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Title: The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II.

Author: T. Smollett

Release date: September 8, 2006 [eBook #19217]
                Most recently updated: March 2, 2024

Language: English

Credits: David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THREE VOLUMES, VOL.II. ***




THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND

Volume II.


BY DAVID HUME, ESQ.

1688


London: James S. Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane
New York: 26 John Street
1860




In Three Volumes:

VOLUME ONE: The History Of England From The Invasion Of Julius Cæsar To
The End Of The Reign Of James The Second............ By David Hume, Esq.

VOLUME TWO: Continued from the Reign of William and Mary to the Death of
George II........................................... by Tobias Smollett.

VOLUME THREE: From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year
of the Reign of Queen Victoria............... by E. Farr and E.H. Nolan.




VOLUME TWO


CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT, M.D.


[Illustration: 2-frontis-marlborough.jpg FRONTISPIECE: MARLEBOROUGH]

[Illustration: titlepage11.jpg  TITLEPAGE: EXECUTION OF DUDLEY]




MAPS:

[Illustration: map5.jpg MAP OF INDIA]

[Illustration: map6.jpg MAP OF UNITED STATES]

[Illustration: map7.jpg MAP OF SCOTLAND]

[Illustration: map8.jpg MAP OF THE BALTIC]




CHAPTER I.

WILLIAM AND MARY.

     _State of the Nation immediately after the Revolution.....
     Account of the new Ministry..... The Convention converted
     into a Parliament..... Mutiny in the Army..... The
     Coronation, and abolition of Hearth-money..... The Commons
     vote a Sum of Money to indemnify the Dutch..... William’s
     Efforts in Favour of the Dissenters..... Act for a
     Toleration..... Violent disputes about the Bill for a
     Comprehension..... The Commons address the King to summon a
     Convocation of the Clergy..... Settlement of the
     Revenue..... The King takes Umbrage at the Proceedings of
     the Whig-party..... Heats and Animosities about the Bill of
     Indemnity recommended by the King..... Birth of the Duke of
     Gloucester..... Affairs of the Continent..... War declared
     against France..... Proceedings in the Convention of
     Scotland, of which the Duke of Hamilton is chosen
     President..... Letters to the Convention from King William
     and King James..... They recognise the authority of King
     William..... They vote the Crown vacant, and pass an Act of
     settlement in favour of William and Mary..... They appoint
     Commissioners to make a Tender of the Crown to William, who
     receives it on the conditions they propose..... Enumeration
     of their Grievances..... The Convention is declared a
     Parliament, and the Duke of Hamilton King’s
     Commissioner..... Prelacy abolished in that Kingdom..... The
     Scots dissatisfied with the King’s Conduct..... Violent
     disputes in the Scotch Parliament..... which is
     adjourned..... A Remonstrance presented to the King--The
     Castle of Edinburgh besieged and taken-The Troops of King
     William defeated at Killycrankie..... King James cordially
     received by the French King..... Tyrconnel temporizes with
     King William..... James arrives in Ireland..... Issues five
     Proclamations at Dublin..... Siege of Londonderry..... The
     Inhabitants defend themselves with surprising Courage and
     Perseverance..... Cruelty of Rosene, the French General.....
     The Place is relieved by Kirke..... The Inniskilliners
     defeat and take General Maccarty..... Meeting of the Irish
     Parliament..... They repeal the Act of Settlement..... Pass
     an Act of Attainder against Absentees..... James coins base
     Money..... The Protestants of Ireland cruelly oppressed.....
     Their Churches are seized by the Catholics, and they are
     forbid to assemble on pain of Death..... Admiral Herbert
     worsted by the French Fleet in an Engagement near Ban-try-
     bay..... Divers Sentences and Attainders reversed in
     Parliament..... Inquiry into the Cause of Miscarriages in
     Ireland..... Bills passed in this Session of Parliament._




STATE OF THE NATION IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE REVOLUTION.

{1689}

The constitution of England had now assumed a new aspect. The maxim
of hereditary indefeisible right was at length renounced by a free
parliament. The power of the crown was acknowledged to flow from no
other fountain than that of a contract with the people. Allegiance and
protection were declared reciprocal ties depending upon each other. The
representatives of the nation made a regular claim of rights in
behalf of their constituents; and William III. ascended the throne in
consequence of an express capitulation with the people. Yet, on this
occasion, the zeal of the parliament towards their deliverer seems to
have overshot their attachment to their own liberty and privileges: or
at least they neglected the fairest opportunity that ever occurred, to
retrench those prerogatives of the crown to which they imputed all the
late and former calamities of the kingdom. Their new monarch retained
the old regal power over parliaments in its full extent. He was left
at liberty to convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at
his pleasure. He was enabled to influence elections, and oppress
corporations. He possessed the right of choosing his own council; of
nominating all the great officers of the state, and of the household, of
the army, the navy, and the church. He reserved the absolute command
of the militia: so that lie remained master of all the instruments and
engines of corruption and violence, without any other restraint than his
own moderation, and prudent regard to the claim of rights, and principle
of resistance on which the revolution was founded. In a word, the
settlement was finished with some precipitation, before the plan had
been properly digested and matured; and this will be the case in every
establishment formed upon a sudden emergency in the face of opposition.
It was observed, that the king, who was made by the people, had it in
his power to rule without them; to govern _jure divino_ though he was
created _jure humano_: and that, though the change proceeded from a
republican spirit, the settlement was built upon tory maxims; for
the execution of his government continued still independent of his
commission, while his own person remained sacred and inviolable. The
prince of Orange had been invited to England by a coalition of parties,
united by a common sense of danger; but this tie was no sooner broken
than they flew asunder and each resumed its original bias. Their mutual
jealousy and rancour revived, and was heated by dispute into intemperate
zeal and enthusiasm. Those who at first acted from principles of
patriotism were insensibly warmed into partizans; and king William
soon found himself at the head of a faction. As he had been bred, a
Calvinist, and always expressed an abhorrence of spiritual persecution,
the presbyter-ians, and other protestant dissenters, considered him as
their peculiar protector, and entered into his interests with the most
zealous fervour and assiduity. For the same reasons the friends of
the church became jealous of his proceedings, and employed all their
influence, first in opposing his elevation to the throne, and afterwards
in thwarting his measures. Their party was espoused by all the friends
of the lineal succession; by the Roman catholics; by those who were
personally attached to the late king; and by such as were disgusted
by the conduct and personal deportment of William since his arrival
in England. They observed, That, contrary to his declaration, he
had plainly aspired to the crown; and treated his father-in-law with
insolence and rigour; that his army contained a number of foreign
papists, almost equal to that of the English Roman catholics whom James
had employed; that the reports so industriously circulated about the
birth of the prince of Wales, the treaty with France for enslaving
England, and the murder of the earl of Essex-reports countenanced by the
prince of Orange-now appeared to be without foundation; that the Dutch
troops remained in London, while the English forces were distributed in
remote quarters; that the prince declared the first should be kept about
his person, and the latter sent to Ireland; that the two houses out of
complaisance to William, had denied their late sovereign the justice of
being heard in his own defence; and that the Dutch had lately interfered
with the trade of London, which was already sensibly diminished. These
were the sources of discontent, swelled up by the resentment of some
noblemen and other individuals, disappointed in their hopes of profit
and preferment.




ACCOUNT OF THE NEW MINISTRY.

William began his reign with a proclamation, for confirming all
protestants in the offices which they enjoyed on the first day of
December; then he chose the members of his council, who were generally
staunch to his interest, except the archbishop of Canterbury and the
earl of Nottingham, and these were admitted in complaisance to the
church-party, which it was not thought adviseable to provoke. [001]
_[See note A, at the end of this Vol.]_ Nottingham and Shrewsbury were
appointed secretaries of state; the privy-seal was bestowed upon the
marquis of Halifax; the earl of Danby was created president of
the council. These two noblemen enjoyed a good share of the king’s
confidence, and Nottingham was considerable as head of the church-party:
but the chief favourite was Bentinck, first commoner on the list of
privy-counsellors, as well as groom of the stole and privy purse.
D’Averquerque was made master of the horse, Zuylestein of the robes, and
Sehomberg of the ordnance: the treasury, admiralty, and chancery were
put in commission; twelve able judges were chosen;* and the diocese of
Salisbury being vacated by the death of Dr. Ward, the king of his own
free motion filled it with Burnet, who had been a zealous stickler for
his interest; and in a particular manner instrumental in effecting the
revolution. Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, refused to consecrate
this ecclesiastic, though the reasons of his refusal are not specified;
but, being afraid of incurring the penalties of a premunire, he granted
a commission to the bishop of London, and three other suffragans, to
perform that ceremony. Burnet was a prelate of some parts, and great
industry; moderate in his notions of church discipline, inquisitive,
meddling, vain, and credulous. In consequence of having incurred the
displeasure of the late king, he had retired to the continent and fixed
his residence in Holland, where he was naturalized, and attached himself
to the interest of the prince of Orange, who consulted him about the
affairs of England. He assisted in drawing up the prince’s manifesto,
and wrote some other papers and pamphlets in defence of his design.
He was demanded of the States by the English ambassador as a British
fugitive, outlawed by king James, and excepted in the act of indemnity.
Nevertheless, he came over with William in quality of his chaplain; and,
by his intrigues, contributed in some measure to the success of that
expedition. The principal individuals that composed this ministry have
been characterized in the history of the preceding reigns. We have had
occasion to mention the fine talents, the vivacity, the flexibility of
Halifax; the plausibility, the enterprising genius, the obstinacy of
Danby; the pompous eloquence, the warmth, and ostentation of Nottingham;
the probity and popularity of Shrewsbury. Godolphin, now brought into
the treasury, was modest, silent, sagacious, and upright. Mordaunt,
appointed first commissioner of that board, and afterwards created earl
of Monmouth, was open, generous, and a republican in his principles.
Delamere, chancellor of the exchequer, promoted in the sequel to the
rank of earl of Warrington, was close and mercenary. Obsequiousness,
fidelity, and attachment to his master, composed the character of
Bentinck, whom the king raised to the dignity of earl of Portland. The
English favourite, Sidney, was a man of wit and pleasure, possessed of
the most engaging talents for conversation and private friendship, but
rendered unfit for public business by indolence and inattention. He
was ennobled, and afterwards created earl of Romney; a title which he
enjoyed with several successive posts of profit and importance. The
stream of honour and preferment ran strong in favour of the whigs, and
this appearance of partiality confirmed the suspicion and resentment of
the opposite party.

     * Sir John Holt was appointed lord chief justice of the king’s
          bench, and Sir Henry Pollexfen of the common pleas: the
          earl of Devonshire was made lord steward of the
          household, and the earl of Dorset lord
          chamberlain.--_Ralph._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE CONVENTION CONVERTED INTO A PARLIAMENT.

