, certify to the aforesaid, in the form and manner
abovesaid, wherefore I here affix my usual signature and flourish,
in witness of the truth.

_Fernando Riquel_





I, Sancho Lopez de Agurto, royal notary of the royal _Audiencia_ and
_chancelleria_ of Nueva España for his Majesty, hereby certify that
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi by whom this testimony is signed is governor
and captain in the Western Islands; and Fernando de Rriquel, by whom
this testimony is witnessed and signed, was appointed as his Majesty's
government notary--as appears by other acts that he has exercised and
exercises in the said office; and the handwriting and signature of
the said subscription appears like those that I have seen him make,
all of which are alike. In order that this may be manifest, by the
order of this royal _Audiencia_, I gave this present, which is dated
from the City of Mexico, on the eighteenth of January, one thousand
five hundred and seventy. Wherefore I sign in witness of the truth.

_Sancho Lopez de Agurto_





I, Jhoan Augustin de Contreras, his Majesty's recorder of the royal
_Audiencia_ of this Nueva España, certify that Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
whose signature is attached to this testimony, was appointed governor
and general of the islands of the West and Fernando Riquel as his
government notary; and that I have certain information that they
discharge their offices in those provinces and this is a matter
well and generally known regarding the above-mentioned persons. And,
having seen them writing and signing their names many times, I hold and
recognize as their writing and signatures, those which are contained
in the above testimony of this other part, given by Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi and Fernando Rrequel, and followed with the subscription of the
said Fernando Requel. I saw the aforesaid despatched as such governor
and general and government notary of those islands, in the first fleet
sailing thither in the month of December of the year sixty-four,
and to which I refer. In affirmation whereof, I gave this present,
which is dated at Mexico, the twenty-eighth of January, one thousand,
five hundred and seventy.

Accordingly, in witness of the truth, I here affix this my signature,
which is as follows:

_Joan Augustin_, his Majesty's notary.




Documents of 1571-72.



	Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and
	Philippinas. [1571?]
	Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in the
	Philippines. [1571?]
	Conquest of the island of Luzón. April 20, 1572.
	Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel; June
	19, 1572.



_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla. The
third is obtained from Retana's _Archivo del Bibliófilo filipino_,
iv (Madrid, 1898).

_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Alfonso de
Salvio; the third, by J. G. Gill; the fourth, by James A. Robertson.




Relation of the Discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas, and
Various Negotiations Concerning Them


From what may be gathered in the said account and various agreements
concerning the navigation, discovery, and commerce of the Western
Islands, especially those of Maluco, Philippinas, and Çubu, we must
assume that the discovery of the Yndias was begun by order of the
Catholic Sovereigns, in the year ninety-two, and on the second of
May of the following year, ninety-three.

The supreme pontiff, Alexander the Sixth, granted to the Catholic
Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and to their successors, the
navigation of the Yndias, with all the privileges, favors, indulgences,
and prerogatives which had been granted to the kings of Portugal in
respect to the Yndias of Guinea, part of Affrica, and other Yndias
which they might conquer. This is contained more fully in the bull
of concession, an authentic copy of which is to be found in the
Archives of Simancas. On the third of the said month and year, the
same supreme pontiff made a concession to the Catholic Sovereigns of
Castilla and Leon, and their successors, of all the Yndias in general,
the islands and mainlands which had been discovered or should be
discovered in the limitless future, drawing a line from pole to pole,
one hundred leagues west of the Acores and Cabo Verde islands. All
land already discovered and to be discovered, found west and south of
this line (being not actually occupied by any Christian prince before
Christmas and the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred
and ninety-three) [35] was to be the navigation and discovery of the
kings of Castilla, and was to come under their kingdom, seigniory, and
jurisdiction. He who passed this line without permission would incur
blame and punishment, as is more fully shown in the original bull,
which is sealed with lead and deposited in the Archives of Simancas,
and dated at Rome on the fourth of May of the said year.

On the twenty-sixth of September of the said year one thousand
four hundred and ninety-three, the same supreme pontiff conceded to
the Catholic Sovereigns, and their successors, besides the general
concession of the Yndias, whatever conquest they might make in their
name in the eastern, western, and southern islands, "provided they
be not occupied by any other," etc., as is more fully shown in the
original bull given in Rome on the sixth of October of the same year,
and deposited in the Archives at Simancas.

These concessions made to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon
and their successors, as well as that made to the Kings of Portogal,
respecting the navigation of the East Indies, caused and still cause
dispute and controversy between the kings of Castilla and those
of Portugal, concerning the boundaries which should separate their
navigation and discovery--the limit and bound which is to be drawn
from pole to pole on this side of our hemisphere, and concerning the
other bound and meridian line which is to be drawn in the hemisphere
corresponding to the upper one.

Differences have existed and still exist between the kings concerning
the line of demarcation which was to be drawn between their
respective navigations and discoveries in this our hemisphere. The
kings of Castilla claim that it was to be drawn according to the
papal concession, one hundred leagues west of the islands of Acores
and Cabo Verde; the kings of Portugal claim that it was to be drawn
farther west, so that their side of the demarcation might include
most of the coast of Brasil, and of that Tierra Firme [36] adjoining
it. They agreed to settle this controversy, and the kings of Castilla
consented to have the line of demarcation drawn two hundred and seventy
leagues farther west than the line decreed in the bull of concession,
as is set forth in a deed of agreement.

(In the original instrument, drawn on paper, the said year, in the
presence of Fernand Alvarez of Toledo, secretary of the Catholic
Sovereigns, and in the presence of Estevan Vaes, secretary of the king
of Portogal, is found a confirmation by the Catholic Sovereigns. The
said instrument, drawn on parchment, in Arevalo, on the second of
July, 1495, is fully signed by the Sovereigns. The signature of the
prince is found below. The instrument is countersigned by the said
secretary. The seal was removed, but the cord to which it was attached
remains. The confirmation of the said instrument of Tordesillas by
King Don Joan of Portogal is attested by a contract written on five
pages of parchment, signed by the king, and countersigned by Martyn
de Veyra. The confirmation was given in Ebora on February 27, 1525)

[It] practically reads that on the seventh of June, one thousand four
hundred and ninety-four, the attorneys of the Catholic Sovereigns and
of the king of Portogal empowered by their masters met in Tordesillas,
and drew up the said instrument. The agreement reached was that a
line or meridian was to be drawn from the Arctic to the Antarctic
pole, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the islands of Cabo
Verde. Everything west of the said line or meridian was to belong
to the kings of Castilla, and that east was to be the navigation,
discovery, and conquest of the kings of Portogal. The sea of the king
of Portogal was open for navigation to the kings of Castilla, with
the understanding that the latter should follow their course without
any deviation. Whatever should be found up to the twentieth of the
said month of June in the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the
three hundred and seventy, was to belong to the kings of Portogal;
and that which should be found in the remaining hundred and twenty
leagues was to belong to the king of Castilla.

_Item_, both parties agreed to send within ten months an equal number
of ships, pilots, astrologers, and sailors to mark out the said line
of demarcation.

It is not specified that within the said ten months they did send
the said pilots, astrologers, and sailors to draw the said line of
demarcation; on the contrary, it is clear that the said line was
not drawn; for according to the copy of a decree and declaration of
the Catholic Sovereigns given in Madrid on May the seventh, 1495,
and signed by the secretary Samano, it is urged that the said line
be drawn--from which it is evident that the line had not been drawn
within the ten months. That this line had not been drawn appears
also from the conferences and records concerning the possession and
ownership of the Malucos, between the commissioners of both parties
in the year twenty-four at the bridge of Acaya, Yelves, and Badajoz,
where the determination of this line of demarcation was discussed;
and the determination thereof, discussed under three heads.

First, whether a spherical or plane surface should be considered in
drawing the line of demarcation.

Second, how should the islands of Cabo Verde be properly situated
and located.

Third, from which of the said islands should they begin to measure
the three hundred and seventy leagues for the demarcation.

The Castilians agreed with the Portuguese to employ the spherical
surface and still not to exclude the plane surface and other
measurements. The second point appears not to have been discussed. As
to the third, the Castilians disagreed with the Portuguese, saying that
the three hundred and seventy leagues were to begin from the island
of Santo Anton, the most western of the islands of Cabo Verde. The
Portuguese claimed that they ought to begin from the islands of
La Sal and Buena Vista, the most eastern of the group. It seems
(the original having been destroyed) that each party was striving to
have the islands of Maluco fall on his side of the demarcation--thus
contending for the contrary of what they claimed in the year 1494,
when each party, ignorant of the differences which would arise about
the Malucos, was striving to have the coast of Brasil fall on its
side of the demarcation.

_Item_: From the Castilian and Portuguese sea-charts it appears that
the said line of demarcation was neither drawn nor determined; because,
in the model sea-charts deposited in the India house of trade in
Sevilla, this line or meridian is found drawn from pole to pole so as
to cut our hemisphere three hundred and seventy leagues from the island
of Sancto Anton, the last of the Cabo Verde islands. It also cuts the
coast of Brasil about two degrees from the equinoctial line through
the land of Humos, the tropic of Capricorn, the Cape of Dospermitas,
and the river of Sant Salvador. According to these charts, the line of
demarcation of the king of Portogal includes three hundred and ninety
leagues through which the line of demarcation passes inland, and for
a distance of six hundred leagues down along the coast. Within the
line of demarcation of the kings of Castilla fall all of Tierra Nova
[Newfoundland], of the Bacallaos, and of Labrador. In the Portoguese
sea-charts, this line of demarcation is so drawn as to cut Brasil
farther north than the great river of Orellana or Amazonas, two
degrees from the equinoctial line, and thirty-eight degrees south,
through the low submerged districts, so that it cuts the land seven
hundred leagues inland and almost one thousand three hundred leagues
along the coast, including within the demarcation of Portogal all of
Tierra Nova, Bacallaos, and Labrador.

[Here follows some matter which we omit, as superfluous--an account of
Portuguese settlements in Brazil, decisions of the Junta of Badajoz,
and the Treaty of Zaragoza.]

After the execution of the said deed, one of the first and chief
instructions in the settlements and discoveries made, as well as on the
merchant vessels and fleets despatched, is that no one shall go beyond
the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal, and the boundaries
specified in the said contract. A similar injunction forbidding men
to go beyond the boundaries of demarcation of the king of Portogal
was made after the execution of the demarcation deed, in the year
fourteen hundred and ninety-four.

1535. In the year thirty-five, Simon de Alcaçava was despatched with
two hundred and forty men. He passed the strait of Magallanes and
one of the ships returned to Santiago de Cuba.

1536. In the year thirty-six, Cortes sent Grijalva and Alvarado with
two ships below the equinoctial line. They reached the Malucos.

1542. In the year forty-two, Don Antonio de Mendoza sent from Nueva
España Ruy Lopez de Villalobos with four ships, four hundred soldiers,
and four hundred Indians. He discovered Mindanaos, Çubu, and Nata.

1543. In the year forty-three, Villalobos despatched Bernardo de la
Torre to give an account of the expedition and its route; he discovered
and named the Philippinas islands.

1545. In the year forty-five, the said Villalobos went to the island
of Nuzo, to the city of Sanuso, to Gilolo, and to Tidori. From Tidori
he sent Yñigo Ortiz de Roda as captain, and Gaspar Rico as pilot. On
the way they discovered the coast of Nueva Guinea, which had been
discovered by Saavedra in the year twenty-seven.

1545. On November the ninth, 1545, his Majesty the Emperor wrote from
Bruxas [Brussels] to Don Antonio de Mendoça, viceroy of Nueva España,
saying that the ambassador of the king of Portogal had in behalf of
the latter complained that the fleet of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos went
to the islands of Maluco; and that, being requested by the governor
of that place to leave, had gone to another island, where it remained.

(Ruy Lopez de Villalobos died, and his companions endured so many
hardships, that finally they were obliged to return to Spaña by way
of the province of Yndia. This is verified by a letter of Fray Gonzalo
de Santistevan, an Augustinian, who was with the fleet.)

In order to please the king of Portogal, his Majesty ordered the
captain and his people to leave that place immediately. The said
viceroy and other magistrates in whose districts the captain and his
men might land were requested to arrest them, and to confiscate their
drugs and spices. His Majesty warned the viceroy that this decree was
issued to please the king of Portogal, and requested him to send news
of the outcome. Dissembling and secrecy was required, etc.

1559. On September 24, 1559, a decree of his Majesty was sent from
Valladolid to Don Luys de Velasco, ordering him to send men to discover
the Philippinas islands, and other places where spices could be found;
but in doing this they were to avoid Maluco and other places forbidden
by the compact.

1560. On May 28, 1560, Fray Andres de Urdaneta wrote from Mexico that
he had received the above-mentioned decree of September 24, and offered
himself to undertake the expedition. He sent a memorial in which he
declared that the Philipina island does not come within the agreement,
and that the expedition could be made under the pretext of going to
rescue the men who were captured from the fleet of Fray Garcia de
Loaysa in the year 1525, from the one which Cortes despatched in
the year 1527, from that which Don Antonio sent in 1542, and from
another ship despatched by Cortes, which was lost on its course from
Nueva España. Don Luys began to get ready the fleet. At his death the
_Audiencia_ of Mexico made haste to complete the preparations; and
on the first of September, one thousand five hundred and sixty-four,
instructions were given to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had been
appointed governor and general of the discovery of the Western
Islands. The latter set sail with four ships on November 21, 1564. On
April 27, 1551 [_sic_], he reached the island of Çubu, where he built
a fort. He took possession in his Majesty's name of the Barbudos
Islands, the Ladrones, Çibabao, the bay of Sant Pedro and Maletie
in the island of Camiguinni, and Bohol. He despatched the flagship
under command of his grandson Phelippe de Salzedo, and Fray Andres de
Urdaneta. They set sail on June the first, sixty-five, and on September
the eighteenth they came in sight of the first land of Nueva Spañia,
the island of Sant Salvador, which is in twenty-nine and five-sixths
degrees north latitude. On the first of October, they reached the
port of La Navidad; but, without stopping there, they proceeded to
Acapulco which is a better port, forty-five leagues nearer to Mexico.

As soon as the flagship arrived, an advice-ship was despatched
from Nueva Spaña. It reached the royal settlement at Çubu on the
fifteenth of October, 1566, without the store of arms, ammunition,
and other provisions needed. The captain and ensign were missing,
for they had been killed in a mutiny.

Phelipe de Salzedo as general, Captain Artieda with a company, and
another company of Juan de Aguirre for Captain Andres de Ybarra,
set sail in April, 1567, with two ships and three hundred men, both
sailors and soldiers. They reached Çubu August 20, 1567.

The general Miguel Lopez despatched a ship commanded by Joan de la
Ysla. It reached Nueva España November 16, 1567; and España June 5, 68.

The Council hastened to get ready a ship in Santander with the
said aid, arms, and ammunition, and to entrust it to the said
Joan de la Ysla. The preparations were carried out by Joan de
Peñalosa, administrator of the marine tithes, to whom the affair was
entrusted. The ship set sail with good weather August 27, 1569. The
ship, its repairing, and the goods it carried cost four million
eight hundred and seventeen thousand eight hundred and seventy-six
and one-half _maravedis_, as is evident by the memorandum of Joan de
Peñalosa for the said day.

The ship reached Nueva Spaña on the last of October, 1569. On March
9, 70, it left the port of Acapulco with two hundred men including
sailors, soldiers, workmen, and married men. Joan de la Ysla says
that the officials of Nueva Spaña wasted one hundred and twenty-six
thousand _pesos_ on his expedition, and as much while he remained
there. He reached the islands at the end of May, and cast anchor in
the island of Marapite. Thence he sent despatches to the governor and
awaited his orders. On the arrival of the orders he set sail, June 20,
and reached Panae, where the governor was, on the twenty-third of June.

On July 27, he left Panae for Nueva Spaña, with two of the three
ships which the other had brought, and reached the port of Acapulco in
Nueva España, November 21, 1570. January 25, 1571, he left Sant Juan
de Lua, and reached Sant Lucas April 17, 1571. Through an advice-ship
sent by the viceroy, Juan de la Ysla was requested to set sail with
the two ships, not later than the month of February. The time to set
out from Nueva Spaña is from the beginning of November to the latter
part of January; the voyage will last two months. The time to set out
for Nueva España is from the end of July to the beginning of August;
the voyage will last three months.




Requisitions of Supplies for the Spanish Forces in the
Philippines--1570-71 (_circa_)


Memorandum of the articles asked for by the governor of the Felipinas
islands--with a note of what can be supplied from Nueva España, and
what must be brought from España. This memorandum was brought last
year by the advice ships. [37]

First, he asks for rigging. We must buy some of that brought by the
merchant fleet; for none was sent here from España on his Majesty's
account. A supply must be sent, for it is very expensive here.

(Six hundred and forty-five _arrobas_ and fourteen _libras_ of small
rigging were taken.)

They ask also for pitch. It will be sent from here

(A large quantity of pitch and tar was taken.)

Tow. We have very little of it in this country.

(There were taken cxxxvii _arrobas_ of tow, and cvii _arrobas_ of
old rigging for the same purpose.)

Saltpetre. We shall send what we have from here.

(Six _quintals_, nine _libras_ were taken, because they need it there
only to refine the powder; likewise xi _arrobas_ of sulphur.)

Powder. We have it here.

(There were taken cl _quintals_ [38] and three _arrobas_.)

Two shipmasters to build ships and galleys. Shipmasters are not to
be found in this land.

(Only one carpenter was taken, for we could not supply more.)

Twelve carpenters for the same purpose. We shall look for them here
although it will be difficult to find any.

Twelve calkers. They also will be supplied from the merchant ships.

(Four were taken.)

Two overseers. They will be procured here.

(Enough men were sent for that purpose.)

Galley captains who know how to make lateensails. They are not to be
found in this land, unless some come on the merchant ships.

Fifty bombardiers. There are none here, except those who are in the
port. We shall try to send some.

(Five were taken, and these are sufficient; for Robles, who went there
as artillery founder after having served all his life in these royal
houses, will instruct enough of the soldiers going from here so that
they may serve whenever it is necessary.)

Two artillery founders.

(One went, Robles by name--he who is mentioned above.)

Two military engineers to fortify a stronghold. They are not to be
found in this land.

(Some of the soldiers who went there can make valuable suggestions
in that respect.)

Five hundred pikes. We shall send the iron heads from here, for
the wood can be found in the islands. (Three hundred pikes were
sent; for we heard afterward that the wood of that land was of an
inferior quality. Therefore may your Majesty be pleased to order
that a thousand pikes be sent us, for the wood of this country is
irreparably worm-eaten.)

Corselets. Any quantity. There are very few of them in our military
stores.

(None of them will be found here, unless your Majesty orders that
they be sent from España. It is not right that the military stores
of these royal households be left without corselets.)

Large artillery, six pieces, averaging forty _quintals_; and two
swivel-guns. We do not have them here, and it is very difficult to
transport them to the wharf; so that it will be better to cast them
in the islands.

(The governor wrote that he had there a number of pieces of artillery
which he had bought; and others that had burst, from which some might
be made. Eighty _arrobas_ of tin were taken; and now they are taking
cc _quintals_ of copper, for we had no time to extract it last year.)

A good arquebuse officer. He will not be easily found here.

(He was sent.)

Thin wrought iron for forelock plate-bolts. We shall send it from
here, although Valero said that it would be less expensive if it came
from España.

(Ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_, and nine _libras_ were taken.)

Thin iron plates. We will send them also from here.

(The ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_ and nine _libras_ contained
a quantity of iron plates.)

Fine steel for carpenters' axes and other tools. All of this that
comes in the merchant ships will be sent from here.

(Twenty _arrobas_ of steel were taken.)

Two pairs of bellows of the best kind. We have them here.

(Four pairs were taken.)

Two screws. We shall send them from here.

(They were taken.)

One anvil. It will be sent from here.

(One large anvil was taken.)

Two screw plates to make screws for arquebuses. We shall send them
from here.

(One was taken.)

Two grind-stones. They will be sent from here.

(Two were taken.)

Two dozen carpenters' axes. We will send them from here.

(They were taken.)

Six French saws. They shall be sent from here.

(They were sent.)

Oil. We must send some of that which comes in the merchant ships.

Lead. We have it.

(cc _quintals_ were taken. But this is the first time that we have
been asked for lead; for each time that soldiers go, they take with
them all the lead they wish; and it was never known that they needed
it there. The vessels here are leaded, but not there; for never until
now has any vessel been launched there, that has to sail on this course
[between the Philippines and New Spain].)

Tin. We must buy some of that which comes from España, for we have
none here.

(Eighty _arrobas_ were taken--those above-mentioned.)

Copper. We have it here.

(cc _quintals_ are being taken now; for it had not been extracted
when the ship sailed.)

Tallow.

(ccxix _quintals_ and three _arrobas_, less a small quantity used in
repairing the ship in the port, were taken; and more of it will be
taken this year.

Trumpeters and mechanics.

(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have any now.)

Indian workmen of all trades: tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, masons.

(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have them now.)

In addition to all the above the vessel took the founder who was
going to cast artillery.

One tulcapoté, to cover the clay mould for the artillery. Two
levels. One claw hammer. One medium sized saw. One _quintal_
of steel to make files, punches, and drills, for boring the
artillery. Twenty-nine _arrobas_ and ten _libras_ of wrought iron for
the manufacture of _animas_, sledge hammers, tongs, and hammers with
which to work the iron for the artillery. A screw-plate with seven
holes; and seven sledge-hammers. One anvil and forge. Another small
forge and three screws.

[_Endorsed_: "Without date or signature."]

[All these items apparently refer to articles subsequently added to
the list; for on the MS. each one is checked off.]





Memorandum of what we need in this camp of his Majesty which is
stationed and has its residence in the Western Islands, in addition
to the requests made in the letters and memoranda which have been
sent in the past. It is as follows:

_Bellows_: First of all we need four pairs of bellows--two pairs made
of dressed leather, and the other two of rawhide. They should be sent
wrapped in coarse frieze, and placed in their jars, so as not to be
gnawed by worms.

_Tubes_: Four pairs of bellows-tubes large enough for the forges.

_Axes_: One hundred Viscayan iron axes for the carpenters.

_Anvils_: An anvil weighing about one _quintal_ or six _arrobas_.

_Pitch_: Three hundred _quintals_ of pitch.

_Tar_: A large quantity of tar.

_Tallow_: Tallow in quantity, as may be needed, to be sent in suitable
skins or casks.

_Nails: Item_, nails one span in length, and for crosswise
timbers. _Item_, spikes and clinch nails.

_Sail-cloth:_ A quantity of sail-cloth.

_Paper_: A large bale of paper, for we have none.

_Books_: Twelve books of large paper, bound in parchment, for the
accountant.

_Twine and sail needles_: Some sailmaker's twine and long sail-needles.

_Saws_: A dozen carpenters' hand-saws.

_Steel_: Some good steel, for the kind we have here is worthless.

_Tacks and leather_: Tacks and some pieces of
tanned leather for the pump.

_Hoops, casks, and staves_: Casks and hoops suitable for this land,
because we have used a third of those brought here by the ships, in
repairs for the return, voyage. Let a large quantity of staves be sent.

_Coopers: Item_, two coopers.

_Carpenters: Item_, some ship-carpenters, provided they be good
workmen.

_Rope-maker: Item_, a rope-maker, for we are in great need of one to
make rigging here.

_Tarpauling-nails_: A quantity of tarpauling-nails.

_Grappling-irons_: Some grappling-irons, for the frigates have lost
those brought by Captain Juan de la Ysla in the year seventy. Let
some be of five _arrobas'_ weight, and the others from four to six
_arrobas_.

_Anchors_: Some anchors, of three or four _quintals_ each.

_Boilers_: Half a dozen pitch boilers, for we have none of them.

_Wine_: Wine for the sacrifice of the mass, and for the sick; also
some vinegar.

_Assayer: Item_, an assayer, for we are in much need of one.

_Negroes_: We are in great need of negroes for the labors of this
camp, so as to avoid the inconveniences that arise from [depending on]
the natives.

_Soap_: One or two _quintals_ of soap; we greatly need it for the
rigging which is being made in this land.

_Padlocks_: A dozen padlocks, for they are not to be found here.

_Mariner's compasses_: Half a dozen of mariner's compasses.

_Hour-glasses_: Twenty hour-glasses indicating one to one-and-a-half
hours.

_Screws_: Two good screws for filing arquebuses.

_Iron wire_: Six _libras_ of iron wire to repair arquebuse locks.

_Tin_: Two _libras_ of sheet-tin for the tinning of locks.

_Rigging_: All sorts of rigging.

_Sawyers_: Sawyers.

_Smiths_: A smith who knows how to make crowbars, adzes, axes, and
chisels, and how to sharpen tools.

_Gunpowder_: A large quantity of gunpowder.

_Sulphur and saltpetre_: Sulphur and saltpetre.

_Medicines_: Some medicines for the sick and wounded.

_Lead_: Lead, both in bars and in sheets.

_Gunners_: Gunners are much needed.

_Pickaxes, shovels_: Pickaxes and crow's-foot shovels.

_Kettles_: Large and small mess-kettles, for there are none.

_Balances_: Two new balances, one of them small.

_Weights and denominations_: Weights to weigh gold and silver,
graduated from two to four _libras_.

_Bells_: Small and large bells for churches.

_Measures_: Measures of one _arroba_, half-_arroba, azumbre_ and
_quartillo_.

_Half-hanega_: Two half-_hanegas_, one _celemin_, and one
half-_celemin_. [39]

_Fishing-nets and fishermen_: Two fishing-nets and a couple of
fishermen [_pescadores_], if they are to be found.

_Stamps for the tithes_: Stamps for branding the tithes, for those
which were sent are out of order; also a small anvil and hammers,
for marking the fifths. [40]

_Tow_: A large quantity of tow, for we have none.

_For the main church: Item_, we need a pair of chalices with their
silver pitchers, two missals, and some altar-cloths and linen for the
main church of this city. We need them because all that was sent us
was taken by the Augustinian religious, and we are unable to get any
of them.

_Andres Cauchela Salvador de Aldave_



Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon


An account of the discovery and conquest of the islands of Luzón and
Mindoro, together with the most important events which took place
therein, being a brief and summarized relation of the conquest and
reduction of all that has been conquered and subdued in these islands
up to the present time. Likewise is contained herein a description
of the civilization of the people and their mode of living; the
weapons which they possess and use; and the forts which they build
to defend themselves against their enemies. I have ventured to
write this relation because I have been informed that many things
concerning events in this land have been written, and sent to Nueva
España, which are the merest fable and conjecture. For instance,
they say that there are in this country Moors like those of Barberia
[Barbary], and that their strength in arms is quite equal to that
of those people; and that they fight and defend themselves like the
Turks. Those who have so written are in error. Much to the contrary,
it is quite certain that the natives of this island of Luzón, whom
we Spaniards commonly call Moros, are not so; for the truth is that
they do not know or understand the law of Mahoma--only in some of
the villages on the seacoast they do not eat pork, and this for
the reason that they have had dealings with the Moros of Burney,
who have preached to them a little of the teaching of Mahoma. As I
shall farther on treat more in detail of the rites and ceremonies of
these natives, I shall in the first place describe the wars between
them and the Spaniards, without useless amplification or omission;
for thus have I been instructed to do by a certain person who has
ordered me to write, and thus whatever I may say in defense of these
natives will be read without any mistrust whatever, for whosoever
reads this will know the truth with regard to what occurs here.

The first thing which I shall attempt to relate herein will be an
expedition which was made by Captain Juan de Salzedo when he was
governor in the island of Panai. As has been already related in other
accounts, written in the year sixty-nine, the Portuguese raised the
blockade established by them on the island of Çubú against the camp
of his Majesty, because of certain difficulties which arose; and the
governor determined to cross to the island of Panay with his captains
in order to levy tribute upon the people of certain provinces. His
nephew, recently made captain of the company which his brother Felipe
de Sauzedo had brought to these islands, was sent with forty soldiers
to certain islands. This captain embarked in fourteen or fifteen small
native boats, and set out for an islet which is called Elem, [41]
and when we had reached this island we did not find any resistance
whatever, for all the natives came to us in peace. From there, led
by a guide, he crossed to the island of Mindoro, and made an attack
one night just about dawn upon a very rich native village called
Mamburau, and plundered it. Many of the natives were captured, some
of whom afterward bought their liberty, and others were allowed to
go free. Thence he took a guide for a little islet, Loban by name,
which is fifteen leagues farther. When the captain was departed,
the natives, who had fled from the village, returned and saw the
havoc and destruction caused by the Spaniards, and were unwilling
to return to rebuild it; accordingly they themselves set fire to
it, and totally destroyed it. The captain, having arrived at his
destination at midnight, with all possible secrecy leaped ashore, and
arranged his men and the Pintados [42] Indians whom he had with him in
ambuscade near the villages, in order to make the attack upon them at
daybreak. However, the natives of this island having been informed of
the hostile incursion of the Spaniards, withdrew with their children
and wives and all their belongings that they could take with them,
to three forts which they had constructed. Now since these were the
first natives whom we found with forts and means of defense, I shall
describe here the forts and weapons which they possessed. The two
principal forts were square in form, with ten or twelve culverins on
each side, some of them moderately large and others very small. Each
fort had a wall two _estados_ high, and was surrounded by a ditch two
and one-half _brazas_ in depth, filled with water. The small weapons
used by these natives are badly tempered iron lances, which become
blunt upon striking a fairly good coat of mail, a kind of broad dagger,
and arrows--which are weapons of little value. Other lances are also
used which are made of fire-hardened palm-wood and are harder than the
iron ones. There is an abundance of a certain very poisonous herb which
they apply to their arrows. Such are the weapons which the natives
of these islands possess and employ. Now as the captain approached
the villages at daybreak, and found them empty, he proceeded through
a grove to the place where the first fort was situated; and, having
come in sight, negotiated with them, asking whether they desired to be
friends of the Spaniards. The natives, confident of their strength,
refused to listen, and began to discharge their culverins and a few
arrows. The captain, seeing that they would not listen to reason,
ordered them to be fired upon. The skirmish lasted in one place or
the other about three hours, since the Spaniards could not assault
or enter the fort because of the moat of water surrounding it. But,
as fortune would have it, the natives had left on the other side,
tied to the fort, a small boat capable of holding twenty men; and
two of our soldiers threw themselves into the water and swam across,
protected by our arquebusiers from the enemy, who tried to prevent
them. This boat having been brought to the side where the Spaniards
were, fifteen soldiers entered it and approached the rampart of the
fort. As soon as these men began to mount the rampart, the Indians
began to flee on the other side, by a passage-way which they had made
for that very purpose. It is true that thirty or forty Moros fought
and resisted the entrance of the Spaniards; but when they saw that
half of our people were already on the wall, and the rest in the act
of mounting, they all turned their backs and fled. A hundred or more
of them were killed, while of our men five were wounded. In this way
was the fort taken, together with fifty or sixty prisoners, ten or
twelve culverins, and everything else in it. On the morning of the
next day, which was the second of May, in the year one thousand five
hundred and seventy, the captain set free one of the Moro prisoners,
and sent him to the second fort, which was in the middle of the island
very near the first one, and charged him to tell them that he summoned
them to surrender peacefully. The Moro having performed his mission,
and delivered the message of the captain to those in the fort, they
sent back the reply that they did not desire to be friends with the
Spaniards but were eager to fight with them; and with this reply
the Indian aforesaid returned to the captain. On the following day
we went with some four hundred friendly Indians to the fort; and the
captain, advancing within sight of it, addressed them, asking that they
should be friends with the Spaniards and not try to fight with them,
as that would result badly for them. They again declared that they
did not desire this friendship, and began to fire their culverins and
discharge arrows; and in return the soldiers discharged, on all sides,
their arquebuses. But during the whole day we were not able to enter
the fort, for we Spaniards were very few in number; and the heat was
intense, and we had not eaten, although it was near night. The captain,
seeing that he had not accomplished anything, decided to return to
the boats which he had left behind, and on the next morning again to
besiege the fort, and hem them in as closely as possible; and thus he
did. Having come in this manner and having grounded his boats upon a
beach close to the enemy, when these latter saw the determination of
the Spaniards, and that they would not depart under any circumstances
until they had conquered them, they therefore determined to make peace
and become friends. To this end the leaders came out of the fort and
made peace and friendship with the captain, becoming good friends,
which they are up to the present time. They gave him a hundred _tall
[taels]_ of gold, which he divided among his soldiers. From there the
captain went to a rock belonging to another small islet very near to
that of Loban, and lying in the sea at a very short distance from the
said islet. The natives who lived in that island had retired to this
rock to the number of about three hundred warriors. The captain,
having arrived on the same day at about ten o'clock, went around
the rock, and we captured a small boat containing thirty men. Many
volleys from the arquebuses were fired at them during this day;
and on the following morning the soldiers began to make ladders to
scale the rock--whose occupants, when they saw the determination of
the Spaniards, came to terms of peace and friendship, giving another
hundred _tall_ of gold, following the example of those of the other
fort, who had been left good friends. The captain returned with all
of us who were with him to the island of Panay, where the governor
was with the master-of-camp, who had returned from another expedition
made with his men to an island called Acuyo. Thereupon the question
was discussed of sending men jto explore the island of Luzón; and it
was agreed that the master-of-camp and captain Juan de Sauzedo should
set out upon this expedition with a hundred soldiers.

