The troubles in Austria have not been brought to a close by the downfall of Count Badeni and the appointment of Baron von Gautsch.

Count Badeni was, as you will remember, particularly obnoxious to the German element in Austria, and many people thought that his dismissal would restore harmony. Instead, it has given rise to some very serious rioting in Bohemia.

We explained to you in a former number that Austro-Hungary is composed of a number of states and provinces.

The leading races in this much-disturbed country are the Germans, the Slavs, and the Magyars.

The Germans number about ten and a half millions; the Slavs, who comprise about nine distinct races, about twenty millions; and the Magyars about seven and a half millions.

The most important of the Slavs are the Czechs, or Bohemians, who number about five and a half of the total twenty millions.

While, as you can readily see, the Slavonic races considerably outnumber the Germans and the Magyars, the government is vested in these two latter races, and therefore the Slavs are forced to obey the will of the governing people. They do so, as we have seen, with a very bad grace.

Between the Magyars and the Germans there is no great friendliness, but the Hungarians have their own parliament, and are independent in many things. Between the Austrians and the Czechs there is an intense and undying antipathy, which it seems impossible to overcome.

The Bohemians would like to be as independent as the Hungarians, but their desires are not heeded, and they are forced to submit to the government of the Austrian Reichsrath or parliament.

In this assembly, however, they can show their true sentiments, and the friction between the rival races is extraordinary. If the Bohemians want any special laws made, the Germans oppose them. If the Germans try to get a measure through the parliament that is for their benefit alone, the Czechs combine to defeat it.

When, therefore, the German party succeeded in ousting Count Badeni, the Czechs were furious.

The German Austrians foolishly celebrated their victory with bonfires and illuminations, making a fête of the success which was so hateful to the Czechs.

The angry Bohemians sought revenge in riot.

In Prague, the capital of Bohemia, there were fierce anti-German risings.

The houses of the Germans were bombarded with stones, the German theatre and German restaurants were attacked and damaged, and the German Quarter, or portion of the city where most of the Germans live, was visited by an angry mob which plundered the houses and shops.

All persons speaking the German language were subject to attack, and for this reason the unfortunate and harmless Jews came in for their share of the popular hatred. The majority of them do not speak Czech, and many of the signs over their shops are in the hated German language. Many of them were therefore robbed, beaten, and cruelly ill-treated.

The riots grew so serious that they almost amounted to a rebellion.

Thousands of Czechs streamed into Prague to assist the rioters. The streets were filled with furious men, who attacked and beat any person using words of German. The very women on their way to market were not safe. They were obliged to wear the Bohemian national colors to save themselves from attack.

One poor old woman was severely beaten because she could not speak Czech. About three hundred Germans were taken to the hospitals, suffering from wounds they had received.

The disturbances having assumed such a serious character, the troops were ordered out to restore order.

They were greeted with showers of stones, broken glass, or any missile that came handy. The soldiers were finally obliged to fire on the mob, and in consequence many persons were injured.

The riots continuing, Prague was put under martial law, and regiments were drafted from Vienna to assist in quelling them. Twelve thousand in all have been massed in the city of Prague. It is evident that the Government considers the situation grave, as the men have been sent out armed as for war, and furnished with the various necessaries as for a regular campaign.

When martial law is proclaimed in a district, it means that all persons within a certain limit are to be subject to the rules and regulations in use in times of war.

These rules are very strict. Persons who resist are arrested, tried, and severely punished. Sometimes if they cannot give a good account of themselves they are hanged as spies.

The law that has been proclaimed in Prague is known as the Standrecht, and is not exactly martial law. Instead of the military officers sitting in judgment on suspected persons, the civil judges of the law courts are given military powers. They try and sentence people with military haste, and their sentences are put into effect within a few hours after they have been passed.

There is no appeal from the judgments of the Standrecht; and so quickly are they carried out, that if a person is ordered to be hanged, and the regular executioner is busy, the judge can call on the soldiers to carry out the sentence.