The first resolution taken in the new council was to convert the
convention into a parliament, that the new settlement might be
strengthened by a legal sanction, which was now supposed to be wanting,
as the assembly had not been convoked by the king’s writ of summons.
The experiment of a new election was deemed too hazardous; therefore the
council determined that the king should, by virtue of his own authority,
change the convention into a parliament, by going to the house of peers
with the usual state of a sovereign, and pronouncing a speech from the
throne to both houses. This expedient was accordingly practised. [002]
_[See note B, at the end of this Vol.]_ He assured them he should never
take any step that would diminish the good opinion they had conceived
of his integrity. He told them that Holland was in such a situation as
required their immediate attention and assistance; that the posture of
affairs at home likewise demanded their serious consideration; that
a good settlement was necessary, not only for the establishment of
domestic peace, but also for the support of the protestant interest
abroad: that the affairs of Ireland were too critically situated to
admit the least delay in their deliberations; he therefore begged they
would be speedy and effectual in concerting such measures as should
be judged indispensably necessary for the welfare of the nation. The
commons returning to their house, immediately passed a vote of thanks
to his majesty, and made an order that his speech should be taken into
consideration. After the throne had been declared vacant by a small
majority of the peers, those who opposed that measure had gradually
withdrawn themselves from the house, so that very few remained but such
as were devoted to the new monarch. These therefore brought in a bill
for preventing all disputes concerning the present parliament. In the
meantime, Mr. Hambden, in the lower house, put the question, Whether
a king elected by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons
assembled at Westminster, coming to and consulting with the said lords
and commons, did not make as complete a parliament and legislative
power and authority as if the said king should cause new elections to
be made by writ? Many members affirmed that the king’s writ was as
necessary as his presence to the being of a legal parliament, and as the
convention was defective in this particular, it could not be vested
with a parliamentary authority by any management whatsoever. The whigs
replied, That the essence of a parliament consisted in the meeting
and co-operation of the king, lords, and commons; and that it was not
material whether they were convoked by writ or by letter: they proved
this assertion by examples deduced from the history of England: they
observed that a new election would be attended with great trouble,
expense, and loss of time; and that such delay might prove fatal to
the protestant interest in Ireland, as well as to the allies on the
continent. In the midst of this debate the bill was brought down from
the lords, and being read, a committee was appointed to make some
amendments. These were no sooner made than the commons sent it back to
the upper house, and it immediately received the royal assent. By this
act the lords and commons assembled at Westminster were declared the two
houses of parliament to all intents and purposes: it likewise ordained,
That the present act, and all other acts to which the royal assent
should be given before the next prorogation, should be understood and
adjudged in law to begin on the thirteenth day of February: that the
members, instead of the old oaths of allegiance and supremacy, should
take the new oath incorporated in this act under the ancient penalty;
and that the present parliament should be dissolved in the usual manner.
Immediately after this transaction a warm debate arose in the house of
commons about the revenue, which the courtiers alleged had devolved with
the crown upon William, at least during the life of James, for which
term the greater part of it had been granted. The members in the
opposition affirmed that these grants were vacated with the throne; and
at length it was voted, That the revenue had expired. Then a motion was
made, That a revenue should be settled on the king and queen; and
the house resolved it should be taken into consideration. While they
deliberated on this affair they received a message from his majesty,
importing that the late king had set sail from Brest with an armament to
invade Ireland. They forthwith resolved to assist his majesty with
their lives and fortunes; they voted a temporary aid of four hundred and
twenty thousand pounds, to be levied by monthly assessments, and both
houses waited on the king to signify this resolution. But this unanimity
did not take place till several lords spiritual as well as temporal had,
rather than take the oaths, absented themselves from parliament. The
nonjuring prelates were Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury; Turner,
bishop of Ely; Lake, of Chichester; Ken, of Bath and Wells; White, of
Peterborough; Lloyd, of Norwich; Thomas, of Worcester; and Frampton,
of Gloucester. The temporal peers who refused the oath were the duke
of Newcastle; the earls of Clarendon, Litchfield, Exeter, Yarmouth, and
Stafford; the lords Griffin and Stawel. Five of the bishops withdrew
themselves from the house at one time; but before they retired one of
the number moved for a bill of toleration, and another of comprehension,
by which moderate dissenters might be reconciled to the church, and
admitted into ecclesiastical benefices. Such bills were actually
prepared and presented by the earl of Nottingham, who received the
thanks of the house for the pains he had taken. From this period the
party averse to the government of William were distinguished by the
appellation of Nonjurors. They rejected the notion of a king _de facto_,
as well as all other distinctions and limitations; and declared for the
absolute power and divine hereditary indefeisible right of sovereigns.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




MUTINY IN THE ARMY.

This faction had already begun to practise against the new government.
The king having received some intimation of their designs from
intercepted letters, ordered the earl of Arran, sir Robert Hamilton, and
some other gentlemen of the Scottish nation, to be apprehended and sent
prisoners to the Tower. Then he informed the two houses of the step he
had taken, and even craved their advice with regard to his conduct in
such a delicate affair which had compelled him to trespass upon the
law of England. The lords thanked him for the care he took of their
liberties, and desired he would secure all disturbers of the peace: but
the commons empowered him by a bill to dispense with the _habeas-corpus_
act till the seventeenth day of April next ensuing. This was a stretch
of confidence in the crown which had not been made in favour of the late
king, even while Argyle and Monmouth were in open rebellion. A spirit of
discontent had by this time diffused itself through the army, and become
so formidable to the court, that the king resolved to retain the Dutch
troops in England and send over to Holland in their room such regiments
as were most tinctured with disaffection. Of these the Scottish regiment
of Dumbarton, commanded by mareschal Schomberg, mutinied on its march
to Ipswich, seized the military chest, disarmed the officers who opposed
their design, declared for king James, and with four pieces of cannon
began their march for Scotland. William, being informed of this revolt,
ordered general Ginckel to pursue them with three regiments of
Dutch dragoons, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. As the
delinquents were natives of Scotland, which had not yet submitted in
form to the new government, the king did not think proper to punish
them as rebels, but ordered them to proceed for Holland according to his
first intention. Though this attempt proved abortive, it made a strong
impression upon the ministry, who were divided among themselves and
wavered in their principles. However, they used this opportunity to
bring in a bill for punishing mutiny and desertion, which in a little
time passed both houses and received the royal assent.




CORONATION--ABOLITION OF HEARTH-MONEY.

The coronation oath [003] _[See note C, at the end of this Vol.]_ being
altered and explained, that ceremony was performed on the eleventh day
of April, the bishop of London officiating, at the king’s desire, in the
room of the metropolitan, who was a malcontent; and next day the commons
in a body waited on the king and queen at Whitehall, with an address of
congratulation. William, with a view to conciliate the affections of his
new subjects, and check the progress of clamour and discontent,
signified in a solemn message to the house of commons, his readiness to
acquiesce in any measure they should think proper to take for a new
regulation or total suppression of the hearth-money, which he understood
was a grievous imposition on his subjects; and this tax was afterwards
abolished. He was gratified with an address of thanks, couched in the
warmest expressions of duty, gratitude, and affection, declaring they
would take such measures in support of his crown, as would convince the
world that he reigned in the hearts of his people.




THE COMMONS VOTE MONEY TO INDEMNIFY THE DUTCH.

He had, in his answer to their former address, assured them of his
constant regard to the rights and prosperity of the nation: he had
explained the exhausted state of the Dutch; expatiated upon the zeal of
that republic for the interests of Britain, as well as the maintenance
of the protestant religion; and expressed his hope that the English
parliament would not only repay the sums they had expended in his
expedition, but likewise further support them to the utmost of their
ability against the common enemies of their liberties and religion. He
had observed that a considerable army and fleet would be necessary for
the reduction of Ireland and the protection of Britain, and he desired
they would settle the revenue in such a manner that it might be
collected without difficulty and dispute. The sum total of the money
expended by the states-general in William’s expedition amounted to
seven millions of guilders, and the commons granted six hundred thousand
pounds for the discharge of this debt, incurred for the preservation of
their rights and religion. They voted funds for raising and maintaining
an army of two-and-twenty thousand men, as well as for equipping
a numerous fleet: but they provided for no more than half a year’s
subsistence of the troops, hoping the reduction of Ireland might
be finished in that term; and this instance of frugality the king
considered as a mark of their diffidence of his administration. The
whigs were resolved to supply him gradually, that he might be the more
dependent upon their zeal and attachment; but he was not at all pleased
with their precaution.




WILLIAM’S EFFORTS IN FAVOUR OF DISSENTEES.

William was naturally biassed to Calvinism, and averse to persecution.
Whatever promises he had made, and whatever sentiments of respect he had
entertained for the church of England, he seemed now in a great measure
alienated from it by the opposition he had met with from its members,
particularly from the bishops who had thwarted his measures. By
absenting themselves from parliament, and refusing the oath, they had
plainly disowned his title and renounced his government. He therefore
resolved to mortify the church, and gratify his own friends at the
same time, by removing the obstacles affixed to nonconformity, that
all protestant dissenters should be rendered capable of enjoying and
exercising civil employments. When he gave his assent to the bill for
suspending the _habeas-corpus_ act, he recommended the establishment of
a new oath in lieu of those of allegiance and supremacy: he expressed
his hope that they would leave room for the admission of all his
protestant subjects who should be found qualified for the service;
he said, such a conjunction would unite them the more firmly among
themselves, and strengthen them against their common adversaries.
In consequence of this hint, a clause was inserted in the bill
for abrogating the old and appointing the new oaths, by which the
sacramental test was declared unnecessary in rendering any person
capable of enjoying any office or employment. It was, however, rejected
by a great majority in the house of lords. Another clause for the
same purpose, though in different terms, was proposed by the king’s
direction, and met with the same fate, though in both cases several
noblemen entered a protest against the resolution of the house. These
fruitless efforts in favour of dissenters augmented the prejudice of the
churchmen against king William, who would have willingly compromised
the difference by excusing the clergy from the oaths, provided the
dissenters might be exempted from the sacramental test: but this was
deemed the chief bulwark of the church, and therefore the proposal was
rejected. The church party in the house of lords moved, That instead
of inserting a clause obliging the clergy to take the oaths, the king
should be empowered to tender them; and, in case of their refusal, they
should incur the penalty, because deprivation, or the apprehensions of
it, might make them desperate and excite them to form designs against
the government. This argument had no weight with the commons, who
thought it was indispensably necessary to exact the oaths of the clergy,
as their example influenced the kingdom in general, and the youth of
the nation were formed under their instructions. After a long and
warm debate, all the mitigation that could be obtained was a clause
empowering the king to indulge any twelve clergymen, deprived by virtue
of this act, with a third part of their benefices during pleasure.
Thus the ancient oaths of allegiance and supremacy were abrogated: the
declaration of non-resistance in the act of uniformity was repealed: the
new oath of allegiance was reduced to its primitive simplicity, and the
coronation-oath rendered more explicit. The clergy were enjoined to take
the new oaths before the first day of August, on pain of being suspended
from their office for six months, and of entire deprivation, in case
they should not take them before the expiration of this term. They
generally complied, though with such reservations and distinctions as
were not much for the honour of their sincerity.




ACT FOR A TOLERATION.

The king, though baffled in his design against the sacramental test,
resolved to indulge the dissenters with a toleration; and a bill for
this purpose being prepared by the earl of Nottingham, was, after some
debate, passed into a law, under the title of an act for exempting their
majesties’ protestant subjects, dissenting from the church of England,
from the penalties of certain laws. It enacted, That none of the penal
laws should be construed to extend to those dissenters who should take
the oaths to the present government, and subscribe the declaration of
the thirtieth year of the reign of Charles II. provided that they should
hold no private assemblies or conventicles with the doors shut; that
nothing should be construed to exempt them from the payment of tithes or
other parochial duties: that, in case of being chosen into the office
of constable, churchwarden, overseer, &c. and of scrupling to take the
oaths annexed to such offices, they should be allowed to execute the
employment by deputy: that the preachers and teachers in congregations
of dissenting protestants who should take the oaths, subscribe the
declaration, together with all the articles of religion, except
the thirty-fourth and the two succeeding articles, and part of the
twentieth, should be exempted from the penalties decreed against
non-conformists, as well as from serving upon juries, or acting in
parish offices: yet all justices of the peace were empowered to require
such dissenters to subscribe the declaration and take the oaths; and, in
case of refusal, to commit them to prison without bail or mainprize.
The same indulgence was extended to anabaptists, and even to quakers,
on their solemn promise before God to be faithful to the king and queen,
and their assenting by profession and asseveration to those articles
which the others ratified upon oath: they were likewise required to
profess their belief in the Trinity and the Holy Scriptures. Even the
papists felt the benign influence of William’s moderation in spiritual
matters: he rejected the proposal of some zealots, who exhorted him to
enact severe laws against popish recusants. Such a measure, he observed,
would alienate all the papists of Europe from the interests of England,
and might produce a new Catholic league which would render the war
a religious quarrel; besides, he would not pretend to screen the
protestants of Germany and Hungary, while he himself should persecute
the Catholics of England. He therefore resolved to treat them with
lenity; and though they were not comprehended in the act, they enjoyed
the benefit of the toleration.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




VIOLENT DISPUTES ABOUT THE BILL FOR A COMPREHENSION.

