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Title: History of the Wars, Books III and IV: The Vandalic War

Author: Procopius

Translator: H. B. Dewing

Release date: September 27, 2005 [eBook #16765]
                Most recently updated: December 12, 2020

Language: English

Credits: E-text prepared by Jonathan Ingram, jayam, and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team


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PROCOPIUS

With an English Translation by H. B. Dewing

In Seven Volumes

II

HISTORY OF THE WARS, BOOKS III AND IV

London
William Heinemann Ltd
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Harvard University Press

MCMLXXI

First Printed 1916







CONTENTS


   HISTORY OF THE WARS--

                                                    PAGE
      BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR                      1
      BOOK IV.--THE VANDALIC WAR _(CONTINUED)_       209

   INDEX 461







PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

HISTORY OF THE WARS.

BOOK III

THE VANDALIC WAR


I

Such, then, was the final outcome of the Persian War for the Emperor
Justinian; and I shall now proceed to set forth all that he did against
the Vandals and the Moors. But first shall be told whence came the host
of the Vandals when they descended upon the land of the Romans. After
Theodosius, the Roman Emperor, had departed from the world, having
proved himself one of the most just of men and an able warrior, his
kingdom was taken over by his two sons, Arcadius, the elder, receiving
the Eastern portion, and Honorius, the younger, the Western. [Jan. 17,
395 A.D.] But the Roman power had been thus divided as far back as the
time of Constantine and his sons; for he transferred his government to
Byzantium, and making the city larger and much more renowned, allowed it
to be named after him.

Now the earth is surrounded by a circle of ocean, either entirely or for
the most part (for our knowledge is not as yet at all clear in this
matter); and it is split into two continents by a sort of outflow from
the ocean, a flow which enters at the western part and forms this Sea
which we know, beginning at Gadira[1] and extending all the way to the
Maeotic Lake.[2] Of these two continents the one to the right, as one
sails into the Sea, as far as the Lake, has received the name of Asia,
beginning at Gadira and at the southern[3] of the two Pillars of
Heracles. Septem[4] is the name given by the natives to the fort at that
point, since seven hills appear there; for "septem" has the force of
"seven" in the Latin tongue. And the whole continent opposite this was
named Europe. And the strait at that point separates the two
continents[5] by about eighty-four stades, but from there on they are
kept apart by wide expanses of sea as far as the Hellespont. For at this
point they again approach each other at Sestus and Abydus, and once more
at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks called in ancient times
the "Dark Blue Rocks," where even now is the place called Hieron. For at
these places the continents are separated from one another by a distance
of only ten stades and even less than that.

Now the distance from one of the Pillars of Heracles to the other, if
one goes along the shore and does not pass around the Ionian Gulf and
the sea called the Euxine but crosses from Chalcedon[6] to Byzantium and
from Dryous[7] to the opposite mainland,[8] is a journey of two hundred
and eighty-five days for an unencumbered traveller. For as to the land
about the Euxine Sea, which extends from Byzantium to the Lake, it would
be impossible to tell everything with precision, since the barbarians
beyond the Ister River, which they also call the Danube, make the shore
of that sea quite impossible for the Romans to traverse--except, indeed,
that from Byzantium to the mouth of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two
days, which should be added to the measure of Europe by one making the
computation. And on the Asiatic side, that is from Chalcedon to the
Phasis River, which, flowing from the country of the Colchians, descends
into the Pontus, the journey is accomplished in forty days. So that the
whole Roman domain, according to the distance along the sea at least,
attains the measure of a three hundred and forty-seven days' journey,
if, as has been said, one ferries over the Ionian Gulf, which extends
about eight hundred stades from Dryous. For the passage across the
gulf[9] amounts to a journey of not less than four days. Such, then, was
the size of the Roman empire in the ancient times.

And there fell to him who held the power in the West the most of Libya,
extending ninety days' journey--for such is the distance from Gadira to
the boundaries of Tripolis in Libya; and in Europe he received as his
portion territory extending seventy-five days' journey--for such is the
distance from the northern[10] of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian
Gulf.[11] And one might add also the distance around the gulf. And the
emperor of the East received territory extending one hundred and twenty
days' journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far as
Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is called at the present
time Dyrrachium, as well as that portion of the country about the Euxine
Sea which, as previously stated, is subject to the Romans. Now one day's
journey extends two hundred and ten stades,[12] or as far as from Athens
to Megara. Thus, then, the Roman emperors divided either continent
between them. And among the islands Britain, which is outside the
Pillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was counted,
as is natural, with the West; and inside the Pillars, Ebusa,[13] which
lies in the Mediterranean in what we may call the Propontis, just inside
the opening where the ocean enters, about seven days' journey from the
opening, and two others near it, Majorica and Minorica, as they are
called by the natives, were also assigned to the Western empire. And
each of the islands in the Sea itself fell to the share of that one of
the two emperors within whose boundaries it happened to lie.


II

Now while Honorius was holding the imperial power in the West,
barbarians took possession of his land; and I shall tell who they were
and in what manner they did so. [395-423 A.D.] There were many Gothic
nations in earlier times, just as also at the present, but the greatest
and most important of all are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, and
Gepaedes. In ancient times, however, they were named Sauromatae and
Melanchlaeni;[14] and there were some too who called these nations
Getic. All these, while they are distinguished from one another by their
names, as has been said, do not differ in anything else at all. For they
all have white bodies and fair hair, and are tall and handsome to look
upon, and they use the same laws and practise a common religion. For
they are all of the Arian faith, and have one language called Gothic;
and, as it seems to me, they all came originally from one tribe, and
were distinguished later by the names of those who led each group. This
people used to dwell above the Ister River from of old. Later on the
Gepaedes got possession of the country about Singidunum[15] and
Sirmium,[16] on both sides of the Ister River, where they have remained
settled even down to my time.

But the Visigoths, separating from the others, removed from there and at
first entered into an alliance with the Emperor Arcadius, but at a later
time (for faith with the Romans cannot dwell in barbarians), under the
leadership of Alaric, they became hostile to both emperors, and,
beginning with Thrace, treated all Europe as an enemy's land. Now the
Emperor Honorius had before this time been sitting in Rome, with never a
thought of war in his mind, but glad, I think, if men allowed him to
remain quiet in his palace. But when word was brought that the
barbarians with a great army were not far off, but somewhere among the
Taulantii,[17] he abandoned the palace and fled in disorderly fashion to
Ravenna, a strong city lying just about at the end of the Ionian Gulf,
while some say that he brought in the barbarians himself, because an
uprising had been started against him among his subjects; but this does
not seem to me trustworthy, as far, at least, as one can judge of the
character of the man. And the barbarians, finding that they had no
hostile force to encounter them, became the most cruel of all men. For
they destroyed all the cities which they captured, especially those
south of the Ionian Gulf, so completely that nothing has been left to my
time to know them by, unless, indeed, it might be one tower or one gate
or some such thing which chanced to remain. And they killed all the
people, as many as came in their way, both old and young alike, sparing
neither women nor children. Wherefore even up to the present time Italy
is sparsely populated. They also gathered as plunder all the money out
of all Europe, and, most important of all, they left in Rome nothing
whatever of public or private wealth when they moved on to Gaul. But I
shall now tell how Alaric captured Rome.

After much time had been spent by him in the siege, and he had not been
able either by force or by any other device to capture the place, he
formed the following plan. Among the youths in the army whose beards had
not yet grown, but who had just come of age, he chose out three hundred
whom he knew to be of good birth and possessed of valour beyond their
years, and told them secretly that he was about to make a present of
them to certain of the patricians in Rome, pretending that they were
slaves. And he instructed them that, as soon as they got inside the
houses of those men, they should display much gentleness and moderation
and serve them eagerly in whatever tasks should be laid upon them by
their owners; and he further directed them that not long afterwards, on
an appointed day at about midday, when all those who were to be their
masters would most likely be already asleep after their meal, they
should all come to the gate called Salarian and with a sudden rush kill
the guards, who would have no previous knowledge of the plot, and open
the gates as quickly as possible. After giving these orders to the
youths, Alaric straightway sent ambassadors to the members of the
senate, stating that he admired them for their loyalty toward their
emperor, and that he would trouble them no longer, because of their
valour and faithfulness, with which it was plain that they were endowed
to a remarkable degree, and in order that tokens of himself might be
preserved among men both noble and brave, he wished to present each one
of them with some domestics. After making this declaration and sending
the youths not long afterwards, he commanded the barbarians to make
preparations for the departure, and he let this be known to the Romans.
And they heard his words gladly, and receiving the gifts began to be
exceedingly happy, since they were completely ignorant of the plot of
the barbarian. For the youths, by being unusually obedient to their
owners, averted suspicion, and in the camp some were already seen moving
from their positions and raising the siege, while it seemed that the
others were just on the point of doing the very same thing. But when the
appointed day had come, Alaric armed his whole force for the attack and
was holding them in readiness close by the Salarian Gate; for it
happened that he had encamped there at the beginning of the siege. And
all the youths at the time of the day agreed upon came to this gate,
and, assailing the guards suddenly, put them to death; then they opened
the gates and received Alaric and the army into the city at their
leisure. [Aug. 24, 410 A.D.] And they set fire to the houses which were
next to the gate, among which was also the house of Sallust, who in
ancient times wrote the history of the Romans, and the greater part of
this house has stood half-burned up to my time; and after plundering the
whole city and destroying the most of the Romans, they moved on. At that
time they say that the Emperor Honorius in Ravenna received the message
from one of the eunuchs, evidently a keeper of the poultry, that Rome
had perished. And he cried out and said, "And yet it has just eaten from
my hands!" For he had a very large cock, Rome by name; and the eunuch
comprehending his words said that it was the city of Rome which had
perished at the hands of Alaric, and the emperor with a sigh of relief
answered quickly: "But I, my good fellow, thought that my fowl Rome had
perished." So great, they say, was the folly with which this emperor was
possessed.

But some say that Rome was not captured in this way by Alaric, but that
Proba, a woman of very unusual eminence in wealth and in fame among the
Roman senatorial class, felt pity for the Romans who were being
destroyed by hunger and the other suffering they endured; for they were
already even tasting each other's flesh; and seeing that every good hope
had left them, since both the river and the harbour were held by the
enemy, she commanded her domestics, they say, to open the gates by
night.

Now when Alaric was about to depart from Rome, he declared Attalus, one
of their nobles, emperor of the Romans, investing him with the diadem
and the purple and whatever else pertains to the imperial dignity. And
he did this with the intention of removing Honorius from his throne and
of giving over the whole power in the West to Attalus. With such a
purpose, then, both Attalus and Alaric were going with a great army
against Ravenna. But this Attalus was neither able to think wisely
himself, nor to be persuaded by one who had wisdom to offer. So while
Alaric did not by any means approve the plan, Attalus sent commanders to
Libya without an army. Thus, then, were these things going on.

And the island of Britain revolted from the Romans, and the soldiers
there chose as their king Constantinus, a man of no mean station. [407
A.D.] And he straightway gathered a fleet of ships and a formidable army
and invaded both Spain and Gaul with a great force, thinking to enslave
these countries. But Honorius was holding ships in readiness and waiting
to see what would happen in Libya, in order that, if those sent by
Attalus were repulsed, he might himself sail for Libya and keep some
portion of his own kingdom, while if matters there should go against
him, he might reach Theodosius and remain with him. For Arcadius had
already died long before, and his son Theodosius, still a very young
child,[18] held the power of the East. [408-450 A.D.] But while Honorius
was thus anxiously awaiting the outcome of these events and tossed amid
the billows of uncertain fortune, it so chanced that some wonderful
pieces of good fortune befell him. For God is accustomed to succour
those who are neither clever nor able to devise anything of themselves,
and to lend them assistance, if they be not wicked, when they are in the
last extremity of despair; such a thing, indeed, befell this emperor.
For it was suddenly reported from Libya that the commanders of Attalus
had been destroyed, and that a host of ships was at hand from Byzantium
with a very great number of soldiers who had come to assist him, though
he had not expected them, and that Alaric, having quarrelled with
Attalus, had stripped him of the emperor's garb and was now keeping him
under guard in the position of a private citizen. [411 A.D.] And
afterwards Alaric died of disease, and the army of the Visigoths under
the leadership of Adaulphus proceeded into Gaul, and Constantinus,
defeated in battle, died with his sons. However the Romans never
succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time on under
tyrants. And the Goths, after making the crossing of the Ister, at first
occupied Pannonia, but afterwards, since the emperor gave them the
right, they inhabited the country of Thrace. And after spending no great
time there they conquered the West. But this will be told in the
narrative concerning the Goths.


III

Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic Lake, since they were pressed
by hunger, moved to the country of the Germans, who are now called
Franks, and the river Rhine, associating with themselves the Alani, a
Gothic people. Then from there, under the leadership of Godigisclus,
they moved and settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Roman
empire on the side of the ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement
with Godigisclus that they should settle there on condition that it
should not be to the detriment of the country. But there was a law among
the Romans, that if any persons should fail to keep their property in
their own possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to thirty
years should pass, that these persons should thenceforth not be entitled
to proceed against those who had forced them out, but they were excluded
by demurrer[19] from access to the court; and in view of this he
established a law that whatever time should be spent by the Vandals in
the Roman domain should not by any means be counted toward this
thirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself, when the West had been
driven by him to this pass, died of disease. [Aug. 27, 423 A.D.] Now
before this, as it happened, the royal power had been shared by Honorius
with Constantius, the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and
Honorius; but he lived to exercise the power only a few days, and then,
becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius was still living, [421
A.D.] having never succeeded in saying or in doing anything worth
recounting; for the time was not sufficient during which he lived in
possession of the royal power. Now a son of this Constantius,
Valentinian, a child just weaned, was being reared in the palace of
Theodosius, but the members of the imperial court in Rome chose one of
the soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This man was both gentle
and well-endowed with sagacity and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds.
At any rate he held the tyranny five years[20] and directed it with
moderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers nor did he do any
unjust murder, willingly at least, nor did he set his hand to robbing
men of money; but he did not prove able to do anything at all against
the barbarians, since his relations with Byzantium were hostile. Against
this John, Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and Aspar
and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals, and wrested from him the
tyranny and gave over the royal power to Valentinian, who was still a
child. And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him out in the
hippodrome of Aquileia with one of his hands cut off and caused him to
ride in state on an ass, and then after he had suffered much ill
treatment from the stage-performers there, both in word and in deed, he
put him to death. [426 A.D.] Thus Valentinian took over the power of the
West. But Placidia, his mother, had reared this emperor and educated him
in an altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence he was filled
with wickedness from childhood. For he associated mostly with sorcerers
and those who busy themselves with the stars, and, being an
extraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with other men's wives,
he conducted himself in a most indecent manner, although he was married
to a woman of exceptional beauty. [455 A.D.] And not only was this true,
but he also failed to recover for the empire anything of what had been
wrested from it before, and he both lost Libya in addition to the
territory previously lost and was himself destroyed. And when he
perished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children to become
captives. Now the disaster in Libya came about as follows.

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, especially valiant
men and in experience of many wars inferior to none of that time at
least. These two came to be at variance in regard to matters of state,
but they attained to such a degree of highmindedness and excellence in
every respect that if one should call either of them "the last of the
Romans" he would not err, so true was it that all the excellent
qualities of the Romans were summed up in these two men. One of these,
Boniface, was appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now this was
not in accord with the wishes of Aetius, but he by no means disclosed
the fact that it did not please him. For their hostility had not as yet
come to light, but was concealed behind the countenance of each. But
when Boniface had got out of the way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia,
saying that he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and the
emperor of all Libya, and he said that it was very easy for her to find
out the truth; for if she should summon Boniface to Rome, he would never
come. And when the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to speak well
and she acted accordingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote to
Boniface secretly that the mother of the emperor was plotting against
him and wished to put him out of the way. And he predicted to him that
there would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would be summoned
very shortly for no reason at all. Such was the announcement of the
letter. And Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon as those
arrived who were summoning him to the emperor, he refused to give heed
to the emperor and his mother, disclosing to no one the warning of
Aetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought that Aetius was
exceedingly well-disposed towards the emperor's cause and took under
consideration the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did not
seem to him that he was able to array himself against the emperor, and
since if he returned to Rome there was clearly no safety for him, began
to lay plans so that, if possible, he might have a defensive alliance
with the Vandals, who, as previously stated, had established themselves
in Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had died and the royal
power had fallen to his sons, Gontharis, who was born to him from his
wedded wife, and Gizeric,[21] of illegitimate birth. But the former was
still a child and not of very energetic temper, while Gizeric had been
excellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men.
Boniface accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most intimate
friends and gained the adherence of each of the sons of Godigisclus on
terms of complete equality, it being agreed that each one of the three,
holding a third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects; but if
a foe should come against any one of them to make war, that they should
in common ward off the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement the
Vandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into Libya, and the
Visigoths in later times settled in Spain. But in Rome the friends of
Boniface, remembering the character of the man and considering how
strange his action was, were greatly astonished to think that Boniface
was setting up a tyranny, and some of them at the order of Placidia went
to Carthage. There they met Boniface, and saw the letter of Aetius, and
after hearing the whole story they returned to Rome as quickly as they
could and reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation to her.
And though the woman was dumbfounded, she did nothing unpleasant to
Aetius nor did she upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor's
house, for he himself wielded great power and the affairs of the empire
were already in an evil plight; but she disclosed to the friends of
Boniface the advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and pledges of
safety, entreated them to persuade the man, if they could, to return to
his fatherland and not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie under
the hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard this, he repented of his
act and of his agreement with the barbarians, and he besought them
incessantly, promising them everything, to remove from Libya. But since
they did not receive his words with favour, but considered that they
were being insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and being
defeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo[22] Regius, a strong city in
the portion of Numidia that is on the sea. There the Vandals made camp
under the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for Gontharis had
already died. And they say that he perished at the hand of his brother.
The Vandals, however, do not agree with those who make this statement,
but say that Gontharis' was captured in battle by Germans in Spain and
impaled, and that Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the Vandals
into Libya. This, indeed, I have heard from the Vandals, stated in this
way. But after much time had passed by, since they were unable to secure
Hippo Regius either by force or by surrender, and since at the same time
they were being pressed by hunger, they raised the siege. And a little
later Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous army had come
from both Rome and Byzantium and Aspar with them as general, decided to
renew the struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which they were
badly beaten by the enemy, and they made haste to flee as each one
could. And Aspar betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming before
Placidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion, showing that it had arisen
against him for no true cause.


IV

So the Vandals, having wrested Libya from the Romans in this way, made
it their own. And those of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced
to slavery and held under guard. Among these happened to be Marcian, who
later upon the death of Theodosius assumed the imperial power. At that
time, however, Gizeric commanded that the captives be brought into the
king's courtyard, in order that it might be possible for him, by looking
at them, to know what master each of them might serve without
degradation. And when they were gathered under the open sky, about
midday, the season being summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat
down. And somewhere or other among them Marcian, quite neglected, was
sleeping. Then an eagle flew over him spreading out his wings, as they
say, and always remaining in the same place in the air he cast a shadow
over Marcian alone. And Gizeric, upon seeing from the upper storey what
was happening, since he was an exceedingly discerning person, suspected
that the thing was a divine manifestation, and summoning the man
enquired of him who he might be. And he replied that he was a
confidential adviser of Aspar; such a person the Romans call a
"domesticus" in their own tongue. And when Gizeric heard this and
considered first the meaning of the bird's action, and then remembered
how great power Aspar exercised in Byzantium, it became evident to him
that the man was being led to royal power. He therefore by no means
deemed it right to kill him, reasoning that, if he should remove him
from the world, it would be very clear that the thing which the bird had
done was nothing (for he would not honour with his shadow a king who was
about to die straightway), and he felt, too, that he would be killing
him for no good cause; and if, on the other hand, it was fated that in
later times the man should become king, it would never be within his
power to inflict death upon him; for that which has been decided upon by
God could never be prevented by a man's decision. But he bound Marcian
by oaths that, if it should be in his power, he would never take up arms
against the Vandals at least. [450 A.D.] Thus, then, Marcian was
released and came to Byzantium, and when at a later time Theodosius died
he received the empire. And in all other respects he proved himself a
good emperor, but he paid no attention at all to affairs in Libya. But
this happened in later times.

At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle,
displayed a foresight worth recounting, whereby he made his good fortune
most thoroughly secure. For fearing lest, if once again an army should
come against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be
able to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune, (since human
affairs are wont to be overturned by Heaven and to fail by reason of the
weakness of men's bodies), he was not lifted up by the good fortune he
had enjoyed, but rather became moderate because of what he feared, and
so he made a treaty with the Emperor Valentinian providing that each
year he should pay to the emperor tribute from Libya, and he delivered
over one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make this agreement
binding. So Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle and
guarded the victory as securely as possible, and, since the friendship
between the two peoples increased greatly, he received back his son
Honoric. And at Rome Placidia had died before this time, and after her,
Valentinian, her son, also died, having no male offspring, but two
daughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the child of Theodosius.
And I shall now relate in what manner Valentinian died.

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, of the house of that
Maximus[23] who, while usurping the imperial power, was overthrown by
the elder Theodosius and put to death, and on whose account also the
Romans celebrate the annual festival named from the defeat of Maximus.
This younger Maximus was married to a woman discreet in her ways and
exceedingly famous for her beauty. For this reason a desire came over
Valentinian to have her to wife. And since it was impossible, much as he
wished it, to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and carried it to
fulfilment. For he summoned Maximus to the palace and sat down with him
to a game of draughts, and a certain sum was set as a penalty for the
loser; and the emperor won in this game, and receiving Maximus' ring as
a pledge for the agreed amount, he sent it to his house, instructing the
messenger to tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come as
quickly as possible to the palace to salute the queen Eudoxia. And she,
judging by the ring that the message was from Maximus, entered her
litter and was conveyed to the emperor's court. And she was received by
those who had been assigned this service by the emperor, and led into a
certain room far removed from the women's apartments, where Valentinian
met her and forced her, much against her will. And she, after the
outrage, went to her husband's house weeping and feeling the deepest
possible grief because of her misfortune, and she cast many curses upon
Maximus as having provided the cause for what had been done. Maximus,
accordingly, became exceedingly aggrieved at that which had come to
pass, and straightway entered into a conspiracy against the emperor; but
when he saw that Aetius was exceedingly powerful, for he had recently
conquered Attila, who had invaded the Roman domain with a great army of
Massagetae and the other Scythians, the thought occurred to him that
Aetius would be in the way of his undertaking. And upon considering this
matter, it seemed to him that it was the better course to put Aetius out
of the way first, paying no heed to the fact that the whole hope of the
Romans centred in him. And since the eunuchs who were in attendance upon
the emperor were well-disposed toward him, he persuaded the emperor by
their devices that Aetius was setting on foot a revolution. And
Valentinian, judging by nothing else than the power and valour of Aetius
that the report was true, put the man to death. [Sept. 21, 454 A.D.]
Whereupon a certain Roman made himself famous by a saying which he
uttered. For when the emperor enquired of him whether he had done well
in putting Aetius to death, he replied saying that, as to this matter,
he was not able to know whether he had done well or perhaps otherwise,
but one thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had cut off his
own right hand with the other.

So after the death of Aetius,[24] Attila, since no one was a match for
him, plundered all Europe with no trouble and made both emperors
subservient and tributary to himself. For tribute money was sent to him
every year by the emperors. At that time, while Attila was besieging
Aquileia, a city of great size and exceedingly populous situated near
the sea and above the Ionian Gulf, they say that the following good
fortune befell him. For they tell the story that, when he was able to
capture the place neither by force nor by any other means, he gave up
the siege in despair, since it had already lasted a long time, and
commanded the whole army without any delay to make their preparations
for the departure, in order that on the morrow all might move from there
at sunrise. And the following day about sunrise, the barbarians had
raised the siege and were already beginning the departure, when a single
male stork which had a nest on a certain tower of the city wall and was
rearing his nestlings there suddenly rose and left the place with his
young. And the father stork was flying, but the little storks, since
they were not yet quite ready to fly, were at times sharing their
father's flight and at times riding upon his back, and thus they flew
off and went far away from the city. And when Attila saw this (for he
was most clever at comprehending and interpreting all things), he
commanded the army, they say, to remain still in the same place, adding
that the bird would never have gone flying off at random from there with
his nestlings, unless he was prophesying that some evil would come to
the place at no distant time. Thus, they say, the army of the barbarians
settled down to the siege once more, and not long after that a portion
of the wall--the very part which held the nest of that bird--for no
apparent reason suddenly fell down, and it became possible for the enemy
to enter the city at that point, and thus Aquileia was captured by
storm. Such is the story touching Aquileia.

Later on Maximus slew the emperor with no trouble and secured the
tyranny, and he married Eudoxia by force. [455 A.D.] For the wife to
whom he had been wedded had died not long before. And on one occasion in
private he made the statement to Eudoxia that it was all for the sake of
her love that he had carried out all that he had done. And since she
felt a repulsion for Maximus even before that time, and had been
desirous of exacting vengeance from him for the wrong done Valentinian,
his words made her swell with rage still more against him, and led her
on to carry out her plot, since she had heard Maximus say that on
account of her the misfortune had befallen her husband. And as soon as
day came, she sent to Carthage entreating Gizeric to avenge Valentinian,
who had been destroyed by an unholy man, in a manner unworthy both of
himself and of his imperial station, and to deliver her, since she was
suffering unholy treatment at the hand of the tyrant. And she impressed
it upon Gizeric that, since he was a friend and ally and so great a
calamity had befallen the imperial house, it was not a holy thing to
fail to become an avenger. For from Byzantium she thought no vengeance
would come, since Theodosius had already departed from the world and
Marcian had taken over the empire. [Mar. 17, 455 A.D.]


V

And Gizeric, for no other reason than that he suspected that much money
would come to him, set sail for Italy with a great fleet. And going up
to Rome, since no one stood in his way, he took possession of the
palace. Now while Maximus was trying to flee, the Romans threw stones at
him and killed him, and they cut off his head and each of his other
members and divided them among themselves. But Gizeric took Eudoxia
captive, together with Eudocia and Placidia, the children of herself and
Valentinian, and placing an exceedingly great amount of gold and other
imperial treasure[25] in his ships sailed to Carthage, having spared
neither bronze nor anything else whatsoever in the palace. He plundered
also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and tore off half of the roof.
Now this roof was of bronze of the finest quality, and since gold was
laid over it exceedingly thick, it shone as a magnificent and wonderful
spectacle.[26] But of the ships with Gizeric, one, which was bearing the
statues, was lost, they say, but with all the others the Vandals reached
port in the harbour of Carthage. Gizeric then married Eudocia to
Honoric, the elder of his sons; but the other of the two women, being
the wife of Olybrius, a most distinguished man in the Roman senate, he
sent to Byzantium together with her mother, Eudoxia, at the request of
the emperor. Now the power of the East had by now fallen to Leon, who
had been set in this position by Aspar, since Marcian had already passed
from the world. [457 A.D.]

Afterwards Gizeric devised the following scheme. He tore down the walls
of all the cities in Libya except Carthage, so that neither the Libyans
themselves, espousing the cause of the Romans, might have a strong base
from which to begin a rebellion, nor those sent by the emperor have any
ground for hoping to capture a city and by establishing a garrison in it
to make trouble for the Vandals. Now at that time it seemed that he had
counselled well and had ensured prosperity for the Vandals in the safest
possible manner; but in later times when these cities, being without
walls, were captured by Belisarius all the more easily and with less
exertion, Gizeric was then condemned to suffer much ridicule, and that
which for the time he considered wise counsel turned out for him to be
folly. For as fortunes change, men are always accustomed to change with
them their judgments regarding what has been planned in the past. And
among the Libyans all who happened to be men of note and conspicuous for
their wealth he handed over as slaves, together with their estates and
all their money, to his sons Honoric and Genzon. For Theodorus, the
youngest son, had died already, being altogether without offspring,
either male or female. And he robbed the rest of the Libyans of their
estates, which were both very numerous and excellent, and distributed
them among the nation of the Vandals, and as a result of this these
lands have been called "Vandals' estates" up to the present time. And it
fell to the lot of those who had formerly possessed these lands to be in
extreme poverty and to be at the same time free men; and they had the
privilege of going away wheresoever they wished. And Gizeric commanded
that all the lands which he had given over to his sons and to the other
Vandals should not be subject to any kind of taxation. But as much of
the land as did not seem to him good he allowed to remain in the hands
of the former owners, but assessed so large a sum to be paid on this
land for taxes to the government that nothing whatever remained to those
who retained their farms. And many of them were constantly being sent
into exile or killed. For charges were brought against them of many
sorts, and heavy ones too; but one charge seemed to be the greatest of
all, that a man, having money of his own, was hiding it. Thus the
Libyans were visited with every form of misfortune.

The Vandals and the Alani he arranged in companies, appointing over them
no less than eighty captains, whom he called "chiliarchs,"[27] making it
appear that his host of fighting men in active service amounted to
eighty thousand. And yet the number of the Vandals and Alani was said in
former times, at least, to amount to no more than fifty thousand men.
However, after that time by their natural increase among themselves and
by associating other barbarians with them they came to be an exceedingly
numerous people. But the names of the Alani and all the other
barbarians, except the Moors, were united in the name of Vandals. At
that time, after the death of Valentinian, Gizeric gained the support of
the Moors, and every year at the beginning of spring he made invasions
into Sicily and Italy, enslaving some of the cities, razing others to
the ground, and plundering everything; and when the land had become
destitute of men and of money, he invaded the domain of the emperor of
the East. And so he plundered Illyricum and the most of the Peloponnesus
and of the rest of Greece and all the islands which lie near it. And
again he went off to Sicily and Italy, and kept plundering and pillaging
all places in turn. And one day when he had embarked on his ship in the
harbour of Carthage, and the sails were already being spread, the pilot
asked him, they say, against what men in the world he bade them go. And
he in reply said: "Plainly against those with whom God is angry." Thus
without any cause he kept making invasions wherever chance might lead
him.


VI

And the Emperor Leon, wishing to punish the Vandals because of these
things, was gathering an army against them; and they say that this army
amounted to about one hundred thousand men. And he collected a fleet of
ships from the whole of the eastern Mediterranean, shewing great
generosity to both soldiers and sailors, for he feared lest from a
parsimonious policy some obstacle might arise to hinder him in his
desire to carry out his punishment of the barbarians. Therefore, they
say, thirteen hundred centenaria[28] were expended by him to no purpose.
But since it was not fated that the Vandals should be destroyed by this
expedition, he made Basiliscus commander-in-chief, the brother of his
wife Berine, a man who was extraordinarily desirous of the royal power,
which he hoped would come to him without a struggle if he won the
friendship of Aspar. For Aspar himself, being an adherent of the Arian
faith, and having no intention of changing it for another, was unable to
enter upon the imperial office, but he was easily strong enough to
establish another in it, and it already seemed likely that he would plot
against the Emperor Leon, who had given him offence. So they say that
since Aspar was then fearful lest, if the Vandals were defeated, Leon
should establish his power most securely, he repeatedly urged upon
Basiliscus that he should spare the Vandals and Gizeric.

[467 A.D.] Now before this time Leon had already appointed and sent
Anthemius, as Emperor of the West, a man of the senate of great wealth
and high birth, in order that he might assist him in the Vandalic war.
And yet Gizeric kept asking and earnestly entreating that the imperial
power be given to Olybrius, who was married to Placidia, the daughter of
Valentinian, and on account of his relationship[29] well-disposed toward
him, and when he failed in this he was still more angry and kept
plundering the whole land of the emperor. Now there was in Dalmatia a
certain Marcellianus, one of the acquaintances of Aetius and a man of
repute, who, after Aetius had died in the manner told above,[30] no
longer deigned to yield obedience to the emperor, but beginning a
revolution and detaching all the others from allegiance, held the power
of Dalmatia himself, since no one dared encounter him. But the Emperor
Leon at that time won over this Marcellianus by very careful wheedling,
and bade him go to the island of Sardinia, which was then subject to the
Vandals. And he drove out the Vandals and gained possession of it with
no great difficulty. And Heracleius was sent from Byzantium to Tripolis
in Libya, and after conquering the Vandals of that district in battle,
he easily captured the cities, and leaving his ships there, led his army
on foot toward Carthage. Such, then, was the sequence of events which
formed the prelude of the war.

But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a town distant from
Carthage no less than two hundred and eighty stades (now it so happened
that a temple of Hermes had been there from of old, from which fact the
place was named Mercurium; for the Romans call Hermes "Mercurius"), and
if he had not purposely played the coward and hesitated, but had
undertaken to go straight for Carthage, he would have captured it at the
first onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to subjection without
their even thinking of resistance; so overcome was Gizeric with awe of
Leon as an invincible emperor, when the report was brought to him that
Sardinia and Tripolis had been captured, and he saw the fleet of
Basiliscus to be such as the Romans were said never to have had before.
But, as it was, the general's hesitation, whether caused by cowardice or
treachery, prevented this success. And Gizeric, profiting by the
negligence of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects in the
best way he could, he filled his ships, but not all, for some he kept in
readiness empty, and they were the ships which sailed most swiftly. And
sending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him to defer the war for the
space of five days, in order that in the meantime he might take counsel
and do those things which were especially desired by the emperor. They
say, too, that he sent also a great amount of gold without the knowledge
of the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this armistice. And he did
this, thinking, as actually did happen, that a favouring wind would rise
for him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as doing a favour to
Aspar in accordance with what he had promised, or selling the moment of
opportunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the better course, did as
he was requested and remained quietly in the camp, awaiting the moment
favourable to the enemy.

But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen for them which they had
been expecting during the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and,
taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated above, they had made
ready with no men in them, they sailed against the enemy. And when they
came near, they set fire to the boats which they were towing, when their
sails were bellied by the wind, and let them go against the Roman fleet.
And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easily
spread fire wherever they struck, and were themselves readily destroyed
together with those with which they came in contact. And as the fire
advanced in this way the Roman fleet was filled with tumult, as was
natural, and with a great din that rivalled the noise caused by the wind
and the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together with the sailors
shouted orders to one another and pushed off with their poles the
fire-boats and their own ships as well, which were being destroyed by
one another in complete disorder. And already the Vandals too were at
hand ramming and sinking the ships, and making booty of such of the
soldiers as attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But there
were also some of the Romans who proved themselves brave men in this
struggle, and most of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus and
who had no share whatever in his treason. For a great throng having
surrounded his ship, he stood on the deck, and turning from side to side
kept killing very great numbers of the enemy from there, and when he
perceived that the ship was being captured, he leaped with his whole
equipment of arms from the deck into the sea. And though Genzon, the son
of Gizeric, entreated him earnestly not to do this, offering pledges and
holding out promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself into the
sea, uttering this one word, that John would never come under the hands
of dogs.

So this war came to an end, and Heracleius departed for home; for
Marcellianus had been destroyed treacherously by one of his
fellow-officers. And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself as
a suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great God ("Sophia"[31] the
temple is called by the men of Byzantium who consider that this
designation is especially appropriate to God), and although, by the
intercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this danger, he was not
able at that time to reach the throne, the thing for the sake of which
everything had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not long
afterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius in the palace, because he
suspected that they were plotting against his life. [471 A.D.] Thus,
then, did these events take place.


VII

[Aug. 11, 472 A.D.] Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at the
hand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius, succeeding to the throne,
a short time afterward suffered the same fate. [Oct. 10, 472 A.D.] And
when Leon also had died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken over
by the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, the daughter of Leon,
while he was still only a few days old. And his father having been
chosen as partner in the royal power, the child forthwith passed from
the world. [474 A.D.] Majorinus also deserves mention, who had gained
the power of the West before this time. For this Majorinus, who
surpassed in every virtue all who have ever been emperors of the Romans,
did not bear lightly the loss of Libya, but collected a very
considerable army against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intending
himself to lead the army against the enemy. For Majorinus never showed
the least hesitation before any task and least of all before the dangers
of war. But thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate first the
strength of the Vandals and the character of Gizeric and to discover how
the Moors and Libyans stood with regard to friendship or hostility
toward the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than his own in
such a matter. Accordingly he set out as if an envoy from the emperor to
Gizeric, assuming some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becoming
known, he should himself receive some harm and at the same time prevent
the success of the enterprise, he devised the following scheme. His
hair, which was famous among all men as being so fair as to resemble
pure gold, he anointed with some kind of dye, which was especially
invented for this purpose, and so succeeded completely in changing it
for the time to a dark hue. And when he came before Gizeric, the
barbarian attempted in many ways to terrify him, and in particular,
while treating him with engaging attention, as if a friend, he brought
him into the house where all his weapons were stored, a numerous and
exceedingly noteworthy array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shook
of their own accord and gave forth a sound of no ordinary or casual
sort, and then it seemed to Gizeric that there had been an earthquake,
but when he got outside and made enquiries concerning the earthquake,
since no one else agreed with him, a great wonder, they say, came over
him, but he was not able to comprehend the meaning of what had happened.
So Majorinus, having accomplished the very things he wished, returned to
Liguria, and leading his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles,
purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and then to march by
land from there against Carthage. And when Gizeric became aware of this,
and perceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the matter of the
embassy, he became alarmed and made his preparations for war. And the
Romans, basing their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, already
began to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the empire. [461 A.D.]
But meantime Majorinus was attacked by the disease of dysentery and
died, a man who had shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and an
object of fear to his enemies. [July 24, 474 A.D.] And another emperor,
Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living to enjoy it only a few
days, died of disease, and Glycerius after him entered into this office
and suffered a similar fate. [474-475 A.D.] And after him Augustus
assumed the imperial power. There were, moreover, still other emperors
in the West before this time, but though I know their names well, I
shall make no mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that they
lived only a short time after attaining the office, and as a result of
this accomplished nothing worthy of mention. Such was the course of
events in the West.

But in Byzantium Basiliscus, being no longer able to master his passion
for royal power, made an attempt to usurp the throne, and succeeded
without difficulty, since Zeno, together with his wife, sought refuge in
Isauria, which was his native home. [471 A.D.] And while he was
maintaining his tyranny for a year and eight months he was detested by
practically everyone and in particular by the soldiers of the court on
account of the greatness of his avarice. And Zeno, perceiving this,
collected an army and came against him. And Basiliscus sent an army
under the general Harmatus in order to array himself against Zeno. But
when they had made camp near one another, Harmatus surrendered his army
to Zeno, on the condition that Zeno should appoint as Caesar Harmatus'
son Basiliscus, who was a very young child, and leave him as successor
to the throne upon his death. And Basiliscus, deserted by all, fled for
refuge to the same sanctuary as formerly. And Acacius, the priest of the
city, put him into the hands of Zeno, charging him with impiety and with
having brought great confusion and many innovations into the Christian
doctrine, having inclined toward the heresy of Eutyches. And this was
so. And after Zeno had thus taken over the empire a second time, he
carried out his pledge to Harmatus formally by appointing his son
Basiliscus Caesar, but not long afterwards he both stripped him of the
office and put Harmatus to death. And he sent Basiliscus together with
his children and his wife into Cappadocia in the winter season,
commanding that they should be destitute of food and clothes and every
kind of care. And there, being hard pressed by both cold and hunger,
they took refuge in one another's arms, and embracing their loved ones,
perished. And this punishment overtook Basiliscus for the policy he had
pursued. These things, however, happened in later times.

But at that time Gizeric was plundering the whole Roman domain just as
much as before, if not more, circumventing his enemy by craft and
driving them out of their possessions by force, as has been previously
said, and he continued to do so until the emperor Zeno came to an
agreement with him and an endless peace was established between them, by
which it was provided that the Vandals should never in all time perform
any hostile act against the Romans nor suffer such a thing at their
hands. And this peace was preserved by Zeno himself and also by his
successor in the empire, Anastasius And it remained in force until the
time of the emperor Justinus. But Justinian, who was the nephew of
Justinus, succeeded him in the imperial power, and it was in the reign
of this Justinian that the war with which we are concerned came to pass,
in the manner which will be told in the following narrative. [477 A.D.]
Gizeric, after living on a short time, died at an advanced age, having
made a will in which he enjoined many things upon the Vandals and in
particular that the royal power among them should always fall to that
one who should be the first in years among all the male offspring
descended from Gizeric himself. So Gizeric, having ruled over the
Vandals thirty-nine years from the time when he captured Carthage, died,
as I have said.


VIII

And Honoric, the eldest of his sons, succeeded to the throne, Genzon
having already departed from the world. During the time when this
Honoric ruled the Vandals they had no war against anyone at all, except
the Moors. For through fear of Gizeric the Moors had remained quiet
before that time, but as soon as he was out of their way they both did
much harm to the Vandals and suffered the same themselves. And Honoric
shewed himself the most cruel and unjust of all men toward the
Christians in Libya. For he forced them to change over to the Arian
faith, and as many as he found not readily yielding to him he burned, or
destroyed by other forms of death; and he also cut off the tongues of
many from the very throat, who even up to my time were going about in
Byzantium having their speech uninjured, and perceiving not the least
effect from this punishment; but two of these, since they saw fit to go
in to harlots, were thenceforth no longer able to speak. And after
ruling over the Vandals eight years he died of disease; and by that time
the Moors dwelling on Mt. Aurasium[32] had revolted from the Vandals and
were independent (this Aurasium is a mountain of Numidia, about thirteen
days' journey distant from Carthage and fronting the south); and indeed
they never came under the Vandals again, since the latter were unable to
carry on a war against Moors on a mountain difficult of access and
exceedingly steep.

After the death of Honoric the rule of the Vandals fell to Gundamundus,
the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric. [485 A.D.] For he, in point of
years, was the first of the offspring of Gizeric. This Gundamundus
fought against the Moors in numerous encounters, and after subjecting
the Christians to still greater suffering, he died of disease, being now
at about the middle of the twelfth year of his reign. [496 A.D.] And his
brother Trasamundus took over the kingdom, a man well-favoured in
appearance and especially gifted with discretion and highmindedness.
However he continued to force the Christians to change their ancestral
faith, not by torturing their bodies as his predecessors had done, but
by seeking to win them with honours and offices and presenting them with
great sums of money; and in the case of those who would not be
persuaded, he pretended he had not the least knowledge of what manner of
men they were.[33] And if he caught any guilty of great crimes which
they had committed either by accident or deliberate intent, he would
offer such men, as a reward for changing their faith, that they should
not be punished for their offences. And when his wife died without
becoming the mother of either male or female offspring, wishing to
establish the kingdom as securely as possible, he sent to Theoderic, the
king of the Goths, asking him to give him his sister Amalafrida to wife,
for her husband had just died. And Theoderic sent him not only his
sister but also a thousand of the notable Goths as a bodyguard, who were
followed by a host of attendants amounting to about five thousand
fighting men. And Theoderic also presented his sister with one of the
promontories of Sicily, which are three in number,--the one which they
call Lilybaeum,--and as a result of this Trasamundus was accounted the
strongest and most powerful of all those who had ruled over the Vandals.
He became also a very special friend of the emperor Anastasius. It was
during the reign of Trasamundus that it came about that the Vandals
suffered a disaster at the hands of the Moors such as had never befallen
them before that time.

There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors of Tripolis, a man
experienced in many wars and exceedingly shrewd. This Cabaon, upon
learning that the Vandals were marching against him, did as follows.
First of all he issued orders to his subjects to abstain from all
injustice and from all foods tending towards luxury and most of all from
association with women; and setting up two palisaded enclosures, he
encamped himself with all the men in one, and in the other he shut the
women, and he threatened that death would be the penalty if anyone
should go to the women's palisade. And after this he sent spies to
Carthage with the following instructions: whenever the Vandals in going
forth on the expedition should offer insult to any temple which the
Christians reverence, they were to look on and see what took place; and
when the Vandals had passed the place, they were to do the opposite of
everything which the Vandals had done to the sanctuary before their
departure. And they say that he added this also, that he was ignorant of
the God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was probable that if He
was powerful, as He was said to be, He should wreak vengeance upon those
who insulted Him and defend those who honoured Him. So the spies came to
Carthage and waited quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals;
but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis, they followed,
clothing themselves in humble garb. And the Vandals, upon making camp
the first day, led their horses and their other animals into the temples
of the Christians, and sparing no insult, they acted with all the
unrestrained lawlessness natural to them, beating as many priests as
they caught and lashing them with many blows over the back and
commanding them to render such service to the Vandals as they were
accustomed to assign to the most dishonoured of their domestics. And as
soon as they had departed from there, the spies of Cabaon did as they
had been directed to do; for they straightway cleansed the sanctuaries
and took away with great care the filth and whatever other unholy thing
lay in them, and they lighted all the lamps and bowed down before the
priests with great reverence and saluted them with all friendliness; and
after giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat about these
sanctuaries, they then followed after the army of the Vandals. And from
then on along the whole route the Vandals continued to commit the same
offences and the spies to render the same service. And when they were
coming near the Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to Cabaon
what had been done by the Vandals and by themselves to the temples of
the Christians, and that the enemy were somewhere near by. And Cabaon,
upon learning this, arranged for the encounter as follows. He marked off
a circle in the plain where he was about to make his palisade, and
placed his camels turned sideways in a circle as a protection for the
camp, making his line fronting the enemy about twelve camels deep. Then
he placed the children and the women and all those who were unfit for
fighting together with their possessions in the middle, while he
commanded the host of fighting men to stand between the feet of those
animals, covering themselves with their shields.[34] And since the
phalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the Vandals were at a loss how
to handle the situation; for they were neither good with the javelin nor
with the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle on foot, but they
were all horsemen, and used spears and swords for the most part, so that
they were unable to do the enemy any harm at a distance; and their
horses, annoyed at the sight of the camels, refused absolutely to be
driven against the enemy. And since the Moors, by hurling javelins in
great numbers among them from their safe position, kept killing both
their horses and men without difficulty, because they were a vast
throng, they began to flee, and, when the Moors came out against them,
the most of them were destroyed, while some fell into the hands of the
enemy; and an exceedingly small number from this army returned home.
Such was the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the hands of the
Moors. And he died at a later time, having ruled over the Moors
twenty-seven years.


IX

[523 A.D.] And Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of Gizeric, next
received the kingdom, a ruler who was easily approached by his subjects
and altogether gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to the
Christians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs of war he was a
weakling and did not wish this thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer,
accordingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the armies against any
with whom the Vandals were at war; he it was whom they called the
Achilles of the Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the Vandals
were defeated in Byzacium by the Moors, who were ruled by Antalas, and
it so fell out that they became enemies instead of allies and friends to
Theoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put Amalafrida in prison and
destroyed all the Goths, charging them with revolutionary designs
against the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge came from
Theoderic, for he considered himself unable to gather a great fleet and
make an expedition into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friend
and guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come to the throne, but
was administering the government according to his pleasure; for his
uncle Justinus, who was emperor, was very old and not altogether
experienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and Justinian made large
presents of money to each other.

Now there was a certain man in the family of Gizeric, Gelimer, the son
of Geilaris, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such age
as to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he was expected to
come into the kingdom very soon. This man was thought to be the best
warrior of his time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and base
at heart and well versed in undertaking revolutionary enterprises and in
laying hold upon the money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw the
power coming to him, was not able to live in his accustomed way, but
assumed to himself the tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though it
was not yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of friendliness gave
in to him, he was no longer able to restrain his thoughts, but allying
with himself all the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to wrest
the kingdom from Ilderic, as being an unwarlike king who had been
defeated by the Moors, and as betraying the power of the Vandals into
the hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the kingdom might not
come to him, because he was of the other branch of the family; for he
asserted slanderously that this was the meaning of Ilderic's embassy to
Byzantium, and that he was giving over the empire of the Vandals to
Justinus. And they, being persuaded, carried out this plan. [530 A.D.]
Thus Gelimer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned Ilderic, after he
had ruled over the Vandals seven years, and also Hoamer and his brother
Euagees.

[527 A.D.] But when Justinian heard these things, having already
received the imperial power, he sent envoys to Gelimer in Libya with the
following letter: "You are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily of
the will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and a kinsman and the
king of the Vandals (if the counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect),
and robbing him of his office by violence, though it would be possible
for you to receive it after a short time in a lawful manner. Do you
therefore do no further wrong and do not exchange the name of king for
the title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier. But as for
this man, whose death may be expected at any moment, allow him to bear
in appearance the form of royal power, while you do all the things which
it is proper that a king should do; and wait until you can receive from
time and the law of Gizeric, and from them alone, the name which belongs
to the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the Almighty will
be favourable and at the same time our relations with you will be
friendly." Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the envoys away with
nothing accomplished, and he blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic and
Euagees in closer confinement, charging them with planning flight to
Byzantium. And when this too was heard by the Emperor Justinian, he sent
envoys a second time and wrote as follows: "We, indeed, supposed that
you would never go contrary to our advice when we wrote you the former
letter. But since it pleases you to have secured possession of the royal
power in the manner in which you have taken and now hold it, get from it
whatever Heaven grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer whom
you have blinded, and his brother, to receive what comfort they can who
have been robbed of a kingdom or of sight; for we shall not let the
matter rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus because we are led
by the hope which I had based on our friendship. And the treaty with
Gizeric will not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to make war
upon him who has succeeded to the kingdom of Gizeric that we come, but
to avenge Gizeric with all our power."