No sooner were these severe measures enforced in Prague, than the wrath of the people began to calm down.

Four men were handed over to the mercy of the judges; each received a sentence of twenty years' imprisonment, and was immediately taken away without time for farewells.

The hand of the law is very heavy in Prague at this moment, and for this reason her citizens are gradually returning to their senses.

Throughout the length and breadth of this great city the people are forced to live by military rules. Among other orders, the commanding officer insists that the house doors must be closed at seven every evening. Shops have to be closed at five, cafés must have their lights out and doors closed at nine, and every person in the city has to give an account of himself whenever it is required.

Under these laws the people of Prague will continue to live until peace is restored. The condition of the city is very pitiable. The schools are closed, the hotels are empty, and the tradespeople declare that bankruptcy lies before them.

Amazing stories are told of the dreadful things done by the rioters in their hatred of everything German. It is said that the Children's Hospital was attacked, and pelted with stones until all the windows were broken. The poor little invalids were for hours subjected to the freezing cold, and all because the doctors and nurses were Austrian Germans. In another part of the city an ambulance with a sick man in it was attacked by the mob, because the doctor riding with the patient was known to be a German.

While these horrors have been going forward in Prague, matters have not improved much in Vienna.

The two parties are more furious against each other than ever. It is asserted that if the Reichsrath reassembles with the same president, the previous disgraceful riots will be repeated.

It is said, however, that there is a chance of an un derstanding on the language question, but it is thought that it will be impossible to pass the Austro-Hungarian Compromise Bill in the Reichsrath.

This bill is the contract which holds Austria and Hungary together as one country, and which, as we have told you, expires on December 31st of this year.

If it is not renewed, Austria and Hungary must be separated.

As it has been impossible for the two nations to agree as to the terms of the new contract, it has, as we have told you, been suggested to make a temporary one for one year, which will bind the kingdoms while the permanent contract is being prepared.

It is this one-year agreement which it is supposed cannot be passed by the Reichsrath.

If it becomes evident that the Reichsrath will not pass this necessary bill, it is thought that the Emperor will finally take advantage of his right under the constitution, and, dissolving the Reichsrath, act on his own authority, and accept a one-year's agreement with Hungary.

If Francis Joseph is forced to take such a step it is likely that he may not call a new parliament for some time, but govern the country himself.

In the mean while, Baron Banffy, the Hungarian Prime Minister, has offered a bill in the Hungarian Reichstag (parliament) on this vexed question.

The Austrian parliament is called the "Reichsrath," the Hungarian the "Reichstag."

This bill provides that the contract between Hungary and Austria shall remain in force for another year, till December, 1898, and that if new arrange ments have not been made by that time the compact shall be finally broken.

If nothing satisfactory has been proposed by May, 1898, the Government promises to submit proposals for the regulation of matters between the two countries, which shall go into force when the contract expires in December, 1898.

As soon as this bill had been read, Francis Kossuth (who, as we told you, is the son of the great Hungarian patriot, Louis Kossuth) asked leave to make suggestions in regard to the bill.

It being late, the house adjourned, after granting him permission to speak on the following day.

Everybody was eager to know what Kossuth would do. His love for his country and his desire to see her free were so well known that it was supposed that he had some plan to secure his hoped-for project.

As was expected, he made a strong plea that Hungary should declare her freedom.

Having pointed out to the members that the present was a golden opportunity in which to throw off the Austrian yoke, he ended his speech by asking that Baron Banffy's bill be referred to a committee.

Those who understand parliamentary procedure will see that this was a very clever move. Kossuth hoped thus to delay the final discussion of the bill until after the date of the treaty had expired, and then Hungary would once more have her freedom.

In getting the matter referred to a committee, he was submitting it to all the delays that attend parliamentary work. It would be placed in the hands of men who would be obliged to discuss it thoroughly before they could report it, and it would be unlikely that it could be returned to parliament before the beginning of January, when it would be too late to be of any use.