We have observed that, in consequence of the motion made by the bishops
when they withdrew from parliament, a bill was brought into the house
of lords for uniting their majesties’ protestant subjects. This was
extremely agreeable to the king, who had the scheme of comprehension
very much at heart. In the progress of the bill a warm debate arose
about the posture of kneeling at the sacrament, which was given up
in favour of the dissenters. Another no less violent ensued upon the
subsequent question, “Whether there should be an addition of laity in
the commission to be given by the king to the bishops and others of the
clergy, for preparing such a reformation of ecclesiastical affairs as
might be the means of healing divisions, and correcting whatever might
be erroneous or defective in the constitution.” A great number of
the temporal lords insisted warmly on this addition, and when it was
rejected four peers entered a formal protest. Bishop Burnet was a
warm stickler for the exclusion of the laity; and, in all probability,
manifested this warmth in hopes of ingratiating himself with his
brethren, among whom his character was very far from being popular. But
the merit of this sacrifice was destroyed by the arguments he had used
for dispensing with the posture of kneeling at the sacrament; and by his
proposing in another proviso of the bill, that the subscribers, instead
of expressing assent or consent, should only submit with a promise of
conformity.




THE COMMONS ADDRESS THE KING TO SUMMON A CONVOCATION.

The bill was with difficulty passed in the house of lords, but the
commons treated it with neglect. By this time a great number of
malcontent members, who had retired from parliament, were returned with
a view to thwart the administration, though they could not prevent
the settlement. Instead of proceeding with the bill they presented
an address to the king, thanking him for his gracious declaration and
repeated assurances that he would maintain the church of England as by
law established; a church whose doctrine and practice had evinced its
loyalty beyond all contradiction. They likewise humbly besought his
majesty to issue writs for calling a convocation of the clergy, to be
consulted in ecclesiastical matters according to the ancient usage
of parliaments; and they declared they would forthwith take into
consideration proper methods for giving ease to protestant dissenters.
Though the king was displeased at this address, in which the lords also
had concurred, he returned a civil answer by the mouth of the earl
of Nottingham, professing his regard for the church of England, which
should always be his peculiar care, recommending the dissenters to their
protection, and promising to summon a convocation as soon as such a
measure should be convenient. This message produced no effect in favour
of the bill which lay neglected on the table. Those who moved for it
had no other view than that of displaying their moderation: and now they
excited their friends to oppose it with all their interest. Others were
afraid of espousing it lost they should be stigmatized as enemies to the
church; and a great number of the most eminent presbyterians wore
averse to a scheme of comprehension, which diminished their strength and
weakened the importance of the party. Being therefore violently opposed
on one hand, and but faintly supported on the other, no wonder it
miscarried. The king however was so bent upon the execution of his
design, that it was next session revived in another form though with no
better success.




SETTLEMENT OF THE REVENUE.

The next object that engrossed the attention of the parliament was the
settlement of a revenue for the support of the government. Hitherto
there had been no distinction of what was allotted for the king’s
use, and what was assigned for the service of the public; so that the
sovereign was entirely master of the whole supply. As the revenue in the
late reigns had been often embezzled and misapplied, it was now resolved
that a certain sum should be set apart for the maintenance of the king’s
household and the support of his dignity; and that the rest of the
public money should be employed under the inspection of parliament.
Accordingly, since this period, the commons have appropriated the
yearly supplies to certain specified services; and an account of the
application has been constantly submitted to both houses at the next
session. At this juncture the prevailing party, or the whigs, determined
that the revenue should be granted from year to year, or at least for a
small term of years; that the king might find himself dependent upon
the parliament, and merit the renewal of the grant by a just and popular
administration. In pursuance of this maxim, when the revenue fell under
consideration, they, under pretence of charges and anticipations which
they had not time to examine, granted it by a provisional act for one
year only. The civil list was settled at six hundred thousand pounds,
chargeable with the appointments of the queen dowager, the prince and
princess of Denmark, the judges, and mareschal Schomberg, to whom
the parliament had already granted one hundred thousand pounds, in
consideration of his important services to the nation. The commons also
voted that a constant revenue of twelve hundred thousand pounds should
be established for the support of the crown in time of peace.




THE KING TAKES UMBRAGE AT THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE WHIG PARTY.

The king took umbrage at these restraints laid upon the application of
the public money, which were the most salutary fruits of the revolution.
He considered them as marks of diffidence by which he was distinguished
from his predecessors; and thought them an ungrateful return for the
services he had done the nation. The tories perceived his disgust, and
did not fail to foment his jealousy against their adversaries, which
was confirmed by a fresh effort of the whigs in relation to a militia.
A bill was brought into the house for regulating it in such a manner as
would have rendered it in a great measure independent both of the king
and the lords-lieutenants of counties. These being generally peers,
the bill was suffered to lie neglected on the table, but the attempt
confirmed the suspicion of the king, who began to think himself in
danger of being enslaved by a republican party. The tories had, by the
channel of Nottingham, made proffers of service to his majesty; but
complained at the same time that as they were in danger of being
prosecuted for their lives and fortunes, they could not, without an act
of indemnity, exert themselves in favour of the crown, lest they should
incur a persecution from their implacable enemies.




HEATS AND ANIMOSITIES ABOUT THE BILL OF INDEMNITY.

These remonstrances made such an impression on the king, that he sent a
message to the house by Mr. Hambden, recommending a bill of indemnity
as the most effectual means for putting an end to all controversies,
distinctions, and occasions of discord. He desired it might be prepared
with all convenient expedition, and with such exceptions only as should
seem necessary for the vindication of public justice, the safety of
him and his consort, and the settlement and welfare of the nation. An
address of thanks to his majesty was unanimously voted. Nevertheless,
his design was frustrated by the backwardness of the whigs, who
proceeded so slowly on the bill that it could not be brought to maturity
before the end of the session. They wanted to keep the scourge over the
heads of their enemies until they should find a proper opportunity for
revenge; and, in the meantime, restrain them from opposition by the
terror of impending vengeance. They affected to insinuate that the
king’s design was to raise the prerogative as high as it had been in
the preceding reigns; and that he for this purpose pressed an act of
indemnity, by virtue of which he might legally use the instruments of
the late tyranny. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington industrously
infused these jealousies into the minds of their party: on the other
hand, the earl of Nottingham inflamed William’s distrust of his old
friends: both sides succeeded in kindling an animosity, which had like
to have produced confusion, notwithstanding the endeavours used by the
earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire, to allay those heats and remove the
suspicions that mutually prevailed.




BIRTH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

It was now judged expedient to pass an act for settling the succession
of the crown according to the former resolution of the convention. A
bill for this purpose was brought into the lower house, with a clause
disabling papists from succeeding to the throne: to this the lords
added, “Or such as should marry papists,” absolving the subject in that
case from allegiance, The bishop of Salisbury, by the king’s direction,
proposed that the princess Sophia, duchess of Hanover, and her
posterity, should be nominated in the act of succession as the next
protestant heirs, failing issue of the king and Anne princess of
Denmark. These amendments gave rise to warm debates in the lower house,
where they were vigorously opposed, not only by those who wished well in
secret to the late king and the lineal succession, but likewise by the
republican party, who hoped to see monarchy altogether extinguished in
England by the death of the three persons already named in the bill
of succession. The lords insisted upon their amendments, and several
fruitless conferences were held between the two houses. At length the
bill was dropt for the present in consequence of an event which in a
great measure dissipated the fears of a popish successor. This was the
delivery of the princess Anne, who, on the twenty-seventh day of July,
brought forth a son, christened by the name of William, and afterwards
created duke of Gloucester.




AFFAIRS OF THE CONTINENT.

In the midst of these domestic disputes, William did not neglect the
affairs of the continent. He retained all his former influence in
Holland, as his countrymen had reason to confide in his repeated
assurances of inviolable affection. The great scheme which he had
projected of a confederacy against France began at this period to
take effect. The princes of the empire assembled in the diet, solemnly
exhorted the emperor to declare war against the French king, who had
committed numberless infractions of the treaties of Munster, Osnabruck,
Nimeguen, and the truce, invaded their country without provocation,
and evinced himself an inveterate enemy of the holy Roman empire. They
therefore besought his imperial majesty to conclude a treaty of peace
with the Turks, who had offered advantageous terms, and proceed to an
open rupture with Louis, in which case they would consider it as a war
of the empire, and support their head in the most effectual manner. The
states-general published a declaration against the common enemy, taxing
him with manifold infractions of the treaty of commerce; with having
involved the subjects of the republic in the persecution which he had
raised against the protestants; with having cajoled and insulted them
with deceitful promises and insolent threats; with having plundered and
oppressed the Dutch merchants and traders in France; and, finally, with
having declared war against the states without any plausible reason
assigned. The elector of Brandenburg denounced war against France as
a power whose perfidy, cruelty, and ambition, it was the duty of every
prince to oppose. The marquis de Castanaga, governor of the Spanish
Netherlands, issued a counter declaration to that of Louis, who had
declared against his master. He accused the French king of having laid
waste the empire, without any regard to the obligations of religion and
humanity, or even to the laws of war; of having countenanced the most
barbarous acts of cruelty and oppression; and of having intrigued with
the enemies of Christ for the destruction of the empire. The emperor
negotiated an alliance offensive and defensive with the states-general,
binding the contracting parties to co-operate with their whole power
against France and her allies. It was stipulated that neither side
should engage in a separate treaty on any pretence whatsoever; that no
peace should be admitted until the treaties of Westphalia, Osnabruck,
Minister, and the Pyrenees, should have been vindicated; that, in case
of a negotiation for a peace or truce, the transactions on both sides
should be communicated _bona fide_; and that Spain and England should be
invited to accede to the treaty. In a separate article, the contracting
powers agreed, that, in case of the Spanish king’s dying without issue,
the states-general should assist the emperor with all their forces to
take possession of that monarchy: that they should use their friendly
endeavours with the princes electors, their allies, towards elevating
his son Joseph to the dignity of king of the Romans, and employ their
utmost force against France should she attempt to oppose his elevation.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




WAR DECLARED AGAINST FRANCE.

William, who was the soul of this confederacy, found no difficulty in
persuading the English to undertake a war against their old enemies and
rivals. On the sixteenth day of April, Mr. Hambden made a motion for
taking into consideration the state of the kingdom with respect to
France, and foreign alliances; and the commons unanimously resolved,
that, in case his majesty should think fit to engage in a war with
France, they would, in a parliamentary way, enable him to carry it on
with vigour. An address was immediately drawn up and presented to the
king, desiring that he would seriously consider the destructive methods
taken of late years by the French king against the trade, quiet, and
interest of the nation, particularly his present invasion of Ireland,
and supporting the rebels in that kingdom. They did not doubt but the
alliances already made, and those that might hereafter be concluded by
his majesty, would be sufficient to reduce the French king to such a
condition, that it should not be in his power to violate the peace of
Christendom, nor prejudice the trade and prosperity of England; in the
mean time they assured his majesty he might depend upon the assistance
of his parliament, according to the vote which had passed in the house
of commons. This was a welcome address to king William. He assured them
that no part of the supplies which they might grant for the prosecution
of the war should be misapplied; and, on the seventh day of May, he
declared war against the French monarch. On this occasion, Louis was
charged with having ambitiously invaded the territories of the emperor,
and denounced war against the allies of England, in violation of the
treaties confirmed under the guarantee of the English crown; with
having encroached upon the fishery of Newfoundland, invaded the Caribbee
Islands, taken forcible possession of New-York and Hudson’s-bay, made
depredations on the English at sea, prohibited the importation of
English manufactures, disputed the right of the flag, persecuted many
English subjects on account of religion, contrary to express treaties
and the law of nations, and sent an armament to Ireland, in support of
the rebels of that kingdom.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVENTION.