When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows: "King Gelimer to the
Emperor Justinian. Neither have I taken the office by violence nor has
anything unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For Ilderic, while
planning a revolution against the house of Gizeric, was dethroned by the
nation of the Vandals; and I was called to the kingdom by my years,
which gave me the preference, according to the law at least. Now it is
well for one to administer the kingly office which belongs to him and
not to make the concerns of others his own. Hence for you also, who have
a kingdom, meddling in other's affairs is not just; and if you break the
treaty and come against us, we shall oppose you with all our power,
calling to witness the oaths which were sworn by Zeno, from whom you
have received the kingdom which you hold." The Emperor Justinian, upon
receiving this letter, having been angry with Gelimer even before then,
was still more eager to punish him. And it seemed to him best to put an
end to the Persian war as soon as possible and then to make an
expedition to Libya; and since he was quick at forming a plan and prompt
in carrying out his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, was
summoned and came to him immediately, no announcement having been made
to him nor to anyone else that he was about to lead an army against
Libya, but it was given out that he had been removed from the office
which he held. And straightway the treaty with Persia was made, as has
been told in the preceding narrative.[35]


X

And when the Emperor Justinian considered that the situation was as
favourable as possible, both as to domestic affairs and as to his
relations with Persia, he took under consideration the situation in
Libya. But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was gathering an
army against the Vandals and Gelimer, the most of them began immediately
to show hostility to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune,
recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the disaster of
Basiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers had perished and how much
money the state had lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful of
all, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the keenest regret, were
the pretorian prefect, whom the Romans call "praetor," and the
administrator of the treasury, and all to whom had been assigned the
collection of either public or imperial[36] taxes, for they reasoned
that while it would be necessary for them to produce countless sums for
the needs of the war, they would be granted neither pardon in case of
failure nor extension of time in which to raise these sums. And every
one of the generals, supposing that he himself would command the army,
was in terror and dread at the greatness of the danger, if it should be
necessary for him, if he were preserved from the perils of the sea, to
encamp in the enemy's land, and, using his ships as a base, to engage in
a struggle against a kingdom both large and formidable. The soldiers,
also, having recently returned from a long, hard war, and having not yet
tasted to the full the blessings of home, were in despair, both because
they were being led into sea-fighting,--a thing which they had not
learned even from tradition before then,--and because they were sent
from the eastern frontier to the West, in order to risk their lives
against Vandals and Moors. But all the rest, as usually happens in a
great throng, wished to be spectators of new adventures while others
faced the dangers.

But as for saying anything to the emperor to prevent the expedition, no
one dared to do this except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect,
a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all men of his time.
For this John, while all the others were bewailing in silence the
fortune which was upon them, came before the emperor and spoke as
follows: "O Emperor, the good faith which thou dost shew in dealing with
thy subjects enables us to speak frankly regarding anything which will
be of advantage to thy government, even though what is said and done may
not be agreeable to thee. For thus does thy wisdom temper thy authority
with justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only as loyal to
thy cause who serves thee under any and all conditions, nor art thou
angry with the man who speaks against thee, but by weighing all things
by pure reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves us in no
danger to oppose thy purposes. Led by these considerations, O Emperor, I
have come to offer this advice, knowing that, though I shall give
perhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance, yet in the future the
loyalty which I bear you will be made clear, and that for this I shall
be able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through not hearkening to my
words, thou shalt carry out the war against the Vandals, it will come
about, if the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice will win
renown. For if thou hast confidence that thou wilt conquer the enemy, it
is not at all unreasonable that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of men
and expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the difficulties of
the struggle; for victory, coming at the end, covers up all the
calamities of war. But if in reality these things lie on the knees of
God, and if it behoves us, taking example from what has happened in the
past, to fear the outcome of war, on what grounds is it not better to
love a state of quiet rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou art
purposing to make an expedition against Carthage, to which, if one goes
by land, the journey is one of a hundred and forty days, and if one goes
by water, he is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its very
end. So that he who brings thee news of what will happen in the camp
must needs reach thee a year after the event. And one might add that if
thou art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take possession of
Libya while Sicily and Italy lie in the hands of others; and at the same
time, if any reverse befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having already
been broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our own land. In
fact, putting all in a word, it will not be possible for thee to reap
the fruits of victory, and at the same time any reversal of fortune will
bring harm to what is well established. It is before an enterprise that
wise planning is useful. For when men have failed, repentance is of no
avail, but before disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans.
Therefore it will be of advantage above all else to make fitting use of
the decisive moment."

Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian, hearkening to his words,
checked his eager desire for the war. But one of the priests whom they
call bishops, who had come from the East, said that he wished to have a
word with the emperor. And when he met Justinian, he said that God had
visited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the emperor and rebuke him,
because, after undertaking the task of protecting the Christians in
Libya from tyrants, he had for no good reason become afraid. "And yet,"
He had said, "I will Myself join with him in waging war and make him
lord of Libya." When the emperor heard this, he was no longer able to
restrain his purpose, and he began to collect the army and the ships,
and to make ready supplies of weapons and of food, and he announced to
Belisarius that he should be in readiness, because he was very soon to
act as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of the natives of
Tripolis in Libya, caused this district to revolt from the Vandals, and
sending to the emperor he begged that he should despatch an army to him;
for, he said, he would with no trouble win the land for the emperor. And
Justinian sent him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size. This
force Pudentius joined with his own troops and, the Vandals being
absent, he gained possession of the land and made it subject to the
emperor. And Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment upon
Pudentius, found the following obstacle in his way.

There was a certain Godas among the slaves of Gelimer, a Goth by birth,
a passionate and energetic fellow possessed of great bodily strength,
but appearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his master. To this
Godas Gelimer entrusted the island of Sardinia, in order both to guard
the island and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither could
digest the prosperity brought by fortune nor had he the spirit to endure
it, and so he undertook to establish a tyranny, and he refused to
continue the payment of the tribute, and actually detached the island
from the Vandals and held it himself. And when he perceived that the
Emperor Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and Gelimer, he
wrote to him as follows:

"It was neither because I yielded to folly nor because I had suffered
anything unpleasant at my master's hands that I turned my thoughts
towards rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the man both toward
his kinsmen and toward his subjects, I could not, willingly at least, be
reputed to have a share in his inhumanity. For it is better to serve a
just king than a tyrant whose commands are unlawful. But do thou join
with me to assist in this my effort and send soldiers so that I may be
able to ward off my assailants."

And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was pleased, and he sent
Eulogius as envoy and wrote a letter praising Godas for his wisdom and
his zeal for justice, and he promised an alliance and soldiers and a
general, who would be able to guard the island with him and to assist
him in every other way, so that no trouble should come to him from the
Vandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sardinia, found that Godas was
assuming the name and wearing the dress of a king and that he had
attached a body-guard to his person. And when Godas read the emperor's
letter, he said that it was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come to
fight along with him, but as for a commander, he had absolutely no
desire for one. And having written to the emperor in this sense, he
dismissed Eulogius.


XI

The emperor, meanwhile, not having yet ascertained these things, was
preparing four hundred soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were to
assist Godas in guarding the island. And with them he also had in
readiness the expedition against Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers,
and five thousand horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and from
the "foederati." Now at an earlier time only barbarians were enlisted
among the foederati, those, namely, who had come into the Roman
political system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had not
been conquered by the Romans, but on the basis of complete equality.[37]
For the Romans call treaties with their enemies "foedera." But at the
present time there is nothing to prevent anyone from assuming this name,
since time will by no means consent to keep names attached to the things
to which they were formerly applied, but conditions are ever changing
about according to the desire of men who control them, and men pay
little heed to the meaning which they originally attached to a name. And
the commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, the general of the
troops in Armenia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for the
general Belisarius; (such a person the Romans call "domesticus." Now
this Solomon was a eunuch, but it was not by the devising of man that he
had suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell him while in
swaddling clothes had imposed this lot upon him); and there were also
Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and the Cyril
whom I have mentioned above; and the commanders of the regular cavalry
were Rufinus and Aïgan, who were of the house of Belisarius, and
Barbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry was commanded by
Theodorus, who was surnamed Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaïdus, Marcian, and
Sarapis. And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which is now called
Dyrrachium, held supreme command over all the leaders of infantry. Among
all these commanders Solomon was from a place in the East, at the very
extremity of the Roman domain, where the city called Daras now stands,
and Aïgan was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now call Huns; and
the rest were almost all inhabitants of the land of Thrace. And there
followed with them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led, and about
six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all
mounted bowmen; these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed with
bravery and endurance in the highest degree. And for the whole force
five hundred ships were required, no one of which was able to carry more
than fifty thousand medimni,[38] nor any one less than three thousand.
And in all the vessels together there were thirty thousand sailors,
Egyptians and Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and one
commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria. And
they had also ships of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the number
of ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships covered by decks, in
order that the men rowing them might if possible not be exposed to the
bolts of the enemy. Such boats are called "dromones"[39] by those of the
present time; for they are able to attain a great speed. In these sailed
two thousand men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as fighting
men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them. And
Archelaus was also sent, a man of patrician standing who had already
been pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum, but he then
held the position of prefect of the army; for thus the officer charged
with the maintenance of the army is designated. But as general with
supreme authority over all the emperor sent Belisarius, who was in
command of the troops of the East for the second time. And he was
followed by many spearmen and many guards as well, men who were capable
warriors and thoroughly experienced in the dangers of fighting. And the
emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as
seemed best to him, and stating that his acts would be final, as if the
emperor himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave him the power
of a king. Now Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between
Thrace and Illyricum. These things, then, took place in this way.

Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of
Sardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to regain Tripolis, since it was
situated at a great distance and the rebels were already being assisted
by the Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed to him best
not to take the field; but he was eager to get to the island before any
army sent by the emperor to fight for his enemies should arrive there.
He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals and one hundred and
twenty ships of the fastest kind, and appointing as general his brother
Tzazon, he sent them off. And so they were sailing with great enthusiasm
and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia. In the meantime the Emperor
Justinian was sending off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the others
in order to await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus. And when
these two had embarked upon their ships, it came to the emperor's mind
that there was something which he wished to enjoin upon them,--a thing
which he had wished to say previously, but he had been so busied with
the other matters of which he had to speak that his mind had been
occupied with them and this subject had been driven out. He summoned
them, accordingly, intending to say what he wished, but upon considering
the matter, he saw that it would not be propitious for them to interrupt
their journey. He therefore sent men to forbid them either to return to
him or to disembark from their ships. And these men, upon coming near
the ships, commanded them with much shouting and loud cries by no means
to turn back, and it seemed to those present that the thing which had
happened was no good omen and that never would one of the men in those
ships return from Libya to Byzantium. For besides the omen they
suspected that a curse also had come to the men from the emperor, not at
all by his own will, so that they would not return. Now if anyone should
so interpret the incident with regard to these two commanders, Valerian
and Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue. But there was a
certain man among the body-guards of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who was
destined to be an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set up a
tyranny, and by no means to return to Byzantium, and one might suppose
that curse to have been turned upon him by Heaven. But whether this
matter stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason out as he
wishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the general Belisarius and the
army departed.


XII

[533 A.D.] In the seventh year of Justinian's reign, at about the spring
equinox, the emperor commanded the general's ship to anchor off the
point which is before the royal palace. Thither came also Epiphanius,
the chief priest of the city, and after uttering an appropriate prayer,
he put on the ships one of the soldiers who had lately been baptized and
had taken the Christian name. And after this the general Belisarius and
Antonina, his wife, set sail. And there was with them also Procopius,
who wrote this history; now previously he had been exceedingly terrified
at the danger, but later he had seen a vision in his sleep which caused
him to take courage and made him eager to go on the expedition. For it
seemed in the dream that he was in the house of Belisarius, and one of
the servants entering announced that some men had come bearing gifts;
and Belisarius bade him investigate what sort of gifts they were, and he
went out into the court and saw men who carried on their shoulders earth
with the flowers and all. And he bade him bring these men into the house
and deposit the earth they were carrying in the portico; and Belisarius
together with his guardsmen came there, and he himself reclined on that
earth and ate of the flowers, and urged the others to do likewise; and
as they reclined and ate, as if upon a couch, the food seemed to them
exceedingly sweet. Such, then, was the vision of the dream.

And the whole fleet followed the general's ship, and they put in at
Perinthus, which is now called Heracleia,[40] where five days' time was
spent by the army, since at that place the general received as a present
from the emperor an exceedingly great number of horses from the royal
pastures, which are kept for him in the territory of Thrace. And setting
sail from there, they anchored off Abydus, and it came about as they
were delaying there four days on account of the lack of wind that the
following event took place. Two Massagetae killed one of their comrades
who was ridiculing them, in the midst of their intemperate drinking; for
they were intoxicated. For of all men the Massagetae are the most
intemperate drinkers. Belisarius, accordingly, straightway impaled these
two men on the hill which is near Abydus. And since all, and especially
the relatives of these two men, were angry and declared that it was not
in order to be punished nor to be subject to the laws of the Romans that
they had entered into an alliance (for their own laws did not make the
punishment for murder such _as_ this, they said); and since they were
joined in voicing the accusation against the general even by Roman
soldiers, who were anxious that there should be no punishment for their
offences, Belisarius called together both the Massagetae and the rest of
the army and spoke as follows: "If my words were addressed to men now
for the first time entering into war, it would require a long time for
me to convince you by speech how great a help justice is for gaining the
victory. For those who do not understand the fortunes of such struggles
think that the outcome of war lies in strength of arm alone. But you,
who have often conquered an enemy not inferior to you in strength of
body and well endowed with valour, you who have often tried your
strength against your opponents, you, I think, are not ignorant that,
while it is men who always do the fighting in either army, it is God who
judges the contest as seems best to Him and bestows the victory in
battle. Now since this is so, it is fitting to consider good bodily
condition and practice in arms and all the other provision for war of
less account than justice and those things which pertain to God. For
that which may possibly be of greatest advantage to men in need would
naturally be honoured by them above all other things. Now the first
proof of justice would be the punishment of those who have committed
unjust murder. For if it is incumbent upon us to sit in judgment upon
the actions which from time to time are committed by men toward their
neighbours, and to adjudge and to name the just and the unjust action,
we should find that nothing is more precious to a man than his life. And
if any barbarian who has slain his kinsman expects to find indulgence in
his trial on the ground that he was drunk, in all fairness he makes the
charge so much the worse by reason of the very circumstance by which, as
he alleges, his guilt is removed. For it is not right for a man under
any circumstances, and especially when serving in an army, to be so
drunk as readily to kill his dearest friends; nay, the drunkenness
itself, even if the murder is not added at all, is worthy of punishment;
and when a kinsman is wronged, the crime would clearly be of greater
moment as regards punishment than when committed against those who are
not kinsmen, at least in the eyes of men of sense. Now the example is
before you and you may see what sort of an outcome such actions have.
But as for you, it is your duty to avoid laying violent hands upon
anyone without provocation, or carrying off the possessions of others;
for I shall not overlook it, be assured, and I shall not consider anyone
of you a fellow-soldier of mine, no matter how terrible he is reputed to
be to the foe, who is not able to use clean hands against the enemy. For
bravery cannot be victorious unless it be arrayed along with justice."
So spoke Belisarius. And the whole army, hearing what was said and
looking up at the two men impaled, felt an overwhelming fear come over
them and took thought to conduct their lives with moderation, for they
saw that they would not be free from great danger if they should be
caught doing anything unlawful.


XIII

After this Belisarius bethought him how his whole fleet should always
keep together as it sailed and should anchor in the same place. For he
knew that in a large fleet, and especially if rough winds should assail
them, it was inevitable that many of the ships should be left behind and
scattered on the open sea, and that their pilots should not know which
of the ships that put to sea ahead of them it was better to follow. So
after considering the matter, he did as follows. The sails of the three
ships in which he and his following were carried he painted red from the
upper corner for about one third of their length, and he erected upright
poles on the prow of each, and hung lights from them, so that both by
day and by night the general's ships might be distinguishable; then he
commanded all the pilots to follow these ships. Thus with the three
ships leading the whole fleet not a single ship was left behind. And
whenever they were about to put out from a harbour, the trumpets
announced this to them.

And upon setting out from Abydus they met with strong winds which
carried them to Sigeum. And again in calm weather they proceeded more
leisurely to Malea, where the calm proved of the greatest advantage to
them. For since they had a great fleet and exceedingly large ships, as
night came on everything was thrown into confusion by reason of their
being crowded into small space, and they were brought into extreme
peril. At that time both the pilots and the rest of the sailors shewed
themselves skilful and efficient, for while shouting at the top of their
voices and making a great noise they kept pushing the ships apart with
their poles, and cleverly kept the distances between their different
vessels; but if a wind had arisen, whether a following or a head wind,
it seems to me that the sailors would hardly have preserved themselves
and their ships. But as it was, they escaped, as I have said, and put in
at Taenarum, which is now called Caenopolis.[41] Then, pressing on from
there, they touched at Methone, and found Valerian and Martinus with
their men, who had reached the same place a short time before. And since
there were no winds blowing, Belisarius anchored the ships there, and
disembarked the whole army; and after they were on shore he assigned the
commanders their positions and drew up the soldiers. And while he was
thus engaged and no wind at all arose, it came about that many of the
soldiers were destroyed by disease caused in the following manner.

The pretorian prefect, John, was a man of worthless character, and so
skilful at devising ways of bringing money into the public treasury to
the detriment of men that I, for my part, should never be competent to
describe this trait of his. But this has been said in the preceding
pages, when I was brought to this point by my narrative.[42] But I shall
tell in the present case in what manner he destroyed the soldiers. The
bread which soldiers are destined to eat in camp must of necessity be
put twice into the oven, and be cooked so carefully as to last for a
very long period and not spoil in a short time, and loaves cooked in
this way necessarily weigh less; and for this reason, when such bread is
distributed, the soldiers generally received as their portion one-fourth
more than the usual weight.[43] John, therefore, calculating how he
might reduce the amount of firewood used and have less to pay to the
bakers in wages, and also how he might not lose in the weight of the
bread, brought the still uncooked dough to the public baths of Achilles,
in the basement of which the fire is kept burning, and bade his men set
it down there. And when it seemed to be cooked in some fashion or other,
he threw it into bags, put it on the ships, and sent it off. And when
the fleet arrived at Methone, the loaves disintegrated and returned
again to flour, not wholesome flour, however, but rotten and becoming
mouldy and already giving out a sort of oppressive odour. And the loaves
were dispensed by measure[44] to the soldiers by those to whom this
office was assigned, and they were already making the distribution of
the bread by quarts and bushels. And the soldiers, feeding upon this in
the summer time in a place where the climate is very hot, became sick,
and not less than five hundred of them died; and the same thing was
about to happen to more, but Belisarius prevented it by ordering the
bread of the country to be furnished them. And reporting the matter to
the emperor, he himself gained in favour, but he did not at that time
bring any punishment upon John.

These events, then, took place in the manner described. And setting out
from Methone they reached the harbour of Zacynthus, where they took in
enough water to last them in crossing the Adriatic Sea, and after making
all their other preparations, sailed on. But since the wind they had was
very gentle and languid, it was only on the sixteenth day that they came
to land at a deserted place in Sicily near which Mount Aetna rises. And
while they were being delayed in this passage, as has been said, it so
happened that the water of the whole fleet was spoiled, except that
which Belisarius himself and his table-companions were drinking. For
this alone was preserved by the wife of Belisarius in the following
manner. She filled with water jars made of glass and constructed a small
room with planks in the hold of the ship where it was impossible for the
sun to penetrate, and there she sank the jars in sand, and by this means
the water remained unaffected. So much, then, for this.


XIV

And as soon as Belisarius had disembarked upon the island, he began to
feel restless, knowing not how to proceed, and his mind was tormented by
the thought that he did not know what sort of men the Vandals were
against whom he was going, and how strong they were in war, or in what
manner the Romans would have to wage the war, or what place would be
their base of operations. But most of all he was disturbed by the
soldiers, who were in mortal dread of sea-fighting and had no shame in
saying beforehand that, if they should be disembarked on the land, they
would try to show themselves brave men in the battle, but if hostile
ships assailed them, they would turn to flight; for, they said, they
were not able to contend against two enemies at once, both men and
water. Being at a loss, therefore, because of all these things, he sent
Procopius, his adviser, to Syracuse, to find out whether the enemy had
any ships in ambush keeping watch over the passage across the sea,
either on the island or on the continent, and where it would be best for
them to anchor in Libya, and from what point as base it would be
advantageous for them to start in carrying on the war against the
Vandals. And he bade him, when he should have accomplished his commands,
return and meet him at the place called Caucana,[45] about two hundred
stades distant from Syracuse, where both he and the whole fleet were to
anchor. But he let it be understood that he was sending him to buy
provisions, since the Goths were willing to give them a market, this
having been decided upon by the Emperor Justinian and Amalasountha, the
mother of Antalaric,[46] who was at that time a boy being reared under
the care of his mother, Amalasountha, and held sway over both the Goths
and the Italians. For when Theoderic had died and the kingdom came to
his nephew, Antalaric, who had already before this lost his father,
Amalasountha was fearful both for her child and for the kingdom and
cultivated the friendship of Justinian very carefully, and she gave heed
to his commands in all matters and at that time promised to provide a
market for his army and did so.

Now when Procopius reached Syracuse, he unexpectedly met a man who had
been a fellow-citizen and friend of his from childhood, who had been
living in Syracuse for a long time engaged in the shipping business, and
he learned from him what he wanted; for this man showed him a domestic
who had three days before that very day come from Carthage, and he said
that they need not suspect that there would be any ambush set for the
fleet by the Vandals. For from no one in the world had they learned that
an army was coming against them at that time, but all the active men
among the Vandals had actually a little before gone on an expedition
against Godas. And for this reason Gelimer, with no thought of an enemy
in his mind and regardless of Carthage and all the other places on the
sea, was staying in Hermione, which is in Byzacium, four days' journey
distant from the coast; so that it was possible for them to sail without
fearing any difficulty and to anchor wherever the wind should call them.
When Procopius heard this, he took the hand of the domestic and walked
to the harbour of Arethousa where his boat lay at anchor, making many
enquiries of the man and searching out every detail. And going on board
the ship with him, he gave orders to raise the sails and to make all
speed for Caucana. And since the master of the domestic stood on the
shore wondering that he did not give him back the man, Procopius shouted
out, when the ship was already under way, begging him not to be angry
with him; for it was necessary that the domestic should meet the
general, and, after leading the army to Libya, would return after no
long time to Syracuse with much money in his pocket.

But upon coming to Caucana they found all in deep grief. For Dorotheus,
the general of the troops of Armenia, had died there, leaving to the
whole army a great sense of loss. But Belisarius, when the domestic had
come before him and related his whole story, became exceedingly glad,
and after bestowing many praises upon Procopius, he issued orders to
give the signal for departure with the trumpets. And setting sail
quickly they touched at the islands of Gaulus and Melita,[47] which mark
the boundary between the Adriatic and Tuscan Seas. There a strong east
wind arose for them, and on the following day it carried the ships to
the point of Libya, at the place which the Romans call in their own
tongue "Shoal's Head." For its name is "Caputvada," and it is five days'
journey from Carthage for an unencumbered traveller.


XV

And when they came near the shore, the general bade them furl the sails,
throw out anchors from the ships, and make a halt; and calling together
all the commanders to his own ship, he opened a discussion with regard
to the disembarkation. Thereupon many speeches were made inclining to
either side, and Archelaus came forward and spoke as follows:

"I admire, indeed, the virtue of our general, who, while surpassing all
by far in judgment and possessing the greatest wealth of experience, and
at the same time holding the power alone, has proposed an open
discussion and bids each one of us speak, so that we shall be able to
choose whichever course seems best, though it is possible for him to
decide alone on what is needful and at his leisure to put it into
execution as he wishes. But as for you, my fellow officers--I do not
know how I am to say it easily--one might wonder that each one did not
hasten to be the first to oppose the disembarkation. And yet I
understand that the making of suggestions to those who are entering upon
a perilous course brings no personal advantage to him who offers the
advice, but as a general thing results in bringing blame upon him. For
when things go well for men, they attribute their success to their own
judgment or to fortune, but when they fail, they blame only the one who
has advised them. Nevertheless I shall speak out. For it is not right
for those who deliberate about safety to shrink from blame. You are
purposing to disembark on the enemy's land, fellow-officers; but in what
harbour are you planning to place the ships in safety? Or in what city's
wall will you find security for yourselves? Have you not then heard that
this promontory--I mean from Carthage to Iouce--extends, they say, for a
journey of nine days, altogether without harbours and lying open to the
wind from whatever quarter it may blow? And not a single walled town is
left in all Libya except Carthage, thanks to the decision of
Gizeric.[48] And one might add that in this place, they say, water is
entirely lacking. Come now, if you wish, let us suppose that some
adversity befall us, and with this in view make the decision. For that
those who enter into contests of arms should expect no difficulty is not
in keeping with human experience nor with the nature of things. If,
then, after we have disembarked upon the mainland, a storm should fall
upon us, will it not be necessary that one of two things befall the
ships, either that they flee away as far as possible, or perish upon
this promontory? Secondly, what means will there be of supplying us with
necessities? Let no one look to me as the officer charged with the
maintenance of the army. For every official, when deprived of the means
of administering his office, is of necessity reduced to the name and
character of a private person. And where shall we deposit our
superfluous arms or any other part of our necessaries when we are
compelled to receive the attack of the barbarians? Nay, as for this, it
is not well even to say how it will turn out. But I think that we ought
to make straight for Carthage. For they say that there is a harbour
called Stagnum not more than forty stades distant from that city, which
is entirely unguarded and large enough for the whole fleet. And if we
make this the base of our operations, we shall carry on the war without
difficulty. And I, for my part, think it likely that we shall win
Carthage by a sudden attack, especially since the enemy are far away
from it, and that after we have won it we shall have no further trouble.
For it is a way with all men's undertakings that when the chief point
has been captured, they collapse after no long time. It behoves us,
therefore, to bear in mind all these things and to choose the best
course." So spoke Archelaus.

And Belisarius spoke as follows: "Let no one of you, fellow-officers,
think that my words are those of censure, nor that they are spoken in
the last place to the end that it may become necessary for all to follow
them, of whatever sort they may be. For I have heard what seems best to
each one of you, and it is becoming that I too should lay before you
what I think, and then with you should choose the better course. But it
is right to remind you of this fact, that the soldiers said openly a
little earlier that they feared the dangers by sea and would turn to
flight if a hostile ship should attack them, and we prayed God to shew
us the land of Libya and allow us a peaceful disembarkation upon it. And
since this is so, I think it the part of foolish men first to pray to
receive from God the more favourable fortune, then when this is given
them, to reject it and go in the contrary direction. And if we do sail
straight for Carthage and a hostile fleet encounters us, the soldiers
will remain without blame, if they flee with all their might--for a
delinquency announced beforehand carries with it its own defence--but
for us, even if we come through safely, there will be no forgiveness.
Now while there are many difficulties if we remain in the ships, it will
be sufficient, I think, to mention only one thing,--that by which
especially they wish to frighten us when they hold over our heads the
danger of a storm. For if any storm should fall upon us, one of two
things, they say, must necessarily befall the ships, either that they
flee far from Libya or be destroyed upon this headland. What then under
the present circumstances will be more to our advantage to choose? to
have the ships alone destroyed, or to have lost everything, men and all?
But apart from this, at the present time we shall fall upon the enemy
unprepared, and in all probability shall fare as we desire; for in
warfare it is the unexpected which is accustomed to govern the course of
events. But a little later, when the enemy have already made their
preparation, the struggle we shall have will be one of strength evenly
matched. And one might add that it will be necessary perhaps to fight
even for the disembarkation, and to seek for that which now we have
within our grasp but over which we are deliberating as a thing not
necessary. And if at the very time, when we are engaged in conflict, a
storm also comes upon us, as often happens on the sea, then while
struggling both against the waves and against the Vandals, we shall come
to regret our prudence. As for me, then, I say that we must disembark
upon the land with all possible speed, landing horses and arms and
whatever else we consider necessary for our use, and that we must dig a
trench quickly and throw a stockade around us of a kind which can
contribute to our safety no less than any walled town one might mention,
and with that as our base must carry on the war from there if anyone
should attack us. And if we shew ourselves brave men, we shall lack
nothing in the way of provisions. For those who hold the mastery over
their enemy are lords also of the enemy's possessions; and it is the way
of victory, first to invest herself with all the wealth, and then to set
it down again on that side to which she inclines. Therefore, for you
both the chance of safety and of having an abundance of good things lies
in your own hands."

When Belisarius had said this, the whole assembly agreed and adopted his
proposal, and separating from one another, they made the disembarkation
as quickly as possible, about three months later than their departure
from Byzantium. And indicating a certain spot on the shore the general
bade both soldiers and sailors dig the trench and place the stockade
about it. And they did as directed. And since a great throng was working
and fear was stimulating their enthusiasm and the general was urging
them on, not only was the trench dug on the same day, but the stockade
was also completed and the pointed stakes were fixed in place all
around. Then, indeed, while they were digging the trench, something
happened which was altogether amazing. A great abundance of water sprang
forth from the earth, a thing which had not happened before in Byzacium,
and besides this the place where they were was altogether waterless. Now
this water sufficed for all uses of both men and animals. And in
congratulating the general, Procopius said that he rejoiced at the
abundance of water, not so much because of its usefulness, as because it
seemed to him a symbol of an easy victory, and that Heaven was
foretelling a victory to them. This, at any rate, actually came to pass.
So for that night all the soldiers bivouacked in the camp, setting
guards and doing everything else as was customary, except, indeed, that
Belisarius commanded five bowmen to remain in each ship for the purpose
of a guard, and that the ships-of-war should anchor in a circle about
them, taking care that no one should come against them to do them harm.


XVI

But on the following day, when some of the soldiers went out into the
fields and laid hands on the fruit, the general inflicted corporal
punishment of no casual sort upon them, and he called all the army
together and spoke as follows: "This using of violence and the eating of
that which belongs to others seems at other times a wicked thing only on
this account, that injustice is in the deed itself, as the saying is;
but in the present instance so great an element of detriment is added to
the wrongdoing that--if it is not too harsh to say so--we must consider
the question of justice of less account and calculate the magnitude of
the danger that may arise from your act. For I have disembarked you upon
this land basing my confidence on this alone, that the Libyans, being
Romans from of old, are unfaithful and hostile to the Vandals, and for
this reason I thought that no necessaries would fail us and, besides,
that the enemy would not do us any injury by a sudden attack. But now
this your lack of self-control has changed it all and made the opposite
true. For you have doubtless reconciled the Libyans to the Vandals,
bringing their hostility round upon your own selves. For by nature those
who are wronged feel enmity toward those who have done them violence,
and it has come round to this that you have exchanged your own safety
and a bountiful supply of good things for some few pieces of silver,
when it was possible for you, by purchasing provisions from willing
owners, not to appear unjust and at the same time to enjoy their
friendship to the utmost. Now, therefore, the war will be between you
and both Vandals and Libyans, and I, at least, say further that it will
be against God himself, whose aid no one who does wrong can invoke. But
do you cease trespassing wantonly upon the possessions of others, and
reject a gain which is full of dangers. For this is that time in which
above all others moderation is able to save, but lawlessness leads to
death. For if you give heed to these things, you will find God
propitious, the Libyan people well-disposed, and the race of the Vandals
open to your attack."

With these words Belisarius dismissed the assembly. And at that time he
heard that the city of Syllectus was distant one day's journey from the
camp, lying close to the sea on the road leading to Carthage, and that
the wall of this city had been torn down for a long time, but the
inhabitants of the place had made a barrier on all sides by means of the
walls of their houses, on account of the attacks of the Moors, and
guarded a kind of fortified enclosure; he, accordingly, sent one of his
spearmen, Boriades, together with some of the guards, commanding them to
make an attempt oh the city, and, if they captured it, to do no harm in
it, but to promise a thousand good things and to say that they had come
for the sake of the people's freedom, that so the army might be able to
enter into it. And they came near the city about dusk and passed the
night hidden in a ravine. But at early dawn, meeting country folk going
into the city with waggons, they entered quietly with them and with no
trouble took possession of the city. And when day came, no one having
begun any disturbance, they called together the priest and all the other
notables and announced the commands of the general, and receiving the
keys of the entrances from willing hands, they sent them to the general.

On the same day the overseer of the public post deserted, handing over
all the government horses. And they captured also one of those who are
occasionally sent to bear the royal responses, whom they call
"veredarii"[49]; and the general did him no harm but presented him with
much gold and, receiving pledges from him, put into his hand the letter
which the Emperor Justinian had written to the Vandals, that he might
give it to the magistrates of the Vandals. And the writing was as
follows: "Neither have we decided to make war upon the Vandals, nor are
we breaking the treaty of Gizeric, but we are attempting to dethrone
your tyrant, who, making light of the testament of Gizeric, has
imprisoned your king and is keeping him in custody, and those of his
relatives whom he hated exceedingly he put to death at the first, and
the rest, after robbing them of their sight, he keeps under guard, not
allowing them to terminate their misfortunes by death. Do you,
therefore, join forces with us and help us in freeing yourselves from so
wicked a tyranny, in order that you may be able to enjoy both peace and
freedom. For we give you pledges in the name of God that these things
will come to you by our hand." Such was the message of the emperor's
letter. But the man who received this from Belisarius did not dare to
publish it openly, and though he shewed it secretly to his friends, he
accomplished nothing whatever of consequence.


XVII

And Belisarius, having arrayed his army as for battle in the following
manner, began the march to Carthage. He chose out three hundred of his
guards, men who were able warriors, and handed them over to John, who
was in charge of the expenditures of the general's household; such a
person the Romans call "optio."[50] And he was an Armenian by birth, a
man gifted with discretion and courage in the highest degree. This John,
then, he commanded to go ahead of the army, at a distance of not less
than twenty stades, and if he should see anything of the enemy, to
report it with all speed, so that they might not be compelled to enter
into battle unprepared. And the allied Massagetae he commanded to travel
constantly on the left of the army, keeping as many stades away or more;
and he himself marched in the rear with the best troops. For he
suspected that it would not be long before Gelimer, following them from
Hermione, would make an attack upon them. And these precautions were
sufficient, for on the right side there was no fear, since they were
travelling not far from the coast. And he commanded the sailors to
follow along with them always and not to separate themselves far from
the army, but when the wind was favouring to lower the great sails, and
follow with the small sails, which they call "dolones,"[51] and when the
wind dropped altogether to keep the ships under way as well as they
could by rowing.

And when Belisarius reached Syllectus, the soldiers behaved with
moderation, and they neither began any unjust brawls nor did anything
out of the way, and he himself, by displaying great gentleness and
kindness, won the Libyans to his side so completely that thereafter he
made the journey as if in his own land; for neither did the inhabitants
of the land withdraw nor did they wish to conceal anything, but they
both furnished a market and served the soldiers in whatever else they
wished. And accomplishing eighty stades each day, we completed the whole
journey to Carthage, passing the night either in a city, should it so
happen, or in a camp made as thoroughly secure as the circumstances
permitted. Thus we passed through the city of Leptis and Hadrumetum and
reached the place called Grasse, three hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. In that place was a palace of the ruler of the Vandals
and a park the most beautiful of all we know. For it is excellently
watered by springs and has a great wealth of woods. And all the trees
are full of fruit; so that each one of the soldiers pitched his tent
among fruit-trees, and though all of them ate their fill of the fruit,
which was then ripe, there was practically no diminution to be seen in
the fruit.

But Gelimer, as soon as he heard in Hermione that the enemy were at
hand, wrote to his brother Ammatas in Carthage to kill Ilderic and all
the others, connected with him either by birth or otherwise, whom he was
keeping under guard, and commanded him to make ready the Vandals and all
others in the city serviceable for war, in order that, when the enemy
got inside the narrow passage at the suburb of the city which they call
Decimum,[52] they might come together from both sides and surround them
and, catching them as in a net, destroy them. And Ammatas carried this
out, and killed Ilderic, who was a relative of his, and Euagees, and all
the Libyans who were intimate with them. For Hoamer had already departed
from the world.[53] And arming the Vandals, he made them ready,
intending to make his attack at the opportune moment. But Gelimer was
following behind, without letting it be known to us, except, indeed,
that, on that night when we bivouacked in Grasse, scouts coming from
both armies met each other, and after an exchange of blows they each
retired to their own camp, and in this way it became evident to us that
the enemy were not far away. As we proceeded from there it was
impossible to discern the ships. For high rocks extending well into the
sea cause mariners to make a great circuit, and there is a projecting
headland,[54] inside of which lies the town of Hermes. Belisarius
therefore commanded Archelaus, the prefect, and Calonymus, the admiral,
not to put in at Carthage, but to remain about two hundred stades away
until he himself should summon them. And departing from Grasse we came
on the fourth day to Decimum, seventy stades distant from Carthage.


XVIII

And on that day Gelimer commanded his nephew Gibamundus with two
thousand of the Vandals to go ahead of the rest of the army on the left
side, in order that Ammatas coming from Carthage, Gelimer himself from
the rear, and Gibamundus from the country to the left, might unite and
accomplish the task of encircling the enemy with less difficulty and
exertion. But as for me, during this struggle I was moved to wonder at
the ways of Heaven and of men, noting how God, who sees from afar what
will come to pass, traces out the manner in which it seems best to him
that things should come to pass, while men, whether they are deceived or
counsel aright, know not that they have failed, should that be the
issue, or that they have succeeded, God's purpose being that a path
shall be made for Fortune, who presses on inevitably toward that which
has been foreordained. For if Belisarius had not thus arranged his
forces, commanding the men under John to take the lead, and the
Massagetae to march on the left of the army, we should never have been
able to escape the Vandals. And even with this planned so by Belisarius,
if Ammatas had observed the opportune time, and had not anticipated this
by about the fourth part of a day, never would the cause of the Vandals
have fallen as it did; but as it was, Ammatas came to Decimum about
midday, in advance of the time, while both we and the Vandal army were
far away, erring not only in that he did not arrive at the fitting time,
but also in leaving at Carthage the host of the Vandals, commanding them
to come to Decimum as quickly as possible, while he with a few men and
not even the pick of the army came into conflict with John's men. And he
killed twelve of the best men who were fighting in the front rank, and
he himself fell, having shewn himself a brave man in this engagement.
And the rout, after Ammatas fell, became complete, and the Vandals,
fleeing at top speed, swept back all those who were coming from Carthage
to Decimum. For they were advancing in no order and not drawn up as for
battle, but in companies, and small ones at that; for they were coming
in bands of twenty or thirty. And seeing the Vandals under Ammatas
fleeing, and thinking their pursuers were a great multitude, they turned
and joined in the flight. And John and his men, killing all whom they
came upon, advanced as far as the gates of Carthage. And there was so
great a slaughter of Vandals in the course of the seventy stades that
those who beheld it would have supposed that it was the work of an enemy
twenty thousand strong.

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thousand came to Pedion Halon,
which is forty stades distant from Decimum on the left as one goes to
Carthage, and is destitute of human habitation or trees or anything
else, since the salt in the water permits nothing except salt to be
produced there; in that place they encountered the Huns and were all
destroyed. Now there was a certain man among the Massagetae, well gifted
with courage and strength of body, the leader of a few men; this man had
the privilege handed down from his fathers and ancestors to be the first
in all the Hunnic armies to attack the enemy. For it was not lawful for
a man of the Massagetae to strike first in battle and capture one of the
enemy until, indeed, someone from this house began the struggle with the
enemy. So when the two armies had come not far from each other, this man
rode out and stopped alone close to the army of the Vandals. And the
Vandals, either because they were dumbfounded at the courageous spirit
of the man or perhaps because they suspected that the enemy were
contriving something against them, decided neither to move nor to shoot
at the man. And I think that, since they had never had experience of
battle with the Massagetae, but heard that the nation was very warlike,
they were for this reason terrified at the danger. And the man,
returning to his compatriots, said that God had sent them these
strangers as a ready feast. Then at length they made their onset and the
Vandals did not withstand them, but breaking their ranks and never
thinking of resistance, they were all disgracefully destroyed.


XIX

But we, having learned nothing at all of what had happened, were going
on to Decimum. And Belisarius, seeing a place well adapted for a camp,
thirty-five stades distant from Decimum, surrounded it with a stockade
which was very well made, and placing all the infantry there and calling
together the whole army, he spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the
decisive moment of the struggle is already at hand; for I perceive that
the enemy are advancing upon us; and the ships have been taken far away
from us by the nature of the place; and it has come round to this that
our hope of safety lies in the strength of our hands. For there is not a
friendly city, no, nor any other stronghold, in which we may put our
trust and have confidence concerning ourselves. But if we should show
ourselves brave men, it is probable that we shall still overcome the
enemy in the war; but if we should weaken at all, it will remain for us
to fall under the hand of the Vandals and to be destroyed disgracefully.
And yet there are many advantages on our side to help us on toward
victory; for we have with us both justice, with which we have come
against our enemy (for we are here in order to recover what is our own),
and the hatred of the Vandals toward their own tyrant. For the alliance
of God follows naturally those who put justice forward, and a soldier
who is ill-disposed toward his ruler knows not how to play the part of a
brave man. And apart from this, we have been engaged with Persians and
Scythians all the time, but the Vandals, since the time they conquered
Libya, have seen not a single enemy except naked Moors. And who does not
know that in every work practice leads to skill, while idleness leads to
inefficiency? Now the stockade, from which we shall have to carry on the
war, has been made by us in the best possible manner. And we are able to
deposit here our weapons and everything else which we are not able to
carry when we go forth; and when we return here again, no kind of
provisions can fail us. And I pray that each one of you, calling to mind
his own valour and those whom he has left at home, may so march with
contempt against the enemy."

After speaking these words and uttering a prayer after them, Belisarius
left his wife and the barricaded camp to the infantry, and himself set
forth with all the horsemen. For it did not seem to him advantageous for
the present to risk an engagement with the whole army, but it seemed
wise to skirmish first with the horsemen and make trial of the enemy's
strength, and finally to fight a decisive battle with the whole army.
Sending forward, therefore, the commanders of the foederati,[55] he
himself followed with the rest of the force and his own spearmen and
guards. And when the foederati and their leaders reached Decimum, they
saw the corpses of the fallen--twelve comrades from the forces of John
and near them Ammatas and some of the Vandals. And hearing from the
inhabitants of the place the whole story of the fight, they were vexed,
being at a loss as to where they ought to go. But while they were still
at a loss and from the hills were looking around over the whole country
thereabouts, a dust appeared from the south and a little later a very
large force of Vandal horsemen. And they sent to Belisarius urging him
to come as quickly as possible, since the enemy were bearing down upon
them. And the opinions of the commanders were divided. For some thought
that they ought to close with their assailants, but the others said that
their force was not sufficient for this. And while they were debating
thus among themselves, the barbarians drew near under the leadership of
Gelimer, who was following a road between the one which Belisarius was
travelling and the one by which the Massagetae who had encountered
Gibamundus had come. But since the land was hilly on both sides, it did
not allow him to see either the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius'
stockade, nor even the road along which Belisarius' men were advancing.
But when they came near each other, a contest arose between the two
armies as to which should capture the highest of all the hills there.
For it seemed a suitable one to encamp upon, and both sides preferred to
engage with the enemy from there. And the Vandals, coming first, took
possession of the hill by crowding off their assailants and routed the
enemy, having already become an object of terror to them. And the Romans
in flight came to a place seven stades distant from Decimum, where, as
it happened, Uliaris, the personal guard of Belisarius, was, with eight
hundred guardsmen. And all supposed that Uliaris would receive them and
hold his position, and together with them would go against the Vandals;
but when they came together, these troops all unexpectedly fled at top
speed and went on the run to Belisarius.

From then on I am unable to say what happened to Gelimer that, having
the victory in his hands, he willingly gave it up to the enemy, unless
one ought to refer foolish actions also to God, who, whenever He
purposes that some adversity shall befall a man, touches first his
reason and does not permit that which will be to his advantage to come
to his consideration. For if, on the one hand, he had made the pursuit
immediately, I do not think that even Belisarius would have withstood
him, but our cause would have been utterly and completely lost, so
numerous appeared the force of the Vandals and so great the fear they
inspired in the Romans; or if, on the other hand, he had even ridden
straight for Carthage, he would easily have killed all John's men, who,
heedless of everything else, were wandering about the plain one by one
or by twos and stripping the dead. And he would have preserved the city
with its treasures, and captured our ships, which had come rather near,
and he would have withdrawn from us all hope both of sailing away and of
victory. But in fact he did neither of these things. Instead he
descended from the hill at a walk, and when he reached the level ground
and saw the corpse of his brother, he turned to lamentations, and, in
caring for his burial, he blunted the edge of his opportunity--an
opportunity which he was not able to grasp again. Meantime Belisarius,
meeting the fugitives, bade them stop, and arrayed them all in order and
rebuked them at length; then, after hearing of the death of Ammatas and
the pursuit of John, and learning what he wished concerning the place
and the enemy, he proceeded at full speed against Gelimer and the
Vandals. But the barbarians, having already fallen into disorder and
being now unprepared, did not withstand the onset of the Romans, but
fled with all their might, losing many there, and the battle ended at
night. Now the Vandals were in flight, not to Carthage nor to Byzacium,
whence they had come, but to the plain of Boulla and the road leading
into Numidia. So the men with John and the Massagetae returned to us
about dusk, and after learning all that had happened and reporting what
they had done, they passed the night with us in Decimum.


XX

But on the following day the infantry with the wife of Belisarius came
up and we all proceeded together on the road toward Carthage, which we
reached in the late evening; and we passed the night in the open,
although no one hindered us from marching into the city at once. For the
Carthaginians opened the gates and burned lights everywhere and the city
was brilliant with the illumination that whole night, and those of the
Vandals who had been left behind were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries. But Belisarius prevented the entrance in order to guard
against any ambuscade being set for his men by the enemy, and also to
prevent the soldiers from having freedom to turn to plundering, as they
might under the concealment of night. On that day, since an east wind
arose for them, the ships reached the headland, and the Carthaginians,
for they already sighted them, removed the iron chains of the harbour
which they call Mandracium, and made it possible for the fleet to enter.
Now there is in the king's palace a room filled with darkness, which the
Carthaginians call Ancon, where all were cast with whom the tyrant was
angry. In that place, as it happened, many of the eastern merchants had
been confined up to that time. For Gelimer was angry with these men,
charging them with having urged the emperor on to the war, and they were
about to be destroyed, all of them, this having been decided upon by
Gelimer on that day on which Ammatas was killed in Decimum; to such an
extremity of danger did they come. The guard of this prison, upon
hearing what had taken place in Decimum and seeing the fleet inside the
point, entered the room and enquired of the men, who had not yet learned
the good news, but were sitting in the darkness and expecting death,
what among their possessions they would be willing to give up and be
saved. And when they said they desired to give everything he might wish,
he demanded nothing of all their treasures, but required them all to
swear that, if they escaped, they would assist him also with all their
power when he came into danger. And they did this. Then he told them
them the whole story, and tearing off a plank from the side toward the
sea, he pointed out the fleet approaching, and releasing all from the
prison went out with them.

But the men on the ships, having as yet heard nothing of what the army
had done on the land, were completely at a loss, and slackening their
sails they sent to the town of Mercurium; there they learned what had
taken place at Decimum, and becoming exceedingly joyful sailed on. And
when, with a favouring wind blowing, they came to within one hundred and
fifty stades of Carthage, Archelaus and the soldiers bade them anchor
there, fearing the warning of the general, but the sailors would not
obey. For they said that the promontory at that point was without a
harbour and also that the indications were that a well-known storm,
which the natives call Cypriana, would arise immediately. And they
predicted that, if it came upon them in that place, they would not be
able to save even one of the ships. And it was as they said. So they
slackened their sails for a short time and deliberated; and they did not
think they ought to try for Mandracium (for they shrank from violating
the commands of Belisarius, and at the same time they suspected that the
entrance to Mandracium was closed by the chains, and besides they feared
that this harbour was not sufficient for the whole fleet) but Stagnum
seemed to them well situated (for it is forty stades distant from
Carthage), and there was nothing in it to hinder them, and also it was
large enough for the whole fleet. There they arrived about dusk and all
anchored, except, indeed, that Calonymus with some of the sailors,
disregarding the general and all the others, went off secretly to
Mandracium, no one daring to hinder him, and plundered the property of
the merchants dwelling on the sea, both foreigners and Carthaginians.