The necessary preparations having been made for this expedition,
the master-of-camp and the said captain embarked in two of our
small ships, with three large pieces of artillery, and accompanied
by fourteen or, fifteen ships of the Pintados Indians, our friends,
who in their own language are called Viseys. They sailed out of
the river of Panay in the year of seventy, above mentioned, on the
third of May, the day of Sancta Cruz. I did not take part in this
expedition but shall describe literally everything which occurred in
it. I have drawn my information from the others who participated in it,
and more especially from two of my associates, both of whom went on
this expedition, and who are men of great reliability--an  advantage,
as I have before mentioned. The master-of-camp arrived at the island
of Mindoro, the village and port of which had the reputation of being
very great and very strong, but which proved to be an exaggeration,
for the village is small, containing only about three or four hundred
inhabitants. The master-of-camp having arrived, as I have said,
at that port, the Indians were drawn up on a declivity before the
village, and made signs that they intended to prevent the entrance
of the Spaniards. The master-of-camp, with all his soldiers, leaped
ashore in front of the village on a little plain, and, approaching the
village in a zigzag course, thus attacked it. The gunners who were in
the ship were ordered to discharge a cannon in the air when the attack
was made, and this was done. The Indians seeing that they intended
to enter the village by force, made peace with the master-of-camp,
and paid him tribute; and they have remained friends and vassals of
the royal Spanish administration up to the present day. This is the
port where enter all the passengers who come from the islands of the
Pintados and from España to this island of Luzón, where the governor
resides. From here the master-of-camp set sail for the island of
Luzón, or rather the port and village of Manilla, which was said
to be large and very strong. It is but just to say that it is not
more than one-tenth as large and as strong as in Nueva España and
in other places it is reported to be; and yet, in comparison with
the natives of this land, the inhabitants of Manilla were powerful,
for they had twelve pieces of small and inferior artillery and a few
culverins, with such other weapons as I have already mentioned. This
village of Manilla is situated on a tongue of land extending from
east to west between the river and the sea, and a fort had been
built on the extreme western end of this peninsula at the entrance
to the port. The sea makes a very large harbor about thirty leagues
in circumference; and bordering upon this harbor are many villages,
among which is that of Manilla. [43] Manilla is now a Spanish city,
founded in the name of his Majesty by the governor Miguel López
de Legazpi. The captain-general and Captain Juan de Sauzedo having
arrived in view of this port of Manilla, entered in peace, and under
the safe-conduct of two native chiefs of the said village. One of
these was called Laya, lately deceased, who died a Christian; the
other was called Raxa Solimán. With these two chiefs were drawn up
articles of peace, although Raxa Soliman was suspected of lack of
good-faith, while Laya was always to be trusted, even until the day of
his death. While these peaceful negotiations were in progress between
the master-of-camp and the two chiefs above-mentioned, there collected
a large number of natives of various classes; and yet there were not
so many a» was reported in Nueva España, where it was claimed that
there were in all eighty thousand Moros in this village of Manilla,
when this event took place. Indeed one should subtract seventy-eight
thousand from the eighty thousand mentioned, in order to arrive at
the two thousand which there might have been from the said village of
Manilla and those in its environs, including the women and children,
who were present in great numbers. Now, as I say, these negotiations
being in progress, some of the natives desired peace and others war;
for indeed the Indians had some pride, and it seemed to them that
the Spaniards were very few and could be easily slain, even if only
with clubs. Thus it was that, at the end of three days during which
these friendly negotiations continued (because it was impossible to
come to an agreement, or conclude them), one day at ten o'clock, on
the twenty-fourth day of the month of May of the year above mentioned,
the Indians, who were in the fort, began to discharge their artillery
at two of our ships, which were moored very near by. The master-of-camp
was ashore with eighty soldiers, close to this same fort, on a small
piece of level ground. The fort was made of palm-tree logs surmounting
a very narrow mound, and the pieces of artillery protruded from
immense gaps by which the soldiers could enter at will, as I have
said above. Now when the Moros began to violate the articles of
peace and friendship which the master-of-camp had made with them,
the latter was deeply concerned; for he had great fear, because the
enemy were in force. Yet, when he saw that the battle had broken out,
he put on his helmet, and commenced to encourage his soldiers, telling
them that they should acquit themselves as Spaniards, and as they had
always done in critical times. Thereupon he ordered them to attack
the fort through the openings made for the artillery, and it pleased
God that not one of the gunners had the courage to fire his piece;
and so great was the confusion, that they trembled upon seeing the
Spaniards enter with so great spirit, and, turning their backs,
abandoned themselves to flight, and slew one another in their mad
rush for freedom. The master-of-camp, realizing that the village was
large and rich, and that the victory was his by the grace of God,
for the soldiers were few, feared lest our soldiers should, through
greed, set to plundering the houses and become widely scattered; and
that, if the enemy should see them thus scattered, they would return
and attack them when unable to reunite. That he might avoid this
danger he ordered the village to be set on fire, and the soldiers to
collect upon the promontory, which order was obeyed. In this manner,
as related, it befell the master-of-camp, and the victory was obtained
over those of Manilla. The artillery which they possessed, and which I
have mentioned above--namely,  ten or twelve medium-sized pieces and
a few culverins--was taken. On the other bank there was a village,
whose chief was named Alcandora, with whom the master-of-camp did
not wish to deal as yet, for he knew that the governor desired to
establish a settlement in this island. Therefore, as he desired that
this chief should stay where he was and do him no injury, he left him
and returned to the island of Panay, making peace and friendship,
on the way, with many villages on this same island of Luzón. Upon
reaching the island of Mindoro, and being in a river which is called
Vaco, news came to him that Juan de la Ysla had arrived from Nueva
España with three ships sent by the viceroy, Don Martín Enrríquez,
and with the letters which the said Juan de la Ysla was bringing
from España from his Majesty. News was received likewise of the
payments of money which were being made to the soldiers in the
service of his Majesty in these regions. There also came on these
ships the most reverend Father Diego de Herrera, a member of the
order of St. Augustine, who had gone hence a year before to Nueva
España, on business which pertained to the public welfare and to the
service of God and his Majesty. The master-of-camp, having received
the news as to these ships, made haste and arrived in the middle of
the month of June at the river of Panay, where the governor was. He
was well received by the governor and by all, although it grieved
the governor much that they had burned Manilla, for he had planned
to take up his residence in this village of Manilla, as he afterward
did. According to the story told by those who were present, it does
not seem that the master-of-camp was at fault in the burning of this
village; for he did it in order to make sure of the victory, and so
that the enemy might not return to attack him. This is my opinion,
for I regard him as a good Christian. Laying aside this question,
I shall relate the doings of the governor.

The ships having arrived at the said island of Panay, orders were given
for all the other captains who were scattered with their companies
through the other islands to assemble. The papers and letters of
his Majesty were opened, and it was seen that it was his will for
the lands to be settled and divided among those who conquered and
subdued them. Other and greater favors were conferred by his Majesty,
who has always striven and will always strive that our Lord should
be served. The will of his Majesty having thus been revealed to the
governor, he determined to go to found a colony on the island of
Cubu, which he did, naming it El Nombre de Jesús. He left this colony
populated by forty or fifty colonists, giving them some villages and
islands in the immediate environs. From that island he returned to the
above-named island of Panay, whence he decided to sail, with the rest
of his men and all his munitions of war, to the island of Luzón. He
was detained here, however, for five or six months, during which time
the people suffered great distress from the lack of rice in the island,
because of the swarms of locusts which had prevailed for two or three
years. Therefore the father provincial preached to us each day, and
strongly urged the governor, in all his public sermons and private
conversations, that he should depart from this island and not permit
the people to suffer so great distress. Therefore, influenced by
the prayers and warnings of the said father, and because he saw that
there was reason therefor, he decided to sail out of the said river
of Panay with all his fleet and army, to settle the island of Luzón.

Accompanied by the ships necessary for such an expedition, the governor
set sail in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on
the day after Easter, taking with him the father provincial, Fray
Diego de Herrera, the master-of-camp and all the other captains, and
two hundred and thirty arquebusiers. It was on the twentieth of the
month that he set sail, and with fair weather he arrived at the island
of Mindoro with his whole fleet of twenty-six or twenty-seven ships,
large and small, including both our own and those of the natives who
came with us. He remained on that island fifteen or sixteen days,
and from thence set out for the island of Luzón, where we arrived a
week later, at the bay which I have before mentioned and on which
Manilla is situated. When the natives knew that the governor had
come with his entire force to settle upon their lands, and when they
saw him entering the bay, they set fire to their village of Manilla
(which they had rebuilt after its burning, a year before, by the
master-of-camp); and this time many of the houses were consumed and
many remained standing, while the natives crossed to the opposite
shore, to the village of Alcandora. The governor having arrived at
the port of Manylla one day in the middle of the month of May, at
two o'clock in the afternoon, Alcandora came out in a little boat to
welcome him in peace and friendship, and speak to him on behalf of Raxa
Solimán and Laya, begging that he would treat them with friendship,
and pardon them for having taken up arms the past year against the
master-of-camp. He said that on the following day they would come,
under safe conduct from him, to talk with him and make peace. The
governor received him very well, and told him through an interpreter
to retire for the night to his house and to come on the next day with
the two Raxas, saying that he would make peace with the latter, and
would treat them as sons; for he had no ill-feeling toward them, but
rather regretted that they had resisted the master-of-camp. Thus with
these assurances, Alcandora took his leave, going to his house greatly
pleased. The next day the governor disembarked in Manilla and the three
chiefs came to talk with him and declare themselves his friends. It
should not be understood in Nueva España or in España that the chiefs
in this land are absolute rulers, or that they have great authority
or power. Rather the very opposite is true, for there exist among
them the most primitive conditions to be found in any race. It often
befalls that in one village, however small it may be, there are five,
six, or ten chiefs, each of whom possesses twenty or thirty slaves,
whom he has the power to sell, or treat as he pleases. Others there
are who are called _timaguas_ (that is to say, freemen), over whom the
chiefs have no power--except that the timaguas are under obligation to
follow their own chief when war arises between the different factions;
and even this service is not compulsory and cannot be obtained by
force. As I have said, there prevails among them the utmost rudeness
and lack of harmony; so that if one says "basket," the other responds
"crossbow." He who has the most gold and riches is the greatest chief
and of the highest nobility, and is the most respected, in accordance
with the vanity and vainglory of this world. It occurs to me now that
this is borne out by the proverb current among the Spaniards, namely,
"Dost thou wish to know thy value? see what thou hast."

These three chiefs, having become our friends, offered to bring all the
surrounding country to terms of peace with us, a thing which they did
not succeed in accomplishing, for they were not sufficiently powerful,
as I have said, each village having its own chiefs. Indeed there are
but very few chiefs who have authority over as many as two or three
villages, for the reason which I have given above. The character and
customs of these people, and their clothing, ornaments, and mode of
government I shall describe further on--that is to say, of the people
of this island of Luzon and of the other islands round about. As for
those farther away in China, we are informed by those who come from
there to trade with these islands that they are a cleanly, well-clothed
race, and of higher morals. This is worthy of some belief, on account
of the Chinese who come to these islands to trade, and whom we see
walking about, well and decently clothed. Leaving this subject for
its proper time and place, I shall continue to relate the governor's
actions after disembarking in Manilla, on the sixteenth of May of
the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one. At the end of a
week he published an edict that, in accordance with the command of his
Majesty, he would give lands and _repartimientos_ to those who desired
to settle in the city of Manilla, which he was founding in the name
of his Majesty. Accordingly, all those who came with him, captains,
soldiers, and gentlemen, settled as citizens in this city; but up to
the present, and it is now about a year since the city was founded,
there are very few who have _repartimientos_ or even homesteads. This
is, as I have said, a very unsatisfactory manner in which this city
was founded and settled. I shall now return to relate briefly the
war with the natives, which the Spaniards have carried on even to
the present day.

All that I have above related having taken place, it was decided to
make peace with the nearest villages, some of whom had come to beg
it from the governor, and others would not. Among those who would
not come was a village called Butas, situated on an inlet on the
other side of the river flowing past Manilla, and about a league
and a half away. This village, uniting with the others near by, sent
word that they did not wish peace or friendship with the governor;
and had the boldness to come as far as the village of Alcandora,
quite close to Manilla, whence they sent defiance to the governor and
the captains. Having endured this a number of times and having made
offers of peace, it finally became impossible to endure such insolence;
and the governor had to send the master-of-camp, with seventy soldiers
and several native leaders, by sea to fight with those Indians at their
village, where they were waiting with twenty or thirty of their boats,
with one or two culverins in each boat. He set out (after having heard
mass) on the day of the Feast of the Holy Ghost, which was the third
of the month of June in the year above mentioned. The master-of-camp,
having embarked with the soldiers, arrived at the place where the
enemy were assembled at twelve o'clock on that day. When they saw that
he was entering the port, they sailed out to attack him with their
boats (which were, as I said, twenty or thirty in number), and with
a great outcry began to fire their culverins and many arrows. It was
God's will that they caused no injury to our forces. Taking note of
the order used by the enemy, the command was given for the Spaniards
to fasten their boats by twos, and to row slowly toward the opposing
forces. When they were in close proximity, all the arquebusiers began
to shoot and to cause injuries among the enemy--who, not being able to
endure the firing, which killed many of them, began to turn their backs
and retreat to the land. When the Pintados Indians who accompanied
the master-of-camp saw the enemy in retreat, they threw themselves
into the water in pursuit, and caused great slaughter among them; for
they are bitter enemies of the natives of this island of Luzón. And
thus they attacked them on land, capturing all their boats and taking
two hundred of the natives prisoners; and later they captured two or
three hundred more. On the land there were five or six culverins in
a little fort, which was captured. In this manner were routed those
Indians, who had shown so much pride and had so little courage. On
the morning of the next day the master-of-camp came to the city with
all the booty, and divided the prisoners as slaves among the soldiers,
reserving a fifth for his Majesty.

A few days having passed in peace and rest, there came certain Indians
who told the governor that in the province of Capanpanga there were
many densely-populated rivers; and that most of the people thereon
did not desire to have friendly relations with the Spaniards. The
master-of-camp had to go therefore upon this conquest with one hundred
soldiers. When he had entered the said province, some of the natives
retired to forts which they had built, and tried to resist him. He
routed them, and took from them some culverins in their possession
and they were left pacified. While he was subjugating this province,
there came news that two ships had arrived from Nueva España, sent by
the viceroy Don Martín Enrriquez, with a reënforcement of one hundred
soldiers, under the captaincy of Juan López de Aguirre. The governor
thereupon ordered the master-of-camp to go to Panay, to send the said
ships to this port of Manilla, and to bring back his wife, who was
in Çubú. In consideration of this service the first _repartimiento_
in this island and a river called Bonbón was allotted to him.

At this same time of which we have spoken, there came down from up
the river which flows by Manilla, several chiefs of a village named
Caynta, to proclaim themselves friends of the governor. This said
village had about a thousand inhabitants, and was surrounded by very
tall and very dense bamboo thickets, and fortified with a wall and a
few small culverins. The same river as that of Manilla circles around
the village and a branch of it passes through the middle dividing it in
two sections. Now when they had made their declarations of friendship
to the Spaniards, and saw our situation and condition in Manilla,
they came to think lightly of us; and, after their departure to their
village, sent word that they did not care to be friends, but would
rather fight with the governor and his men. They said that, if the
Spaniards would come up the river for this purpose, they would see how
the people of Caynta would hurl them from their lands. The governor
gave them a month or two to return to their allegiance, and sent
certain friendly Indians to treat with them; but no conclusion could
be reached until the governor sent his nephew Juan de Sauzedo with one
hundred soldiers to conquer them, or rather to destroy them. During
this interim there arrived the two ships coming from Nueva España,
which had been lying in port in the island of Panay. I have already
told above how the master-of-camp had gone to order them to come to
this port of Manilla. On the fifteenth of August, the day of the
Assumption of our Lady, they arrived; and on the same day Captain
Juan de Sauzedo embarked in a galley, with his hundred soldiers and
three pieces of heavy artillery, to go to the fort of Caynta. He
ascended the river for three days before he reached the fort. After
his arrival, the captain, following out the orders of the governor,
waited three days longer, summoning them to return to the terms of
peace and friendship with the Spaniards which had been arranged with
the governor at Manilla. The ill-fated creatures were intractable,
on account of the confidence which they had in their miserable fort;
and for response told the captain that they desired to fight. They
called upon their hearers as witnesses of the fact, saying that on the
day of the battle it would be seen that their God was better than the
one worshiped by the Castilians. This latter statement was shown to
be a falsehood; for God our Lord was vindicated, and they and their
demons, whom they call gods, and worship, were proved liars. Thus
on the third day, when the period set for summoning them had passed,
the captain prepared his men; and, leaving the galley and the three
pieces of artillery in a bend in the river with sufficient men, made
a detour with the rest, and, on the side where the fort appeared the
weakest, they entered. As they were entering, the enemy killed two
men with a very small culverin which they had; and another man they
pierced through his coat of mail and all with a lance of fire-hardened
palm-wood, so that there were three dead. I have already said at the
beginning of this relation that the lances of palm-wood are harder
than iron. The fort having been entered, as I have told, the enemy
made no resistance after the Spaniards were within. Whoever was able
to flee to save his life fled, and of the Indians there were slain,
men and women, four hundred persons. The rest who had escaped came
thereupon, and made terms of peace and friendship. The fort and all
the bamboo thickets surrounding it were destroyed, and the people
are today very humble and submissive. There were found in this fort
but four culverins. Their having artillery, and the source of their
knowledge of casting it, I shall state in a few words, for I forgot
to do so at the beginning. According to the natives of the province
of Capanpanga and Manilla, there were two Spaniards, from the first
fleets which came to this land, who had been captives among them. One
of these was a Fleming, the other a Vizcayan; and from them they
learned to cast artillery. I do not affirm this, although, as I say,
the natives make this assertion. I am inclined rather to the belief
that they have learned it from the Moros of Burney, with whom they had
dealings. The fort of Caynta was destroyed, as I have related. This
fort or village was very near a great lake of fresh water located
about four leagues from the city of Manylla. It was reputed to be
very large and thickly populated along the shores; but it is not
one tenth so thickly populated as they say. With regard to the lake,
I shall state what it is like, for I have gone all around it afoot,
and seeing gives authority. It is more than twelve leagues long and
two wide, and is fresh. Its freshness is caused by the fact that
a great number of streams enter it, and only two flow from it; and
for this reason also it is very deep, because much water enters and
there is but little outflow. The villages about this lake, containing
about twenty-four or twenty-six thousand men, were pacified by the
captain Juan de Sauzedo. From here the latter crossed with sixty men
to the opposite coast of this island, in quest of some mines which
the natives had told him were very rich and abounding in gold. The
galley was left in the lake above mentioned. These mines are on the
opposite coast of this island, which is the northeastern, and the
natives call them the mines of Paracali. [44] When the captain had
arrived at the mines with his soldiers, who had suffered much on the
march because it was in the wet season, they found them excellent
and very rich, and more than thirty or forty estados in depth. The
natives were afraid and did not await the coming of the Spaniards. Some
of the soldiers complained also that the captain conducted himself
badly. And thus they returned having lost by death four soldiers,
among whom was the sergeant Juan Ramos, newly come to this land. I
believe, according to reports, that possession of these mines will
be taken, and the whole coast thereabout conquered--for it is a very
rich land--if our Lord will it and give his divine sanction thereto,
for here we are gaining little profit.

I have told above how the master-of-camp had gone to Cubú for his
wife; arriving there, he returned with her to this city. There was
a river in the province of Capanpanga, named Vites, the inhabitants
of which refused to be friends of the Spaniards; they were reputed
to be very powerful. The master-of-camp had to take upon this
expedition one hundred and fifty soldiers, and was accompanied by
a native guide from the same river who was an Indian chief hostile
to the natives of Vites. This man had come to the Spaniards with
the offer to conduct them into Vites in perfect safety, without any
danger whatever; and this he did, getting the master-of-camp and the
hundred and fifty soldiers with him into the place. When the natives
saw the Spaniards so safely within their gates and at their fort,
they surrendered themselves in peace and friendship and destroyed
their fort. All the other villages round about came to offer their
friendship; and thus we gained possession of this stronghold, which,
by reason of the reports of the natives, was regarded as somewhat
dangerous--but there was no more resistance experienced from it than
what I have related. With this expedition was ended the last of the
wars which have been waged in this island and in that of Mindoro,
the most important being written in this relation.

I shall now give my attention to the treatment of certain facts with
regard to the natives of this land, simply telling their manner of
living, dressing, and dealing with one another. I shall describe
a few things which I have seen as to the idols worshiped by them,
and shall not enlarge upon other details.

In the first place, the men are of medium size, and dark. They wear
their hair clipped short, like the Spaniards. They wear a little
cloth headdress and a small piece of cloth to conceal their private
parts. From the belt upward, some wear a short doublet of coarse
material, with half-sleeves and open in front. There is no manner of
footwear. Among them the manner of dress and ornamentation is very
indecent. The women are exceedingly ugly and most indecent. They clothe
themselves with a piece of cloth hanging down from the belt, and a
very small doublet, so that their bellies are left exposed. They can
only be compared to mares glutted with hay. They have no personality or
rank whatever, and eat and drink most vulgarly. There is no difference
between the chief and his slave, or between the slave and his master,
in the matter of eating and drinking.

As for their sacrifices, each one of the natives, so far as I have
seen, has in his house many idols, to whom they pray. They call
God, _Batala_, and the chief idol which they have is thus named;
but others call him _Diobata_ [45]--at least among the Pintados
they give him this name. The natives of this island usually call
him Batala, and even consider him God of all creation. Accordingly,
after the religious came to this land and commenced to preach the
faith of Jesus Christ, and to baptize, the natives have not known
how to give any other name in their language to God our Lord, except
that of Batala. They are people easily converted to the faith, and
in the short time while those religious have been in this island,
they have gathered much fruit and have baptized many people--men,
women and children, who have all been baptized without any chief or
native Indian of this land denying our faith. Quite to the contrary,
if they are questioned in regard to it, and preached to about it, they
say that it is very sacred and very good. Returning to the discussion
of the way in which they conduct their feasts, it is as follows.

When any chief is ill, he invites his kindred and orders a great
meal to be prepared, consisting of fish, meat, and wine. When the
guests are all assembled and the feast set forth in a few plates on
the ground inside the house, they seat themselves also on the ground
to eat. In the midst of the feast (called _manganito_ or _baylán_ in
their tongue), they put the idol called Batala and certain aged women
who are considered as priestesses, and some aged Indians--neither more
nor less. They offer the idol some of the food which they are eating,
and call upon him in their tongue, praying to him for the health of
the sick man for whom the feast is held. The natives of these islands
have no altars nor temples whatever. This _manganito_, or drunken
revel, to give it a better name, usually lasts seven or eight days;
and when it is finished they take the idols and put them in the
corners of the house, and keep them there without showing them any
reverence. As I have said, they all, from the least to the greatest,
eat and drink to the point of losing their senses. In the villages
nearest the sea some do not eat pork, the reason for their not eating
it, which I have already given, being that, in trading with the Moros
of Burney, the latter have preached to them some part of the nefarious
doctrine of Mahoma, charging them not to eat pork. In this they act
most childishly, and when, by chance any of them are asked why they
do not eat it, they say that they do not know why; and if one asks
them who Mahoma was and what his law commands, they say that they do
not know the commandment or anything about Mahoma, not even his name;
nor do they know what his law is, nor whence it came. It is true that
some of them who have been in Burney understand some of it, and are
able to read a few words of the Alcorán; but these are very few, and
believe that he who has not been in Burney may eat pork, as I have
heard many of them say. They swear by the sun and by the moon, and
all the islands have this oath in common--a fact that I have noticed
since our coming to this land. It does not seem to me that they are
accustomed to worship animals, stars, clouds, or other things which
many idolatrous pagans are wont to adore. I believe, nevertheless,
that they have many other customs with regard to sacrifices and
witchcraft, for they actually practice these; but there is little
advantage in wasting the time or burdening the mind therewith, for any
rational person will be able to understand sufficiently the rest after
reading what is herein written. Among them, up to the present day,
I have not observed any sin against nature, which is saying a great
deal of so uncivilized a race; yet with regard to their treatment
of women, they are so vicious and licentious that any race whatever
might excel them, and this is no insignificant evil and sin. Their
custom in taking wives is the following.

Whoever is the richest and has the most gold also has the most wives,
and offends most God. There is a law among these natives which is
not bad--namely, that however many wives a man has, among them all he
regards one as his legitimate wife; and if, when he dies, he has no
children by this woman, the children of the others do not inherit. In
illustration of the truth of this, one may cite the death of Laya,
whom I have already mentioned. When this man died, a Christian, he had
no children by his legitimate wife, and although he had many by his
other wives, they did not inherit; therefore his property descended
to a legitimate nephew of his. It is true, however, that the bastard
children may deprive them of their property. I have above shown the
characteristics and mode of government among these natives. They do
not care to know more than that they are Indians, like all the other
Indians. The chiefs are but slightly distinguished in dress from
the slaves and freemen. Both women and men wear anklets of gold, and
bracelets upon their arms. In regard to the wars waged between them
and the Spaniards hitherto, I have already told the principal exploits
of captains and soldiers among them. I have already designated the
captains who have achieved the most noted deeds in this conquest; and
nothing further will be found. If it were necessary to give proof by
calling upon all who are in this land, I would be ready to do that. As
to what has taken place among the Pintados and among the Portuguese,
my relation does not concern itself therewith; but I claim that the
most important events which have occurred on these islands, touching
the relations between the natives and the Spaniards, are those related
and declared by me. As for the Portuguese, I shall say only that
the Spaniards have shown great fidelity and bravery in the service
of his Majesty, although they never came to a hand-to-hand struggle
with the Portuguese--except in a few ambuscades, where they took some
captives, as has been written at great length by many chroniclers who
live here. May God grant that they write the truth; for, as far as I
can learn, very little credit can be given them except in the case of
father Fray Diego de Herrera and Fray Martín de Herrada, who, being
religious and strongly attached to the service of God and the public
good, will write the whole truth; and yet I do not believe that they
will interest themselves in secular affairs. Now that I have written
the customs and practices of the natives of these islands, I shall
make a few remarks on the Indians of China, for I had begun to state
them before. I said that they come to trade with the natives and the
Spaniards of this island of Luzón as well as to all the islands in
this region, to import and sell silk stuffs, very good cotton robes,
and other small articles, very neat and similar in make and style
to those worn by them. As I began to say above, both men and women
are vigorous and light complexioned. I say women, for some are to be
found living in this island of Luzón. These Chinese live among these
natives because they have fled from their own country, on account
of certain events which took place there. They brought their wives
with them; all of them, both men and women, number about one hundred
and fifty. They became Christians after coming here. They are a very
unassuming and modest people; they clothe themselves with long robes
of cotton cloth and with silk. They wear wide breeches, and sleeves
and stockings, like the Spaniards. They are a very ingenious and
cleanly people. This, is in brief what we have seen. They wear their
hair very long, men as well as women, tied up and well arranged upon
their heads. I have treated thus far of various matters; I come now
to speak of the fertility of these islands, of what is gathered and
sown in them, mainly with regard to those in which I have been.

The island of Mindanao is very large and poorly populated, at least
in the part in which I have been, which is from the river of Butuan
to the cape of Calamita, about eighty leagues along the coast. It is
an extremely rough country. The natives there obtain very pure gold,
for the mines are numerous and very rich. The cape of Caahuite,
located in this island, and where cinnamon is gathered, lies in
five degrees of latitude, and is toward the southeast. It is a very
unhealthy country. As I remarked above, I have been at that cape. From
the cape to the river Grande de Mindanao, the distance is about sixty
leagues. We were very near this river of Mindanao with the small boat
of the flagship which was lost in the Ladrones. Up to the present day
none of the Spaniards of our number who were in that ship, have been
in that river. Near this cape there is an island called Taguima,
[46] and between the island and the said cape the vessels of the
Portuguese pass on their way to Maluco for cloves. Therefore if
the king our lord take Maluco for his own (for people say that his
Majesty has a right to it), the ships sent out will be able to carry
out two commissions in one voyage, taking on a cargo of cloves and
of cinnamon, for Maluco lies in the course, and is a very good port,
where they must of necessity touch. I have called attention to what I
have seen in this island. Finally, I shall now speak of all the others
which are on terms of peace, at least as far as concerns those where
the Spaniards have been. The second is the island of Negros, which is
absolutely peaceful. It contains about twenty thousand inhabitants,
and is divided among the Spaniards who remained in Çubú. There are
said to be gold mines there. Next is the said island of Çubú, which
is poorly populated. Between these three islands there are many
insignificant islets, some of them inhabited and some not. These I
shall not mention, in order to avoid prolixity, but in all of them
there are mines. Farther to the northwest from Çubú are Baybay, Bayugo,
Abuyo, Cavalian, Tandaya, Barciogama, and other islets, among these
which I have mentioned. They are divided among the same citizens of
Çubú. Very few of them have peaceable inhabitants. With them as with
the others, it is best to bring about peace in these islands. Rice,
cotton, great numbers of swine and fowls, wax, and honey are produced
there in great abundance. There are many mines, as has been shown, and
the natives say that they are well populated. There is gold in all of
these islands; but the most important thing is wanting, Spanish people
to colonize them. There remains to the west the island of Panay, which
was very populous and fertile, and yielded great abundance of rice,
swine, fowls, wax, and honey. The natives say that there are gold
mines in this island; and, since they say it, it must be true. The
gold found there is very pure. When the governor was in that island
there fell upon it--because of our sins and those of the natives,
or God knows what--an extremely great plague of locusts, which has
lasted three years and still continues. No field is sown which they
do not destroy. A great famine and pestilence have sprung up among
the natives of that island, so that more than half of them have died;
and they will continue to die until God our Lord is pleased to remove
his anger from over it. From that island to the island of Luzón it is
about sixty leagues, and in the course is that of Mindoro. This is an
island where much wax and honey is produced. It contains many gold
mines, and rivers where gold is gathered. I have been all about it;
on the farther coast, which is to the south, it is well populated,
while on the northern coast is the village called Mindoro, as well as
other thickly-populated rivers. Those who have not seen it or set foot
upon it say that it contains about eight thousand men. I shall dare
to affirm from what I have seen of it that it has more than fifteen
thousand. It is very near the island of Luzón. Between this island
and the others above named, lie many small islets, which are friendly,
although they have but small populations. As I say, next is the island
of Luzón, where the governor resides now, and which was settled in the
manner above related. This island is thickly populated and large. The
greater and better part of it is still to be conquered, I would say
from what I have seen of the villages and land. It does not seem to
me that there will be any more resistance from any of them when they
learn of the advantages of friendship with the Spaniards; for they
have already been informed of the way in which those are treated
who resist. To the present time, all that has been explored in this
island is about fifty or sixty leagues along the coast from Manilla
to Yvalón, [47] which is the landing-place for the ships sailing to
Nueva Spaña. On the farther coast, to the north, nothing is explored
except the mines of Paracali, which were discovered by Captain Juan
de Sauzedo when crossing from Manilla to the other sea with sixty
men, as I have told above. Near these mines there is a large and
thickly-populated river called Bico. [48] According to the reports of
the natives, all of it is thickly populated. This island extends a long
distance from Manilla toward the west. Toward the south is a province
called Yloquio, which is said to be very rich in gold mines; but the
Spaniards have not seen it as yet. The natives have not been able to
say how far this island extends in longitude. I have already said that
all of it is thickly populated, and that it has a great abundance of
rice, fowls, and swine, as well as great numbers of buffaloes, deer,
wild boars, and goats; it also produces great quantities of cotton and
colored cloths, wax, and honey; and date palms abound. In conclusion,
it is very well supplied with all the things above mentioned, and
many others which I shall not enumerate. It is the largest island
which has thus far been discovered in these regions. As I say, it is
well populated and very rich in gold mines. There is much trade with
China. That part of it which has thus far been conquered and pacified,
the governor has begun to allot to the conquerors.