Having thus described the progress of the revolution in England, we
shall now briefly explain the measures that were prosecuted in Scotland,
towards the establishment of William on the throne of that kingdom. The
meeting of the Scottish convention was fixed for the fourteenth day of
March; and both parties employed all their interest to influence the
election of members. The duke of Hamilton, and all the presbyterians,
declared for William. The duke of Gordon maintained the castle of
Edinburgh for his old master; but, as he had neglected to lay in a store
of provisions, he depended entirely upon the citizens for subsistence.
The partisans of James were headed by the earl of Balcarras, and Graham
viscount Dundee, who employed their endeavours to preserve union among
the individuals of their party; to confirm the duke of Gordon, who
began to waver in his attachment to their sovereign; and to manage their
intrigues in such a manner as to derive some advantage to their cause
from the transactions of the ensuing session. When the lords and commons
assembled at Edinburgh, the bishop of that diocese, who officiated as
chaplain to the convention, prayed for the restoration of king James.
The first dispute turned upon the choice of a president. The friends of
the late king set up the marquis of Athol in opposition to the duke of
Hamilton; but this last was elected by a considerable majority; and
a good number of the other party, finding their cause the weakest,
deserted it from that moment. The earls of Lothian and Tweedale were
sent as deputies, to require the duke of Gordon, in the name of the
estates, to quit the castle in four-and-twenty hours, and leave the
charge of it to the protestant officer next in command. The duke, though
in himself irresolute, was animated by Dundee to demand such conditions
as the convention would not grant. The négociation proving ineffectual,
the states ordered the heralds, in all their formalities, to summon him
to surrender the castle immediately, on pain of incurring the penalties
of high treason; and he refusing to obey their mandate, was proclaimed
a traitor. All persons were forbid, under the same penalties, to aid,
succour, or correspond with him; and the castle was blocked up with the
troops of the city.




LETTERS TO THE CONVENTION FROM KING WILLIAM AND KING JAMES.

Next day an express arrived from London, with a letter from king William
to the estates; and, at the same time, another from James was presented
by one Crane, an English domestic of the abdicated queen. William
observed that he had called a meeting of their estates at the desire of
the nobility and gentry of Scotland assembled at London, who requested
that he would take upon himself the administration of their affairs. He
exhorted them to concert measures for settling the peace of the kingdom
upon a solid foundation; and to lay aside animosities and factions,
which served only to impede that salutary settlement. He professed
himself sensible of the good effects that would arise from an union of
the two kingdoms; and assured them he would use his best endeavours
to promote such a coalition. A committee being appointed to draw up a
respectful answer to these assurances, a debate ensued about the letter
from the late king James. This they resolved to favour with a reading,
after the members should have subscribed an act, declaring that
notwithstanding any thing that might be contained in the letter for
dissolving the convention, or impeding their procedure, they were a free
and lawful meeting of the states; and would continue undissolved until
they should have settled and secured the protestant religion, the
government, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. Having taken this
precaution, they proceeded to examine the letter of the late sovereign,
who conjured them to support his interest as faithful subjects, and
eternize their names by a loyalty suitable to their former professions.
He said he would not fail to give them such a speedy and powerful
assistance as would enable them to defend themselves from any foreign
attempt; and even to assert his right against those enemies who had
depressed it by the blackest usurpations and unnatural attempts, which
the Almighty God would not allow to pass unpunished. He offered pardon
to all those who should return to their duty before the last day of the
month; and threatened to punish rigorously such as should stand out in
rebellion against him and his authority.




THE CONVENTION RECOGNIZE THE AUTHORITY OF KING WILLIAM.

This address produced very little effect in favour of the unfortunate
exile, whose friends were greatly outnumbered in this assembly. His
messenger was ordered into custody, and afterwards dismissed with a
pass instead of an answer. James, foreseeing this contempt, had, by an
instrument dated in Ireland, authorised the archbishop of Glasgow, the
earl of Balcarras, and the viscount Dundee, to call a convention of the
estates at Stirling. These three depended on the interest of the marquis
of Athol and the earl of Mar, who professed the warmest affection
for the late king; and they hoped a secession of their friends would
embarrass the convention, so as to retard the settlement of king
William. Their expectations, however, were disappointed. Athol deserted
their cause; and Mar suffered himself to be intercepted in his retreat.
The rest of their party were, by the vigilance of the duke of Hamilton,
prevented from leaving the convention, except the viscount Dundee, who
retreated to the mountains with about fifty horse, and was pursued
by order of the estates. This design being frustrated, the convention
approved and recognized, by a solemn act, the conduct of the nobility
and gentlemen who had entreated the king of England to take upon him
the administration. They acknowledged their obligation to the prince of
Orange, who had prevented the destruction of their laws, religion, and
fundamental constitution; they besought his highness to assume the reins
of government for that kingdom; they issued a proclamation requiring
all persons, from sixteen to sixty, to be in readiness to take arms
when called upon for that purpose; they conferred the command of their
horse-militia upon sir Patrick Hume, who was formerly attainted for
having been concerned in Argyle’s insurrection; they levied eight
hundred men for a guard to the city of Edinburgh, and constituted the
earl of Leven their commander; they put the militia all over the kingdom
into the hands of those on whom they could rely; they created the earl
of Mar governor of Stirling-castle; they received a reinforcement of
five regiments from England under the command of Mac-kay, whom they
appointed their general; and they issued orders for securing all
disaffected persons. Then they dispatched lord Ross with an answer to
king William’s letter, professing their gratitude to their deliverer,
and congratulating him upon his success. They thanked him for assuming
the administration of their affairs, and assembling a convention of
their estates.

They declared they would take effectual and speedy measures for securing
the protestant religion, as well as for establishing the government,
laws, and liberties of the kingdom. They assured him they would, as much
as lay in their power, avoid disputes and animosities; and desired the
continuance of his majesty’s care and protection.




CROWN VOTED VACANT, AND AN ACT OF SETTLEMENT PASSED.

After the departure of lord Ross, they appointed a committee, consisting
of eight lords, eight knights, and as many burgesses, to prepare the
plan of a new settlement: but this resolution was not taken without
a vigorous opposition from some remaining adherents of the late king,
headed by the archbishop of Glasgow; all the other prelates, except
he of Edinburgh, having already deserted the convention. After warm
debates, the committee agreed in the following vote:--“The estates of
the kingdom of Scotland find and declare, That king James VII. being a
profest papist, did assume the royal power, and act as a king, without
ever taking the oath required by law; and had, by the advice of evil
and wicked counsellors, invaded the fundamental constitution of
this kingdom, and altered it from a legal and limited monarchy to an
arbitrary despotic power, and had governed the same to the subversion of
the protestant religion, and violation of the laws and liberties of the
nation, inverting all the ends of government; whereby he had forfaulted
the right of the crown, and the throne was become vacant.” When this
vote was reported, the bishop of Edinburgh argued strenuously against
it, as containing a charge of which the king was innocent; and he
proposed that his majesty should be invited to return to his Scottish
dominions. All his arguments were defeated or overruled, and the house
confirmed the vote, which was immediately enacted into a law by a great
majority. The lord president declared the throne vacant, and proposed
that it might be filled with William and Mary, king and queen of
England. The committee was ordered to prepare an act for settling the
crown upon their majesties, together with an instrument of government
for securing the subjects from the grievances under which they
laboured.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE CROWN TENDERED TO WILLIAM.

On the eleventh day of April, this act, with the conditions of
inheritance, and the instrument, were reported, considered, unanimously
approved, and solemnly proclaimed at the market-cross of Edinburgh,
in presence of the lord president, assisted by the lord provost and
magistracy of the city, the duke of Queensbury, the marquisses of Athol
and Douglas, together with a great number of the nobility and gentry.
At the same time they published another proclamation, forbidding all
persons to acknowledge, obey, assist, or correspond with the late king
James; or by word, writing, or sermon, to dispute or disown the
royal authority of king William and queen Mary; or to misconstrue the
proceedings of the estates, or create jealousies or misapprehensions
with regard to the transactions of the government, on pain of incurring
the most severe penalties. Then, having settled the coronation oath,
they granted a commission to the earl of Argyle for the lords, to sir
James Montgomery for the knights, and to sir John Dalrymple for
the boroughs, empowering them to repair to London, and invest their
majesties with the government. This affair being discussed, the
convention appointed a committee to take care of the public peace, and
adjourned to the twenty-first day of May. On the eleventh day of that
month, the Scottish commissioners being introduced to their majesties at
Whitehall, presented first a preparatory letter from the estates, then
the instrument of government, with a paper containing a recital of the
grievances of the nation; and an address desiring his majesty to convert
the convention into a parliament. The king having graciously promised to
concur with them in all just measures for the interest of the kingdom,
the coronation oath was tendered to their majesties by the earl of
Argyle. As it contained a clause, importing that they should root out
heresy, the king declared, that he did not mean by these words that he
should be under an obligation to act as a persecutor: the commissioners
replying that such was not the meaning or import of the oath, he desired
them, and others present, to bear witness to the exception he had made.




THE CONVENTION STATE THEIR GRIEVANCES.

In the meantime lord Dundee exerted himself with uncommon activity in
behalf of his master. He had been summoned by a trumpet to return to the
convention, refused to obey the citation on pretence that the whigs had
made an attempt upon his life; and that the deliberations of the estates
were influenced by the neighbourhood of English troops, under the
command of Mackay. He was forthwith declared a fugitive, outlaw, and
rebel. He was rancorously hated by the pres-byterians, on whom he had
exercised some cruelties as an officer under the former government:
and for this reason the states resolved to inflict upon him exemplary
punishment. Parties were detached in pursuit of him and Balcarras. This
last fell into their hands, and was committed to a common prison;
but Dundee fought his way through the troops that surrounded him, and
escaped to the Highlands, where he determined to take arms in favour
of James, though that prince had forbid him to make any attempt of this
nature until he should receive a reinforcement from Ireland. While this
officer was employed in assembling the clans of his party, king
William appointed the duke of Hamilton commissioner to the convention
parliament. The post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed upon lord
Melvil, a weak and servile nobleman, who had taken refuge in Holland
from the violence of the late reigns: but the king depended chiefly for
advice upon Dalrymple lord Stair, president of the college of justice,
an old crafty fanatic, who for forty years had complied in all things
with all governments. Though these were rigid pres-byterians, the king,
to humour the opposite party, admitted some individuals of the episcopal
nobility to the council-board; and this intermixture, instead of
allaying animosities, served only to sow the seeds of discord and
confusion. The Scottish convention, in their detail of grievances,
enumerated the lords of the articles; the act of parliament in the reign
of Charles II. by which the king’s supremacy was raised so high that he
could prescribe any mode of religion according to his pleasure; and the
superiority of any office in the church above that of presbyters. The
king in his instructions to the lord commissioner, consented to the
regulation of the lords of the articles, though he would not allow the
institution to be abrogated; he was contented that the act relating to
the king’s supremacy should be rescinded, and that the church government
should be established in such a manner as would be most agreeable to the
inclinations of the people.




PRELACY ABOLISHED IN SCOTLAND.