On the following day Belisarius commanded those on the ships to
disembark, and after marshalling the whole army and drawing it up in
battle formation, he marched into Carthage; for he feared lest he should
encounter some snare set by the enemy. There he reminded the soldiers at
length of how much good fortune had come to them because they had
displayed moderation toward the Libyans, and he exhorted them earnestly
to preserve good order with the greatest care in Carthage. For all the
Libyans had been Romans in earlier times and had come under the Vandals
by no will of their own and had suffered many outrages at the hands of
these barbarians. For this very reason the emperor had entered into war
with the Vandals, and it was not holy that any harm should come from
them to the people whose freedom they had made the ground for taking the
field against the Vandals. [Sept. 15, 533 A.D.] After such words of
exhortation he entered Carthage, and, since no enemy was seen by them,
he went up to the palace and seated himself on Gelimer's throne. There a
crowd of merchants and other Carthaginians came before Belisarius with
much shouting, persons whose homes were on the sea, and they made the
charge that there had been a robbery of their property on the preceding
night by the sailors. And Belisarius bound Calonymus by oaths to bring
without fail all his thefts to the light. And Calonymus, taking the oath
and disregarding what he had sworn, for the moment made the money his
plunder, but not long afterwards he paid his just penalty in Byzantium.
For being taken with the disease called apoplexy, he became insane and
bit off his own tongue and then died. But this happened at a later time.


XXI

But then, since the hour was appropriate, Belisarius commanded that
lunch be prepared for them, in the very place where Gelimer was
accustomed to entertain the leaders of the Vandals. This place the
Romans call "Delphix," not in their own tongue, but using the Greek word
according to the ancient custom. For in the palace at Rome, where the
dining couches of the emperor were placed, a tripod had stood from olden
times, on which the emperor's cupbearers used to place the cups. Now the
Romans call a tripod "Delphix," since they were first made at Delphi,
and from this both in Byzantium and wherever there is a king's dining
couch they call the room "Delphix"; for the Romans follow the Greek also
in calling the emperor's residence "Palatium." For a Greek named Pallas
lived in this place before the capture of Troy and built a noteworthy
house there, and they called this dwelling "Palatium"; and when Augustus
received the imperial power, he decided to take up his first residence
in that house, and from this they call the place wherever the emperor
resides "Palatium." So Belisarius dined in the Delphix and with him all
the notables of the army. And it happened that the lunch made for
Gelimer on the preceding day was in readiness. And we feasted on that
very food and the domestics of Gelimer served it and poured the wine and
waited upon us in every way. And it was possible to see Fortune in her
glory and making a display of the fact that all things are hers and that
nothing is the private possession of any man. And it fell to the lot of
Belisarius on that day to win such fame as no one of the men of his time
ever won nor indeed any of the men of olden times. For though the Roman
soldiers were not accustomed to enter a subject city without confusion,
even if they numbered only five hundred, and especially if they made the
entry unexpectedly, all the soldiers under the command of this general
showed themselves so orderly that there was not a single act of
insolence nor a threat, and indeed nothing happened to hinder the
business of the city; but in a captured city, one which had changed its
government and shifted its allegiance, it came about that no man's
household was excluded from the privileges of the marketplace; on the
contrary, the clerks drew up their lists of the men and conducted the
soldiers to their lodgings, just as usual,[56] and the soldiers
themselves, getting their lunch by purchase from the market, rested as
each one wished.

Afterwards Belisarius gave pledges to those Vandals who had fled into
the sanctuaries, and began to take thought for the fortifications. For
the circuit-wall of Carthage had been so neglected that in many places
it had become accessible to anyone who wished and easy to attack. For no
small part of it had fallen down, and it was for this reason, the
Carthaginians said, that Gelimer had not made his stand in the city. For
he thought that it would be impossible in a short time to restore such a
circuit-wall to a safe condition. And they said that an old oracle had
been uttered by the children in earlier times in Carthage, to the effect
that "gamma shall pursue beta, and again beta itself shall pursue
gamma." And at that time it had been spoken by the children in play and
had been left as an unexplained riddle, but now it was perfectly clear
to all. For formerly Gizeric had driven out Boniface and now Belisarius
was doing the same to Gelimer. This, then, whether it was a rumour or an
oracle, came out as I have stated.

At that time a dream also came to light, which had been seen often
before this by many persons, but without being clear as to how it would
turn out. And the dream was as follows. Cyprian,[57] a holy man, is
reverenced above all others by the Carthaginians. And they have founded
a very noteworthy temple in his honour before the city on the sea-shore,
in which they conduct all other customary services, and also celebrate
there a festival which they call the "Cypriana"; and the sailors are
accustomed to name after Cyprian the storm, which I mentioned
lately,[58] giving it the same name as the festival, since it is wont to
come on at the time at which the Libyans have always been accustomed to
celebrate the festival. This temple the Vandals took from the Christians
by violence in the reign of Honoric. And they straightway drove out
their priests from the temple in great dishonour, and themselves
thereafter attended to the sacred festival which, they said, now
belonged to the Arians. And the Libyans, indeed, were angry on this
account and altogether at a loss, but Cyprian, they say, often sent them
a dream saying that there was not the least need for the Christians to
be concerned about him; for he himself as time went on would be his own
avenger. And when the report of this was passed around and came to all
the Libyans, they were expecting that some vengeance would come upon the
Vandals at some time because of this sacred festival, but were unable to
conjecture how in the world the vision would be realized for them. Now,
therefore, when the emperor's expedition had come to Libya, since the
time had already come round and would bring the celebration of the
festival on the succeeding day, the priests of the Arians, in spite of
the fact that Ammatas had led the Vandals to Decimum, cleansed the whole
sanctuary and were engaged in hanging up the most beautiful of the
votive offerings there, and making ready the lamps and bringing out the
treasures from the store-houses and preparing all things with exactness,
arranging everything according to its appropriate use. But the events in
Decimum turned out in the manner already described. And the priests of
the Arians were off in flight, while the Christians who conform to the
orthodox faith came to the temple of Cyprian, and they burned all the
lamps and attended to the sacred festival just as is customary for them
to perform this service, and thus it was known to all what the vision of
the dream was foretelling. This, then, came about in this way.


XXII

And the Vandals, recalling an ancient saying, marvelled, understanding
clearly thereafter that for a man, at least, no hope could be impossible
nor any possession secure. And what this saying was and in what manner
it was spoken I shall explain. When the Vandals originally, pressed by
hunger, were about to remove from their ancestral abodes, a certain part
of them was left behind who were reluctant to go and not desirous of
following Godigisclus. And as time went on it seemed to those who had
remained that they were well off as regards abundance of provisions, and
Gizeric with his followers gained possession of Libya. And when this was
heard by those who had not followed Godigisclus, they rejoiced, since
thenceforth the country was altogether sufficient for them to live upon.
But fearing lest at some time much later either the very ones who had
conquered Libya, or their descendants, should in some way or other be
driven out of Libya and return to their ancestral homes (for they never
supposed that the Romans would let Libya be held for ever), they sent
ambassadors to them. And these men, upon coming before Gizeric, said
that they rejoiced with their compatriots who had met with such success,
but that they were no longer able to guard the land of which he and his
men had thought so little that they had settled in Libya. They prayed
therefore that, if they laid no claim to their fatherland, they would
bestow it as an unprofitable possession upon themselves, so that their
title to the land might be made as secure as possible, and if anyone
should come to do it harm, they might by no means disdain to die in
behalf of it. Gizeric, accordingly, and all the other Vandals thought
that they spoke fairly and justly, and they were in the act of granting
everything which the envoys desired of them. But a certain old man who
was esteemed among them and had a great reputation for discretion said
that he would by no means permit such a thing. "For in human affairs,"
he said, "not one thing stands secure; nay, nothing which now exists is
stable for all time for men, while as regards that which does not yet
exist, there is nothing which may not come to pass." When Gizeric heard
this, he expressed approval and decided to send the envoys away with
nothing accomplished. Now at that time both he himself and the man who
had given the advice were judged worthy of ridicule by all the Vandals,
as foreseeing the impossible. But when these things which have been told
took place, the Vandals learned to take a different view of the nature
of human affairs and realized that the saying was that of a wise man.

Now as for those Vandals who remained in their native land, neither
remembrance nor any name of them has been preserved to my time.[59] For
since, I suppose, they were a small number, they were either overpowered
by the neighbouring barbarians or they were mingled with them not at all
unwillingly and their name gave way to that of their conquerors. Indeed,
when the Vandals were conquered at that time by Belisarius, no thought
occurred to them to go from there to their ancestral homes. For they
were not able to convey themselves suddenly from Libya to Europe,
especially as they had no ships at hand, but paid the penalty[60] there
for all the wrongs they had done the Romans and especially the
Zacynthians. For at one time Gizeric, falling suddenly upon the towns in
the Peloponnesus, undertook to assault Taenarum. And being repulsed from
there and losing many of his followers he retired in complete disorder.
And while he was still filled with anger on account of this, he touched
at Zacynthus, and having killed many of those he met and enslaved five
hundred of the notables, he sailed away soon afterwards. And when he
reached the middle of the Adriatic Sea, as it is called, he cut into
small pieces the bodies of the five hundred and threw them all about the
sea without the least concern. But this happened in earlier times.


XXIII

But at that time Gelimer, by distributing much money to the farmers
among the Libyans and shewing great friendliness toward them, succeeded
in winning many to his side. These he commanded to kill the Romans who
went out into the country, proclaiming a fixed sum of gold for each man
killed, to be paid to him who did the deed. And they killed many from
the Roman army, not soldiers, however, but slaves and servants, who
because of a desire for money went up into the villages stealthily and
were caught. And the farmers brought their heads before Gelimer and
departed receiving their pay, while he supposed that they had slain
soldiers of the enemy.

At that time Diogenes, the aide of Belisarius, made a display of
valorous deeds. For having been sent, together with twenty-two of the
body-guards, to spy upon their opponents, he came to a place two days'
journey distant from Carthage. And the farmers of the place, being
unable to kill these men, reported to Gelimer that they were there. And
he chose out and sent against them three hundred horsemen of the
Vandals, enjoining upon them to bring all the men alive before him. For
it seemed to him a most remarkable achievement to make captive a
personal aide of Belisarius with twenty-two body-guards. Now Diogenes
and his party had entered a certain house and were sleeping in the upper
storey, having no thought of the enemy in mind, since, indeed, they had
learned that their opponents were far away. But the Vandals, coming
there at early dawn, thought it would not be to their advantage to
destroy the doors of the house or to enter it in the dark, fearing lest,
being involved in a night encounter, they might themselves destroy one
another, and at the same time, if that should happen, provide a way of
escape for a large number of the enemy in the darkness. But they did
this because cowardice had paralyzed their minds, though it would have
been possible for them with no trouble, by carrying torches or even
without these, to catch their enemies in their beds not only without
weapons, but absolutely naked besides. But as it was, they made a
phalanx in a circle about the whole house and especially at the doors,
and all took their stand there. But in the meantime it so happened that
one of the Roman soldiers was roused from sleep, and he, noticing the
noise which the Vandals made as they talked stealthily among themselves
and moved with their weapons, was able to comprehend what was being
done, and rousing each one of his comrades silently, he told them what
was going on. And they, following the opinion of Diogenes, all put on
their clothes quietly and taking up their weapons went below. There they
put the bridles on their horses and leaped upon them unperceived by
anyone. And after standing for a time by the court-yard entrance, they
suddenly opened the door there, and straightway all came out. And then
the Vandals immediately closed with them, but they accomplished nothing.
For the Romans rode hard, covering themselves with their shields and
warding off their assailants with their spears. And in this way Diogenes
escaped the enemy, losing two of his followers, but saving the rest. He
himself, however, received three blows in this encounter on the neck and
the face, from which indeed he came within a little of dying, and one
blow also on the left hand, as a result of which he was thereafter
unable to move his little finger. This, then, took place in this way.

And Belisarius offered great sums of money to the artisans engaged in
the building trade and to the general throng of workmen, and by this
means he dug a trench deserving of great admiration about the
circuit-wall, and setting stakes close together along it he made an
excellent stockade about the fortifications. And not only this, but he
built up in a short time the portions of the wall which had suffered, a
thing which seemed worthy of wonder not only to the Carthaginians, but
also to Gelimer himself at a later time. For when he came as a captive
to Carthage, he marvelled when he saw the wall and said that his own
negligence had proved the cause of all his present troubles. This, then,
was accomplished by Belisarius while in Carthage.


XXIV

But Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, reached Sardinia with the expedition
which has been mentioned above[61] and disembarked at the harbour of
Caranalis[62]; and at the first onset he captured the city and killed
the tyrant Godas and all the fighting men about him. And when he heard
that the emperor's expedition was in the land of Libya, having as yet
learned nothing of what had been done there, he wrote to Gelimer as
follows: "Know, O King of the Vandals and Alani, that the tyrant Godas
has perished, having fallen into our hands, and that the island is again
under thy kingdom, and celebrate the festival of triumph. And as for the
enemy who have had the daring to march against our land, expect that
their attempt will come to the same fate as that experienced by those
who in former times marched against our ancestors." And those who took
this letter sailed into the harbour of Carthage with no thought of the
enemy in mind. And being brought by the guards before the general, they
put the letter into his hands and gave him information on the matters
about which he enquired, being thunderstruck at what they beheld and
awed at the suddenness of the change; however, they suffered nothing
unpleasant at the hand of Belisarius.

At this same time another event also occurred as follows. A short time
before the emperor's expedition reached Libya, Gelimer had sent envoys
into Spain, among whom were Gothaeus and Fuscias, in order to persuade
Theudis, the ruler of the Visigoths,[63] to establish an alliance with
the Vandals. And these envoys, upon disembarking on the mainland after
crossing the strait at Gadira, found Theudis in a place situated far
from the sea. And when they had come up to the place where he was,
Theudis received them with friendliness and entertained them heartily,
and during the feast he pretended to enquire how matters stood with
Gelimer and the Vandals. Now since these envoys had travelled to him
rather slowly, it happened that he had heard from others everything
which had befallen the Vandals. For one merchant ship sailing for trade
had put out from Carthage on the very same day as the army marched into
the city, and finding a favouring wind, had come to Spain. From those on
this ship Theudis learned all that had happened in Libya, but he forbade
the merchants to reveal it to anyone, in order that this might not
become generally known. And when Gothaeus and his followers replied that
everything was as well as possible for them, he asked them for what
purpose, then, they had come. And when they proposed the alliance,
Theudis bade them go to the sea-coast; "For from there," he said, "you
will learn of the affairs at home with certainty." And the envoys,
supposing that the man was in his cups and his words were not sane,
remained silent. But when on the following day they met him and made
mention of the alliance, and Theudis used the same words a second time,
then at length they understood that some change of fortune had befallen
them in Libya, but never once thinking of Carthage they sailed for the
city. And upon coming to land close by it and happening upon Roman
soldiers, they put themselves in their hands to do with them as they
wished. And from there they were led away to the general, and reporting
the whole story, they suffered no harm at his hand. These things, then,
happened thus. And Cyril,[64] upon coming near to Sardinia and learning
what had happened to Godas, sailed to Carthage, and there, finding the
Roman army and Belisarius victorious, he remained at rest; and
Solomon[65] was sent to the emperor in order to announce what had been
accomplished.


XXV

But Gelimer, upon reaching the plain of Boulla, which is distant from
Carthage a journey of four days for an unencumbered traveller, not far
from the boundaries of Numidia, began to gather there all the Vandals
and as many of the Moors as happened to be friendly to him. Few Moors,
however, joined his alliance, and these were altogether insubordinate.
For all those who ruled over the Moors in Mauretania and Numidia and
Byzacium sent envoys to Belisarius saying that they were slaves of the
emperor and promised to fight with him. There were some also who even
furnished their children as hostages and requested that the symbols of
office be sent them from him according to the ancient custom. For it was
a law among the Moors that no one should be a ruler over them, even if
he was hostile to the Romans, until the emperor of the Romans should
give him the tokens of the office. And though they had already received
them from the Vandals, they did not consider that the Vandals held the
office securely. Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered with
gold, and a silver cap,--not covering the whole head, but like a crown
and held in place on all sides by bands of silver,--a kind of white
cloak gathered by a golden brooch on the right shoulder in the form of a
Thessalian cape, and a white tunic with embroidery, and a gilded boot.
And Belisarius sent these things to them, and presented each one of them
with much money. However, they did not come to fight along with him,
nor, on the other hand, did they dare give their support to the Vandals,
but standing out of the way of both contestants, they waited to see what
would be the outcome of the war. Thus, then, matters stood with the
Romans.

But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia with a letter to his
brother Tzazon. And he went quickly to the coast, and finding by chance
a merchant-ship putting out to sea, he sailed into the harbour of
Caranalis and put the letter into the hands of Tzazon. Now the message
of the letter was as follows:

"It was not, I venture to think, Godas who caused the island to revolt
from us, but some curse of madness sent from Heaven which fell upon the
Vandals. For by depriving us of you and the notables of the Vandals, it
has seized and carried off from the house of Gizeric absolutely all the
blessings which we enjoyed. For it was not to recover the island for us
that you sailed from here, but in order that Justinian might be master
of Libya. For that which Fortune had decided upon previously it is now
possible to know from the outcome. Belisarius, then, has come against us
with a small army, but valour straightway departed and fled from the
Vandals, taking good fortune with her. For Ammatas and Gibamundus have
fallen, because the Vandals lost their courage, and the horses and
shipyards and all Libya and, not least of all, Carthage itself, are held
already by the enemy. And the Vandals are sitting here, having paid with
their children and wives and all their possessions for their failure to
play the part of brave men in battle, and to us is left only the plain
of Boulla, where our hope in you has set us down and still keeps us. But
do you have done with such matters as rebel tyrants and Sardinia and the
cares concerning these things, and come to us with your whole force as
quickly as possible. For when men find the very heart and centre of all
in danger, it is not advisable for them to consider minutely other
matters. And struggling hereafter in common against the enemy, we shall
either recover our previous fortune, or gain the advantage of not
bearing apart from each other the hard fate sent by Heaven."

When this letter had been brought to Tzazon, and he had disclosed its
contents to the Vandals, they turned to wailing and lamentation, not
openly, however, but concealing their feelings as much as possible and
avoiding the notice of the islanders, silently among themselves they
bewailed the fate which was upon them. And straightway setting in order
matters in hand just as chance directed, they manned the ships. And
sailing from there with the whole fleet, on the third day they came to
land at the point of Libya which marks the boundary between the
Numidians and Mauretanians. And they reached the plain of Boulla
travelling on foot, and there joined with the rest of the army. And in
that place there were many most pitiable scenes among the Vandals, which
I, at least, could never relate as they deserve. For I think that even
if one of the enemy themselves had happened to be a spectator at that
time, he would probably have felt pity, in spite of himself, for the
Vandals and for human fortune. For Gelimer and Tzazon threw their arms
about each other's necks, and could not let go, but they spoke not a
word to each other, but kept wringing their hands and weeping, and each
one of the Vandals with Gelimer embraced one of those who had come from
Sardinia, and did the same thing. And they stood for a long time as if
grown together and found such comfort as they could in this, and neither
did the men of Gelimer think fit to ask about Godas (for their present
fortune had prostrated them and caused them to reckon such things as had
previously seemed to them most important with those which were now
utterly negligible), nor could those who came from Sardinia bring
themselves to ask about what had happened in Libya. For the place was
sufficient to permit them to judge of what had come to pass. And indeed
they did not make any mention even of their own wives and children,
knowing well that whoever of theirs was not there had either died or
fallen into the hands of the enemy. Thus, then, did these things happen.


FOOTNOTES:

[1]

Cadiz.

[2]

Sea of Azov.

[3]

Abila.

[4]

Or Septem Fratres.

[5]

Most ancient geographers divided the inhabited world into three
continents, but some made two divisions. It was a debated question with
these latter whether Africa belonged to Asia or to Europe; of. Sallust,
_Jugurtha_, 17.

[6]

Kadi Keui.

[7]

More correctly Hydrous, Lat. Hydruntum (Otranto).

[8]

At Aulon (Avlona).

[9]

Adding these four days to the other items (285, 22, 40), the total is
351 days.

[10]

Calpe (Gibraltar).

[11]

_i.e._, instead of stopping at Otranto, one might also reckon in the
coast-line around the Adriatic to Dyrrachium.

[12]

About twenty-four English miles.

[13]

Iviza.

[14]

"Black-cloaks."

[15]

Belgrade.

[16]

Mitrovitz.

[17]

In Illyricum.

[18]

He ascended the throne at the age of seven.

[19]

That is, the actual occupant could enter a demurrer to the former
owner's action for recovery, citing his own occupancy for thirty years
or more. The new law extended the period during which the ousted
proprietor could recover possession, by admitting no demurrer from the
occupant so far as the years were concerned during which the Vandals
should be in possession of the country.

[20]

This is an error; he really ruled only eighteen months.

[21]

Geiseric, Gaiseric, less properly Genseric.

[22]

Now corrupted to Bona.

[23]

Emperor in Gaul, Britain and Spain 383-388. Aspiring to be Emperor of
the West, he invaded Italy, was defeated by Theodosius, and put to
death.

[24]

This is an error, for Attila died before Aetius.

[25]

Including the famous treasure which Titus had brought from Jerusalem,
cf. IV. ix. 5.

[26]

Domitian had spent 12,000 talents (£2,400,000) on the gilding alone;
Plutarch, _Publ._ 15.

[27]

_i.e._ "leaders of a thousand."

[28]

130,000 Roman pounds; cf. Book I. xxii. 4. The modern equivalent is
unknown.

[29]

Placidia's sister, Eudocia, was wife of Honoric, Gizeric's son.

[30]

See chap. iv. 27.

[31]

_i.e._ "wisdom."

[32]

Jebel Auress.

[33]

_i.e._ to what sect or religion they belonged.

[34]

Cf. Book IV. xi. 17 ff.

[35]

Book I. xxii. 16.

[36]

The "imperial" taxes were for the emperor's privy purse, the fiscus.

[37]

These foederati were private bands of troops under the leadership of
condottiere; these had the title of "count" and received from the state
an allowance for the support of their bands.

[38]

The medimnus equalled about one and a half bushels.

[39]

_i.e._ "runners."

[40]

Eregli, on the Sea of Marmora.

[41]

Cape Matapan.

[42]

Book I. xxiv. 12-15; xxv. 8-10.

[43]

The ration of this twice-baked bread represented for the same weight
one-fourth more wheat than when issued in the once-baked bread. He was
evidently paid on the basis of so much per ration, in weight, of the
once-baked bread, but on account of the length of the voyage the other
kind was requisitioned.

[44]

Instead of by weight.

[45]

Now Porto Lombardo.

[46]

Or Athalaric.

[47]

Now Gozzo and Malta.

[48]

Cf. III. v. 8 ff.

[49]

_i.e._ couriers, from _veredus_, "post-horse."

[50]

An adjutant, the general's own "choice."

[51]

Topsails.

[52]

_i.e._ _Decimum miliarium_, tenth milestone from Carthage.

[53]

Before 533 A.D.

[54]

Hermaeum, Lat. Mercurii promontorium (Cape Bon).

[55]

"Auxiliaries"; see chap. xi. 3, 4.

[56]

The troops were billeted as at a peaceful occupation.

[57]

St. Cyprian (_circa_ 200-257 A.D.), Bishop of Carthage.

[58]

Chap. xx. 13.

[59]

Compare the remarks of Gibbon, iv. p. 295.

[60]

In _Arcana_, 18, 5 ff., Procopius estimates the number of the Vandals in
Africa, at the time of Belisarius, at 80,000 males, and intimates that
practically all perished.

[61]

Chap. xi. 23.

[62]

Cagliari.

[63]

On this Theudis and his accession to the throne of the Visigoths in
Spain see V. xii. 50 ff.

[64]

The leader of a band of _foederati_. Cf. III. xi. 1, 6, xxiv. 19.

[65]

Also a _dux foederatorum_, and _domesticus_ of Belisarius. Cf. III. xi.
5 ff.

       *       *       *       *       *




 HISTORY OF THE WARS:



       *       *       *       *       *




BOOK IV

THE VANDALIC WAR (_Continued_)


I

Gelimer, seeing all the Vandals gathered together, led his army against
Carthage. And when they came close to it, they tore down a portion of
the aqueduct,--a structure well worth seeing--which conducted water into
the city, and after encamping for a time they withdrew, since no one of
the enemy came out against them. And going about the country there they
kept the roads under guard and thought that in this way they were
besieging Carthage; however, they did not gather any booty, nor plunder
the land, but took possession of it as their own. And at the same time
they kept hoping that there would be some treason on the part of the
Carthaginians themselves and such of the Roman soldiers as followed the
doctrine of Arius. They also sent to the leaders of the Huns, and
promising that they would have many good things from the Vandals,
entreated them to become their friends and allies. Now the Huns even
before this had not been well-disposed toward the cause of the Romans,
since they had not indeed come to them willingly as allies (for they
asserted that the Roman general Peter had given an oath and then,
disregarding what had been sworn, had thus brought them to Byzantium),
and accordingly they received the words of the Vandals, and promised
that when they should come to real fighting they would turn with them
against the Roman army. But Belisarius had a suspicion of all this (for
he had heard it from the deserters), and also the circuit-wall had not
as yet been completed entirely, and for these reasons he did not think
it possible for his men to go out against the enemy for the present, but
he was making his preparations within as well as possible. And one of
the Carthaginians, Laurus by name, having been condemned on a charge of
treason and proved guilty by his own secretary, was impaled by
Belisarius on a hill before the city, and as a result of this the others
came to feel a sort of irresistible fear and refrained from attempts at
treason. And he courted the Massagetae with gifts and banquets and every
other manner of flattering attention every day, and thus persuaded them
to disclose to him what Gelimer had promised them on condition of their
turning traitors in the battle. And these barbarians said that they had
no enthusiasm for fighting, for they feared that, if the Vandals were
vanquished, the Romans would not send them back to their native land,
but they would be compelled to grow old and die right there in Libya;
and besides they were also concerned, they said, about the booty, lest
they be robbed of it. Then indeed Belisarius gave them pledges that, if
the Vandals should be conquered decisively, they would be sent without
the least delay to their homes with all their booty, and thus he bound
them by oaths in very truth to assist the Romans with all zeal in
carrying through the war.

And when all things had been prepared by him in the best way possible,
and the circuit-wall had been already completed, he called together the
whole army and spoke as follows: "As for exhortation, fellow Romans, I
do not know that it is necessary to make any to you,--men who have
recently conquered the enemy so completely that Carthage here and the
whole of Libya is a possession of your valour, and for this reason you
will have no need of admonition that prompts to daring. For the spirits
of those who have conquered are by no means wont to be overcome. But I
think it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you on
the present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour,
straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and for
you of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter into
this engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men is
toil coming to an end and reaching its close. Now as for the host of the
Vandals, let no one of you consider them. For not by numbers of men nor
by measure of body, but by valour of soul, is war wont to be decided.
And let the strongest motive which actuates men come to your minds,
namely, pride in past achievement. For it is a shame, for those at least
who have reason, to fall short of one's own self and to be found
inferior to one's own standard of valour. For I know well that terror
and the memory of misfortunes have laid hold upon the enemy and compel
them to become less brave, for the one fills them with fear because of
what has already happened, and the other brushes aside their hope of
success. For Fortune, once seen to be bad, straightway enslaves the
spirit of those who have fallen in her way. And I shall explain how the
struggle involves for you at the present time a greater stake than
formerly. For in the former battle the danger was, if things did not go
well for us, that we should not take the land of others; but now, if we
do not win the struggle, we shall lose the land which is our own. In
proportion, then, as it is easier to possess nothing than to be deprived
of what one has, just so now our fear touches our most vital concerns
more than before. And yet formerly we had the fortune to win the victory
with the infantry absent, but now, entering the battle with God
propitious and with our whole army, I have hopes of capturing the camp
of the enemy, men and all. Thus, then, having the end of the war ready
at hand, do not by reason of any negligence put it off to another time,
lest you be compelled to seek for the opportune moment after it has run
past us. For when the fortune of war is postponed, its nature is not to
proceed in the same manner as before, especially if the war be prolonged
by the will of those who are carrying it on. For Heaven is accustomed to
bring retribution always upon those who abandon the good fortune which
is present. But if anyone considers that the enemy, seeing their
children and wives and most precious possessions in our hands, will be
daring beyond reason and will incur risks beyond the strength which they
have, he does not think rightly. For an overpowering passion springing
up in the heart in behalf of what is most precious is wont to diminish
men's actual strength and does not allow them to make full use of their
present opportunities. Considering, then, all these things, it behooves
you to go with great contempt against the enemy."


II

After such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent out all the horsemen on
the same day, except five hundred, and also the guardsmen and the
standard, which the Romans call "bandum,"[1] entrusting them to John the
Armenian, and directing him to skirmish only, if opportunity should
arise. And he himself on the following day followed with the infantry
forces and the five hundred horsemen. And the Massagetae, deliberating
among themselves, decided, in order to seem in friendly agreement with
both Gelimer and Belisarius, neither to begin fighting for the Romans
nor to go over to the Vandals before the encounter, but whenever the
situation of one or the other army should be bad, then to join the
victors in their pursuit of the vanquished. Thus, then, had this matter
been decided upon by the barbarians. And the Roman army came upon the
Vandals encamped in Tricamarum, one hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. So they both bivouacked there at a considerable distance
from one another. And when it was well on in the night, a prodigy came
to pass in the Roman camp as follows. The tips of their spears were
lighted with a bright fire and the points of them seemed to be burning
most vigorously. This was not seen by many, but it filled with
consternation the few who did see it, not knowing how it would come out.
And this happened to the Romans in Italy again at a much later time. And
at that time, since they knew by experience, they believed it to be a
sign of victory. But now, as I have said, since this was the first time
it had happened, they were filled with consternation and passed the
night in great fear.

And on the following day Gelimer commanded the Vandals to place the
women and children and all their possessions in the middle of the
stockade, although it had not the character of a fort, and calling all
together, he spoke as follows: "It is not to gain glory, or to retrieve
the loss of empire alone, O fellow Vandals, that we are about to fight,
so that even if we wilfully played the coward and sacrificed these our
belongings we might possibly live, sitting at home and keeping our own
possessions; but you see, surely, that our fortunes have come round to
such a pass that, if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy, we
shall, if we perish, leave them as masters of these our children and our
wives and our land and all our possessions, while if we survive, there
will be added our own enslavement and to behold all these enslaved; but
if, indeed, we overcome our foes in the war, we shall, if we live, pass
our lives among all good things, or, after the glorious ending of our
lives, there will be left to our wives and children the blessings of
prosperity, while the name of the Vandals will survive and their empire
be preserved. For if it has ever happened to any men to be engaged in a
struggle for their all, we now more than all others realize that we are
entering the battle-line with our hopes for all we have resting wholly
upon ourselves. Not for our bodies, then, is our fear, nor in death is
our danger, but in being defeated by the enemy. For if we lose the
victory, death will be to our advantage. Since, therefore, the case
stands so, let no one of the Vandals weaken, but let him proudly expose
his body, and from shame at the evils that follow defeat let him court
the end of life. For when a man is ashamed of that which is shameful,
there is always present with him a dauntless courage in the face of
danger. And let no recollection of the earlier battle come into your
minds. For it was not by cowardice on our part that we were defeated,
but we tripped upon obstacles interposed by fortune and were overthrown.
Now it is not the way of the tide of fortune to flow always in the same
direction, but every day, as a rule, it is wont to change about. In
manliness it is our boast that we surpass the enemy, and that in numbers
we are much superior; for we believe that we surpass them no less than
tenfold. And why shall I add that many and great are the incentives
which, now especially, urge us on to valour, naming the glory of our
ancestors and the empire which has been handed down to us by them? For
in our case that glory is obscured by our unlikeness to our kindred,
while the empire is bent upon fleeing from us as unworthy. And I pass
over in silence the wails of these poor women and the tears of our
children, by which, as you see, I am now so deeply moved that I am
unable to prolong my discourse. But having said this one thing, I shall
stop,--that there will be for us no returning to these most precious
possessions if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy. Remembering
these things, shew yourselves brave men and do not bring shame upon the
fame of Gizeric."

After speaking such words, Gelimer commanded his brother Tzazon to
deliver an exhortation separately to the Vandals who had come with him
from Sardinia. And he gathered them together a little apart from the
camp and spoke as follows: "For all the Vandals, fellow soldiers, the
struggle is in behalf of those things which you have just heard the king
recount, but for you, in addition to all the other considerations, it so
happens that you are vying with yourselves. For you have recently been
victorious in a struggle for the maintenance of our rule, and you have
recovered the island for the empire of the Vandals; there is every
reason, therefore, for you to make still greater display of your valour.
For those whose hazard involves the greatest things must needs display
the greatest zeal for warfare also. Indeed, when men who struggle for
the maintenance of their rule are defeated, should it so happen, they
have not failed in the most vital part; but when men are engaged in
battle for their all, surely their very lives are influenced by the
outcome of the struggle. And for the rest, if you shew yourselves brave
men at the present time, you will thereby prove with certainty that the
destruction[2] of the tyrant Godas was an achievement of valour on your
part; but if you weaken now, you will be deprived of even the renown of
those deeds, as of something which does not belong to you at all. And
yet, even apart from this, it is reasonable to think that you will have
an advantage over the rest of the Vandals in this battle. For those who
have failed are dismayed by their previous fortune, while those who have
encountered no reverse enter the struggle with their courage unimpaired.
And this too, I think, will not be spoken out of season, that if we
conquer the enemy, it will be you who will win the credit for the
greatest part of the victory, and all will call you saviours of the
nation of the Vandals. For men who achieve renown in company with those
who have previously met with misfortune naturally claim the better
fortune as their own. Considering all these things, therefore, I say
that you should bid the women and children who are lamenting their fate
to take courage even now, should summon God to fight with us, should go
with enthusiasm against the enemy, and lead the way for our compatriots
into this battle."


III

After both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such exhortations, they led out
the Vandals, and at about the time of lunch, when the Romans were not
expecting them, but were preparing their meal, they were at hand and
arrayed themselves for battle along the bank of the stream. Now the
stream at that place is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volume
is so small that it is not even given a special name by the inhabitants
of the place, but it is designated simply as a brook. So the Romans came
to the other bank of this river, after preparing themselves as well as
they could under the circumstances, and arrayed themselves as follows.
The left wing was held by Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias,
and Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders of the
foederati[3]; and the right was held by Pappas, Barbatus, and Aïgan, and
the others who commanded the forces of cavalry. And in the centre John
took his position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius and
carrying the general's standard. And Belisarius also came there at the
opportune moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry
behind advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been arrayed in another
place, it being customary for them even before this not to mingle with
the Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at that time
especially, since they had in mind the purpose which has previously been
explained,[4] it was not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of the
army. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans. And on the side of
the Vandals, either wing was held by the chiliarchs, and each one led
the division under him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother of
Gelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors. But Gelimer himself was
going about everywhere exhorting them and urging them on to daring. And
the command had been previously given to all the Vandals to use neither
spear nor any other weapon in this engagement except their swords.

After a considerable time had passed and no one began the battle, John
chose out a few of those under him by the advice of Belisarius and
crossing the river made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon crowded
them back and gave chase. And the Romans in flight came into their own
camp, while the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but did
not cross it. And once more John, leading out more of the guardsmen of
Belisarius, made a dash against the forces of Tzazon, and again being
repulsed from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a third time with
almost all the guards and spearmen of Belisarius he took the general's
standard and made his attack with much shouting and a great noise. But
since the barbarians manfully withstood them and used only their swords,
the battle became fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell,
and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of Gelimer. Then at last the
whole Roman army was set in motion, and crossing the river they advanced
upon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the centre, became complete;
for each of the Roman divisions turned to flight those before them with
no trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according to their
agreement among themselves[5] joined the Roman army in making the
pursuit, but this pursuit was not continued for a great distance. For
the Vandals entered their own camp quickly and remained quiet, while the
Romans, thinking that they would not be able to fight it out with them
inside the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had gold upon them
and retired to their own camp. And there perished in this battle, of the
Romans less than fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred.

But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the late afternoon, moved
as quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the camp of
the Vandals. And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his infantry
and the rest of his army was coming against him straightway, without
saying a word or giving a command leaped upon his horse and was off in
flight on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen and some few of
his domestics followed him in utter consternation and guarding with
silence what was taking place. And for some time it escaped the notice
of the Vandals that Gelimer had run away, but when they all perceived
that he had fled, and the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeed
the men began to shout and the children cried out and the women wailed.
And they neither took with them the money they had nor did they heed the
laments of those dearest to them, but every man fled in complete
disorder just as he could. And the Romans, coming up, captured the camp,
money and all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the fugitives
throughout the whole night, killing all the men upon whom they happened,
and making slaves of the women and children. And they found in this camp
a quantity of wealth such as has never before been found, at least in
one place. For the Vandals had plundered the Roman domain for a long
time and had transferred great amounts of money to Libya, and since
their land was an especially good one, nourishing abundantly with the
most useful crops, it came about that the revenue collected from the
commodities produced there was not paid out to any other country in the
purchase of a food supply, but those who possessed the land always kept
for themselves the income from it for the ninety-five years during which
the Vandals ruled Libya. And from this it resulted that their wealth,
amounting to an extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day into
the hands of the Romans. So this battle and the pursuit and the capture
of the Vandals' camp happened three months after the Roman army came to
Carthage, at about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call
"December." [533 A.D.]


IV

Then Belisarius, seeing the Roman army rushing about in confusion and
great disorder, was disturbed, being fearful throughout the whole night
lest the enemy, uniting by mutual agreement against him, should do him
irreparable harm. And if this thing had happened at that time in any way
at all, I believe that, not one of the Romans would have escaped and
enjoyed this booty. For the soldiers, being extremely poor men, upon
becoming all of a sudden masters of very great wealth and of women both
young and extremely comely, were no longer able to restrain their minds
or to find any satiety in the things they had, but were so intoxicated,
drenched as they were by their present good fortunes, that each one
wished to take everything with him back to Carthage. And they were going
about, not in companies but alone or by twos, wherever hope led them,
searching out everything roundabout among the valleys and the rough
country and wherever there chanced to be a cave or anything such as
might bring them into danger or ambush. For neither did fear of the
enemy nor their respect for Belisarius occur to them, nor indeed
anything else at all except the desire for spoils, and being
overmastered by this they came to think lightly of everything else. And
Belisarius, taking note of all this, was at a loss as to how he should
handle the situation. But at daybreak he took his stand upon a certain
hill near the road, appealing to the discipline which no longer existed
and heaping reproaches upon all, soldiers and officers alike. Then
indeed, those who chanced to be near, and especially those who were of
the household of Belisarius, sent the money and slaves which they had to
Carthage with their tentmates and messmates, and themselves came up
beside the general and gave heed to the orders given them.

And he commanded John, the Armenian, with two hundred men to follow
Gelimer, and without slackening their speed either night or day to
pursue him, until they should take him living or dead. And he sent word
to his associates in Carthage to lead into the city all the Vandals who
were sitting as suppliants in sanctuaries in the places about the city,
giving them pledges and taking away their weapons, that they might not
begin an uprising, and to keep them there until he himself should come.
And with those who were left he went about everywhere and gathered the
soldiers hastily, and to all the Vandals he came upon he gave pledges
for their safety. For it was no longer possible to catch anyone of the
Vandals except as a suppliant in the sanctuaries. And from these he took
away their weapons and sent them, with soldiers to guard them, to
Carthage, not giving them time to unite against the Romans. And when
everything was as well settled as possible, he himself with the greater
part of the army moved against Gelimer with all speed. But John, after
continuing the pursuit five days and nights, had already come not far
from Gelimer, and in fact he was about to engage with him on the
following day. But since it was not fated that Gelimer should be
captured by John, the following obstacle was contrived by fortune. Among
those pursuing with John it happened that there was Uliaris, the aide of
Belisarius. Now this man was a passionate fellow and well favoured in
strength of heart and body, but not a very serious man, but one who
generally took delight in wine and buffoonery. This Uliaris on the sixth
day of the pursuit, being drunk, saw a bird sitting in a tree at about
sunrise, and he quickly stretched his bow and despatched a missile at
the bird. And he missed the bird, but John, who was behind it, he hit in
the neck by no will of his own. And since the wound was mortal, John
passed away a short time afterwards, leaving great sorrow at his loss to
the Emperor Justinian and Belisarius, the general, and to all the Romans
and Carthaginians. For in manliness and every sort of virtue he was well
endowed, and he shewed himself, to those who associated with him, gentle
and equitable to a degree quite unsurpassed. Thus, then, John fulfilled
his destiny. As for Uliaris, when he came to himself, he fled to a
certain village which was near by and sat as a suppliant in the
sanctuary there. And the soldiers no longer pressed the pursuit of
Gelimer, but they cared for John as long as he survived, and when he had
died they carried out all the customary rites in his burial, and
reporting the whole matter to Belisarius they remained where they were.
And as soon as he heard of it, he came to John's burial, and bewailed
his fate. And after weeping over him and grieving bitterly at the whole
occurrence, he honoured the tomb of John with many gifts and especially
by providing for it a regular income. However, he did nothing severe to
Uliaris, since the soldiers said that John had enjoined upon them by the
most dread oaths that no vengeance should come to him, since he had not
performed the unholy deed with deliberate intent.

Thus, then, Gelimer escaped falling into the hands of the enemy on that
day. And from that time on Belisarius pursued him, but upon reaching a
strong city of Numidia situated on the sea, ten days distant from
Carthage, which they call Hippo Regius,[6] he learned that Gelimer had
ascended the mountain Papua and could no longer be captured by the
Romans. Now this mountain is situated at the extremity of Numidia and is
exceedingly precipitous and climbed only with the greatest difficulty
(for lofty cliffs rise up toward it from every side), and on it dwell
barbarian Moors, who were friends and allies to Gelimer, and an ancient
city named Medeus lies on the outskirts of the mountain. There Gelimer
rested with his followers. But as for Belisarius, he was not able to
make any attempt at all on the mountain, much less in the winter season,
and since his affairs were still in an uncertain state, he did not think
it advisable to be away from Carthage; and so he chose out soldiers,
with Pharas as their leader, and set them to maintain the siege of the
mountain. Now this Pharas was energetic and thoroughly serious and
upright in every way, although he was an Erulian by birth. And for an
Erulian not to give himself over to treachery and drunkenness, but to
strive after uprightness, is no easy matter and merits abundant
praise.[7] But not only was it Pharas who maintained orderly conduct,
but also all the Erulians who followed him. This Pharas, then,
Belisarius commanded to establish himself at the foot of the mountain
during the winter season and to keep close guard, so that it would
neither be possible for Gelimer to leave the mountain nor for any
supplies to be brought in to him. And Pharas acted accordingly. Then
Belisarius turned to the Vandals who were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries in Hippo Regius,--and there were many of them and of the
nobility--and he caused them all to accept pledges and arise, and then
he sent them to Carthage with a guard. And there it came about that the
following event happened to him.

In the house of Gelimer there was a certain scribe named Boniface, a
Libyan, and a native of Byzacium, a man exceedingly faithful to Gelimer.
At the beginning of this war Gelimer had put this Boniface on a very
swift-sailing ship, and placing all the royal treasure in it commanded
him to anchor in the harbour of Hippo Regius, and if he should see that
the situation was not favourable to their side, he was to sail with all
speed to Spain with the money, and go to Theudis, the leader of the
Visigoths, where he was expecting to find safety for himself also,
should the fortune of war prove adverse for the Vandals. So Boniface, as
long as he felt hope for the cause of the Vandals, remained there; but
as soon as the battle in Tricamarum took place, with all the other
events which have been related, he spread his canvas and sailed away
just as Gelimer had directed him. But an opposing wind brought him back,
much against his will, into the harbour of Hippo Regius. And since he
had already heard that the enemy were somewhere near, he entreated the
sailors with many promises to row with all their might for some other
continent or for an island. But they were unable to do so, since a very
severe storm had fallen upon them and the waves of the sea were rising
to a great height, seeing that it was the Tuscan sea,[8] and then it
occurred to them and to Boniface that, after all, God wished to give the
money to the Romans and so was not allowing the ship to put out.
However, though they had got outside the harbour, they encountered great
danger in bringing their ship back to anchorage. And when Belisarius
arrived at Hippo Regius, Boniface sent some men to him. These he
commanded to sit in a sanctuary, and they were to say that they had been
sent by Boniface, who had the money of Gelimer, but to conceal the place
where he was, until they should receive the pledges of Belisarius that
upon giving Gelimer's money he himself should escape free from harm,
having all that was his own. These men, then, acted according to these
instructions, and Belisarius was pleased at the good news and did not
decline to take an oath. And sending some of his associates he took the
treasure of Gelimer and released Boniface in possession of his own money
and also with an enormous sum which he plundered from Gelimer's
treasure.



V

And when he returned to Carthage, he put all the Vandals in readiness,
so that at the opening of spring he might send them to Byzantium; and he
sent out an army to recover for the Romans everything which the Vandals
ruled. And first he sent Cyril to Sardinia with a great force, having
the head of Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing to
yield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and thinking that what had been
told them as having happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And he
ordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army to Corsica, and to
recover for the Roman empire the island, which had been previously
subject to the Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early times,
and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to Sardinia and displayed the
head of Tzazon to the inhabitants of the place, and he won back both the
islands and made them tributary to the Roman domain. And to Caesarea[9]
in Mauretania Belisarius sent John with an infantry company which he
usually commanded himself; this place is distant from Carthage a journey
of thirty days for an unencumbered traveller, as one goes towards Gadira
and the west; and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great and
populous city from ancient times. Another John, one of his own
guardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the strait and by one of the Pillars of
Heracles, to take possession of the fort there which they call
"Septem."[10] And to the islands which are near the strait where the
ocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and Minorica[11] by the
natives, he sent Apollinarius, who was a native of Italy, but had come
while still a lad to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great sums of
money by Ilderic, who was then leader of the Vandals, and after Ilderic
had been removed from the office and was in confinement, as has been
told in the previous narrative,[12] he came to the Emperor Justinian
with the other Libyans who were working in the interest of Ilderic, in
order to entreat his favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Roman
expedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and proved himself a brave
man in this war and most of all at Tricamarum. And as a result of his
deeds there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And later
Belisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to Pudentius and
Tattimuth,[13] who were being pressed by the Moors there, and thus
strengthened the Roman power in that quarter.

He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take the fortress in
Lilybaeum, as belonging to the Vandals' kingdom,[14] but he was repulsed
from there, since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part of
Sicily, on the ground that this fortress did not belong to the Vandals
at all. And when Belisarius heard this, he wrote to the commanders who
were there as follows: "You are depriving us of Lilybaeum, the fortress
of the Vandals who are the slaves of the emperor, and are not acting
justly nor in a way to benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring upon
your ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant from the
scene of these actions, the hostility of the great emperor, whose
good-will he has, having won it with great labour. And yet how could you
but seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it you recently
allowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but have decided to wrest from the
emperor, Gelimer's master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least,
should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect that, while it is
the nature of friendship to cover over many faults, hostility does not
brook even the smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for every
offence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on what does not in the
least belong to them.[15] Moreover, the enemy fights to avenge the
wrongs which it says have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, if
friendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle, it suffers no
loss of its own possessions, yet if it succeeds, it teaches the
vanquished to take a new view of the indulgence which has been shewn
them in the past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further harm
nor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make the great emperor an enemy
to the Gothic nation, when it is your prayer that he be propitious
toward you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this fortress,
war will confront you immediately, and not for Lilybaeum alone, but for
all the possessions you claim as yours, though not one of them belongs
to you."