I could write many other things about this land, and the conditions
existing in it; but I omit them, in order to avoid prolixity. Therefore
I bring the present relation to a close, to the honor and glory of
our Lord Jesus Christ, the one and everlasting God, Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit, and of the glorious Virgin Mary, our Lady, in the year
one thousand five hundred and seventy-two, in this city of Manilla,
on the twentieth day of the month of April.




Foundation of the City of Manila


I, Hernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and governmental notary for his
Majesty in these islands of the West, do hereby certify most solemnly,
to whomsoever shall see this present, that the most illustrious
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general in these said
islands, gave the title of city to this colony of Manila, on the third
day of the month of June of the past year, seventy-one; and on the
twenty-fourth day of the same month and year, which was St. John's day,
he appointed two _alcaldes_ in ordinary, one _alguacil-mayor_, and
twelve _regidores_; and on the day following he appointed one notary
for the _cabildo_ and two notaries public for the court of the said
_alcaldes_, [49] as is set forth in greater detail, and appears by the
list of the said appointments, which are in my possession. Therefore,
that this might be manifest, I have been ordered by the aforesaid
governor to draw up the present document; which is done in the said
city of Manilla, on the nineteenth day of the month of June, in the
year one thousand five hundred and seventy-two.

_Fernando Riquel_

[_Endorsed_: "June 19, 1572. Copy of the [notarial record of the]
bestowal on Manilla of the title of city, and the establishment
of alcaldes and regidores." _And, in another hand_: "For the first
article of the 7th, consult the viceroy."]




Documents of 1573



	Expenses of expedition to Western Islands, 1569-72. Melchior
	de Legazpi; March 2.
	Affairs in the Philippines, after the death of Legazpi. Guido
	de Lavezaris; June 29.
	Relation of the Western Islands, called Filipinas. Diego
	de Artieda.
	Letter from the viceroy of New Spain to Felipe II. Martin
	Enriquez; December 5.



_Sources_: The first two documents are from MSS. in the Archivo de
Indias at Sevilla; the third, from a MS. in the Museo-Biblioteca de
Ultramar, Madrid, collated with another copy at Sevilla; the fourth
is taken from _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877).

_Translations_: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson;
the second, by Arthur B. Myrick; the third, by Alfonso de Salvio;
the fourth, by Francis W. Snow.




Expenses Incurred for the Expedition to the Western Islands 1569-72


I, Melchior de Legazpi, chief accountant for his Majesty in this Nueva
España, hereby certify that from the original books and orders for
payment pertaining to his royal accountancy, now in my possession,
it appears that from the twelfth of February of the year five hundred
and sixty-nine--when the _alcalde_ Bernardino de Albornoz entered
upon his duties as royal treasurer in this Nueva España--until the
end of December in the year five hundred and seventy-two, there has
been audited and paid from his royal chest (the three keys of which
are in charge of the treasurer of the royal estate) the sum of three
hundred and twelve thousand one hundred and seventy-six _pesos_,
seven _tomines_, and eight grains of common gold, each _peso_ of the
value of eight _reals_. [50] This sum includes whatever pertains to
the expedition of the Western Islands--for the crews and outfits of
the royal ships that were built to send aid to the said islands; the
tackle, food, and necessary armament for the said ships; the wages
of the soldiers and mariners sailing therein, besides the wages of
the sailors who have been serving in that capacity in the said Western
Islands since before the years above mentioned, and those of other men;
the furnishing of provisions to those who for the said time have been
engaged in the work of preparing and despatching the said vessels;
and the gunpowder, artillery, military supplies, and other necessary
articles sent in the vessels to his Majesty's camp, established in
the said islands in his royal name. All this is as set forth in detail
in the said books of his Majesty's accountancy, to which I refer.

In certification of the above, and in order that by the same it may
be manifest, I give the present--by command of the most excellent
Don Martin Enrriquez, viceroy, governor, and captain-general for his
Majesty in this Nueva España--in duplicate, in Mexico, on the second
day of March in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-three.

_Melchior de Legazpi_

[_Endorsed_: "Expenses incurred by the royal estate for the expedition
to the Western Islands in the years dlxjx. lxx. lxxij."]




Affairs in the Philippines After the Death of Legazpi


Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

When I came to these islands in company with the general Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi, I gave your Majesty an account of the events of
the expedition. Since then I have not done so, understanding that
the governor sent word by every ship, as was proper, how affairs were
going here. Now was our Lord pleased to take him from this life, and I,
being treasurer of the royal exchequer, succeeded him in the office
by a royal provision, emanating from the royal _Audiencia_ of Nueva
España. To make myself better understood, your Majesty perhaps knows
that in the year forty-two, I came to these regions as accountant,
with General Villalobos, who sailed from Nueva España, sent out by
the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoça. I was in the Maluco Islands,
and went thence to Yndia and from there to España and Nueva España,
to inform your viceroy of the success of the expedition. I brought
with me from Yndia the ginger root, which has grown so well in Nueva
España. Don Antonio de Mendoca sent me to España to inform your Majesty
of the proceedings that should be taken in this discovery. After that
mission, I returned with your Majesty's despatch to Nueva España,
where they were commencing to build the ships and fleet in which
General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came for the discovery of these
islands. In his company, I passed thither, for the second time, in
the year sixty-four--serving your Majesty as treasurer of your royal
exchequer until, as I have said, Miguel Lopez died, on the twentieth
of August in last year, seventy-two.

In a chest was found the royal decree, by which, in your
Majesty's name, he enjoyed and exercised his office as governor and
captain-general. Before his death, the said Miguel Lopez had founded,
on the island of Cubu, where we first resided, a city called El
Santisimo Nombre de Jesús ["the most holy name of Jesus,"] because of
an image of the child Jesus that we found there. Here in this island
of Luçon, he founded the city of Manilla, where from that time until
his death he resided, with all his people. He had commenced to levy
taxes, and was assigning _repartimientos_ in the islands and towns
that were being pacified; and I am now doing the same. This island of
Lucon is large and well populated. The greater part of it has been
explored and reduced to your Majesty's service. On account of the
lack of men, and the little time that we have spent here, we have
not been able to investigate everything. The land contains many rich
gold mines. The natives in general acquire, possess, and trade great
quantities of gold. The country abounds in provisions--rice, wine,
fish, hogs, Castilian fowls, and wild buffaloes; in short, it is so
well provided that it can maintain many Spanish settlements, which will
produce good fruit, both spiritual and temporal. Ships from China come
to trade at many ports of this island. It is understood as certain
that the mainland is very near us, less than two hundred leagues;
so that, if we are reënforced, I hope in our Lord that much fruit
and service will result to God and your Majesty. For reënforcements
have come to this island so slowly that, in eight years, only seven
hundred soldiers have arrived; and, moreover, when some arrive others
are dead as a result of the hardships and distress that have been
encountered. Nevertheless, our Lord indeed be praised for having
given us, now and in the future, greater repose in a larger land.

Of the natives of this island, some are Moros and Mahometans,
especially those living near the coast. Those in the interior are
pagans. Their arms are numerous and good, namely: culverins, large
and small; lances, daggers, and arrows poisoned with herbs. They
wear corselets of buffalo-hide and of twisted and knotted rope, and
carry shields or bucklers. They are accustomed to fortify themselves
in strong positions, where they mount their artillery and archery,
surrounding them outside with ditches full of water, so that they seem
very strong. But our Lord (who assists us, because his holy faith is
at stake) has always given us the victory, to his and your Majesty's
honor and glory.

The Chinese have come here on trading expeditions, since our arrival,
for we have always tried to treat them well. Therefore during the two
years that we have spent on this island, they have come in greater
numbers each year, and with more ships; and they come earlier than
they used to, so that their trade is assured to us. Those that come
here are, like the people of this land, almost naked, on account of
the hot climate. They do not bring to sell the silks and beautiful
things that they take to Malaca. They say that, if there were any one
to buy them, they would bring all we wanted; and so, since trading with
the Spaniards, they bring each year better and much richer wares. If
merchants would come from Nueva España, they might enrich themselves,
and increase the royal customs in these parts--both through trade and
through the mines, the richness and number of which are well-known
to us.

Your Majesty knows how antagonistic the Portuguese are in everything
here. When they can do us no harm in their own persons, they try to
do so through others. Last year Chinese vessels came to this city
to trade and told us how the Portuguese haa asked them not to trade
with us, because we were robbers and came to steal and commit other
depredations, so that these people wonder not a little if this be
true. As the treatment accorded to the Chinese neutralizes these
reports, more vessels came this year than last, and each year more
will come. I advise your Majesty of this, because it is better to have
certain peace or open war with the Portuguese, and not to be uncertain,
and not to have them trying to harm us at a distance. Every year we
are disturbed by fears of their coming. This year I had news from
Moro merchants, who came from the island of Borney, that last year
their king had collected a large fleet to descend upon us. After
having embarked, he gave up for the time the voyage because of
the severe storms; but gave out that he would return this year and
bring the Portuguese with him. I exerted myself to get together the
Spaniards, who were pacifying these islands and had the island of
Borney reconnoitred in two parts, by oared vessels of the sort that
the natives use. I instructed them that if they could get any of
the Moros from Borney, they should bring them, in order to get at
the truth; and so they did. The people whom I sent for this purpose
arrived near Borney, and because they did not dare bring small boats
near the island itself, they halted about eight leagues from it,
and captured six Moros. By these I was informed that the coming of
the king of Borney was uncertain, and that he lives in great privacy
and prudence, keeping himself informed about us. With the people that
I sent for this purpose was a pilot, who had mapped the islands and
lands that he saw on the way. He said that it was about two hundred
leagues to the west from here to Borney. With this relation I send your
Majesty the map of this island, and of those near Borney and China.

Last year, seventy-two, the governor Miguel Lopez despatched two ships
to Nueva España a few days before his death; but, as it was late when
they started, and the weather bad, they could not that year make the
voyage. They came back, therefore, much disabled and disordered. After
the death of the governor, who had made liberal provision for their
repair and [the MS. is torn here] rigging and pitch, which it has
been no little trouble to find. This year, therefore, God willing,
three ships will go, so that they may not for lack of vessels neglect
to send reënforcements.

Since the death of the governor, Miguel Lopez, I have had made from
the gold that has been brought and given by the natives as tribute
and service, some jewels, which I send to your royal Majesty and to
the Queen our mistress, with some specimens of the articles brought
by the Chinese. These two ships now carry one hundred and thirty-six
marcos [51] of gold, just as it was obtained from the natives who
gave it as tribute. I hope in our Lord, that henceforth your Majesty
will be better served with the first fruits of this land. I am also
sending to Nueva España three hundred and seventy-two _quintals_
of cinnamon, which I had brought from the island of Vindanao, where
there is a great quantity of it. There is no longer any necessity
for the Portuguese to export hereafter any more cinnamon into your
Majesty's kingdoms and seigniories; because a greater quantity can be
brought from these districts than can be sold in Europe, if ships are
supplied. I am sending also to Nueva España shoots of the cinnamon
and pepper trees, so that they may be planted there and benefit
your Majesty. I have also sent previously a tamarind tree, and have
been informed that it is already bearing fruit in Nueva España. I
have tried to have some rigging for the ships made on this island,
because what is brought from Nueva España is completely rotten and
useless, and for want of rigging the vessels have many times been
unable to sail. God has been pleased that we should succeed in our
endeavors--a thing that will be of great service in the despatching
of the fleets that your Majesty will cause to be constructed here. I
have also procured pitch for the same purpose; and, although there is
not much of it, what has been discovered will be of great assistance.

The baptism of the natives steadily continues, and they are being
received into our holy faith and religion. I hope in our Lord that
the spiritual and temporal good will continue to increase day by day,
to the glory of our Lord and to your Majesty's honor. It will conduce
much to the conversion of these natives to have some religious of
the society of Jesus, and friars of the order of St. Francis, come
to these districts; because it has a most edifying influence upon the
covetous disposition of these barbarians, to see that those fathers do
not receive or have anything to do with money--which will be a good
example for them. May your Majesty provide in this regard according
to your pleasure, for it would certainly greatly rejoice everyone to
see those holy people here.

As the labors that have been endured and are being endured in this
expedition are prolonged and heavy, it has happened that many of
the _encomenderos_ [52] to whom _repartimientos_ were given have
died. Understanding that it will be for the good of your Majesty's
service, I have reapportioned and am reapportioning the Indians,
as is done in Gautemala and other parts of the Indies. I beg your
Majesty to favor this and send confirmation of it, because in no
other way can this island be maintained for the present.

I send to beg your Majesty to grant me favor regarding certain
petitions made in my own name. I am confident of receiving this as from
a lord and prince so magnanimous that he will take into account that I
have busied myself almost all my life in your royal service. So also
those who have served your Majesty in these regions send, severally
and jointly, to beg your Majesty to reward them, having recourse to
your Majesty as to a fountain of all liberality, all being confident
of receiving what they ask, as they are continually receiving favors.

Martin de Goiti has served and serves your Majesty in this country
in the capacity of master-of-camp. With great faith and diligence has
he served, and serves, notwithstanding his age or sufferings. On the
contrary, he is just as ready today to undergo hardship as he was the
first day. So on account of his qualities and his experience in warlike
matters and the Christian spirit which he shows in all dealings with
the natives, and the fidelity and truth that has always been found
in him, I recommend him in general terms to the most important office
in your Majesty's service. I most humbly beg you that all favors may
be granted him, because he is worthy and deserving of them.

Juan de Salcedo, grandson of the governor Miguel Lopez, has served
and serves your Majesty in these districts in the capacity of captain
of infantry. He is one who has exerted and does exert himself in
whatever he has been commanded--not only in the conquests, discoveries,
and pacification of these islands, but in everything else that has
occurred and occurs from day to day in your Majesty's service. In all
of these, and in expeditions of great importance entrusted to him in
this land, he has given a very good account of himself. He merits,
and it is fitting that your Majesty should resolve to grant him,
some favor. In paying his grandfather's debts and for the repose of
his soul, he has spent all his possessions. What the governor left
was but little, and did not suffice for this, because he had spent
his income in helping some poor soldiers, and in other matters of
your Majesty's service, and was therefore poor and needy.

The governor, Miguel Lopez, in this city of Manila appointed in
your Majesty's royal name certain _regidores_ to serve as long as
it should be your Majesty's pleasure. I did the same in the town
of Santísimo Nombre de Jesus. [53] The said governor changed the
_cabildo_ of the said town at the end of the year, and I believe
would have done the like in this city, had he lived; because I
assure your Majesty that it is a thing of great inconvenience and
disturbance to have perpetual _regidores_. The _regidores_ in this
city from its foundation discharged their duties little more than a
year, during which time there were among them parties and factions;
as a result of this, the governor, seeing certain of them maltreat or
affront one of the _alcaldes_-in-ordinary in the town-hall, sent two
of the said _regidores_ with the record of their trial, referred to
your royal _Audiencia_ in Nueva España. I removed the said _cabildo_,
and appointed new _regidores_, as in the first town. And so I think
it a matter very important to your Majesty's service that, for the
present, there should be no perpetual _regidores_ in these parts,
but those who are elected annually; because in this way they will do
their duties well, understanding that the office is to last but a short
time. On the contrary, they will, if elected in perpetuity, become
careless, as experience shows. I advise your Majesty of this so that
if perpetuity of these offices is demanded, you may do what seems best.

After the departure of these ships if it be our Lord's will, I shall
continue the _repartimiento_ of this land, in those places discovered
by Captain Juan de Salcedo and the master-of-camp in this island of
Luzon, on the coast of Yloco; for it would be impossible for this
fleet to sustain itself in any other way, on account of the great
privation and poverty endured in the past and present by the soldiers,
especially since they are not now permitted to make raids. These were
wont to be made formerly, in order to support themselves; but they
proved of great harm and prejudice to the natives; and by them God
our Lord, and your Majesty were not served. With this remedy these
evils cease. Everything will be done which is thought most suitable
for the service of your Majesty, and the support of this your camp
and fleet. May our Lord for many and fortunate years guard and prosper
your Majesty's state with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories,
as we, your Majesty's faithful vassals, desire. Manila, June 29, 1573.

Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's faithful vassal and most humble
servant, who kisses your royal feet. [54]

_Guido de Lavezaris_





Relation of the Western Islands Called Filipinas


(Captain Artieda, who went to those islands for the king, wrote this
relation.) [55]

Nueva España has two ports in the South Sea. That which is called
Acapulco is [very] good and can give shelter to many ships, no matter
how large they may be; it is in seventeen and one-half degrees of north
latitude. The other is called Puerto de la Navidad; its entrance is
shallow, and it can therefore give shelter to small ships only. It is
in nineteen and one-third degrees of north latitude. From whichever
of these ports one goes to [any of] the Western Islands, the best
route is to sail strictly in the latitude in which lies the island
that one wishes to reach; for in the season of the _brisas_, which is
the right time to make the voyage, favorable stern winds are never
wanting. The season for the _brisas_ lasts from the end of October
to the end of April. From the end of April to the end of October
the _vendaváls_ blow, [56] which will be of help on the way back;
but let it be remembered that he who wishes to return ought to take
a higher degree of latitude, because there the winds will not fail him.

In view of your Majesty's command and orders from Don Luis de Velasco,
viceroy of Nueva España, the expedition commanded by Miguel Lopes
de Legaspi has discovered since November twenty-first, 1564, the
following islands to the west, in the South Sea:

North-southwest from Puerto de la Navidad, in about ten degrees of
north latitude, and at a distance of eleven hundred and twenty leagues,
were found some islands running east and west. The inhabitants
were dressed in a sort of cloth made of thin palm-bark. The men
wore long beards, and for that reason the islands received the name
of Barbudos. [57] No weapons were found among them, from which we
can infer that they are a peaceful people, and that they had never
come into conflict with other men. They live on cocoanuts, roots,
and fish. It was learned that they kept some Castilian fowls. These
islands may be about one hundred and seventy-five leagues from Nueba
España [S: Nueva Guinea].

[Further west by a distance of four hundred leagues lie the
islands called Chamurres or Ladrones, which, according to report,
number thirteen islands. The largest of all is not forty leagues
in circumference. They are all alike in appearance, trade, and
food products. I have seen but the island of Guahan. Their weapons
consist of slings and clubs hardened in fire, which they use instead of
lances. They hurl stones to so great a distance with their slings, that
they are beyond range of the arquebuses. They live on rice, bananas,
cocoanuts, roots, and fish. They have great quantities of ginger.]

Further west is the island of Mindanao, with a circuit of three
hundred and fifty leagues. It is in its greatest measurements one
hundred and forty leagues long, and sixty leagues wide. The northern
promontory juts out between the two rivers of Butuan and Zurigan,
famous for their gold, although the Spaniards who went there were
able to find but little--or, to be more accurate, none. According to
what I have learned, all the gold mines of this island are so poor
that the natives offer their labor for a gold _maes_ [58] or three
reals per month. In this island cinnamon grows. I believe that,
if good order be established there, we shall be able to barter for
eight hundred _quintals_, and even [one thousand] [59] for a year
of this article; for I was present at the barter of that which was
lost with the flagship. In one month we bartered for more than six
hundred _quintals_ of cinnamon at three reals per _quintal_, this
money being reckoned in iron of that land. This island contains
pitch. [I do not declare here the trade, rites, clothing, weapons,
and food of this island, because many others are just like it; and I
will place this information at the end of these islands, in order to
avoid prolixity.] The middle of the island lies in fully seven and
one-third degrees of north latitude.

Northeast of Mindanao is another island called Tandaya. There are
certain rocky islands with an island called San Lorenzo in their
midst. The fact of their being small and uninhabited does not debar
anyone who wishes from finding them on the chart. Tantaya has a
circuit of one hundred and forty leagues, and is almost triangular
in shape. [The clothing, weapons, rites, and food of this people
are the same as that above.] Its center lies in fully twelve degrees
north latitude.

Nearer the island of Mindanao than the above-named, and extending in a
north and south direction ten leagues from the point of Mindanao, is
another island called Baybay. It has a circumference of ninety-eight
leagues, and forms a strait on the east with the island of Tandaya,
less than a league wide; and another on the south with a very small
island, called "Panae the little," [60] through which strait one cannot
pass, except in a small and light vessel. West of this strait is the
island of Mazoga. It is reported here that this island is very small,
and that it has a population of six or eight Indians. [It forms another
strait, which can be passed by any ship.] The center of the said island
of Baybay is in eleven degrees of latitude. [It has the same people,
weapons, trade, and customs as the islands above.]

There is another island, called Zubu, where the camp was established,
and remained until broken up by the Portuguese, on account of the
excellent harbor formed by it with another island called Mattan--which
is almost uninhabited, unwholesome, and a large part of it covered
with swamps. It is here that Magallanes was slain. The port has two
entrances, opening northeast and southwest. Through my influence
and with [S: against] the consent of most of the men, the camp was
removed to the island of Panae. I went there by order of the governor,
and drew the plan of a fort, which now is being built. [It has the
same people, and trade, and customs as the islands named above.] The
center of it is in about ten and two-thirds degrees of latitude.

Farther west is another island, called Buglas, or Negros, because the
inhabitants are black. It is one hundred and twenty-five leagues in
circumference with a distance north and south of forty-five leagues,
and east and west of twenty leagues. Its center lies in ten and
one-third degrees. [It has the same people and weapons as the islands
above.]

Northwest of Buglas lies Panae, an island abounding in rice and all
kinds of provisions. The camp was moved thither, and, as abovesaid,
I drew the plan of the said fort between the two arms of a river,
because it is impossible to effect an entrance by one arm. In the
other arm and below the fort, fourteen gabions were made and twelve
large pieces of artillery mounted for the defense of the entrance
and passage. The fort is situated two and one-half leagues inland,
and the ground all the way to the fort is a swamp, covered with
tangles of bushes; so that enemies can approach the said fort only
through the river, where are planted the above-mentioned gabions and
artillery. The position is excellent, and such that it needs only a
few men to defend it against many. The bar of the river is not more
than one braza deep; and its coast thereabout, for more than twenty
leagues, is very forbidding. Its center lies in about eleven and
one-third degrees of latitude.

Northeast of Panie is the island of Masbat, with a scanty and poor
population. There were found gold mines from two to four _estados_
[61] in depth, somewhat more or less, although I have not measured
them. I understand that the mines yield very little on account of the
scanty population, and its trade is of slight value. [The people are
the same as those of the above islands.] The center of this island
lies in thirteen degrees of latitude.

Farther to the northeast of Masbat lies the island of Ybalon or
Luzon. It is a large island, with many rivers, in which gold is
found--although, as I have ascertained, in but little quantity, because
its most influential inhabitants are Moros. While I was in Panae, [S:
the leading man among its people] sent a Moro, his steward or treasurer
to trade there; but he could hardly get for me one _marco_ of gold
in exchange for four of silver, which he bought for me. Buffaloes
are to be found here. We have [M: not] explored much of its coast,
and I have seen no one who could inform me fully concerning its
south-eastern, southern, and eastern parts, because no one has sailed
around it. Between this island of Ybalon and that of Panae, lies
Masbat. Farther on, and lying north and south, are some other small
islands, in one of which is to be found much brazil-wood. Although all
the others have it, I mention this because the Anglis [S: Sangleyes]
from the mainland of China come for it, in order to dye their
silk. [62] In this island of Luzon are three settlements of Moros,
who do not know the law of Mahoma in its entirety. They eat no pork,
and pay reverence to the said Mahoma. [The rest of the inhabitants
are the same and have the same customs as those above.] The southern
portion of this is in about thirteen and one-third degrees of latitude.

South of [that island of] Zubu, between it and Mindanao, is another
small one, called Bohol; between Bohol and Matan lie [as already
mentioned] many small islands--uninhabited, except for game; for which
reason they contain many deer and wild boars, as is generally true
in most of the islands. However, this is so warm a region that the
game spoils on the very day when it is killed. This island contains
many palms and roots, on which the natives live. Rice is lacking.

Southwest by south from the port of Cavite, which is in six and
one-half degrees of latitude in the island of Mindanao where
cinnamon grows, lies a small island, called Taguima. [63] There
the natives captured from the Portuguese a small vessel, killing or
making prisoners many of its crew. The latter were ransomed by the
people of Jolo, with whom the Portuguese are on friendly terms. We
have not seen this island of Jolo. Its inhabitants are pirates. [64]
It lies to the southwest. Goats are found in Taguima, but no rice is
harvested. Civet cats are found there. While we were bartering for
cinnamon, men from two towns of that island came to us, and asked
to be received as subjects and tributaries of your Majesty. One of
these towns lies in seven degrees of latitude.

There are no lords in these islands. Each man is master of his
own house and slaves; and the more slaves one owns, the greater
and more influential is he reckoned. The people are divided into
three classes. The _Datos_, who correspond to knights, are the most
important; the _Tigamas_ [S: _Timaguas_] are the freemen; and the
_Orispes_ are the slaves. The _Datos_ boast of their old lineage. These
people rob and enslave one another, although of the same island and
even kindred. They are cruel among themselves. They do not often dare
to kill one another, except by treachery or at great odds; and him
who is slain his opponents continue to strike even after he is dead.

The word for mourning is _marabae_ [S: _marahaze;_ margin:
_magarihe_]. Among their customs is this: that when some relative
is killed, they do not cease mourning until they have avenged him
[(on the Spaniards)]. If the dead person is a near relative, they
quit mourning, when they have either killed a man or taken captive a
woman. They cut their hair. In time of mourning, they withdraw into the
house of the principal and nearest relative; and there, covered with
old and filthy blankets, they crouch on the floor and remain in this
position without talking or eating, for three days. During this time
they only drink. After the three days, they eat nothing which has come
in contact with fire until they have taken vengeance or observed their
custom [S: ceremony]. They place on their feet and wrists some rings
of a certain wood, called _bejuco._ [65] When the reasons for mourning
are not so serious, they are released from it by striking with a lance
or a dagger a deer or a wild boar, even if the animal be already dead.

In every port [S: village] we find that the people have their god. All
of them call him _divate_ [S: Diuata], and for surname they give
him the name of their village. They have a god of the sea and a god
of the rivers. To these gods they sacrifice swine, reserving for
this especially those of a reddish color. For this sacrifice they
rear such as are very large and fat They have priests, whom they
call _bailanes;_ and they believe that the priests talk with their
gods. When they are about to perform the sacrifice, they prepare the
place with many green branches from the trees, and pieces of cloth
painted as handsomely as possible. The _bailan_ plays on a heavy
reed pipe about one braza in length, such as are common to that land,
in the manner of a trumpet; and, while thus engaged, the people say
that he talks to their gods. Then he gives a lance-thrust to the
hog. Meanwhile, and even for a long time before commencing the rite,
the women ring a certain kind of bell, play on small drums, and beat
on porcelain vases with small sticks--thus producing a sort of music
which makes it very difficult for them to hear one another. After the
hog is killed, they dress it, and all eat of the flesh. They throw a
portion of the dressed animal, placed in nets, into the river or into
the sea, according to the location of the village; and they say that
they do this in order that the god of the river or that of the sea may
eat it. No one eats of the part touched by the lance-thrust, except
the _bailan_. These people believe that their souls go down below;
and they say that world is better, and that [since] it is cooler
than the world above, where the heat is so great. They are buried
with their riches--blankets, gold, and porcelain. When chiefs die,
slaves are killed and buried with them, so that they may serve their
masters in the other world. If the dead man is renowned as a seaman,
they bury with him the vessel in which he sailed, with many slaves
to row him, so thathe may go in it to the other world. [66]

Considering their size, those islands are very thinly populated. The
people are generally very dark, more so than the natives of Nueba
España. There are but few islands where blacks are not found among
the mountains. The inhabitants of the lowlands are of the former
kind, and are accustomed to tattoo their bodies, arms, legs, and even
their faces, where a beard should grow, with very carefully-drawn and
handsome figures. The greater the chief, or the more valiant he is,
the more he tattoos himself, leaving untattooed only the parts covered
by the breech clout--the [clothing or] dress worn by them, and which
covers only the privy parts. Both men and women suffer no hair to grow
on their bodies except on the head. They wear the hair long and take
good care of it so that it will grow. The men bind their hair on the
crown of the head with a small piece of gauze, and the women bind it
with bands made of the hair itself. All of them, both men and women,
are fond of [wearing] beads, earrings and perfumes. The garment worn
by them [the women] is made of linen drawn together like a bag or
sleeve with two very wide openings. The amount by which this garment
is too wide they gather up into many folds upon the left side, which,
knotted with the same linen, rest there. A small, tight-fitting shirt
is worn, which does not reach to the knees [S: waist], and covers no
more than the breasts. They wear garlands of flowers on their heads. It
is a very immodest dress, for it leaves uncovered the greater part of
the legs and body. The women are generally depraved. They are given
to abominable lustful habits.

The weapons they use are the following: shields, breast-high, and
little more than half a _vara_ [67] wide; lances, two and a half
_varas_ long, with iron and steel points a third as long as the lance,
and as wide as the hand. In some districts the lance-points are long
and ground to a very fine edge. Cutlasses or daggers, from a half
to three-fourths of a _vara_ long, are made of the same shape as
the lance-points. Those people have armor consisting of cotton-lined
blankets, and others of rattan. Some wear corselets, made of a very
hard black wood resembling ebony. They use bows which are very strong
and large, and much more powerful than those used by the English. The
arrows are made of reeds, the third part consisting of a point made of
the hardest wood that can be found. They are not feathered. They poison
the arrows with a kind of herb, which in some regions is so deadly
that a man dies on the same day when he is wounded; and, no matter how
small the wound is, there is no remedy, and the flesh will surely decay
unless the antidotal herb, which is found in Luzon, be first applied
to the wound. Arrows are also discharged through blow-guns with the
same effect, although not with the same range. The Moros, who trade
with the Japanese and Sangleyes [S: Indians or Japanese], possess
in their houses, and bring in their vessels, bronze culverins, so
excellent and well cast, that I have never seen their equal anywhere.