What the result of this clever move was, we have not yet heard.

It is thought by many people that the fall of the Austrian Empire is at hand.

Some fear that the German element may appeal to Emperor William of Germany, and that a war in which Germany, Austria, and Russia will be concerned may be the upshot of the present troubles.

Germany has a good deal on her hands at this moment.

In regard to Haiti, the case of young Lueders seems to be more complicated than it at first appeared.

By the laws of Haiti he is a Haitian, having been born on Haitian soil of a native mother; but he was educated in Germany, and served his time in the German army, so he has voluntarily assumed the duties of German citizenship.

This makes the case hard to handle.

Haiti has a perfect right to insist that he is a citizen, and must be treated according to her laws, but Germany has also some right to say that he is a German citizen, and shall not be abused by a foreign country. Were Haiti a more powerful country than she is, there is little doubt that she would take a stand and insist on her rights, but as it is, she does not dare to resist a strong power like Germany.

There was, as we told you, a report current that Germany did not intend to send any ship to Haiti, but that the matter would be settled by arbitration.

Three days after the announcement, two German cruisers entered the harbor of Port-au-Prince, and sent in an ultimatum, which is a government's final decision on a given subject.

The Haitian Government was informed that unless Germany's demands were submitted to within eight hours, the town would be bombarded.

Germany had said that two of her schoolships would visit the West Indies during the winter, and the two vessels which arrived at Port-au-Prince are believed to have been the two in question. They were, however, so fully equipped, and presented such a formidable appearance, that they were quite sufficient to seriously alarm the Haitians.

Word had been sent a few days previously that two German vessels were making all haste to Port-au-Prince, but thinking them the coming schoolships, the Haitians felt no fear. They determined to resist these German schoolboys to the last, and armed themselves to fight their foe.

When the German vessels finally made their appearance, and the Haitians saw for themselves that these so-called schoolships seemed to have just as many seamen and murderous-looking guns as the ordinary man-of-war, their courage oozed out at their finger-tips.

Before the ships came in sight, they had paraded the city, crying "Down with the Government!" in their fear that President Simon Sam might submit.

Now, in face of the two cruisers, affairs took on a new complexion, and when they heard that the town would be bombarded if Germany's demands were not acceeded to within eight hours, the natives' only fear was that the President would not submit.

The foreign residents did not feel any more cheerful than the Haitians.

The members of the French colony took refuge on the French ships in the harbor; the Germans hurried on board their own vessels; the English sought shelter on their trading steamers; and the Americans, having no vessels in the harbor, went to the house of the minister, carrying with them the most valuable of their possessions.

President Simon Sam determined to resist as long as he dared. He sent a request to the commander of the German vessels, for more time to consider.

The German commander refused, and one of the "schoolships" cleared its decks for action, and took up a position close to the Haitian war-vessels.

Clearing the decks for action means that everything possible is removed from the deck, and a clear space left for the sailors to work the ship in.

The Haitians then became convinced that Germany would not be trifled with, and the Government decided to yield.

President Simon Sam had feared that if he yielded too easily, the people would be infuriated with him, and try to put down his Government, so he held out until the cruiser was actually threatening the town, and then submitted. The money demanded by Germany as damages for Lueders, $30,000 in all, was sent on board the German vessel.

The President at the same time issued a notice to the people of Haiti, telling them he had been com pelled to yield the rights of Haiti to the superior force of Germany.

The Haitians, besides sending the money, saluted the German flag, and sent a letter of apology to Germany.

Had the Haitians held out, and allowed the Germans to bombard their city, the United States would have been bound to interfere. It is said that the officials of our Government are very glad that the difficulty has been settled without our being forced to take part in it.

Germany seems to be in great luck at this moment.

It is reported that China, not being strong enough to fight the Germans, and drive them out of her country, has decided to give up Kiao-Chou to them.

This rumor has not as yet been confirmed, and it seems hardly to be believed, when we take into consideration the fact that only a week ago the Chinese Emperor said he would rather give up his crown than yield to the enormous demands of Germany.