On the seventeenth day of June, duke Hamilton opened the Scottish
parliament, after the convention had assumed this name, in consequence
of an act passed by his majesty’s direction; but the members in general
were extremely chagrined when they found the commissioners so much
restricted in the affair of the lords of the articles, which they
considered as their chief grievance. [008] _[See note D, at the end of
this Vol.]_ The king permitted that the estates should choose the lords
by their own suffrages, and that they should be at liberty to reconsider
any subject which the said lords might reject. He afterwards indulged
the three estates with the choice of eleven delegates each, for this
committee, to be elected monthly, or oftener if they should think fit:
but even these concessions proved unsatisfactory while the institution
itself remained. Their discontents were not even appeased by the passing
of an act abolishing prelacy. Indeed their resentment was inflamed by
another consideration, namely, that of the king’s having given seats
in the council to some individuals attached to the hierarchy. They
manifested their sentiments on this subject by bringing in a bill
excluding from any public trust, place, or employment under their
majesties, all such as had been concerned in the encroachments of the
late reign, or had discovered disaffection to the late happy change, or
in any way retarded or obstructed the designs of the convention. This
measure was prosecuted with great warmth; and the bill passed through
all the forms of the house, but proved ineffectual for want of the royal
assent.




DISPUTES IN THE PARLIAMENT.

Nor were they less obstinate in the affair of the judges whom the
king had ventured to appoint by virtue of his own prerogative. The
malcontents brought in a bill declaring the bench vacant, as it was at
the restoration; asserting their own right to examine and approve those
who should appointed to fill it; providing that if in time to come any
such total vacancy should occur, the nomination should be in the king or
queen, or regent for the time being, and the parliament retain the right
of approbation; and that all the clauses in the several acts relating to
the admission of the ordinary lords of session, and their qualifications
for that office, should be ratified and confirmed for perpetual
observation. Such was the interest of this party, that the bill was
carried by a great majority, notwithstanding the opposition of the
ministers, who resolved to maintain the king’s nomination even in
defiance of a parliamentary resolution. The majority, exasperated at
this open violation of their privileges, forbade the judges whom the
king had appointed to open their commissions, or hold a session until
his majesty’s further pleasure should be known: on the other hand they
were compelled to act by the menaces of the privy-council. The dispute
was carried on with great acrimony on both sides, and produced such a
ferment, that before the session opened, the ministry thought proper
to draw a great number of forces into the neighbourhood of Edinburgh to
support the judges in the exercise of their functions.




SCOTCH PARLIAMENT ADJOURNED.

The lord commissioner, alarmed at this scene of tumult and confusion,
adjourned the house till the eighth day of October; a step which, added
to the other unpopular measures of the court, incensed the opposition to
a violent degree. They drew up a remonstrance to the king, complaining
of this adjournment while the nation was yet unsettled, recapitulating
the several instances in which they had expressed their zeal and
affection for his majesty; explaining their reasons for dissenting from
the ministry in some articles; beseeching him to consider what they had
represented, to give his royal assent to the acts of parliament which
they had prepared, and take measures for redressing all the other
grievances of the nation. This address was presented to the king at
Hampton-court. William was so touched with the reproaches it implied, as
if he had not fulfilled the conditions on which he accepted the crown of
Scotland, that he, in his own vindication, published his instructions
to the commissioner; and by these it appeared that the duke might have
proceeded to greater lengths in obliging his countrymen. Before the
adjournment, however, the parliament had granted the revenue for life;
and raised money for maintaining a body of forces, as well as for
supporting the incidental expense of the government for some months; yet
part of the troops in that kingdom were supplied and subsisted by the
administration of England. In consequence of these disputes in the
Scottish parliament, their church was left without any settled form of
government; for, though the hierarchy was abolished, the presbyterian
discipline was not yet established, and ecclesiastical affairs were
occasionally regulated by the privy-council, deriving its authority from
that very act of supremacy, which, according to the claim of rights,
ought to have been repealed.




THE CASTLE OF EDINBURGH BESIEGED.

The session was no sooner adjourned than sir John Lanier converted the
blockade of Edinburgh castle into a regular siege, which was prosecuted
with such vigour that in a little time the fortifications were ruined,
and the works advanced at the foot of the walls, in which the besiegers
had made several large breaches. The duke of Gordon, finding his
ammunition expended, his defences destroyed, his intelligence entirely
cut off, and despairing of relief from the adherents of his master,
desired to capitulate, and obtained very favourable terms for his
garrison; but he would not stipulate any conditions for himself,
declaring that he had so much respect for all the princes descended from
king James VI. that he would not affront any of them so far as to insist
upon terms for his own particular: he therefore, on the thirteenth day
of June, surrendered the castle and himself at discretion. All the hopes
of James and his party were now concentred in the viscount Dundee, who
had assembled a body of Highlanders, and resolved to attack Mackay, on
an assurance he had received by message, that the regiment of Scottish
dragoons would desert that officer, and join him in the action. Mackay
having received intimation of this design, decamped immediately, and by
long marches retired before Dundee, until he was reinforced by Ramsey’s
dragoons, and another regiment of English infantry: then he faced about,
and Dundee in his turn retreated into Lochaber. Lord Murray, son of the
marquis of Athol, assembled his vassals, to the number of twelve hundred
men, for the service of the regency; but he was betrayed by one of his
own dependents, who seized the castle of Blair for Dundee, and prevailed
upon the Athol men to disperse, rather than fight against James their
lawful sovereign.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




KING WILLIAM’S TROOPS DEFEATED.

The viscount was by this time reduced to great difficulty and distress.
His men had not for many weeks tasted bread or salt, or any drink but
water: instead of five hundred infantry, three hundred horse, with a
supply of arms, ammunition, and provision, which James had promised to
send from Ireland, he received a reinforcement of three hundred naked
recruits; but the transports with the stores fell into the hands of the
English. Though this was a mortifying disappointment, he bore it without
repining; and, far from abandoning himself to despair, began his march
to the castle of Blair, which was threatened with a seige by general
Mackay. When he reached this fortress, he received intelligence that the
enemy had entered the pass of Killycrankie, and he resolved to give
them battle without delay. He accordingly advanced against them, and
a furious engagement ensued, though it was not of long duration. The
Highlanders having received and returned the fire of the English, fell
in among them sword in hand with such impetuosity, that the foot were
utterly broke in seven minutes. The dragoons fled at the first charge
in the utmost consternation. Dundee’s horse, not exceeding one hundred,
broke through Mackay’s own regiment; the earl of Dumbarton, at the
head of a few volunteers, made himself master of the artillery: twelve
hundred of Mackay’s forces were killed on the spot, five hundred taken
prisoners, and the rest fled with great precipitation for some hours,
until they were rallied by their general, who was an officer of approved
courage, conduct, and experience. Nothing could be more complete or
decisive than the victory which the Highlanders obtained; yet it was
clearly purchased with the death of their beloved chieftain the viscount
Dundee, who fell by a random shot in the engagement, and his fate
produced such confusion in his army as prevented all pursuit. He
possessed an enterprising spirit, undaunted courage, inviolable
fidelity, and was peculiarly qualified to command the people who fought
under his banner. He was the life and soul of that cause which he
espoused, and after his death it daily declined into ruin and disgrace.
He was succeeded in command by colonel Cannon, who landed the
reinforcement from Ireland; but all his designs miscarried; so that the
clans, wearied with repeated misfortunes, laid down their arms by
degrees, and took the benefit of a pardon which king William offered to
those who should submit within the time specified in his proclamation.




KING JAMES CORDIALLY RECEIVED BY THE FRENCH KING.

After this sketch of Scottish affairs, it will be necessary to take
a retrospective view of James, and relate the particulars of his
expedition to Ireland. That unfortunate prince and his queen were
received with the most cordial hospitality by the French monarch, who
assigned the castle of St. Germain for the place of their residence,
supported their household with great magnificence, enriched them with
presents, and undertook to re-establish them on the throne of England.
James, however, conducted himself in such a manner as conveyed no
favourable idea of his spirit and understanding. He seems to have been
emasculated by religion: he was deserted by that courage and magnanimity
for which his youth had been distinguished. He did not discover great
sensibility at the loss of his kingdom. All his faculties were swallowed
up in bigotry. Instead of contriving plans for retrieving his crown, he
held conferences with the Jesuits on topics of religion. The pity which
his misfortunes excited in Louis was mingled with contempt. The pope
supplied him with indulgencies, while the Romans laughed at him in
pasquinades: “There is a pious man, (said the archbishop of Rheims
ironically,) who has sacrificed three crowns for a mass.” In a word, he
subjected himself to the ridicule and raillery of the French nation.




TYRCONNEL TEMPORIZES WITH WILLIAM.

All the hope of re-ascending the British throne depended upon his
friends in Scotland and Ireland. Tyr-connel, who commanded in this last
kingdom, was confirmed in his attachment to James by the persuasions of
Hamilton, who had undertaken for his submission to the prince of Orange.
Nevertheless, he disguised his sentiments, and temporized with William,
until James should be able to supply him with reinforcements from
France, which he earnestly solicited by private messages. In the
meantime, with a view to cajole the protestants of Ireland, and
amuse king William with hope of his submission, he persuaded the lord
Mountjoy, in whom the protestants chiefly confided, and baron Rice, to
go in person with a commission to James, representing the necessity of
yielding to the times, and of waiting a fitter opportunity to make use
of his Irish subjects. Mountjoy, on his arrival at Paris, instead of
being favoured with an audience by James, to explain the reasons which
Tyrconnel had suggested touching the inability of Ireland to restore his
majesty, was committed prisoner to the Bastile, on account of the zeal
with which he had espoused the protestant interest. Although Louis was
sincerely disposed to assist James effectually, his intentions were
obstructed by the disputes of his ministry. Louvois possessed the chief
credit in council; but Seignelai enjoyed a greater share of personal
favour, both with the king and madame de Maintenon, the favourite
concubine. To this nobleman, as secretary for marine affairs, James made
his chief application; and he had promised the command of the troops
destined for his service to Latisun, whom Louvois hated. For these
reasons this minister thwarted his measures, and retarded the assistance
which Louis had promised towards his restoration.




JAMES ARRIVES IN IRELAND.

Yet notwithstanding all his opposition, the succours were prepared and
the fleet ready to put to sea by the latter end of February. The French
king is said to have offered an army of fifteen thousand natives of
France to serve in this expedition; but James replied, that he would
succeed by the help of his own subjects, or perish in the attempt.
Accordingly, he contented himself with about twelve hundred British
subjects, [010] _[See note E, at the end of this Vol.]_ and a good
number of French officers, who were embarked in the fleet at Brest,
consisting of fourteen ships of the line, seven frigates, three
fire-ships, with a good number of transports. The French king also
supplied him with a considerable quantity of arms for the use of his
adherents in Ireland; accommodated him with a large sum of money, superb
equipages, store of plate, and necessaries of all kinds for the camp
and the household. At parting he presented him with his own cuirass, and
embracing him affectionately, “The best thing I can wish you (said he)
is, that I may never see you again.” On the seventh day of March, James
embarked at Brest, together with the count D’Avaux, who accompanied him
in quality of ambassador, and his principal officers. He was detained
in the harbour by contrary winds till the seventeenth day of the month,
when he set sail, and on the twenty-second landed at Kinsale in Ireland.
By this time, king William perceiving himself amused by Tyrconnel, had
published a declaration, requiring the Irish to lay down their arms
and submit to the new government. On the twenty-second day of February,
thirty ships of war had been put in commission, and the command of them
conferred upon admiral Herbert; but the armament was retarded in such
a manner by the disputes of the council and the king’s attention to the
affairs of the continent, that the admiral was not in a condition to
sail till the beginning of April, and then with part of his fleet only.
James was received with open arms at Kinsale, and the whole country
seemed to be at his devotion; for although the protestants in the North
had declared for the new government, their strength and number was
deemed inconsiderable when compared with the power of Tyrconnel. This
minister had disarmed all the other protestant subjects in one day, and
assembled an army of thirty thousand foot, and eight thousand cavalry,
for the service of his master.