Rice is the main article of food in these islands. In a few of them
people gather enough of it to last them the whole year. In most of the
islands, during the greater part of the year, they live on millet,
_borona_, roasted bananas, certain roots resembling sweet potatoes
and called _oropisa_, as well as on yams [_yuñames_] and _camotes_
[68] whose leaves they also eat, boiled. They eat Castilian fowls and
pork. In the islands inhabited by Moros, some goats are raised; but
there are so few of them that wherever fifteen or twenty Spaniards
arrive, no goats will be seen for the next two or three years. The
cocoa-palm offers the greatest means of sustenance to the natives,
for they obtain from it wine, fruit, oil, and vinegar. These people
eat many kinds of herbs which grow both on land and in the sea. Some
of these herbs have been used by our people as articles of food. The
scarcity of all kinds of food here is such that--with all that is
brought continually from all these islands, in three frigates, one
_patache_, and all the other native boats that could be obtained--each
soldier or captain could only receive [as his rations] each week two
_almudes_ of unwinnowed rice--which, when winnowed, yielded no more
than three _cuartillos_. This ration was accompanied by nothing else,
neither meat nor fish.

The natives sustain life by eating little and drinking much--so
heavily, that it is a marvel if they are not drunken all the time,
or at least from noon on. And the more important their position,
the more intoxicated do they become, for they have more to spend for
this purpose. The inhabitants of the coast are fishermen who barter
their fish and buy from those living inland, who till the soil, the
above-named foods. They eat all kinds of shell-fish and slimy plants
which grow at the bottom of the sea.

They are but ill supplied with cloth. They use a kind of cloth made of
wild banana leaves [69] which is as stiff as parchment, and not very
durable. The natives of Panae and Luzon manufacture a cotton cloth
with colored stripes, which is of better quality. This cloth is used
by the Spaniards when they can find it; otherwise they use the cloth
above-mentioned. Both kinds are so scarce, that we are suffering great
privations for lack of clothing. The people are very poor. There are
few islands where, as it is reported, gold does not exist--but in so
small quantities that quite commonly [as I think I have said] a native
can be hired to dig, or to work as he is commanded, for three reals
a month. A slave can be bought for fifty reals, or sometimes for a
little more. It is therefore evident that it is not possible to save
from the mines much gold, as can be seen by any man who zealously
wishes to serve your Majesty who laments the great expenses of both
men and money incurred here.

In that land people buy and sell slaves to one another in great
numbers, and even bring them to the islands of the Moros. Most slaves
are children and grandchildren of slaves from time immemorial. In
this connection, it seems to me that it would be less troublesome, and
that God would be better served, if the Spaniards bought these slaves
and took them to Nueva España, where they would become Christians;
they would thus supply the great need for slaves there, and would
prove a resource for the Spaniards who live there.

Farther north than the aforesaid islands are others, the nearest to
Luzon being called Xipon [S: Japan]. We have not seen this island,
and what I shall say about it has been related to us by the Moros who
carry on trade with that land. It is said that the island possesses
silver mines, and that silks and other necessary articles from China
are purchased with the silver; for all the people, both men and women,
are well clad and shod. And because of being so near China, they have
acquired the civilization of that country. These people manufacture
very good cutlasses, which they call _legues_. These have single or
double hilts, are very sharp, and are curved like Turkish cutlasses. On
the side without any edge, they are about half as thick as the finger,
but the edge is very sharp. It is said that Theatin religious have
gone thither from Portugal; but I do not know the result of their
mission. The Portuguese tell me that the natives of that land are
considered very warlike. The women are virtuous, modest, and very
jealous of the men [a very rare thing for these regions]. They [S:
the men] shave or pluck out the hair from their heads.

A little to the east between these islands and China are the islands
of Lequios. They are said to be rich; but we have been unable to learn
much about them, for I have not seen any one who has been there. For
this reason I conclude that they must be small, and that the people
are not much given to commerce.

Likewise immediately north is the mainland called China. This is a
vast country--so much so that, as we are assured, it extends as far as
Tartary; for merchants who have traded there say that the two nations
are at war with each other. The Chinese are highly civilized. They
work iron with tools. I have seen iron inlaid with gold and silver,
as cunningly and skilfully wrought as they could be in any part of the
world. In like manner they work in wood and all other materials. The
Portuguese say that the Chinese are good people--that they possess
somewhat of the light of the world, but they see it with only one
eye. They make gold into threads as is done in Milan, and weave raised
designs of it on damasks and other silken fabrics. They possess
all kinds of weapons that we have. Their artillery, judging it by
some culverins I have seen that came from China, is of excellent [S:
better] quality and better cast than ours. They have also a form of
government; but they do not elect a governor (or captain, as they
call him) unless he is a great astrologer and has first foretold
the weather, future events, and the true outcome of things; so that
he may be able to provide for future necessities. In each city and
province there is an armed garrison. The people dress well; they wear
beards and are as white as ourselves. The women are very beautiful,
except that they all have small eyes. They wear long shirts and robes,
reaching to the ground. They dye and dress their hair carefully, and
it is even said that they rouge and color their faces. It is said that
the king of that land is so great a lord, that his camp is composed of
three hundred thousand men, two hundred thousand of whom are mounted on
horses. On painted articles I have seen pictures of horsemen armed with
coats of mail, Burgundy helmets, and lances. The country is so fertile
and well provisioned, that it is believed to be the best country in
the world. The Moros with whom I have talked have told me that the
Chinese are not as warlike as we are, and are heathens. They possess
matrices [70] with which they have printed books from time immemorial.

If your Majesty desires to have this land explored, I am at your
service provided I be given two ships of about two hundred and
fifty tons each, with forty soldiers to each vessel, and all the
artillery, ammunition, and provisions that will be necessary. Then,
with our Lord's help, and bearing some power of ambassador to the
lord of the land, I will enter the country myself, returning by way
of Nueva España after having explored the coast. I will ascertain
how both trade and conquest must be carried on there. I will carry
out all other orders that your Majesty may be pleased to give me,
as well as whatever your service shall demand.

Southeast [S: west] by east from the island of Zubu are the islands
of Maluco, where cloves are found; and it is not known whether they
exist in any other regions. They lie below the equatorial line The
names of the islands in which cloves are found are: Maluco, Gigolo [S:
Jilolo], Maquian, Motel, and Momoy. Near those islands [it is said is
one called Sunda, which contains pepper. To the east of those islands],
at a distance of one hundred and twenty-five leagues, is Nueba Guinea,
and three hundred and thirty-two leagues west of them is the island
of Burney. This island is well-provisioned; and according to what
some Moros, natives of Burney, told me, it belongs to one lord. It
is said that there are a great many pearls of enormous size, even
as large as pigeon's eggs; but my opinion is that all the natives of
that land are great liars, and exaggerate things.

All these islands with more than two hundred and fifty leagues
hereabout, are included in the compact which the sacred Majesty now
in glory made with the most serene king, Don Juan of Portugal. Even
if it were outside of the compact, if your Majesty does not wish to
continue the spice trade, on account of the great expense and the
little profit that it now yields, or will yield in the future, I think
that it would be advisable to withdraw the people from the islands,
as your Majesty can hope to draw no other profit from this land. I
say this as a loyal subject of your Majesty, for it grieves me to
see so much money wasted on a land which can be of no profit whatever.

If your Majesty prefers the spices, I think that it would be better
to break the agreement, since it is for so small an amount, that
three hundred and fifty thousand ducats [71] would be gained in two
ships going from Nueba España to those regions. When this is done,
your Majesty's domains will extend as far as Maluco, according to
what was told me by the Augustinian friar, by name Fray Martin de
Herrada, a native of Navarra, who was prior at the time when I left
the Western Islands. He is a great arithmetician, geometrician, and
astrologer [--one of the very greatest in the world]. He has measured
this, and told me so. He has also written a book on navigation and
the measurement of the earth and the sea, east and west. I believe
that he will send the book by Fray Diego de Herrera, prior of the
aforesaid islands of your Majesty. Then we shall be able to trade in
spices with the whole world; for as I have said before, cloves cannot
be found save in the five islands of Maluco.

I have written all that can be said on this subject; and I say this
because I have seen other accounts both in print and in manuscript,
which depart very much from the truth. In order that your Majesty
may not be deceived, I sign this account with my name.

If your Majesty should desire to know especial details about that land,
I will, at your command, give oral information.

[_Endorsed on Sevilla MS_: "Superb! Excellent! Relation of the route
to the Western Islands." _And in a more modern hand_: "By Captain
Juan de la Ysla. Islands of the West."]




Letter from the Viceroy of New Spain to Felipe II


Royal Catholic Majesty:

On the fifteenth of November there arrived at the port of Acapulco one
of two ships, which sailed from the Philipinas islands on the first
of July. The second, the flagship, entered on the twenty-fourth, for
it was leaking so badly that they succeeded in making port only with
great difficulty. On account of this danger, knowing the nearness of
the land, the flagship had determined to keep off shore, thinking this
course possible because of its better sailing qualities. Ultimately
they availed themselves of the land only for the purpose of taking
aboard water because their supply was failing. They entered harbor
without having lost either any people or any of their cargo. Don Pedro
de Luna, the captain, died of illness two hundred leagues away from
land, as did a few sailors also.

Fray Diego de Herrera had taken passage in one of these vessels. It was
his intention to continue the journey to Spaña to give your Majesty
an account of the wrongs committed in those islands, because of the
lack of justice; and to tell you that the soldiers, inasmuch as they
are unpaid and receive no rations, are being supported at the Indians'
expense, and that on this account many extortions are practiced. The
factor Andres de Mirandaola, Captain Juan Pacheco, and Juan de
Morones, sergeant-major, also came. The factor and sergeant-major
were sent because of certain crimes which they are said to have
committed; however, I do not think that these are very serious. By
these men I have been informed of matters relating to those islands,
and of the nature of the land. They give a very good account thereof,
especially of the island of Luzon, where there are settlements very
thickly inhabited, by both Indians and Moors [Moros], although the
latter must not be thought of as really of that race, but only as
having had the name attached to them. [72] It is not believed that
they are very sincere in the profession of the Mahometan religion,
as many of them both drink wine and eat pork. There are many gold
mines, which are worked similarly to the silver mines here. A few of
some depth were seen there, although the people, naturally indolent,
work them but little--and then only to the extent of their necessities,
when the opportunity of barter is offered them--declaring that whenever
they have any need for the gold, the mines are close by. Fray Diego
de Herrera gave me an account of many other things likewise. I am
sending an abstract of his report today, which has been confirmed by
those who have come from those regions.

Every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is justice;
and without justice there is no safety. He who at the present time
exercises the duties of general is not, I believe, held in much
esteem; for they knew him when he held the inferior position of a
bookseller here. To enter into this subject is very disagreeable to
me, but, as your Majesty's servant, I am obliged to mention this; for
I am convinced that, if this venture is to succeed, as I hope in God
that it will succeed, your Majesty must appoint a man to that office
who will be respected and esteemed, and who possesses the necessary
qualifications both for peace and war. I beg your Majesty not to make
trial, especially in the case of those who are to participate in the
administration of justice, of men from the Indias.

As for the question of helping the Philipinas islands, I have up to
this time adhered to the instructions which your Majesty has ordered
to be given me. Since I came here, I have never failed in any year
to send a ship or ships with reënforcements and munitions; but sea
and land and climate have their effect, and the number of men is
constantly diminished; so that, although people are regularly sent
thither, they are actually but little increased in numbers. The object
and plan which should be pursued in matters yonder I do not know; but,
whatever it may be, people are necessary, for the islands are many. As
for the mainland of China, it is so large a land and so thickly settled
that one of its hundred divisions, according to report, is as big as
half the world itself. It is learned from the Chinese that they admit
strangers only with reluctance to their land. For this reason, more
and better soldiers would be needful than those who could go from this
land, for those born here are but little used to hardship--although it
is also understood that the people of China, in spite of possessing
weapons, horses, and artillery, are but little superior in valor to
the Indians. Commercial relations are now beginning to be established
with the Chinese; but until this is definitely completed the hopes of
the merchants here will not rise, in spite of all I do and contrive
with them to encourage and spur them on; for, to tell the truth, no
certain information comes of a nature to induce them to go. And one
of the difficulties consequent upon this commerce and intercourse is,
that neither from this land nor from España, so far as can now be
learned, can anything be exported thither which they do not already
possess. They have an abundance of silks, and linen likewise, according
to report. Cloths, on account of the heat prevalent in the country,
they neither use nor value. Sugar exists in great abundance. Wax,
drugs, and cotton are super-abundant in the islands, whither the
Chinese go to obtain them by barter. And thus, to make a long matter
short, the commerce with that land must be carried on with silver,
which they value above all other things; and I am uncertain whether
your Majesty will consent to this on account of having to send it to
a foreign kingdom. I beg your Majesty to consider all these matters,
to inform me concerning them, and to give explicit orders to the
person in charge here so that no mistakes may be made.

The management of affairs here is attended with great difficulty,
especially concerning the people who shall go; for it is almost
necessary to force them to go. Also with regard to the ships, which
are taken wherever they can be found. Usually they are miserable
little vessels, which draw but little water, and cost almost as much
in employing them as a ship of six hundred toneladas--necessitating,
as they do, pilot, master, mate, and sailors. Nor is it possible
to get along with less, especially for the different watches,
for otherwise the vessels could not possibly be navigated. And,
inasmuch as it does not appear that the merchants are inclined to
buy and fit out ships with a cargo, I am not sure, if this business
is to go on at your Majesty's expense, whether it would not be wise
to have two ships of about five hundred toneladas constructed; and to
arrange that one of them should not return the same year it went, in
order to have time to collect thoroughly all the articles of barter;
but that it should return the following year, and another ship then
set forth from here. In this way, and in accordance with this plan,
after the first expedition a ship would sail from there every year,
while another would depart hence every year. One of them alone
would be sufficient to contain the people going to those islands,
and keep business progressing and increasing there, since there is
no regular expedition.

These ships bear one hundred and thirty-six marcos of gold for
your Majesty and some few gold jewels and other things, as your
Majesty will order confirmed by this memorandum which the general
sends. Likewise they carry almost two hundred and eighty quintals of
cinnamon, besides some belonging also to individuals, which I have
not seized from them, but have paid them a moderate price for it,
of which a previous account has been given to your Majesty. Since
your Majesty has not had any answer sent me regarding it, I gather
that your Majesty does not desire that this should be done. Likewise
I infer the same with regard to other things to which your Majesty
has had no answer made me. And besides all this, the ships carry
silks of different colors (both damasks and satins), cloth-stuffs,
a little gold, and a lot of cotton mantles, both white and colored;
a quantity of wax, glazed earthenware; and other knick-knacks such
as fans, parasols, desks, and numberless other little manufactured
articles. On account of its being an initial attempt, and because the
merchants' interest in this commerce has not been roused or acquired,
the matter of import and export duty, as I have written your Majesty,
has not yet been settled upon. For the future, however, I will see
that they make payment like the rest.

I do not believe that the cinnamon will prove a success in this
land, for it is very little used, because of the use here of other
spices which grow in these regions. I beg your Majesty to order what
disposition is to be made of the same; and likewise to be pleased to
advise me whether cinnamon imported by individuals shall be allowed
to be brought here.

They say that in an island called Cauchi, not two hundred leagues
from Manilla (where the Spaniards are settled now), there is a
great quantity of pepper, and that the Chinese resort thither for
trade. This seems to be the best site which could be chosen, and to
secure it would obviously be attended with but little difficulty. I
see no other objection in this, other than that I fear the opportunity
for general trade, which is desired there, may not exist; and that
the Chinese will resent being deprived of their trade, which must be
very lucrative to them, or having to depend upon the Spaniards to
carry on the same. But all the ability to remove these obstacles,
and to arrange everything satisfactorily, depends upon the person
whom your Majesty may place there to administer justice, and to see
that no wrongs are done; for in the absence of unjust conditions,
self-interest will attract people.

Your Majesty orders that no Portuguese shall go to the islands; yet
it is understood that some have gone there, and have married Indian
women. Will your Majesty please order whether they shall, on this
account, be allowed to remain; or whether they, together with the
Indian women, shall be sent away?

I had given orders that, when any ship should come from the islands,
it should reconnoiter the coast of China on the way, in order that more
information of the land and its commerce might be obtained. I gave your
Majesty an account of this before the step was taken; and I likewise
enclosed the instructions concerning the procedure, which I thought
should be observed. General Miguel Lopez had ordered that it should
be adhered to; but when he died, it appeared to Guido de Labezarii to
be a dangerous enterprise on account of the coast being unfamiliar
and unknown, as well as a region where our ships might fall in with
Portuguese or other people. This is a fact, but nothing of importance
can be done without danger. Still we shall postpone the carrying
out of this until your Majesty shall arrange matters concerning that
land; and the person who manages affairs there will make all suitable
provision, since he will have more information upon the subject.

As I have already written your Majesty, there is a lack of artillery
here, for those islands take it all--so that I have no artillery
for a ship which I am now despatching, and which was built in the
port of Acapulco; and I shall have to take some of that brought by
the other vessels coming here. In future, will your Majesty kindly
order some to be sent both for an emergency like this, and for these
royal settlements?

Together with this ship, I will endeavor to send one of those that have
arrived here which may be repaired; and in them I wish to send all the
people able to go--a number not in excess of one hundred and eighty
men--and some munitions. The flagship, which is of larger tonnage,
will be repaired and put into shape, for it is in bad condition;
as well as another ship which was to sail thence within twenty
days. Afterward, the vessels will remain, in order that they may
go from here in a year, and take more people with them. Meanwhile,
your Majesty will have time to make such provision as you think best.

The rigging which is bought here is that conveyed by the ships from
España, and is very costly and very inferior in quality; but nothing
else can be done. I beg your Majesty, therefore, to send from yonder
a large quantity of rigging, both small and cable size, for ships of
small tonnage and for larger vessels (provided your Majesty think
it is well to do so). Please have sent also a lot of canvas. Your
Majesty will have to order the officials to make selection of both,
and to see that it is very good; or else let them send to Vilbao
[Bilbao] where they say the best rigging is made, and at the most
reasonable prices. This must come, moreover, with the fleet, if it
is to be utilized by these ships.

The accountant Melchor de Legazpi, on hearing of the death of his
father, wished to go to throw himself at your Majesty's feet, in order
to beg you to remember his father's services, and how he had died in
your royal service; and he had for this purpose sold his property,
and was poor and even not free from debt. However, I prevented him
from going, by telling him to write to your Majesty, and recall his
father's services to your Majesty. Certainly, from the accounts I have
received, his father did perform such services; and I understand that
he was a good man, and served with all possible loyalty.

The boon which his son desires does not lie in those islands, but
must be given by your Majesty in this land, and to the extent that
seems best to you, in order that certain of his sisters, who are of
a marriageable age, may not be left unprovided for. In those islands
he was to have had a repartimiento which they say was a very good
one. This repartimiento possessed a large amount of provisions, and is
called Vitis and Lau. I believe that it was this which General Miguel
Lopez wished your Majesty to grant him and the same thing is desired
by the successor to his office. My opinion is that it would be well to
annex it to the royal crown, in order to supply soldiers and sailors
with provisions from it. Your Majesty could order the accountant
Legazpi to be given such recompense in this land as your Majesty may
be pleased to give him; for by remembering the dead your Majesty will
encourage the living--so that, in addition to the mere duty involved,
they may die for you with the utmost zeal. Whatever your Majesty may
do for him, moreover, I shall consider as a favor done to myself.

As for the procedure which this royal Audiencia is to adopt with the
Inquisition, there is only a mere document which bears no signature;
a copy of which I send which relates thereto. Neither the auditors
nor alcaldes are satisfied with this, and they think that they
should possess more authority than an unsigned paper. Your Majesty
will send whatever orders seem best to you, for there is no other
provision here save the general order which your Majesty gave for
all the Inquisitions.

I am sending your Majesty today copies of some letters which were
Written to me from the islands, in order that your Majesty may have
an account of those regions, up to the departure of these ships. One
is from General Miguel Lopez Legazpe, and another from Guido de
Labezarrii; two from Fray Martin de Rada, and two from Fray Francisco
de Ortego. I am sending also a copy of the list of gold mines of the
islands; the certificate of the villages which have been annexed to
the royal crown; the procedure adopted by the master-of-camp, Martin
de Goyti, in making the treaty with the Indians; the peace made with
Indians of Manilla; the account, given by a Chinese, of the coast of
China, and the picture of the same; a little book which Fray Martin
de Rada sends your Majesty, _de latitudine et longitudine locorum
invenienda_, the memorandum sent by General Guido de Labezarii to
your Majesty; and, finally, the instructions which I had given to
the person who was to go to explore the Chinese coast. I enclose
also the ordinances which your Majesty ordered sent to the officials
of Veracruz with affidavit of delivery; and a copy of the decrees
which Cardinal de Siguenca, inquisitor-general, sent. [73] May our
Lord preserve the royal Catholic person of your Majesty many years,
and grant you the increase of kingdoms and seigniories, as we your
Majesty's servants desire. Mexico, December 5, 1573.

Your Majesty's loyal servant, who kisses your royal hands,

_Don Martin Enriquez_

[_Superscription_: "To His Royal Catholic Majesty, King Philipe our
sovereign, in his Royal Council of the Indies."]




Documents of 1574



	Letter to Felipe II. Andrés de Mirandaola; January 8
	 [74]Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente Hernando
	 Riquel y otros; January 11
	Decrees regarding Manila and Luzon. Felipe II; June 21
	Opinion regarding tribute from the Indians. Martin de Rada;
	June 21
	Reply to Fray Rada's "Opinion." Guido de Lavezaris, and others;
	[June?]
	Two letters to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; July 17 and 30
	Slavery among the natives. Guido de Lavezaris; [July?]



_Sources_: The second of these documents is from a MS. in the
archives at Simancas; the third, from _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_;
the remainder, from the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla.

_Translations_: The second document is translated by José M. Asensio;
the third, by Frederic W. Morrison; the sixth, by Alfonso de Salvio;
the remainder, by Arthur B. Myrick.




Letter from Andres de Mirandaola to Felipe II


11. The [75] mines of which we have been informed, and which have been
seen thus far are those of Masbad, which are good, from the rivers
of which it is said to be taken. Much gold is found in the island
of Vindanao, in the districts of Butuan, Curigao, and Parasao. It
is said that much gold is mined there and that it is the loftiest of
all these islands. In the island of Luzon, where we are at present,
are the following mines and rivers: In Patro there are mines, as
well as in Bondo and Pacorago, and in Malabago, in the district of
Galvan. There are mines likewise in the province of Ylocos, in the
neighborhoods of Balatao, Turrey, Alingay, and Dinglas. These are very
rich mines from which, it is said, much gold is extracted, and that
there are many metals and rivers which have not been examined. On the
other coast there are also mines, which are called those of Paracali,
and a river is near by; from there much fine gold is taken out. In
other parts there are more mines, which will yield a great deal of
gold throughout, if Spaniards operate and work them. [76]

12. The kinds of gold that are found among the natives of the city
and vicinity of Manila are: Bizlin, which is worth two pesos a
tael. The weight of a tael is one and one-eighth ounces. The second
kind is Malubay, and the third is Linguinguin. These are the kinds
of gold with which the natives trade and barter. The Malubay gold
is worth the same as the Bizlin. The Linguinguin gold is worth
four pesos. There is another kind of gold which the Spaniards call
_orejera_ [earring], which is worth five pesos. The Indians call it
_panica_. There is another finer sort of gold which they call _ylapo_
and another which they call _guinuguran_. From what I have heard this
last is the standard, because in assay it is equal to the wrought
gold of Spanish jewelry. All these fine golds in the possession
of the natives are never used by them except for some marriage or
other important affair. For goods for which they trade and barter,
they use Malubay and Bizlin and Linguinguin.

13. And if your Majesty attempt henceforth other and more important
things in this land, it will be necessary to have towns and ports here,
because this land is in the near neighborhood and almost in the midst
of other lands--Japan, China, Jaba, Borney, Malucos, and Nueva Guinea,
so that one can go to any of those regions in a short time. It is
a healthy land of tolerable climate, and it has sufficiently good
harbors where there is abundance of wood and timber, and other things
necessary for the building of ships; and it would cost but little
to bring workmen, sails, and some articles which are not to be had
there. It is also necessary to make a good harbor there, in order
that ships from outside may find anchorage. It is very dangerous for
large and deep vessels to pass among so many islands, with their
shoals and tides. It would therefore be necessary to build there
galleys and light-draught oared vessels, in order to go to those
regions that I mention above, and to carry cargoes which the heavy
vessels would have to carry to this Nueva España; the latter would
not leave any port of those islands which might be settled for this
purpose. They could thus cruise and trade in all places in a very
short time; and the heavy ships would only have to go to the harbor,
to take on their cargoes and return.

14. Of the mainland I will make a report conforming to what I have
heard, and what I have been able to get from the natives of it--both
those who lived in Manila, and those who have traded between the city
of Manila and the mainland, whence come the ships that have visited
the Spanish settlements. From what I have heard, there are, for two
hundred leagues (rather less than more), towns and fortresses ready
for conquest, on the coast whence have come these ships, as far as
Canton. On one river there is a fortress, containing a certain number
of soldiers as a garrison; but their number I could not ascertain from
those people. There are at the mouth of the river a few islets and
shoals. There is another fortress and town, about fourteen leagues
farther up the coast, in a little bay, called Occia. Opposite the
bay are a few islets, which are apparently uninhabited. About ten
leagues farther up the coast there is another river, with a town and
fortress called Sihua. Farther up the coast about twelve leagues there
is another large and very swollen river which from what I have heard
makes a junction with the river of the city of Canton. There is a town
and fortress here called Cincin. It is understood that from that port
sail the ships that come to Manila, and others that go to Vindoro,
Balayan, and Elen. [77] Farther up the coast is a large bay with
many islets at its mouth, one of which is called Amyhu. Within the
bay there is a fort and a town called Aycum. Farther inland there is
a very broad river that leads to Canton; about two leagues up there
is another fort and town called Cionciu, from which ships also come
hither for our trade, because, as I learned from the natives, that
is a large province, and has a great amount of commerce. About ten
leagues farther up the coast there is a broad river with a fort and
a town named Tisciu. Opposite this river there is an island called
La Mao. About fourteen leagues farther is the great river of Canton
where it is said there is a large fort with an ordinary garrison--as
nearly as I could make out, of about six or seven hundred soldiers,
who guard the fort, and their captain and governor, from the city and
province of Canton. Opposite this river are islets where the Portuguese
go to trade, because they are not allowed to enter Canton. [78] The
first of these islets, as one enters the river, is called Tanquian;
and then come the islands where the Portuguese anchor their ships,
where there are neither houses nor anything else; but it serves as
a harbor for their vessels. The place where they are is called the
_quiao_ of Canton. Even as far as Paquin [Peking], which is the city
of the king of China, it is said that one would have to be on the
road a year; and all the route would be found full of cities and
large provinces. Those on the road are Chincheo, Cantun, Hinchiu,
Mimipou, Ouchiu, Yrinari, Sisvan, Conceonau, Nanguin, and Paquin,
where the court and the king reside. There are other provinces, namely
Suchiu, Veou, Histau, Cencay. The last king, who died two years ago,
was named Ontee, and his son who succeeded him is called Tayçii. [79]
The latter has issued a general pardon for all those, who were out
of their native lands, who should return freely to the condition in
which they were during the life of his father; for, before, there was
a law that he who did not return to his country within a year should
be condemned to death, and his goods confiscated for the expenses
of justice. But this new law ordered that the former law would not
be enforced for four years, within which time those who wished to
return to their former conditions might do so freely. Therefore some
of those converted to our holy faith, who were in the city of Manila,
have returned with their wives and children. Father Fray Augustin
de Alburquerque who is charged with the conversion of the Chinese,
wished to go to the mainland this year with these Christians and the
traders who came to the port of Manila. It seemed that there was no
way of getting there--because, as we are told, a law had been passed
that no foreigner whatever might enter the mainland under the penalty
of losing his life; and those who convey them thither should receive
the same punishment. Accordingly, no one dared to take foreigners
thither. The fertility, abundance, riches, and curiosities of die
land need not be related here, on account of the notoriety that,
from the beginning, exists regarding these things. Of all the things
that Europe has, cloth and velvet are the only ones lacking in this
country; in all else it is better supplied--both in food, and in
other particular and interesting articles. In the City of Mexico,
January viii, MD. LXXIIII. Catholic royal Majesty, your Catholic
royal Majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses your Majesty's
royal feet, and commends himself to your royal favor,

_Andres de Mirandaola_




Las Nuevas Quescriven de Las Yslas
del Poniente Hernando
Riquel y Otros


Sienpre e ydo dando avisso delo de por aca y asi Lo haze de Presente
Rrefirendo algunas Cosas delo q asubcedido despues q sCriui y di Razon
enlos Vltimos nauios q llegaron aese rreyno el ano pasado de 1570. y
tocarelo mas Notable dexandolo que no loes para otros autores mas
desoCupados rremitiendome a los capitanes pasajeros y otras personas
q Van en estos nauios.

A 17 de nouj delaño pasado de 1570 partio El s_r_. gouer_or_. Miguel
lopez delegaspi del rrio de panai a cubie y conforme ala orden q
tenia de su mag_d_. poblo vna villa concinq_ta_. v_o_s. a los quales
dio rrepartimi_o_ de yndios con parecer del prouincial fray min de
herrada y del mr_e_, de Campo y capitanes.

ACauada de asentar esta poblon se boluio a panae a donde llego y
estubo hasta q se apresto para la jornada de manila ques e la ysla
de luzon adonde al presente está la prinçipal poblacion y Campo de su
Mag_d_. Partio a diez y seis de abril de mill e qnie_o_ y setenta y vno
segundo dia de pascoa de Resurresion enbarcose e la galera nonbrada La
leona despaña q se aCauo en esta sazon enel Camino se detubo 32 dias
asi llego ala dha poblaçion de manila y antes de llegar a ella como
quatro leguas Vino Vna espia la qual ebiaron los prinçipales atomar
tiento del yntento q se traya y entendido del s_r_. gouer_or_. queera
toda Paz y amistad y q p_a_ tratarlo como Conbiniese y mas a gusto
delos prinçipales y naturales venia en ps_a_. la espia mostro alegrio
particular deentenderse y entonces se declaro como venia auer lo
q esta dho y asi fue muy satisfho y rregalado de su senoria y se
boluio y el gouer_or_ siguio su viaje endemahda del puerto con buen
biento galerno y Como desde la pobl_on_ nos Vieron y no auia llegado
la espia començaron a poner fuego a los Casas el q_l_ llegado fue pte
p_a_ q no pasase adel_te_ ynçendio porque entendiero de la espia como
ybamos de paz y asise aseguraron y dispusieron a benir nos a Reçiuir
al Camino los prinçipales rraxa El viejo y aljandora y el maguno
marlanauay y sale laxa que son los mas prinçipales desta trra el
Raxa soliman por temor delo q hizo el año pasado no Vino en Conp_a_
destos y entendiende el gouernador q poreste temor no Venia ebiole
conestos prinçipales seguro debaxo del qual Vino el dia sigui_e_
sienpre mostraua temor dio disCulpa delo pasado façil y discreta y
en suma dixo estas Razones no tube Culpa enlo q se hizo[?] porque
ya saues que en esta trra no ay rrey ni Caueca sola sino q Cada vno
tiene su parecer y opinion y asisiguen lo q mas gusto les dá Vbo
alg_o_s q pudieron mas q yo pues sin licencia mía rronpieron la paz
y amistad y hizieronme Caer en falta y si esto no fuera asi y por mi
pte y Consejo se hiziera mereçía Pena y si fuera Rey desta trra como
soy solo s_r_. demihazienda nose quebrara la palabro que di p_o_ Como
dependio de muchos yo no pudemas se oy adel_te_ e lo que ami tocare
por mi ps_a_ sugetos y amigos p_o_Curare de q sea cierta la paz y
amistad q se asento aviendo entendido el gouer_or_. el Razonami_to_
conçediole perdon general por lo pasado con Cargo que enlo presente
y futuro Cumpliese lo que prometia y haziendolo asi en n_e_. de su
mag_d_. sele hazia toda mrcd con estos Razones y otras y muchos
rregalos fueron este Raja y todos los demas muy cont_o_s de auer
asen_do_. las pazes y el Campo se alojo trra y abemos hecho Cosa lo
mejor q se pudo y Cada diase Van haziendo.