The day after this announcement was made, two hundred German marines and sailors entered the city of Kiao-Chou, which is eighteen miles from the Bay, and took possession of it.

The Chinese forts protecting the town opened fire on the Germans; but when the invaders replied with their splendid modern guns, the Chinese retreated, and the Germans took possession of the city without further trouble.

Several German sailors were injured by stones, flung at them by the inhabitants of the villages through which they marched; but beyond that they suffered no loss, and their second victory, the taking of the city, was as easy as their first, when they captured the forts protecting Kiao-Chou Bay.

Whether the reports that China has given up Kiao-Chou be true or false, it is certain that Germany has no intention of letting the prize she holds slip through her fingers.

She has just sent out a reinforcement of twelve hundred marines and two hundred artillerymen, under the command of the Emperor's brother, Prince Henry of Prussia.

Marines are soldiers who form a part of the equipment of war-vessels.

They have none of the sailors' duties, and do not handle the ships, but are sea troops, so to speak, who fight on shipboard, or are landed to attack a town, as in the case of Kiao-Chou.

They are a very useful body of men; but being neither soldiers nor sailors, according to the recognized idea of the terms, they are looked down upon by both soldiers and jack tars. In England it is a common saying that a marine is "neither fish, flesh, fowl, nor good red herring."

It is stated that the principal reason for the seizure of Kiao-Chou Bay was that Germany desired to have her share of the China trade. Finding that China was indifferent to her wishes, she determined to seize upon a portion of Chinese soil, and put herself in a position to force the Asiatic kingdom to listen to her demands and obey them.

A later telegram from China says that Germany has agreed to give up Kiao-Chou Bay for a coaling-station at Sam-Sah, which is on the coast of China, facing Formosa, the island Japan secured from China in the late war.

This report is also as yet unconfirmed, and so we must wait until next week to know which is the correct one.

From the latest Cuban news, it would seem that the insurgents are gaining a good many victories.

The leader of the Spanish forces, General Pando, was met by the Cubans in a heavy engagement in Santa Clara province. The first reports that reached us were that the Cubans had won the victory, and General Pando had been killed.

This report was denied by the Spaniards, but nevertheless no news has been received from this leader since the engagement.

The Spanish authorities are awaiting information with the deepest anxiety. The idea is growing daily stronger that some disaster must have overtaken him, and that he has been cut off from communication with Havana; otherwise no one can account for the fact that no news of any kind has been received from him.

In addition to this, the towns of Guisa and Canto el Embarcadero have been captured by the Cubans. A force of Spanish guerillas, fifty strong, have gone over to the insurgents, carrying with them arms, ammunition, and a large sum of money. Gomez is busy in Santa Clara, organizing his forces to make a strong stand against the Spanish troops.

As we told you, the Government has issued an order permitting the grinding of the sugar-cane.

Gomez is determined to prevent this. In the Western provinces, the rebels have divided themselves into small bands, and are burning such cane-fields as the desolation of the war has left growing.

Gomez himself will destroy the fields of Santa Clara.

You probably remember the methods employed by the insurgents for burning the cane at the beginning of the war.

They caught snakes, which are very plentiful in the swampy districts of Cuba, and rubbing their bodies with kerosene, set fire to them, and then threw them into the cane-fields.

The agonized reptiles, in their efforts to rub the burning oil from their bodies, twined around the cane, twisted from stem to stem, and set the fields on fire in a hundred places at once.

A big engagement is reported near Sancti Spiritus, and it is also said that the rebels have hanged fifteen persons who have approached them with proposals of Home Rule.

This does not look as if the island would soon be pacified.

The Government in Spain appears to be satisfied with the President's Message, the substance of which you will find in this number of The Great Round World .

You will see, when you look at it, that the President does not think it wise to interfere for the present, but thinks it right to give Spain time to try what Home Rule will do.