Such was the message of the letter. And the Goths reported these things
to the mother[16] of Antalaric, and at her direction made the following
reply: "The letter which you have written, most excellent Belisarius,
carries sound admonition, but pertinent to some other men, not to us the
Goths. For there is nothing of the Emperor Justinian's which we have
taken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do such a thing! The whole
of Sicily we claim because it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeum
is one of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his sister, who was
the consort of the king of the Vandals, one of the trading-ports of
Sicily for her use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford a
basis for any claim on your part. But you, O General, would be acting
justly toward us, if you should be willing to make the settlement of the
matters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but as a friend. And
there is this difference, that friends are accustomed to settle their
disagreements by arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore,
shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to arbitrate[17] in
whatever manner seems to him lawful and just. And we desire that the
decisions you make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as hasty as
possible, and that you, therefore, await the decision of your emperor."
Such was the message of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius,
reporting all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor should
send him word what his wish was.


VI

But Pharas, having by this time become weary of the siege for many
reasons, and especially because of the winter season, and at the same
time thinking that the Moors there would not be able to stand in his
way, undertook the ascent of Papua with great zeal. Accordingly he armed
all his followers very carefully and began the ascent. But the Moors
rushed to the defence, and since they were on ground which was steep and
very hard to traverse, their efforts to hinder those making the ascent
were easily accomplished. But Pharas fought hard to force the ascent,
and one hundred and ten of his men perished in this struggle, and he
himself with the remainder was beaten back and retired; and as a result
of this he did not dare to attempt the ascent again, since the situation
was against him, but he established as careful a guard as possible, in
order that those on Papua, being pressed by hunger, might surrender
themselves; and he neither permitted them to run away nor anything to be
brought in to them from outside. Then, indeed, it came about that
Gelimer and those about him, who were nephews and cousins of his and
other persons of high birth, experienced a misery which no one could
describe, however eloquent he might be, in a way which would equal the
facts. For of all the nations which we know that of the Vandals is the
most luxurious, and that of the Moors the most hardy. For the Vandals,
since the time when they gained possession of Libya, used to indulge in
baths, all of them, every day, and enjoyed a table abounding in all
things, the sweetest and best that the earth and sea produce. And they
wore gold very generally, and clothed themselves in the Medic garments,
which now they call "seric,"[18] and passed their time, thus dressed, in
theatres and hippodromes and in other pleasureable pursuits, and above
all else in hunting. And they had dancers and mimes and all other things
to hear and see which are of a musical nature or otherwise merit
attention among men. And the most of them dwelt in parks, which were
well supplied with water and trees; and they had great numbers of
banquets, and all manner of sexual pleasures were in great vogue among
them. But the Moors live in stuffy huts[19] both in winter and in summer
and at every other time, never removing from them either because of snow
or the heat of the sun or any other discomfort whatever due to nature.
And they sleep on the ground, the prosperous among them, if it should so
happen, spreading a fleece under themselves. Moreover, it is not
customary among them to change their clothing with the seasons, but they
wear a thick cloak and a rough shirt at all times. And they have neither
bread nor wine nor any other good thing, but they take grain, either
wheat or barley, and, without boiling it or grinding it to flour or
barley-meal, they eat it in a manner not a whit different from that of
animals. Since the Moors, then, were of a such a sort, the followers of
Gelimer, after living with them for a long time and changing their
accustomed manner of life to such a miserable existence, when at last
even the necessities of life had failed, held out no longer, but death
was thought by them most sweet and slavery by no means disgraceful.

Now when this was learned by Pharas, he wrote to Gelimer as follows: "I
too am a barbarian and not accustomed to writing and speaking, nor am I
skilful in these matters. But that which I am forced as a man to know,
having learned from the nature of things, this I am writing you. What in
the world has happened to you, my dear Gelimer, that you have cast, not
yourself alone, but your whole family besides, into this pit? Is it,
forsooth, that you may avoid becoming a slave? But this is assuredly
nothing but youthful folly, and making of 'liberty' a mere shibboleth,
as though liberty were worth possessing at the price of all this misery!
And, after all, do you not consider that you are, even now, a slave to
the most wretched of the Moors, since your only hope of being saved, if
the best happens, is in them? And yet why would it not be better in
every way to be a slave among the Romans and beggared, than to be
monarch on Mount Papua with Moors as your subjects? But of course it
seems to you the very height of disgrace even to be a fellow slave with
Belisarius! Away with the thought, most excellent Gelimer. Are not
we,[20] who also are born of noble families, proud that we are now in
the service of an emperor? And indeed they say that it is the wish of
the Emperor Justinian to have you enrolled in the senate, thus sharing
in the highest honour and being a patrician, as we term that rank, and
to present you with lands both spacious and good and with great sums of
money, and that Belisarius is willing to make himself responsible for
your having all these things, and to give you pledges. Now as for all
the miseries which fortune has brought you, you are able to bear with
fortitude whatever comes from her, knowing that you are but a man and
that these things are inevitable; but if fortune has purposed to temper
these adversities with some admixture of good, would you of yourself
refuse to accept this gladly? Or should we consider that the good gifts
of fortune are not just as inevitable as are her undesirable gifts? Yet
such is not the opinion of even the utterly senseless; but you, it would
seem, have now lost your good judgment, steeped as you are in
misfortunes. Indeed, discouragement is wont to confound the mind and to
be transformed to folly. If, however, you can bear your own thoughts and
refrain from rebelling against fortune when she changes, it will be
possible at this very moment for you to choose that which will be wholly
to your advantage, and to escape from the evils which hang over you."

When Gelimer had read this letter and wept bitterly over it, he wrote in
reply as follows: "I am both deeply grateful to you for the advice which
you have given me and I also think it unbearable to be a slave to an
enemy who wrongs me, from whom I should pray God to exact justice, if He
should be propitious to me,--an enemy who, though he had never
experienced any harm from me either in deeds which he suffered or in
words which he heard, provided a pretext for a war which was unprovoked,
and reduced me to this state of misfortune, bringing Belisarius against
me from I know not where. And yet it is not at all unlikely that he
also, since he is but a man, though he be emperor too, may have
something befall him which he would not choose. But as for me, I am not
able to write further. For my present misfortune has robbed me of my
thoughts. Farewell, then, dear Pharas, and send me a lyre and one loaf
of bread and a sponge, I pray you." When this reply was read by Pharas,
he was at a loss for some time, being unable to understand the final
words of the letter, until he who had brought the letter explained that
Gelimer desired one loaf because he was eager to enjoy the sight of it
and to eat it, since from the time when he went up upon Papua he had not
seen a single baked loaf. A sponge also was necessary for him; for one
of his eyes, becoming irritated by lack of washing, was greatly swollen.
And being a skilful harpist he had composed an ode relating to his
present misfortune, which he was eager to chant to the accompaniment of
a lyre while he wept out his soul. When Pharas heard this, he was deeply
moved, and lamenting the fortune of men, he did as was written and sent
all the things which Gelimer desired of him. However he relaxed the
siege not a whit, but kept watch more closely than before.


VII

And already a space of three months had been spent in this siege and the
winter was coming to an end. And Gelimer was afraid, suspecting that his
besiegers would come up against him after no great time; and the bodies
of most of the children who were related to him[21] were discharging
worms in this time of misery. And though in everything he was deeply
distressed, and looked upon everything,--except, indeed, death,--with
dissatisfaction, he nevertheless endured the suffering beyond all
expectation, until it happened that he beheld a sight such as the
following. A certain Moorish woman had managed somehow to crush a little
corn, and making of it a very tiny cake, threw it into the hot ashes on
the hearth. For thus it is the custom among the Moors to bake their
loaves. And beside this hearth two children were sitting, in exceedingly
great distress by reason of their hunger, the one being the son of the
very woman who had thrown in the cake, and the other a nephew of
Gelimer; and they were eager to seize the cake as soon as it should seem
to them to be cooked. And of the two children the Vandal got ahead of
the other and snatched the cake first, and, though it was still
exceedingly hot and covered with ashes, hunger overpowered him, and he
threw it into his mouth and was eating it, when the other seized him by
the hair of the head and struck him over the temple and beat him again
and thus compelled him with great violence to cast out the cake which
was already in his throat. This sad experience Gelimer could not endure
(for he had followed all from the beginning), and his spirit was
weakened and he wrote as quickly as possible to Pharas as follows: "If
it has ever happened to any man, after manfully enduring terrible
misfortunes, to take a course contrary to that which he had previously
determined upon, consider me to be such a one, O most excellent Pharas.
For there has come to my mind your advice, which I am far from wishing
to disregard. For I cannot resist fortune further nor rebel against
fate, but I shall follow straightway wherever it seems to her best to
lead; but let me receive the pledges, that Belisarius guarantees that
the emperor will do everything which you recently promised me. For I,
indeed, as soon as you give the pledges, shall put both myself into your
hands and these kinsmen of mine and the Vandals, as many as are here
with us."

Such were the words written by Gelimer in this letter. And Pharas,
having signified this to Belisarius, as well as what they had previously
written to each other, begged him to declare as quickly as possible what
his wish was. And Belisarius (since he was greatly desirous of leading
Gelimer alive to the emperor), as soon as he had read the letter, became
overjoyed and commanded Cyprian, a leader of foederati,[22] to go to
Papua with certain others, and directed them to give an oath concerning
the safety of Gelimer and of those with him, and to swear that he would
be honoured before the emperor and would lack nothing. And when these
men had come to Pharas, they went with him to a certain place by the
foot of the mountain, where Gelimer came at their summons, and after
receiving the pledges just as he wished he came with them to Carthage.
And it happened that Belisarius was staying for a time in the suburb of
the city which they call Aclas. Accordingly Gelimer came before him in
that place, laughing with such laughter as was neither moderate nor the
kind one could conceal, and some of those who were looking at him
suspected that by reason of the extremity of his affliction he had
changed entirely from his natural state and that, already beside
himself, he was laughing for no reason. But his friends would have it
that the man was in his sound mind, and that because he had been born in
a royal family, and had ascended the throne, and had been clothed with
great power and immense wealth from childhood even to old age, and then
being driven to flight and plunged into great fear had undergone the
sufferings on Papua, and now had come as a captive, having in this way
had experience of all the gifts of fortune, both good and evil, for this
reason, they believed, he thought that man's lot was worthy of nothing
else than much laughter. Now concerning this laughter of Gelimer's, let
each one speak according to his judgment, both enemy and friend. But
Belisarius, reporting to the emperor that Gelimer was a captive in
Carthage, asked permission to bring him to Byzantium with him. At the
same time he guarded both him and all the Vandals in no dishonour and
proceeded to put the fleet in readiness.

Now many other things too great to be hoped for have before now been
experienced in the long course of time, and they will continue as long
as the fortunes of men are the same as they now are; for those things
which seem to reason impossible are actually accomplished, and many
times those things which previously appeared impossible, when they have
befallen, have seemed to be worthy of wonder; but whether such events as
these ever took place before I am not able to say, wherein the fourth
descendant of Gizeric, and his kingdom at the height of its wealth and
military strength, were completely undone in so short a time by five
thousand men coming in as invaders and having not a place to cast
anchor. For such was the number of the horsemen who followed Belisarius,
and carried through the whole war against the Vandals. For whether this
happened by chance or because of some kind of valour, one would justly
marvel at it. But I shall return to the point from which I have strayed.


VIII

So the Vandalic war ended thus. But envy, as is wont to happen in cases
of great good fortune, was already swelling against Belisarius, although
he provided no pretext for it. For some of the officers slandered him to
the emperor, charging him, without any grounds whatever, with seeking to
set up a kingdom for himself,[23] a statement for which there was no
basis whatever. But the emperor did not disclose these things to the
world, either because he paid no heed to the slander, or because this
course seemed better to him. But he sent Solomon and gave Belisarius the
opportunity to choose whichever of two things he desired, either to come
to Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to remain there and send
them. And Belisarius, since it did not escape him that the officers were
bringing against him the charge of seeking supreme power, was eager to
get to Byzantium, in order that he might clear himself of the charge and
be able to proceed against his slanderers. Now as to the manner in which
he learned of the attempt of his accusers, I shall explain. When those
who denounced him wished to present this slander, fearing lest the man
who was to carry their letter to the emperor should be lost at sea and
thus put a stop to their proceedings, they wrote the aforesaid
accusation on two tablets, purposing to send two messengers to the
emperor in two ships. And one of these two sailed away without being
detected, but the second, on account of some suspicion or other, was
captured in Mandracium, and putting the writing into the hands of his
captors, he made known what was being done. So Belisarius, having
learned in this way, was eager to come before the emperor, as has been
said. Such, then, was the course of these events at Carthage.

But the Moors who dwelt in Byzacium and in Numidia turned to revolt for
no good reason, and they decided to break the treaty and to rise
suddenly against the Romans. And this was not out of keeping with their
peculiar character. For there is among the Moors neither fear of God nor
respect for men. For they care not either for oaths or for hostages,
even though the hostages chance to be the children or brothers of their
leaders. Nor is peace maintained among the Moors by any other means than
by fear of the enemies opposing them. Now I shall set forth in what
manner the treaty was made by them with Belisarius and how it was
broken. When it came to be expected that the emperor's expedition would
arrive in Libya, the Moors, fearing lest they should receive some harm
from it, consulted the oracles of their women. For it is not lawful in
this nation for a man to utter oracles, but the women among them as a
result of some sacred rites become possessed and foretell the future, no
less than any of the ancient oracles. So on that occasion, when they
made enquiry, as has been said, the women gave the response: "There
shall be a host from the waters, the overthrow of the Vandals,
destruction and defeat of the Moors, when the general of the Romans
shall come unbearded." When the Moors heard this, since they saw that
the emperor's army had come from the sea, they began to be in great fear
and were quite unwilling to fight in alliance with the Vandals, but they
sent to Belisarius and established peace, as has been stated
previously,[24] and then remained quiet and waited for the future, to
see how it would fall out. And when the power of the Vandals had now
come to an end, they sent to the Roman army, investigating whether there
was anyone unbearded among them holding an office. And when they saw all
wearing full beards, they thought that the oracle did not indicate the
present time to them, but one many generations later, interpreting the
saying in that way which they themselves wished. Immediately, therefore,
they were eager to break the treaty, but their fear of Belisarius
prevented them. For they had no hope that they would ever overcome the
Romans in war, at least with him present. But when they heard that he
was making his departure together with his guards and spearmen, and that
the ships were already being filled with them and the Vandals, they
suddenly rose in arms and displayed every manner of outrage upon the
Libyans. For the soldiers were both few in each place on the frontier
and still unprepared, so that they would not have been able to stand
against the barbarians as they made inroads at every point, nor to
prevent their incursions, which took place frequently and not in an open
manner. But men were being killed indiscriminately and women with their
children were being made slaves, and the wealth was being plundered from
every part of the frontier and the whole country was being filled with
fugitives. These things were reported to Belisarius when he was just
about setting sail. And since it was now too late for him to return
himself, he entrusted Solomon with the administration of Libya and he
also chose out the greatest part of his own guards and spearmen,
instructing them to follow Solomon and as quickly as possible to punish
with all zeal those of the Moors who had risen in revolt and to exact
vengeance for the injury done the Romans. And the emperor sent another
army also to Solomon with Theodoras, the Cappadocian, and Ildiger, who
was the son-in-law of Antonina, the wife of Belisarius. And since it was
no longer possible to find the revenues of the districts of Libya set
down in order in documents, as the Romans had recorded them in former
times,[25] inasmuch as Gizeric had upset and destroyed everything in the
beginning, Tryphon and Eustratius were sent by the emperor, in order to
assess the taxes for the Libyans each according to his proportion. But
these men seemed to the Libyans neither moderate nor endurable.


IX

Belisarius, upon reaching Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, was
counted worthy to receive such honours, as in former times were assigned
to those generals of the Romans who had won the greatest and most
noteworthy victories. And a period of about six hundred years had now
passed since anyone had attained these honours,[26] except, indeed,
Titus and Trajan, and such other emperors as had led armies against some
barbarian nation and had been victorious. For he displayed the spoils
and slaves from the war in the midst of the city and led a procession
which the Romans call a "triumph," not, however, in the ancient manner,
but going on foot from his own house to the hippodrome and then again
from the barriers until he reached the place where the imperial throne
is.[27] And there was booty,--first of all, whatever articles are wont
to be set apart for the royal service,--thrones of gold and carriages in
which it is customary for a king's consort to ride, and much jewelry
made of precious stones, and golden drinking cups, and all the other
things which are useful for the royal table. And there was also silver
weighing many thousands of talents and all the royal treasure amounting
to an exceedingly great sum (for Gizeric had despoiled the Palatium in
Rome, as has been said in the preceding narrative),[28] and among these
were the treasures of the Jews, which Titus, the son of Vespasian,
together with certain others, had brought to Rome after the capture of
Jerusalem. And one of the Jews, seeing these things, approached one of
those known to the emperor and said: "These treasures I think it
inexpedient to carry into the palace in Byzantium. Indeed, it is not
possible for them to be elsewhere than in the place where Solomon, the
king of the Jews, formerly placed them. For it is because of these that
Gizeric captured the palace of the Romans, and that now the Roman army
has captured that the Vandals." When this had been brought to the ears
of the Emperor, he became afraid and quickly sent everything to the
sanctuaries of the Christians in Jerusalem. And there were slaves in the
triumph, among whom was Gelimer himself, wearing some sort of a purple
garment upon his shoulders, and all his family, and as many of the
Vandals as were very tall and fair of body. And when Gelimer reached the
hippodrome and saw the emperor sitting upon a lofty seat and the people
standing on either side and realized as he looked about in what an evil
plight he was, he neither wept nor cried out, but ceased not saying over
in the words of the Hebrew scripture:[29] "Vanity of vanities, all is
vanity." And when he came before the emperor's seat, they stripped off
the purple garment, and compelled him to fall prone on the ground and do
obeisance to the Emperor Justinian. This also Belisarius did, as being a
suppliant of the emperor along with him. And the Emperor Justinian and
the Empress Theodora presented the children of Ilderic and his offspring
and all those of the family of the Emperor Valentinian with sufficient
sums of money, and to Gelimer they gave lands not to be despised in
Galatia and permitted him to live there together with his family.
However, Gelimer was by no means enrolled among the patricians, since he
was unwilling to change from the faith of Arius.

[Jan. 1, 535 A.D.] A little later the triumph[30] was celebrated by,
Belisarius in the ancient manner also. For he had the fortune to be
advanced to the office of consul, and therefore was borne aloft by the
captives, and as he was thus carried in his curule chair, he threw to
the populace those very spoils of the Vandalic war. For the people
carried off the silver plate and golden girdles and a vast amount of the
Vandals' wealth of other sorts as a result of Belisarius' consulship,
and it seemed that after a long interval of disuse an old custom was
being revived.[31] These things, then, took place in Byzantium in the
manner described.


X

And Solomon took over the army in Libya; but in view of the fact that
the Moors had risen against him, as has been told previously, and that
everything was in suspense, he was at a loss how to treat the situation.
For it was reported that the barbarians had destroyed the soldiers in
Byzacium and Numidia and that they were pillaging and plundering
everything there. But what disturbed most of all both him and all
Carthage was the fate which befell Aïgan, the Massagete, and Rufinus,
the Thracian, in Byzacium. For both were men of great repute both in the
household of Belisarius and in the Roman army, one of them, Aïgan, being
among the spearmen of Belisarius, while the other, as the most
courageous of all, was accustomed to carry the standard of the general
in battle; such an officer the Romans call "bandifer."[32] Now at the
time referred to these two men were commanding detatchments of cavalry
in Byzacium, and when they saw the Moors plundering everything before
them and making all the Libyans captives, they watched in a narrow pass
with their followers for those who were escorting the booty, and killed
them and took away all the captives. And when a report of this came to
the commanders of the barbarians, Coutzinas and Esdilasas and
Iourphouthes and Medisinissas, who were not far away from this pass,
they moved against them with their whole army in the late afternoon. And
the Romans, being a very few men and shut off in a narrow place in the
midst of many thousands, were not able to ward off their assailants. For
wherever they might turn, they were always shot at from the rear. Then,
indeed, Rufinus and Aïgan with some few men ran to the top of a rock
which was near by and from there defended themselves against the
barbarians. Now as long as they were using their bows, the enemy did not
dare come directly to a hand-to-hand struggle with them, but they kept
hurling their javelins among them; but when all the arrows of the Romans
were now exhausted, the Moors closed with them, and they defended
themselves with their swords as well as the circumstances permitted. But
since they were overpowered by the multitude of the barbarians, Aïgan
fell there with his whole body hacked to pieces, and Rufinus was seized
by the enemy and led away. But straightway one of the commanders,
Medisinissas, fearing lest he should escape and again make trouble for
them, cut off his head and taking it to his home shewed it to his wives,
for it was a remarkable sight on account of the extraordinary size of
the head and the abundance of hair. And now, since the narration of the
history has brought me to this point, it is necessary to tell from the
beginning whence the nations of the Moors came to Libya and how they
settled there.

When the Hebrews had withdrawn from Egypt and had come near the
boundaries of Palestine, Moses, a wise man, who was their leader on the
journey, died, and the leadership was passed on to Joshua, the son of
Nun, who led this people into Palestine, and, by displaying a valour in
war greater than that natural to a man, gained possession of the land.
And after overthrowing all the nations he easily won the cities, and he
seemed to be altogether invincible. Now at that time the whole country
along the sea from Sidon as far as the boundaries of Egypt was called
Phoenicia. And one king in ancient times held sway over it, as is agreed
by all who have written the earliest accounts of the Phoenicians. In
that country there dwelt very populous tribes, the Gergesites and the
Jebusites and some others with other names by which they are called in
the history of the Hebrews.[33] Now when these nations saw that the
invading general was an irresistible prodigy, they emigrated from their
ancestral homes and made their way to Egypt, which adjoined their
country. And finding there no place sufficient for them to dwell in,
since there has been a great population in Aegypt from ancient times,
they proceeded to Libya. And they established numerous cities and took
possession of the whole of Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles, and
there they have lived even up to my time, using the Phoenician tongue.
They also built a fortress in Numidia, where now is the city called
Tigisis. In that place are two columns made of white stone near by the
great spring, having Phoenician letters cut in them which say in the
Phoenician tongue: "We are they who fled from before the face of Joshua,
the robber, the son of Nun." There were also other nations settled in
Libya before the Moors, who on account of having been established there
from of old were said to be children of the soil. And because of this
they said that Antaeus, their king, who wrestled with Heracles in
Clipea,[34] was a son of the earth. And in later times those who removed
from Phoenicia with Dido came to the inhabitants of Libya as to kinsmen.
And they willingly allowed them to found and hold Carthage. But as time
went on Carthage became a powerful and populous city. And a battle took
place between them and their neighbours, who, as has been said, had come
from Palestine before them and are called Moors at the present time, and
the Carthaginians defeated them and compelled them to live a very great
distance away from Carthage. Later on the Romans gained the supremacy
over all of them in war, and settled the Moors at the extremity of the
inhabited land of Libya, and made the Carthaginians and the other
Libyans subject and tributary to themselves. And after this the Moors
won many victories over the Vandals and gained possession of the land
now called Mauretania, extending from Gadira as far as the boundaries of
Caesarea,[35] as well as the most of Libya which remained. Such, then,
is the story of the settlement of the Moors in Libya.


XI

Now when Solomon heard what had befallen Rufinus and Aïgan, he made
ready for war and wrote as follows to the commanders of the Moors:
"Other men than you have even before this had the ill fortune to lose
their senses and to be destroyed, men who had no means of judging
beforehand how their folly would turn out. But as for you, who have the
example near at hand in your neighbours, the Vandals, what in the world
has happened to you that you have decided to raise your hands against
the great emperor and throw away your own security, and that too when
you have given the most dread oaths in writing and have handed over your
children as pledges to the agreement? Is it that you have determined to
make a kind of display of the fact that you have no consideration either
for God or for good faith or for kinship itself or for safety or for any
other thing at all? And yet, if such is your practice in matters which
concern the divine, in what ally do you put your trust in marching
against the emperor of the Romans? And if you are taking the field to
the destruction of your children, what in the world is it in behalf of
which you have decided to endanger yourselves? But if any repentance has
by now entered your hearts for what has already taken place, write to
us, that we may satisfactorily arrange with you touching what has
already been done; but if your madness has not yet abated, expect a
Roman war, which will come upon you together with the oaths which you
have violated and the wrong which you are doing to your own children."

Such was the letter which Solomon wrote. And the Moors replied as
follows: "Belisarius deluded us with great promises and by this means
persuaded us to become subjects of the Emperor Justinian; but the
Romans, while giving us no share in any good thing, expected to have us,
though pinched with hunger, as their friends and allies. Therefore it is
more fitting that you should be called faithless than that the Moors
should be. For the men who break treaties are not those who, when
manifestly wronged, bring accusation against their neighbours and turn
away from them, but those who expect to keep others in faithful alliance
with them and then do them violence. And men make God their enemy, not
when they march against others in order to recover their own
possessions, but when they get themselves into danger of war by
encroaching upon the possessions of others. And as for children, that
will be your concern, who are not permitted to marry more than one wife;
but with us, who have, it may be, fifty wives living with each of us,
offspring of children can never fail."

When Solomon had read this letter, he decided to lead his whole army
against the Moors. So after arranging matters in Carthage, he proceeded
with all his troops to Byzacium. And when he reached the place which is
called Mammes,[36] where the four Moorish commanders, whom I have
mentioned a little before,[37] were encamped, he made a stockade for
himself. Now there are lofty mountains there, and a level space near the
foothills of the mountains, where the barbarians had made preparations
for the battle and arranged their fighting order as follows. They formed
a circle of their camels, just as, in the previous narrative,[38] I have
said Cabaon did, making the front about twelve deep. And they placed the
women with the children within the circle; (for among the Moors it is
customary to take also a few women, with their children, to battle, and
these make the stockades and huts for them and tend the horses
skilfully, and have charge of the camels and the food; they also sharpen
the iron weapons and take upon themselves many of the tasks in
connection with the preparation for battle); and the men themselves took
their stand on foot in between the legs of the camels, having shields
and swords and small spears which they are accustomed to hurl like
javelins. And some of them with their horses remained quietly among the
mountains. But Solomon disregarded one half of the circle of the Moors,
which was towards the mountain, placing no one there. For he feared lest
the enemy on the mountain should come down and those in the circle
should turn about and thus make the men drawn up there exposed to attack
on both sides in the battle. But against the remainder of the circle he
drew up his whole army, and since he saw the most of them frightened and
without courage, on account of what had befallen Aïgan and Rufinus, and
wishing to admonish them to be of good cheer, he spoke as follows: "Men
who have campaigned with Belisarius, let no fear of these men enter your
minds, and, if Moors gathered to the number of fifty thousand have
already defeated five hundred Romans, let not this stand for you as an
example. But call to mind your own valour, and consider that while the
Vandals defeated the Moors, you have become masters of the Vandals in
war without any effort, and that it is not right that those who have
conquered the greater should be terrified before those who are inferior.
And indeed of all men the Moorish nation seems to be the most poorly
equipped for war's struggle. For the most of them have no armour at all,
and those who have shields to hold before themselves have only small
ones which are not well made and are not able to turn aside what strikes
against them. And after they have thrown those two small spears, if they
do not accomplish anything, they turn of their own accord to flight. So
that it is possible for you, after guarding against the first attack of
the barbarians, to win the victory with no trouble at all. But as to
your equipment of arms, you see, of course, how great is the difference
between it and that of your opponents. And apart from this, both valour
of heart and strength of body and experience in war and confidence
because you have already conquered all your enemies,--all these
advantages you have; but the Moors, being deprived of all these things,
put their trust only in their own great throng. And it is easier for a
few who are most excellently prepared to conquer a multitude of men not
good at warfare than it is for the multitude to defeat them. For while
the good soldier has his confidence in himself, the cowardly man
generally finds that the very number of those arrayed with him produces
a want of room that is full of peril. Furthermore, you are warranted in
despising these camels, which cannot fight for the enemy, and when
struck by our missiles will, in all probability, become the cause of
considerable confusion and disorder among them. And the eagerness for
battle which the enemy have acquired on account of their former success
will be your ally in the fight. For daring, when it is kept commensurate
with one's power, will perhaps be of some benefit even to those who make
use of it, but when it exceeds one's power it lends into danger. Bearing
these things in mind and despising the enemy, observe silence and order;
for by taking thought for these things we shall win the victory over the
disorder of the barbarians more easily and with less labour." Thus spoke
Solomon.

And the commanders of the Moors also, seeing the barbarians terrified at
the orderly array of the Romans, and wishing to recall their host to
confidence again, exhorted them in this wise: "That the Romans have
human bodies, the kind that yield when struck with iron, we have been
taught, O fellow-soldiers, by those of them whom we have recently met,
the best of them all, some of whom we have overwhelmed with our spears
and killed, and the others we have seized and made our prisoners of war.
And not only is this so, but it is now possible to see also that we
boast great superiority over them in numbers. And, furthermore, the
struggle for us involves the very greatest things, either to be masters
of all Libya or to be slaves to these braggarts. It is therefore
necessary for us to be in the highest degree brave men at the present
time. For it is not expedient that those whose all is at stake should be
other than exceedingly courageous. And it behoves us to despise the
equipment of arms which the enemy have. For if they come on foot against
us, they will not be able to move rapidly, but will be worsted by the
agility of the Moors, and their cavalry will be terrified both by the
sight of the camels, and by the noise they make, which, rising above the
general tumult of battle, will, in all likelihood, throw them into
disorder. And if anyone by taking into consideration the victory of the
Romans over the Vandals thinks them not to be withstood, he is mistaken
in his judgment. For the scales of war are, in the nature of the case,
turned by the valour of the commander or by fortune; and Belisarius, who
was responsible for their gaining the mastery over the Vandals, has now,
thanks to Heaven, been removed out of our way. And, besides, we too have
many times conquered the Vandals and stripped them of their power, and
have thus made the victory over them a more feasible and an easier task
for the Romans. And now we have reason to hope to conquer this enemy
also if you shew yourselves brave men in the struggle."

After the officers of the Moors had delivered this exhortation, they
began the engagement. And at first there arose great disorder in the
Roman army. For their horses were offended by the noise made by the
camels and by the sight of them, and reared up and threw off their
riders and the most of them fled in complete disorder. And in the
meantime the Moors were making sallies and hurling all the small spears
which they had in their hands, thus causing the Roman army to be filled
with tumult, and they were hitting them with their missiles while they
were unable either to defend themselves or to remain in position. But
after this, Solomon, observing what was happening, leaped down from his
horse himself first and caused all the others to do the same. And when
they had dismounted, he commanded the others to stand still, and,
holding their shields before them and receiving the missiles sent by the
enemy, to remain in their position; but he himself, leading forward not
less than five hundred men, made an attack upon the other portion of the
circle.[39] These men he commanded to draw their swords and kill the
camels which stood at that point. Then the Moors who were stationed
there beat a hasty retreat, and the men under Solomon killed about two
hundred camels, and straightway, when the camels fell, the circle became
accessible to the Romans. And they advanced on the run into the middle
of the circle where the women of the Moors were sitting; meanwhile the
barbarians in consternation withdrew to the mountain which was close by,
and as they fled in complete disorder the Romans followed behind and
killed them. And it is said that ten thousand of the Moors perished in
this encounter, while all the women together with the children were made
slaves. And the soldiers secured as booty all the camels which they had
not killed. Thus the Romans with all their plunder went to Carthage to
celebrate the festival of triumph.


XII

But the barbarians, being moved with anger, once more took the field in
a body against the Romans, leaving behind not one of their number, and
they began to overrun the country in Byzacium, sparing none of any age
of those who fell in their way. And when Solomon had just marched into
Carthage it was reported that the barbarians with a great host had come
into Byzacium and were plundering everything there. He therefore
departed quickly with his whole army and marched against them. And when
he reached Bourgaon, where the enemy were encamped, he remained some
days in camp over against them, in order that, as soon as the Moors
should get on level ground, he might begin the battle. But since they
remained on the mountain, he marshalled his army and arrayed it for
battle; the Moors, however, had no intention of ever again engaging in
battle with the Romans in level country (for already an irresistible
fear had come over them), but on the mountain they hoped to overcome
them more easily. Now Mt. Bourgaon is for the most part precipitous and
on the side toward the east extremely difficult to ascend, but on the
west it is easily accessible and rises in an even slope. And there are
two lofty peaks which rise up, forming between them a sort of vale, very
narrow, but of incredible depth. Now the barbarians left the peak of the
mountain unoccupied, thinking that on this side no hostile movement
would be made against them; and they left equally unprotected the space
about the foot of the mountain where Bourgaon was easy of access. But at
the middle of the ascent they made their camp and remained there, in
order that, if the enemy should ascend and begin battle with them, they
might at the outset, being on higher ground, shoot down upon their
heads. They also had on the mountain many horses, prepared either for
flight or for the pursuit, if they should win the battle.

Now when Solomon saw that the Moors were unwilling to fight another
battle on the level ground, and also that the Roman army was opposed to
making a siege in a desert place, he was eager to come to an encounter
with the enemy on Bourgaon. But inasmuch as he saw that the soldiers
were stricken with terror because of the multitude of their opponents,
which was many times greater than it had been in the previous battle, he
called together the army and spoke as follows: "The fear which the enemy
feel toward you needs no other arraignment, but voluntarily pleads
guilty, bringing forward, as it does, the testimony of its own
witnesses. For you see, surely, our opponents gathered in so many tens
and tens of thousands, but not daring to come down to the plain and
engage with us, unable to feel confidence even in their own selves, but
taking refuge in the difficulty of this place. It is therefore not even
necessary to address any exhortation to you, at the present time at
least. For those to whom both the circumstances and the weakness of the
enemy give courage, need not, I think, the additional assistance of
words. But of this one thing it will be needful to remind you, that if
we fight out this engagement also with brave hearts, it will remain for
us, having defeated the Vandals and reduced the Moors to the same
fortune, to enjoy all the good things of Libya, having no thought
whatever of an enemy in our minds. But as to preventing the enemy from
shooting down upon our heads, and providing that no harm come to us from
the nature of the place, I myself shall make provision."

After making this exhortation Solomon commanded Theodorus, who led the
"excubitores[40]" (for thus the Romans call their guards), to take with
him a thousand infantrymen toward the end of the afternoon and with some
of the standards to go up secretly on the east side of Bourgaon, where
the mountain is most difficult of ascent and, one might say,
impracticable, commanding him that, when they arrived near the crest of
the mountain, they should remain quietly there and pass the rest of the
night, and that at sunrise they should appear above the enemy and
displaying the standards commence to shoot. And Theodoras did as
directed. And when it was well on in the night, they climbed up the
precipitous slope and reached a point near the peak without being
noticed either by the Moors or even by any of the Romans; for they were
being sent out, it was said, as an advance guard, to prevent anyone from
coming to the camp from the outside to do mischief. And at early dawn
Solomon with the whole army went up against the enemy to the outskirts
of Bourgaon. And when morning had come and the enemy were seen near at
hand, the soldiers were completely at a loss, seeing the summit of the
mountain no longer unoccupied, as formerly, but covered with men who
were displaying Roman standards; for already some daylight was beginning
to shew. But when those on the peak began their attack, the Romans
perceived that the army was their own and the barbarians that they had
been placed between their enemy's forces, and being shot at from both
sides and having no opportunity to ward off the enemy, they thought no
more of resistance but turned, all of them, to a hasty flight. And since
they could neither run up to the top of Bourgaon, which was held by the
enemy, nor go to the plain anywhere over the lower slopes of the
mountain, since their opponents were pressing upon them from that side,
they went with a great rush to the vale and the unoccupied peak, some
even with their horses, others on foot. But since they were a numerous
throng fleeing in great fear and confusion, they kept killing each
other, and as they rushed into the vale, which was exceedingly deep,
those who were first were being killed constantly, but their plight
could not be perceived by those who were coming up behind. And when the
vale became full of dead horses and men, and the bodies made a passage
from Bourgaon to the other mountain, then the remainder were saved by
making the crossing over the bodies. And there perished in this
struggle, among the Moors fifty thousand, as was declared by those of
them who survived, but among the Romans no one at all, nor indeed did
anyone receive even a wound, either at the hand of the enemy or by any
accident happening to him, but they all enjoyed this victory unscathed.
All of the leaders of the barbarians also made their escape, except
Esdilasas, who received pledges and surrendered himself to the Romans.
So great, however, was the multitude of women and children whom the
Romans seized as booty, that they would sell a Moorish boy for the price
of a sheep to any who wished to buy. And then the remainder of the Moors
recalled the saying of their women, to the effect that their nation
would be destroyed by a beardless man.[41]

So the Roman army, together with its booty and with Esdilasas, marched
into Carthage; and those of the barbarians who had not perished decided
that it was impossible to settle in Byzacium, lest they, being few,
should be treated with violence by the Libyans who were their
neighbours, and with their leaders they went into Numidia and made
themselves suppliants of Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium.[42]
And the only Moors who remained in Byzacium were those led by Antalas,
who during this time had kept faith with the Romans and together with
his subjects had remained unharmed.


XIII

But during the time when these things were happening in Byzacium,
Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium, bringing more than thirty
thousand fighting men, was plundering the country of Numidia and
enslaving many of the Libyans. Now it so happened that Althias[43] in
Centuriae was keeping guard over the forts there; and he, being eager to
take from the enemy some of their captives, went outside the fort with
the Huns who were under his command, to the number of about seventy. And
reasoning that he was not able to cope with such a great multitude of
Moors with only seventy men, he wished to occupy some narrow pass, so
that, while the enemy were marching through it, he might be able to
snatch up some of the captives. And since there are no such roads there,
because flat plains extend in every direction, he devised the following
plan.

There is a city not far distant, named Tigisis, then an unwalled place,
but having a great spring at a place which was very closely shut in.
Althias therefore decided to take possession of this spring, reasoning
that the enemy, compelled by thirst, would surely come there; for there
is no other water at all close by. Now it seemed to all upon considering
the disparity of the armies that his plan was insane. But the Moors came
up feeling very much wearied and greatly oppressed by the heat in the
summer weather, and naturally almost overcome by an intense thirst, and
they made for the spring with a great rush, having no thought of meeting
any obstacle. But when they found the water held by the enemy, they all
halted, at a loss what to do, the greatest part of their strength having
been already expended because of their desire for water. Iaudas
therefore had a parley with Althias and agreed to give him the third
part of the booty, on condition that the Moors should all drink. But
Althias was by no means willing to accept the proposal, but demanded
that he fight with him in single combat for the booty. And this
challenge being accepted by Iaudas, it was agreed that if it so fell out
that Althias was overcame, the Moors should drink. And the whole Moorish
army was rejoiced, being in good hope, since Althias was lean and not
tall of body, while Iaudas was the finest and most warlike of all the
Moors. Now both of them were, as it happened, mounted. And Iaudas hurled
his spear first, but as it was coming toward him Althias succeeded with
amazing skill in catching it with his right hand, thus filling Iaudas
and the enemy with consternation. And with his left hand he drew his bow
instantly, for he was ambidextrous, and hit and killed the horse of
Iaudas. And as he fell, the Moors brought another horse for their
commander, upon which Iaudas leaped and straightway fled; and the
Moorish army followed him in complete disorder. And Althias, by thus
taking from them the captives and the whole of the booty, won a great
name in consequence of this deed throughout all Libya. Such, then, was
the course of these events.

And Solomon, after delaying a short time in Carthage, led his army
toward Mt. Aurasium and Iaudas, alleging against him that, while the
Roman army was occupied in Byzacium, he had plundered many of the places
in Numidia. And this was true. Solomon was also urged on against Iaudas
by the other commanders of the Moors, Massonas and Ortaïas, because of
their personal enmity; Massonas, because his father Mephanias, who was
the father-in-law of Iaudas, had been treacherously slain by him, and
Ortaïas, because Iaudas, together with Mastinas, who ruled over the
barbarians in Mauretania, had purposed to drive him and all the Moors
whom he ruled from the land where they had dwelt from of old. So the
Roman army, under the leadership of Solomon, and those of the Moors who
came into alliance with them, made their camp on the river Abigas, which
flows along by Aurasium and waters the land there. But to Iaudas it
seemed inexpedient to array himself against the enemy in the plain, but
he made his preparations on Aurasium in such a way as seemed to him
would offer most difficulty to his assailants. This mountain is about
thirteen days' journey distant from Carthage, and the largest of all
known to us. For its circuit is a three days' journey for an
unencumbered traveller. And for one wishing to go upon it the mountain
is difficult of access and extremely wild, but as one ascends and
reaches the level ground, plains are seen and many springs which form
rivers and a great number of altogether wonderful parks. And the grain
which grows here, and every kind of fruit, is double the size of that
produced in all the rest of Libya. And there are fortresses also on this
mountain, which are neglected, by reason of the fact that they do not
seem necessary to the inhabitants. For since the time when the Moors
wrested Aurasium from the Vandals,[44] not a single enemy had until now
ever come there or so much as caused the barbarians to be afraid that
they would come, but even the populous city of Tamougadis, situated
against the mountain on the east at the beginning of the plain, was
emptied of its population by the Moors and razed to the ground, in order
that the enemy should not only not be able to encamp there, but should
not even have the city as an excuse for coming near the mountain. And
the Moors of that place held also the land to the west of Aurasium, a
tract both extensive and fertile. And beyond these dwelt other nations
of the Moors, who were ruled by Ortaïas, who had come, as was stated
above, as an ally to Solomon and the Romans. And I have heard this man
say that beyond the country which he ruled there was no habitation of
men, but desert land extending to a great distance, and that beyond that
there are men, not black-skinned like the Moors, but very white in body
and fair-haired. So much, then, for these things.

And Solomon, after bribing the Moorish allies with great sums of money
and earnestly exhorting them, began the ascent of Mt. Aurasium with the
whole army arrayed as for battle, thinking that on that day he would do
battle with the enemy and just as he was have the matter out with them
according as fortune should wish. Accordingly the soldiers did not even
take with them any food, except a little, for themselves and their
horses. And after proceeding over very rough ground for about fifty
stades, they made a bivouac. And covering a similar distance each day
they came on the seventh day to a place where there was an ancient
fortress and an ever-flowing stream. The place is called "Shield
Mountain" by the Romans in their own tongue.[45] Now it was reported to
them that the enemy were encamped there, and when they reached this
place and encountered no enemy, they made camp and, preparing themselves
for battle, remained there; and three days' time was spent by them in
that place. And since the enemy kept altogether out of their way, and
their provisions had failed, the thought came to Solomon and to the
whole army that there had been some plot against them on the part of the
Moors who were their allies; for these Moors were not unacquainted with
the conditions of travel on Aurasium, and understood, probably, what had
been decided upon by the enemy; they were stealthily going out to meet
them each day, it was said, and had also frequently been sent to their
country by the Romans to reconnoitre, and had decided to make nothing
but false reports, in order, no doubt, that the Romans, with no prior
knowledge of conditions, might make the ascent of Mt. Aurasium without
supplies for a longer time or without preparing themselves otherwise in
the way which would be best. And, all things considered, the Romans were
suspicious that an ambush had been set for them by men who were their
allies and began to be afraid, reasoning that the Moors are said to be
by nature untrustworthy at all times and especially whenever they march
as allies with the Romans or any others against Moors. So, remembering
these things, and at the same time being pinched by hunger, they
withdrew from there with all speed without accomplishing anything, and,
upon reaching the plain, constructed a stockade.

After this Solomon established a part of the army in Numidia to serve as
a guard and with the remainder went to Carthage, since it was already
winter. There he arranged and set everything in order, so that at the
beginning of spring he might again march against Aurasium with a larger
equipment and, if possible, without Moors as allies. At the same time he
prepared generals and another army and a fleet of ships for an
expedition against the Moors who dwell in the island of Sardinia; for
this island is a large one and flourishing besides, being about two
thirds as large as Sicily (for the perimeter of the island makes a
journey of twenty days for an unencumbered traveller); and lying, as it
does, between Rome and Carthage, it was oppressed by the Moors who dwelt
there. For the Vandals in ancient times, being enraged against these
barbarians, sent some few of them with their wives to Sardinia and
confined them there. But as time went on they seized the mountains which
are near Caranalis, at first making plundering expeditions secretly upon
those who dwelt round about, but when they became no less than three
thousand, they even made their raids openly, and with no desire for
concealment plundered all the country there, being called
Barbaricini[46] by the natives. It was against these barbarians,
therefore, that Solomon was preparing the fleet during that winter.
Such, then, was the course of events in Libya.


XIV

And in Italy during these same times the following events took place.
Belisarius was sent against Theodatus and the Gothic nation by the
Emperor Justinian, and sailing to Sicily he secured this island with no
trouble. And the manner in which this was done will be told in the
following pages, when the history leads me to the narration of the
events in Italy. For it has not seemed to me out of order first to
record all the events which happened in Libya and after that to turn to
the portion of the history touching Italy and the Goths.

During this winter Belisarius remained in Syracuse and Solomon in
Carthage. And it came about during this year that a most dread portent
took place. For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like
the moon, during this whole year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sun
in eclipse, for the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it is
accustomed to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men were
free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing leading to
death. And it was the time when Justinian was in the tenth year of his
reign. [536-537 A.D.]

[536 A.D.] At the opening of spring, when the Christians were
celebrating the feast which they call Easter, there arose a mutiny among
the soldiers in Libya. I shall now tell how it arose and to what end it
came.

After the Vandals had been defeated in the battle, as I have told
previously,[47] the Roman soldiers took their daughters and wives and
made them their own by lawful marriage. And each one of these women kept
urging her husband to lay claim to the possession of the lands which she
had owned previously, saying that it was not right or fitting if, while
living with the Vandals, they had enjoyed these lands, but after
entering into marriage with the conquerors of the Vandals they were then
to be deprived of their possessions. And having these things in mind,
the soldiers did not think that they were bound to yield the lands of
the Vandals to Solomon, who wished to register them as belonging to the
commonwealth and to the emperor's house and said that while it was not
unreasonable that the slaves and all other things of value should go as
booty to the soldiers, the land itself belonged to the emperor and the
empire of the Romans, which had nourished them and caused them to be
called soldiers and to be such, not in order to win for themselves such
land as they should wrest from the barbarians who were trespassing on
the Roman empire, but that this land might come to the commonwealth,
from which both they and all others secured their maintenance. This was
one cause of the mutiny. And there was a second, concurrent, cause also,
which was no less, perhaps even more, effective in throwing all Libya
into confusion. It was as follows: In the Roman army there were, as it
happened, not less than one thousand soldiers of the Arian faith; and
the most of these were barbarians, some of these being of the
Erulian[48] nation. Now these men were urged on to the mutiny by the
priests of the Vandals with the greatest zeal. For it was not possible
for them to worship God in their accustomed way, but they were excluded
both from all sacraments and from all sacred rites. For the Emperor
Justinian did not allow any Christian who did not espouse the orthodox
faith to receive baptism or any other sacrament. But most of all they
were agitated by the feast of Easter, during which they found themselves
unable to baptize[49] their own children with the sacred water, or do
anything else pertaining to this feast. And as if these things were not
sufficient for Heaven, in its eagerness to ruin the fortunes of the
Romans, it so fell out that still another thing provided an occasion for
those who were planning the mutiny. For the Vandals whom Belisarius took
to Byzantium were placed by the emperor in five cavalry squadrons, in
order that they might be settled permanently in the cities of the East;
he also called them the "Vandals of Justinian," and ordered them to
betake themselves in ships to the East. Now the majority of these Vandal
soldiers reached the East, and, filling up the squadrons to which they
had been assigned, they have been fighting against the Persians up to
the present time; but the remainder, about four hundred in number, after
reaching Lesbos, waiting until the sails were bellied with the wind,
forced the sailors to submission and sailed on till they reached the
Peloponnesus. And setting sail from there, they came to land in Libya at
a desert place, where they abandoned the ships, and, after equipping
themselves, went up to Mt. Aurasium and Mauretania. Elated by their
accession, the soldiers who were planning the mutiny formed a still
closer conspiracy among themselves. And there was much talk about this
in the camp and oaths were already being taken. And when the rest were
about to celebrate the Easter festival, the Arians, being vexed by their
exclusion from the sacred rites, purposed to attack them vigorously.

And it seemed best to their leading men to kill Solomon in the sanctuary
on the first day of the feast, which they call the great day. [March 23,
536 A.D.] And they were fortunate enough not to be found out, since no
one disclosed this plan. For though there were many who shared in the
horrible plot, no word of it was divulged to any hostile person as the
orders were passed around, and thus they succeeded completely in
escaping detection, for even the spearmen and guards of Solomon for the
most part and the majority of his domestics had become associated with
this mutiny because of their desire for the lands. And when the
appointed day had now come, Solomon was sitting in the sanctuary,
utterly ignorant of his own misfortune. And those who had decided to
kill the man went in, and, urging one another with nods, they put their
hands to their swords, but they did nothing nevertheless, either because
they were filled with awe of the rites then being performed in the
sanctuary, or because the fame of the general caused them to be ashamed,
or perhaps also some divine power prevented them.