El dia de Pascoa de Spiritusanto Vinieron a la Costa desta poblaçcion
çiertos moros de la Comarca della con n_s_. de To[?] y tantos naujos
y ebiaron a dezir al gouer_or_. q_e_ Venian a pelear con su gente
rrespondioles q_e_ mirasen bien lo q_e_ dezian porque el no queria
mandarlos matar ni hazer daño sino todo buen aCogimiento y Veçindad
p_a_ q_e_ Con liuertad pudiesen hazer suscontrataçiones y otros
muchos Razones p_o_mesas rregaladas y exortaçiones Xptianas y no
basto antes se ensoberbesieron mas pertinazm_te_. Visto esto m_do_ el
gouer_or_. que elmr_e_. de Campo min. de goyti fuese a ellos el qual
lo hizo con mucha presteza lleuando Consigo la gente que le pareçio
lo qual ebarco en al_o_s de los naujos que auia [?] aComodados'y
dexo[?] orden que le siguiesen los soldados que dexo señalados y llego
al sitio que se senaloe Vnos esteros de mar p_a_ darse la batalla naual
como se hizo y desbarato y rrindio a todos los enemigos con muy poco
daño delos Espanoles con ser los Contrarios mucha gente de guerra y
traer artilleria Visto q_e_ por tan pocos Xptianos fueran Rendidos se
admiraron y puro temor en toda la trra p_a_ que los naturales temen
en mucha figura esta gente y Con este buen subceso estubo alg_o_s
dias quieto este Campo.

Despues desto se trato con ynstancia paz con los naturales desta trra
por buenos medios afixando la q_e_ se auia tratado con los primeros
y alg_o_s q_e_ no auian sido en ella dezian q_e_ no querian paz ni
amistad Con el gouer_or_. ni Con su gente ni verlos ni oyrlos porque
no se les seguia prouecho y por esto vbo demandas y rrespuestas y
vista su pertinaçia fue neces_o_ ebiarles a hallanar y asi se hizo
en diferentes p_tes_ especial a vna prouj_n_ q_e_ tiene mucha gente
nonbrada panpagan comarcana a esta çiudad de manila y a todos seles
hazian rrequerimientos y amonestaçiones q_e_ viniesen a obidiencia de
su mag_d_. y alos que nolo quisieron hazer fue neces_o_ pelear p_a_
rrendirlos y asi se Hizo sin daño notable.

est_Do_ en este est_do_ las Cosas desta trra tubo el gouer_or_. rueba
dela llegada delos dos naujos Santiago y San Ju_n_ q_e_ dio tanto
Cont_o_ como se puede eCarecer y avnque llegaran muy travajados se
rrepararon lo mejor q_e_ ser pudo p_a_ q_e_ hiziesen ttorna viaje
a esa nueua spaña y el mismo Cont_o_ se Reçiuio con el auer llegado
d_n_ p_o_ deluna conel nauio SpirituSanto y asi se despacharon delos
tres los dos El año pasado y pasales tarde hallaron en la mar tpos
contr_o_s y les fue forçado a Ribar y asi saldran aora med_te_. nro
Senor a prinçipio del mes de Julio deste año de 1573.

a los 20. de ag_o_ del ano pasado de 1572. fue nro Señor seruido
de llevar p_a_ si al gouernador miguel lopez de legaspi murio
rrepentinam_te_. aviendosse aquel dia leuantado sano en su scriptorio
se hallo Vna prouj_on_. de su mag_d_. librada por esa rreal avd_a_. en
el tiempo q_e_ tubo en si el gouierno por muerte del vissorrey d_n_
luis de vel_co_ e la q_e_ senalaron subcesores del Cargo de miguel
lopez y al que Pertineçio de presente fue al thes_o_. guido delabasaris
y asi se le entrega el gouierno por el mr_e_. de Campo y offiçiales
de su mag_d_. y por el cavildo dela çiudad y otros offiçiales y todo
està paçifico y e seruiçio de su mag_d_

De Presente Residimos en esta çiudad de manila e la ysla de Luzon
que es lo mejor destos distritos el gouer_or_. pasado y el presente
Repartieron la trra y moradores della q_e_ estan paçificos y asise
yra rrepartiendo lo q_e_ se paçificare ase hecho tasaçion delo q_e_
Cada tributa_o_ a se dar e Vn año que es vna manta de algodon de q_e_
ay mucha abundançia en esta ysla de diez varas de largo y dos de
ancho es rropa de que vsan los naturales p_a_ bestirse delgada asi
mismo an de dar dosa_s_. de arroz y vna gallina entiendese lo daran
sin pesadunbre porla mucha abundançia q_e_ de todo tienen ay mucha
jente, asi se entiende seran alg_o_s muy principales Repartimientos
de mucha Renta.

en esta ysla ay muchas minas de oro y pte dellas sean Visto por
espanoles y dizen que las labran los naturales como en la nueua spaña,
las minas de plata y el metal lleua su veta seguida como la plata an
hecho dello ensayes y aCude atanta rriqueza q_e_ no lo scriuo porq_e_
no entiendan que me a largo el tpo descubrira la verdad.

deste oro Vsan Los naturales y lo mezclan con metal de Cobre tan
sutil m_te_. que enganaran alos diestros artifices despaña.

Anse desCubierto enesta trra muchos grangeros y asi se entiende los
abra y la mejor contr_on_ q_e_ auido ni sea desCubierto en todas
las yndias.

De Vn año a esta pte, binieron al puerto desta çiudad tres naujos
dela china y a las yslas comarcanas otros 5. y los que aqui llegaron
traxeron mr_ca_s. delos q_e_ vsan entre ellos como lo suelen hazer
de ord_o_. ay poco Camino desde esta ysla ala trrafirme tardose en
nauegar Como 8. dias.

Como estos naujos llegaran a la Vista del puerto desde la mar
ebiaron a pedir seguro el gouer_or_. se lo dio y se les hizo muy buen
tratami_to_. traxeron alg_o_s menudencias avnque poca Cantidad porque
los naturales con quien principalm_te_. bienen a Contratar lo q_e_
comunm_te_. Vsan y p_a_ ellos se trae son tinajas grandes y boca basta
hierro Cobre estaño y otras cosas a su modo y p_a_ los prinçipales
alg_o_s pieças de seda y porçelanas finas y esto no delo muy Curioso
p_a_ espanoles traxeron alguna loçafina y otras Cosas lo q_l_ Vendieron
muy bien porque alos que aqui estamos nos sobra dineros y a los chinos
les falta q Vender fueron tan engolosinados q_e_ cierto bolberan de
aqui a 6. o 7. meses y traeran Cosas muy Curiosas y e mucha abundançia.

traxeron muestra de muchos generos de Cosas q_e_ ay e su trra p_a_
entender el precio en que los podran vender como es azogue, polbora
pimienta Canela fina clauo acucar hierro Cobre estaño laton sedas
texidos de muchos suertes y en madexas rrexalgar alCanfor loça
de diferentes suertes rrica naranjas dulçes y otros mill generos y
menud_a_s q_e_ no traen mas los flamencos asi mismo traxeron ymagenes
de crusificos y sellos muy Curiosos en que se asentar a nro modo la
Causa desta Venida demas dela ord_a_ que ellos tienen fue alg_o_s
chinos q_e_ an estado entre nosotros y eran esclauos y se les dio
liuertad y pasaje p_a_ su trra los q_a_les dieron notiçia, desta
poblaçion ala qual podian venir con seguridad y Contratar con liuertad
y Paz a entender esto vinieron Con los naujos y Cosas ya rreferidos.

ase entendido que esta gente son muy delicados e su contrat_on_. traxe
y Costumbres y Cada dia se entendera mas porque ay alg_o_s V_o_s desto
poblaçion q_e_ son naturales dela china de quien se etiende ques trra
muy rrica y poblada y que el rrey tiene muy buena orden de guerra y sus
fronteros muy fortificados con muchos fuerças y artilleria y gente,
de guarniçion y Cuidado enellos dizen que desde la çiudad de Canton
ques Vna delas mas fuertes poblaçiones dela maritima de trrafirme ay
distançia de Camino de Vn año p_a_ llegar a paquin ques donde esta el
Rey esto se entiende por trra costa a Costa y enel Cami_o_ ay muchas
poblaçiones de Ciudades muy populosas pero si su mag_d_. fuese seruido
se podria allanar y Conquistar con menos de 60 españoles buena gente.

Otros menudençias auia de q_e_dar Razon de Xolo se hazer porque se
entenderan delo que van en estos naujos lo mas esençial delas Cosas
desta trra es lo q_e_ tengo rreferido el dia de oy a Cont_o_ enella
porlo mucho q_e_ promete la rr queza y contrataçiones todo sea p_a_
servir a nro s_r_.

Rel_on_ délo q traen los dos nauios q Vinieron delas yslas del
poni_te_ y otros Cosas q_e_ á esto toca q_e_ se ponen p_a_ q_e_
mejor se entienda la Calidad de aquellos prouj_a_s.

448. marcos de oro de diferentes quilates.

712 p_a_s de todas suertes desedas.

312 q_e_s de canela.

22U300 p_a_s de loça fina dorada y de otras suertes.

11U300 m_a_s de algodón q_e_ cada vna vale a 2 p_a_s de oro Comun
y mas.

930 a_s_ de çera q_e_ Cada a_a_ vale 15 p_o_s de oro Comun.

334 a_s_ de hilo de algodon q_e_ Cada a_a_ vale a 17. y 20 p_o_s del
dho oro.

otras muchas Cosas de menudençias traen q_e_ no sea valian por no
entenderselos preçios dellos.

en otro nauio q esta a la Carga, y se espera Cada dia se etiende

Vendra mucha Cantidad de todos las Cosas q_e_ estos dos naujos
traxeron.

Para sus mag_d_s. En Particular ebian deaquellos prouj_a_s. muchos
joyas y Coronas de oro sedas porcelana y tinajas rricas y otras
Cosas muy Primas q_e_ los Prinçipales ebian en reConoçimi_o_ de su
vasallaje y por premiçias deaquella trra de Presento se alistan dos
naujos en que Yran 200 Soldados de socorro enel entre tanto q_e_ se
adreçan mas naujos en que se entiende yra gran Cantidad de gente,
segun a sonado esta bu_a_ nueua la q_l_ se ebia a su mag_d_. por
dos duplicados en diferentes naujos q_e_ nra senor lleue ensaluo,
de mex_o_ xj de henero 1574. a_o_s

[_Endorsed at beginning_: "Rel_on_ De Las nueuas quescriuen delas
yslas del poni_te_ herDo rrequel scriu_o_ degouernaçion dellas y otros
Cuyos Cartas binieron e Vno de dos nauios que partieron del puerto
de manila a primero del mes de Julio de 1573. a_o_s y surgio enel
puerto de Acapulco desta nueua spaña, a 15. de nouj_e_. del dho ano."]

[_Endorsed at end_: "Nuebas Delas yslas phelipp_a_s." _In another
hand_: "anos 1573 y 1574 Noticias de las Yslas del poniente hoy
Filipinas y de la china escritas por Hernando Requel Secretario de
la Gobernacion de ellas, y otros en el año de 1573. enviadas desde
Mexico el año 1574. adonde las dirigio."]




News from the Western Islands by Hernando Riquel and Others


I have always given advices of affairs hereabout, and therefore do so
at the present, referring to some things which have happened since
I last wrote--a letter sent by the last ships which arrived in that
kingdom in the year 1570. I will mention the most notable events,
leaving other and unimportant matters for other writers who may be
less occupied than I; and I refer you to the captains, passengers,
and other persons who go in these ships.

On the seventeenth of November of the year 1570, the governor Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi left the river of Panai for Cubie. [80] According
to the orders given him by his Majesty, he established a town of
fifty inhabitants, to whom he allotted repartimientos of Indians,
[81] with the approbation of the provincial, Fray Martin de Herrada,
and of the master-of-camp and the captains.

After establishing this town [82] he returned to Panae, where, after
his arrival, he remained until he prepared for the expedition to
Manila--a city in the island of Luzon, and at present the principal
settlement and camp of his Majesty. He set out on the sixteenth
of April of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one,
on Easter Monday. They embarked on the galley called "La Leona de
España," completed in that season. On the way, they were detained
thirty-two days before arriving at the said town of Manila. Before
arriving there, and at about four leagues' distance, there came a
spy sent by the chiefs to ascertain the purpose of the Spaniards in
going thither. He was told by the governor that his purpose was one
wholly of peace and friendship; and that, in order to confer about
this more conveniently, and further to please the chiefs and natives,
he was coming in person. The spy appeared greatly pleased at this, and
then it was explained how the governor happened to go there, as has
been said. He was well satisfied thereat, and, having received some
presents from his Lordship, he returned to his people. The governor
continued his voyage toward the port, with a mild and favoring wind. As
the spy had not yet returned, the people of the town, as soon as they
perceived us, commenced to set the houses on fire. As soon as the spy
came, he made them put out the fire, explaining that our purpose was
peaceful. They were thus reassured, and the chiefs--the aged Rraxa
[Raja], Aljandora, Maguno, Marlanavay, and Salelaxa, the principal men
of that land--prepared to come to receive us on the way. Raxa Soliman,
through fear on account of what he did last year, did not accompany
the others. When the governor learned that he did not come because of
fear, he sent him by these chiefs assurance of safety. On the following
day he came, but displayed continual fear. He excused himself for the
past with fluency and adroitness; and, according to the reasons which
he gave, there was no guilt in his actions. "As you already know,
there is no king and no sole authority in this land; but everyone
holds his own view and opinion, and does as he prefers. There were
some persons more powerful than I, for, without license from me, they
violated the peace and friendship, thus obliging me to be guilty of a
lapse of duty. But if it had not been done in this wise, and they had
done it with my approbation and advice, I would merit punishment. If
I were king of this land, instead of being only the master of my own
estate, the word I had given would not have been broken. But as this
depended on the many, I could not, nor can I henceforth, do more than
personally endeavor that my subjects and friends keep the peace and
friendship that was established." When the governor understood the
cause, he granted general pardon for the past, charging that now
and in the future the promises made must be fulfilled. Therefore,
in the name of his Majesty, he granted full grace. Because of these
and other reasons, and by means of many presents, this Raja and all
the other chiefs were satisfied, and peace was well established. A
camp was formed in the land, and we have established a settlement,
as well as we could; and every day more is being accomplished.

On the day of Pentecost there came to the shore of this settlement
certain Moros of the region hereabout, some seventy in number, and
with as many boats; they sent word to the governor that they came
to fight with his troops. He replied that they must consider well
what they were doing, as he was not willing to command that they
be killed, or to inflict any harm upon them. On the contrary, he
offered asylum and right of residence, that they might freely carry
on their traffic. Many other arguments, promises, and presents were
given them, and Christian exhortations made; but to no effect, for
they stubbornly grew more boisterous. At this, the governor commanded
that the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti, should attack them. This the
latter did with exceeding promptness, taking with him such troops as
he chose. They embarked on several of the ships which had been made
ready, leaving orders that the soldiers whom he had designated should
follow him. They proceeded to a place marked by certain estuaries,
to engage the enemy in naval battle. This was done, and the enemy
were completely defeated; and they surrendered after inflicting but
little injury upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the great force of
the enemy, and their many pieces of artillery. When they saw that they
were conquered by so few Christians, they were astonished; and fear was
inspired in all the natives of the country, who hold the Moros in high
estimation. By this success, the country remained quiet for some time.

After this earnest efforts were made to come to friendly terms with the
natives, and they were told of the treatment which had been accorded
to the first ones. Several of those who had not been in this group
declared that they desired no peace or friendship with the governor,
or with his people; nor did they wish even to see or hear them, as
no profit resulted to them thereby. On this account arguments were
given pro and con; and in view of their obstinacy it was necessary to
undertake to subdue them. This was done in many places, especially
in a well-populated province named Panpagan [Pampanga], near this
city of Manila. Demands and admonitions were given to all that they
should render obedience to his Majesty. Those who refused to do so,
it was necessary to fight and subdue, which was accomplished without
much damage.

When the affairs of this country were in this condition, the
governor heard of the arrival of two ships, the "Santiago" and the
"San Juan." This caused universal satisfaction; and although the
ships arrived in a bad condition, they were repaired as well as they
could be, in order to make the return voyage to that Nueva Spaña. The
same pleasure was experienced at the coming of Don Pedro de Luna [83]
in the ship "Spiritu Santo." Of the three ships, two were despatched
last year; but on account of their late departure they experienced
stormy weather on the sea, and were compelled to put into port
again. Accordingly, God willing, they will sail at the beginning of
the month of July of this year, 1573.

On the twentieth of August of the past year, 1572, our Lord was
pleased to call to Himself the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. He
died suddenly, having that day arisen in good health. In his cabinet
a provision of his Majesty was found, issued by that royal Audiencia
during his administration, on account of the death of the viceroy,
Don Luis de Velasco. Therein were designated the successors of Miguel
Lopez; and the office at this time fell to the treasurer, Guido
de Labasaris. The authority was therefore delivered to him by the
master-of-camp, his Majesty's officers, the cabildo of the city, and
other officials. Everything is at peace and at his Majesty's service.

At present we reside in this city of Manila, in this island of
Luzon, which is the most important of these districts. Both the
former and the present governor apportioned the land, and the
inhabitants thereof who were pacified. Thus as the land is subdued,
it will be divided. Taxation is imposed in such a manner that every
tributario must pay annually a piece of cotton cloth, which is very
abundant in these islands. It must be ten [?] varas [84] in length
and two varas wide. It is a thin cloth used by the natives for their
clothing. Moreover, there must also be given two arrobas of rice,
and one hen. It must be understood that this can be levied without
difficulty, as there is an abundance thereof, and everyone possesses
these articles. There are many people, so it is evident that there
will be some very important repartimientos, yielding good profit.

In this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been
inspected by the Spaniards, who say that the natives work them as is
done in Nueva Spaña with the mines of silver; and, as in those mines,
the vein of ore here is continuous. Assays have been made, yielding
so great wealth, that I shall not endeavor to describe them, lest I
be suspected of lying. [85] Time will prove the truth.

The natives use this gold and mix it with copper, so cleverly as to
deceive the best artisans of España.

Many traders have been encountered in this land; so, it is plain,
the country will have them and the best trade which has been or may
be discovered in all the Yndias.

A year ago there came to the port of this city three ships from
China, and to the neighboring islands five more. Those which came
here brought merchandise such as is used among the Chinese, and such
as they bring here ordinarily. The distance from this island to the
mainland is not great, the voyage lasting about eight days.

When those ships came in sight of the port, they sent from the sea to
ask for assurance of safety. The governor granted it, and they were
treated very well. They brought some trifles, although but a small
quantity, as the natives, with whom they come principally to trade,
commonly use, and for them are brought only large earthern jars, common
crockery, iron, copper, tin, and other things of that kind. For the
chiefs, they brought a few pieces of silks and fine porcelain; but
these goods are not especially out of the common. For the Spaniards
they brought some fine ware and other articles, which they readily
sold, since we who are here have plenty of money, and the Chinese need
it. They are so delighted that they will surely return in six or seven
months, and will bring a great abundance of many very rare articles.

They brought specimens of many kinds of goods peculiar to their
country, in order to arrange the price at which they can be sold--such
as quicksilver, powder, pepper, fine cinnamon, cloves, sugar, iron,
copper, tin, brass, silks in textiles of many kinds and in skeins,
realgar, [86] camphor, various kinds of crockery, luscious and sweet
oranges; and a thousand other goods and trifles quite as many as the
Flemings bring. Moreover, they brought images of crucifixes and very
curious seals, made like ours. The cause of this unusual visit is
that freedom, and passage to their own country, were given to some
Chinese who were slaves among us; those people spread the news of
this settlement, where they could come with safety and trade freely;
accordingly they came, with the ships and goods to which we have
already referred.

It must be understood that those people are very peculiar in their
traffic, costume, and customs; every day this is more evident, since
some of the inhabitants of this city are natives of China. From them
it is learned that the land is very rich and thickly populated. The
king is well prepared for war and the frontiers are well fortified
with many forts with artillery and garrisons wherein strict watch
is kept. They say that from the city of Canton, one of the strongest
towns on the coast of the mainland, there is a distance of one year's
travel before arriving at Paquin [Pekin], the residence of the king;
this means from coast to coast of the land. There are many very
populous cities on the way, but if his Majesty would be pleased So
to command, they could be subdued and conquered with less than sixty
good Spanish soldiers.

There are a few other small matters to be mentioned concerning Xolo,
which will be made clear by what is sent in these ships. The matter
most essential to this country is what I have already referred to
today, regarding trade. May the good prospect of riches and traffic
be all to the service of our Lord.

_Relation of what was brought by the two ships which came from the
islands of the West, and other things referring thereto given that
the resources of those provinces may be better understood._ [87]

448 marcos of gold, of different degrees of purity.

712 pieces of all kinds of silks.

312 quintals of cinnamon.

22,300 pieces of fine gilt china, and of other kinds of porcelain ware.

11,300 pieces of cotton cloth, each worth 2 pesos or more of common
gold.

930 arrobas of wax, each arroba worth 15 pesos of common gold.

334 arrobas of cotton thread, each arroba worth 17 to 20 pesos of
said gold.

Many other small articles were brought, the value of which cannot be
given as it is not known.

By another ship which is now being loaded and which we expect every
day, it is understood that there will come a large quantity of all
the goods which these two ships have brought.

For their Majesties individually, are sent from those provinces many
jewels and crowns of gold, with silks, porcelains, rich and large
earthen jars, and other very excellent things which are sent by the
chiefs in token of their allegiance. For the first fruits of that land
two ships are being prepared in which reënforcements of two hundred
soldiers will be sent. In the meantime, more ships are being prepared
in which it is understood that many people will sail. This good news
is forwarded to his Majesty by two duplicates in different ships,
which, may it please our Lord, may arrive in safety. From Mexico,
January xj, 1574.

[_Endorsed at beginning._ "Relation of the news written from the
islands of the West, by Hernando Rrequel, government notary thereof,
and others, whose letters came in one of two ships which left the port
of Manila on the first of the month of July, 1573, and anchored at
the port of Acapulco of this Nueva Spaña on November 15 of said year."]

[_Endorsed at end:_ "News of the Phelippinas Islands." _In another
hand:_ "1573, 1574. Information about the Western (now Filipinas)
Islands and China, written by Hernando Requel, government notary
thereof, and others in the year 1573; sent from Mexico in 1574,
whence he addressed them."]




Two Royal Decrees



Bestowing Titles on Manila and Luzon


Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we have been informed by the council and by the
judicial and executive departments of the city of Manila, in the
island of Luzon of the West, that the citizens and inhabitants of
the said city have served us with much faithfulness and loyalty,
and have endured great hardships; and that, after the said island
was discovered and pacified, and the said city founded therein,
the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (now defunct), in our name,
gave to the latter the title and designation _Ynsigne e siempre
leal Cibdad_, ["Distinguished and ever loyal City"], and to the said
island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_ ["New Kingdom of
Castilla"]; and inasmuch as supplication has been made to us, for
the greater welfare of the said city and the perpetual remembrance
of the services of its citizens, that we order the confirmation
of the said title _Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad de Manila_, and
to the said island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_, and
that it might be our will that they be so designated and named, or
however else might be our pleasure: now therefore, we, after careful
consideration of the above, and of the good and loyal services that
the said city and its citizens have rendered us, do regard favorably
the above supplication; and by the present we do confirm and approve,
to the said city of Manila, the title _Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad_,
given it, in our name, by the said governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi;
and to the said island of Luzon, the said title and appellation _Nuevo
Reyno de Castilla_. And we do consent that the said city of Manila
bear forever the designation and title _Insigne e siempre leal_, and
the said island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_, which we,
by this, our decree, grant as title and appellation, with leave and
permission to be so designated and called as abovesaid, and to place
the same on any or all documents that are drawn up and contracted,
and on all letters that are written. And we do hereby order the same,
under our hand and seal, and with the confirmation of my Council of
the Indies. Given at Madrid on the twenty-first day of June, in the
year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_I The King_

[_Endorsed_: "Registered."]






Granting to Manila the Office of Corredor de Lonxa for the Estates
of the City

Don Felipe by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we are aware of the services which the city of Manila
in the island of Luzon, entitled _el nuevo Reyno de Castilla_ ["the
new Kingdom of Castilla"], and its citizens and inhabitants, have
rendered us; and considering our desire for its honorable increase
and colonization: it is our pleasure to bestow upon the said city of
Manila, as we do, by this  present, the office of _corredor de Lonxa_
[88] thereof, for the estates of the city, for such time, and no more,
as may be our pleasure. And it is our wish that in said office be
vested the jurisdiction and administration of the same according to
and in such manner as our corredores de Lonxa have exercised and do
exercise it, in the cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms
and seigniories, as well as in those of our Indias, islands, and
Tierra-Firme of the Ocean Sea; we will also that there be appointed
for said office of corredor de Lonxa, the person or persons whom the
city may see fit to appoint; and that the said person or persons
through the said appointment, and by virtue of this, our decree,
shall be authorized to enjoy and exercise the said office in all cases
and matters pertaining to it, in such wise as the other corredores de
Lonxa of the other cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms,
and of our aforesaid Indias, enjoy and exercise it. And they shall
enjoy the income and fees annexed and pertaining to the said office,
provided that the income which said persons shall give each year be
for the estates of said city, to be expended and distributed for
the common welfare of the same, and not for any other thing--for
which purpose we direct the present decree to be given, signed by
my hand and countersigned by our secretary. Madrid, June twenty-one,
one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_I The King_

[_Endorsed_: "Registered."]





Opinion of Fray Martin de Rada on Tribute from the Indians


Most Illustrious Lord:

Your Lordship [89] asks me to give, in writing, my opinion of affairs
in this land; and to invent a remedy which shall result more to the
service of God, our Lord, and of his Majesty, and to the security of
the consciences of those who live in this land. I say the same that
I said lately in conversation with your Lordship, when your Lordship
asked me in the autumn whether it would be right that the Indians
should give tribute. I told your Lordship that I had determined to call
an assembly of all the religious that were in this land, so that all
of us in common could discuss the affairs of the country. Until then,
it did not seem to me that any change should be made, except that the
Spaniards should raise tribute by similar methods to those employed
farther down on the coast--namely, a small amount of rice, equivalent
to seventy gantas, [90] and a piece of cloth, for each Indian giving
tribute. Having assented to this--although some religious, and that
rightly, have found fault with the tribute, both in the pulpit and in
the confessional, and in other and private discussions--I waited until
all should come here, and the conference should be called as I desired,
in order that everything might be better reasoned out. Seeing now the
great delay of some, and that we would have to leave this town--some
alone, and others in company--have taken the opinion of all the fathers
who were to be found here. They unanimously affirm that none among
all these islands have come into the power of the Spaniards with just
title. For, although there are many and just causes for making war
on some nations or towns, no governor or captain can do so without
an express mandate for it from his Majesty, excepting only that war
which is waged in defense of their persons and property, others being
unjustly undertaken; since neither in the first instructions that we
received, nor in later ones, has his Majesty ordered us to make war
on the natives of these islands. Rather did he order the contrary,
in a letter that Juan de la Isla brought from his Majesty, written
from the Escorial to the governor (who is now in glory), and which I
saw. That letter declared that any conquest made in these islands by
force of arms, would be unjust, even if there were cause for doing
so. All the more unjust are these conquests that in none, or almost
none, of them has there been any cause. For as your Lordship knows,
we have gone everywhere with the mailed hand; and we have required the
people to be friends, and then to give us tribute. At times war has
been declared against them, because they did not give as much as was
demanded. And if they would not give tribute, but defended themselves,
then they have been attacked, and war has been carried on with fire
and sword; and even on some occasions, after the people have been
killed and destroyed, and their village taken, the Spaniards have
sent men to summon them to make peace. And when the Indians, in order
not to be destroyed, came to say that they would like to be friends,
the Spaniards have immediately asked them for tribute, as they have
done but recently in all the villages of Los Camarines. [91] And
wherever the Indians, through fear of the Spaniards, have left their
houses and fled to the mountains, our people have burned the houses
or inflicted other great injuries. I omit mention of the villages
that are robbed without awaiting peace, or those assaulted in the
night-time. Pretexts have been seized to subjugate all these villages,
and levy tribute on them, to such amount as can be secured. With what
conscience has a future tribute been asked from them, before they
knew us, or before they have received any benefit from us? With what
right have three extortions, of large amounts of gold, been made on
the Ylocos, without holding any other communication or intercourse
with them, beyond going there, and demanding gold of them, and
then returning? And I say the same of Los Camarines and of Acuyo,
and the other villages that are somewhat separated from the Spanish
settlements. In all this is it not clear that tribute is unjustly
raised? Likewise he who sends them for it or orders it, as also the
captain in the first place, next the soldiers and those taking part
in it, and those who advise it; and those who, being able to, do not
prevent it; and those who, being able to make restitution, do not do
so--all these together, and each person individually, are entirely
responsible for all injury. And it is the same in the villages in
the neighborhood of the Spanish settlements; because, although they
may have some religious instruction, and under the shelter of the
Spanish are safe from their enemies, and some injuries which have
been done them have been redressed, they do not fail to receive great
molestation and injury through the continual presence of the Spaniards,
and never-ending embarcations. Finally, they were free, and, to speak
openly, not reduced to vassalage. And when base and foundation fail,
all that is built thereon is defective--all the more as the Indians are
not protected from their enemies, nor maintained in justice, as they
should be. Many piracies go on as before, and those most thoroughly
subdued suffer the worst, because, being robbed by others who are not
so subject, they are given neither any satisfaction nor allowed to
secure it for themselves. And there is not sufficient reason for his
Majesty to have ordered that the land shall be allotted and divided
into encomiendas; because his Majesty was ill informed, as appears
by his own letter, since he had been assured that, without any war,
they had of their own accord become his Majesty's vassals. Therefore it
seems to have been entirely against his Majesty's will. If at any time
we have been of opinion that the land should be allotted, as indeed
it now seems to us, or likewise if the land is to be maintained, it
was and is to avoid greater injury and robberies, which are committed
without any remedy, when there are no repartimientos. Therefore, only
one thing now works injury. We are trying to render the land orderly,
and not turbulent as it was before, when no one knew anything about
it. Even now some of the Spaniards treat the natives very ill. More
than all, the tribute which is now raised (three maez [mace] for each
Indian) is excessive, in our opinion, considering what we saw from the
beginning among them and our intercourse with them, and our knowledge
of their labors, and of the tools with which they cultivate the ground,
and their great difficulty in supporting themselves--for they even
live a part of the year on roots; and the common people can scarcely
obtain a robe with which to clothe themselves. Whence it happens that,
at the time of collecting the tribute, some of them demolish their
houses--which at the least would be worth as much as the tribute
itself, if they should be sold--and go into hiding, in order not to
pay the tribute. They say that afterward they will return to build,
with the labor of a month or two, another house. From others it is
necessary to demand the tribute with arquebuses and other weapons, and
men, in order to make them give it; and most of them it is necessary
to imprison to make them provide the tribute. Therefore most of the
owners of encomiendas maintain stocks, in which they keep as prisoners
the chiefs or _timaguas_ [freemen] who do not supply the amount of
the tribute from their slaves when they themselves cannot obtain it
from the latter. Thus, considering all this and other inconveniences,
that, in order not to go into greater details, I do not set down,
it was the opinion of the majority of the fathers, that--even if the
whole affair were justified, and the Indians maintained in peace,
justice, and religious instruction--for the present, and until the
Indians have other opportunities, and other and better tools to
cultivate the land, and until the land is more fertile, all that
is taken from each Indian, in general, above the value of one maez,
in food and raiment, is cruelty, and oppresses them too heavily.