It is doubtful, however, whether the proposed reforms can be made acceptable to the majority of the Cubans.

A fresh proclamation, signed by a number of the lesser Cuban chiefs, has been issued. In it the insurgents state very decidedly that they are fighting for liberty, and will have nothing but liberty from Spain. They declare, in so many words, that their watchword is "Freedom or Death."

It is not going to be easy to pacify so determined a people.

The Havana volunteers are now giving the Government much trouble and putting fresh obstacles in the way of the success of the reforms.

We spoke about this body of men at the time of Weyler's leave-taking, and told you how opposed they were to showing kindness or mercy to the Cubans, believing only in Weyler's cruel methods.

These volunteers are violently enraged against the proposed Home Rule, and in addition have another grievance against the Government.

They have been in the habit of doing the kid-glove soldiering of the island, mustering and parading in handsome uniforms; their heaviest work has been to occasionally go on guard duty at the palace, where the Captain-General lives, or at the bank.

General Blanco is anxious to suppress the revolution, and, wishing to make use of every man who can carry arms, decided to put this idle force into the field.

This the volunteers refused to submit to. It is said that they will mutiny rather than undertake any useful duties.

Perhaps a little ashamed to state the true cause of their anger, they have laid it all to the score of Home Rule, and declare that if Spain cannot protect them they would rather submit to American government than be ruled by Cubans.

The disaffected volunteers have declared their intention of wearing the white badge of Don Carlos, and will appeal to him rather than allow the hated Home Rule to be carried out.

In Spain, also, the Carlist party is making strong protests against the establishment of Home Rule, and it is thought that Don Carlos will seize this measure as a pretext for coming forward and making one more effort to gain the throne of Spain.

Several of the Spanish journals have begun to speak of him as "the king," and, strange to say, this treasonable conduct has been allowed to go unpunished.

The stone house at Tappan on the Hudson River, in which Major John André was imprisoned before he was hanged as a spy, is about to be opened to the public.

For forty years it has been owned by a gentleman who absolutely refused to allow any one to enter it.

A few weeks ago a heavy storm of wind and rain threw down the whole front of the house, and immediately scores of relic-hunters descended upon the house, and, delighted that they no longer need be deterred from satisfying their curiosity, roamed at will over the ruin, carrying away scraps of wood and stone as mementos of their visit.

Disgusted that he could no longer keep his property to himself, the owner sold the old house. The present proprietor intends to rebuild the front wall and preserve the rest of the building as it is, using it as a picnic resort.

This old house has a very interesting record.

During the Revolutionary times it was known as the Mabie Tavern, and the old tap-room, with its ancient bar, is still as it was in those troublous times.

Major André was the officer who, as the representative of the British general, Sir Henry Clinton, made arrangements with the infamous traitor, Benedict Arnold, for the surrender of West Point.

On returning from his interview with Arnold at Stony Point, André was arrested at Tarrytown and taken across the Tappan Zee. He was tried by court-martial and sentenced to be hanged as a spy. The sentence was carried out in October, 1780.

The tavern was used as a prison, and the room in which André was visited by Alexander Hamilton, and the window from which the doomed man was supposed to have looked out on his place of execution, are still in good preservation.

G. H. Rosenfeld.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

On Monday, December 6th, the first regular session of the Fifty-fifth Congress began.

At twelve o'clock precisely the Senate and the House of Representatives were called to order by their respective presiding officers.

The usual form of business was then gone through.

After a prayer by the chaplain, both bodies appointed two members to inform the President that Congress was in session, and ready to receive any communication from him.

At half-past one the President's secretary presented the Message to the Senate, and a few minutes later handed another in to the House of Representatives.

The Message, which is President McKinley's first annual message, was listened to with the closest attention.

After a greeting to Congress, and congratulations on the good work done in the extra session last summer, the President took up the

Currency Question. —You will remember that he was very anxious to make some changes in our money system, which he did not consider satisfactory. He asked Congress to appoint a committee to examine into the subject, but Congress referred the matter to the Committee on Finance, and no special committee was appointed.