And when the rites on that day had been completely performed and all
were betaking themselves homeward, the conspirators began to blame one
another with having turned soft-hearted at no fitting time, and they
postponed the plot for a second attempt on the following day. And on the
next day they acted in the same manner and departed from the sanctuary
without doing anything, and entering the market place, they reviled each
other openly, and every single man of them called the next one
soft-hearted and a demoralizer of the band, not hesitating to censure
strongly the respect felt for Solomon. For this reason, indeed, they
thought that they could no longer without danger remain in Carthage,
inasmuch as they had disclosed their plot to the whole city. The most of
them, accordingly, went out of the city quickly and began to plunder the
lands and to treat as enemies all the Libyans whom they met; but the
rest remained in the city, giving no indication of what their own
intentions were but pretending ignorance of the plot which had been
formed.

But Solomon, upon hearing what was being done by the soldiers in the
country, became greatly disturbed, and ceased not exhorting those in the
city and urging them to loyalty toward the emperor. And they at first
seemed to receive his words with favour, but on the fifth day, when they
heard that those who had gone out were secure in their power, they
gathered in the hippodrome and insulted Solomon and the other commanders
without restraint. And Theodorus, the Cappadocian, being sent there by
Solomon, attempted to dissuade them and win them by kind words, but they
listened to nothing of what was said. Now this Theodorus had a certain
hostility against Solomon and was suspected of plotting against him. For
this reason the mutineers straightway elected him general over them by
acclamation, and with him they went with all speed to the palace
carrying weapons and raising a great tumult. There they killed another
Theodorus, who was commander of the guards, a man of the greatest
excellence in every respect and an especially capable warrior. And when
they had tasted this blood, they began immediately to kill everyone they
met, whether Libyan or Roman, if he were known to Solomon or had money
in his hands; and then they turned to plundering, going up into the
houses which had no soldiers to defend them and seizing all the most
valuable things, until the coming of night, and drunkenness following
their toil, made them cease.

And Solomon succeeded in escaping unnoticed into the great sanctuary
which is in the palace, and Martinus joined him there in the late
afternoon. And when all the mutineers were sleeping, they went out from
the sanctuary and entered the house of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, who
compelled them to dine although they had no desire to do so, and
conveyed them to the harbour and put them on the skiff of a certain
ship, which happened to have been made ready there by Martinus. And
Procopius also, who wrote this history, was with them, and about five
men of the house of Solomon. And after accomplishing three hundred
stades they reached Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, and, since they
had reached safety, Solomon straightway commanded Martinus to go into
Numidia to Valerian and the others who shared his command, and endeavour
to bring it about that each one of them, if it were in any way possible,
should appeal to some of the soldiers known to him, either with money or
by other means, and bring them back to loyalty toward the emperor. And
he sent a letter to Theodorus, charging him to take care of Carthage and
to handle the other matters as should seem possible to him, and he
himself with Procopius went to Belisarius at Syracuse. And after
reporting everything to him which had taken place in Libya, he begged
him to come with all speed to Carthage and defend the emperor, who was
suffering unholy treatment at the hands of his own soldiers, Solomon,
then, was thus engaged.


XV

But the mutineers, after plundering everything in Carthage, gathered in
the plain of Boulla, and chose Stotzas,[50] one of the guards of
Martinus, and a passionate and energetic man, as tyrant over them, with
the purpose of driving the emperor's commanders out of all Libya and
thus gaining control over it. And he armed the whole force, amounting to
about eight thousand men, and led them on to Carthage, thinking to win
over the city instantly with no trouble. He sent also to the Vandals who
had run away from Byzantium with the ships and those who had not gone
there with Belisarius in the beginning, either because they had escaped
notice, or because those who were taking off the Vandals at that time
took no account of them. Now they were not fewer than a thousand, and
after no great time they joined Stotzas and the army with enthusiasm.
And a great throng of slaves also came to him. And when they drew near
Carthage, Stotzas sent orders that the people should surrender the city
to him as quickly as possible, on condition of their remaining free from
harm. But those in Carthage and Theodorus, in reply to this, refused
flatly to obey, and announced that they were guarding Carthage for the
emperor. And they sent to Stotzas Joseph, the secretary of the emperor's
guards, a man of no humble birth and one of the household of Belisarius,
who had recently been sent to Carthage on some mission to them, and they
demanded that Stotzas should go no further in his violence. But Stotzas,
upon hearing this, straightway killed Joseph and commenced a siege. And
those in the city, becoming terrified at the danger, were purposing to
surrender themselves and Carthage to Stotzas under an agreement. Such
was the course of events in the army in Libya.

But Belisarius selected one hundred men from his own spearmen and
guards, and taking Solomon with him, sailed into Carthage with one ship
at about dusk, at the time when the besiegers were expecting that the
city would be surrendered to them on the following day. And since they
were expecting this, they bivouacked that night. But when day had come
and they learned that Belisarius was present, they broke up camp as
quickly as possible and disgracefully and in complete disorder beat a
hasty retreat And Belisarius gathered about two thousand of the army
and, after urging them with words to be loyal to the emperor and
encouraging them with large gifts of money, he began the pursuit of the
fugitives. And he overtook them at the city of Membresa, three hundred
and fifty stades distant from Carthage. There both armies made camp and
prepared themselves for battle, the forces of Belisarius making their
entrenchment at the River Bagradas, and the others in a high and
difficult position. For neither of them saw fit to enter the city, since
it was without walls. And on the day following they joined battle, the
mutineers trusting in their numbers, and the troops of Belisarius
despising their enemy as both without sense and without generals. And
Belisarius, wishing that these thoughts should be firmly lodged in the
minds of his soldiers, called them all together and spoke as follows:--

"The situation, fellow-soldiers, both for the emperor and for the
Romans, falls far short of our hopes and of our prayers. For we have now
come to a combat in which even the winning of the victory will not be
without tears for us, since we are fighting against kinsmen and men who
have been reared with us. But we have this comfort in our misfortune,
that we are not ourselves beginning the battle, but have been brought
into the conflict in our own defence. For he who has framed the plot
against his dearest friends and by his own act has dissolved the ties of
kinship, dies not, if he perishes, by the hands of his friends, but
having become an enemy is but making atonement to those who have
suffered wrong. And that our opponents are public enemies and barbarians
and whatever worse name one might call them, is shewn not alone by
Libya, which has become plunder under their hands, nor by the
inhabitants of this land, who have been wrongfully slain, but also by
the multitude of Roman soldiers whom these enemies have dared to kill,
though they have had but one fault to charge them with--loyalty to their
government. And it is to avenge these their victims that we have now
come against them, having with good reason become enemies to those who
were once most dear. For nature has made no men in the world either
friends or opponents to one another, but it is the actions of men in
every case which, either by the similarity of the motives which actuate
them unite them in alliance, or by the difference set them in hostility
to each other, making them friends or enemies as the case may be. That,
therefore, we are fighting against men who are outlaws and enemies of
the state, you must now be convinced; and now I shall make it plain that
they deserve to be despised by us. For a throng of men united by no law,
but brought together by motives of injustice, is utterly unable by
nature to play the part of brave men, since valour is unable to dwell
with lawlessness, but always shuns those who are unholy. Nor, indeed,
will they preserve discipline or give heed to the commands given by
Stotzas. For when a tyranny is newly organized and has not yet won that
authority which self-confidence gives, it is, of necessity, looked upon
by its subjects with contempt. Nor is it honoured through any sentiment
of loyalty, for a tyranny is, in the nature of the case, hated; nor does
it lead its subjects by fear, for timidity deprives it of the power to
speak out openly. And when the enemy is handicapped in point of valour
and of discipline, their defeat is ready at hand. With great contempt,
therefore, as I said, we should go against this enemy of ours. For it is
not by the numbers of the combatants, but by their orderly array and
their bravery, that prowess in war is wont to be measured."

So spoke Belisarius. And Stotzas exhorted his troops as follows: "Men
who with me have escaped our servitude to the Romans, let no one of you
count it unworthy to die on behalf of the freedom which you have won by
your courage and your other qualities. For it is not so terrible a thing
to grow old and die in the midst of ills, as to return again to it after
having gained freedom from oppressive conditions. For the interval which
has given one a taste of deliverance makes the misfortune, naturally
enough, harder to bear. And this being so, it is necessary for you to
call to mind that after conquering the Vandals and the Moors you
yourselves have enjoyed the labours of war, while others have become
masters of all the spoils. And consider that, as soldiers, you will be
compelled all your lives to be acquainted with the dangers of war,
either in behalf of the emperor's cause, if, indeed, you are again his
slaves, or in behalf of your own selves, if you preserve this present
liberty. And whichever of the two is preferable, this it is in your
power to choose, either by becoming faint-hearted at this time, or by
preferring to play the part of brave men. Furthermore, this thought also
should come to your minds,--that if, having taken up arms against the
Romans, you come under their power, you will have experience of no
moderate or indulgent masters, but you will suffer the extreme of
punishment, and, what is more, your death will not have been unmerited.
To whomsoever of you, therefore, death comes in this battle, it is plain
that it will be a glorious death; and life, if you conquer the enemy,
will be independent and in all other respects happy; but if you are
defeated,--I need mention no other bitterness than this, that all your
hope will depend upon the mercy of those men yonder. And the conflict
will not be evenly matched in regard to strength. For not only are the
enemy greatly surpassed by us in numbers, but they will come against us
without the least enthusiasm, for I think that they are praying for a
share of this our freedom." Such was the speech of Stotzas.

As the armies entered the combat, a wind both violent and exceedingly
troublesome began to blow in the faces of the mutineers of Stotzas. For
this reason they thought it disadvantageous for them to fight the battle
where they were, fearing lest the wind by its overpowering force should
carry the missiles of the enemy against them, while the impetus of their
own missiles would be very seriously checked. They therefore left their
position and moved toward the flank, reasoning that if the enemy also
should change front, as they probably would, in order that they might
not be assailed from the rear, the wind would then be in their faces.
But Belisarius, upon seeing that they had left their position and in
complete disorder were moving to his flank, gave orders immediately to
open the attack. And the troops of Stotzas were thrown into confusion by
the unexpected move, and in great disorder, as each one could, they fled
precipitately, and only when they reached Numidia did they collect
themselves again. Few of them, however, perished in this action, and
most of them were Vandals. For Belisarius did not pursue them at all,
for the reason that it seemed to him sufficient, since his army was very
small, if the enemy, having been defeated for the present, should get
out of his way. And he gave the soldiers the enemy's stockade to
plunder, and they took it with not a man inside. But much money was
found there and many women, the very women because of whom this war took
place.[51] After accomplishing this, Belisarius marched back to
Carthage. And someone coming from Sicily reported to him that a mutiny
had broken out in the army and was about to throw everything into
confusion, unless he himself should return to them with all speed and
take measures to prevent it. He there therefore arranged matters in
Libya as well as he could and, entrusting Carthage to Ildiger and
Theodorus, went to Sicily.

And the Roman commanders in Numidia, hearing that the troops of Stotzas
had come and were gathering there, prepared for battle. Now the
commanders were as follows: of foederati,[52] Marcellus and Cyril, of
the cavalry forces, Barbatus, and of infantry Terentius and Sarapis.
All, however, took their commands from Marcellus, as holding the
authority in Numidia. He, therefore, upon hearing that Stotzas with some
few men was in a place called Gazophyla,[53] about two days' journey
distant from Constantina,[54] wished to anticipate the gathering of all
the mutineers, and led his army swiftly against them. And when the two
armies were near together and the battle was about to commence, Stotzas
came alone into the midst of his opponents and spoke as follows:

"Fellow-soldiers, you are not acting justly in taking the field against
kinsmen and those who have been reared with you, and in raising arms
against men who in vexation at your misfortunes and the wrongs you have
suffered have decided to make war upon the emperor and the Romans. Or do
you not remember that you have been deprived of the pay which has been
owing you for a long time back, and that you have been robbed of the
enemy's spoil, which the law of war has set as prizes for the dangers of
battle? And that the others have claimed the right to live sumptuously
all their lives upon the good things of victory, while you have followed
as if their servants? If, now, you are angry with me, it is within your
power to vent your wrath upon this body, and to escape the pollution of
killing the others; but if you have no charge to bring against me, it is
time for you to take up your weapons in your own behalf." So spoke
Stotzas; and the soldiers listened to his words and greeted him with
great favour. And when the commanders saw what was happening, they
withdrew in silence and took refuge in a sanctuary which was in
Gazophyla. And Stotzas combined both armies into one and then went to
the commanders. And finding them in the sanctuary, he gave pledges and
then killed them all.


XVI

When the emperor learned this, he sent his nephew Germanus, a man of
patrician rank, with some few men to Libya. And Symmachus also and
Domnicus, men of the senate, followed him, the former to be prefect and
charged with the maintenance of the army, while Domnicus was to command
the infantry forces. For John,[55] who had held the office of prefect,
had already died of disease. And when they had sailed into Carthage,
Germanus counted the soldiers whom they had, and upon looking over the
books of the scribes where the names of all the soldiers were
registered, he found that the third part of the army was in Carthage and
the other cities, while all the rest were arrayed with the tyrant
against the Romans. He did not, therefore, begin any fighting, but
bestowed the greatest care upon his army. And considering that those
left in Carthage were the kinsmen or tentmates of the enemy, he kept
addressing many winning words to all, and in particular said that he had
himself been sent by the emperor to Libya in order to defend the
soldiers who had been wronged and to punish those who had unprovoked
done them any injury. And when this was found out by the mutineers, they
began to come over to him a few at a time. And Germanus both received
them into the city in a friendly manner and, giving pledges, held them
in honour, and he gave them their pay for the time during which they had
been in arms against the Romans. And when the report of these acts was
circulated and came to all, they began now to detach themselves in large
numbers from the tyrant and to march to Carthage. Then at last Germanus,
hoping that in the battle he would be evenly matched in strength with
his opponents, began to make preparations for the conflict.

But in the meantime Stotzas, already perceiving the trouble, and fearing
lest by the defection of still others of his soldiers the army should be
reduced still more, was pressing for a decisive encounter immediately
and trying to take hold of the war with more vigour. And since he had
some hope regarding the soldiers in Carthage, that they would come over
to him, and thought that they would readily desert if he came near them,
he held out the hope to all his men; and after encouraging them
exceedingly in this way, he advanced swiftly with his whole army against
Carthage. And when he had come within thirty-five stades of the city, he
made camp not far from the sea, and Germanus, after arming his whole
army and arraying them for battle, marched forth. And when they were all
outside the city, since he had heard what Stotzas was hoping for, he
called together the whole army and spoke as follows:

"That there is nothing, fellow-soldiers, with which you can justly
reproach the emperor, and no fault which you can find with what he has
done to you, this, I think, no one of you all could deny; for it was he
who took you as you came from the fields with your wallets and one small
frock apiece and brought you together in Byzantium, and has caused you
to be so powerful that the Roman state now depends upon you. And that he
has not only been treated with wanton insult, but has also suffered the
most dreadful of all things at your hands, you yourselves, doubtless,
know full well. And desiring that you should preserve the memory of
these things for ever, he has dismissed the accusations brought against
you for your crimes, asking that this debt alone be due to him from
you--shame for what you have done. It is reasonable, therefore, that
you, being thus regarded by him, should learn anew the lesson of good
faith and correct your former folly. For when repentance comes at the
fitting time upon those who have done wrong, it is accustomed to make
those who have been injured indulgent; and service which comes in season
is wont to bring another name to those who have been called ungrateful.

"And it will be needful for you to know well this also, that if at the
present time you shew yourselves completely loyal to the emperor, no
remembrance will remain of what has gone before. For in the nature of
things every course of action is characterized by men in accordance with
its final outcome; and while a wrong which has once been committed can
never be undone in all time, still, when it has been corrected by better
deeds on the part of those who committed it, it receives the fitting
reward of silence and generally comes to be forgotten. Moreover, if you
act with any disregard of duty toward these accursed rascals at the
present time, even though afterwards you fight through many wars in
behalf of the Romans and often win the victory over the enemy, you will
never again be regarded as having requited the emperor as you can
requite him to-day. For those who win applause in the very matter of
their former wrong-doing always gain for themselves a fairer apology. As
regards the emperor, then, let each one of you reason in some such way.
But as for me, I have not voluntarily done you any injustice, and I have
displayed my good-will to you by all possible means, and now, facing
this danger, I have decided to ask this much of you all: let no man
advance with us against the enemy contrary to his judgement. But if
anyone of you is already desirous of arraying himself with them, without
delay let him go with his weapons to the enemy's camp, granting us this
one favour, that it be not stealthily, but openly, that he has decided
to do us wrong. Indeed, it is for this reason that I am making my
speech, not in Carthage, but after coming on the battle-field, in order
that I might not be an obstacle to anyone who desires to desert to our
opponents, since it is possible for all without danger to shew their
disposition toward the state." Thus spoke Germanus. And a great uproar
ensued in the Roman army, for each one demanded the right to be the
first to display to the general his loyalty to the emperor and to swear
the most dread oaths in confirmation.


XVII

Now for some time the two armies remained in position opposite each
other. But when the mutineers saw that nothing of what Stotzas had
foretold was coming to pass, they began to be afraid as having been
unexpectedly cheated of their hope, and they broke their ranks and
withdrew, and marched off to Numidia, where were their women and the
money from their booty. And Germanus too came there with the whole army
not long afterwards, having made all preparations in the best way
possible and also bringing along many wagons for the army. And
overtaking his opponents in a place which the Romans call Scalae
Veteres, he made his preparations for battle in the following manner.
Placing the wagons in line facing the front, he arrayed all the infantry
along them under the leadership of Domnicus, so that by reason of having
their rear in security they might fight with the greater courage. And
the best of the horsemen and those who had come with him from Byzantium
he himself had on the left of the infantry, while all the others he
placed on the right wing, not marshalled in one body but in three
divisions. And Ildiger led one of them, Theodoras the Cappadocian
another, while the remaining one, which was larger, was commanded by
John, the brother of Pappus, with three others. Thus did the Romans
array themselves.

And the mutineers took their stand opposite them, not in order, however,
but scattered, more in the manner of barbarians. And at no great
distance many thousands of Moors followed them, who were commanded by a
number of leaders, and especially by Iaudas and Ortaïas. But not all of
them, as it happened, were faithful to Stotzas and his men, for many had
sent previously to Germanus and agreed that, when they came into the
fight, they would array themselves with the emperor's army against the
enemy. However, Germanus could not trust them altogether, for the
Moorish nation is by nature faithless to all men. It was for this reason
also that they did not array themselves with the mutineers, but remained
behind, waiting for what would come to pass, in order that with those
who should be victorious they might join in the pursuit of the
vanquished. Such was the purpose, then, of the Moors, in following
behind and not mingling with the mutineers.

And when Stotzas came close to the enemy and saw the standard of
Germanus, he exhorted his men and began to charge against him. But the
mutinous Eruli who were arrayed about him did not follow and even tried
with all their might to prevent him, saying that they did not know the
character of the forces of Germanus, but that they did know that those
arrayed on the enemy's right would by no means withstand them. If,
therefore, they should advance against these, they would not only give
way themselves and turn to flight, but would also, in all probability,
throw the rest of the Roman army into confusion; but if they should
attack Germanus and be driven back and put to rout, their whole cause
would be ruined on the spot. And Stotzas was persuaded by these words,
and permitted the others to fight with the men of Germanus, while he
himself with the best men went against John and those arrayed with him.
And they failed to withstand the attack and hastened to flee in complete
disorder. And the mutineers took all their standards immediately, and
pursued them as they fled at top speed, while some too charged upon the
infantry, who had already begun to abandon their ranks. But at this
juncture Germanus himself, drawing his sword and urging the whole of
that part of the army to do the same, with great difficulty routed the
mutineers opposed to him and advanced on the run against Stotzas. And
then, since he was joined in this effort by the men of Ildiger and
Theodorus, the two armies mingled with each other in such a way that,
while the mutineers were pursuing some of their enemy, they were being
overtaken and killed by others. And as the confusion became greater and
greater, the troops of Germanus, who were in the rear, pressed on still
more, and the mutineers, falling into great fear, thought no longer of
resistance. But neither side could be distinguished either by their own
comrades or by their opponents. For all used one language and the same
equipment of arms, and they differed neither in figure nor in dress nor
in any other thing whatever. For this reason the soldiers of the emperor
by the advice of Germanus, whenever they captured anyone, asked who he
was; and then, if he said that he was a soldier of Germanus, they bade
him give the watchword of Germanus, and if he was not at all able to
give this, they killed him instantly. In this struggle one of the enemy
got by unnoticed and killed the horse of Germanus, and Germanus himself
fell to the ground and came into danger, and would have been lost had
not his guards quickly saved him by forming an enclosure around him and
mounting him on another horse.

As for Stotzas, he succeeded in this tumult in escaping with a few men.
But Germanus, urging on his men, went straight for the enemy's camp.
There he was encountered by those of the mutineers who had been
stationed to guard the stockade. A stubborn fight took place around its
entrance, and the mutineers came within a little of forcing back their
opponents, but Germanus sent some of his followers and bade them make
trial of the camp at another point. These men, since no one was
defending the camp at this place, got inside the stockade with little
trouble. And the mutineers, upon seeing them, rushed off in flight, and
Germanus with all the rest of the army dashed into the enemy's camp.
There the soldiers, finding it easy to plunder the goods of the camp,
neither took any account of the enemy nor paid any further heed to the
exhortations of their general, since booty was at hand. For this reason
Germanus, fearing lest the enemy should get together and come upon them,
himself with some few men took his stand at the entrance of the
stockade, uttering many laments and urging his unheeding men to return
to good order. And many of the Moors, when the rout had taken place in
this way, were now pursuing the mutineers, and, arraying themselves with
the emperor's troops, were plundering the camp of the vanquished. But
Stotzas, at first having confidence in the Moorish army, rode to them in
order to renew the battle. But perceiving what was being done, he fled
with a hundred men, and succeeded with difficulty in making his escape.
And once more many gathered about him and attempted to engage with the
enemy, but being repulsed no less decisively than before, if not even
more so, they all came over to Germanus. And Stotzas alone with some few
Vandals withdrew to Mauretania, and taking to wife the daughter of one
of the rulers, remained there. And this was the conclusion of that
mutiny.


XVIII

Now there was among the body-guards of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, a
certain Maximinus, an exceedingly base man. This Maximinus had first got
a very large number of the soldiers to join with him in a conspiracy
against the government, and was now purposing to attempt a tyranny. And
being eager to associate with himself still more men, he explained the
project to others and especially to Asclepiades, a native of Palestine,
who was a man of good birth and the first of the personal friends of
Theodorus. Now Asclepiades, after conversing with Theodorus, straightway
reported the whole matter to Germanus. And he, not wishing as yet, while
affairs were still unsettled, to begin any other disturbance, decided to
get the best of the man by cajoling and flattering him rather than by
punishment, and to bind him by oaths to loyalty toward the government.
Accordingly, since it was an old custom among all Romans that no one
should become a body-guard of one of the commanders, unless he had
previously taken the most dread oaths and given pledges of his loyalty
both toward his own commander and toward the Roman emperor, he summoned
Maximinus, and praising him for his daring, directed him to be one of
his body-guards from that time forth. And he, being overjoyed at the
extraordinary honour, and conjecturing that his project would in this
way get on more easily, took the oath, and though from that time forth
he was counted among the body-guards of Germanus, he did not hesitate to
disregard his oaths immediately and to strengthen much more than ever
his plans to achieve the tyranny.

Now the whole city was celebrating some general festival, and many of
the conspirators of Maximinus at about the time of lunch came according
to their agreement to the palace, where Germanus was entertaining his
friends at a feast, and Maximinus took his stand beside the couches with
the other body-guards. And as the drinking proceeded, someone entered
and announced to Germanus that many soldiers were standing in great
disorder before the door of the court, putting forward the charge that
the government owed them their pay for a long period. And he commanded
the most trusty of the guards secretly to keep close watch over
Maximinus, allowing him in no way to perceive what was being done. Then
the conspirators with threats and tumult proceeded on the run to the
hippodrome, and those who shared their plan with them gathered gradually
from the houses and were assembling there. And if it had so chanced that
all of them had come together, no one, I think, would have been able
easily to destroy their power; but, as it was, Germanus anticipated
this, and, before the greater part had yet arrived, he straightway sent
against them all who were well-disposed to himself and to the emperor.
And they attacked the conspirators before they expected them. And then,
since Maximinus, for whom they were waiting to begin the battle for
them, was not with them, and they did not see the crowd gathered to help
them, as they had thought it would be, but instead even beheld their
fellow-soldiers unexpectedly fighting against them, they consequently
lost heart and were easily overcome in the struggle and rushed off in
flight and in complete disorder. And their opponents slew many of them,
and they also captured many alive and brought them to Germanus. Those,
however, who had not already come to the hippodrome gave no indication
of their sentiment toward Maximinus. And Germanus did not see fit to go
on and seek them out, but he enquired whether Maximinus, since he had
sworn the oath, had taken part in the plot. And since it was proved
that, though numbered among his own body-guards he had carried on his
designs still more than before, Germanus impaled him close by the
fortifications of Carthage, and in this way succeeded completely in
putting down the sedition. As for Maximinus, then, such was the end of
his plot.


XI

[539-540 A.D.] And the emperor summoned Germanus together with Symmachus
and Domnicus and again entrusted all Libya to Solomon, in the thirteenth
year of his reign; and he provided him with an army and officers, among
whom were Rufinus and Leontius, the sons of Zaunas the son of
Pharesmanas, and John, the son of Sisiniolus. For Martinus and
Valerianus had already before this gone under summons to Byzantium. And
Solomon sailed to Carthage, and having rid himself of the sedition of
Stotzas, he ruled with moderation and guarded Libya securely, setting
the army in order, and sending to Byzantium and to Belisarius whatever
suspicious elements he found in it, and enrolling new soldiers to equal
their number, and removing those of the Vandals who were left and
especially all their women from the whole of Libya. And he surrounded
each city with a wall, and guarding the laws with great strictness, he
restored the government completely. And Libya became under his rule
powerful as to its revenues and prosperous in other respects.

And when everything had been arranged by him in the best way possible,
he again made an expedition against Iaudas and the Moors on Aurasium.
And first he sent forward Gontharis, one of his own body-guards and an
able warrior, with an army. Now Gontharis came to the Abigas River and
made camp near Bagaïs, a deserted city. And there he engaged with the
enemy, but was defeated in battle, and retiring to his stockade was
already being hard pressed by the siege of the Moors. But afterwards
Solomon himself arrived with his whole army, and when he was sixty
stades away from the camp which Gontharis was commanding, he made a
stockade and remained there; and hearing all that had befallen the force
of Gontharis, he sent them a part of his army and bade them keep up the
fight against the enemy with courage. But the Moors, having gained the
upper hand in the engagement, as I have said, did as follows. The Abigas
River flows from Aurasium, and descending into a plain, waters the land
just as the men there desire. For the natives conduct this stream to
whatever place they think it will best serve them at the moment, for in
this plain there are many channels, into which the Abigas is divided,
and entering all of them, it passes underground, and reappears again
above the ground and gathers its stream together. This takes place over
the greatest part of the plain and makes it possible for the inhabitants
of the region, by stopping up the waterways with earth, or by again
opening them, to make use of the waters of this river as they wish. So
at that time the Moors shut off all the channels there and thus allowed
the whole stream to flow about the camp of the Romans. As a result of
this, a deep, muddy marsh formed there through which it was impossible
to go; this terrified them exceedingly and reduced them to a state of
helplessness. When this was heard by Solomon, he came quickly. But the
barbarians, becoming afraid, withdrew to the foot of Aurasium. And in a
place which they call Babosis they made camp and remained there. So
Solomon moved with his whole army and came to that place. And upon
engaging with the enemy, he defeated them decisively and turned them to
flight. Now after this the Moors did not think it advisable for them to
fight a pitched battle with the Romans; for they did not hope to
overcome them in this kind of contest; but they did have hope, based on
the difficult character of the country around Aurasium, that the Romans
would in a short time give up by reason of the sufferings they would
have to endure and would withdraw from there, just as they formerly had
done. The most of them, therefore, went off to Mauretania and the
barbarians to the south of Aurasium, but Iaudas with twenty thousand of
the Moors remained there. And it happened that he had built a fortress
on Aurasium, Zerboule by name. Into this he entered with all the Moors
and remained quiet. But Solomon was by no means willing that time should
be wasted in the siege, and learning that the plains about the city of
Tamougade were full of grain just becoming ripe, he led his army into
them, and settling himself there, began to plunder the land. Then, after
firing everything, he returned again to the fortress of Zerboule.

But during this time, while the Romans were plundering the land, Iaudas,
leaving behind some of the Moors, about as many as he thought would be
sufficient for the defence of the fortress, himself ascended to the
summit of Aurasium with the rest of the army, not wishing to stand siege
in the fort and have provisions fail his forces. And finding a high
place with cliff's on all sides of it and concealed by perpendicular
rocks, Toumar by name, he remained quietly there. And the Romans
besieged the fortress of Zerboule for three days. And using their bows,
since the wall was not high, they hit many of the barbarians upon the
parapets. And by some chance it happened that all the leaders of the
Moors were hit by these missiles and died. And when the three days' time
had passed and night came on, the Romans, having learned nothing of the
death of the leaders among the Moors, were planning to break up the
siege. For it seemed better to Solomon to go against Iaudas and the
multitude of the Moors, thinking that, if he should be able to capture
that force by siege, the barbarians in Zerboule would with less trouble
and difficulty yield to the Romans. But the barbarians, thinking that
they could no longer hold out against the siege, since all their leaders
had now been destroyed, decided to flee with all speed and abandon the
fortress. Accordingly they fled immediately in silence and without
allowing the enemy in any way to perceive it, and the Romans also at
daybreak began to prepare for departure. And since no one appeared on
the wall, although the besieging army was withdrawing, they began to
wonder and fell into the greatest perplexity among themselves. And in
this state of uncertainty they went around the fortress and found the
gate open from which the Moors had departed in flight. And entering the
fortress they treated everything as plunder, but they had no thought of
pursuing the enemy, for they had set out with light equipment and were
familiar with the country round about. And when they had plundered
everything, they set guards over the fortress, and all moved forward on
foot.


XX

And coming to the place Toumar, where the enemy had shut themselves in
and were remaining quiet, they encamped near by in a bad position, where
there would be no supply of water, except a little, nor any other
necessary thing. And after much time had been spent and the barbarians
did not come out against them at all, they themselves, no less than the
enemy, if not even more, were hard pressed by the siege and began to be
impatient. And more than anything else, they were distressed by the lack
of water; this Solomon himself guarded, giving each day no more than a
single cupful to each man. And since he saw that they were openly
discontented and no longer able to bear their present hardships, he
planned to make trial of the place, although it was difficult of access,
and called all together and exhorted them as follows: "Since God has
granted to the Romans to besiege the Moors on Aurasium, a thing which
hitherto has been beyond hope and now, to such as do not see what is
actually being done, is altogether incredible, it is necessary that we
too should lend our aid to the help that has come from above, and not
prove false to this favour, but undergoing the danger with enthusiasm,
should reach after the good fortune which is to come from success. For
in every case the turning of the scales of human affairs depends upon
the moment of opportunity; but if a man, by wilful cowardice, is traitor
to his fortune, he cannot justly blame it, having by his own action
brought the guilt upon himself. Now as for the Moors, you see their
weakness surely and the place in which they have shut themselves up and
are keeping guard, deprived of all the necessities of life. And as for
you, one of two things is necessary, either without feeling any vexation
at the siege to await the surrender of the enemy, or, if you shrink from
this, to accept the victory which goes with the danger. And fighting
against these barbarians will be the more free from danger for us,
inasmuch as they are already fighting with hunger and I think they will
never even come to an engagement with us. Having these things in mind at
the present time, it behooves you to execute all your orders with
eagerness."

After Solomon had made this exhortation, he looked about to see from
what point it would be best for his men to make an attempt on the place,
and for a long time he seemed to be in perplexity. For the difficult
nature of the ground seemed to him quite too much to contend with. But
while Solomon was considering this, chance provided a way for the
enterprise as follows. There was a certain Gezon in the army, a
foot-soldier, "optio"[56] of the detachment to which Solomon belonged;
for thus the Romans call the paymaster. This Gezon, either in play or in
anger, or perhaps even moved by some divine impulse, began to make the
ascent alone, apparently going against the enemy, and not far from him
went some of his fellow-soldiers, marvelling greatly at what he was
doing. And three of the Moors, who had been stationed to guard the
approach, suspecting that the man was coming against them, went on the
run to confront him. But since they were in a narrow way, they did not
proceed in orderly array, but each one went separately. And Gezon struck
the first one who came upon him and killed him, and in this way he
despatched each of the others. And when those in the rear perceived
this, they advanced with much shouting and tumult against the enemy. And
when the whole Roman army both heard and saw what was being done,
without waiting either for the general to lead the way for them or for
the trumpets to give the signal for battle, as was customary, nor indeed
even keeping their order, but making a great uproar and urging one
another on, they ran against the enemy's camp. There Rufinus and
Leontius, the sons of Zaunas the son of Pharesmanes, made a splendid
display of valorous deeds against the enemy. And by this the Moors were
terror-stricken, and when they learned that their guards also had been
destroyed, they straightway turned to flight where each one could, and
the most of them were overtaken in the difficult ground and killed. And
Iaudas himself, though struck by a javelin in the thigh, still made his
escape and withdrew to Mauretania. But the Romans, after plundering the
enemy's camp, decided not to abandon Aurasium again, but to guard
fortresses which Solomon was to build there, so that this mountain might
not be again accessible to the Moors.

Now there is on Aurasium a perpendicular rock which rises in the midst
of precipices; the natives call it the Rock of Geminianus; there the men
of ancient times had built a tower, making it very small as a place of
refuge, strong and unassailable, since the nature of the position
assisted them. Here, as it happened, Iaudas had a few days previously
deposited his money and his women, setting one old Moor in charge as
guardian of the money. For he could never have suspected that the enemy
would either reach this place, or that they could in all time capture
the tower by force. But the Romans at that time, searching through the
rough country of Aurasium, came there, and one of them, with a laugh,
attempted to climb up to the tower; but the women began to taunt him,
ridiculing him as attempting the impossible; and the old man, peering
out from the tower, did the same thing. But when the Roman soldier,
climbing with both hands and feet, had come near them, he drew his sword
quietly and leaped forward as quickly as he could, and struck the old
man a fair blow on the neck, and succeeded in cutting it through. And
the head fell down to the ground, and the soldiers, now emboldened and
holding to one another, ascended to the tower, and took out from there
both the women and the money, of which there was an exceedingly great
quantity. And by means of it Solomon surrounded many of the cities in
Libya with walls.

And after the Moors had retired from Numidia, defeated in the manner
described, the land of Zabe, which is beyond Mt. Aurasium and is called
"First Mauretania," whose metropolis is Sitiphis,[57] was added to the
Roman empire by Solomon as a tributary province; for of the other
Mauretania Caesarea is the first city, where was settled Mastigas[58]
with his Moors, having the whole country there subject and tributary to
him, except, indeed, the city of Caesarea. For this city Belisarius had
previously recovered for the Romans, as has been set forth in the
previous narrative[59]; and the Romans always journey to this city in
ships, but they are not able to go by land, since Moors dwell in that
country. And as a result of this all the Libyans who were subjects of
the Romans, coming to enjoy secure peace and finding the rule of Solomon
wise and very moderate, and having no longer any thought of hostility in
their minds, seemed the most fortunate of all men.


XXI

But in the fourth year after this it came about that all their blessings
were turned to the opposite. [543-544 A.D.] For in the seventeenth year
of the reign of the Emperor Justinian, Cyrus and Sergius, the sons of
Bacchus, Solomon's brother, were assigned by the emperor to rule over
the cities in Libya, Cyrus, the elder, to have Pentapolis,[60] and
Sergius Tripolis. And the Moors who are called Leuathae came to Sergius
with a great army at the city of Leptimagna,[61] spreading the report
that the reason they had come was this, that Sergius might give them the
gifts and insignia of office which were customary[62] and so make the
peace secure. But Sergius, persuaded by Pudentius, a man of Tripolis, of
whom I made mention in the preceding narrative[63] as having served the
Emperor Justinian against the Vandals at the beginning of the Vandalic
War, received eighty of the barbarians, their most notable men, into the
city, promising to fulfil all their demands; but he commanded the rest
to remain in the suburb. Then after giving these eighty men pledges
concerning the peace, he invited them to a banquet. But they say that
these barbarians had come into the city with treacherous intent, that
they might lay a trap for Sergius and kill him. And when they came into
conference with him, they called up many charges against the Romans, and
in particular said that their crops had been plundered wrongfully. And
Sergius, paying no heed to these things, rose from the seat on which he
was sitting, with intent to go away. And one of the barbarians, laying
hold upon his shoulder, attempted to prevent him from going. Then the
others began to shout in confusion, and were already rushing together
about him. But one of the body-guards of Sergius, drawing his sword,
despatched that Moor. And as a result of this a great tumult, as was
natural, arose in the room, and the guards of Sergius killed all the
barbarians. But one of them, upon seeing the others being slain, rushed
out of the house where these things were taking place, unnoticed by
anyone, and coming to his tribemates, revealed what had befallen their
fellows. And when they heard this, they betook themselves on the run to
their own camp and together with all the others arrayed themselves in
arms against the Romans. Now when they came near the city of Leptimagna,
Sergius and Pudentius confronted them with their whole army. And the
battle becoming a hand-to-hand fight, at first the Romans were
victorious and slew many of the enemy, and, plundering their camp,
secured their goods and enslaved an exceedingly great number of women
and children. But afterwards Pudentius, being possessed by a spirit of
reckless daring, was killed; and Sergius with the Roman army, since it
was already growing dark, marched into Leptimagna.

At a later time the barbarians took the field against the Romans with a
greater array. And Sergius went to join his uncle Solomon, in order that
he too might go to meet the enemy with a larger army; and he found there
his brother Cyrus also. And the barbarians, coming into Byzacium, made
raids and plundered a great part of the country there; and Antalas (whom
I mentioned in the preceding narrative[64] as having remained faithful
to the Romans and as being for this reason sole ruler of the Moors in
Byzacium) had by now, as it happened, become hostile to Solomon, because
Solomon had deprived him of the maintenance with which the emperor had
honoured him and had killed his brother, charging him with
responsibility for an uprising against the people of Byzacium. So at
that time Antalas was pleased to see these barbarians, and making an
offensive and defensive alliance with them, led them against Solomon and
Carthage.

And Solomon, as soon as he heard about this, put his whole army in
motion and marched against them, and coming upon them at the city of
Tebesta, distant six days' journey from Carthage, he established his
camp in company with the sons of his brother Bacchus, Cyrus and Sergius
and Solomon the younger. And fearing the multitude of the barbarians, he
sent to the leaders of the Leuathae, reproaching them because, while at
peace with the Romans, they had taken up arms and come against them, and
demanding that they should confirm the peace existing between the two
peoples, and he promised to swear the most dread oaths, that he would
hold no remembrance of what they had done. But the barbarians, mocking
his words, said that he would of course swear by the sacred writings of
the Christians, which they are accustomed to call Gospels. Now since
Sergius had once taken these oaths and then had slain those who trusted
in them,[65] it was their desire to go into battle and make a test of
these same sacred writings, to see what sort of power they had against
the perjurers, in order that they might first have absolute confidence
in them before they finally entered into the agreement. When Solomon
heard this, he made his preparations for the combat.

And on the following day he engaged with a portion of the enemy as they
were bringing in a very large booty, conquered them in battle, seized
all their booty and kept it under guard. And when the soldiers were
dissatisfied and counted it an outrage that he did not give them the
plunder, he said that he was awaiting the outcome of the war, in order
that they might distribute everything then, according to the share that
should seem to suit the merit of each. But when the barbarians advanced
a second time, with their whole army, to give battle, this time some of
the Romans stayed behind and the others entered the encounter with no
enthusiasm. At first, then, the battle was evenly contested, but later,
since the Moors were vastly superior by reason of their great numbers,
the most of the Romans fled, and though Solomon and a few men about him
held out for a time against the missiles of the barbarians, afterwards
they were overpowered by the enemy, and fleeing in haste, reached a
ravine made by a brook which flowed in that region. And there Solomon's
horse stumbled and threw him to the ground, and his body-guards lifted
him quickly in their arms and set him upon his horse. But overcome by
great pain and unable to hold the reins longer, he was overtaken and
killed by the barbarians, and many of his guards besides. Such was the
end of Solomon's life.


XXII

After the death of Solomon, Sergius, who, as has been said, was his
nephew, took over the government of Libya by gift of the emperor. And
this man became the chief cause of great ruin to the people of Libya,
and all were dissatisfied with his rule--the officers because, being
exceedingly stupid and young both in character and in years, he proved
to be the greatest braggart of all men, and he insulted them for no just
cause and disregarded them, always using the power of his wealth and the
authority of his office to this end; and the soldiers disliked him
because he was altogether unmanly and weak; and the Libyans, not only
for these reasons, but also because he had shown himself strangely fond
of the wives and the possessions of others. But most of all John, the
son of Sisiniolus, was hostile to the power of Sergius; for, though he
was an able warrior and was a man of unusually fair repute, he found
Sergius absolutely ungrateful. For this reason neither he nor anyone
else at all was willing to take up arms against the enemy. But almost
all the Moors were following Antalas, and Stotzas came at his summons
from Mauretania. And since not one of the enemy came out against them,
they began to sack the country, making plunder of everything without
fear. At that time Antalas sent to the Emperor Justinian a letter, which
set forth the following:

"That I am a slave of thy empire not even I myself would deny, but the
Moors, having suffered unholy treatment at the hands of Solomon in time
of peace, have taken up arms under the most severe constraint, not
lifting them against thee, but warding off our personal enemy; and this
is especially true of me. For he not only decided to deprive me of the
maintenance, which Belisarius long before specified and thou didst
grant, but he also killed my own brother, although he had no wrongdoing
to charge against him. We have therefore taken vengeance upon him who
wronged us. And if it is thy will that the Moors be in subjection to thy
empire and serve it in all things as they are accustomed to do, command
Sergius, the nephew of Solomon, to depart from here and return to thee,
and send another general to Libya. For thou wilt not be lacking in men
of discretion and more worthy than Sergius in every way; for as long as
this man commands thy army, it is impossible for peace to be established
between the Romans and the Moors."

Such was the letter written by Antalas. But the emperor, even after
reading these things and learning the common enmity of all toward
Sergius, was still unwilling to remove him from his office, out of
respect for the virtues of Solomon and especially the manner of his
death. Such, then, was the course of these events.

But Solomon, the brother of Sergius, who was supposed to have
disappeared from the world together with his uncle Solomon, was
forgotten by his brother and by the rest as well; for no one had learned
that he was alive. But the Moors, as it happened, had taken him alive,
since he was very young; and they enquired of him who he was. And he
said that he was a Vandal by birth, and a slave of Solomon. He said,
moreover, that he had a friend, a physician, Pegasius by name, in the
city of Laribus near by, who would purchase him by giving ransom. So the
Moors came up close to the fortifications of the city and called
Pegasius and displayed Solomon to him, and asked whether it was his
pleasure to purchase the man. And since he agreed to purchase him, they
sold Solomon to him for fifty pieces of gold. But upon getting inside
the fortifications, Solomon taunted the Moors as having been deceived by
him, a mere lad; for he said that he was no other than Solomon, the son
of Bacchus and nephew of Solomon. And the Moors, being deeply stung by
what had happened, and counting it a terrible thing that, while having a
strong security for the conduct of Sergius and the Romans, they had
relinquished it so carelessly, came to Laribus and laid siege to the
place, in order to capture Solomon with the city. And the besieged, in
terror at being shut in by the barbarians, for they had not even carried
in provisions, as it happened, opened negotiations with the Moors,
proposing that upon receiving a great sum of money they should
straightway abandon the siege. Whereupon the barbarians, thinking that
they could never take the city by force--for the Moors are not at all
practised in the storming of walls--and at the same time not knowing
that provisions were scarce for the besieged, welcomed their words, and
when they had received three thousand pieces of gold, they abandoned the
siege, and all the Leuathae retired homeward.


XXIII

But Antalas and the army of the Moors were gathering again in Byzacium
and Stotzas was with them, having some few soldiers and Vandals. And
John, the son of Sisiniolus, being earnestly entreated by the Libyans,
gathered an army and marched against them. Now Himerius, the Thracian,
was commander of the troops in Byzacium, and at that time he was ordered
by John to bring with him all the troops there, together with the
commanders of each detachment, and come to a place called Menephesse,
which is in Byzacium, and join his force there. But later, upon hearing
that the enemy were encamped there, John wrote to Himerius telling what
had happened and directing him to unite with his forces at another
place, that they might not go separately, but all together, to encounter
the enemy. But by some chance those who had this letter, making use of
another road, were quite unable to find Himerius, and he together with
his army, coming upon the camp of the enemy, fell into their hands. Now
there was in this Roman army a certain youth, Severianus, son of
Asiaticus, a Phoenician and a native of Emesa, commanding a detachment
of horse. This man alone, together with the soldiers under him, fifty in
number, engaged with the enemy. And for some time they held out, but
later, being overpowered by the great multitude, they ran to the top of
a hill in the neighbourhood on which there was also a fort, but one
which offered no security. For this reason they surrendered themselves
to their opponents when they ascended the hill to attack them. And the
Moors killed neither him nor any of the soldiers, but they made
prisoners of the whole force; and Himerius they kept under guard, and
handed over his soldiers to Stotzas, since they agreed with great
readiness to march with the rebels against the Romans; Himerius,
however, they threatened with death, if he should not carry out their
commands. And they commanded him to put into their hands by some device
the city of Hadrumetum on the sea. And since he declared that he was
willing, they went with him against Hadrumetum. And upon coming near the
city, they sent Himerius a little in advance with some of the soldiers
of Stotzas, dragging along, as it seemed, some Moors in chains, and they
themselves followed behind. And they directed Himerius to say to those
in command of the gates of the city that the emperor's army had won a
decisive victory, and that John would come very soon, bringing an
innumerable multitude of Moorish captives; and when in this manner the
gates had been opened to them, he was to get inside the fortifications
together with those who went with him. And he carried out these
instructions. And the citizens of Hadrumetum, being deceived in this way
(for they could not distrust the commander of all the troops in
Byzacium), opened wide the gates and received the enemy. Then, indeed,
those who had entered with Himerius drew their swords and would not
allow the guards there to shut the gates again, but straightway received
the whole army of the Moors into the city. And the barbarians, after
plundering it and establishing there some few guards, departed. And of
the Romans who had been captured some few escaped and came to Carthage,
among whom were Severianus and Himerius. For it was not difficult for
those who wished it to make their escape from Moors. And many also, not
at all unwillingly, remained with Stotzas.

Not long after this one of the priests, Paulus by name, who had been
appointed to take charge of the sick, in conferring with some of the
nobles, said: "I myself shall journey to Carthage and I am hopeful that
I shall return quickly with an army, and it will be your care to receive
the emperor's forces into the city." So they attached some ropes to him
and let him down by night from the fortifications, and he, coming to the
sea-shore and happening upon a fishing-vessel which was thereabouts, won
over the masters of this boat by great sums of money and sailed off to
Carthage. And when he had landed there and come into the presence of
Sergius, he told the whole story and asked him to give him a
considerable army in order to recover Hadrumetum. And since this by no
means pleased Sergius, inasmuch as the army in Carthage was not great,
the priest begged him to give him some few soldiers, and receiving not
more than eighty men, he formed the following plan. He collected a large
number of boats and skiffs and embarked on them many sailors and Libyans
also, clad in the garments which the Roman soldiers are accustomed to
wear. And setting off with the whole fleet, he sailed at full speed
straight for Hadrumetum. And when he had come close to it, he sent some
men stealthily and declared to the notables of the city that Germanus,
the emperor's nephew, had recently come to Carthage, and had sent a very
considerable army to the citizens of Hadrumetum. And he bade them take
courage at this and open for them one small gate that night. And they
carried out his orders. Thus Paulus with his followers got inside the
fortifications, and he slew all the enemy and recovered Hadrumetum for
the emperor; and the rumour about Germanus, beginning there, went even
to Carthage. And the Moors, as well as Stotzas and his followers, upon
hearing this, at first became terrified and went off in flight to the
extremities of Libya, but later, upon learning the truth, they counted
it a terrible thing that they, after sparing all the citizens of
Hadrumetum, had suffered such things at their hands. For this reason
they made raids everywhere and wrought unholy deeds upon the Libyans,
sparing no one whatever his age, and the land became at that time for
the most part depopulated. For of the Libyans who had been left some
fled into the cities and some to Sicily and the other islands. But
almost all the notables came to Byzantium, among whom was Paulus also,
who had recovered Hadrumetum for the emperor. And the Moors with still
less fear, since no one came out against them, were plundering
everything, and with them Stotzas, who was now powerful. For many Roman
soldiers were following him, some who had come as deserters, and others
who had been in the beginning captives but now remained with him of
their own free will. And John, who was indeed a man of some reputation
among the Moors, was remaining quiet because of the extreme hostility he
had conceived against Sergius.