ISSUES FIVE PROCLAMATIONS AT DUBLIN.

In the latter end of March, James made his public entry into Dublin,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. He was met at the
castle-gate by a procession of popish bishops and priests in their
pontificals, bearing the host, which he publicly adored. He dismissed
from the council-board the lord Granard, judge Keating, and other
protestants, who had exhorted the lord lieutenant to an accommodation
with the new government. In their room he admitted the French
ambassador, the bishop of Chester, colonel Darrington, and, by degrees,
the principal noblemen who accompanied him in the expedition. On the
second day after his arrival in Dublin, he issued five proclamations:
the first recalled all the subjects of Ireland who had abandoned the
kingdom, by a certain time, on pain of outlawry and confiscation, and
requiring all persons to join him against the prince of Orange. The
second contained expressions of acknowledgement to his catholic subjects
for their vigilance and fidelity, and an injunction to such as were not
actually in his service, to retain and lay up their arms until it
should be found necessary to use them for his advantage. By the third he
invited the subjects to supply his army with provisions; and prohibited
the soldiers to take anything without payment. By the fourth he raised
the value of the current coin; and in the fifth he summoned a parliament
to meet on the seventh day of May, at Dublin. Finally, he created
Tyrconnel a duke, in consideration of his eminent services.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY.

The adherents of James in England pressed him to settle the affairs
of Ireland immediately, and bring over his army either to the north of
England, or the west of Scotland, where it might be joined by his party,
and act without delay against the usurper; but his council dissuaded him
from complying with their solicitations, until Ireland should be totally
reduced to obedience. On the first alarm of an intended massacre, the
protestants of Londonderry had shut their gates against the regiment
commanded by the earl of Antrim, and resolved to defend themselves
against the lord lieutenant. They transmitted this resolution to the
government of England, together with an account of the danger they
incurred by such a vigorous measure, and implored immediate assistance.
They were accordingly supplied with some arms and ammunition, but did
not receive any considerable reinforcement till the middle of April,
when two regiments arrived in Loughfoyl, under the command of Cunningham
and Richards. By this time king James had taken Coleraine, invested
Killmore, and was almost in sight of Londonderry. George Walker,
rector of Donaghmore, who had raised a regiment for the defence of the
protestants, conveyed this intelligence to Lundy the governor. This
officer directed him to join colonel Grafton, and take post at the
Long-causey, which he maintained a whole night against the advanced
guard of the enemy; until being overpowered by numbers, he retreated to
Londonderry and exhorted the governor to take the field, as the army of
king James was not yet completely formed. Lundy assembling a council of
war, at which Cunningham and Richards assisted; they agreed, that as the
place was not tenable, it would be imprudent to land the two regiments,
and that the principal officers should withdraw themselves from
Londonderry, the inhabitants of which would obtain the more favourable
capitulation in consequence of their retreat. An officer was immediately
dispatched to king James with proposals of a negotiation; and
lieutenant-general Hamilton agreed that the army should halt at the
distance of four miles from the town. Notwithstanding this preliminary,
James advanced at the head of his troops; but met with such a warm
reception from the besieged, that he was fain to retire to St. John’s
Town in some disorder. The inhabitants and soldiers in garrison at
Londonderry were so incensed at the members of the council of war,
who had resolved to abandon the place, that they threatened immediate
vengeance. Cunningham and Richards retired to their ships, and Lundy
locked himself in his chamber. In vain did Walker and major Baker exhort
him to maintain his government. Such was his cowardice or treachery,
that he absolutely refused to be concerned in the defence of the place,
and he was suffered to escape in disguise with a load of match upon his
back; but he was afterwards apprehended in Scotland, from whence he was
sent to London to answer for his perfidy or misconduct.




COURAGEOUS DEFENCE.

After his retreat, the townsmen chose Mr. Walker and major Baker for
their governors, with joint authority; but this office they would
not undertake until it had been offered to colonel Cunningham, as the
officer next in command to Lundy. He rejected the proposal, and with
Richards returned to England, where they were immediately cashiered. The
two new governors, thus abandoned to their fate, began to prepare for
a vigorous defence; indeed their courage seems to have transcended
the bounds of discretion, for the place was very ill fortified; their
cannon, which did not exceed twenty pieces, were wretchedly mounted;
they had not one engineer to direct their operations; they had a very
small number of horse; the garrison consisted of people unacquainted
with military discipline; they wore destitute of provisions; they were
besieged by a king in person, at the head of a formidable army, directed
by good officers, and supplied with all the necessary implements for a
siege or battle. This town was invested on the twentieth day of April;
the batteries were soon opened, and several attacks were made with great
impetuosity; but the besiegers were always repulsed with considerable
loss. The townsmen gained divers advantages in repeated sallies, and
would have held their enemies in the utmost contempt, had they not been
afflicted with a contagious distemper, as well as reduced to extremity
by want of provisions. They were even tantalized in their distress;
for they had the mortification to see some ships which had arrived
with supplies from England, prevented from sailing up the river by the
batteries the enemy had raised on both sides, and a boom with which they
had blocked up the channel. At length a reinforcement arrived in the
Lough, under the command of general Kirke, who had deserted his master
and been employed in the service of king William. He found means to
convey intelligence to Walker, that he had troops and provisions on
board for their relief, but found it impracticable to sail up the river:
he promised, however, that he would land a body of forces at the Inch,
and endeavour to make a diversion in their favour-, when joined by the
troops at Inniskilling, which amounted to five thousand men, including
two thousand cavalry. He said he expected six thousand men from England,
where they were embarked before he set sail. He exhorted them to
persevere in their courage and loyalty, and assured them he would come
to their relief at all hazards. These assurances enabled them to bear
their miseries a little longer, though their numbers daily diminished.
Major Baker dying, his place was filled with colonel Michel-burn, who
now acted as colleague to Mr. Walker.




CRUELTY OF ROSENE.

King James having returned to Dublin to be present at the parliament,
the command of his army devolved to the French general Rosene, who was
exasperated at such an obstinate opposition by a handful of half-starved
militia. He threatened to raze the town to its foundations, and destroy
the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex, unless they would
immediately submit themselves to their lawful sovereign. The governors
treated his menaces with contempt, and published an order that no
person, on pain of death, should talk of surrendering. They had now
consumed the last remains of their provisions, and supported life by
eating the flesh of horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, tallow, starch,
and salted hides, and even this loathsome food began to fail. Rosene,
finding him deaf to all his proposals, threatened to wreak his vengeance
on all the protestants of that country, and drive them under the walls
of Londonderry, where they should be suffered to perish by famine. The
bishop of Meath being informed of this design, complained to king James
of the barbarous intention, entreating his majesty to prevent its being
put in execution. That prince assured him that he had already ordered
Rosene to desist from such proceeding: nevertheless, the Frenchman
executed his threats with the utmost rigour. Parties of dragoons
were detached on this cruel service: after having stripped all the
protestants for thirty miles round, they drove these unhappy people
before them like cattle, without even sparing the enfeebled old men,
nurses with infants at their breasts, tender children, women just
delivered, and some even in the pangs of labour. Above four thousand of
these miserable objects were driven under the walls of Londonderry. This
expedient, far from answering the purpose of Rosene, produced quite
a contrary effect. The besieged were so exasperated at this act of
inhumanity, that they resolved to perish rather than submit to such
a barbarian. They erected a gibbet in sight of the enemy, and sent a
message to the French general, importing that they would hang all the
prisoners they had taken during the siege, unless the protestants whom
they had driven under the walls should be immediately dismissed. This
threat produced a negotiation, in consequence of which the protestants
were released after they had been detained three days without tasting
food. Some hundreds died of famine or fatigue; and those who lived to
return to their own habitations, found them plundered and sacked by the
papists, so that the greater number perished for want, or were murdered
by the straggling parties of the enemy; yet these very people had for
the most part obtained protections from king James, to which no respect
was paid by his general.




THE PLACE IS RELIEVED BY KIRKE

The garrison of Londonderry was now reduced from seven to five thousand
seven hundred men, and these were driven to such extremity of distress,
that they began to talk of killing the popish inhabitants and feeding on
their bodies. In this emergency Kirke, who had hitherto lain inactive,
ordered two ships laden with provisions to sail up the river under
convoy of the Dartmouth frigate. One of them, called the Mountjoy, broke
the enemy’s boom; and all the three, after having sustained a very hot
fire from both sides of the river, arrived in safety at the town to
the inexpressible joy of the inhabitants. The army of James were so
dispirited by the success of this enterprise, that they abandoned the
siege in the night and retired with precipitation, after having
lost about nine thousand men before the place. Kirke no sooner took
possession of the town, than Walker was prevailed upon to embark
for England with an address of thanks from the inhabitants to their
majesties for the seasonable relief they had received.




THE INNISKILLINEES DEFEAT AND TAKE GENERAL MACARTY.

The Inniskilliners were no less remarkable than the people of
Londonderry for the valour and perseverance with which they opposed the
papists. They raised twelve companies, which they regimented under the
command of Gustavus Hamilton, whom they chose for their governor. They
proclaimed William and Mary on the eleventh day of March, and resolved
in a general council to maintain their title against all opposition. The
lord Gilmoy invested the castle of Groin belonging to the protestants
in the neighbourhood of Inniskilling, the inhabitants of which threw
succours into the place, and compelled Gilmoy to retire to Belturbet. A
detachment of the garrison, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Lloyd, took
and demolished the castle of Aughor, and they gained the advantage in
several skirmishes with the enemy. On the day that preceded the relief
of Londonderry, they defeated six thousand Irish papists at a place
called Newton-Butler, and took their commander Macarty, commonly called
lord Moncashel.




MEETING OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The Irish parliament being assembled at Dublin, according to the
proclamation of king James, he, in a speech from the throne, thanked
them for the zeal, courage, and loyalty they had manifested; extolled
the generosity of the French king, who had enabled him to visit them in
person; insisted upon executing his design of establishing liberty of
conscience as a step equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity and
discretion, and promised to concur with them in enacting such laws as
would contribute to the peace, affluence, and security of his subjects.
Sir Richard Neagle, being chosen speaker of the commons, moved for an
address of thanks to his majesty, and that the count D’Avaux should be
desired to make their acknowledgments to the most christian king for
the generous assistance he had given to their sovereign. These addresses
being drawn up with the concurrence of both houses, a bill was brought
in to recognize the king’s title, to express their abhorence of the
usurpation by the prince of Orange, as well as of the defection of the
English. Next day James published a declaration, complaining of the
calumnies which his enemies had spread to his prejudice; expatiating
upon his own impartiality in preferring his protestant subjects;
his care in protecting them from their enemies, in redressing their
grievances, and in granting liberty of conscience; promising that he
would take no step but with the approbation of parliament; offering a
free pardon to all persons who should desert his enemies and join with
him in four-and-twenty days after his landing in Ireland, and charging
all the blood that might be shed upon those who should continue in
rebellion.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT REPEALED.

His conduct, however, very ill agreed with this declaration; nor can it
be excused on any other supposition but that of his being governed, in
some cases against his own inclination, by the count D’Avaux and the
Irish catholics, on whom his whole dependence was placed. As both houses
were chiefly filled with members of that persuasion, we ought not to
wonder at their bringing in a bill for repealing the act of settlement,
by which the protestants of the kingdom had been secured in the
possession of their estates. These were by this law divested of their
lands, which reverted to the heirs of those catholics to whom they
belonged before the rebellion. This iniquitous bill was framed in such
a manner, that no regard was paid to such protestant owners as had
purchased estates for valuable considerations; no allowance was made for
improvements, nor any provision for protestant widows; the possessor,
and tenants were not even allowed to remove their stock and corn. When
the bill was sent up to the lords, Dr. Dopping, bishop of Meath, opposed
it with equal courage and ability, and an address in behalf of the
purchasers under the act of settlement was presented to the king by the
earl of Granard; but notwithstanding these remonstrances, it received
the royal assent, and the protestants of Ireland were mostly ruined.