Your Lordship should consider that in Nueva España, the Indians at
first gave nothing but food (then worth a great deal) and service. And
all times are not alike, for now they can give little, but in course
of time, the earth growing more fertile, they can give more; so that
what is collected of all this that the Indians now, in strict justice,
do not owe, and that which until now has been raised, has been unjustly
raised, on account of the evil way in which these Indians have been
conquered, and because his Majesty's orders regarding them have not
been obeyed.

And because your Lordship asks my opinion as to what ought to be
done, I say that, considering that the land is already subjugated and
divided into repartimientos--and for many reasons which, in order not
to be prolix, I omit--there is no reason to abandon it, since it is
very necessary that those who reside here should be supported. Your
Lordship ought, in the opinion of the majority of the captains, to send
his Majesty a true, simple, and clear report, without dissimulations,
of the methods that have been adopted in all this conquest; and of its
present condition, and the methods adopted in collecting the tributes,
so that his Majesty, as a thorough Christian, may decree what is to
be done in the matter. In the meanwhile, the least amount of tribute
possible should be taken for the support of all, considering that it
is not owed; and those who have repartimientos should support those
who have not. It seems to me that if the tributes should be regulated
to the one maez of food and raiment for each Indian, which I spoke
of above, there will be sufficient for both classes if our people aid
themselves with other profits that may be obtained. In order that this
may be collected with some tribute, your Lordship should in every way
try to protect these natives, and to do them justice; and to abolish
abuses and punish pirates, etc. We on our part, shall do what we can
to aid them, instructing them in our holy faith. Since this is my
opinion I sign it with my name. Done at San Pablo of Manila, on the
twenty-first of June, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_Fray Martin de Rrada_

[_Endorsed_: "These opinions are to be kept on file, in order that
they may be passed upon by the Council."]




Reply to Fray Rada's Opinion


Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Replying to the opinion that was given by the father provincial, Fray
Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine, on affairs in this land,
and on the raising of tribute from its natives, we confess that it was
zealously done, in the service of God, our Lord, and for the security
of our consciences. In this estimation we hold and repute him. But,
as sometimes the very wise are misled--now through too great zeal, and
again by their ignorance of some things, which if they had understood
fully, they would not have been misled--we shall not fail to point
out in the "Opinion," certain things which we consider harsh, harmful
to this whole community, and very prejudicial to the development
of this land. Taking up the principal point to be answered in the
"Opinion"--namely,  that his Majesty was ill informed of the affairs
of this land, as thus appears by his letter which Captain Juan de
la Ysla brought, we affirm that it is very erroneous. For what his
Majesty says in his letter is the same of which report was made before
he wrote it, and the same which was occurring when the report was
made of the affairs of this land, and so to say, more clear, public,
and notorious--namely, that the governor (who is now in glory), when
he entered this land, entered it in peace, inviting to his friendship
all the natives. Thus in the island of Ybabao which was the first of
these Filipinas islands of which possession was taken, Indians came
to the ships from the shore, who made friends and rendered obedience
to his Majesty. These came of their own will, to make friends, and at
the first, before any bartering of food and other small articles was
made, and without anything of their possessions being asked. The same
was done on the river Calayan, where were Captain Andres de Ybarra
and father Fray Diego de Herrera. Peace was made, and nothing was
asked or taken from them; and they remained friends. And although
in the island of Ybabao certain Indians treacherously killed there
Francisco Gomez and another Spaniard, no war was made upon them for
that reason. Rather the governor was always calling for peace from
all the natives of the islands where he went, without making war
on anyone. So in Bohol the chiefs gave their obedience, and came to
the ships of their own will. From that place a contingent was sent
to Butuan to make friends with the chief. Captain Juan de la Ysla
and that same father provincial went there and made friends with
Limanpao, lord of Butuan. From there they went to Cubu, where they
summoned and from the small boats invited the natives to make peace,
proclaiming for two or three days the summons, until those natives
shot arrows from the shore at those in the boats, who were continuing
to summon them peaceably to make peace. Therefore father Fray Andres
de Urdaneta, he who was calling upon them for peace, made a harangue
to the people, saying that they were apostates, and that war could be
made against them legitimately. The governor disembarked there, with
the opposition of the natives. After having planted a colony there,
many Indians of the neighborhood, and even those of Cubu, came in peace
to render him obedience. Thus a true report was made to his Majesty,
for many Indians became friendly in these islands and made submission
without war being waged upon them. Nor would it have been made against
any others, without first quietly and pacifically calling for peace,
making much of them, and giving them clothes, articles of barter,
food, and other small articles, which they asked for. If afterward any
occasion arose for making war for the pacification of the friendly
Indians who were disturbed by the others who were not friendly,
it cannot be said on that account that a false report was made to
his Majesty; for whatever was going on in the land at our arrival
there has been written to him, and true reports of what has happened
have always been sent him. Therefore, by the above, it is clear and
manifest that true and faithful reports have been made to his Majesty.

The "Opinion" says further that no land among all these islands has
come with a just title into the power of the Spaniards. To this we
have only to reply that we came to these districts by his Majesty's
order, and therefore are here, obeying his royal mandate; and, as
we are not lawyers, we shall cease discussing the justice, title,
or cause that his Majesty has or can have in these islands. In what
concerns the robberies and injuries that have been committed (if any
have been) in this land, the natives have given the occasion for it,
some of them being traitors and breaking the peace, as they have
broken it at different times, especially in this city of Manila. The
master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, having come hither the first time and
entered in peace, and having made and ratified it with the rajas of
Manila, without the Spaniards on their part giving them any occasion,
the natives tried to kill the latter, discharging at them five or
six pieces of artillery, the greater part of which hit the junk on
which was the said master-of-camp. Thus the Spaniards were forced
in self-defense to fight and enter the city, as it was entered. And,
if the city was burned, it was for the security of the few Spaniards
who had entered it, that the natives might not attack them among
houses closely joined together. The same natives confessed that they
themselves had begun the war. Further, as for assaulting villages
at night, this has been done in the case of rebellious villages that
defied the Spaniards. It was necessary for the security of our friends
to break and crush their pride, to avoid greater evil. If some have
gone to excess in this matter, it is the individual excess which casts
blame on the community in general, because the instructions that the
governors have given and do give, whenever any expedition is made,
are Christian in tone, and quite in conformity with those which they
have from his Majesty. If sometimes the commanders have inflicted
injury or waged any war, it is because the malice of the natives is
so great, that wherever they sally out in war, with their ambuscades
and other treacheries they provoke the Spaniards to self-defense. If
the latter go with the mailed hand, it is for the security of their
own persons; for, if they were unarmed and unprepared, the natives
would kill them--as they have done to many Spaniards whom they have
caught astray and alone, killing them and practicing great cruelties
upon them. Therefore it is necessary to go everywhere with weapons in
hand, for the security of the Spaniards; for there is so little justice
and reason among these natives, and they never obey one another, or
have lords or headmen among them, but all sorts of disorders, clans,
and factions. Before the Spaniards came hither, the natives killed
one another in their own villages for very slight causes. Wherefore
it is clear that wherever the Spaniards go, they must go ready and
prepared to defend themselves, as they are but few among many infidels,
and loyal among traitors. Therefore it is a perfectly good argument
to say that wherever they go they go with weapons in hand. As to
the matter of maintaining the natives in peace and justice, it is
a just one. Therefore we try in every way to protect those who are
friendly to us. Those who are in the neighborhood of the Spaniards
are very well protected and defended--not only from their enemies, who
aforetime were wont to make war on them, but even from their servants
and the members of their households, who among them were wont to kill,
punish, and enslave one another, a thing not done now. And if this is
done in any remote district, it is in places in which, on account of
their remoteness, no remedy can be had from the Spaniards. Thus it is
of great use and profit that the Spaniards have come to the natives
hereabout, on account of the security that they have from one another,
and because they have free recourse to their trade and interests
without being hindered or robbed by any one. They were not accustomed
to this security before the Spaniards came hither, because it is a
thing publicly known and notorious that even in their own houses they
were captured and robbed. They were not free to go fishing on the sea
without being captured. Now not only are they safe in their houses,
but they go safely to different places, without any harm being done
them. If there are piracies, they are very far from this town and
in places where the Spaniards do not go. It is a very ancient custom
that the natives had among themselves, of capturing, robbing, killing,
and imprisoning one another. Now there are few injuries committed, in
comparison with what used to be committed before the Spaniards came
here. Every day there will be fewer, because we are ever striving
to take and punish such pirates, as today there were some taken in
this town. In regard to the tribute that has been raised, and the
amount of tribute in gold that is collected from Los Ylocos and Los
Camarines, without giving them any greater benefit than going there
and collecting the tribute, it is a matter clearly to be understood,
that, for the support of those who live in this land, it is quite
necessary that the natives assist with tribute as they do in the
other part of the Indies. They are not considered friends, nor do they
have any security, without first having paid the tribute--which is,
in proportion to their condition and wealth, very little; and which
they are willing to give gladly and without compulsion. In each
island, district, and village, the natives give what they please,
for in some places they give provisions, and in others wax, cloth,
and other things which they obtain from their harvests. To them
it is little, and almost nothing, because they have those things
abundantly. If gold has been collected from the Ylocos and the
Camarines, it is because the land is very rich in mines, and because
they have great quantities of gold. Cloth and provisions are worth
more to them than in other districts, and so the natives would rather
give the tribute in gold, of which they have an abundance, than in
cloth and provisions, which they lack. If up to this time the said
districts and villages have not been settled, it is on account of
having so few men in the land and because it is not possible to
do anything else. Moreover, Captain Juan de Salcedo has already
settled in Los Ylocos, has built a village there, and has a cleric
to instruct them in the tenets of our holy Catholic faith; and he
made a settlement in Los Camarines shortly after they were pacified
and discovered. Although we have not gained a complete knowledge of
the nature of the land and settling it, because Spaniards are going
about everywhere still, exploring and making an end of pacifying
it. When there is any possibility of settling it, that will be done,
as has been done in the other districts where the natives have made
and are making peace.

As regards the excessive tribute which in the "Opinion" is said to
have been collected from the natives, to generalize from individual
cases is to confuse the whole matter. We say this because a great
part of this country is taxed differently in different places, and
the natives vary in wealth. In some parts they are rich, in others
farmers, in others merchants, in others miners; and, again, in others
they live by robbery and assault. So the late governor taxed this bay
of Manila and its vicinity--being informed of, and having seen with
his own eyes, the quality and fertility of the land, and the wealth of
its natives--two fanégas each of unwinnowed rice for a year's tribute,
and a piece of colored cloth of two varas in length and one in breadth;
and, in default of this, three maes of gold--in gold, or in produce,
as they prefer. This said tribute is so moderate, that with six silver
reals, which an Indian gives to his encomendero each year, he pays
his tribute entirely. A maes of gold is commonly worth two reals, and,
when gold is worth more, the maes is worth two reals and a half; so,
even at that, it is not half the tribute that the Indians pay in Nueva
España. The Moros pay this tribute of three maes as being more wealthy
people, and because they are excellent farmers and traders. They are
so rich that, if they would labor and trade for four days, they would
gain enough to work off the tribute for a year. They have various
sources of gain and profit; and so they have an abundance of rich
jewels and trinkets of gold, which they wear on their persons. There
are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten or twelve
thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels--to say nothing of the
lands, slaves, and mines that they own. There are so many of these
chiefs that they are innumerable. Likewise the individual subjects
of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold,
which they wear on their persons--bracelets, chains, and earrings
of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. These
are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen
have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden
trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely. To say, then, that
the Indians are so wretched that they live on roots during part of
the year, and in some places are accustomed to support themselves for
a certain part of the year on sweet potatoes, sago bread, and other
vegetables they find, is wrong. It is not so in all districts, but
only in some of the Pintados [92] islands; nor is this through any
lack of prosperity, but because they are vicious, and eat all sorts
of food. They are so lazy that they will not go four leagues out
of their villages to buy rice, but spend their time in drunkenness,
idolatries, and feastings. As they get along also with those eatables
until they harvest their rice, they do not miss it; because they are
a people who, when any of their relations die, will, as mourning,
willingly go without eating rice for four or six months, or even a
year. They live on other foods and grains that they possess, and in
many parts of the Pintados they live a part of the year on borona,
millet, beans, fish, swine, and fowl, and many kinds of wine. Not for
that reason do they fail to be rich and have golden jewels, slaves,
lands, and gardens. The Pintados are not as rich as the natives of
this island of Luzon (who are called Moros), because they are not as
capable in labor and agriculture. So they are taxed to a less amount,
each Indian being taxed for a fanéga and a half of unwinnowed rice,
and a piece of cloth, white or colored, woven from a plant. [93]
In other districts they have other tax-rates, each suitable to their
prosperity. Up to this time the natives have not been injured, nor are
they now injured, by paying the tribute which is imposed upon them,
because it is so moderate that they can pay it without any labor. For
by breeding four fowls under their houses every year (which can be
done without any cost), they can pay their tribute, over and above
which they have many advantages and profits. Now more than ever, with
the stay of the Spaniards in these regions, they have established and
increased their trade, and they continue to increase it every day. The
"Opinion" states that the encomenderos can be supported with the one
maes that each Indian gives every year. It is very certain that no
one can be supported on so small a tribute, because there are many
encomenderos who cannot be supported on a tribute of three maes,
and they live in great poverty, through having so few Indians. One of
these encomenderos has for his share less than three hundred Indians,
and many five and six hundred, and as very few have over a thousand,
especially are they in need where goods are so dear and gold is valued
so slightly. A pair of shoes is worth a half-tael of gold, which
would be the tribute of eight Indians. A shirt is worth six pesos,
and so on; all other Castilian articles are worth double their price
in Nueva España. Then, if the Indians here should pay every year
two reals (the equivalent of one maez) as tribute, one could not
live here by any means, especially since the natives are so rich,
and have so many profits and sources of gain, and are more rich
in lands than those of Nueva España. They have a great deal of
cloth with which to clothe themselves; many silken fabrics worked
with gold, greatly esteemed and of high value; many porcelains and
fine earthenware jars; lances, daggers, bells, and vases; and many
adornments for their persons, of which they make use. They also
have great quantities of provisions, which they gather every year
from their irrigated lands; palm wine, and wine of the nipa palm,
which they collect ordinarily every day during the whole year and
many other wines, made from rice or cane--to say nothing of the great
profits they make from wax and gold, which are ordinarily produced
in all the islands. There is a great deal of cotton, which they work
and spin, and make into fine cloths; these are very valuable to the
Indians in their trade. The Chinese bring them many silks, porcelains,
and perfumes; with iron and other articles, from which they make great
profits. For all this and many other reasons and causes, which are well
known everywhere, the said natives can pay the tribute which is imposed
upon them, and much more, without any difficulty. If some natives in
some of the villages decamp in order to avoid paying the tribute,
as is stated in the "Opinion," it is not on account of any lack of
means, but because the natives are spirited, and make it a point of
honor to pay the tribute only when forced. They like to be compelled
to do so. This is not the case with all of them, but only with some
who, after debaucheries and guzzling of wine, come to the Spaniards,
and say that they have nothing wherewith to pay the tribute. This is
not true of whole villages, but of certain individuals, who, as they
seldom obey their chiefs, do whatever wine incites them to. All this
is no reason to detract from the prosperity and riches of the natives;
for if some Indians go without robes and loin-cloths, they must be
slaves and laborers--not because they lack cloth, since it costs them
so little to make a robe that there is no one who cares to work who
has not one; and not only robes, but many other valuables. For all
these causes and reasons, then, although the "Opinion" of the father
provincial and the other religious has been given with good and holy
zeal, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly harmful to the augmentation
and settlement of this land, and the perpetuation of the Spanish
rule therein. To the natives themselves it is pernicious; because,
if they do not pay tribute to the Spaniards, the latter have to
take from them their provisions and such things as they possess, in
order to support themselves--as was done before the land was divided
into repartimientos, and before the natives paid tribute. It is,
therefore, most useful and profitable for the natives to pay tribute,
by which the said Spaniards can be supported comfortably, and without
vexation to them; and if the tribute is too small and the Spaniards
can not be supported on it, it will come to the point of taking away
their property on the sea, as was done before the land was divided
into repartimientos, but does not happen now. On the contrary the
natives are all very secure and quiet, and come and go to trade,
and are altogether much profited and enriched by the repartimiento.


_Guido de Lavezaris_.
_Juan Maldonado_.
_Martin de Goiti_.
_Andres Cabchela_.
_Luis de la Haya_.
_Salvador de Aldave_.
_Joan de la Ysla_.
_Amador de Arriaran_.
The licentiate _Chacon_.
_Gabriel de Rribera_.


In my presence,

_Fernando Riquel_




Two Letters from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II


Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the past year of seventy-three, I sent to your Majesty, by two
ships despatched to the kingdoms of Nueva España, a written account of
what had occurred in these regions until that time. A few days after
the departure of these two ships, I despatched another one, which had
taken more time in its preparations. The last-named vessel followed a
different course from the others, and put into a harbor again, after
having sailed all around this island of Luçon, on account of the bad
weather with which it met. The ship has been detained until now in
order to repair it, and to make all the necessary preparations. We
are waiting every day for the arrival of the ships from Nueva España,
for it is already time that they should arrive; but, in order that the
vendavales may not prevent the navigation of this ship, we shall not
detain it here until the others arrive--although it would have been
much better for the service of your Majesty to receive an explanation
of matters regarding which an answer was expected.

With the service of God and that of your Majesty in mind, as soon
as the ships left for Nueva España, I despatched Captain Juan de
Salcedo in July, seventy-three, with one hundred and twenty soldiers
in vessels like those used by these natives, to win over and conquer
Bicor River and the province of Los Camarines, on the east side of
this island of Luçon. He brought under the dominion and obedience
of your Majesty all that region, with about twenty thousand of
its natives, with as little injury as possible. Some villages paid
their tribute in gold. They have abundant stores of food, and possess
goldmines. The people are the most valiant yet found in these regions;
they possess much good armor--as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets,
gauntlets, and helmets--and  some arquebuses and culverins. They are
the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold that we have
seen in this land. Almost all the people of Los Camarines pursue this
handicraft. Close upon the province of Los Camarines and Bicor River
are the mines of Paracali. As soon as the ships arrive, I shall try to
effect a settlement near those mines with the people that may come,
for I consider it a matter of importance for the service of your
Majesty; and I shall continue the apportionment of the discovered
and peaceful district of that region.

In July of the past year, seventy-three, a ship despatched by the
viceroy Don Martin Enriquez arrived at these islands from Nueva
España. It brought us news which caused great joy and satisfaction in
this camp of your Majesty. We learned that God had granted the Queen,
our lady, the delivery of a prince, [94] so much desired by all,
and that her Majesty is enjoying the good health so needful. Our
Lord was pleased to grant us such a marked favor, and we beseech
Him to preserve your Majesty, the Queen our lady, and his Highness
many years for us; for only thus shall we not fear any adversity,
nor can we desire greater things in this new world.

In order that we might better celebrate this news, we heard at the
same time of the victory won by the most serene [95] of Austria over
the fleet of the Turk, a victory which has proved as great and signal
as we expected from the zeal of his Holiness and from your Majesty;
for God having seen that both had taken His honor so at heart, has been
pleased to show part of His strength, so that in a single day He has
made your Majesty master of the sea. Considering the great Catholic
zeal of your Majesty, God will be pleased also to make your Majesty
master of the land in which His holy faith is exalted, and afterward
He will grant you a share in heaven, as one employed in matters so
holy deserves. I pray that God may preserve your Majesty and so great
a brother many years for the welfare and prosperity of Christianity.

On account of the necessity of visiting the islands of Cubu, Panae, and
others near by, and for the arrangement of matters therein necessary
for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation of those natives,
I went there in the month of November, of last year, seventy-three,
and found that the town of Nombre de Jhesus in the island of Cubu was
almost deserted, and that its inhabitants were roaming about in the
neighboring islands. I ordered them to assemble and resettle the said
town; and since in doing so they would be poor and needy, I gave and
distributed among them in the name of your Majesty all that was near
at hand. Then I visited all the other towns until I reduced all things
to the order and arrangement necessary, and left the natives quiet
and reconciled. It took me four months to accomplish this so that I
returned to the city of Manila in the month of March of this year.

As I considered the friendship of the king of Borney an important
matter for the service of your Majesty, I sent to him a Moro, a native
of this island, as messenger, with certificates of security so that
his people may freely come to these islands to trade, as they were
accustomed to do. For the friendship of this king and the commerce will
open us a way for the establishment of a community and the erection of
a fort in that island; and if people come [hither from Nueva España]
it will be necessary for me to go or to send others to settle that
island, for the service of your Majesty requires it.

The lord and chief of Bindanao River [96] has also notified me,
through letters, that he wishes to be our friend and your Majesty's
vassal. This is also an important matter, for the place is suitably
situated for your royal service. That river is the most important
one in the island and the latter receives its name from it. If I
have the opportunity I shall send men there; and, if convenient,
we shall make a settlement there.

In case I have people and ships enough, I intend to send men to
discover the islands of Lequios [Liu-Kiu] on this side of Japan. This
will be of much importance to the service of your Majesty.

Inasmuch as this island of Lucon is so large, and as, for the
preservation of the natives, we need some settlements of Spaniards
to protect and defend them, and teach them our holy Catholic faith,
it seemed best to send Captain Juan de Salcedo with seventy or eighty
soldiers to people the coast of Los Ylocos, on the shores of a river
called Bigan. There I ordered him to found the town of Fernandina
in memory of the prince, our master [97] (may he live many happy
years); and I continued to apportion, in the name of your Majesty,
all that had been discovered and won over thereabout, reserving for
your Majesty what had been ordered me through your royal decree.

The Chinese, in view of the kind treatment that they have always
received and do receive at our hands, continue to increase their
commerce each year, and supply us with many articles as sugar, wheat,
and barley flour, nuts, raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice
porcelains and iron; and other small things which we lacked in this
land before their arrival. This year they gave me a drawing of the
coast of China, made by themselves, which I am sending to your Majesty.

There is great need in these regions of Franciscan, Dominican, and
Theatin religious, and of some ecclesiastics, for the conversion of
the natives. The Theatins are much and especially needed; for, as
an eyewitness, I know the great results that they have obtained in
Yndia. With the coming of more people, it will be necessary to found
a few Spanish settlements in this island of Lucon, which is large, and
in other islands; for already these natives are being baptized daily,
and are embracing our holy faith and religion. They are very quiet and
reconciled, and will be more so when many religious of the said orders
have arrived; for at present we have only ten Augustinian religious
here, and they are not sufficient for the great labor demanded of
them. I repeat that the service of your Majesty requires the presence
here of Franciscan religious and of some Theatins.

This year we have brought from the island of Bindanao three hundred
quintals of cinnamon for your Majesty. This ship, being small, will
carry no more than eighty quintals, so that we have here three hundred
and fifty quintals more to send in the ships which may come later.

I am also sending to Nueva España cinnamon plants, and pepper plants
of the round and large variety; also roots taken from Chinese stock,
so that they may be raise here for your Majesty.

I am sending a bundle of cinnamon branches with leaves, and three
flasks of cinnamon water, for her Majesty the Queen, our lady.

Last year I sent to your Majesty in this ship a cup and fourteen
earrings of gold. Now I do the same, and add four daggers of the kind
used by these natives.

For his Highness the prince our master, I am sending a crown, two
gold chains, and two daggers. Not considering the objects themselves,
or the person who sends them, may your Majesty accept them as articles
sent from regions so far away, with the desire of serving your Majesty.

For the good management of your royal exchequer, we need two men to
fill the offices of treasurer and of factor. These offices are vacant
at present; for while the governor Miguel Lopez lived I served as
treasurer, but at his death I succeeded him in his charge, and sent
the factor under arrest to Nueva España for certain charges made
against him. Your Majesty will also see that we are supplied with an
attorney-general, for we are in much need of one.

Juan de Ledesma and Valmaseda, your Majesty's secretaries, sent to
this your camp three of your royal decrees, in which we are ordered
not to fill again the office of purveyor-general or any other office in
these islands; and that from the gold, silver, and jewels discovered,
the royal fifths shall be taken. [98] This will be heeded and carried
out according to the orders of your Majesty. I am also ordered to
send a report concerning the slaves of these islands, how and for
what reasons they are enslaved; and also concerning the Augustinian
religious who are here. In fulfilment of the latter command, I say that
at present there are only ten religious of the said order in these
islands. As to the slaves, I am sending to the members of your Royal
Council of the Indies the report which your Majesty orders me to make,
and in which I explain the conditions and causes of their slavery. [99]

We do not notify your Majesty of the many details which arise here,
because we have reported, and do report all to your viceroy of Nueva
España, who attends to your royal service in all that we need here with
much diligence and promptness, so that nothing has been overlooked.

Since we came to this settlement of the city of Manila, the religious
who reside in these islands have shown so much scruple in regard to
collecting tribute from reconciled and apportioned communities that
some of them have several times affirmed in the pulpit that one could
not conscientiously levy tribute, and have made other assertions
at which all have been grieved. Since this idea is being stirred up
now more than ever, I asked the provincial of the order to give me
his opinion concerning the matter in writing. He did so, and gave me
an opinion which, although prompted by holy zeal and commendable in
certain respects, is nevertheless severe; and, if it should be heeded,
this land could not be maintained. To anticipate the religious who
might notify your Majesty, or send copy of the said "Opinion," and
to keep your Majesty informed of the truth, a reply to the "Opinion"
was drawn with the consent of the master-of-camp, captains, and other
prominent persons. The contents of the reply will be verified and
proved by many Spanish and native witnesses; accordingly, may your
Majesty, together with the members of your royal Council, be pleased
to provide what is most necessary for the service of your Majesty.

While this ship was on the point of departure, one of two ships
which your viceroy Don Martin Enrriquez despatched from Nueva España
arrived here, on the fifth of the present month. Through these ships
he sends one hundred and fifty soldiers, some married men, and three
Augustinian religious. The other ship has not yet arrived. This camp
of your Majesty was much pleased at the news of the birth of the new
infante. May he rejoice your Majesty for many years.

The officials of your royal exchequer who reside in Mexico write that
they are not empowered by your Majesty to provide this camp with some
very necessary supplies which were asked from them for this land. May
your Majesty be pleased to exercise your accustomed magnanimity, and
order them to provide us with what is necessary for your Majesty's
service, and for the maintenance of this camp and commonwealth,
according to the memorials which the royal officials of these islands
shall send to them.

This last ship brought a decree from your Majesty issued at San
Lorenço el Real on June fourth, seventy-two. The decree orders me
and the officials of your Majesty to send, by the first ships which
shall leave this place, a report of your royal exchequer from the time
this land was discovered and settled until the day when the report
is sent, and to do so at the beginning of every year to come. This
order will be heeded and carried out according to the wishes of your
Majesty--although, these ships having already departed, we shall not
be able to do so until the departure of the others a year from now.

Last year, I wrote to your Majesty that the Indians who were deserting
the encomiendas were again being allotted to the Spaniards who serve
your Majesty in this camp. The same is being done now, since it
is necessary for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation
of this land. I beseech your Majesty to favor this measure and to
confirm what has been already done, and whatever allotment should
be made hereafter; for the soldiers have suffered much, and no day
passes away without the death of some one. Unless the land were thus
allotted, it would lack means of sustenance.

The office of treasurer, which I filled when Governor Miguel Lopez
was alive, is now vacant; and since I sent the factor under arrest to
Nueva España, thus leaving here only the accountant, I appointed as
treasurer for the proper management of your royal exchequer, Salvador
de Aldave, until your Majesty be pleased to provide otherwise. He
has served almost a year in the said capacity, with all diligence
and care, and he possesses all the qualifications required for
such an office. From the time he came here, over seven years ago,
he has served your Majesty loyally in the discovery, conquest, and
pacification of these islands for more than seven years, namely, from
the time of his arrival. He fills the office well, and is worthy
of whatever favor your Majesty may be pleased to grant him. May
our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic royal person of your Majesty,
and add greater realms and seigniories, as we your Majesty's faithful
subjects desire. Manila, July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty,
your loyal subject kisses the royal feet and hands of your Majesty.

_Guido de Lavezaris_

[_Addressed:_ "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty, the King Don
Philipe, our sovereign."]

[_Endorsed:_ " Philipinas, 1574. To His Majesty. From Guido de
Labezaris, July 17, 1574." "Let it be made into a relation." "Received,
March 7, 1575."]

[_Remarks by the council, appended to this letter:_ Answer that I
receive it with gratitude, and that the governor appointed by his
Majesty will take account of it, and will reward him according to
his services.

Let a decree be sent to the viceroy and officials of Nueva España
so that with the money received from here they might supply these
islands with the articles which may be requested as necessary for war
and other emergencies, according to the memorial which the governor
and officials may send. Another decree should be sent also to the
governor of these islands charging him to strive most diligently
to facilitate commerce, and take care that the moneys belonging to
your Majesty be sent to the officials of Nueva España, in order that
they may provide the islands with the supplies that will be needed,
and which will be requested from here. For the fulfilment of this,
orders should be sent to the viceroy and officials.]





[The following letter, dated July 30, of this same year, is identical
with the foregoing in almost every word, as far as the twenty-sixth
section. The new matter in the second letter is herewith presented.]

26. Up to this point, this letter is a copy of the letter which I wrote
to your Majesty by the ship "San Juan." What afterward occurred is,
that the said ship left this port on the nineteenth of the present
month. May God grant the propitious voyage for which we hope.

27. One of the two ships despatched from Nueva España has not yet
arrived, nor do we know anything about it. I have sent men to look
for it in two different directions, with the oared boats of these
natives. It is thought that the vessel is detained on account of
stormy weather, and that with the help of God it will soon be here.

28. On the twenty-fourth of this month, there arrived at this city
Captain Pedro de Chaves, who, when Captain Juan de Salcedo returned
from the province of Los Camarines, had remained there with men
to continue the exploration and pacification still remaining to be
carried on. When Captain Juan de Salcedo returned from that province
the whole land was quiet and tranquil, and its natives, as well as
those of the province of Albay, were reduced to the service of your
Majesty. He had also won over the island of Catanduanes five leagues
from that coast The natives of that island were famous sea-pirates,
who did much injury wherever they went. The people of that region are
well disposed, and possess gold, mines, and plenty of provisions. Now,
with God's help, the whole land will be apportioned and distributed
among the conquerors of these islands, according to your Majesty's
orders. The mines of Paracali, which are a day's journey from Bicor
River, will be settled, for they are in a suitable place; and when
they are given to the Spaniards and worked by them, the land will
increase in population and its commerce will prosper. I have faith
in God that from this small beginning He will enlarge and increase
the kingdoms and seigniories of your Majesty, and we shall be able
to carry the true knowledge of the holy Catholic faith to so many
barbarous and blinded men who are found in these regions, including the
vast kingdom of China and many others. Heaven has this good fortune
in store for your Majesty, so that it may be fulfilled during these
propitious times of your Majesty.

29. Accompanying this letter, I send a map of the island of Luçon and
of the coast of the mainland of China, from which it appears that,
from the coast and great river of Cagayan at the northern extremity of
this island to the nearest point of China, it is but a short distance
by sea, a matter of forty leagues or thereabout. By next year when
we shall have seen and explored more of this land, I shall send your
Majesty a fuller description of it than now.

30. I am also sending your Majesty another paper which I received from
the Chinese, upon which is printed a map of the whole land of China,
with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters make,
through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with
the elements of the Chinese language. They have promised me to bring
next year other maps drawn in more detail and with more precision;
and, God willing, I shall send them to your Majesty.