XXIV

At this time the emperor sent to Libya, with some few soldiers, another
general, Areobindus, a man of the senate and of good birth, but not at
all skilled in matters of warfare. And he sent with him Athanasius, a
prefect, who had come recently from Italy, and some few Armenians led by
Artabanes and John, sons of John, of the line of the Arsacidae,[66] who
had recently left the Persian army and as deserters had come back to the
Romans, together with the other Armenians. And with Areobindus was his
sister and Prejecta, his wife, who was the daughter of Vigilantia, the
sister of the Emperor Justinian. The emperor, however, did not recall
Sergius, but commanded both him and Areobindus to be generals of Libya,
dividing the country and the detachments of soldiers between them. And
he enjoined upon Sergius to carry on the war against the barbarians in
Numidia, and upon Areobindus to direct his operations constantly against
the Moors in Byzacium. And when this expedition lauded at Carthage,
Sergius departed forthwith for Numidia with his own army, and
Areobindus, upon learning that Antalas and Stotzas were encamped near
the city of Siccaveneria, which is three days' journey distant from
Carthage, commanded John, the son of Sisiniolus, to go against them,
choosing out whatever was best of the army; and he wrote to Sergius to
unite with the forces of John, in order that they might all with one
common force engage with the enemy. Now Sergius decided to pay no heed
to the message and have nothing to do with this affair, and John with a
small army was compelled to engage with an innumerable host of the
enemy. And there had always been great enmity between him and Stotzas,
and each one used to pray that he might become the slayer of the other
before departing from the world. At that time, accordingly, as soon as
the fighting was about to come to close quarters, both rode out from
their armies and came against each other. And John drew his bow, and, as
Stotzas was still advancing, made a successful shot and hit him in the
right groin, and Stotzas, mortally wounded, fell there, not yet dead,
but destined to survive this wound only a little time. And all came up
immediately, both the Moorish army and those who followed Stotzas, and
placing Stotzas with little life in him against a tree, they advanced
upon their enemy with great fury; and since they were far superior in
numbers, they routed John and all the Romans with no difficulty. Then,
indeed, they say, John remarked that death had now a certain sweetness
for him, since his prayer regarding Stotzas had reached fulfilment. And
there was a steep place near by, where his horse stumbled and threw him
off. And as he was trying to leap upon the horse again, the enemy caught
and killed him, a man who had shown himself great both in reputation and
in valour. And Stotzas learned this and then died, remarking only that
now it was most sweet to die. In this battle John, the Armenian, brother
of Artabanes, also died, after making a display of valorous deeds
against the enemy. And the emperor, upon hearing this, was very deeply
grieved because of the valour of John; and thinking it inexpedient for
the two generals to administer the province, he immediately recalled
Sergius and sent him to Italy with an army, and gave over the whole
power of Libya to Areobindus.


XXV

And two months after Sergius had departed from there, Gontharis essayed
to set up a tyranny in the following manner. He himself, as it happened,
was commanding the troops in Numidia and spending his time there for
that reason, but he was secretly treating with the Moors that they might
march against Carthage. Forthwith, therefore, an army of the enemy,
having been gathered into one place from Numidia and Byzacium, went with
great zeal against Carthage. And the Numidians were commanded by
Coutzinas and Iaudas, and the men of Byzacium by Antalas. And with him
was also John, the tyrant, and his followers; for the mutineers, after
the death of Stotzas, had set him up as ruler over themselves. And when
Areobindus learned of their attack, he summoned to Carthage a number of
the officers with their men, and among them Gontharis. And he was joined
also by Artabanes and the Armenians. Areobindus, accordingly, bade
Gontharis lead the whole army against the enemy. And Gontharis, though
he had promised to serve him zealously in the war, proceeded to act as
follows. One of his servants, a Moor by birth and a cook by trade, he
commanded to go to the enemy's camp, and to make it appear to all others
that he had run away from his master, but to tell Antalas secretly that
Gontharis wished to share with him the rule of Libya. So the cook
carried out these directions, and Antalas heard the word gladly, but
made no further reply than to say that worthy enterprises are not
properly brought to pass among men by cooks. When this was heard by
Gontharis, he immediately sent to Antalas one of his body-guards,
Ulitheus by name, whom he had found especially trustworthy in his
service, inviting him to come as close as possible to Carthage. For, if
this were done, he promised him to put Areobindus out of the way. So
Ulitheus without the knowledge of the rest of the barbarians made an
agreement with Antalas that he, Antalas, should rule Byzacium, having
half the possessions of Areobindus and taking with him fifteen hundred
Roman soldiers, while Gontharis should assume the dignity of king,
holding the power over Carthage and the rest of Libya. And after
settling these matters he returned to the Roman camp, which they had
made entirely in front of the circuit-wall, distributing among
themselves the guarding of each gate. And the barbarians not long
afterwards proceeded straight for Carthage in great haste, and they made
camp and remained in the place called Decimum.[67] And departing from
there on the following day, they were moving forward. But some of the
Roman army encountered them, and engaging with them unexpectedly, slew a
small number of the Moors. But these were straightway called back by
Gontharis, who rebuked them for acting with reckless daring and for
being willing to give the Romans foreknowledge of the danger into which
they were thrown.

But in the meantime Areobindus sent to Coutzinas secretly and began to
treat with him with regard to turning traitor. And Coutzinas promised
him that, as soon as they should begin the action, he would turn against
Antalas and the Moors of Byzacium. For the Moors keep faith neither with
any other men nor with each other. This Areobindus reported to
Gontharis. And he, wishing to frustrate the enterprise by having it
postponed, advised Areobindus by no means to have faith in Coutzinas,
unless he should receive from him his children as hostages. So
Areobindus and Coutzinas, constantly sending secret messages to each
other, were busying themselves with the plot against Antalas. And
Gontharis sent Ulitheus once more and made known to Antalas what was
being done. And he decided not to make any charges against Coutzinas nor
did he allow him to know that he had discovered the plot, nor indeed did
he disclose anything of what had been agreed upon by himself and
Gontharis. But though enemies and hostile at heart to one another, they
were arrayed together with treacherous intent, and each of them was
marching with the other against his own particular friend. With such
purposes Coutzinas and Antalas were leading the Moorish army against
Carthage. And Gontharis was intending to kill Areobindus, but, in order
to avoid the appearance of aiming at sole power, he wished to do this
secretly in battle, in order that it might seem that the plot had been
made by others against the general, and that he had been compelled by
the Roman army to assume command over Libya. Accordingly he circumvented
Areobindus by deceit, and persuaded him to go out against the enemy and
engage with them, now that they had already come close to Carthage. He
decided, therefore, that on the following day he would lead the whole
army against the enemy at sunrise. But Areobindus, being very
inexperienced in this matter and reluctant besides, kept holding back
for no good reason. For while considering how he should put on his
equipment of arms and armour, and making the other preparations for the
sally, he wasted the greatest part of the day. He accordingly put off
the engagement to the following day and remained quiet. But Gontharis,
suspecting that he had hesitated purposely, as being aware of what was
being done, decided openly to accomplish the murder of the general and
make his attempt at the tyranny.


XXVI

And on the succeeding day he proceeded to act as follows. Opening wide
the gates where he himself kept guard, he placed huge rocks under them,
that no one might be able easily to shut them, and he placed armoured
men with bows in their hands about the parapet in great numbers, and he
himself, having put on his breastplate, took his stand between the
gates. And his purpose in doing this was not that he might receive the
Moors into the city; for the Moors, being altogether fickle, are
suspicious of all men. And it is not unnatural that they are so; for
whoever is by nature treacherous toward his neighbours is himself unable
to trust anyone at all, but he is compelled to be suspicious of all men,
since he estimates the character of his neighbour by his own mind. For
this reason, then, Gontharis did not hope that even the Moors would
trust him and come inside the circuit-wall, but he made this move in
order that Areobindus, falling into great fear, might straightway rush
off in flight, and, abandoning Carthage as quickly as he could, might
betake himself to Byzantium. And he would have been right in his
expectation had not winter come on just then and frustrated his plan.
[544-545 A.D.] And Areobindus, learning what was being done, summoned
Athanasius and some of the notables. And Artabanes also came to him from
the camp with two others and he urged Areobindus neither to lose heart
nor to give way to the daring of Gontharis, but to go against him
instantly with all his men and engage him in battle, before any further
trouble arose. At first, then, Areobindus sent to Gontharis one of his
friends, Phredas by name, and commanded him to test the other's purpose.
And when Phredas returned and reported that Gontharis by no means denied
his intention of seizing the supreme power, he purposed immediately to
go against him arrayed for battle.

But in the meantime Gontharis slandered Areobindus to the soldiers,
saying that he was a coward and not only possessed with fear of the
enemy, but at the same time quite unwilling to give them, his soldiers,
their pay, and that he was planning to run away with Anastasius and that
they were about to sail very soon from Mandracium[68], in order that the
soldiers, fighting both with hunger and with the Moors, might be
destroyed; and he enquired whether it was their wish to arrest both and
keep them under guard. For thus he hoped either that Areobindus,
perceiving the tumult, would turn to flight, or that he would be
captured by the soldiers and ruthlessly put to death. Moreover he
promised that he himself would advance to the soldiers money of his own,
as much as the government owed them. And they were approving his words
and were possessed with great wrath against Areobindus, but while this
was going on Areobindus together with Artabanes and his followers came
there. And a battle took place on the parapet and below about the gate
where Gontharis had taken his stand, and neither side was worsted. And
all were about to gather from the camps, as many as were well disposed
to the emperor, and capture the mutineers by force. For Gontharis had
not as yet deceived all, but the majority remained still uncorrupted in
mind. But Areobindus, seeing then for the first time the killing of men
(for he had not yet, as it happened, become acquainted with this sight),
was terror-stricken and, turning coward, fled, unable to endure what he
saw.

Now there is a temple inside the fortifications of Carthage hard by the
sea-shore, the abode of men who are very exact in their practice of
religion, whom we have always been accustomed to call "monks"; this
temple had been built by Solomon not long before, and he had surrounded
it with a wall and rendered it a very strong fortress. And Areobindus,
fleeing for refuge, rushed into the monastery, where he had already sent
his wife and sister. Then Artabanes too ran away, and all the rest
withdrew from Carthage as each one could. And Gontharis, having taken
the city by assault, with the mutineers took possession of the palace,
and was already guarding both the gates and the harbour most carefully.
First, then, he summoned Athanasius, who came to him without delay, and
by using much flattery Athanasius made it appear that what had been done
pleased him exceedingly. And after this Gontharis sent the priest of the
city and commanded Areobindus, after receiving pledges, to come to the
palace, threatening that he would besiege him if he disobeyed and would
not again give him pledges of safety, but would use every means to
capture and put him to death. So the priest, Reparatus, stoutly declared
to Areobindus that in accordance with the decision of Gontharis he would
swear that no harm would come to him from Gontharis, telling also what
he had threatened in case he did not obey. But Areobindus became afraid
and agreed that he would follow the priest immediately, if the priest,
after performing the rite of the sacred bath[69] in the usual manner,
should swear to him by that rite and then give him pledges for his
safety. So the priest did according to this. And Areobindus without
delay followed him, clad in a garment which was suitable neither for a
general nor for any one else in military service, but altogether
appropriate to a slave or one of private station; this garment the
Romans call "casula"[70] in the Latin tongue. And when they came near
the palace, he took in his hands the holy scriptures from the priest,
and so went before Gontharis. And falling prone he lay there a long
time, holding out to him the suppliant olive-branch and the holy
scriptures, and with him was the child which had been counted worthy of
the sacred bath by which the priest had given him the pledge, as has
been told. And when, with difficulty, Gontharis had raised him to his
feet, he enquired of Gontharis in the name of all things holy whether
his safety was secure. And Gontharis now bade him most positively to be
of good cheer, for he would suffer no harm at his hands, but on the
following day would be gone from Carthage with his wife and his
possessions. Then he dismissed the priest Reparatus, and bade Areobindus
and Athanasius dine with him in the palace. And during the dinner he
honoured Areobindus, inviting him to take his place first on the couch;
but after the dinner he did not let him go, but compelled him to sleep
in a chamber alone; and he sent there Ulitheus with certain others to
assail him. And while he was wailing and crying aloud again and again
and speaking many entreating words to them to move them to pity, they
slew him. Athanasius, however, they spared, passing him by, I suppose,
on account of his advanced age.


XXVII

And on the following day Gontharis sent the head of Areobindus to
Antalas, but decided to deprive him of the money and of the soldiers.
Antalas, therefore, was outraged, because he was not carrying out
anything of what had been agreed with him, and at the same time, upon
considering what Gontharis had sworn and what he had done to Areobindus,
he was incensed. For it did not seem to him that one who had disregarded
such oaths would ever be faithful either to him or to anyone else at
all. So after considering the matter long with himself, he was desirous
of submitting to the Emperor Justinian; for this reason, then, he
marched back. And learning that Marcentius, who commanded the troops in
Byzacium, had fled to one of the islands which lie off the coast, he
sent to him, and telling him the whole story and giving pledges,
persuaded him by kind words to come to him. And Marcentius remained with
Antalas in the camp, while the soldiers who were on duty in Byzacium,
being well disposed to the emperor, were guarding the city of
Hadrumetum. But the soldiers of Stotzas, being not less than a thousand,
perceiving what was being done, went in great haste, with John leading
them, to Gontharis; and he gladly received them into the city. Now there
were five hundred Romans and about eighty Huns, while all the rest were
Vandals. And Artabanes, upon receiving pledges, went up to the palace
with his Armenians, and promised to serve the tyrant according to his
orders. But secretly he was purposing to destroy Gontharis, having
previously communicated this purpose to Gregorius, his nephew, and to
Artasires, his body-guard. And Gregorius, urging him on to the
undertaking, spoke as follows:

"Artabanes, the opportunity is now at hand for you, and you alone, to
win the glory of Belisarius--nay more, even to surpass that glory by
far. For he came here, having received from the emperor a most
formidable army and great sums of money, having officers accompanying
him and advisers in great numbers, and a fleet of ships whose like we
have never before heard tell of, and numerous cavalry, and arms, and
everything else, to put it in a word, prepared for him in a manner
worthy of the Roman empire. And thus equipped he won back Libya for the
Romans with much toil. But all these achievements have so completely
come to naught, that they are, at this moment, as if they had never
been--except indeed, that there is at present left to the Romans from
the victory of Belisarius the losses they have suffered in lives and in
money, and, in addition, that they are no longer able even to guard the
good things they won. But the winning back of all these things for the
emperor now depends upon the courage and judgment and right hand of you
alone. Therefore consider that you are of the house of the Arsacidae by
ancient descent, and remember that it is seemly for men of noble birth
to play the part of brave men always and in all places. Now many
remarkable deeds have been performed by you in behalf of freedom. For
when you were still young, you slew Acacius,[71] the ruler of the
Armenians, and Sittas,[72] the general of the Romans, and as a result of
this becoming known to the king Chosroes, you campaigned with him
against the Romans. And since you have reached so great a station that
it devolves upon you not to allow the Roman power to lie subject to a
drunken dog, show at this time that it was by reason of noble birth and
a valorous heart that at the former time, good sir, you performed those
deeds; and I as well as Artasires here will assist you in everything, so
far as we have the power, in accordance with your commands."

So spoke Gregorius; and he excited the mind of Artabanes still more
against the tyrant. But Gontharis, bringing out the wife and the sister
of Areobindus from the fortress, compelled them to remain at a certain
house, showing them no insult by any word or deed whatsoever, nor did
they have provisions in any less measure than they needed, nor were they
compelled to say or to do anything except, indeed, that Prejecta was
forced to write to her uncle[73] that Gontharis was honouring them
exceedingly and that he was altogether guiltless of the murder of her
husband, and that the base deed had been done by Ulitheus, Gontharis by
no means approving. And Gontharis was persuaded to do this by
Pasiphilus, a man who had been foremost among the mutineers in Byzacium,
and had assisted Gontharis very greatly in his effort to establish the
tyranny. For Pasiphilus maintained that, if he should do this, the
emperor would marry the young woman to him, and in view of his kinship
with her would give also a, dowry of a large sum of money. And Gontharis
commanded Artabanes to lead the army against Antalas and the Moors in
Byzacium. For Coutzinas, having quarrelled with Antalas, had separated
from him openly and allied himself with Gontharis; and he gave Gontharis
his son and his mother as hostages. So the army, under the leadership of
Artabanes, proceeded immediately against Antalas. And with Artabanes was
John also, the commander of the mutineers of Stotzas, and Ulitheus, the
body-guard of Gontharis; and there were Moors also following him, led by
Coutzinas. And after passing by the city of Hadrumetum, they came upon
their opponents somewhere near there, and making a camp a little apart
from the enemy, they passed the night. And on the day after that John
and Ulitheus, with a detachment of the army, remained there, while
Artabanes and Coutzinas led their army against their opponents. And the
Moors under Antalas did not withstand their attack and rushed off in
flight. But Artabanes of a sudden wilfully played the coward, and
turning his standard about marched off towards the rear. For this reason
Ulitheus was purposing to kill him when he came into the camp. But
Artabanes, by way of excusing himself, said he feared lest Marcentius,
coming to assist the enemy from the city of Hadrumetum, where he then
happened to be, would do his forces irreparable harm; but Gontharis, he
said, ought to march against the enemy with the whole army. And at first
he considered going to Hadrumetum with his followers and uniting with
the emperor's forces. But after long deliberation it seemed to him
better to put Gontharis out of the world and thus free both the emperor
and Libya from a difficult situation. Returning, accordingly, to
Carthage, he reported to the tyrant that he would need a larger army to
meet the enemy. And Gontharis, after conferring with Pasiphilus,
consented, indeed, to equip his whole army, but purposed to place a
guard in Carthage, and in person to lead the army against the enemy.
Each day, therefore, he was destroying many men toward whom he felt any
suspicion, even though groundless. And he gave orders to Pasiphilus,
whom he was intending to appoint in charge of the garrison of Carthage,
to kill all the Greeks[74] without any consideration.


XXVIII

And after arranging everything else in the very best way, as it seemed
to him, Gontharis decided to entertain his friends at a banquet, with
the intention of making his departure on the following day. And in a
room where there were in readiness three couches which had been there
from ancient times, he made the banquet. So he himself reclined, as was
natural, upon the first couch, where were also Athanasius and Artabanes,
and some of those known to Gontharis, and Peter, a Thracian by birth,
who had previously been a body-guard of Solomon. And on both the other
couches were the first and noblest of the Vandals. John, however, who
commanded the mutineers of Stotzas; was entertained by Pasiphilus in his
own house, and each of the other leaders wherever it suited the several
friends of Gontharis to entertain them. Artabanes, accordingly, when he
was bidden to this banquet, thinking that this occasion furnished him a
suitable opportunity for the murder of the tyrant, was planning to carry
out his purpose. He therefore disclosed the matter to Gregorius and to
Artasires and three other body-guards, bidding the body-guards get
inside the hall with their swords (for when commanders are entertained
at a banquet it is customary for their body-guards to stand behind
them), and after getting inside to make an attack suddenly, at whatever
moment should seem to them most suitable; and Artasires was to strike
the first blow. At the same time he directed Gregorius to pick out a
large number of the most daring of the Armenians and bring them to the
palace, carrying only their swords in their hands (for it is not lawful
for the escort of officers in a city to be armed with anything else),
and leaving these men in the vestibule, to come inside with the
body-guards; and he was to tell the plan to no one of them, but to make
only this explanation, that he was suspicious of Gontharis, fearing that
he had called Artabanes to this banquet to do him harm, and therefore
wished that they should stand beside the soldiers of Gontharis who had
been stationed there on guard, and giving the appearance of indulging in
some play, they were to take hold of the shields which these guards
carried, and waving them about and otherwise moving them keep constantly
turning them up and down; and if any tumult or shouting took place
within, they were to take up these very shields and come to the rescue
on the run. Such were the orders which Artabanes gave, and Gregorius
proceeded to put them into execution. And Artasires devised the
following plan: he cut some arrows into two parts and placed them on the
wrist of his left arm, the sections reaching to his elbow. And after
binding them very carefully with straps, he laid over them the sleeve of
his tunic. And he did this in order that, if anyone should raise his
sword over him and attempt to strike him, he might avoid the chance of
suffering serious injury; for he had only to thrust his left arm in
front of him, and the steel would break off as it crashed upon the wood,
and thus his body could not be reached at any point.

With such purpose, then, Artasires did as I have said. And to Artabanes
he spoke as follows: "As for me, I have hopes that I shall prove equal
to the undertaking and shall not hesitate, and also that I shall touch
the body of Gontharis with this sword; but as for what will follow, I am
unable to say whether God in His anger against the tyrant will
co-operate with me in this daring deed, or whether, avenging some sin of
mine, He will stand against me there and be an obstacle in my way. If,
therefore, you see that the tyrant is not wounded in a vital spot, do
you kill me with my sword without the least hesitation, so that I may
not be tortured by him into saying that it was by your will that I
rushed into the undertaking, and thus not only perish myself most
shamefully, but also be compelled against my will to destroy you as
well." And after Artasires had spoken such words he too, together with
Gregorius and one of the body-guards, entered the room where the couches
were and took his stand behind Artabanes. And the rest, remaining by the
guards, did as they had been commanded.

So Artasires, when the banquet had only just begun, was purposing to set
to work, and he was already touching the hilt of his sword. But
Gregorius prevented him by saying in the Armenian tongue that Gontharis
was still wholly himself, not having as yet drunk any great quantity of
wine. Then Artasires groaned and said: "My good fellow, how fine a heart
I have for the deed, and now you have for the moment wrongfully hindered
me!" And as the drinking went on, Gontharis, who by now was thoroughly
saturated with wine, began to give portions of the food to the
body-guards, yielding to a generous mood. And they, upon receiving these
portions, went outside the building immediately and were about to eat
them, leaving beside Gontharis only three body-guards, one of whom
happened to be Ulitheus. And Artasires also started to go out in order
to taste the morsels with the rest. But just then a kind of fear came
over him lest, when he should wish to draw his sword, something might
prevent him. Accordingly, as soon as he got outside, he secretly threw
away the sheath of the sword, and taking it naked under his arm, hidden
by his cloak, he rushed in to Gontharis, as if to say something without
the knowledge of the others. And Artabanes, seeing this, was in a fever
of excitement, and became exceedingly anxious by reason of the
surpassing magnitude of the issue at stake; he began to move his head,
the colour of his countenance changed repeatedly, and he seemed to have
become altogether like one inspired, on account of the greatness of the
undertaking. And Peter, upon seeing this, understood what was being
done, but he did not disclose it to any of the others, because, being
well disposed to the emperor, he was exceedingly pleased by what was
going on. And Artasires, having come close to the tyrant, was pushed by
one of the servants, and as he retreated a little to the rear, the
servant observed that his sword was bared and cried out saying: "What is
this, my excellent fellow?" And Gontharis, putting his hand to his right
ear, and turning his face, looked at him. And Artasires struck him with
his sword as he did so, and cut off a piece of his scalp together with
his fingers. And Peter cried out and exhorted Artasires to kill the most
unholy of all men. And Artabanes, seeing Gontharis leaping to his feet
(for he reclined close to him), drew a two-edged dagger which hung by
his thigh--a rather large one--and thrusting it into the tyrant's left
side clean up to the hilt, left it there. And the tyrant none the less
tried to leap up, but having received a mortal wound, he fell where he
was. Ulitheus then brought his sword down upon Artasires as if to strike
him over the head; but he held his left arm above his head, and thus
profited by his own idea in the moment of greatest need. For since
Ulitheus' sword had its edge turned when it struck the sections of
arrows on his arm, he himself was unscathed, and he killed Ulitheus with
no difficulty. And Peter and Artabanes, the one seizing the sword of
Gontharis and the other that of Ulitheus who had fallen, killed on the
spot those of the body-guards who remained. Thus there arose, as was
natural, an exceedingly great tumult and confusion. And when this was
perceived by those of the Armenians who were standing by the tyrant's
guards, they immediately picked up the shields according to the plan
which had been arranged with them, and went on the run to the
banquet-room. And they slew all the Vandals and the friends of
Gontharis, no one resisting.

Then Artabanes enjoined upon Athanasius to take charge of the money in
the palace: for all that had been left by Areobindus was there. And when
the guards learned of the death of Gontharis, straightway many arrayed
themselves with the Armenians; for the most of them were of the
household of Areobindus. With one accord, therefore, they proclaimed the
Emperor Justinian triumphant. And the cry, coming forth from a multitude
of men, and being, therefore, an exceedingly mighty sound, was strong
enough to reach the greater part of the city. Wherefore those who were
well-disposed to the emperor leaped into the houses of the mutineers and
straightway killed them, some while enjoying sleep, others while taking
food, and still others while they were awe-struck with fear and in
terrible perplexity. And among these was Pasiphilus, but not John, for
he with some of the Vandals fled to the sanctuary. To these Artabanes
gave pledges, and making them rise from there, sent them to Byzantium,
and having thus recovered the city for the emperor, he continued to
guard it. And the murder of the tyrant took place on the thirty-sixth
day of the tyranny, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the Emperor
Justinian. [545-546 A.D.]

And Artabanes won great fame for himself from this deed among all men.
And straightway Prejecta, the wife of Areobindus, rewarded him with
great sums of money, and the emperor appointed him general of all Libya.
But not long after this Artabanes entreated the emperor to summon him to
Byzantium, and the emperor fulfilled his request. And having summoned
Artabanes, he appointed John, the brother of Pappus, sole general of
Libya. And this John, immediately upon arriving in Libya, had an
engagement with Antalas and the Moors in Byzacium, and conquering them
in battle, slew many; and he wrested from these barbarians all the
standards of Solomon, and sent them to the emperor--standards which they
had previously secured as plunder, when Solomon had been taken from the
world.[75] And the rest of the Moors he drove as far as possible from
the Roman territory. But at a later time the Leuathae came again with a
great army from the country about Tripolis to Byzacium, and united with
the forces of Antalas. And when John went to meet this army, he was
defeated in the engagement, and losing many of his men, fled to Laribus.
And then indeed the enemy, overrunning the whole country there as far as
Carthage, treated in a terrible manner those Libyans who fell in their
way. But not long afterward John collected those of the soldiers who had
survived, and drawing into alliance with him many Moors and especially
those under Coutzinas, came to battle with the enemy and unexpectedly
routed them. And the Romans, following them up as they fled in complete
disorder, slew a great part of them, while the rest escaped to the
confines of Libya. Thus it came to pass that those of the Libyans who
survived, few as they were in number and exceedingly poor, at last and
after great toil found some peace.


FOOTNOTES:

[1]

The _vexillum praetorium_ carried by the cavalry of the imperial guard,
IV. x. 4 below; cf. Lat. _pannum_.

[2]

See III. xxiv. 1.

[3]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3 and note.

[4]

Chap. i. 3.

[5]

Chap. i. 3.

[6]

Now Bona; it was the home and burial-place of St. Augustine.

[7]

The Eruli, or Heruli, were one of the wildest and most corrupt of the
barbarian tribes. They came from beyond the Danube. On their origin,
practices, and character, see VI. xiv.

[8]

The Greek implies that the Tuscan Sea was stormy, like the Adriatic. The
Syrtes farther east had a bad reputation.

[9]

About twelve miles west of Algiers, originally Iol, now Cherchel; named
after Augustus.

[10]

See III. i. 6 and note.

[11]

See III. i. 18.

[12]

Book III. ix. 9.

[13]

See III. x. 23

[14]

Lilybaeum had been ceded to the Vandals by Theoderic as dower of his
sister Amalafrida on her marriage to Thrasamund, the African king (III.
viii. 13).

[15]

"Friendship" and "hostility" refer to the present relations between
Justinian and the Goths and what they may become.

[16]

Amalasountha.

[17]

The correspondence between Queen Amalasountha and Justinian is given in
V. iii. 17.

[18]

In Latin _serica_, "silk," as coming from the Chinese (Seres).

[19]

Cf. Thucydides' description of the huts in which the Athenians lived
during the great plague.

[20]

Pharas and the other Eruli.

[21]

Cf. ch. vi. 4.

[22]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3.

[23]

_i.e._ there in Africa, as successor to the throne of the Vandal kings.

[24]

Book III. xxv. 2-4.

[25]

Examples of the Roman system have come to light in Egyptian papyri: cf.
the declarations of personal property, [Greek: apographai], _Pap.
Lond._, I., p. 79; _Flinders Petrie Pap._, III., p. 200, ed. Mahaffy and
Smyly.

[26]

Since a triumph was granted only to an _imperator_, after the
establishment of the principate by Augustus all triumphs were celebrated
in the name of the emperor himself, the victorious general receiving
only the _insignia triumphalia_. The first general to refuse a triumph
was Agrippa, after his campaign in Spain, about 550 years before
Belisarius' triumph in Constantinople.

[27]

The barriers (_carceres_), or starting-point for the racers, were at the
open end of the hippodrome, the imperial box at the middle of the course
at the right as one entered.

[28]

Cf. Book III. v. 3; that was in A.D. 455. The spoliation of Jerusalem by
Titus had taken place in A.D. 70.

[29]

Ecclesiastes, i. 2.

[30]

Not an actual "triumph," but a triumphal celebration of his inauguration
as consul.

[31]

The reference is to the old custom of distributing to the populace
largesses (_congiaria_) of money or valuables on the occasion of events
of interest to the imperial house, such as the emperor's assumption of
the consular office, birthdays, etc. The first largess of this kind was
made by Julius Caesar.

[32]

Cf. Book IV. ii. 1.

[33]

The Canaanites of the Old Testament.

[34]

_i.e._, Clypea, or Aspis, now Kalibia, on the Carthaginian coast.

[35]

_i.e._, from Tangier, opposite Cadiz, to Algiers. On Caesarea see IV. v.
5 and note.

[36]

"On the borders of Mauretania" according to Procopius, _De aedificiis_,
vi. 6. 18.

[37]

Chap. x. 6.

[38]

Book III. viii. 25, 26.

[39]

The side toward the mountains; cf. § 20.

[40]

In the late Empire the _excubitores_, 300 in number, constituted the
select guard of the palace. Their commander, _comes excubitorum_, held
high rank at court; cf. VIII. xxi. 1, where we are told that Belisarius
held this position, and _Arcana_ 6. 10, where Justin, afterwards
emperor, is mentioned.

[41]

Cf. chap. viii. 14. Procopius has explained in III. xi. 6 that Solomon
was a eunuch.

[42]

See III. viii. 5.

[43]

A _comes foedtratorum_, mentioned in III. xi. 6.

[44]

Book III. viii. 5.

[45]

_i.e._ Clypea. Not the place mentioned in IV. x. 24.

[46]

The region in the interior of Sardinia called Barbargia or Barbagia
still preserves this name. But Procopius' explanation of the origin of
the barbarian settlers there has not been generally accepted.

[47]

Book III. xviii. 7 ff.

[48]

IV. iv. 30 and note.

[49]

Baptism was administered only during the fifty days between Easter and
Pentecost. Justinian had forbidden the baptism of Arians.

[50]

Cf. III. xi. 30.

[51]

Cf. chap. xiv. 8.

[52]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3.

[53]

More correctly Gadiaufala, now Ksar-Sbehi.

[54]

Cirta, later named Constantina, now Constantine (Ksantina).

[55]

John the Cappadocian, cf. I. xxiv. 11 ff.

[56]

See Book III. xvii. 1 and note.

[57]

Now Setif.

[58]

Called Mastinas in IV. xiii. 19.

[59]

Book IV. v. 5.

[60]

Cyrenaica.

[61]

Now Lebida.

[62]

Cf. III. xxv. 4 ff.

[63]

Book III. x. 22 ff.

[64]

Book IV. xii. 30.

[65]

A reference to his slaughter of the eighty notables, IV. xxi. 7, where,
however, nothing is said of an oath sworn on the Gospels.

[66]

Cf. Book II. iii. 32.

[67]

Cf. Book III. xvii. 11, xxi. 23.

[68]

The port of Carthage; see III. xx. 3.

[69]

_i.e._ baptism.

[70]

A garment with a cowl, like the _cucullus_.

[71]

Cf. Book II. iii. 25.

[72]

Cf. Book II. iii. 15.

[73]

Justinian.

[74]

A contemptuous term for "subjects of the emperor."

[75]

See Book IV. xxi. 27.

       *       *       *       *       *




INDEX

Abigas River, in Numidia, flowing down from Mt. Aurasium, IV.
    xix. 7, 11, xiii. 20;
  its many channels, IV. xix. 11-13;
  turned upon the Roman camp, IV. x. 14

Abydus, city on the Hellespont, III. i. 8;
  the Roman fleet delayed there, III. xii. 7-xiii. 5

Acacius, ruler of Armenians;
  slain by Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 17

Acacius, priest of Byzantium, delivers over Basiliscus, III. vii. 22

Achilles, Bath of, in Byzantium, III. xiii. 16

Achilles, The, of the Vandals, name applied to Hoamer, III. ix. 2

Aclas, suburb of Carthage, IV. vii. 13

Adaulphus, king of the Visigoths, III. ii. 37

Adriatic Sea, divided from the Tuscan Sea by the islands Gaulus
    and Melite, III. xiv. 16;
  crossed by the Roman fleet, III. xiii. 21;
  the scene of one of Gizeric's atrocities, III. xxii. 18

Aetius, Roman general; his splendid qualities, III. iii. 14, 15;
  rival of Boniface, III. iii. 15;
  whom he slanders to Placidia, III. iii. 17;
  writes a deceitful letter to Boniface, III. iii. 18, 28;
  spared by Placidia by reason of his great power, III. iii. 29;
  defeats Attila, III. iv. 24;
  Maximus plans to destroy him, III. iv. 24, 25;
  slandered to the emperor, III. iv. 26;
  his death, III. iv. 27, vi. 7;
  a great loss to the emperor, III. iv. 28

Aetna, mountain in Sicily, III. xiii. 22

Aïgan, a Massagete, bodyguard of Belisarius, III, xi. 7, 9, IV. x. 4;
  commander of cavalry, III. xi. 7;
  on the right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  makes a successful attack upon the Moors in Byzacium, IV. x. 5;
  his force in turn annihilated by the Moors, IV. x. 6 ff.;
  his death, IV. x. 10, xi. 22

Alani, a Gothic people, allies of the Vandals in their migration,
    III. iii. 1;
  with the Vandals in Africa, III. v. 18, 19, xxiv. 3;
  lose their individuality as a people, III. v. 21

Alaric, king of the Visigoths, invades Europe, III, ii, 7;
  captures Rome by a trick, III. ii. 14-23;
  plunders the city, III. ii. 24;
  declares Attalus emperor of the Romans, III. ii. 28;
  marches with Attalus against Ravenna, III. ii. 29;
  opposes sending of commanders to Libya by Attalus, III. ii. 30;
  quarrels with Attalus, and reduces him from the kingship, III. ii. 36;
  dies of disease, III. ii. 37

Alexandria, the home of Calonymus, III. xi. 14

Althias, commander of Roman auxiliaries, III. xi. 6;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  commander of Huns in Numidia, IV. xiii. 2;
  his encounter with Iaudas, IV. xiii. 3-16;
  his fame from the deed, IV. xiii. 17

Amalasountha, mother of Antalaric;
  makes an agreement with Justinian, III. xiv. 5;
  courts his friendship to secure protection, III. xiv. 6;
  appealed to by the Goths in regard to Lilybaeum, IV. v. 18

Amalafrida, sister of Theoderic;
  sought and given in marriage to Trasamundus, III. viii. 11, 12;
  presented with Lilybaeum, III. viii. 13;
  put under guard by the Vandals, III. ix. 4

Ammatas, brother of Gelimer;
  instructed to prepare to meet the Romans near Carthage,
    III. xvii. 11, xviii. 1;
  kills his kinsmen in prison, III. xvii. 12;
  his inopportune arrival at Decimum, III. xviii. 4, 5;
  on the day before Easter, III. xxi. 23;
  engages with John there and is defeated, III. xviii. 5, 6;
  his death, III. xviii. 6; xix. 30, xx. 6, xxv. 15;
  his body found by the Romans, III. xix. 14

Anastasius, emperor of the East, keeps peace with the Vandals,
    III. vii. 26, viii. 14

Ancon, a dungeon in the royal residence in Carthage, III. xx. 4;
  unexpected release of Roman merchants confined there, III. xx. 5-9

Antaeus, the mythical wrestler, king in Libya, IV. x. 24

Antalas, ruler of the Moors in Byzacium, III. ix. 3, IV. xxv. 2;
  remains faithful to the Romans, IV. xii. 30;
  becomes hostile to Solomon, IV. xxi. 17;
  joins forces with the Leuathae, IV. xxi. 18;
  gathers almost all the Moors under him, IV. xxii. 5;
  writes a letter to Justinian, IV. xxii. 6-10;
  gathers his army again, IV. xxiii. 1;
  Areobindus sends an army against him, IV. xxiv. 6;
  makes an agreement with Gontharis for the destruction of
  Areobindus, IV. xxv. 6-10;
  Coutzinas agrees to turn against him, IV. 25, 15, 18;
  hears of the plot of Coutzinas and keeps his knowledge secret,
    IV. xxv. 19-21;
  resents the sending of the head of Areobindus to him by
  Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 1, 2;
  decides to side with Justinian, IV. xxvii. 4;
  persuades Marcentius to come to him, IV. xxvii. 5, 6;
  Artabanes sent against him, IV. xxvii. 23;
  his quarrel with Coutzinas, IV. xxvii. 24;
  Artabanes marches against him, IV. xxvii. 25;
  his army spared by Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 28, 29;
  defeated by John, IV. xxviii. 46, 47

Anthemius, a wealthy senator, appointed emperor of the West by Leon,
    III. vi. 5;
  killed by his son-in-law, Rhecimer, III. vii. 1

Antonina, wife of Belisarius, mother-in-law of Ildiger, IV. viii. 24;
  sets sail with Belisarius for Africa, III. xii. 2;
  preserves drinking water for Belisarius and his attendants,
    III. xiii. 23, 24;
  with the army at Decimum, III, xix. 11, xx. 1

Apollinaris, a native of Italy;
  comes to Justinian to seek support for Ilderic, IV. v. 7, 8;
  his good services to the Romans, IV. v. 9;
  sent to the islands of Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica, with an army,
    IV. v. 7

Aquileia, city in Italy, III. iii. 9;
  its size and importance, III. iv. 30;
  besieged and captured by Attila, III. iv. 30 ff.

Arcadius, elder son of Theodosius I;
  receives the eastern empire, III. i. 2;
  brother of Honorius and Placidia, III. iii. 4;
  his alliance with the Visigoths, III. ii. 7;
  succeeded by his son Theodosius II, III. ii. 33

Archelaus, a patrician;
  manager of expenditures of the African expedition, III. xi. 17;
  advises against disembarking on the African coast, III. xv. 2-17;
  ordered by Belisarius not to take the fleet into Carthage,
    III. xvii. 16;
  commands the fleet to anchor off Carthage, III. xx. 11

Ardaburius, son of Aspar, Roman general; sent against the tyrant John,
    III. iii. 8;
  destroyed by Leon, III. vi. 27

Areobindus, a senator; sent as general to Libya, IV. xxiv. 1;
  his inexperience in warfare, IV. xxiv. 1, xxv. 25, xxvi. 16;
  accompanied by his sister and wife, IV. xxiv. 3;
  shares the rule of Libya with Sergius, IV. xxiv. 4, 5;
  sends John against Antalas and Stotzas, IV. xxiv. 6;
  writes to Sergius to unite with John, IV. xxiv. 7;
  made sole commander of Libya, IV. xxiv. 16;
  sends Gontharis against the Moors, IV. xxv. 4, 5;
  arranges with Coutzinas to turn against the other Moors, IV. xxv. 15;
  tells Gontharis of his dealings with Coutzinas, IV. xxv. 16;
  persuaded by G. to postpone the engagement, IV. xxv. 17, 18;
  his death planned and finally accomplished by Gontharis,
    IV. xxv. 22-xxvi. 33;
  treasure left by him in the palace, IV. xxviii. 35;
  sister of, IV. xxiv. 3;
  placed in a fortress for her safety, IV. xxvi. 18;
  removed from the fortress by Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 20

Arethusa, harbour of Syracuse, III. xiv. 11

Ariadne, daughter of Leon, wife of Zenon, and mother of Leon the
    younger, III. vii. 2;
  flees to Isauria with Zenon, III. vii. 18

Arian faith, disqualified one for the office of emperor, III. vi. 3;
  followed by all Goths, III. ii, 5;
  by the Vandals, III. viii. 4, xxi. 20;
  by some among the Roman soldiers, IV. i, 4, xiv. 12, 21;
  adhered to steadfastly by Gelimer, IV. ix. 14;
  Arian priests of the Vandals, III. xxi. 23, 25

Armenia, III. xi. 5;
  Armenians, sent with Areobindus to Libya, IV. xxiv. 2;
  follow Artabanes in entering the service of Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 9;
  support Artabanes in his plot against Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 8, 34, 36

Arsacidae, the ancient royal family of Armenia, IV. xxiv. 2, xxvii. 16

Artabanes, son of John, of the Arsacidae;
  sent to Libya in command of Armenians, IV. xxiv. 2;
  known to Chosroes for his brave deeds, IV. xxvii. 17;
  brother of John, IV. xxiv. 15;
  uncle of Gregorius, IV. xxvii. 10;
  joins Areobindus, IV. xxv. 4;
  supports him against Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 7, 13, 19;
  enters the service of Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 9;
  his plot to kill the tyrant, IV. xxvii. 10;
  urged on by Gregorius, IV. xxvii. 11-19;
  sent against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 23, 25;
  joins battle, but allows the enemy to escape, IV. xxvii. 27-29;
  threatened by Ulitheus, IV. xxvii. 30;
  his excuses, IV. xxvii. 31, 32;
  after deliberation returns to Carthage, IV. xxvii. 33, 35;
  entertained by Gontharis at a banquet, IV. xxviii. 3;
  arranges to carry out his plot against Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 6-9;
  Artasires makes a request of him, IV. xxviii. 12, 13;
  he succeeds in destroying Gontharis with his own hand,
    IV. xxviii. 15-30;
  assisted by Peter, cuts down the body-guards who remain, IV. xxviii. 33;
  directs Athanasius to look after the treasure of Areobindus,
    IV. xxviii. 35;
  sends John and others to Byzantium, IV. xxviii. 40;
  wins great fame, IV, xxviii. 42;
  rewarded with money by Prejecta, IV. xxviii. 43;
  made general of all Libya, IV. xxviii. 43;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xxviii. 44.

Artasires, body-guard of Artabanes;
  shares knowledge of his plot against Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 10, 18;
  renders good service in the execution of the plot, IV. xxviii. 7-32;
  his ingenious protection for his arm, IV. xxviii. 10, 11, 31

Asclepiades, a native of Palestine and friend of Theodorus, IV. xviii. 3;
  reveals the plot of Maximinus to Theodorus and Germanus, IV. xviii. 4

Asia, the continent to the right of the Mediterranean as one sails into it,
    III. i. 5;
  distance from Europe at different points, III. i. 7, 8;
  distance along the Asiatic side of the Euxine, III. i. 11

Asiaticus, father of Severianus, IV. xxiii. 6

Aspar, Roman general; father of Ardaburius, III. iii. 8;
  of the Arian faith, III. vi. 3;
  his great power in Byzantium, III. iv. 8;
  sent against the tyrant John, III. iii. 8;
  defeated by the Vandals in Libya, III. iii. 35;
  returns home, III. iii. 36;
  makes Leon emperor of the East, III. v. 7;
  his friendship sought by Basiliscus, III. vi. 2;
  quarrels with Leon, III. vi. 3;
  urges Basiliscus to spare the Vandals, III. vi. 4, 16;
  destroyed by Leon, III. vi. 27;
  the emperor Marcian had been his adviser, III. iv. 7

Atalaric, son of Amalasuntha;
  ruler of the Goths, III. xiv. 5;
  succeeded his grandfather Theoderic, III. xiv. 6

Athanasius, sent with Areobindus to Libya, IV. xxiv. 2;
  summoned by Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 6;
  being summoned by Gontharis, pretends to be pleased, IV. xxvi. 21, 22;
  with Areobindus entertained by Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 31;
  spared by the assassins of Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 33;
  entertained by Gontharis at a second banquet, IV. xxviii. 3;
  directed by Artabanes to look after the treasure of
  Areobindus, IV. xxviii. 35

Athens, its distance from Megara a measure of one day's journey, III. i. 17

Attalus, made king of the Visigoths and declared emperor of the
    Romans by Alaric, III. ii. 28;
  of noble family, _ibid._; his lack of discretion, III. ii. 29;
  marches with Alaric against Ravenna, _ibid._;
  sends commanders alone to Libya against the advice of
    Alaric, III. ii. 30, 32;
  failure of his attempt upon Libya, _ibid._;
  quarrels with Alaric, and is reduced from the kingship, III. ii. 36

Attila, leader of the Huns, defeated by Aetius, III. iv. 24;
  overruns Europe, III. iv. 29;
  besieges and captures Aquileia; III. iv. 30 ff.