THEY PASS AN ACT OF ATTAINDER.

Yet in order to complete their destruction, an act of attainder was
passed against all protestants, whether male or female, whether of high
or low degree, who were absent from the kingdom, as well as against all
those who retired into any part of the three kingdoms, which did not own
the authority of king James, or corresponded with rebels, or were any
ways aiding, abetting, or assisting them, from the first day of August
in the preceding year. The number of protestants attainted by name in
this act amounted to about three thousand, including two archbishops,
one duke, seventeen earls, seven countesses, as many bishops, eighteen
barons, three-and-thirty baronets, one-and-fifty knights, eighty-three
clergymen, who were declared traitors, and adjudged to suffer the pains
of death and forfeiture. The individuals subjected to this dreadful
proscription, were even cut off from all hope of pardon and all benefit
of appeal; for by a clause in the act, the king’s pardon was deemed null
unless enrolled before the first day of December. A subsequent law was
enacted, declaring Ireland independent of the English parliament. This
assembly passed another act, granting twenty thousand pounds per annum
out of the forfeited estates to Tyrconnel, in acknowledgment of his
signal services: they imposed a tax of twenty thousand pounds per month
for the service of the king: the royal assent was given to an act for
liberty of conscience; they enacted that the tithes payable by papists
should be delivered to priests of that communion: the maintenance of
the protestant clergy in cities and corporations was taken away; and all
dissenters were exempted from ecclesiastical jurisdictions. So that
the established church was deprived of all power and prerogative,
notwithstanding the express promise of James, who had declared,
immediately after his landing, that he would maintain the clergy in
their rights and privileges.




JAMES COINS BASE MONEY.

Nor was the king less arbitrary in the executive part of his government,
if we suppose that he countenanced the grievous acts of oppression that
were daily committed upon the protestant subjects of Ireland; but the
tyranny of his proceedings may be justly imputed to the temper of
his ministry, consisting of men abandoned to all sense of justice and
humanity, who acted from the dictates of rapacity and revenge, inflamed
with all the acrimony of religious rancour. Soldiers were permitted to
live upon free quarter; the people were robbed and plundered; licenses
and protections were abused in order to extort money from the trading
part of the nation. The king’s old stores were ransacked; the shops of
tradesmen and the kitchens of burghers were pillaged, to supply the mint
with a quantity of brass, which was converted into current coin for his
majesty’s occasions; an arbitrary value was set upon it, and all persons
were required and commanded to take it in payment under the severest
penalties, though the proportion between its intrinsic worth and
currency was nearly as one to three hundred. A vast sum of this
counterfeit coin was issued in the course of one year, and forced upon
the protestants in payment of merchandize, provision, and necessaries
for the king’s service. James, not content with the supply granted by
parliament, imposed, by his own authority, a tax of twenty thousand
pounds per month on chattels, as the former was laid upon lands. This
seems to have been a temporary expedient during the adjournment of the
two houses, as the term of the assessment was limited to three months;
it was however levied by virtue of a commission under the seals, and
seems to have been a stretch of prerogative the less excusable, as he
might have obtained the money in a parliamentary way. Understanding that
the protestants had laid out all their brass money in purchasing great
quantities of hides, tallow, wool, and corn, he assumed the despotic
power of fixing the prices of these commodities, and then bought them
for his own use. One may see his ministers were bent upon the utter
destruction of those unhappy people.




PROTESTANT CHURCHES SEIZED BY THE CATHOLICS.

All vacancies in public schools were supplied with popish teachers. The
pension allowed from the exchequer to the university of Dublin was
cut off; the vice-provost, fellows, and scholars, were expelled: their
furniture, plate, and public library were seized without the least
shadow or pretence, and in direct violation of a promise the king had
made to preserve their privileges and immunities. His officers converted
the college into a garrison, the chapel into a magazine, and the
apartments into prisons; a popish priest was appointed provost; one
Maccarty, of the same persuasion, was made library-keeper, and the whole
foundation was changed into a catholic seminary. When bishoprics and
benefices in the gift of the crown became vacant, the king ordered the
profits to be lodged in the exchequer, and suffered the cures to be
totally neglected. The revenues were chiefly employed in the maintenance
of Romish bishops and priests, who grew so insolent under this
indulgence, that in several places they forcibly seized the protestant
churches. When complaint was made of this outrage, the king promised
to do justice to the injured, and in some places actually ordered the
churches to be restored; but the popish clergy refused to comply with
this order, alleging, that in spirituals they owed obedience to no
earthly power but the holy see, and James found himself unable to
protect his protestant subjects against a powerful body which he durst
not disoblige. Some ships appearing in the bay of Dublin, a proclamation
was issued forbidding the protestants to assemble in any place of
worship, or elsewhere, on pain of death. By a second, they were
commanded to bring in their arms on pain of being treated as rebels and
traitors. Luttrel, governor of Dublin, published an ordinance by beat
of drum, requiring the farmers to bring in their corn for his majesty’s
horses within a certain day, otherwise he would order them to be hanged
before their own doors. Brigadier Sarsfield commanded all protestants
of a certain district to retire to the distance of ten miles from their
habitations on pain of death; and in order to keep up the credit of the
brass money, the same penalty was denounced, in a proclamation, against
any person who should give more than one pound eighteen shillings for a
guinea.

[Illustration: 2-013-dover.jpg DOVER]




ACTION WITH THE FRENCH FLEET.

All the revenues of Ireland, and all the schemes contrived to bolster up
the credit of the base coin, would have proved insufficient to support
the expenses of the war, had not James received occasional supplies from
the French monarch. After the return of the fleet which had conveyed
him to Ireland, Louis sent another strong squadron, commanded by Chateau
Benault, as a convoy to some transports laden with arms, ammunition, and
a large sum of money for the use of king James. Before they sailed
from Brest, king William, being informed of their destination, detached
admiral Herbert from Spithead with twelve ships of the line, one
fire-ship, and four tenders, in order to intercept the enemy. He was
driven by stress of weather into Mil-ford-haven, from whence he steered
his course to Kin-sale, on the supposition that the French fleet had
sailed from Brest, and that in all probability he should fall in with
them on the coast of Ireland. On the first day of May he discovered them
at anchor in Bantry-bay, and stood in to engage them, though they were
greatly superior to him in number. They no sooner perceived him at
day-break, than they weighed, stood out to windward, formed their line,
bore down, and began the action, which was maintained for two hours
with equal valour on both sides, though the English fleet sustained
considerable damage from the superior fire of the enemy. Herbert tacked
several times in hope of gaining the weather-gage; but the French
admiral kept his wind with uncommon skill and perseverance. At length
the English squadron stood off to sea, and maintained a running fight
till five in the afternoon, when Chateau Renault tacked about and
returned into the bay, content with the honour he had gained. The loss
of men was inconsiderable on both sides; and where the odds were so
great, the victor could not reap much glory. Herbert retired to
the isles of Scilly, where he expected a reinforcement; but being
disappointed in this expectation, he returned to Portsmouth in very
ill humour, with which his officers and men were infected. The common
sailors still retained some attachment to James, who had formerly been
a favourite among them; and the officers complained that they had been
sent upon this service with a force so much inferior to that of the
enemy. King William, in order to appease their discontent, made an
excursion to Portsmouth, where he dined with the admiral on board
the ship Elizabeth, declared his intention of making him an earl in
consideration of his good conduct and services, conferred the honour of
knighthood on the captains Ashby and Shovel, and bestowed a donation of
ten shillings on every private sailor.




DIVERS SENTENCES REVERSED.

The parliament of England thought it incumbent upon them not only to
raise supplies for the maintenance of the war in which the nation was
involved, but also to do justice with respect to those who had been
injured by illegal or oppressive sentences in the late reigns. The
attainders of lord Russel, Algernon Sidney, alderman Cornish, and lady
Lisle, were now reversed. A committee of privileges was appointed by
the lords to examine the case of the earl of Devonshire, who in the
late reign had been fined thirty thousand pounds for assaulting colonel
Culpepper in the presence-chamber. They reported that the court of
king’s bench, in overruling the earl’s plea of privilege of parliament,
had committed a manifest breach of privilege; that the fine was
excessive and exhorbitant, against the great charter, the common right
of the subject, and the law of the realm. The sentence pronounced upon
Samuel Johnson, chaplain to lord Russel, in consequence of which he
had been degraded, fined, scourged, and set in the pillory, was now
annulled, and the commons recommended him to his majesty for some
ecclesiastical preferment. He received one thousand pounds in money,
with a pension of three hundred pounds for his own life and that of his
son, who was moreover gratified with a place of one hundred pounds a
year; but the father never obtained any ecclesiastical benefice. Titus
Oates seized this opportunity of petitioning the house of lords for a
reversal of the judgments given against him on his being convicted of
perjury. The opinions of all the judges and counsel at the bar were
heard on this subject, and a bill of reversal passed the commons; but
the peers having inserted some amendments and a proviso, a conference
was demanded, and violent heats ensued. Oates, however, was released
from confinement, and the lords, with the consent of the commons,
recommended him to his majesty for a pardon, which he obtained, together
with a comfortable pension. The committee appointed to inquire into the
cases of the state-prisoners, found sir Robert Wright, late lord chief
justice, to have been concerned in the cruelties committed in the west
after the insurrection of Monmouth; as also one of the ecclesiastical
commissioners, and guilty of manifold enormities. Death had by this time
delivered Jefferies from the resentment of the nation. Graham and Burton
had acted as solicitors in the illegal prosecutions carried on against
those who opposed the court in the reign of Charles II.; these were now
reported guilty of having been instrumental in taking away the lives and
estates of those who had suffered the loss of either under colour of
law for eight years last past; of having, by malicious indictments,
informations, and prosecutions of _quo warranto_, endeavoured the
subversion of the protestant religion, and the government of the realm;
and of having wasted many thousand pounds of the public revenue in the
course of their infamous practices.




INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSE OF MISCARRIAGES IN IRELAND.

Nor did the misconduct of the present ministry escape the animadversion
of the parliament. The lords having addressed the king to put the
Isle of Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, Scilly, Dover-castle, and the other
fortresses of the kingdom, in a posture of defence, and to disarm the
papists, empowered a committee to inquire into the miscarriages in
Ireland, which were generally imputed to the neglect of the marquisses
of Cærmarthan and Halifax. They presented an address to the king,
desiring the minute-book of the committee for Irish affairs might be
put into their hands; but his majesty declined gratifying them in this
particular: then the commons voted that those persons who had advised
the king to delay this satisfaction were enemies to the kingdom.
William, alarmed at this resolution, allowed them to inspect the book,
in which they found very little for their purpose. The house resolved,
that an address should be presented to his majesty, declaring that the
succour of Ireland had been retarded by unnecessary delays; that the
transports prepared were not sufficient to convey the forces to that
kingdom; and that several ships had been taken by the enemy, for want
of proper convoy. At the same time the question was put, whether or not
they should address the king against the marquis of Halifax. But it was
carried in the negative by a small majority. Before this period, Howe,
vice-chamberlain to the queen, had moved for an address against such
counsellors as had been impeached in parliament, and betrayed the
liberties of the nation. This motion was levelled at Cæmarthen and
Halifax, the first of whom had been formerly impeached of high treason,
under the title of earl of Danby; and the other was charged with all the
misconduct of the present administration. Warm debates ensued, and in
all probability the motion would have been carried in the affirmative,
had not those who spoke warmly in behalf it suddenly cooled in the
course of the dispute. Some letters from king James to his partisans
being intercepted, and containing some hints of an intended invasion,
Mr. Hambden, chairman of the committee of the whole house, enlarged upon
the imminent danger to which the kingdom was exposed, and moved for
a further supply to his majesty. In this unexpected motion he was not
seconded by one member. The house, however, having taken the letters
into consideration, resolved to draw up an address to the king, desiring
him to secure and disarm all papists of note; and they brought in a bill
for attainting several persons in rebellion against their majesties; but
it was not finished during this session.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




BILLS PASSED IN THIS SESSION.