The President realized from this that the country was not ready or willing to have changes made in its money system, and therefore, in his Message, he treats the currency with the utmost care.

He warns Congress that the present money system is unsound and needs changing. He reminds the lawmakers that the country has undertaken to pay out a certain amount of gold every year, but that it has not made any arrangements for receiving gold. The consequence is that the treasury has every year to buy the gold it needs to pay its debts.

This the President does not approve of.

He suggests that some arrangement should be made whereby debts due to the Government shall be paid in gold, so that the treasury may receive enough gold for its needs.

He leaves the matter in the hands of Congress, suggesting that it might help matters if the bank-notes which the Government has to redeem in gold shall only be paid out again in exchange for gold. He also asks that earnest attention be given to the plan of the Secretary of the Treasury.

The Cuban Question is treated in a very impartial and statesmanlike manner.

The President goes over its history in a way that is most interesting to us, because he is in possession of facts that no private citizen can obtain. We print a portion of his remarks:

"The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest, growing discontent; an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and self-control; of organized resistance to the mother country.

"The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the island might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called forth, between 1823 and 1860, various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to permit no dis turbance of Cuba's connection with Spain, unless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through purchase; nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the Government.

"The revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years, despite the strenuous efforts of the successive Peninsular governments to suppress it. Then, as now, the Government of the United States testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. The overtures made by General Grant were refused, and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to American interests, besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this Government. In 1878 peace was brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the Spanish commander, Martinez de Campos, and the insurgent leaders.

"The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895."

He goes on to say that the friendly offers of mediation made in April, 1896, by this Government, were refused by Spain. He mentions the cruel policy of driving the peasants into the towns, the abuse of the rights of war which were perpetrated, speaks of Minister Woodford's mission, and finally shows that action on our part was rendered unnecessary by the death of Canovas and the coming in to power of Sagasta.

He declares that the present Government of Spain seems determined to give liberal Home Rule to the island of Cuba, and to give it in spite of the serious objections raised by certain powerful political parties in Spain.

In the face of these facts, he asks Congress to give Spain time, before making any demands, to end the war.

He refuses to recognize the belligerency of Cuba, and bases his decision on the action taken by President Grant in 1875, when the situation in Cuba was similar to the present state of affairs.

He quotes the following words of General Grant:

"A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war...."

He declares that as regards filibustering, he thinks the Government has simply done its duty. He leaves the Cuban question practically as it was, asking Congress to wait and see how the Home Rule principle works before taking any further steps.

He promises that if, in the future, intervention in the affairs of Cuba seems necessary, he will face the necessity without hesitation.

Hawaiian Annexation is treated very clearly by President McKinley.

He thinks the time is ripe for annexation, and recommends that the treaty shall be confirmed as speedily as possible.

He seems to think there is no doubt that Congress will pass the treaty, for he goes on to recommend that Home Rule shall be given to Hawaiians as soon as the islands shall belong to the United States.

He reports progress on The Nicaragua Canal , states that the surveys and examinations are being made, and that he hopes soon to have a full statement to submit to Congress.

The Sealing Question received some consideration. The Message gives the history of the matter, with which we are all familiar (or can easily become so by looking up the back numbers of The Great Round World , from page 732, and through several numbers following).

The President announces the treaty arranged between Russia, Japan, and the United States, and that on certain important points England is also agreed. He thinks there will be little difficulty in getting measures adopted for the preservation of the seal herd.

Arbitration. —On this matter he states that the "best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement of differences between nations without the horrors of war."

He adds that he will give his constant encouragement to all such treaties, provided they do not endanger our interests.

The Exposition of 1900 , which will be held in Paris, also comes in for consideration.

President McKinley states that from the reports received from the special commissioner who was appointed to look into the matter, he is of opinion that the coming event in Paris will be one of the most important of the many wonderful expositions which the world has seen.

He therefore asks Congress to make a liberal appropriation of money, so that the United States may be properly represented.