31. By the ship "Spiritu Santo," now about to sail, I am sending
to your Majesty's officials in Mexico eighty quintals of cinnamon
and forty-six quintals of wax. For lack of room we have a quantity
of cinnamon left over. May our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic
royal person of your Majesty with an increase of greater kingdoms
and seigniories, according to the desire of your Majesty's faithful
subjects. Manila, July 30, 1574.

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty. His loyal subject and faithful servant
kisses the royal feet and hands of Your Majesty.

_Guido de Lavezaris_

[_Addressed:_ "To his Majesty--from the Islands of Luçon."]

[_Endorsed:_ "Guido de Lavezaris. July 30, 1574. Received August 15,
1575. D."]




Slavery Among the Natives


Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

By one of your royal decrees, dated Madrid, May 18, 1572, your Majesty
commands me to send you an account of the slaves that exist in these
parts; and how, and with what justification, they are slaves. What
has been ascertained about them, to the present time, in this island
is as follows:

Some are slaves from their birth. Their origin is not known, because
their fathers, grandfathers, and ancestors were also slaves. But
although the reason for their slavery is not known, we may believe that
it was for some one of the causes here named. Some are captives in wars
that different villages wage against each other, for certain injuries
and acts of injustice, committed either recently or in ancient times.

Some are made captives in wars waged by villages that have
neither treaty or commerce with them, but go only to rob, without
any cause. This is because a chief of any village, when he dies,
imposes upon it a sort of mourning or grief; all his near relatives
promise to eat no bread (which is rice), millet, or borona, and to
wear no gold or any holiday dress, until they take some booty, or
kill or capture men. They would go to do this, wherever they could,
and where there were no friends or powerful towns who could easily
avenge themselves. Some, especially those who pride themselves on
valor, have a custom, after gathering their harvests, of going to
rob, without any cause, towns with which they have no commerce or
relationship; or whomsoever they meet on the sea, where--a thing that
causes wonder--they exempt not even their relatives, if the latter
are less powerful than they. Some are enslaved by those who rob them
for a very small matter--as, for instance, a knife, a few sugar-canes,
or a little rice. Some are slaves because they bore testimony, or made
statements about some one, which they could not prove. Some are thus
punished for committing some crime; or transgressing rules regarding
some of their rites or ceremonies, or things forbidden among them,
[100] or not coming quickly enough at the summons of some chief, or
any other like thing; and if they do not have the wherewithal to pay,
they are made slaves for it.

If any one is guilty of a grave crime--that is, has committed murder or
adultery, or given poison, or any other like serious matter--although
there may be no proof of it beyond the suspicion of the principal
person against whom the hurt was done, they take for their slaves, or
kill, not only the culprit but his sons, brothers, parents, relatives,
and slaves.

If any one who is left an orphan come to the house of another,
even of a kinsman (unless it be his uncle, paternal or maternal),
for food only, its inmates enslave him. Likewise in time of famine
and distress, during which they may have given relatives food only
a few times, they have sold the latter for their slaves.

Many also become slaves on account of loans, because these loans
continue to increase steadily every three or four months; and so,
however little may be the sum loaned them, at the end of little more
or less than two years they become slaves. And now, sacred Majesty,
if it be forbidden, in those places where the Spanish live, to acquire
slaves in any shape or manner--those who were made slaves and were
slaves before we came here and are slaves now, and whom the natives buy
and sell among each other, as merchandise or other profitable wares
that they possess--without them this land cannot be preserved. This,
your Majesty, is all known here of the slaves that I have been able
to find out, having diligently sought and made the acquaintance of
persons who know their language and customs.

_Guido de Lavezaris_




Documents of 1575-76



	Part of a letter to the viceroy. Guido de Lavezaris; [1575?]
	Letter to Felipe II. Juan Pacheco Maldonado; [1575?]
	Encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. Francisco de Sande,
	and others; May 26, 1576
	Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; June 2, 1576



_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias at Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first document is translated by Alfonso de
Salvio; the second and third, by Arthur B. Myrick; the fourth, by
José M. Asensio.




Part of a Letter to the Viceroy by Guido de Lavecaris


I am very glad that your Excellency adjusted matters by ordering the
return of the negroes and Indians who had been carried from this land;
for all of us were very anxious as to the number that we were to send
hereafter in the ships which should leave these regions. May our Lord
prosper your Excellency's life so that it may be of service to our
Lord and to his Majesty, as it has been thus far.

In this voyage our men seized two Chinese junks laden with merchandise,
plundered all the goods, and brought here one of the laden junks
and four Chinese. Afterward these Chinese, together with the others,
who had remained in those islands where they had been seized, were
sent back, so that they might return to their own country. I was
exceedingly sorry that such an injury should be inflicted upon men who
had neither offended us nor given us occasion to justify this action;
and what grieves me most in this affair is the news which the Chinese
will carry to their own country about us, and about the good deeds
which were done to them, and which they saw done to others, for our
credit in China.

As a result, most excellent Sir, the commerce between us and
these Moros of Lucon has come to a standstill, on account of the
ill-treatment that they have received at our hands. They carried
back to their land all that they could, and in so doing they caused
us no little injury; for we had a share in the commerce maintained
with them, since the Moros brought and sold to us provisions. This
suited us well, for already there was no other place where we could
settle in this neighborhood except Lucon; but now I do not know what
plan and arrangement can be made. May our Lord adjust matters as it
pleases Him best, for certainly there is need of it.

A few days ago I went to the island of Cubu to set free some friendly
Indians whom some soldiers had seized in a village which had paid
tribute, and which held a deed of security. It was very difficult
to get them back, for they had been sold and were already among the
Indians. This cost me no little labor; but our Lord, who helps good
intentions, favored me, and all the Indians were returned to their
village at my expense. This success caused much joy and satisfaction
among the Indians of the neighborhood.

Your Excellency should also try to send all the married men who can
possibly come. For with the existence of settled communities the
natives of this land will feel more secure, and the married Spaniards
will devote themselves to sowing and raising the products of the land;
but, if married men do not come, order and harmony will be lacking,
as they have been hitherto.

The recent arrival of married men caused great joy among all the
natives of these islands, for they do not feel safe with us--saying
that we do not intend to remain in the land, since we do not bring our
wives with us. Up to this time they have mistrusted us much; but, on
seeing the arrival of women, they have become somewhat reassured. If
your Excellency orders many to come, and if a community of married
people is established, the natives will become totally reconciled
and will serve us better.

Between this island of Panae and that of Cubu we have found
a pearl-fishery, from which the natives are accustomed to obtain
their pearls. This year the governor [101] sent there a Spaniard to
fish for the pearls, in company with the Indians of an island called
Bantayan, which lies near the fishery. Some of the pearls he brought
were as large as hazel-nuts, or a little smaller, and others were
much smaller. It is said that, on account of bad weather, he was not
able to fish there more than two hours, and consequently he did not
gather very many pearls. Many fisheries of a similar kind are to be
found in these islands.

One of the things, most excellent Sir, which has caused and still
causes us much injury, as it concerns both the souls and the peace
of mind of these wretched natives, is our incurable greed, which is
so deeply rooted in our hearts. The eyes of the understanding are
so closed in that respect that only God could uproot it from our
hearts. May our Lord remedy it according to His knowledge of what is
necessary for His service.

I beseech your Excellency kindly to send me a cipher system, so
that I may give notice of what we need for the service of God and
of his Majesty. I beseech your Excellency to forgive my boldness,
for certainly my desire and intention is to be fully successful in
the service of his Majesty and of your Excellency.




Letter from Juan Pacheco Maldonado to Felipe II


Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the year of seventy, your Majesty's camp being in the island of
Panae, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, your governor, was informed that the
island of Luzon was very fertile and well populated, and afforded a
good opportunity for trade. Since the island of Panae was poor, and
the men there were in great extremity, he sent the master-of-camp,
Martin de Goiti, with a sufficient force to examine the island
of Luzon, and offer peace and friendship to its natives. The said
master-of-camp, having arrived at the said island of Luzon, at the
port and city of Manila, found that the natives had built a fort and
mounted six pieces of heavy artillery and a number of chambered guns,
and had collected a large force to defend the entrance. The said
master-of-camp, seeing that the people of the said town of Manila had
taken up arms, required them many times, by means of an interpreter
whom he brought, to receive them in peace; because the governor sent
them to win their friendship, and to see if there was any place
where they might come to settle, and not to do them any harm. The
natives of Manila would not admit these reasons, on the contrary
they began to discharge their artillery, trying to sink the vessels
that the said master-of-camp brought. The latter, seeing that they
made war on him, disembarked his men, took the fort without assault
and its artillery. The men fled inland, forsaking the town and fort,
where the said master-of-camp awaited them four days, to see if they
would make peace, to which effect he questioned them many times. When
he saw that they would not accept his terms, he took their artillery
and ammunition and returned with these to the island of Panae, where
was the aforesaid governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. When the latter
heard the true report and relation that was brought from that land,
he left, in the year following (of seventy-five) [102] the island of
Panae, where he had settled, for that of Luzon, because the latter
is well populated and has a considerable trade with the neighboring
islands and the mainland of China. He entered the harbor with his
fleet and by means of the interpreter whom he carried with him,
using on many different occasions, the necessary means, he urged and
notified the natives to receive him in peace, as vassals of your
Majesty. He told them that by your Majesty's order the Spaniards
had come to that land to protect the natives from their enemies,
to instruct them in civilization, and to preach to them the gospel
and the way of salvation--for such is the attitude that your Majesty
is pleased should be taken toward them--but the said natives would
not consider it. They put the governor off with long delays for four
days, during which the latter permitted nothing to be landed from the
fleet. Thus he made the natives certain of his intention. At the end
of the four days, the chiefs of the said town and vicinity came to
seek peace for themselves and their villages. The said governor, in
your Majesty's name, received the acknowledgment and vassalage which
they owed your Majesty. Peace and friendship being thus effected,
the governor disembarked with all his men, and in your Majesty's
royal name took possession of the whole island of Luzon. He founded
and settled the city of Manila, and called the said island _El nuevo
reino de Castilla_ ["the new kingdom of Castilla"]. Having done this,
he tried in every way to bring the most of the natives to actual
acknowledgment. Many did not do so, nor have they been willing to;
on the contrary, they induced others not to submit, saying that the
Castilians, as they call the Spaniards, could not remain in that
land, since they were so few; and that the people, by making war on
them, could make an end of them. So it was necessary to subdue those
rebels. This made trouble, because in the end they will be subjected
by the said governor and the troops whom he has brought with him. The
governor was diligent in reconnoitering the said island, which he found
to be very rich in many gold mines, which the natives improve and work,
especially in the province called Ylucos. The latter is very fertile,
abounding in provisions: rice, fowls, swine, goats, buffaloes, deer,
and many kinds of lake-birds, all in great abundance. In this island
there are many provinces, and in each one of them there are different
tongues and customs. The greater number of the people are Mahometan
Moros and Indians; besides other Indians who tattoo themselves in the
fashion of their ancestors, and invoke the demon. They have no native
king. Certain of the richest individual chiefs rule the country. They
wage war with one another, take prisoners in their wars, enslave them,
and sell them from province to province.

This island of Luzon is sixty leagues from the mainland of China. The
city and harbor of Manila is in thirteen degrees north latitude. This
island measures five hundred leagues in circumference. It has fine
harbors, bays, and rivers of good depth, better harbors being found
along the south side. This island is little more than one hundred
leagues east of the island of Burney. Likewise the islands of Maluco,
Filolo [Gilolo], Tidore, Ternate, and Ambon, called the Malucos,
are three hundred leagues south of this island of Luzon. So also
the rich country of Japan, whence is brought great quantities of
silver, is three hundred leagues, more or less, distant from die
island of Luzon. Every year Japanese ships come to these islands
laden with merchandise. Their principal trade is the exchange of gold
for silver, two to two and a half marcos [103] of silver for one of
gold. Two hundred leagues south of Luzon is the island of Mindanao,
whence is brought cinnamon. Likewise about one hundred leagues
north of Luzon, and very near the mainland of China, is an island
that they call Cauchi, which has a great abundance of pepper. The
king of China maintains trade with mis island, and so there are many
Chinese there. They have their own agency for the collection of the
pepper. Twelve or fifteen ships from the mainland of China come each
year to the city of Manila, laden with merchandise: figured silks of
all sorts; wheat, flour, and sugar; many kinds of fruit; iron, steel,
tin, brass, copper, lead, and other kinds of metals; and everything
in the same abundance as in España and the Indies, so that they lack
for nothing. The prices of everything are so moderate, that they are
to be had almost for nothing. They also bring a great deal of bronze
artillery, very well wrought, and all sorts of military supplies. This
island of Luzon is very suitable and convenient for trade with China;
men can reach the mainland from this island, because it is so near. On
this same island there is very good material for building ships and
galleys, if it should please your Majesty to send workmen for this
purpose. As has been pointed out above, the said island of Luzon
is very clearly shown to be fertile and abounding in provisions,
cloth, apparel, and whatever is most necessary for the preservation
of human life. Therefore this island ought to be settled and pacified,
and what there is in it sought out and discovered, because the island
is so large and powerful. For that reason, it is desirable that your
Majesty be pleased to provide what is necessary for that purpose,
and for his plans for the future, as follows:

The first thing necessary, in order to secure and settle the said
island of Luzon, to gain accurate information of what is yet unknown
about it, and to sustain the claims that we have advanced, is to send
Spanish people--that is, religious and soldiers.

The religious whom your Majesty might send for the present are forty
or fifty friars--learned theologians of mature age and good life and
habits. With these and the religious of the order of St. Augustine,
who have five monasteries in the neighboring islands--namely,  one in
the island and town of Cubu, another in the island and town of Oton
[in Panay], another in the island and town of Mindoro, another in
the city of Manila, and another in Tondo (which is in Luzon)--great
results will be achieved; for the religious of these five monasteries
have labored much and assiduously in the conversion of the natives,
and our Lord has been well served. By the preaching of the gospel to
them, which has been done by these said religious, there have been
converted to our holy Catholic faith, receiving the water of baptism,
a great number of Indians, especially those from the island and town
of Cubu, who were pagans, [104] and easily converted. And likewise
in the island of Luzon, some native Chinese who were settled there,
being people of greater intelligence, have recognized the truth of
the divine law and are baptized and live as Christians. As the rest of
the people are Moros, it has not been possible to secure the desired
result, on account of their resistance. This may be attained, by the
favor of God, if your Majesty be pleased to send the said number of
forty to fifty religious, of the kind above described.

Second, your Majesty will be pleased to send also, with the said
religious, a prelate, creating bishop or archbishop of the said city
of Manila the reverend father Fray Diego de Herrera, of the order
of St. Augustine. The father is a man of learning and of good life,
who has labored much for the conversion of the Indians of those
islands. With him send as many of the secular clergy as your Majesty
pleases, who can act as prebends, canons, and chaplains; these likewise
should be persons of learning and good life, and should all be subject
to the above-mentioned prelate.

The third has to do with soldiers. May your Majesty please to send five
hundred soldiers here, who may be posted in the said island of Luzon,
so that by their help the said governor can subjugate and settle the
said island of Luzon, and discover other neighboring islands.

Fourth: These said five hundred men can come at less cost, provided
your Majesty be pleased to keep to the following order: that the said
troops should be collected in España under the pretext that it is done
for the convoy of the fleet which goes from these kingdoms to the said
Nueva España. Accordingly, of the two hundred men who ordinarily are
accustomed to go from Sevilla to Nueva España in convoy of the said
fleet, one hundred may be left behind, the number of these hundred
being supplied on the journey over from the number of the said five
hundred; on the return trip of the said fleet from Nueva España to
these kingdoms, the places of the said hundred soldiers may be taken
by a hundred passengers, from those who generally come. As a result,
at each trip and return one hundred soldiers will be spared, and thus
between seven and eight thousand ducats saved.

Fifth: When the said five hundred men have arrived in Nueva España,
on the very day when they disembark in the harbor of Vera Cruz, they
shall go directly to the harbor of Acapulco, which is one hundred
and twenty leagues, more or less, from the harbor of Vera Cruz. For
when the said troops arrive at the port of Acapulco, it will be more
than two months since the fleet from the said island of Luzon will
have arrived at the port of Acapulco. So the troops can be embarked
immediately on the said fleet, and make their way to the island
of Luzon and other islands. To try to raise the said five hundred
soldiers in Nueva España would be impossible, on account of the great
cost that would result; because each soldier would cost more than one
hundred and fifty pesos as a gratuity (the sum usually given), or even
a greater sum; and even if the said expense should be incurred, they
could not arrive under the banner of the hundred soldiers above--and
that with great trouble and vexation, as is well known.

Sixth: It is necessary, on the arrival of the said five hundred
soldiers, at the said islands, to effect immediately the purpose for
which they were brought--namely, to subjugate, settle, and explore both
the said island of Luzon, and those regions nearest China: the Japans,
the Lequios, and the island of Escauchu; this is a very important
matter. It is necessary that your Majesty should send us workmen,
masters to build ships and galleys, locksmiths, and blacksmiths to
the number of fifty. For all of these workmen your Majesty, if he
so please, could take the negro slaves whom your Majesty has on the
fortifications of Habana, considering that the fortifications are
finished now, and the men are no longer needed there.

Seventh: When the said fifty workmen have arrived, considering
in these islands the great plenty and abundance of wood, iron,
and other materials most necessary for building the said ships,
the said workmen should build three or four vessels each year, so
that the trip can be made from Nueva España to the said islands and
return, with two fleets. Likewise from the larger islands can be
made voyages of discovery, subjugation, and colonization, and thus
ascertain thoroughly the secret of the so great riches and trade
possessed by the said islands, in order that your Majesty may be best
served in everything. I beseech and supplicate this, and especially
that your Majesty be pleased to provide promptly everything thus
requested--seeing that delays might cause bad results, because of
the small number of the Spaniards, and the great work to be done at
present in this island of Luzon; and because those here deserve all
the reward and kind succor that your Majesty may extend to them.

_Juan Pacheco Maldonado_




Encomiendas Forbidden to Royal Officials


In the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of May, one thousand
five hundred and seventy-six, the very illustrious doctor, Francisco de
Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of these islands
of the West, and auditor of his royal Audiencia established in the
City of Mexico in Nueba España, declared that it is an encumbrance
and damage to the royal treasury for his Majesty's officials to hold
encomiendas of Indians; and, as such, his Majesty has forbidden this
by laws, and recently in a letter which his Majesty wrote to the said
officials in the year seventy-four, in which it appears they ask from
him permission to own Indians. In this letter there is a paragraph
of the following tenor:

"As for what you ask concerning repartimientos of Indians--namely,
that favor be granted you, because you have served as discoverers of
these islands--such a thing has appeared to us unsuitable, considering
your offices; and therefore there is no good reason for acceding to
your request in this matter. In other affairs, there will be occasion
for granting you rewards (and you will bring it to mind when you
send to our Council of the Indies reports of what has been in your
charge), and when it has been seen in what ways you have served. The
same will be done in regard to increase in your salaries. Madrid,
April twenty-five, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four."

The governor says the same; and because the aforesaid persons are
freed from private affairs in order to fulfil their duties, as they
are obliged, he did order, and now so orders, that they shall not
hold the said Indians in encomiendas, and retracted those which were
granted them by Guido de Laveçares, treasurer of these islands--who
at that time filled the office of governor thereof, on account of the
death of the governor Miguel Lopez. He said that he placed, and he
did so place, the villages which the said officials at present hold,
under the rule of your Majesty's royal crown. They are as follows:
the natives of Balayan and the river Aguan, and of the villages
of Bulabuty, Mata, Amblaca, and Mabulau; the river Mabotan, the
mines of Gumun and Gaogao, the river Bacoun, the village of Longos;
the river Ysin, and the villages of Minangona and Mina--who, it is
reported, are held by the accountant Andres Cauchela; the natives of
the coast of Tule who, according to report, are held by the factor,
Andres de Mirandaola; and a thousand Indians, who, according to
report are held by the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave in the Sunguian
Emasingal valley. In order that his Majesty may possess them as
his royal property, like the others that he personally holds, the
governor ordered the officials of the royal estate, whether present or
future, that they shall hold those encomiendas as the royal property,
make collections, and have the natives instructed in the tenets of
our holy Catholic faith.  He charged this upon their consciences,
and in the royal name, relieved his Majesty and himself from that
responsibility. And, further, he ordered a duplicate copy of this
act to be drawn up, and to send the same to his Majesty.

_Doctor Francisco de Sande_


Before me,

_Fernando Riquel_





In the city of Manila, on May twenty-six, one thousand five hundred
and seventy-six, I, the notary undersigned, read and made known
the act of his Excellency, herein contained, to the accountant,
Andres Cauchela, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, who said
he heard it, and that he will answer it. Witnesses, Alonso Ligero,
and Balthasar de Bustamante.

_Diego Aleman_, notary-public.





In the city of Manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I,
the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained,
decreed by his Excellency, to the factor and inspector, Andres de
Mirandaola, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own
person, who said that he heard it, and that he will answer what seems
to him necessary. Witnesses, Gaspar de Yola and Melchior Corila.

_Diego Aleman_, notary-public.





In the city of Manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I,
the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained,
decreed by his Excellency, to the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave,
official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person, who said
that he heard it. Witness, Antonio Caballero.

_Diego Aleman_, notary-public.

In the city of Manila, on May twenty-six, one thousand five hundred
and seventy-six, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande,
governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands of the
West, and auditor of his royal Audiencia established in the City of
Mexico in Nueva España, said that whereas, since the officials of
the royal treasury have been in these islands, they have collected
from the trade and royal estate in their charge, many pesos of gold;
and whereas, it is reported that, on account of their salaries, they
have--despite the decree of his Majesty in their letters-patent,
and notwithstanding this letter which they have also received--held
Indians without his Majesty's permission, and contrary to his decrees
and letters: therefore the governor said that he ordered, and he did
order, that whatever they have collected from the Indians held by them
in encomiendas be understood as counted toward the salaries which his
Majesty may have ordered to be paid to them; and from this time, each
third of the year, when they shall collect their salaries, they shall
go before his Excellency, so that having seen the needs and the state
of the treasury, they shall be paid proportionally, in accordance with
the same. And they shall do nothing contrary to this, under penalty
of five hundred pesos for the exchequer for each person and for each
violation. Because in this present year of seventy-six, we have been
informed that each person has collected the said tributes for the whole
year, they, shall all declare, clearly and specifically, under oath,
the amount thus collected, and for what persons and by whose hand
it was collected, so that when the first third comes due, it may be
suitably adjusted, according to the above declaration. From now on they
shall collect no more, except on the account of the royal treasury,
under whose royal jurisdiction they are this day placed. This act shall
be filed with the other, and a duplicate shall be made of the whole,
to be sent to his Majesty. It was signed by Doctor Francisco de Sande.

Before me.

_Fernando Riquel_.





In the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of May,
one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, I, the notary undersigned,
read and made known the act of his Excellency, herein contained word
for word, to the accountant Andres Cauchela, official of his Majesty's
royal treasury, in his own person. I took and received his oath, which
he made before God and the blessed Mary, with the sign of the cross
+, in due legal form; and under this charge he promised to tell the
truth. Being asked what tributes he has collected from the villages
herein mentioned, the form in which they were collected, and under
whose direction and by what persons, he said that in this present
year of seventy-six, he sent to the villages of Bacayan (which is his
encomienda) Juanes de Betaria, now defunct, to collect the tribute
from the natives thereof. This man went thither, and collected nine
hundred small pieces of white cotton cloth, three or four of which each
one gave him as tribute. Likewise he collected, and brought to this
deponent, one hundred and fifty pesos in broken silver and testoons,
and six tae[l]s of nejas gold, all of which he has, as said, together
with seventy fowls. All this he gave and delivered to this deponent,
and said that he had collected it from the natives of the said villages
of Bacayan. The said Juanes de Guetaria _[sic]_ went by the order of
his Excellency to collect the said tributes. He declared that, during
this said year of seventy-six, he had not collected anything else from
the said villages; and from the others that he holds as encomiendas he
has not collected anything since he has held them. This is the truth,
which he signed with his name, the witnesses being Alonso Ligero and
Baltasar de Bustamante.

_Andres Cauchela_

Before me, _Diego Aleman_, notary-public.





In the city of Manila, this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I,
the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained,
decreed and ordered by his Excellency, to the factor and inspector
Andres de Mirandaola, in his own person, from whom was taken and
received the oath. He swore before God and the blessed Mary, and on
the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which obligation he
promised to tell the truth. This deponent, being asked what tributes he
has collected in this present year of seventy-six, from the villages
which he is said to hold as encomiendas, in the lowlands of Tuley,
and what persons have collected them, and what they collected, says
that it is true that this deponent sent to the said villages of the
lowlands of Tuley one Pedro de Bustos, a soldier, who collected the
tributes from the natives thereof. This was for the present year
seventy-six. This said Pedro de Bustos, this deponent being out of
this city, went to the villages, and collected a certain number of
bales of cotton, which might weigh thirty quintals, a little more or
less. This deponent did not receive anything else, nor did the said
Pedro de Bustos give him any account of what he collected, because
at that time he was out of this city with the sergeant-major, Juan
de Moron. This deponent has not collected anything from the said
villages during this present year, seventy-six. This is the truth,
and what actually took place, which he signed with his name, the
witnesses being Juan de Navarrete and Melchor Correa.

_Andres de Mirandaola_

Before me, _Diego Aleman_, notary-public.





On this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, the notary
undersigned, read and made known the act herein contained, decreed
by his Excellency, to the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave, official of
his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person. From him I took and
received an bath, which he took before God and the blessed Mary,
and on the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which
obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being asked what tributes
this deponent has collected from the villages which it is said he
holds as his encomiendas in the provinces of Yloco, and the amount
thereof, and what persons have collected them in his name, he said,
under obligation of his oath, that Bartolome de Vega, a soldier,
who about fifteen or twenty days ago came from the province of Yloco,
told this deponent that in this year of seventy-six he had collected,
from the said villages, tribute from two hundred Indians. This tribute
did not come to the hands of this deponent, but went to the factor
Andres de Mirandaola in payment of a debt of the royal exchequer,
owed to the said factor, and which this deponent was ordered by his
Excellency to pay, although he did not owe it. Thus this deponent has
received nothing out of what the said Bartolome de Vega collected this
said year, of the said two hundred tributes, beyond one hundred and
sixty pieces of white cloth from Yloco, which the said Vega gave and
delivered to this deponent--a little more or less, he does not remember
exactly. This said treasurer said that he was making this declaration
to execute his Excellency's order, and protests that he should incur
no loss, because the content of the said act ought not to extend to
his case, as he is not the proprietor of the said office and duty of
treasurer; and because, in all the time that he has held it, he has
received neither salary, gratuities, nor allowances, as will appear by
his Majesty's books. To those he refers, because he, as holding and
occupying the said office which the treasurer Guido de Lavaçares had
held, has conducted and exercised the said office as others have done,
who at the present day hold encomiendas of Indians. This he said was
his declaration, and he so made it, and signed the same with his name.

_Salvador de Aldave_

Witness, Anton Caballero.

Before me, _Diego Aleman_, notary-public.





I, the said Fernando Riquel, had this copy made from the original
acts, which are in my possession. Therefore I here affixed my name
and customary flourishes, in witness of the truth.

_Hernando Riquel_




Letter to Felipe II by Francisco de Sande


Catholic Royal Majesty:

Although I have served your Majesty in Nueva España as attorney,
criminal judge, and auditor in the royal Audiencia of Mexico, I
have not written to your Majesty since the year 67, in order not
to disturb you; I have always written to the royal Council of the
Indies what I considered meet to your royal service. Now I have come
to and reside in these Filipinas islands, where I serve your Majesty
as your governor and captain-general. As I am so far away, and have
grown old in your Majesty's service, and have examined affairs here,
and seen the importance, the isolation, and the dangers of this colony,
I venture to address your Majesty briefly. I write at length, however,
to the royal Council of the Indies, to whom I give account of the
voyage, and its events, and of the needs of this land, and I refer you
to that letter; I have also written of its condition, and of matters
concerning the mainland of China, with what I consider it fitting for
your Majesty to order. I humbly beg that your Majesty be so good as to
examine the above-named relation, and provide therefor, as what refers
therein to the expedition to China is a matter of great moment to your
Majesty's service. This enterprise would be easy of execution, and of
little expense, as the Spanish people would go without pay, and armed
at their own cost. They will be chosen from the provinces, and will
be glad to pay the expenses. The only cost will be for the agents,
officers for the construction and command of galleys, artillerymen,
smiths, and engineers, and the ammunition and artillery. Food can
be supplied to them here, and the troops are energetic, healthy,
and young. This is the empire and the greatest glory which remains
for the king of the world, the interest which surpasses all others,
and the greatest service to God.

I think that I have drawn a true picture of the people, as they are the
best in the world for tributarios. They have waged war against the king
of Tartaria. [105] If they made war on this coast, his occupation,
and even that of both, God helping, would soon be over. They have
many enemies in this archipelago, who are more valiant than they and
who will be of great help. I beseech your Majesty to provide what
is most fitting, that the power and laws of so just and great a king
may encircle the world.

In these Filipinas islands there are at present five hundred Spaniards
in all, and if there were ten thousand, all would be rich. As there
are so few we suffer many hardships, since we are among so many
enemies. Our only consolation, and mine in particular, is that we
are serving your Majesty. Our diligence is unremitting, and we hope
for your Majesty's favor. Your Majesty will provide in this for your
own cause, and that of the Catholic church. As I write at length
to your Majesty's Council, this letter is but brief. May our Lord
guard the royal Catholic person of your Majesty, and increase your
kingdoms and seigniories, is the wish of your Majesty's vassals and
servants. Manila, in the island of Luçon of the Filipinas, June 2,
1576. Royal Catholic Majesty, from your Majesty's loyal vassal and
servant, who kisses your royal hands,

The doctor, _Francisco de Sande_





Bibliographical Data


All the material of the present volume is found in the archives
of Spain--mainly in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla, and in
two patronatos therein; from transcripts of these documents our
translations are made, except as otherwise noted. One of these
patronatos is thus described: "Simancas Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistas
en consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." Under this
pressmark are found the following documents: 1569--letters by Lavezaris
and Legazpi (this a copy, perhaps made by the viceroy to send to
the king), and confirmation of the latter's title; 1570--the last
two; 1573--Lavezaris's relation; 1574--Lavezaris's letters to king;
1576--the last two. The other patronato is: "Simancas--Filipinas;
Descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas;
años 1566 á 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2|24." This is the pressmark
for the following documents: 1569--Mirandaola's letter, and Legazpi's
relation; 1570--the first three; 1571-72--all;	1573--Melchior de
Legazpi's certificate of expenses; 1574--Mirandaola's letter, Rada's
"Opinion" and reply of officials thereto, and Lavezaris's report on
slavery; 1575--both documents.