Augustus, emperor of the West, III. vii. 15

Aurasium, a mountain in Numidia;
  distance from Carthage, III. viii. 5, IV. xiii. 22;
  its great size, fruitful plateaus, and defences, IV. xiii. 23-25;
  source of the Abigas River there, IV. xiii. 20, xix. 11;
  adjoins First Mauretania, IV. xx. 30;
  taken by the Moors from the Vandals, III. viii. 5, IV. xiii. 26;
  its west side also held by the Moors, IV. xiii. 27;
  Moors of, ruled by Iaudas, IV. xii. 29, xiii. 1;
  Solomon marches thither, IV. xiii. 18;
  Iaudas establishes himself there, IV. xiii. 21;
  ascended by Solomon, IV. xiii. 30 ff.;
  the Romans eluded by the Moors on the mountain, IV. xiii. 35, 36;
  Solomon prepares more carefully for a second attempt, IV. xiii. 40;
  in which he succeeds completely in dislodging the Moors from there,
    IV. xix. 5-xx. 20;
  fortified and held by the Romans, IV. xx. 22;
  capture of Iaudas' treasure there, IV. xx. 23-29;
  fugitive Vandals return thither, IV. xiv. 19


Babosis, place in Numidia, IV. xix. 16

Bacchus, brother of Solomon, and father of Cyrus and Sergius,
    IV. xxi. 1, 19;
  father of Solomon the younger, IV. xxi. 19, xxii. 17

Bagaïs, a deserted city near the Abigas River, IV. xix. 7

Bagradas River, in Libya, IV. xv. 13

Balas, leader of the Massagetae, III. xi. 12

Bandifer, "standard-bearer" (Latin), cf. Bandum, IV. x. 4

Bandum, the Latin term for "standard" in Procopius' time, IV. ii. 1

Barbaricini, name applied to the Moors in Sardinia, IV. xiii. 44

Barbatus, commander of Roman cavalry, III. xi. 7, IV. xv. 50;
  on the Roman right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  his death, IV. xv. 59

Basiliscus, brother of Berine; commander of an expedition against the
    Vandals, III. vi. 2;
  his aspirations to the throne, _ibid._;
  urged by Aspar to spare the Vandals, III. vi. 4;
  landing in Africa, makes a complete failure of the
  expedition, III. vi. 10-24, x. 2;
  returning to Byzantium, becomes a suppliant, III. vi. 26;
  saved by Berine, _ibid._;
  makes himself tyrant in Byzantium, III. vii. 18;
  his misrule, III. vii. 19;
  sends an army under Harmatus to meet Zenon, III. vii. 20;
  becomes a suppliant, III. vii. 22;
  exiled to Cappadocia and dies, III. vii. 24, 25

Basiliscus, son of Harmatus, III. vii. 21;
  made Caesar and then removed by Zenon, III. vii. 23

Belisarius, Roman general; a native of "Germany," III. xi. 21;
  summoned from the East, III. ix. 25;
  ordered to be in readiness to lead the African expedition, III. x. 21;
  made commander-in-chief of the African expedition with unlimited power,
    III. xi. 18, 20;
  sets sail for Africa, III. xii. 2;
  punished two Massagetae for murder, III. xii. 9;
  addresses the army at Abydus, III. xii. 10-21;
  provides for the safe navigation of the fleet, III. xiii. 1-4;
  disembarks the army at Methone, III. xiii. 9 ff.;
  provides a supply of bread for the army, III. xiii. 20;
  his wife preserves the drinking water, III. xiii. 23, 24;
  sends Procopius to Syracuse to get information, III. xiv. 3 ff.;
  his anxiety regarding the Vandals and the attitude of his own soldiers,
    III. xiv. 1, 2;
  starts from Sicily toward Africa, III. xiv. 15;
  holds a consultation regarding disembarking on the African coast,
    III. xv. 1 ff.;
  disembarks the army and fortifies a camp, III. xv. 31-33;
  orders the fleet not to put in at Carthage, III. xvii. 10;
  commands five men to remain on each ship, III. xv. 36;
  punishes some of the soldiers for stealing and addresses the army,
    III. xvi. 1-8;
  advances with the army to Decimum, where he defeats the Vandals in
    an engagement, III. xvi. 9-xix. 33, xxi. 16. xxii. 14;
  captures with ease the unwalled cities of Libya, III. v. 9;
  prevents the army from entering Carthage on the evening of their arrival,
    III. xx. 2;
  his commands respected by the greater part of the fleet, III. xx. 15;
  enters Carthage with his army, III. xx. 17;
  exhorts the soldiers to moderation, III. xx. 18-20;
  sits upon the throne of Gelimer, III. xx. 21;
  hears and answers complaints of Carthaginian citizens, III. xx. 22, 23;
  lunches in Gelimer's palace, III. xxi. 1, 5;
  enjoys great renown by reason of the peaceful entry into Carthage,
    III. xxi. 8;
  his treaties with the Moors, III. xxv. 2-9, IV. viii. 11 ff., xi. 9;
  considers the repair of the fortifications of Carthage, III. xxi. 11;
  presses on the work of repairing them, III. xxiii. 19, 20;
  spares the messengers of Tzazon, III. xxiv. 6;
  and the envoys of Gelimer, III. xxiv. 17;
  takes measures to prevent desertions to the Vandals, IV, i. 7-11;
  addresses the army, IV. i. 12-25;
  defeats the Moors in the battle of Tricamarum, IV. ii. 1-iii. 18;
  attacks the Vandal camp, IV. iii. 19;
  takes measures to stop the disorder in the Roman army, IV. iv. 6-8;
  sends John the Armenian to pursue Gelimer, IV. iv. 9;
  himself follows Gelimer, IV. iv. 13;
  mourns the death of John the Armenian, IV. iv. 24;
  spares Uliaris, IV. iv, 25;
  continues the pursuit of Gelimer, IV. iv. 26;
  leaves Pharas to besiege Gelimer, IV. iv. 28;
  sends suppliant Vandals to Carthage, IV. iv. 32;
  captures Boniface with the treasures of Gelimer, IV. iv. 33-41;
  returns to Carthage, IV. v. 1;
  sends out armies to recover many lost provinces, V. v. 1-10;
  makes an unsuccessful expedition to Sicily, IV. v. 11;
  writes a letter to the Goths, IV. v. 12-17;
  their reply, IV. v. 8-24;
  reports to Justinian, IV. v. 25;
  receives the report of Pharas regarding Gelimer, IV. vii. 10;
  sends Cyprian with instructions, IV. vii. 11;
  receives Gelimer at Aclas, IV. vii. 13, 14;
  reports the capture of Gelimer, IV. vii. 17;
  the victim of unjust slander, IV. viii. 1, 2;
  given choice of going to Byzantium or remaining in Carthage, IV. viii. 4;
  chooses the former IV. viii. 5;
  learns of the accusation of treason to be brought against
  him, IV. viii. 6, 7;
  hears the report of the uprising of the Moors, IV. viii. 22;
  leaves Solomon in charge of Libya, IV. viii. 23;
  returning to Byzantium, receives great honours, IV, ix. 1 ff.;
  brings Vandals with him, IV. ix. 1, xiv. 17;
  pays homage to Justinian in the hippodrome, IV. ix. 12;
  later celebrates a "triumph" in the old manner, IV. ix. 15;
  becomes a consul, _ibid._;
  distributes much wealth of the Vandals to the people, IV. ix. 16;
  subjugates Sicily, IV. xiv. 1;
  passes the winter in Syracuse, IV. xiv. 4, 41;
  Solomon begs him to come to Carthage from Syracuse to put down the
    mutiny, IV. xiv. 41, 42;
  arrives at Carthage in time to prevent its surrender, IV. xv. 9-10;
  pursues and overtakes the fugitives, IV. xv. 11, 12;
  encamps at the Bagradas River and prepares for battle, IV. xv. 13-15;
  addresses the army, IV. xv. 16-29;
  defeats Stotzas' army, IV. xv. 40 ff.;
  forbids pursuit of the enemy, but allows their camp to be plundered,
    IV. xv. 46, 47;
  returns to Carthage, IV. xv. 47; upon receipt of unfavourable news,
    sets sail for Sicily, IV. xv. 48, 49;
  Solomon sends suspected soldiers to him, IV. xix. 3;
  counted the chief cause of the defeat of the Vandals, IV. xi. 44.

Berine, wife of the Emperor Leon, and sister of Basiliscus, III. vi. 2;
  gains clemency for Basiliscus, III. vi. 26

Boniface, Roman general; his splendid qualities, III. iii. 14, 15;
  rival of Aetius, III. iii. 15;
  made general of all Libya, III. iii. 16;
  slandered by Aetius, III. iii. 17;
  summoned to Rome by Placidia, III. iii. 18;
  refuses to come, III. iii. 20;
  makes an alliance with the Vandals, III. iii. 22, 25;
  the true cause of his conduct discovered by his friends,
    III. iii. 27, 28;
  urged by Placidia to return to Rome, III. iii. 29;
  unable to persuade the Vandals to withdraw, meets them in battle
    and is twice defeated, III. iii. 30-35, xxi. 16;
  returns to Rome, III. iii. 36

Boniface, the Libyan, a native of Byzacium; entrusted by
  Gelimer with his wealth, IV. iv. 33, 34;
  falls into the hands of Belisarius, IV. iv. 35-41

Boriades, body-guard of Belisarius;
  sent to capture Syllectus, III. xvi. 9

Boulla, Plain of, distance from Carthage, III. xxv. 1;
  near the boundary of Numidia, _ibid._;
  the Vandals gather there, III. xix. 32, xxv. 1;
  the only territory left to the Vandals, III. xxv. 16;
  Gelimer and Tzazon meet there, III. xxv. 22;
  mutineers gather there, IV. xv. 1

Bourgaon, mountain in Byzacium;
  battle there with the Moors, IV. xii. 3 ff.

Britain, counted in the Western empire, III. i. 18;
  revolts from the Romans, III. ii. 31;
  not recovered by the Romans, but held by tyrants, III. ii. 38

Byzacium, a Moorish province in Libya, III. xix. 32;
  a dry region, III. xv. 34;
  the town Hermione there, III. xiv. 10;
  Moors of, defeat the Vandals, III. ix. 3;
  Moors, of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. xxv. 3;
  the home of Boniface, the Libyan, IV. iv. 33;
  Moors of, revolt, IV. viii. 9, x. 2, xii. 1, 2;
  Roman force annihilated there, IV. x. 3 ff.;
  Solomon marches thither to confront the Moors, IV. xi. 14;
  Moors of, suffer a crushing defeat, IV. xii. 21-25;
  abandoned by the Moors, IV. xii. 29;
  except those under Antalas, IV. xii. 30;
  plundered by the Leuathae, IV. xxi. 17;
  Moors gather there once more, IV. xxiii. 1;
  Himerius of Thrace commander there, IV. xxiii. 3, 14;
  Moors march, thence against Carthage, IV. xxv. 2;
  defeated by John, IV. xxviii. 46;
  subsequent battles, IV. xxviii. 47 ff.

Byzantium, distance from the mouth of the Danube, III. i. 10;
  from Carthage, III. x. 14;
  its chief priest Epiphanius, III. xii. 2;
  natives of, as rowers in the Roman fleet, III. xi. 16


Cabaon, a Moorish ruler, prepares to meet the Vandals, III. viii. 15-16;
  sends spies to Carthage, III. viii. 17 ff.;
  receives the report of his spies, III. viii. 24;
  prepares for the conflict, III. viii. 25, 26, IV. xi. 17;
  defeats the enemy, III. viii. 28

Caenopolis, name of Taenarum in Procopius' time, III. xiii. 8

Caesar, a title given to one next below the emperor in
  station, III. vii. 21, 23

Caesarea, first city of "Second Mauretania," IV. xx. 31;
  situated at its eastern extremity, IV. x. 29;
  distance from Carthage, IV. v. 5;
  recovered for the Romans by Belisarius, _ibid._, IV. xx. 32

Calonymus, of Alexandria, admiral of the Roman fleet, III. xi. 14;
  ordered by Belisarius not to take the fleet into Carthage,
    III. xvii. 16;
  enters the harbour Mandracium with a few ships, and plunders
    the houses along the sea, III. xx. 16;
  bound by oath to return his plunder, III. xx. 23;
  disregards his oath, but later dies of apoplexy in Byzantium,
    III. xx. 24, 25

Capitolinus, see Jupiter.

Cappadocia, Basiliscus exiled thither, III. vii. 24

Caputvada, a place on the African coast; distance from Carthage,
    III. xiv. 17;
  the Roman army lands there, _ibid._

Caranalis, town in Sardinia, captured by Tzazon,
    III. xxiv. 1, xxv. 10, IV. xiii. 44

Carthage, city in Africa, founded by Dido, IV. x. 25;
  grows to be the metropolis of Libya, IV. x. 26, 27;
  captured by the Romans, IV. x. 28;
  after the Vandal occupation, its wall preserved by Gizeric, III. v. 6;
  the only city with walls in Libya, III. xv. 9;
  its defences neglected by the Vandals, III. xxi. 11, 12;
  entered by the Roman army under Belisarius, III. xx. 17, 21;
  its fortifications restored by Belisarius, III. xxiii. 19, 20;
  besieged by Gelimer, IV. i. 3;
  by Stotzas, IV. xv. 8;
  its surrender prevented by Belisarius, IV. xv. 9, 10;
  the harbours, Stagnum, III. xv. 15, xx. 15,
  and Mandracium, III. xx. 3, 14, IV. xxvi. 10;
  the ship-yard Misuas, IV. xiv. 40;
  its suburb Aclas, IV. vii. 13;
  and Decimum, III. xvii. 11;
  its aqueduct, IV. i. 2;
  its hippodrome, IV. xiv. 31, xviii. 11;
  its palace, III. xx, 21, IV. xiv. 34, xviii. 8, xxvi. 20;
  the priest of the city, Reparatus, IV. xxvi. 24, 31;
  monastery built and fortified there by Solomon, IV. xxvi. 17;
  an ancient saying among the children there, III. xxi. 14-16;
  church of St. Cyprian, and a special annual festival in his honour,
    III. xxi. 17, 18;
  distance from Aurasium, III, viii. 5, IV. xiii. 22;
  from the Plain of Boulla, III. xxv. 1;
  from Byzantium, III. x. 14;
  from Caesarea, IV. v. 5;
  from Caputvada, III. xiv. 17;
  from Decimum, III. xvii. 17;
  from Grasse, III. xvii. 8;
  from Hippo Regius, IV. iv. 26;
  from Iouce, III, xv. 8;
  from Membresa, IV. xv. 12;
  from Mercurium, III. vi. 10;
  from Siccaveneria, IV. xxiv. 6;
  from Stagnum, III. xv. 15, xx. 15;
  from Tebesta, IV. xxi. 19;
  from Tricamarum, IV. ii. 4

Casula (Latin), garment befitting one of humble station, IV. xxvi. 26

Caucana, place in Sicily, III. xiv. 4, 11, 14;
  distance from Syracuse, III. xiv. 4

Centenarium, a sum of money, so called because it "weighs one
  hundred pounds" (I. xxii. 4), III. vi. 2

Centuriae, place in Numidia, IV. xiii. 2

Chalcedon, city opposite Byzantium, III. i. 8, 9;
  distance from the Phasis River, III. i. 11

Chiliarch, III. v. 18, IV. iii. 8

Chosroes, Persian king; Artabanes known to him, IV. xxvii. 17

Christ, His temple in Byzantium, III. vi. 26

Christians, persecuted by Honoric, III. viii. 3, 4, xxi. 19;
  by Gundamundus, III. viii. 7;
  courted by Trasamundus, III. viii. 9, 10;
  not troubled by Ilderic, III. ix. 1;
  Justinian reproached for not protecting them, III. x. 19;
  the church of St. Cyprian taken from them by the Vandals, III. xxi. 19;
  consoled in a dream sent by St. Cyprian, III. xxi. 21;
  recover the church of St. Cyprian, III. xxi. 25;
  in Jerusalem, receive the treasures of the temple, IV. ix. 9;
  reverence their churches and their worship, III. viii. 17, 18, 20, 24;
  their rite of baptism, III. xii. 2, IV. xxvi. 25, 28;
  their feast of Easter, IV. xiv. 7;
  if not of the orthodox faith, excluded from the church, IV. xiv. 14;
  Christian scriptures, IV. xxi. 21, xxvi. 28;
  Christian teaching, offended against by Basiliscus, III. vii. 22

Cilicians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. xi. 14

Clipea, city in Africa, IV. x. 24

Clypea, see Shield Mountain

Colchis, at the end of the Black Sea, III. i. 11

Constantina, city in Africa; distance from Gazophyla, IV. xv. 52

Constantine the Great; division of the Roman empire dating
  from his time, III. i. 3;
  his enlargement of Byzantium and giving of his name to the city, _ibid._

Constantinus, chosen king by the soldiers in Britain, III. ii. 31;
  his invasion of Spain and Gaul, _ibid._; defeated and killed
  in battle, III. ii. 37

Constantius, husband of Placidia, partner in the royal power with Honorius;
  his brief reign and death, III. iii. 4;
  father of Valentinian, III. iii. 5

Corsica, called Cyrnus in ancient times, IV. v. 3;
  Cyril sent thither with an army, _ibid._;
  recovered for the Roman empire, IV. v. 4

Coutzinas, a Moorish ruler, joins in an attack upon a Roman force,
    IV. x. 6;
  agrees to turn against the other Moors, IV. xxv. 2, 15;
  his further dealings with Areobindus, IV. xxv. 17, 18;
  ignorant of Antalas' knowledge of his plot, IV. xxv. 20, 21;
  separates from Antalas, and sides with Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 24;
  marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 25, 27;
  in alliance with John, IV. xxviii. 50

Cteanus, name applied to Theodorus, III. xi. 7

Cyanean Rocks, or "Dark Blue Rocks" at the mouth of the Bosphorus,
    III. i. 8

Cyprian, commander of Roman auxiliaries, III. xi. 6;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  sent by Belisarius to bring Gelimer from Papua, IV. vii. 11

Cyprian, a saint, especially reverenced at Carthage, III. xxi. 17;
  a church to him there and a festival celebrated in his honour,
    III. xxi. 18, 23, 25;
  sends a dream to devout Christians, III. xxi. 21

Cypriana, a periodic storm on the African coast, III. xx. 12

Cypriana, a festival celebrated at Carthage, in honour of Cyprian,
    from which the storm was named, III. xxi. 18

Cyrene, city in Africa, marking the division between the eastern
    and western empires, III. i. 16

Cyril, sent as commander of an army to Sardinia, III. xi. 1, 6;
  avoids Sardinia and sails to Carthage, III. xxiv. 19;
  sent to Sardinia and Corsica with an army, IV. v. 2, 3;
  wins them back for the empire, IV. v. 4;
  commander of auxiliaries in Numidia, IV. xv. 50;
  his death, IV. xv. 59

Cyrnus, ancient name of Corsica, IV. v. 3

Cyrus, son of Bacchus and brother of Sergius;
  becomes ruler of Pentapolis in Libya, IV. xxi. 1, 16;
  brother of Solomon the younger, IV. xxi. 19;
  marches with Solomon against the Moors, ibid.


Dalmatia, held by Marcellianus as tyrant, III. vi. 7

Danube River, called also the Ister, III. i. 10

Daras, city on the eastern frontier of the empire;
  home of Solomon, III. xi. 9

December, IV. in. 28

Decimum, suburb of Carthage, III. xvii. 11, 17, xviii. 5,
  xix. 1, 14, 23, 33, xx. 6, 7, 10, xxi. 23, 24, IV. xxv. 12;
  the Vandals routed there, III. xviii. 7-11, xix. 31;
  distance from Carthage, III. xvii. 17;
  from Pedion Halon, III. xviii. 12

Delphi, tripods first made there, III. xxi. 3

Delphix, a word used by the Romans to designate a royal banquet room,
    III. xxi. 2, 3;
  in the palace of Gelimer, III. xxi. 5

Dido, her emigration from Phoenicia, IV. x. 25

Diogenes, guardsman of Belisarius;
  his notable exploit on a scouting expedition, III. xxiii. 5-18

Dolones, the large sails on ships, III. xvii. 5

Domesticus, a title designating a kind of confidential adviser,
    III. iv. 7, xi. 5

Domnicus, senator, accompanies Germanus to Libya, IV. xvi. 2;
  at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. xvii. 4;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xix. 1

Dorotheus, general of Armenia;
  commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 5;
  his death; III. xiv. 14

Dromon, a swift ship of war, III. xi. 15, 16, xv. 36

Dryous, city on the east
  coast of Italy, III. i. 9, 12

Dyrrachium, the name of Epidamnus in Procopius' time, III. i. 16, xi. 8


Easter, a feast of the Christians, IV. xiv. 7;
  Arians annoyed by exclusion from it, IV. xiv, 15

Ebusa, island in the western Mediterranean,
  so-called by the natives, III. i. 18;
  Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. v. 7

Egypt, formerly marked the limit of Phoenicia, IV. x. 15;
  densely populated from ancient times, IV. x. 19;
  the migration of the Hebrews from there, IV. x. 13;
  the Phoenicians pass through it on their way to Libya, IV. x. 18

Egyptians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. xi. 14

Emesa, city in Syria;
  home of Severianus, IV. xxiii. 6

Epidamnus (Dyrrachium), city on the Ionian Sea, III. i. 16;
  home of John, III. xi. 8

Epiphanius, chief priest of Byzantium;
  blesses the fleet, III. xii. 2

Eruli, Roman auxiliaries in the African expedition, III. xi. 11;
  their untrustworthy character, IV. iv. 30;
  of the Arian faith, IV. xiv. 12;
  dissuade Stotzas from attacking Germanus, IV. xvii. 14, 15

Esdilasas, a Moorish ruler;
  joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. x. 6 ff.;
  surrenders himself to the Romans, IV. xii. 26;
  brought to Carthage, IV. xii. 29

Euagees, brother of Hoamer;
  imprisoned by Gelimer, III. ix. 9. 14;
  killed in prison by Ammatas, III. xvii. 12

Eudocia, daughter of Eudoxia;
  taken captive by Gizeric, III. v. 3;
  married to Honoric, III. v. 6

Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius and wife of Valentinian, III. iv. 15, 20;
  mother of Eudocia and Placidia, III. v. 3;
  forced to be the mistress of Maximus, III. iv. 86;
  invites Gizeric to avenge her, III. iv. 37-39;
  taken captive by Gizeric, III. v. 3;
  sent to Byzantium, III. v. 6

Eulogius, Roman envoy to Godas, III. x. 32, 33;
  returns with his reply, III. x. 34

Europe, the continent opposite Asia, III. i. 7, xxii. 15;
  distance from Asia at different points, III. i. 7, 8;
  distance along the European side of the Euxine, III. i. 10;
  extent of the western empire in, III. i. 14;
  invaded by Alaric, III. ii. 7;
  all its wealth plundered by the Visigoths, III. ii. 13;
  overrun by Attila, III. iv. 29

Eustratius, sent to Libya to assess the taxes, IV. viii. 25

Eutyches, heresy of, III. vii. 22

Euxine Sea, distance around it, III. i. 10, 11;
  receives the waters of the Phasis, III. i. 11

Excubitori, a Latin name for "guard," IV. xii. 17


Foederati, auxiliary troops, III. xi. 2, 3, 5, xix. 13, 14,
      IV. iii. 4, vii. 11, xv. 50

Foedus (Latin) "treaty," III. xi. 4

Franks, name used for all the Germans in Procopius' time, III. iii. 1

Fuscias, sent as envoy to Spain by Gelimer, III. xxiv. 7 ff.


Gadira, the strait of Gibraltar at the western extremity of the
    Mediterranean, III. i. 4, 5, xxiv. 8, IV. v. 5, 6;
  width of the strait, III. i. 7;
  distance from Tripolis, III. i. 14;
  and from the Ionian Sea, III. i. 15;
  marking the limit of Mauretania, IV. x. 29;
  the Vandals cross there, III. iii. 26;
  _see_ Heracles, Pillars of

Galatia, lands there given to Gelimer, IV. ix. 13

Gaulus, island between
  the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas, III. xiv. 16

Gaul, the Visigoths retire thither, III. ii. 13, 37;
  invaded by Constantius, III. ii. 31

Gazophyla, place in Numidia, IV. xv. 62;
  distance from Constantina, _ibid._;
  Roman commanders take sanctuary there, IV. xv. 59

Geilaris, son of Genzon and father of Gelimer, III. ix. 6

Gelimer, king of the Vandals;
  son of Geilaris, III. ix. 6;
  brother of Tzazon, III. xi. 23, xxiv. 1;
  and of Ammatas, III. xvii. 11;
  uncle of Gibamundus, III. xviii. 1;
  his character, III. ix. 7;
  encroaches upon the authority of Ilderic, III. ix. 8;
  secures the royal power, _ibid._;
  allowed by the Goths to hold Lilybaeum, IV. v. 13;
  imprisons Ilderic, Hoamer, and Euagees, III. ix. 9;
  defies Justinian, and shews further cruelty to the imprisoned princes,
    III. ix. 14;
  replies to Justinian, III. ix. 20-23;
  Justinian prepares an expedition against him, III. x. 1 ff.;
  sends envoys to Spain, III. xxiv. 7;
  his slave Godas becomes tyrant of Sardinia, III. x. 25-27;
  sends an expedition to Sardinia, III. xi. 22, 23;
  his ignorance of the approaching Roman expedition, III. xiv. 10;
  entrusts his wealth to Boniface, IV. iv. 34;
  confines Roman merchants in a dungeon in the palace, III. xx. 5, 6;
  expected by Belisarius to make an attack, III. xvii. 4;
  writes to his brother in Carthage, III. xvii. 11;
  follows the Roman army, III. xvii. 14;
  plans his attack upon the Roman army, III. xviii. 1;
  comes upon the Romans with a large force of cavalry, III. xix. 18;
  anticipates them in seizing a point of advantage, III. xix. 20-22;
  by a great blunder loses the chance of defeating the Roman armies,
    III. xix. 25-29;
  attacked and routed by Belisarius, III. xix. 30, 31, xxi. 16;
  flees to the Plain of Boulla, III. xix. 32;
  Belisarius sits upon his throne, III. xx. 21;
  his banquet-hall, servants, and even food, used by the Romans,
    III. xxi. 1-6;
  reason for his not staying in Carthage, III. xxi. 12;
  encourages Libyan farmers to kill Roman soldiers, III. xxiii. 1-4;
  eluded by a party of Roman scouts, III. xxiii. 6-16;
  Tzazon writes to him from Sardinia, III. xxiv. 2-4;
  collects the Vandals in the Plain of Boulla, III. xxv. 1;
  sends a letter to Tzazon in Sardinia, III. xxv. 10-18;
  leads the Vandals against Carthage, IV. i. 1;
  cuts the aqueduct and tries to besiege the city, IV. i. 2, 3;
  prepares the Vandals for battle at Tricamarum, and addresses the army,
    IV. ii. 8-22;
  at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 9;
  flees from the Vandals' camp, IV. iii. 20;
  pursued by John the Armenian, IV. iv. 9, 14;
  and by Belisarius, IV. iv. 13, 26;
  escapes his pursuers, and takes refuge on Mt. Papua, IV. iv. 26, 28;
  Moors there friendly to him, IV. iv. 27;
  Pharas set to guard him, IV. iv. 28, 31;
  suffers great misery on Mt. Papua, IV. vi. 4, 14;
  receives a letter from Pharas, IV. vi. 15-26;
  replies with a letter, IV. vi. 27-30;
  the meaning of his strange request, IV. vi. 31-33;
  after enduring extreme suffering, is induced by a piteous
  sight to surrender, IV. vii. 1-6;
  writes a second time to Pharas, IV. vii. 6-9;
  Cyprian comes to Papua to take him prisoner, IV. vii. 11;
  surrenders himself, IV. vii. 12;
  meets Belisarius at Aclas, IV. vii. 14;
  his unexpected laughter, IV. vii. 14-16;
  marvels at the restoration of the fortifications of Carthage by
    Belisarius, III. xxiii. 20, 21;
  his capture reported by Belisarius, IV. vii. 17;
  reaches Byzantium with Belisarius, IV, ix. 1;
  a slave in Belisarius' triumph, IV. ix. 10;
  before Justinian in the hippodrome, IV. ix. 11, 12;
  given lands in Galatia, but not made a patrician, IV. ix. 13, 14;
  nephew of, IV. vii. 4

Geminianus, Rock of, on Mt Aurasium, IV. xx. 23

Genzon, son of Gizeric;
  receives Libyan slaves, III. v. 11;
  tries to save John, III. vi. 24;
  father of Gundamundus and Trasamundus, III. viii. 6, 8;
  and of Geilaris, III. ix. 6;
  his death, III. viii. 1

Gergesites, ancient people of Phoenicia, IV. x. 17;
  emigrate to Egypt and then to Libya, IV. x. 18, 19

Gepaides, one division of the Gothic peoples, III. ii. 2;
  their location, III. ii. 6

Getic, a name sometime applied to the Gothic peoples, III. ii. 2

Gezon, a Roman infantryman, paymaster of his company, IV. xx. 12;
  scales the fortress of Toumar and leads the army to its
  capture, IV. xx. 13-16

Germania, the home of Belisarius, III. xi. 21

Germans, called Franks in Procopius' time, III. iii. 1;
  according to one account killed Gontharis, III. iii. 33

Germanus, Roman general, nephew of Justinian;
  sent to Libya, IV. xvi. 1;
  makes a count of the loyal part of the army, IV. xvi. 3;
  wins over many mutineers by persuasion, IV. xvi. 4-6;
  prepares to meet Stotzas in battle, IV. xvi. 7;
  arrays his army for battle, IV. xvi. 10;
  addresses his troops, IV. xvi. 11-24;
  follows the mutineers into Numidia, IV. xvii. 2;
  overtaking the enemy at Scalae Veteres, prepares for battle,
    IV. xvii. 3-6;
  receives offers of desertion from the Moors with Stotzas, IV. xvii. 9;
  not able to trust them, IV. xvii. 10;
  Stotzas proposes to attack his division, IV. xvii. 13;
  rallies the Romans, IV. xvii. 18;
  routs the mutineers, IV. xvii. 19, 20;
  his horse killed under him, IV. xvii. 23;
  orders his men to distinguish their comrades by the countersign,
    IV. xvii. 22;
  captures and plunders the enemy's camp, IV. xvii. 24-29;
  tries to restore order in the army, IV. xvii. 30;
  defeats Stotzas in a second battle, IV. xvii. 34;
  learns the plot of Maximinus from Asclepiades; IV. xviii. 4;
  invites Max. to join his body-guards, IV. xviii. 5, 6;
  frustrates the attempt of Maximinus, IV. xviii. 8-15;
  examines Max. and impales him, IV. xviii. 17, 18;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xix. 1;
  false report of his coming to Carthage, IV. xxiii. 23, 25

Gibamundus, nephew of Gelimer, III. xviii. 1;
  sent to attack the Roman army on the left, _ibid._;
  his force destroyed at Pedion Halon, III. xviii. 12, 19, xix. 18, 19,
    xxv. 15

Gizeric, king of the Vandals;
  son of Godigisclus and brother of Gontharis, III. iii. 23;
  father of Honoric, Genzon, and Theodorus, III. v. 6, 11, vi. 24;
  becomes ruler of the Vandals with his brother, III. iii. 23;
  according to one account destroyed his brother Gontharis, III. iii. 33;
  his great ability, III. iii. 24;
  invited by Boniface to share Libya, III. iii. 25;
  leads the Vandals into Libya, III. iii. 33;
  besieges Hippo Regius, III. iii. 32, 34;
  discovers Marcian among Roman captives, III. iv. 3-8;
  spares his life and makes him swear friendship to
  the Vandals, III. iv. 9, 10;
  secures possession of Libya, III. xxi. 16, xxii. 4;
  secures his power by making a compact with Valentinian and
  giving his son as a hostage, III. iv. 12-14, xvi. 13;
  receives his son back, III. iv. 14;
  receives ambassadors from the Vandals who had not emigrated,
    III. xxii. 7;
  at first hears them with favour, but later refuses their petition,
    III. xxii. 9-11;
  makes an attempt on Taenarum, III. xxii. 16;
  attacks Zacynthus and brutally massacres many of the inhabitants,
    III. xxii. 17, 18;
  invited by Eudoxia to punish Maximus, III. iv. 38, 39;
  despoils the city of Rome, III. v. 1 ff. IV. ix. 5, 8;
  takes captive Eudoxia and her daughters, III. v. 3;
  removes the walls of Libyan cities, III. v. 8, xv. 9;
  wins ridicule thereby in later times, III. v. 9;
  destroyed all the tax records of Libya, IV. viii. 25;
  enslaves notable Libyans and takes property from others, III. v. 11, 12;
  exempts confiscated lands from taxation, III. v. 14;
  with the Moors, makes many inroads into Roman provinces III. v. 22-25;
  Aspar urges Basiliscus to spare him, III. vi. 4;
  desires the appointment of Olyvrius as emperor of the West, III. vi. 6;
  his fear of Leon, III. vi. 11;
  persuades Basiliscus to delay, III. vi. 12-16;
  destroys the Roman fleet, III. vi. 17-21;
  receives Majorinus disguised as an envoy, III. vii. 6, 7, 9, 10;
  prepares to meet the army of Majorinus, III. vii. 12;
  forms a compact with Zenon, III. vii. 26, ix. 23;
  his death and his will, III. vii. 29, 30. ix. 10, xvi. 13;
  the "law of Gizeric," III. ix. 12

Glycerius, emperor of the West, dies after a very short reign, III. vii. 15

Godas, a Goth, slave of Gelimer;
  sets up a tyranny in Sardinia, III. x. 25-27. xi. 22, xxv. 11;
  invites Justinian to support him, III. x. 28-31;
  receives the envoy Eulogius, III. x. 33;
  sends him back with a letter, III. x. 34;
  the Vandals send an expedition against him, III. xi. 23, xiv. 9;
  killed by Tzazon, xi, xxiv. 1, 3, IV. ii. 27

Godigisclus, leader of the Vandals in their migration,
    III. iii. 2, xxii. 3, 5;
  settles in Spain by agreement with Honorius, III. iii. 2;
  dies in Spain, III. ii. 23;
  father of Gontharis and Gizeric, III. ii. 23

Gontharis, son of Godigisclus and brother of Gizeric;
  becomes ruler of the Vandals with his brother, III. ii. 23;
  his mild character, III. ii. 21;
  invited by Boniface to share Libya, III. ii. 25;
  his death, III. iii. 32, 33.

Gontharis, body-guard of Solomon;
  sent forward against the Moors, IV. xix. 6;
  camps near the Abigas River, IV. xix. 7;
  defeated by the Moors and besieged in his camp, IV. xix. 8;
  receives support from Solomon, IV. xix. 9;
  attempts to set up a tyranny, IV. xxv. 1 ff.;
  summoned to Carthage and sent against the Moors, IV. xxv. 4, 5;
  makes an agreement with Antalas to betray the Romans, IV. xxv. 6-10;
  recalls Roman skirmishers, IV. xxv. 14;
  hears of the treasonable plan of Coutzinas, IV. xxv. 16;
  persuades Areobindus to postpone the engagement, IV. xxv. 17, 18;
  reveals the plot to Antalas, IV. xxv. 19;
  plans to kill Areobindus, IV. xxv. 22;
  persuades him to join battle with the Moors, IV. xxv. 23 ff.;
  openly sets about establishing his tyranny, IV. xxv. 28 ff.;
  summons Athanasius, IV. xxvi. 21;
  and Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 23;
  his reception of Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 27-32;
  has him assassinated, IV. xxvi. 32, 33;
  offends Antalas by sending him the head of Areobindus, IV. xxvii. 1, 2;
  receives the mutineers under John, IV. xxvii. 7, 8;
  removes the wife and sister of Areobindus from the fortress,
    IV. xxvii. 20;
  compels Prejecta to write a false report in a letter to Justinian
    for his own advantage, IV. xxvii. 20-22;
  sends Artabanes against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 23;
  Coutzinas sides with him, IV. xxvii. 21;
  Artabanes determines to kill him, IV. xxvii. 34;
  prepares a larger army against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 36;
  destroys many in the city, IV. xxvii. 37, 38;
  entertains Artabanes and others at a banquet, IV. xxviii. 1 ff.;
  his murder planned by Artabanes, IV. xxviii. 6 ff;
  his death, IV. xxviii. 27-30

Gospels, the sacred writings of the Christians;
  oaths taken upon them, IV. xxi. 21.

Gothaeus, sent as envoy to Spain by Gelimer, III. xxiv. 7 ff.

Goths, general description of the Gothic peoples, III. ii. 2 ff.;
  their migrations, III. ii. 6 ff.;
  their common religion and language, III. ii. 5;
  enter Pannonia and then settle in Thrace for a time, III. ii. 39;
  subdue the western empire, III. ii. 40;
  in Italy, Belisarius sent against them, IV. xiv. 1;
  furnish the Roman fleet a market in Sicily, III. xiv. 5;
  refuse to give up Lilybaeum, IV. v. 11;
  receive a letter of remonstrance from Belisarius, IV. v. 12-17;
  their reply, IV. v. 18-24

Grasse, a place in Libya, III. xvii. 8, 14, 17;
  its pleasant park, III. xvii. 9, 10;
  distance from Carthage, III. xvii. 8

Greece, plundered by Gizeric, III. v. 23

Greeks, contemptuous term for the subjects of the emperor,
    IV. xxvii. 38

Gregorius, nephew of Artabanes;
  with him plans the murder of Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 7-9;
  urges Artabanes to carry out the plot, IV. xxvii. 10-19;
  takes his stand in the banquet-hall, IV. xxviii. 14;
  restrains Artasires, IV. xxviii. 16

Gundamundus, son of Gezon;
  becomes king of the Vandals, III. viii. 6;
  his reign and death, III. viii. 7;
  brother of Trasamundus, III. viii. 8


Hadrumetum, city in Libya, III. xvii. 8, IV. xxvii. 26, 31, 33;
  taken by the Moors, IV. xxiii. 11-15;
  recovered by Paulus, a priest, IV. xxiii. 18-25, 29;
  guarded for the emperor, IV. xxvii. 6

Harmatus, Roman General;
  marches against Zenon, III. vii. 20;
  surrenders to him, III. vii. 21;
  killed by Zenon, III. vii. 23

Hebrews, their migration from Egypt to Palestine, IV. x. 13;
  history of the, IV. x. 17

Hebrew Scripture, quoted by Gelimer, IV. ix. 11

Hellespont, strait between Sestus and Abydus, III. i. 7

Heracleia, the name of Perinthus in Procopius' time, III. xii. 6

Heracles, wrestled with Antaeus in Clipea, IV. x. 24

Heracles, Pillars of, Gibraltar, III. i. 5, 9,
  15, 18. vii. 11, IV. x. 20

Heraclius, defeats the Vandals in Tripolis, III. vi. 9;
  returns to Byzantium, III. vi. 25

Hermes, called Mercury by the Romans, III. vi. 10;
  town of Hermes or Mercurium, on the coast of Libya,
    III. vi. 10, xvii. 15, xx. 10

Hermione, town in Byzacium;
  distance from the coast, III. xiv. 10, xvii. 4, 11

Hieron, near the mouth of the Bosphorus, III. i. 8

Himerius of Thrace, commander in Byzacium; fails to unite with John,
    and falls into the hands of the Moors, IV. xxiii. 3-5;
  guarded by the Moors, IV. xxiii. 10;
  puts Hadrumetum into their hands, IV. xxiii. 10-15;
  escapes to Carthage, IV. xxiii. 17

Hippo Regius, a strong city of Numidia, III. iii. 31, IV. iv. 32;
  besieged by the Vandals, III. iii. 32, 34;
  distance from Carthage, IV. iv. 26;
  Boniface the Libyan captured there, IV. iv. 34, 36, 39

Hoamer, nephew of Ilderic;
  acts as his general, III. ix. 2;
  imprisoned by Gelimer, III. ix. 9;
  blinded by Gelimer, III. ix. 14, 17;
  his death, III. xvii. 12

Honoric, son of Gizeric;
  given as a hostage to Valentinian, III. iv. 13;
  returned, III, iv. 14;
  marries Eudocia, III. v. 6;
  receives Libyan slaves, III. v. 11;
  succeeds to the throne of the Vandals, III. viii. 1, xxi. 19;
  makes war on the Moors, III. viii. 1, 2;
  persecutes the Christians, III. viii. 3, 4;
  his death, III. viii. 5;
  father of Ilderic, III. ix. 1;
  in his reign the church of St. Cyprian taken by the Arians, III. xxi. 19

Honorius, younger son of Theodosius;
  receives the western empire, III. i. 2, ii. 1;
  brother of Arcadius and Placidia, III. iii. 4;
  the western empire overrun by barbarians during his reign, III. ii. 1;
  retires from Rome to Ravenna, III. ii. 8, 9;
  accused of bringing in the Visigoths, III. ii. 10;
  his stupid remark upon hearing of the fall of Rome, III. ii. 25, 26;
  displaced from the throne of the western empire by Attalus, III. ii. 28;
  prepares for flight either to Libya or to Byzantium, III. ii. 32;
  his good fortune in extreme peril, III. ii. 34-37;
  allows the Vandals to settle in Spain, III. iii. 2;
  provides that they shall not acquire possession of the land, III. iii. 3;
  shares royal power with Constantius, III. iii. 4;
  his death, III. iii. 4

Huns, see Massagetae.


Iaudas, ruler of the Moors in Aurasium, IV. xii. 29, xxv. 2;
  the best warrior among the Moors, IV. xiii. 13;
  plunders Numidia, IV. xiii. 1;
  his combat with Althias at Tigisis, IV. xiii. 10-16;
  Solomon marches against him, IV. xiii. 18;
  accused before Solomon by other Moorish rulers, IV. xiii. 19;
  slays his father-in-law Mephanius, _ibid._;
  establishes himself on Mt, Aurasium, IV. xiii. 21;
  with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. xvii. 8;
  Solomon marches against him, IV. xix. 5;
  remains on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 19;
  goes up to the top of Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 21;
  escapes wounded from Toumar, IV. xx. 21;
  deposited his treasures in a tower at the Rock of Geminianus, IV. xx. 24

Ilderic, son of Honoric,
  becomes king of the Vandals, III. ix. 1;
  an unwarlike ruler, _ibid._;
  uncle of Hoamer, III. ix. 2;
  suspected plot of the Goths against him, III. ix. 4;
  on terms of special friendship with Justinian, III. ix. 5;
  makes large gifts to Apollinarius, IV. v. 8;
  allows Gelimer to encroach upon his authority, III. ix. 8;
  dethroned and imprisoned, III. ix. 8, 9, 14, 17;
  killed in prison by Ammatas, III. xvii. 11, 12;
  his sons and other offspring receive rewards from Justinian
    and Theodora, IV. ix. 13

Ildiger, son-in-law of Antonina, IV. viii. 24;
  sent to Libya with an army, _ibid._;
  made joint commander of Carthage with Theodoras, IV. xv. 49;
  at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. xvii. 6, 19

Illyricum, III. xi. 17, 21;
  plundered by Gizeric, III. v. 23

Ionian Sea, III. i. 9, 12, 15, ii. 9, 11

Ionians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. xi. 14

Iouce, distance from Carthage, III. xv. 8

Iourpouthes, a Moorish ruler, joins in an attack upon a Roman force,
    IV. x. 6 ff.

Ister, called also the Danube, III. i. 10, ii. 6;
  crossed by the Goths, III. ii. 39

Italy the brutal destruction of its cities and people by the Visigoths,
    III. ii. 11, 12;
  invaded by Gizeric, III. v. 1 ff., 22, 23


Jebusites, ancient people of Phoenicia, IV. x. 17;
  emigrate to Egypt and then to Libya, IV. x. 18, 19

Jerusalem, captured by Titus, IV. ix. 5;
  Christians there receive back the treasures of the temple, IV. ix. 9

Jews, their treasures brought to Byzantium by Belisarius, IV. ix. 5;
  sent back to Jerusalem by Justinian, IV. ix. 9;
  one of them warns the Romans not to keep the treasures of the
    temple in Jerusalem, IV. ix. 6-8

John the Armenian;
  financial manager of Belisarius, III. xvii. 1, 2;
  commanded to precede the Roman army, III. xvii, 2, xviii. 3;
  engages with Ammatas at Decimum and defeats his force, III. xviii. 5, 6;
  pursues the fugitives to Carthage, III. xviii. 10, xix. 30;
  rejoins Belisarius, III. xix. 33;
  entrusted with the command of a skirmishing force, IV. ii. 1;
  in the centre at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 5;
  begins the fighting, IV. iii. 10, 12, 13;
  pursues Gelimer, IV, iv. 9, 14;
  killed accidentally by Uliaris, IV. iv. 18, 19;
  his character, IV, iv. 20;
  cared for and buried by his soldiers, IV. iv. 22;
  mourned by Belisarius, IV. iv. 24

John, father of Artabanes and John, of the Arsacidae, IV. xxiv. 2

John, commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 6;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. in. 4;
  sent with an army to Caesarea, IV. v. 5

John, a general under Basiliscus;
  his excellent fighting against the Vandals, III. vi. 22-24

John the Cappadocian, urges Justinian not to make war on the Vandals,
    III. x. 7-17;
  praetorian perfect;
  supplies the army with bad bread, III. xiii. 12 ff.

John, guardsman of Belisarius;
  sent to the Pillars of Heracles with an army, IV. v. 6

John, a Roman soldier, chosen emperor, III. iii. 5;
  his virtues as a ruler, III. iii. 6, 7;
  reduced from power by Theodosius, III. iii. 8;
  captured, brutally abused, and killed by Valentinian, III. iii. 9

John of Epidamnus,
  commander-in-chief of infantry, III. xi. 8, IV. xvi. 2

John, son of John, of the Arsacidae;
  sent to Libya in command of Armenians, IV. xxiv. 2;
  brother of Artabanes, IV. xxiv. 15;
  his death, _ibid._

John the mutineer, succeeds Stotzas as general of the mutineers,
    IV. xxv. 3;
  leads the mutineers to join Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 7;
  marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 25;
  does not take part in the battle, IV, xxvii. 27;
  entertained by Pamphilus at a banquet, IV. xxviii. 5;
  taken from sanctuary, and sent to Byzantium, IV. xxviii. 39, 40

John, brother of Pappus;
  at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. xvii. 6, 16;
  made general of Libya, IV. xxviii. 45;
  his varying fortunes in fighting with the Moors, IV. xxviii. 46-51

John, son of Sisiniolus;
  sent as commander to Libya, IV. xix. 1;
  especially hostile to Sergius, IV. xxii. 3, 4;
  marches against the Moors, IV. xxiii. 2;
  fails to meet Himerius, IV. xxiii. 3-5;
  quarrels with Sergius, IV. xxiii. 32;
  sent against Antalas and Stotzas, IV. xxiv. C;
  meets the enemy at a great disadvantage, IV. xxiv. 8;
  his enmity against Stotzas, IV, xxiv. 9;
  gives him a mortal wound in the battle, IV. xxiv. 11;
  his army routed by the Moors, IV. xxiv. 12;
  his death, IV. xxiv. 13. 14;
  Justinian's sorrow at his death, IV. xxiv. 16

Joseph, an imperial scribe, sent as envoy to Stotzas, IV. xv. 7;
  killed by Stotzas, IV. xv. 8

Joshua ("Jesus"), son of ("Naues"), brings the Hebrews into Palestine,
    IV. x. 13;
  subjugates the country, IV. x. 14;
  mentioned in a Phoenician inscription, IV. x. 22

Juppiter Capitolinus, temple of, in Rome, despoiled by Gizeric, III. v. 4

Justinian, succeeds his uncle Justinus as emperor, III. vii. 27;
  on terms of especial friendship with Ilderic, III. ix. 5;
  sends warning to Gelimer, III. ix. 10-13;
  sends a second warning to Gelimer, III. ix. 15-19;
  approached by Apollinarius and other Libyans seeking help for Ilderic,
    IV. v. 8;
  prepares to make war upon Gelimer, III. ix. 24, 25;
  summons Belisarius from the East to command the African expedition,
    III. ix. 25;
  makes preparations for the expedition, III. x. 1 ff.;
  discouraged by John the Cappadocian, III. x. 7 ff.;
  urged by a priest to prosecute the war, III. x. 18-20;
  continues preparations III. x. 21;
  invited by Godas to support him in Sardinia, III. x. 28-31;
  sends an envoy to him, III. x. 32;
  and later an army, III. xi. 1;
  sends Valerianus and Martinus in advance of the African expedition,
    III. xi. 24;
  despatches the expedition, III. xii. 1 ff.;
  makes an agreement with Amalasountha for a market, III. xiv. 5;
  their mutual friendship, III. xiv. 6;
  his letter to the Vandals, III. xvi. 12-14;
  never properly delivered, III. xvi. 15;
  the Goths appeal to him as arbiter, IV. v. 24;
  receives report of Belisarius regarding the dispute with the Goths,
    IV. v. 25;
  hears slander against Belisarius, IV. viii. 2;
  sends Solomon to test him, IV. viii. 4;
  sends the Jewish treasures back to Jerusalem, IV. ix. 9;
  receives the homage of Gelimer and of Belisarius, IV. ix. 12;
  distributes rewards to Gelimer and others, IV. ix. 13;
  sends Belisarius against the Goths in Italy, IV. xiv. 1;
  sends Germanus to Libya, IV. xvi. 1;
  entrusts Solomon again with the command of Libya, IV. xix. 1;
  receives a letter from Antalas, IV. xxii. 6-10;
  refuses to recall Sergius, IV. xxii. 11;
  sends Areobindus to Libya IV. xxiv. 1;
  recalls Sergius and sends him to Italy, IV. xxiv. 16;
  appoints Artabanes general of all Libya, IV. xxviii. 43;
  summons him to Byzantium, IV. xxviii. 44;
  uncle of Germanus, IV. xvi. 1;
  and of Vigilantia, IV. xxiv. 3;
  the Vandals of, IV. xiv. 17;
  excluded all not of the orthodox faith from the church, IV. xiv. 14;
  years of reign noted, III. xii. 1, IV. xiv. 6, xix. 1, xxi. 1, xxviii. 41

Justinus, Roman emperor, uncle of Justinian, III. vii. 27;
  not a vigorous or skilful ruler, III. ix. 5;
  Ilderic accused of betraying the Vandals to him, III. ix. 8


Laribus or Laribous, city in Libya, IV. xxii. 14, xxviii. 48;
  attacked by the Moors, IV. xxii. 18-20

Latin tongue, the, III. i. 6, IV. xiii. 33

Laurus, a Carthaginian;
  impaled by Belisarius, IV. i. 8

Leon, emperor of the East, III. v. 7;
  sends an expedition against the Vandals, III. vi. 1 ff., xx. 2;
  quarrels with Aspar, III. vi. 3;
  appoints Anthemius emperor of the West, III. vi. 5;
  wins over the tyrant Marcellianus and sends him against the
      Vandals in Sardinia, III. vi. 8;
  dreaded by Gizeric, III. vi. 11;
  his expedition destroyed by the Vandals, III. vi. 17 ff.;
  destroys Aspar and Ardaburius, III. vi. 27;
  his death, III. vii. 2;
  husband of Berine, III. vi. 2;
  father of Ariadne, III. vii. 2

Leon the younger, son of Zenon and Ariadne, III. vii. 2;
  becomes emperor while an infant, III. vii. 2;
  dies soon afterwards, III. vii. 3

Leontius, son of Zaunus, sent as commander to Libya, IV. xix. 1;
  fights valorously at the capture of Toumar, IV. xx. 19;
  brother of Rufinus, _ibid._

Leptes, city in Libya, III. xvii. 8

Leptimagna, city in Tripolis;
  threatened by an army of Leuathae, IV. xxi. 2, 13, 15

Lesbos, passed by the fugitive Vandals, IV. xiv. 18

Leuathae, tribe of Moors;
  present demands to Sergius, IV. xxi. 2;
  their representatives received by Sergius and killed, IV. xxi. 4-10;
  come in arms against Leptimagna, IV. xxi. 12;
  routed by the Romans, IV. xxi. 14;
  march against the Romans a second time, IV. xxi. 16;
  scorn the overtures of Solomon, IV. xxi. 20-22;
  capture Solomon, son of Bacchus, IV. xxii. 13;
  release him, IV. xxii. 16;
  besiege Laribus, IV. xxii. 18;
  depart to their homes IV. xxii. 20;
  join the Moors of Byzacium against the Romans, IV. xxviii. 47

Libya, included in "Asia," III. i. 5;
  its aborigines, IV. x. 23;
  the Phoenicians emigrate thither, IV. x. 19;
  Phoenician tongue used there, IV. x. 20;
  subjugated by the Romans, IV. x. 28;
  failure of the Visigothic king Attalus to get a foothold there,
    III. ii. 30, 32, 36;
  lost by Valentinian, III. iii. 12;
  occupied by the Vandals, III. iii. 26, xxii. 4;
  who remove the walls of the cities, III. v. 8, xv. 9;
  recovered for the Romans by Belisarius, III. xvi. 9 ff.;
  prospers under the rule of Solomon, IV. xix. 3, xx. 33;
  who restores the walls of the cities, IV. xix. 3, xx. 29;
  overrun by the Moors, IV. xxiii. 26-31, xxviii. 49

Libyans, enslaved and impoverished by Gizeric, III. v. 11-13, 15-17;
  cannot trust the Vandals, III. xvi. 3;
  their sufferings at the hands of the Vandals, III. xx. 19;
  oppressed by the Moors, IV. viii. 20, xxiii. 27;
  enjoy peace at last, IV. xxviii. 52

Liguria, the army of Majorinus halts there, III. vii. 4, 11

Lilybaeum, a promontory of Sicily;
  presented to Amalafrida, III. viii. 13;
  Belisarius attempts unsuccessfully to take it, IV. v. 11;
  he asserts his claim, IV. v. 12 ff.;
  the claim denied by the Goths, IV. v. 19 ff.