In regard to The Navy , the President says:

"The present force of the navy consists of 4 battleships of the first class, 2 of the second, and 48 other vessels, ranging from armored cruisers to torpedo-boats. There are under construction 5 battleships of the first class, 16 torpedo-boats, and 1 submarine boat. No provision has yet been made for the armor for three of the five battleships, as it has been impossible to obtain it at the price fixed by Congress. It is of great importance that Congress provide for the purchase of this armor, as until then the ships are of no fighting value."

Considering that five battleships of the largest class are now on the stocks, the President only recommends the building of one more battleship, which shall be for the Pacific Coast.

He also asks for several torpedo-boats, in connection with the system of coast defence, and recommends that floating-docks for the repairing of battleships be provided on all our coasts.

As to Alaska , the government of the territory is, the President says, not strong or effective enough to take care of the crowds that have hurried into the country since the discovery of gold.

He therefore suggests that a more thorough system of government shall be established.

He states that he agrees with General Alger, the Secretary of War, that Alaska also needs a military force for the safety of her citizens. A military post is about to be established at St. Michaels, which, as you probably remember, is on Norton Sound, and is one of the principal seaports of Alaska.

The Civilized Tribes of Indians were next in consideration.

President McKinley recommends that the relations with the five civilized tribes shall be readjusted, giving the Indians citizenship and individual ownership of their lands.

The five civilized tribes are the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Muscogees or Creeks, and the Seminoles.

(This latter point opens a very interesting subject for us. We have not space to talk about it now, but hope to do so shortly. We should all of us be familiar with the history of the Indians.)

The President recommends that to prevent the further invasion of the United States by yellow fever it is important to discover the exact cause of the disease. He suggests that investigations to that end shall be made.

The quarantine laws, he thinks, should also be amended and improved.

He expresses a hope that now that the Congressional Library has been finished, and is such a magnificent building, and so perfect in its form and detail, Congress will appropriate sums sufficient to develop it, until it shall be among the richest and most useful in the world.

Begging Congress to keep its expenditures within the limit of its receipts, President McKinley brought his Message to a close.

G. G.H. Rosenfeld.

INVENTION AND DISCOVERY.

This is a good idea for house plants, which are such a trouble to keep properly watered.

All gardeners tell you that plants never do so well in jardinières as in the red earthen pots. It is for the reason that the common pots are porous and allow evaporation, so that the water does not become stagnant and injure the plant, while the glazed jardinières effectually prevent it.

The great objection to the red pots is that they need a saucer under them, and when moved are difficult to handle without spilling the contents of the saucer.

Plants are not a bit greedy. They don't drink all the water that is given them at once; they love to let a little water run through and remain in the saucer until they need it. It is therefore necessary to the health of plants to let them stand in a vessel that will permit them to make their little reserve store if they wish to.

The new invention accomplishes all of these purposes.

It is a deep saucer, which gives room for an ample reservoir. Attached to it are two uprights with hinged handles at the top.

These handles are to clasp the flower pot and attach it firmly to the saucer.

The pot is placed in the saucer, and the uprights are bent toward the plant until they touch it. Then the spring handles are turned down and clasp the in side rim of the pot, making pot and saucer practically one piece, giving all the advantages of the jardinière, with the health qualities of the earthen pot.

Clothes-pin. —The old-fashioned clothes-pin is such a clumsy, unhandy thing, that this new invention should be hailed with delight by housekeepers.

Any one who has tried to hang out washing knows the trick that clothes-pins have of standing on their heads just when they seem most firmly gripping the rope—slipping off and letting the clothes fall to the ground.

The new pin will allow no such pranks. It is a double affair, and can grip the whole of a stocking or the shoulder of a garment, and hold it with absolute security.

It is made of galvanized wire, so that it is quite smooth, and there are none of the rough pieces and splinters which we sometimes find on clothes-pins. As the pin is of galvanized wire, it does not rust.

G.H.R.