Mirandaola's letters of 1569 and 1574 are bound together. Regarding
the MS. of "Requisitions of supplies" (1571?), see Bibliographical
Data of _Vol_. II, under "Letter to Audiencia of Mexico" (1565). The
account of the conquest of Luzón (1572) has been published by Retana
in his _Archivo bibliófilo filipino,_ t. iv, no. 1; our translation
is made therefrom. The original MS. of Diego de Artieda's relation
(1573) is conserved in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar at Madrid;
its pressmark is "711, 20-3_a_, caja n_o_ 22." The MS. ascribed
by some former archivist to Juan de la Isla, but apparently almost
identical with Artieda's (see notes thereon in the text), is in the
Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; its pressmark is: "Simancas--Filipinas;
Descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Islas Filipinas;
años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1|23." It is out of its proper
chronological place. We have adopted the Madrid MS. for our text,
because it contains Artieda's signature; but have incorporated therein
all additional matter, or important changes found in the Sevilla copy,
as has been stated _ante_, note 54. The letter of Enriquez (1573)
is taken from _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877), pp. 290-296; the
material for this publication is found, as stated by the editors,
in the Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid; but they do not locate
therein the documents selected by them. Riquel's relation (1574)
is a MS. in the Archivo general of Simancas; its pressmark is:
"Secretario de Estado, leg. 155." In Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar,
Madrid, is a MS. containing part of the material of this document;
it is bound with the Artieda relation. In the Real Academia de
la Historia, Madrid, is another MS. (a copy by Muñoz) which is
similar to the document of our text, in part; the MS. from which we
translate may be a compilation from these other documents and from
other letters written by Riquel which are alluded to therein. The
document of our text was written partly on shipboard (in a vessel
which left Manila July 1, 1573), and completed at Mexico, from
which city it was despatched to Spain in January, 1574. The royal
decrees of 1574 are taken from _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, xxxiv,
pp. 68-71; the originals are probably in Sevilla. The decree forbidding
encomiendas to royal officials is at Sevilla, its pressmark being,
"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes de
los oficiales reales de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1564 á
1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29." Sande's relation of 1576 has been
published in Retana's _Archivo_, ii, no. 1.

It may be well to explain here the method of, arranging and locating
documents which is employed in the Sevilla archives. The first division
is that of patronatos (sections), designated by names which show the
character and source of the documents therein--as "Simancas--Bulas,"
that is, papal bulls, which had been brought to Sevilla from
Simancas. Each patronato is divided into estantes (shelves), these
into cajons (cases), And these again into legajos (packets); the
legajo is sometimes further divided into ramos (parts) and números
(numbers). Any document may thus be easily and accurately located.





NOTES

[1] This document is printed in both Spanish text and English
translation.

[2] Evidently meaning that the ship was proceeding to Spain, since
it carried a cargo of spices for the king.

[3] The words in brackets are conjectural readings, the MS. being
illegible in these places.

[4] Referring to Legazpi's official despatches, evidently sent to
Spain by the same vessel which carried these letters by Mirandaola
and Lavezaris. This document appears at the end of _Vol_. II, under
the title, "Negotiations between Legazpi and Perdra."

[5] A relation purporting to have been written by this officer will
appear later in this series.

[6] The _escudo_ was a Spanish silver coin worth about 50.1 cents of
United States money; it was equivalent to ten _reals_.

[7] These cities of China may be thus identified: Chincheo (also
written Chinchew) is the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo (variously written
Shen-tsheou, Tsiuen-Tchou, and Tsiuan-tchau), in the province of
Fo-Kien. Cantun (Canton; _Chin._ Kwang-Chow-Foo) is the metropolis
of the province of Kwang-Tung. Huechiu is Hu-Chau (Hou-Tchou),
Nimpou is Ning-Po, and Onchiu is Wan-Chau--all in the province
of Che-Kiang. Hinan may refer to one of the towns on the island of
Hainan, which lies south of Kwang-Tung. Conce (also, by early writers,
spelled Cansay) was later known as Khing-Sai (or Kingsze)--the modern
Hang-Chau (Hang-Chow-Foo) in the province of Che-Kiang. Onan is
probably Ho-Nan, in province of same name. Nanquin (Nanking)  is the
capital of Kiang-Su province; and Paquin is the modern Peking, capital
(as then) of the Chinese Empire. Fuchu (Fu-Chau, or Foo-Choo) is in
the province of Fo-Kien. Cencay is probably the modern Shang-Hai,
in the province of Kiang-Su. Sisuan, Lintam, and Ucau cannot be
satisfactorily identified. The name Lequeios, which occurs elsewhere
in this volume, refers to the Luchu (Liu-Kiu, or Loo-Choo) group,
which lies between Japan and Formosa. For early accounts of China,
its people, and its commerce, see Henry Yule's _Cathay and the Way
Thither_ (Hakluyt Society, London, 1866). See pp. xli, xlii of that
work for interesting citation regarding the civilization and excellent
character and reputation of the Chinese people.

[8] Gaston de Peralta, Marquis de Falçes, was the third viceroy of
New Spain; he arrived at Mexico on October 16, 1566. Incurring the
hostility of the _Audiencia_, he was removed from his office, and
returned to Spain in March, 1569.

[9] The document here referred to will be found directly following
this letter of Legazpi.

[10] Diego de Herrera was born at Recas, Spain, and entered the
Augustinian order in 1545. He was in Mexico when Legazpi's expedition
was organized, and accompanied Urdaneta therein, as a missionary
to the heathen beyond the sea. When the latter returned to Mexico,
he left Herrera as prior of his brethren; and in 1569 Herrera became
superior of the mission, with the rank of provincial. He immediately
went to Mexico, and brought back reënforcements of friars to the
Philippines. For the same purpose, he went to Spain in 1573; returning
thence with missionaries, they were wrecked on the coast of Luzon,
where they all were slain by the natives (April 25, 1576).

[11] Martin de Rada (Herrada) also went with Legazpi to the
Philippines, from Mexico. He was born at Pamplona, July 20, 1533, and
at the age of twenty became an Augustinian friar; he was noted for his
mathematical and linguistic ability. In 1572, he was provincial of his
order in the Philippines, and was sent as ambassador twice to China
and once to Borneo. On his return voyage from this latter mission,
he died at sea, in the month of June, 1578.

[12] At this point may be presented some additional matter, obtained
from a document (also in the Sevilla Archivo general) which purports
to be a letter from Mirandaola to the king, but dated June 8, 1574. He
has apparently incorporated therein the greater part of the Legazpi
relation of 1569 which is presented in our text--adding thereto some
interesting details. At this point, he enumerates the kinds of food
used by the natives--"namely  rice, millet, borona [a grain, also
called _mijo_, resembling Indian corn], Castilian fowls, buffaloes,
swine, and goats. They have wines of many kinds: brandy, made from
palm-wine (which is obtained from the cocoa-nut palm, and from the
wild nipa palm); _pitarrillos_, which are the wines made from rice,
millet, and borona; and other wines, made from sugar-cane. There are
fragrant fruits--large and small bananas, and _nancas_. These _nancas_
are as large as a winter melon, and contain a yellow fruit of the size
of a friar's plum, within which is a kernel that, when roasted, has
the flavor of a chestnut. It has a delicious taste, and there is no
fruit in Spain that will compare with it. There is abundance of fish,
and much game--deer, mountain boars, and excellent waterfowl." For
enumeration and brief description of the leading vegetable products
of the archipelago, see _Philippine Gazetteer,_ pp. 70-95. Fuller
descriptions are given in various documents which will be reproduced
in the present series.

We may add here that, "on the death of Legazpi, which occurred in
August, 1572, so many unauthorized and irregular acts were committed
by Andrés de Mirandaola that the governor, Guido de Lavezares, was
compelled to ship him to New Spain, with other persons whose presence
in the archipelago cast odium on the Spanish name" (_Cartas de Indias_,
p. 804).

[13] The Mirandaola MS. already mentioned enumerates the articles
exported from the Philippines--"wax, cotton, cotton-seed, tortoise
shells, and buffalo horns;" also the imports, "provisions, buffaloes,
live hogs, and wine;" also "silks, porcelains, benzoin, and musk."

[14] "Because they say that their god orders them not to take out
the gold, except on the arrival of foreign vessels." (Mirandaola MS.)

[15] Cabit, in the Mirandaola MS.; now Cáuit, a point in N.E. Mindanao.

[16] For account of the forest wealth of the archipelago, see the
recently-issued _Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_, published
by the United States Bureau of Insular Affairs (Washington, 1902),
pp. 85-93; it contains a list of nearly two hundred kinds of trees
whose wood has economic value.

[17] "All the natives of Cubu have been converted, both chiefs and
followers, except two chiefs, Sumaquio and Batungay. These men have
not been converted, because they are not willing to leave their wives;
Sumaquio has two wives, and Batungay three." (Mirandaola MS.)

[18] "In Panae, and in Luzon and Vindanao." (Mirandaola MS.)

[19] This word may be "your;" it is uncertain whether the Spanish
word is _nra_ or _vra_.

[20] Evidently referring to the account of these proceeding which
Legazpi sent to the viceroy, Marqués de Falçes (See p. 44 ff., _ante_).

[21] The _almude_ is one-twelfth of a _fanega_, or about 4 1/4 United
States quarts.

[22] Juan de Salcedo (Salzedo, Sauzedo) was born in Mexico about
1549; his mother was Teresa Legazpi, daughter of the governor. He
came to Cebú in 1567, and, despite his youth, displayed from the
first such courage, gallantry, and ability that he soon won great
renown--especially in the conquest of Luzón; he has been called "the
Hernan Cortés of the Philippines." These qualities brought him rapid
military promotion; but his career was brief, for he died at the early
age of twenty-seven (March 11, 1576), from drinking too much water
while overheated by a hard march. He died a poor man; but his will
provided that what remained from his estate, after paying his debts,
should be given to certain natives belonging to his encomienda.

[23] _Sangleyes_: derived from _hiang_ (or _xiang_) and _ley_,
meaning "a traveling merchant;" appellation of Chinese traders in
the Philippines.

[24] The _prau_ or _parao_ (a name of Malay origin) was a large, flat
boat with two masts, and lateen sails; used for carrying freight,
and employed in the rivers and bays.

[25] Cf. Friar Odoric's description of the green pepper found
in Malabar (called by the Arabs Balad-ul-Falfal, "the Pepper
Country")--growing on vines which the natives plant against tall
trees for support, and bearing fruit "just like bunches of grapes;"
see Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i, pp. clxxvii, 77.

[26] The tael is a Chinese money of account, worth formerly about
$1.50; now $1.68, "Tael" is the trade name in China for the ounce of
silver; it also designates a weight, of 1 1/3 oz. avoirdupois.

[27] This lake, about seventeen miles long, is the second largest
lake in Luzón. It is also named Taal, after the celebrated volcano
in its midst. Its outlet is the river Pansipit.

[28] Spanish _pildoras_ ("pills"); a jocular allusion to the leaden
bullets from the muskets.

[29] The Malay appellation _rajá_ or _raxa_, meaning "a sovereign,"
is used of rulers in Manila or Tondo. See Retana's note on Zúñiga's
_Estadismo_, vol. ii, pp. 521*, 522*.

[30] Cafre (or Kafir): a term applied by Mahometans to the heathen
natives of conquered countries; it means "infidels." From this
originated the name Kafiristan ("country of infidels"), applied to
the region north of the Punjaub of India and south of the Hindu-Kush
Mountains; its people are called Kafirs. See Yule's _Cathay_, vol. ii,
p. 554.

[31] _Vara_: a measure of length, equivalent to a little more or
a little less (in different Spanish countries) than thirty-three
English inches.

[32] In the Spanish text, _se acordo dar sanctiago en los
moros_,--literally, "it was decided to give the 'Santiago' among
the Moros,"--the _Santiago_ ("St. James") being the war-cry of the
Spaniards when engaging with Moors and other "infidels."

[33] Bound up with the MS. of this document, in the archives at
Sevilla, are similar official acts for "the islands of Luban, Similara,
Baluyan, Helin, and Vindoro."

[34] The palace of the Escorial was built in the town of that name,
twenty-four miles from Madrid, by Felipe II; it was begun in 1563,
and completed in 1584, except that the pantheons were added by Felipe
IV. The total cost is estimated at £660,000 sterling; it is one of the
largest buildings in the world, being a rectangle of six hundred and
eighty by five hundred and thirty feet. It is a palace and monastery
combined, the latter being in charge of the Augustinian order.

[35] The matter in parentheses is side notes in the original.

[36] _Tierra firme_: this term means simply "the continent," and
was at that time applied to the northern mainland of South America,
as distinguished from the adjacent islands.

[37] Internal evidence indicates that this list was prepared in New
Spain. In the MS., in the right-hand column are enumerated the articles
demanded for the Philippines; on the left is a statement of articles
sent--various memoranda being made on each side. As here presented,
the items in the left-hand column follow (within parentheses) the
corresponding items on the right hand.

[38] The Spanish _quintal_ (100 _libras_), varied in different
provinces; that of Castilla was equivalent to 101.6097 United States
pounds. Other denominations: 25 libras = 1 arroba; 4 arrobas =
1 quintal; 20 quintals = 1 tonelada.

[39] Of these measures of capacity, the first set are for liquid
measure: 4 copas = 1 cuartillo; 4 cuartillos = 1 azumbre; 8 azumbres =
1 arroba _mayor_ or _cantara_. This _arroba_ equals 4.26304 gallons,
and is supposed to contain the weight of 35 _libras_ of pure (_i.e.,_
distilled) water. The _arroba_ for oil, however, is only 3.31853
gallons.

The other measures are for dry substances. _Hanega_ is only another
form of _fanega_ (= 1.599 bushels), which is described in _Vol_. II,
note 72; the _celemín_ is the same as the _almude_ (note 20,
_ante_). Table: 4 ochavillos = 1 racion; 4 raciones = 1 cuartillo;
2 cuartillos = 1 medio; 2 medios = 1 almude; 12 almudes = 1 fanega;
12 fanegas = 1 cahíz.

[40] References to the shares, in goods discovered or produced,
which were to be set aside for the king and the church.

[41] _Elem:_ in Retana's text, "el _M_." In some old documents appears
the name Elen (or Helin); it apparently refers to the islet off the
southwest point of Mindoro which is now called Ylín.

[42] _Pintados_ ("painted"): a term applied to the inhabitants
of the Visayas (and afterward extended to those islands), because
they painted their bodies with red clay--or, as some writers say,
on account of their being tattooed.

[43] The name Manila is derived from a Tagal word, _manilad,_ meaning
"a place overgrown with _nilad_"--which is the name of a small tree,
bearing white flowers _(Ixora manila)._

Some writers claim that the name is a corruption of _Maydila,_
from the Tagal words _may_ and _dila_, meaning "the place that has
a tongue"--alluding to a tongue-shaped island formerly at the mouth
of Pasig River.--_Rev. T. C. Middleton_, O.S.A.

[44] Gold and other minerals are still obtained from the mines of
Paracale (in the province of Ambos, Camarines), Luzón.

[45] Blumentritt says (_Dic. mitológico de Filipinas_, pp. 34, 35),
of the appellation Bathala: "This name, of Sanscrit origin, is or was
given to various gods of the Malay Filipinos. The ancient Tagalos
called their principal god _Badhala_, or _Bathala mey-kapal_ ["God
the creator"], and gave the same name to the bird _Tigmamanukin_,
... and sometimes to the comets or other heavenly bodies, which,
in their opinion, predicted future events." This is analogous to
the manner in which the North American Indians apply such terms as
"Manitou," "wakan," or "medicine," not only to their divinities,
but to any phenomenon that is mysterious or incomprehensible to them.

The term _Dîwata_ (_devata, diobata_), also of Sanscrit origin, is
applied variously by different races in the archipelago--sometimes to
the souls of ancestors (whom they invoke); sometimes to any inferior
spirits, whether good or bad (_ut supra_ pp. 45, 46).

[46] A reference to the island of Basilan, off the southwest point
of Mindanao; it was formerly called Taguima. The route for ships here
mentioned was through the strait of Basilan.

[47] Yvalón (or Ibalón) was the ancient name of Albay; it was sometimes
applied to the entire island of Luzon.

[48] The Bícol river, which crosses the province of Ambos Camarines
(Sur), while Paracale is in the same province (Norte); both are on
the opposite coast from Albay. Yloquio is probably Ilocos; but that
province is north, not south, of Manila.

[49] This municipal organization may be thus defined: The _cabildo_ was
the municipal official corporation--nearly the same as the American
city council; the _regidores_ were members of it. The _alguazil_
was an official who executed the orders given by the _cabildo_, or
by the _alcaldes_ (judges). Regarding this subject, see Historical
Introduction, _Vol_. I, p. 56; also _Dic.-Encicl. Hisp.-Amer, art_:
Cabildo, Alcalde, etc.

[50] The _peso_ was a money of account, commonly supposed to be worth
fifteen _reals vellón_. There was also a silver coin called a _peso_,
which was valued at eight _reals_ of silver, and weighed one _onza_
(a trifle more than the English ounce). The _real_ (=34 _maravedis_)
is equivalent to nearly five cents of United States money; it is no
longer coined, but is still a unit of value throughout Spain. The
_tomin_ for gold was equivalent to 8.883 grains (United States
weight), and for silver to 9.254 grains. From a document published
in _Doc. inéd. Ultramar_, vol. ii, pp. 461-463, it appears that seven
_tomines_ of gold were equivalent to one _peso_ of gold.

[51] The table of weights to which the _marco_ belongs is as follows:
12 granos = 1 tomin; 3 tomines = 1 adarme; 2 adarmes = 1 ochava or
dracma; 8 ochavas = 1 onza; 8 onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra (=
1.016097 United States pounds).

[52] _Encomenderos_: persons to whom _repartimientos_ or _encomiendas_
were granted (see _Vol_. II, note 18).

[53] The name first given to the present city of Cebú, on the island
of that name. Another early name was San Miguel, given because the
settlement was founded on St. Michael's day.

[54] Bound with this MS. is an abstract of the same, evidently made
for the royal council by some secretary. In the margin are noted,
opposite the various points, instructions for the governor of the
islands. In reply to this letter Lavezaris is to be thanked for his
care, and exhorted to continue it. The licentiate Francisco de Sande
is about to go from New Spain to the Philippines, to take account of
Legazpi's administration and to act as governor. The king is advised
to reward Lavezaris, and suitable rewards should be given to Martin
de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo. Sande is to be instructed to accord
good treatment to the Chinese, in order to invite their trade and
win them to the faith. Peace and friendship must be maintained with
the Portuguese. The lists of _encomiendas_ granted by Legazpi and
Lavezaris, with full information regarding them, must be sent to the
government. Sande should be instructed to do what he considers best,
in regard to the appointment of _regidores_.

[55] Regarding the authorship of this document, see Bibliographical
Data. In its presentation here, we have interpolated in brackets the
additional matter found in the Sevilla copy; and likewise words which
alter the sense, prefixing to these "S:", to indicate the different
reading of the Sevilla document. Matter in the Madrid copy which
would give a different meaning from that at Sevilla is indicated by
"M:". The title of the latter is: "Relation of the Western Islands,
and the route thither from Nueva España."

[56] The _brisa_ is the north, northeast, or east wind, the _vendavál_
the south or southwest wind. The observations made for a considerable
period at the Jesuit observatory in Manila indicate the main prevalence
of winds as follows: north and northeast, November to January,
inclusive; east, February to April; south and southwest, May to
October. See Algué's account of these winds, in his _Archipiélago
Filipino_, vol. ii, ch. iv; also (with additional observations,
and citations from other authorities) in _Report of the Philippine
Commission_, 1900, vol. iv, pp. 227-256. In these is discussed the
question whether these prevalent winds can be properly termed monsoons.

[57] Probably some of the Marshall Islands.

[58] The Chinese _tael_ (weight) is equivalent to 1 1-3 United States
ounces avoirdupois. The _mace_ (_masse_) is one-tenth of the _tael_,
and equals 60.42 grains. These terms are also applied to moneys of
account in Chinese trade.

[59] The words "one thousand" do not appear in the Madrid copy,
having probably, in the course of time, been worn off (as have other
words or letters) from the edges of the paper.

[60] Now Panaón; separated from Leyte (here called Baybay) by Panaón
Strait. Tandaya was the early name of Samar Island, which is separated
from Leyte by San Juanico Strait. Mazoga is the same as Massava of
other early writers; it is now Limasaua Island.

[61] The _estado_ was equivalent to 1.85472 English yards, having
nearly the same value as the _braza_.

[62] Probably the _sibucao (Cæsalpina sapan_); its wood produces a red
coloring-matter which is highly valued, especially by the Chinese. Some
varieties of it are more highly esteemed than are those produced in
Brazil. These "Brazil" Islands are apparently the small groups north
of Luzón, now known as Batanes and Babuyanes.

[63] An archivist's marginal note on the Sevilla MS. reads: "Doubtless
this should be Bassilani"--which is the modern Basilan, an island
southwest of Mindanao.

[64] Regarding piracy in the Philippines, see Barrantes's _Guerras
piraticas de Filipinas_ (Madrid, 1878); and Montero y Vidal's _Historia
de la piratería en Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo_ (Madrid, 1888).

[65] A term (imported from America, and from the Nahuatl language)
applied to several species of _Calamus_: the rattan--a plant of great
use to the natives for many purposes.

[66] Compare the custom among the Norse vikings--a warrior, at the
approach of death from natural causes, embarking alone in his vessel,
floating out to sea, and setting it afire, that he might perish
with it.

[67] The table for Spanish measures of length: 12 puntos = 1 linea; 12
lineas = 1 pulgada; 6 pulgadas = 1 sesma; 2 sesmas = 1 piè (the foot,
= 11.128 U. S. inches); 3 piès = 1 vara; 4 varas = 1 estadal. Also,
9 lineas = 1 dedo; 12 dedos = 1 palma. The _legua_ of 8,000 _varas_
equals 4.2151 United States miles.

[68] _Camote:_ the sweet potato (_Ipomoea batatas_.)

[69] An interesting reference to one of the earliest and most
characteristic industries among the natives of the Philippines. The
"wild banana" is the _abacá_ (_Musa textilis_); its product (made
from the fibers of the leaves) is commonly known as "Manila hemp,"
and is one of the chief exports from the islands. Two kinds of cloth
are now made by the natives from the _abacá_, called _sinamay_ and
_tinampipi_; in making them, they use only primitive handlooms. See
Zúñiga's description of this manufacture, in _Estadismo_ (Retana's
edition), vol. ii, pp. 41, 42: cf. pp. 94, 95, where he praises the
cotton cloths made in the Philippines.

[70] The Spanish word is _moldes_; this sentence regarding the art of
printing in China is not in the Sevilla MS. Gonzalez de Mendoza gives
an interesting account in his _Hist. gran China_ (Madrigal edition,
Madrid, 1586), part i, book iii, ch. xvi, fol. 87-87b; he says that
the Chinese understood and used the art of printing more than five
hundred years before Gutenberg. He supposes that this invention was
carried to Germany via Russia and Muscovy, or by way of the Red Sea
and Arabia. The Augustinian Herrada and his associates took to the
Philippines a great many books, "printed in various parts of that
kingdom [China], but mostly in the province of Ochian [the former
province of Hu-Kwang, now forming the two provinces of Hou-Nan and
Hou-Pe] ... for therein were bookshops of the largest size," where
books were sold at low prices. In ch. xvii (fol. 89-91), Mendoza
enumerates the subjects treated in the books procured by Herrada;
they included history, statistics, geography, law, medicine, religion,
etc. See also Park's translation of Mendoza (Hakluyt Society, London,
1853), vol. i, pp. 131-137, and editorial note thereon regarding
antiquity of printing in China.

[71] See the Treaty of Zaragoza, _Vol_. I, pp. 222-239.

[72] The term Moros ("Moors") was applied by the Spaniards and
Portuguese to these Malayans, simply because they were, at least
nominally, Mahometans. Their residence was mainly in the islands of
Mindanao, Jolo, Paragua, and Balábac. Most of them were pirates,
who for centuries harassed not only the Spanish settlements, but
those of the Filipinos.

[73] A note by the editor of _Cartas de Indias_ says: "The documents
here named do not accompany this letter."

[74] This document is presented in both Spanish text and English
translation.

[75] The latter part only of this document is here presented; for
somewhat more than half of it is practically a duplicate of Legazpi's
_Relation_ of 1570--which see (_ante_, pp. 108-112), with footnotes
indicating all important variations therefrom found in the first half
of the Mirandaola letter. The part appearing here is matter additional
to the Legazpi _Relation_.

[76] For localities in which gold is found in the Philippines,
see _Philippine Gazetteer_, pp. 83, 84. See also Combés's _Hist. de
Mindanao_, lib. 1, cap. iv, with Retana's note thereon, col. 787;
in the note is information apparently obtained from this document of
our text.

[77] The viceroy of New Spain, Martin Enriquez, makes the following
interesting comments on the Chinese trade with the Philippines, in
a letter to the king dated January 9, 1574: "Since I wrote to your
Majesty by the despatch ship, I have seen some of the articles which
have been received in barter from the Chinese; and I consider the whole
thing as a waste of effort, and a losing rather than a profitable
business. For all they bring are a few silks of very poor quality
(most of which are very coarsely woven), some imitation brocades,
fans, porcelain, writing desks, and decorated boxes; indeed, did
I not have respect for more than the good government of this land,
I would not permit a single one of these things to be brought into
this kingdom. To pay for these they carry away gold and silver, and
they are so keen that they will accept nothing else. I am told that
they took away more than forty thousand ducats in gold and silver
from the islands; and if this were not regulated, they would always
have the best of it--although, if the Spaniards who traffic there
with them were business men, they themselves would reject the goods
carried to them, and would try to ascertain what goods the Chinese
have and their value, and arrange so that the exchange should be
profitable. I tell your Majesty of this because I shall write the
general no more than that he must not permit Spaniards to carry on
barter with gold that has not paid the tax."

[78] In 1560 the Portuguese obtained the loan of a spot near the
mouth of the Canton estuary, where they were permitted to establish
a trading-post, which was named Macao. Before many years elapsed,
more than five hundred Portuguese merchants resorted thither annually
to trade. "By the regular payment of their rent (five hundred taels
a year), as well as by a judicious system of bribing, the Portuguese
long enjoyed the practical monopoly of the external trade of the great
mart of Canton with the West." See D. C. Boulger's _History of China_,
ii, pp. 146, 169.

[79] The Chinese rulers here referred to are known in history by
different names from those here given, even after making allowance for
their pronunciation by Spaniards. Moutsong, twelfth emperor of the
Ming dynasty, died in 1572, and was succeeded by his son Chintsong,
better known under the name Wanleh. As this prince was then but six
years old, his mother acted as regent during his minority.

[80] The Ultramar MS. (see Bibliographical Data at end of this volume)
reads, "the river of Panaca to Cubo."

[81] From this point this paragraph in the Ultramar MS. reads as
follows: "As justly as possible. But although it was done thus,
complaints were heard, because not so many natives were found as
the list made by the person who had visited this district gave us to
understand. This list was so summary that it could not be true. The
encomenderos urged that the governor should make the number of each
repartimiento equal to the list. Therefore each encomendero received
the number for which he petitioned."

[82] The Ultramar MS. reads here: "named Cebu, he set out for Prognal."

[83] Martin Enriquez writes to the king (January 9, 1574), urging that
a new governor for the Philippines be appointed: "I beg your Majesty
to appoint, within a very short time, some person who shall have
the necessary qualifications for governing that land; for otherwise
neither Christianity nor the royal estate will be able to make much
progress there. Even since I wrote to your Majesty, I have heard
fuller details of certain things from among the many which are bound
to occur, and all through lack of justice. I had charged Don Pedro
de Luna to bring me a detailed relation of everything that he should
hear concerning matters there, and, as he died at sea, I sent word to
the Alcalde Mayor of Acapulco to look through his coffers for all his
papers, and send them to me, suspecting that I would not like to trust
everything to his memory. In this way I have ascertained from them
that there is beyond question need that your Majesty should endeavor
to secure better administration of justice there, and provide some
one to take greater care of your Majesty's finances."

[84] The Muñoz letter (see Bibliographical Data at end of this volume)
says, "four varas." The reading of our text is uncertain, as the
number is not written in full, but is designated by a contraction
difficult to read.

[85] The Ultramar MS. has the following: "It is enough to say, and
I swear it on my oath as a Christian, that there is said to be more
gold in this one island than iron in Vizcaya." This is very similar
to the reading in the MS. copied by Muñoz.

[86] The red sulphuret of arsenic.

[87] This and what follows was apparently added by the officials
in Mexico.

[88] _Corredor de Lonja_ (_Lonxa_) is undoubtedly a commission
merchant: apparently the decree confers upon the city the right to
appoint brokers of this class.--_A.P. Cushing_.

[89] This document is evidently addressed to the governor, then Guido
de Lavezaris.

[90] The ganta = 8 chupas = 3 liters.

[91] An ancient province of Luzon, so called from the name given in
Manila to the many porticos constructed out of the nipa palm. It was
erected into a province during the governorship of Guido de Lavezaris,
and was conquered by Salcedo. It is mountainous, and contains rich
mines of various metals, and a fertile soil. It is now (since April 27,
1901), under American government, known by the name of Ambos Camarines.

[92] The early name of the islands now known as Visayas (or
Bisayas)--the group lying between Luzón, Mindanao, and Mindoro;
so named from their inhabitants, known as Pintados ("painted men")
from their tattooed bodies.

[93] Referring to the abacá, or wild plantain (note 68).

[94] Referring to the birth of a son to Felipe II and Anna of
Austria--probably that of Jacobo (or Jaime), born in 1572 or 1573,
who died in 1582.

[95] The name and title of this commander are, by some _lapsus
calami_, omitted in the MS. The reference, however, is obvious,
to Don Juan of Austria, illegitimate son of Cárlos I (but finally
publicly acknowledged by him); this prince gained signal renown in
wars against the Mahometans.

[96] The Rio Grande of Mindanao.

[97] The first-born son of Felipe was Fernando, born in 1571; he died
at the age of four years. The town named for him is now called Vigan;
it is located on Abra River, and is capital of the province of Ilocos
Sur, Luzón.

[98] Of the decrees here referred to, two may be found in _Recopilación
de leyes de las Indias_ (5th ed., Madrid, 1841), lib. viii. One
(tit. iv, ley xxiv) provides that vacancies in crown offices shall be
filled by the viceroy, or by the president of the Audiencia; the other
(tit. x, ley xviii), that gold and silver found in seaports, which
has not been duly taxed and stamped, shall, if there be no smelting
establishment in such place, be forfeited to the royal treasury.

[99] See _post_, p. 286.

[100] Apparently a reference to the custom of _taboo_ (or _tabu_),
of which traces exist among primitive peoples throughout the world,
but most of all in Polynesia. The word means "sacred"--that is, set
aside or appropriated to persons or things regarded as sacred; but
the custom, although doubtless originating in religious observances,
gradually extended as a social usage. It is among many peoples
connected with totemism, and is considered by many writers as the
gradual outgrowth of animistic beliefs.

[101] This was Doctor Francisco de Sande, who entered upon his duties
as governor of the Philippines in August, 1575. He had previously been
a member of the Audiencia of Mexico. While governor, he desired to
undertake the conquest of China; but Felipe II ordered him to confine
his activities to the preservation of what Spain had already gained
in the islands. Sande was recalled in 1580.

[102] Thus in the original (_setenta y cinco_); but it must be a slip
of the writer, since Legazpi removed to Manila in May, 1571, which
was organized as a city a year later--as is shown by the "Documents
of 1571-72," _ante_.

[103] The _marco_ was the unit of weight used in weighing gold and
silver in the different Latin countries. In Spain it was equivalent
to O.507641 lb.

[104] "Most authors use this nomenclature: 'Moros' are Mahometans,
of more or less pure Malay race, in whose civilization are the
remains of Oriental barbarism; 'infidels' or 'pagans,' [gentiles],
Filipinos whose only religion is one of the idolatrous rites, more
or less absurd, which are natural to savages: and 'Christians,' the
Indians whom our meritorious religious have converted to the faith
of Jesus Christ."--_Retana_ (_Zúñiga,_ ii. p. 9*).

[105] Referring to the Tartar chief Yenta, who harassed the Chinese
empire from 1529 until 1570--raiding the frontiers, carrying away
rich plunder and many captives (in one campaign, it is said, 200,000
persons), and even threatening Pekin itself. Finally (1570) peace was
restored, Yenta acknowledging the sovereignty of the Chinese emperor,
and receiving in return the title of prince of Chuny. Yenta died in
1583. See Boulger's _Hist. China_, ii, pp. 141-144, 150, 154.






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