Massagetae, called Huns in Procopius' time, III. xi. 9;
  their love of wine, III. xii. 8;
  their custom of allowing only members of a certain family to begin
    a battle, III. xviii. 14;
  in the army of Aetius, III. iv. 24;
  in the African expedition of Belisarius, III. xi. 11, xii. 8-10,
  xvii. 3, xviii. 3, 12, 17, xix. 18, 33, IV. xiii. 2;
  their doubtful allegiance, IV. i. 5, 6, 9-11, ii. 3, iii. 7, 16;
  with the mutineers under John, IV. xxvii. 8

Maeotic Lake, at the eastern extremity of the "Mediterranean," III. i. 4;
  limit of the Euxine, III. i. 10;
  home of the Vandals, III. iii. 1

Majorica, island in the western Mediterranean, III. i. 18;
  Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. v. 7

Majorinus, emperor of the West;
  makes an expedition against the Vandals, III. vii. 4-13;
  disguised as an envoy and received by Gizeric, III. vii. 8-10;
  his death, III. vii. 14

Malea, southern promontory of the Peloponnesus, III. xiii. 5

Mammes, a place in Byzacium;
  Solomon encamps there, IV. xi. 15;
  battle fought there, IV. xi. 47-54

Mandracium, the harbour of Carthage, III. xx. 14, 15,
    IV. viii. 7, xxvi. 10;
  opened to the Roman fleet, III. xx. 3;
  entered by Calonymus with a few ships, III. xx. 16

Marcellianus, rules as independent tyrant over Dalmatia, III. vi. 7;
  won over by Leon and sent to Sardinia against the Vandals, III. vi. 8;
  destroyed by treachery, III. vi. 25

Marcellus, commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 6;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  commander-in-chief of Roman forces in Numidia, IV. xv. 50, 51;
  leads his army against Stotzas, IV. xv. 52;
  his death, IV. xv. 59

Marcentius, commander in Byzacium;
  persuaded by Antalas to join him, IV. xxvii. 5, 6, 31

Marcian, confidential adviser of Aspar, III. iv. 7;
  taken prisoner by Gizeric, III. iv. 2;
  his career foreshadowed by a sign, III. iv. 4-8;
  spared by Gizeric, III. iv. 9, 10;
  becomes emperor of the East, III. iv. 10, 39;
  his successful reign, III. iv. 11;
  his death, III. v. 7

Marcian, commander of infantry, III. xi. 7

Martinus, commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 6, 29;
  sent with Valerian in advance of the African expedition, III. xi. 24;
  meets the Roman fleet at Methone, III. xiii. 9;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  escapes with Solomon from the mutiny in Carthage IV. xiv. 37-40;
  sent back to Numidia, IV. xiv. 40;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xix. 2

Massonas, son of Mephanias;
  a Moorish ruler, accuses Iaudas to Solomon, IV. xiii. 19

Mastigas, Moorish ruler, IV. xx. 31

Mastinas, ruler of Moors in Mauretania, IV. xiii. 19

Mauritania, occupied by the Moors, IV. x. 29;
  Moors of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. xxv. 3;
  ruled by Mastinas IV. xiii. 19;
  fugitive Vandals return thither, IV. xiv. 19;
  Iaudas retires thither, IV. xx. 21;
  "First Mauritania," called Zabe, subjugated by Solomon, IV. xx. 30;
  Stotzas comes thence to joiZabetalas, IV. xxii. 5;
  adjoins Numidia, III. xxv. 21;
  city of Caesarea there, IV. v. 5

Maximinus, body-guard of Theodorus the Cappadocian;
  tries to set up a tyranny, IV. xviii. 1-3;
  upon invitation of Germanus, becomes a body-guard of
  his, IV. xviii. 6, 7;
  his attempt frustrated by Germanus, IV. xviii. 8-15;
  examined by Germanus and impaled, IV. xviii. 17, 18

Maximus the elder, his tyranny, III. iv. 16;
  the festival celebrating his defeat, _ibid._

Maximus, a Roman senator, III. iv. 16;
  his wife outraged by Valentinian, III. iv. 17-22;
  plans to murder Valentinian, III. iv. 24;
  slanders and destroys Aetius, III. iv. 25-27;
  kills Valentinian, and makes himself tyrant, III. iv. 36;
  stoned to death, III. v. 2

Medeos, city at the foot of Mt. Papua in Numidia, IV. iv. 27

Medic garments, _i.e._ silk;
  called "seric" in Procopius' time, as coming from the Chinese (Seres);
  worn by the Vandals, IV. vi. 7

Medissinissas, a Moorish ruler;
  joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. x. 6 ff.;
  slays Rufinus, IV. x. 11

Megara, its distance from Athens the measure of a one day's journey,
    III. i. 17

Melanchlaenae, an old name for the Goths, III. ii. 2

Melita, island between the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas (Malta),
  III. xiv. 16

Membresa, city in Libya, IV. xv. 12;
  distance from Carthage, _ibid._

Menephesse, place in Byzacium, IV. xxiii. 3

Mephanias, a Moor, father of Massonas, and father-in-law of Iaudas,
    IV. xiii. 10;
  treacherously slain by Iaudas, _ibid._

Mercurium, a town near Carthage, III. vi. 10, xvii. 15, xx. 10

Mercurius, the Latin name for Hermes, III. vi. 10

Methone, a town in the Peloponnesus, III. xiii. 9;
  the Roman fleet stops there, III. xiii. 9-21

Minorica, island in the western Mediterranean, III. i. 18;
  Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. v. 7

Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, IV. xiv. 40

Monks, their monastery in Carthage, IV. xxvi. 17

Moors, a black race of Africa, IV. xiii. 29;
  an account of their origin in Palestine, and migration westward,
    IV. x. 13 ff.;
  driven away from Carthage, IV. x. 27, 28;
  possess themselves of much of Libya, IV. x. 29;
  take Mt. Aurasium from the Vandals, IV. xiii. 26, 27;
  those beyond Mt. Aurasium ruled by Ortaïas, IV. xiii. 28;
  on Aurasium, ruled by Iaudas, IV. xii. 29, xiii. 1;
  of Mauritania, ruled by Mastinas, IV. xiii. 19;
  inhabit Mt. Papua, IV. iv. 27, vi. 19, 20;
  not merged with the Vandals, III. v. 21;
  their alliance secured by Gizeric, III. v. 22;
  make war on the Vandals, III. viii. 1, 2;
  dwelling on Mt. Aurasium, establish their independence from the Vandals,
    III. viii. 5;
  their wars with Gundamundus, III. viii. 7;
  inflict a great disaster upon the Vandals, III. viii. 15-28;
  of Byzacium, defeat the Vandals, III. ix. 3;
  most of them seek alliance with the Romans, III. xxv. 2-4,
    IV. viii. 11 ff.;
  their doubtful fidelity, III. xxv. 9;
  stationed in the rear of the Vandals at the battle of Tricamarum,
    IV. iii. 8;
  threaten the Roman power in Tripolis, IV. v. 10;
  on Mt. Papua, drive back Pharas and his men, IV. vi. 1-3;
  of Byzacium and Numidia, rise and overrun the
  country, IV. viii. 20-23, x. 1, 2;
  caught by Aïgan and Rufinus in an ambush, IV. x. 5;
  in turn annihilate the Roman force, IV. x. 6 ff.;
  receive a warning letter from Solomon, IV. xi. 1-8;
  their reply, IV. xi. 9-13;
  Solomon marches against them, IV. xi. 14;
  prepare for battle at Mammes, IV. xi. 17, 18, 37-46;
  defeated by the Romans, IV. xi. 47-54;
  rise against the Romans a second time, IV. xii. 1;
  establish themselves on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. xii. 3-9;
  suffer a crushing defeat, IV. xii. 17 ff.;
  finally understand their ancient prophecy, IV. xii. 28;
  emigrate from Byzacium to Numidia, IV. xii, 29;
  those under Antalas remain in Byzacium, IV. xii. 30;
  of Aurasium, take up arms under Iaudas, IV. xiii. 1 ff.;
  checked by Althias at the spring of Tigisis, IV. xiii. 8, 9;
  in the army of Solomon, IV. xiii. 20;
  elude Solomon on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xiii. 35, 36;
  Solomon prepares another expedition against them, IV. xiii. 40;
  with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. xvii. 8;
  their uncertain allegiance, IV. xvii. 9-12;
  join in the pursuit of the mutineers, IV. xvii. 31;
  on Aurasium; Solomon marches against them, IV. xix. 5;
  defeat Gontharis, IV. xix. 8;
  flood the Roman camp, IV. xix. 14;
  retire to Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 16;
  defeated by Solomon, retire to the heights of Aurasium, IV. xix. 17, 18;
  abandon the fortress of Zerboule to the Romans, IV. xix. 23-32;
  overwhelmingly defeated at Toumar, IV, xx. 1 ff.;
  defeat the Romans under Solomon, IV. xxi. 25-28;
  gather under Antalas, IV. xxii. 5;
  tricked by Solomon the younger, IV. xxii. 12-17;
  attack Laribus, IV. xxii. 18-20;
  gathered a second time by Antalas, IV. xxiii. 1;
  capture Himerius and take Hadrumetum, IV. xxiii. 10-15;
  lose Hadrumetum, IV. xxiii. 25;
  pillage all Libya unhindered, IV. xxiii. 26-32;
  defeat the Roman army at Siccaveneria, IV. xxiv. 8-12;
  at the invitation of Gontharis, march against Carthage, IV. xxv. 1, 2;
  of Coutzinas, in the army of Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 25;
  of Byzacium, defeated by John, IV. xxviii. 46;
  with the Leuathae defeat John, IV. xxviii. 47, 48;
  routed in a third battle, IV. xxviii. 50, 51;
  of Coutzinas, in alliance with John, IV. xxviii. 50;
  in Sardinia, Solomon prepares an expedition against them,
    IV. xiii. 41, 45;
  sent thither by the Vandals, IV. xiii. 43;
  overrun the island, IV. xiii. 42, 44;
  called Barbaricini, IV. xiii. 44;
  their polygamy, IV. xi. 13;
  untrustworthy by nature, IV. xiii. 37, xvii. 10,
  even among themselves, IV. xxv. 16;
  suspicious toward all, IV. xxvi. 2;
  their hardiness as a nation, IV. vi. 5, 10-13;
  their reckless character, IV. viii. 10;
  their female oracles, IV. viii. 13;
  their method of cooking bread, IV. vii. 3;
  accustomed to take some women with their armies, IV. xi. 18, 19;
  undesirable allies, IV. xiii. 40;
  not practised in storming walls, IV. xxii. 20;
  not diligent in guarding captives, IV. xxiii. 17;
  the symbols of kingship among them received from the Roman
  emperor, III. xxv. 5-7;
  Moorish old man, guardian of Iaudas' treasures, IV. xx. 24;
  slain by a Roman soldier, IV. xx. 27;
  Moorish woman, IV. vii. 3

Moses, leader of the Hebrews, his death, IV. x. 13


Nepos, emperor of the West, dies after a reign of a few days, III. vii. 15

Numidia, in Africa, adjoins Mauritania, III. xxv. 21;
  its boundary near the plain of Boulla, III. xxv. 1;
  Mt. Papua on its borders, IV. iv. 27;
  includes Mt. Aurasium, III. viii. 5;
  and the city of Hippo Regius, III. iii. 31, IV. iv. 26;
  and the city of Tigisis, IV. x. 21;
  Moors of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. xxv. 3;
  plundered by the Moors, IV. viii. 9, x. 2;
  plundered by Iaudas, IV. xiii. 1, 18;
  a place of retreat for the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. xv. 44, 50, xvii. 1;
  Romans retire from there, IV. xx. 30;
  Gontharis commander there, IV. xxv. 1;
  Moors of, march out against Carthage, IV. xxv. 2

Nun ("Naues"), father of Joshua ("Jesus"), IV. x. 13, 22


Ocean, Procopius' conception of it as encircling the earth, III. 1. 4

Olyvrius, Roman senator, husband of Placidia, III. v. 6, vi. 6;
  becomes emperor of the West; killed after a short reign, III. vii. 1

Optio (Latin), a kind of adjutant in the Roman army,
    III. xvii. 1, IV. xx. 12

Ortaïas, Moorish ruler beyond Mt. Aurasium, IV. xiii. 19, 28;
  accuses Iaudas to Solomon, IV. xiii. 19;
  with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. xvii. 8;
  his report of the country beyond his own, IV. xiii. 29


Palatium, the imperial residence in Rome; said to be named from Pallas,
    III. xxi. 4;
  despoiled by Gizeric, III. v. 34, IV. ix. 5

Palestine, settlement of the Hebrews there, IV. x. 13;
  Moors emigrated therefrom, IV. x. 27

Pallas, an "eponymous" hero, used to explain the word "Palatium,"
    III. xxi. 4

Pannonia, entered by the Goths, III. ii. 39

Pappus, brother of John, IV. xvii. 6, xxviii. 45;
  commander of cavalry, III. xi. 7;
  on the right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4

Papua, mountain in Numidia, IV. iv. 27;
  Gelimer takes refuge there, IV. 26, 28;
  its ascent attempted by Pharas, IV. vi. 1;
  closely besieged, IV. iv. 28, vi. 3;
  Cyprian sent thither to receive Gelimer, IV. vii. 11

Pasiphilus, a mutineer in the Roman army; active supporter of Gontharis,
    IV. xxvii. 21, 22, 36, 38;
  entertains John at a banquet, IV. xxviii. 3;
  his death, IV. xxviii. 39

Patrician rank, III. ii. 15, xi. 17, IV. vi. 22, xvi. 1;
  Gelimer excluded from it because of Arianism, IV. ix. 14

Paulus, a priest of Hadrumetum;
  rescues the city from the Moors, IV. xxiii. 18-25;
  comes to Byzantium, IV. xxiii. 29

Pedion Halon, in Libya, distance from Decimum;
  forces of Gibamundus destroyed there, III. xviii. 12

Pegasius, friend of Solomon the younger, IV. xxii. 14, 15

Peloponnesus, III. xi. 24, IV. xiv. 18;
  plundered by Gizeric, III. v. 23, xxii. 16

Pentapolis, part of Libya;
  its rule falls to Cyrus, IV. xxi. 1

Perinthus, called Heracleia in Procopius' time, III, xii. 6

Persians, III. xix. 7;
  make peace with the Romans, III. i. 1, ix. 25, 26;
  Vandals fight against them IV. xiv. 18

Peter, Roman general, accused by the Massagetae of unfair dealing, IV. i. 6

Peter, of Thrace, body-guard of Solomon;
  at the banquet of Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 3;
  looks with approval upon Artabanes' plot, IV. xxviii. 24, 28;
  with Artabanes cuts down the body-guards who remain, IV. xxviii. 33

Pharas, leader of Eruli, in the African expedition, III. xi. 11;
  left in charge of the siege of Gelimer on Mt. Papua,
    IV. iv. 28, 31, vi. 1, 3;
  his correspondence with Gelimer, IV. vi. 15-30, vii. 6-9;
  learns the reasons for Gelimer's peculiar request, and fulfils it,
    IV. vi. 31-34;
  reports to Belisarius, IV. vii. 10;
  his good qualities, IV. iv. 29, 31;
  an uneducated man, IV. vi. 15

Pharesmanes, father of Zaunas, IV. xix. 1, xx. 19

Phasis River, in Colchis, III. i. 11;
  distance from Chalcedon, _ibid._

Phoenicia, its extent, IV. x. 15;
  ruled by one king in ancient times, IV. x. 16;
  home of various peoples, IV. x. 17;
  Dido's emigration therefrom, IV. x. 25;
  Phoenician tongue, spoken in Libya, IV. x. 20;
  Phoenician writing, on two stones in Numidia IV. x. 22

Phredas, friend of Areobindus, sent by him to Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 8, 9

Placidia, sister of Arcadius and Honorius and wife of
  Constantius, III. iii. 4;
  mother of Valentinian, brings him up in vicious ways, III. iii. 10;
  as regent for her son, appoints Boniface general of all
  Libya, III. iii. 16;
  gives ear to Aetius' slander of Boniface, III. iii. 17, 18;
  summons him to Rome, III. iii. 18;
  sends men to Boniface at Carthage, III. iii. 27;
  upon learning the truth tries to bring him back, III. iii. 28, 29;
  finally receives him back, III. iii. 36;
  her death, III. iv. 15

Placidia, daughter of Eudoxia and wife of Olyvrius;
  taken captive by Gizeric, III. v. 3, vi. 6;
  sent to Byzantium, III. v. 6

Pontus, see Euxine

Praetor, III. x. 3

Praetorian, see Prefect

Prefect, praetorian prefect (lit. "of the court"),
    III. x. 3, 7, xi. 17, xiii. 12;
  of the army, "financial manager," III. xi. 17. cf.
  III. xv. 13, xvii, 16, IV. xvi. 2

Prejecta, daughter of Vigilantia and wife of Areobindus, accompanies
      him to Libya, IV. xxiv. 3;
  placed in a fortress for her safety, IV. xxvi. 18;
  removed from the fortress by Gontharis and compelled to give a
  false report in a letter to Justinian, IV. xxvii. 20;
  presents a great sum of money to Artabanes, IV. xxviii. 43

Proba, a notable woman of Rome;
  according to one account opened the gates of the city to Alaric,
    III. ii. 27

Procopius, author of the History of the Wars;
  sails with Belisarius for Africa, III. xii. 3;
  his reassuring dream, III. xii. 3-5;
  sent by Belisarius to Syracuse to get information, III. xiv. 3, 4, 7-13;
  praised by Belisarius III. xiv. 15;
  congratulates Belisarius upon a good omen, III. xv. 35;
  escapes from Carthage with Solomon, IV. xiv. 39;
  goes to Belisarius in Syracuse, IV. xiv. 41

Pudentius, of Tripolis;
  recovers this country for the Roman empire, III. x. 22-24, xi. 22,
    IV. xxi. 3;
  receives support from Belisarius, IV. v. 10;
  persuades Sergius to receive only representatives of the
  Leuathae, IV. xxi. 3;
  rights against the Leuathae, IV. xxi. 13, 14;
  his death, IV. xxii. 15


Ravenna, city in Italy;
  the refuge of Honorius, III. ii. 9, 25;
  attacked by Alaric and Attalus, III. ii. 29

Reparatus, priest of Carthage;
  sent by Gontharis to summon Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 23;
  with difficulty persuades him to come, IV. xxvi. 24-27;
  dismissed by Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 31

Rhecimer, slays his father-in-law Anthemius, emperor of the West,
    III. vii. 1

Rhine River, crossed by the Vandals, III. iii. 1

Romans, subjects of the Roman empire, both in the East and in the West;
    mentioned constantly throughout;
  celebrate a festival commemorating the overthrow of Maximus,
    III. iv. 16;
  accustomed to enter subject cities in disorder, III. xxi. 9;
  require especial oaths of loyalty from body-guards of officers,
    IV. xviii. 6;
  subjugate the peoples of Libya, IV. x. 28;
  lose Libya to Gizeric and the Vandals, III. iii. 31-35;
  send an unsuccessful expedition under Basiliscus against the Vandals,
    III. vi. 1-24;
  make peace with the Persians, III. ix. 26;
  send a second expedition under Belisarius, III. xi. 1 ff.;
  defeat the Vandals at Decimum, III. xviii. 5-19, xix. 31-33;
  at Tricamarum, IV. ii. 4 ff.;
  defeat the Moors at the battle of Mammes, IV. xi. 47-54;
  on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. xii. 19 ff.;
  and on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 5-xx. 22;
  further conflicts with the Moors, IV. xi.-xxviii.;
  poverty of the Roman soldiers, IV. iv. 3;
  their marriages with the Vandal women, IV. xiv. 8;
  and their desire for the Vandals estates, IV. xiv. 10;
  they make a mutiny, IV. xiv. 7 ff.

Rome, abandoned by Honorius, III. ii. 8, 9;
  completely sacked by the Visigoths, III. ii. 13;
  captured by Alaric, III. ii. 14-23;
  sacked by Alaric, III. ii. 24;
  according to one account, was delivered over to Alaric by Proba,
    III. ii. 27;
  the suffering of the city during the siege of Alaric, III. ii. 27;
  despoiled by Gizeric, III. v. 1 ff., IV. ix. 5

Rome, name of a cock of the Emperor Honorius, III. ii. 26

Rufinus, of Thrace;
  of the house of Belisarius and his standard-bearer, IV. x. 3, 4;
  commander of cavalry, III. xi. 7;
  makes a successful attack upon the Moors in Byzacium, IV. x. 5;
  his force in turn annihilated by the Moors, IV. x. 6 ff;
  captured and killed, IV. x. 10, 11, xi. 22

Rufinus, son of Zaunas and brother of Leontius;
  sent as commander to Libya, IV. xix. 1;
  fights valorously at the capture of Toumar, IV. xx. 19


Salarian Gate, at Rome, III. ii. 17, 22

Sallust, Roman historian, the house of, burned by Alaric, III. ii. 24

Sarapis, commander of Roman infantry, III. xi. 7, IV. xv. 50;
  his death, IV. xv. 59

Sardinia, its size compared with that of Sicily, IV. xiii. 42;
  half way between Rome and Carthage, _ibid._;
  recovered by the Romans from the Vandals, III. vi. 8, 11;
  occupied by the tyrant Godas, III. x. 26, 27;
  Gelimer sends an expedition to recover it, III. xi. 22, 23;
  subdued by Tzazon, III, xxiv. 1, 3, IV. ii. 25;
  avoided by Cyril, III. xxiv. 19;
  Tzazon and his men summoned thence by Gelimer, III. xxv. 10, 17, 24, 25;
  recovered for the Roman empire by Cyril, IV. v. 2, 4;
  Solomon sends an expedition against the Moors who had overrun the island,
    IV. xiii. 41-45

Sauromatae, an old name for the Goths, III. ii. 2

Scalae Veteres, place in Numidia, IV. xvii. 3

Scythians, a barbarian people, III. xix. 7;
  in the army of Attila, III. iv. 24

Scriptures of the Christians;
  Areobindus seeks to protect himself by them, IV. xxvi. 27;
  see also Gospel, and Hebrew Scriptures

Septem, fort at the Pillars of Heracles, III. i. 6;
  John sent thither with an army, IV. v. 6

Sergius, son of Bacchus, and brother of Cyrus;
  becomes ruler of Tripolis in Libya, IV. xxi. 1;
  brother of Solomon the younger, IV. xxi. 19;
  threatened by an army of Leuathae, IV. xxi, 2;
  receives representative from them, IV. xxi. 3 ff.;
  meets them in battle, IV. xxi. 13, 14;
  retires into the city, IV. xxi. 15;
  and receives help from Solomon, IV. xxi. 16, 19;
  succeeds Solomon in the command of Libya, IV. xxii. 1;
  his misrule, IV. xxii, 2;
  his recall demanded by Antalas, IV. xxii. 9, 10;
  Justinian refuses to recall him, IV. xxii. 11;
  appealed to by Paulus to save Hadrumetum, but does nothing,
    IV. xxiii. 20, 21;
  quarrels with John, son of Sisiniolus, IV. xxii. 3; xxiii. 32;
  shares the rule of Libya with Areobindus, IV. xxiv. 4, 5;
  departs to Numidia, IV. xxiv. 6;
  disregards Areobindus' instructions to unite with John, IV. xxiv. 7, 8;
  recalled and sent to Italy, IV. xxiv. 16, XXV. 1

Seric, see Medic Garments, IV. vi. 7

Sestus, city on the Hellespont, III. i. 8

Severianus, son of Asiaticus, a Phoenician;
  his daring encounter with the Moors, IV. xxiii. 6-9;
  escapes to Carthage, IV. xxiii. 17

Shield Mountain (Clypea), ancient fort on Aurasium, IV. xiii. 33

Shoal's Head, see Caputvada, III. xiv. 17

Siccaveneria, city in Libya;
  distance from Carthage, IV. xxiv. 6

Sicily, its size compared with that of Sardinia, IV. xiii. 42;
  invaded by Gizeric, III. v. 22, 23;
  concessions given the Vandals there, III. viii. 13, IV. v. 21;
  reached by the Roman fleet, III. xiii. 22;
  expedition sent thither by Belisarius, IV. v. 11;
  claimed by the Goths, IV. v. 19;
  subjugated by Belisarius, IV. xiv. 1;
  a mutiny there causes Belisarius to return to it, IV. xv. 48, 49;
  refuge of Libyans, IV. xxiii. 28

Sidon, city at the extremity of Phoenicia, IV. x. 15

Sigeum, promontory on the coast of the Troad, III. xiii. 5

Singidunum, town in the land of the Gepaides, modern Belgrade, III. ii. 6

Sinnion, leader of the Massagetae, III. xi. 12

Sirmium, town in the land of the Gepaides, III. ii. 6

Sisiniolus, father of John, IV. xix. 1, xxii. 3, xxiii. 2, xxiv. 6

Sitiphis, metropolis of "First Mauritania," IV. xx. 30

Sittas, Roman general; slain by Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 17

Sophia, name of the great church in Byzantium, III. vi. 26

Solomon, commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 5;
  a eunuch, III. xi. 6;
  a native of the country about Daras, III. xi. 9;
  uncle of Bacchus, IV. xxi. 1;
  sent to report Belisarius' victory to the emperor, III. xxiv. 19;
  returns to Libya, IV. viii. 4;
  left by Belisarius in charge of Libya, IV. viii. 23;
  receives reinforcements from Byzantium, IV. viii. 24;
  disturbed by the news of uprisings in Libya, IV. x. 1 _ff._;
  writes to the Moorish leaders, IV. xi. 1-8;
  their reply, IV. xi. 9-13;
  moves against the Moors with his whole army, IV. xi. 14;
  addresses his troops, IV. xi. 23-36;
  inflicts a crushing defeat upon the enemy at Mammes, IV. xi. 15 ff.;
  receives word of the second Moorish uprising, and marches back,
    IV. xii. 2;
  wins a brilliant victory on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. xii. 3 ff.;
  moves against Iaudas, IV. xiii. 18;
  instigated against him by other Moorish leaders, IV. xiii. 19;
  encamps on the Abigas River, IV. xiii. 20;
  ascends Mt. Aurasium with few provisions, IV. xiii. 30-33;
  eluded by the Moors, IV. xiii. 35, 36;
  returns to Carthage, IV. xiii. 39;
  prepares a second expedition against Mt. Aurasium, IV. xiii. 40;
  and against Sardinia, IV. xiii. 41. 45;
  passes the winter in Carthage, IV. xiv. 4;
  opposed by the soldiers in regard to confiscated lands, IV. xiv. 10;
  plan to assassinate him, IV. xiv. 22;
  his guards implicated in the plot, IV. xiv. 23;
  failure of the conspirators to act, IV. xiv. 24-27;
  tries to win back the loyalty of his men, IV. xiv. 30;
  insulted openly, IV. xiv. 31;
  sends Theodorus to the mutineers, IV. xiv. 32;
  his enmity toward Theodorus, IV. xiv. 33;
  his acquaintances killed by the mutineers, IV. xiv. 36;
  flees to a sanctuary in the palace, IV. xiv. 37;
  joined by Martinus there, _ibid._;
  they come out to the house of Theodorus, IV. xiv. 38;
  escape in a boat to Misuas, whence he sends Martinus to
  Numidia, IV. xiv. 40;
  writes to Theodorus, and departs to Syracuse, IV. xiv. 41;
  begs Belisarius to come to Carthage, IV. xiv. 42;
  returns with him, IV. xv. 9;
  entrusted again with the command of Libya, IV. xix. 1;
  his prosperous rule, IV. xix. 3, 4, xx. 33;
  marches against Iaudas once more, IV. xix. 5;
  sends Gontharis ahead, IV. xix. 6;
  hears of the defeat of Gontharis, IV. xix. 9;
  advances to the camp of Gontharis, thence to Babosis, IV. xix. 16;
  defeats the Moors in battle, IV. xix. 17;
  plunders the plain and then returns to Zerboule, IV. xix. 20;
  which he unexpectedly captures, IV. xix. 25-31;
  his care of the water supply during the siege of Toumar, IV. xx. 3;
  addresses the army, IV. xx. 4-9;
  tries to find a point of attack, IV. xx. 10, 11;
  fortifies Mt. Aurasium against the Moors, IV. xx, 22;
  fortifies many Libyan cities with money captured from Iaudas,
    IV. xix. 3, xx. 29;
  subjugates Zabe, or "First Mauritania," IV. xx. 30;
  appealed to by Sergius for help, IV. xxi. 16;
  incurs the enmity of Antalas, IV. xxi. 17, xxii. 7, 8;
  marches against the Moors, IV. xxi. 19;
  his overtures scorned by the Leuathae, IV. xxi. 20-22;
  captures some booty and refuses to distribute it to the
  soldiers, IV. xxi. 23, 24;
  defeated by the Moors and slain, IV. xxi. 25-28;
  Justinian's regard for him, IV. xxii. 11;
  builds and fortifies a monastery in Carthage, IV. xxvi. 17;
  standards of, recovered from the Moors, IV. xxviii. 46

Solomon the younger, brother of Cyrus and Sergius;
  marches with Solomon against the Moors, IV. xxi. 19;
  his capture and release, IV. xxii. 12-17

Solomon, king of the Jews, IV. ix. 7

Sophia, temple of, in Byzantium;
  appropriateness of its name, III. vi. 26

Spain, settled by the Vandals, III. iii. 2, 22;
  invaded by Constantinus, III. ii. 31;
  settled by the Visigoths, III. iii. 26. xxiv. 7, IV. iv. 34

Stagnum, a harbour near Carthage, III. xv. 15;
  the Roman fleet anchors there, III. xx. 15, 16

Stotzas, a body-guard of Martinus, destined not to return to
  Byzantium, III. xi. 30;
  chosen tyrant by the mutineers, IV. xv. 1;
  marches on Carthage, IV. xv. 2;
  invites the Vandals to join his army, IV. xv. 3, 4;
  demands the surrender of Carthage, IV. xv. 5;
  kills the envoy Joseph, and besieges Carthage, IV. xv. 8;
  addresses his troops, IV. xv. 30-39;
  defeated by Belisarius, IV. xv. 40 ff.;
  his forces gather in Numidia, IV. xv. 50;
  the Romans march against him at Gazophyla, IV. xv. 52;
  comes alone into the Roman army and addresses the soldiers,
    IV. xv. 53-57;
  received with favour, IV. xv. 58;
  kills the Roman commanders in a sanctuary, IV. xv. 59;
  eager to fight a battle with Germanus, IV. xvi. 8;
  approaches Carthage, hoping for defection from there, IV. xvi. 9, 10;
  his hopes falsified, IV. xvii. 1;
  defeated by Germanus at Scalae Veteres, IV. xvii. 3 ff.;
  escapes with a few men, IV. xvii. 24;
  hopes to renew the battle with the help of the Moors, IV. xvii. 32;
  makes his escape with difficulty, IV. xvii. 33;
  suffers another defeat, IV. xvii. 34;
  withdraws to Mauritania and marries the daughter of a Moorish
  chief, IV. xvii. 35;
  the end of his mutiny, _ibid._; IV. xix. 3;
  joins Antalas, IV. xxii. 5, xxiii. 1;
  receives Roman captives, IV. xxiii. 10, 17;
  joins the Moors in plundering Libya, IV. xxiii. 26-31;
  Areobindus sends an army against him, IV. xxiv. 6;
  his enmity against John, IV, xxiv. 9;
  mortally wounded by him in battle, IV. xxiv. 11;
  carried out of the battle, IV. xxiv. 12;
  his death, IV. xxiv. 14;
  succeeded by John as tyrant of the mutineers, IV. xxv. 3

Syllectus, city in Libya, III. xvi. 9;
  captured by Belisarius' men, III. xvi. 11;
  entered by the Roman army, III. xvii. 6

Symmachus, a Roman senator;
  accompanies Germanus to Libya, IV. xvi. 2;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xix. 1

Syracuse, city in Sicily, III. xiv. 13;
  its harbour Arethusa, III. xiv. 11;
  Procopius sent thither, III. xiv. 3, 7;
  Belisarius passes the winter there, IV. xiv. 4, 41;
  distance from Caucana, III. xiv. 4


Taenarum, called Caenopolis in Procopius' time;
  promontory of the Peloponnesus, III. xiii. 8;
  Gizeric repulsed from there, III. xxii. 16

Tamougadis, a city at the foot of Mt. Aurasium;
  dismantled by the Moors, IV. xiii. 26, xix. 20

Tattimuth, sent in command of an army to Tripolis, III. x. 23;
  receives support from Belisarius, IV. v. 10

Taulantii, a people of Illyricum, III. ii. 9

Tebesta, city in Libya;
  distance from Carthage, IV. xxi. 19

Terentius, Roman commander of infantry, III. xi. 7, IV. xv. 50

Theoderic, king of the Goths;
  gives his daughter in marriage to the king of the Vandals, and
  makes certain concessions in Sicily, III. viii. 11-13, IV. v. 21;
  becomes hostile to the Vandals, III. ix. 3;
  refrains from attacking them III. ix. 5;
  his death, III. xiv. 6;
  grandfather of Antalaric, _ibid._;
  brother of Amalafrida, III. viii. 11, 13

Theodora, wife of Justinian;
  distributes rewards to Gelimer and others, IV. ix. 13

Theodorus, youngest son of Gizeric;
  his death, III. v. 11

Theodorus, called Cteanus, commander of infantry, III. xi. 7

Theodorus, commander of guards;
  sent to the top of Mt. Bourgaon by Solomon, IV. xii. 17;
  killed by the mutineers, IV. xiv. 35;
  his excellent qualities as a soldier, _ibid._

Theodorus, the Cappadocian;
  sent to Libya with an army, IV. viii. 24;
  sent by Solomon to quiet the mutineers, IV. xiv. 32;
  his enmity against Solomon, IV. xiv. 33;
  elected general by the mutineers, IV. xiv. 34;
  gives Solomon and Martinus dinner and helps them to escape, IV. xiv. 38;
  bidden by Solomon to take care of Carthage, IV. xiv. 41;
  refuses to surrender Carthage to Stotzas, IV. xv. 6;
  made joint ruler of Carthage with Ildiger, IV. xv. 49;
  at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. xvii. 6, 19;
  learns of the plot of Maximinus from Asclepiades, IV. xviii. 4

Theodosius I, Roman emperor, father of Arcadius and Honorius, III. i. 2;
  overthrows the tyranny of Maximus, III. iv. 16

Theodosius II, son of Arcadius;
  becomes emperor of the East, III. ii. 33, iii. 6;
  Honorius considers the possibility of finding refuge with him,
    III. ii. 32;
  rears Valentinian, III. iii. 5;
  makes him emperor of the West, III. iii. 8;
  sends an army against the tyrant John, _ibid._;
  his death, III. iv. 39;
  succeeded by Marcian, III. iv. 2, 10;
  father of Eudoxia, III. iv. 15

Thrace, starting point of Alaric's invasion, III. ii. 7;
  the Goths settle there for a time, III. ii. 39;
  home of several Roman commanders, III. xi. 10;
  adjoins "Germania," III. xi. 21;
  royal horse-pastures there, III. xii. 6;
  home of Himerius, IV. xxiii. 3;
  and of Peter, IV. xxviii. 3

Thessalian cape, or chlamys, III. xxv. 7

Theodatus, king of the Goths;
  Belisarius sent against him, IV. xiv. 1

Theudis, king of the Visigoths, IV. iv. 34;
  receives envoys from Gelimer, III. xxiv. 7-16

Tigisis, city in Numidia, IV. x. 21;
  two Phoenician inscriptions there, IV. x. 22;
  its great spring, IV. xiii. 5

Titus, Roman emperor, IV. ix. 2;
  his capture of Jerusalem, IV. ix. 5;
  son of Vespasian, _ibid._

Toumar, place on the summit of Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 22;
  besieged by the Romans, IV. xx. 1 ff.;
  scaled by Gezon and captured by Solomon, IV. xx. 1-20

Trajan, Roman emperor, IV. ix. 2

Trasamundus, brother of Gundamundus;
  becomes king of the Vandals, III. viii. 8;
  tries to win over the Christians, III. viii. 9, 10;
  asks the hand of Amalafrida, III. viii. 11;
  becomes a friend of Anastasius, III. viii. 14;
  his death, III. viii. 29

Tricamarum, place in Libya;
  distance from Carthage, IV. ii. 4;
  Vandals defeated there, IV. iii. 1 ff., iv. 35, v. 2, 9

Tripolis, district in Libya;
  distance from Gadira, III. i. 14;
  the Vandals there defeated by Heraclius, III. vi. 9, 11;
  Moors dwelling there, III. viii. 15;
  lost again by the Vandals, III. x. 22-24;
  Gelimer hopeless of recovering it, III. xi. 22;
  Belisarius sends an army thither, IV. v. 10;
  rule of, falls to Sergius, IV. xxi. 1;
  Leuathae come from there with a large army, IV. xxviii. 47

Troy, III. xxi. 4

Tryphon, sent to Libya to assess the taxes, IV. viii. 25

Tuscan Sea, separated from the Adriatic by Gaulus and Melita, III. xiv. 16;
  severity of its storms, IV. iv. 37

Tzazon, brother of Gelimer;
  sent with an army to recover Sardinia, III. xi. 23;
  overthrows and kills Godas in Sardinia, III. xxiv. 1;
  writes to Gelimer, III. xxiv. 2-4;
  receives a letter from him, III. xxv. 10-18;
  thereupon departs for Libya, III. xxv. 19-21;
  meets Gelimer in the Plain of Boulla, III. xxv. 24;
  addresses his troops separately, IV. ii. 23-32;
  commands the centre at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. in. 1, 8, 10, 12;
  his death, IV. iii. 14;
  his head taken to Sardinia by Cyril, IV. v. 2, 4


Uliaris, body-guard of Belisarius, III. xix. 23;
  his stupid action at Decimum, III. xix. 24;
  kills John the Armenian accidentally, IV, iv. 15 ff.;
  takes refuge in a sanctuary, IV. iv. 21;
  spared by Belisarius, IV. iv. 25

Ulitheus, trusted body-guard of Gontharis, IV. xxv. 8;
  bears messages to Antalas, IV. xxv. 8-11, 19;
  at Gontharis' order assassinates Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 32, 33, xxvii. 20;
  marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 25 ff.;
  killed by Artasires at the banquet of Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 19 ff.


Valentinian, son of Constantius, reared by Theodosius, III. iii. 5;
  made emperor of the West, III. iii. 8;
  captures John and after brutal abuse kills him, III. iii. 9;
  his viciousness resulting from early training, III. iii. 10, 11;
  loses Libya to the empire, III. iii. 12;
  receives tribute and a hostage from Gizeric, III. iv. 13;
  returns the hostage, III. iv. 14;
  slays Aetius, III. iv. 27;
  outrages the wife of Maximus, III. iv. 16 ff.;
  slain by him, III. iv. 15, 36;
  son of Placidia, III. iii. 10;
  father of Eudocia and Placidia, III. v. 3, vi. 6;
  husband of Eudoxia, III. iv. 15;
  members of his family receive rewards from Justinian and Theodora,
    IV. ix. 13

Valerian, commander of auxiliaries, III. xi. 6;
  sent with Martinus in advance of the African expedition,
    III. xi. 24, 29;
  meets the Roman fleet at Methone, III. xiii. 9;
  on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
  Martinus sent to him in Numidia, IV. xiv. 40;
  summoned to Byzantium, IV. xix. 2

Vandals, a Gothic people, III. ii. 2;
  whence they came into the Roman empire, III. i. 1, iii. 1 ff.;
  a portion of them left behind and lost to memory, III. xxii. 3, 13;
  settle in Spain, III. iii. 2;
  their alliance sought by Boniface, III. iii. 22, 25;
  cross from Spain into Libya, III. iii. 26;
  defeat Boniface in battle, III. iii. 31;
  besiege Hippo Regius, III. iii. 32, 34;
  defeat a second Roman army, III. iii. 35;
  secure possession of Libya, III. xxii. 4;
  send Moors to Sardinia, IV. xiii. 43;
  take the church of St. Cyprian at Carthage from the Christians,
    III. xxi. 19;
  invade Italy and sack Rome, III. v. 1 ff.;
  their numbers together with the Alani, III. v. 18-20;
  absorb all barbarian peoples associated with them except the Moors,
    III. v. 21;
  Leon sends an expedition against them, III. vi. 1 ff.;
  driven out of Sardinia by Marcellianus; III. vi. 8;
  defeated in Tripolis by Heraclius, III. vi. 9;
  lost Mt. Aurasium to the Moors, IV. xiii. 26;
  enter into an "endless peace" with the emperor Zeno, III. vii. 26;
  make war on the Moors, III. viii. 1, 2;
  suffer a great disaster at the hands of the Moors, III. viii. 15-28;
  defeated by the Moors, and become enemies of the Goths, III. ix. 3;
  defeated many times by the Moors, IV. x. 29;
  Justinian prepares an expedition against them, III. x. 1 ff.;
  lose Tripolis, III. x. 22-24;
  and Sardinia, III. x. 25-27;
  letter addressed to them by Justinian, III. xvi. 12-14;
  recover Sardinia, III. xxiv. 1;
  defeated by the Romans at Decimum, III. xviii. 1 ff.;
  greatly feared by the Roman army III. xix. 27;
  collected by Gelimer in the Plain of Boulla, III. xxv. 1 ff.;
  besiege Carthage, IV. i. 3;
  invite the Huns to join them, IV. i. 5;
  defeated by the Romans at Tricamarum, IV. ii. 4 ff.;
  taken to Byzantium by Belisarius, IV. xiv. 17;
  some of them go to the East, while the others escape to Libya,
    IV. xiv. 17-19;
  together with their women, sent out of Libya, IV. xix. 3;
  upon invitation of Stotzas, join the mutineers, IV. xv. 3, 4;
  accumulate great wealth in Africa, IV. iii. 26;
  not trusted by the Libyans, III. xvi. 3;
  their effeminacy as a nation, IV. vi. 5-9;
  their women, as wives of the Romans, incite them to mutiny,
    IV. xiv. 8, 9;
  priests of, incite Romans of Arian faith to mutiny, IV. xiv. 13;
  Vandals' estates, established by Gizeric, III. v. 12;
  Vandals of Justinian, IV. xiv. 17

Veredarii (Latin), royal messengers, III. xvi. 12

Vespasian, Roman emperor, father of Titus, IV. ix. 5

Vigilantia, mother of Prejecta, and sister of Justinian, IV. xxiv. 3

Visigoths, a Gothic people, III. ii. 2;
  their alliance with Arcadius, III. ii. 7;
  the destruction wrought by them in Italy, III. ii. 11-12;
  settle in Spain, III. iii. 26; IV. iv. 34;
  invited to form alliance with the Vandals, III. xxiv. 7

Zabe, called "First Mauritania";
  subjugated by Solomon, IV. xx. 30

Zacynthus, island off the coast of Greece, III. xiii. 21;
  its inhabitants the victims of Gizeric's atrocity, III. xxii. 15, 17, 18

Zaïdus, commander of Roman infantry, III. xi. 7

Zaunus, son of Paresmanes, and father of Leontius and Rufinus,
    IV. xix. 1, xx. 19

Zeno, emperor of the East;
  husband of Ariadne, and father of Leon the younger, III. vii. 2;
  shares the empire with his infant son, III. vii. 3;
  flees into Isauria, III. vii. 18;
  gathers an army and marches against Basiliscus, III. vii. 20;
  meets Harmatus and receives the army by surrender, III. vii. 21;
  captures Basiliscus and banishes him, III. vii. 22, 24;
  becomes emperor a second time, III. vii. 23;
  kills Harmatus, _ibid._;
  forms a compact with Gizeric, III. vii. 26

Zerboule, fortress on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix. 19, 20;
  besieged by the Romans, IV. xix. 23-27;
  abandoned by the Moors, IV. xix. 28-32



     *     *     *     *     *     *



Transcriber's Note:

   Periods added in index to some instances of Roman numerals
   to conform to rest of index.

   Index Errata:

      Under Adriatic Sea "Melite" should read "Melita"

      "Apollonaris" should read "Apollonarius"

      "Arethusa" should read "Arethousa" (also under Syracuse)

      Under Ariadne "Zenon" should read "Zeno"
        Also under: Basiliscus, brother of Berine
                    Basiliscus, son of Harmatus
                    Gizeric
                    Harmatus
                    Leon the younger

      "Atalaric" should be "Antalaric"

      Under Atalaric "Amalasuntha" should be "Amalasountha"

      "Centenarium" should be "Centenaria"

      "Dromon" should be "Dromone"

      "Gepaides" should be "Gepaedes"
        Also under: Singidunum
                    Sirmium

      Under Gizeric "Olyvrius" should be "Olybrius"
        Also under: Olyvrius
                    Placidia

      "Heraclius" should be "Heracleius" also under: Tripolis Vandals

      Under Iaudas "Mephanius" should be "Mephanias"

      "Iourpouthes" should be "Iourphothes"

      Under John, the mutineer, "Pamphilus" should be "Pasiphilus"

      "Juppiter" should be "Jupiter"

      Under Leontius "Zaunus" should be "Zaunas" Also under: Zaunus

      "Leptes" should be "Leptis"

      "Medeos" should be "Medeus"

      "Medissinissas" should be "Medisinissas"

      Under Zaunus "Paresmanes" should be "Pharesmanes"





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