Another bill being prepared in the house of lords, enjoining the
subjects to wear the woollen manufacture at certain seasons of the year,
a petition was presented against it by the silk-weavers of London and
Canterbury, assembled in a tumultuous manner at Westminster. The
lords refused their petition, because this was an unusual manner of
application. They were persuaded to return to their respective places
of abode; precautions were taken against a second riot; and the bill was
unanimously rejected in the upper house. This parliament passed an act,
vesting in the two universities the presentations belonging to papists:
those of the southern counties being given to Oxford; and those of
the northern to Cambridge, on certain specified conditions, Courts of
conscience were erected at Bristol, Gloucester, and Newcastle; and that
of the marches of Wales was abolished as an intolerable oppression. The
protestant clergymen, who had been forced to leave their benefices in
Ireland, were rendered capable of holding any living in England, without
forfeiting their title to their former preferment, with the proviso that
they should resign their English benefices when restored to ‘those
they had been obliged to relinquish. The statute of Henry IV. against
multiplying gold and silver was now repealed; the subjects were allowed
to melt and refine metals and ores, and extract gold and silver from
them, on condition that it should be brought to the Mint, and converted
into money, the owners receiving its full value in current coin. These,
and several other bills of smaller importance being passed, the two
houses adjourned to the twentieth clay of September, and afterwards to
the nineteenth day of October.




CHAPTER II.

     _Duke of Schomberg lands with an Army in Ireland..... The
     Inniskilliners obtain a Victory over the Irish.....
     Schomberg censured for his Inactivity..... The French
     worsted at Walcourt..... Success of the Confederates in
     Germany..... The Turks defeated at Pacochin, Nissa, and
     Widen..... Death of Pope Innocent XI..... .King William
     becomes unpopular..... A good Number of the Clergy refuse to
     take the Oaths..... The King grants a Commission for
     reforming Church Discipline..... Meeting of the
     Convocation..... Their Session discontinued by repeated
     Prorogations..... Proceedings in Parliament..... The Whigs
     obstruct the Bill of Indemnity..... The Commons resume the
     Inquiry into the Cause of the Miscarriages in Ireland.....
     King William irritated against the Whigs..... Plot against
     the Government by Sir James Montgomery discovered by Bishop
     Burnet..... Warm Debates in Parliament about the Corporation
     Bills..... The King resolves to finish the Irish War in
     Person ..... General Ludlow arrives in England, but is
     obliged to withdraw..... Efforts of the Jacobites in
     Scotland..... The Court Interest triumphs over all
     Opposition in that Country..... The Tory Interest prevails
     in the New Parliament of England..... Bill for recognising
     their Majesties..... Another violent Contest about the Bill
     of Abjuration..... King William lands in Ireland..... King
     James marches to the Boyne..... William resolves to give him
     battle..... Battle of the Boyne..... Death and Character of
     Schomberg..... James embarks for France..... William enters
     Dublin and publishes his Declaration..... The French obtain
     a Victory over the English and Dutch Fleets off Beachy-
     head..... Torrington committed Prisoner to the Tower.....
     Progress of William in Ireland..... He Invests Limerick; but
     is obliged to raise the Siege, and returns to England.....
     Cork and Kinsale reduced by the Earl of Marlborough .....
     Lausun and the French Forces quit Ireland..... The Duke of
     Savoy joins the Confederacy..... Prince Waldeck defeated at
     Fleurus..... The Archduke Joseph elected King of the
     Romans..... Death of the Duke of Lorrain..... Progress of
     the War against the Turks..... Meeting of the
     Parliament..... The Commons comply with all the King’s
     Demands..... Petition of the Tories in the City of
     London..... Attempt against the Marquis of Cærmarthen.....
     The King’s Voyage to Holland..... He assists at a
     Congress..... Returns to England._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




SCHOMBERG LANDS WITH AN ARMY.

Though the affairs of Ireland were extremely pressing, and the
protestants of that country had made repeated application for relief,
the succours were retarded either by disputes among the ministers, or
the neglect of those who had the management of the expedition, in such
a manner that king James had been six months in Ireland before the army
was embarked for that kingdom. At length eighteen regiments of infantry,
and five of dragoons, being raised for that service, a train of
artillery provided, and transports prepared, the duke of Sehomberg, on
whom king William had conferred the chief command of this armament,
set out for Chester, after he had in person thanked the commons for the
uncommon regard they had paid to his services, and received assurances
from the house, that they would pay particular attention to him and his
army. On the thirteenth day of August he landed in the neighbourhood
of Carrickfergus with about ten thousand foot and dragoons, and took
possession of Belfast, from whence the enemy retired at his approach
to Carrickfergus, where they resolved to make a stand. The duke having
refreshed his men, marched thither, and invested the place; the siege
was carried on till the twenty-sixth clay of the month, when the
breaches being practicable, the besieged capitulated, on condition of
marching out with their arms, and as much baggage as they could carry on
their backs; and of their being conducted to the next Irish garrison,
which was at Newry. During this siege the duke was joined by the rest of
his army from England; but he had left orders for conveying the greater
part of the artillery and stores from Chester directly to Carlingford.
He now began his march through Lisburne and Hillsborough, and encamped
at Drummore, where the protestants of the north had been lately routed
by Hamilton; thence he proceeded to Loughbrillane, where he was joined
by the horse and dragoons of Inniskilling. Then the enemy abandoned
Newry and Dundalk, in the neighbourhood of which Sehomberg encamped on a
low damp ground, having the town and river on the south, and surrounded
on every other part by hills, bogs, and mountains.




THE INNISKILLINERS OBTAIN A VICTORY.

His army, consisting chiefly of new-raised men little inured to
hardship, began to flag under the fatigue of marching, the inclemency of
the weather, and scarcity of provisions. Here he was reinforced by the
regiments of Kirke, Hanmer, and Stuart; and would have continued his
march to Drogheda, where he understood Rosene lay with about twenty
thousand men, had he not been obliged to wait for the artillery, which
was not yet arrived at Carlingford. King James, having assembled all
his forces, advanced towards Schomberg, and appeared before his
intrenchments in order of battle; but the duke, knowing they were
greatly superior in number of horse, and that his own army was
undisciplined, and weakened by death and sickness, restrained his men
within the lines, and in a little time the enemy retreated. Immediately
after their departure, a conspiracy was discovered in the English camp,
hatched by some French papists, who had insinuated themselves into
the protestant regiments. One of these, whose name was Du Plessis, had
written a letter to the ambassador D’Avaux, promising to desert with
all the papists of the three French regiments in Schomberg’s army. This
letter being found, Du Plessis and five accomplices were tried by a
court-martial, and executed. About two hundred and fifty papists being
discovered in the French regiments, they were sent over to England,
from thence to Holland. While Schomberg remained in this situation, the
Inniskilliners made excursions in the neighbourhood, under the command
of colonel Lloyd; and on the twenty-seventh day of September they
obtained a complete victory over five times their number of the Irish.
They killed seven hundred on the spot, and took O’Kelly their commander,
with about fifty officers, and a considerable booty of cattle. The duke
was so pleased with their behaviour on this occasion, that they received
a very honourable testimony of his approbation.




SCHOMBERG CENSURED.

Meanwhile, the enemy took possession of James-Town, and reduced Sligo,
one of the forts of which was gallantly defended by St. Sauver, a
French captain, and his company of grenadiers, until he was obliged
to capitulate for want of water and provisions. A contagious distemper
still continued to rage in Schomberg’s camp, and swept off a great
number of officers and soldiers; so that in the beginning of next
spring, not above half the number of those who went over with the
general remained alive. He was censured for his inactivity, and the
king, in repeated letters, desired him to hazard an engagement, provided
any opportunity should occur; but he did not think proper to run the
risk of a battle, against an enemy that was above thrice his number,
well disciplined, healthy, and conducted by able officers. Nevertheless,
he was certainly blameable for having chosen such an unwholesome
situation. At the approach of winter he retired into quarters, in hopes
of being reinforced with seven thousand Danes, who had already arrived
in Britain. These auxiliaries were stipulated in a treaty which William
had just concluded with the king of Denmark. The English were not more
successful at sea than they had proved in their operations by land.
Admiral Herbert, now created earl of Torrington, having sailed to
Ireland with the combined squadrons of England and Holland, made a
fruitless attempt upon Cork, and lost a great number of seamen by
sickness, which was imputed to bad provisions. The Dartmouth ship of war
fell into the hands of the enemy, who infested the channel with such
a number of armed ships and privateers, that the trade of England
sustained incredible damage.




THE FRENCH WORSTED AT WALCOURT.

The affairs of France wore but a gloomy aspect on the continent, where
all the powers of Europe seemed to have conspired her destruction. King
William had engaged in a new league with the states-general, in which
former treaties of peace and commerce were confirmed. It was stipulated,
that in case the king of Great Britain should be attacked, the Dutch
should assist him with six thousand infantry, and twenty ships of the
line; and that, provided hostilities should be committed against the
states-general, England should supply them with ten thousand infantry,
and twenty ships of war. This treaty was no sooner ratified, than king
William dispatched the lord Churchill, whom he had by this time created
earl of Marlborough, to Holland, in order to command the British
auxiliaries in that service to the number of eleven thousand, the
greater part of which had been in the army of king James when the prince
of Orange landed in England. The earl forthwith joined the Dutch army,
under the command of prince Waldeck, who had fixed his rendezvous in the
county of Liege, with a view to act against the French army commanded by
the mareschal D’Humieres; while the prince of Vaudemont headed a little
army of observation, consisting of Spaniards, Dutch, and Germans, to
watch the motions of Calvo in another part of the Low-Countries. The
city of Liege was compelled to renounce the neutrality, and declare for
the allies. Mareschal D’Humieres attacked the foragers belonging to the
army of the states at Walcourt, in the month of August; an obstinate
engagement ensued, and the French were obliged to retreat in confusion,
with the loss of two thousand men, and some pieces of artillery. The
army of observation levelled part of the French lines on the side of
Courtray, and raised contributions on the territories of the enemy.




SUCCESS OF THE CONFEDERATES IN GERMANY.

The French were almost entire masters of the three ecclesiastical
electorates of Germany. They possessed Mentz, Triers, Bonne,
Keiserswaert, Philipsburgh, and Landau. They had blown up the castle of
Heildelberg, in the Palatinate, and destroyed Manheim. They had reduced
Worms and Spiers to ashes; and demolished Frankendahl, together
with several other fortresses. These conquests, the fruits of sudden
invasion, were covered with a numerous army, commanded by the mareschal
de Duras; and all his inferior generals were officers of distinguished
courage and ability. Nevertheless, he found it difficult to maintain
his ground against the different princes of the empire. The duke of
Lorraine, who commanded the imperial troops, invested Mentz, and took
it by capitulation; the elector of Brandenburgh, having reduced
Keiserswaert, undertook the siege of Bonne, which the garrison
surrendered after having made a long and vigorous defence. Nothing
contributed more to the union of the German princes than their
resentment of the shocking barbarity with which the French had
plundered, wasted, and depopulated their country. Louis having, by his
intrigues in Poland and at Constantinople, prevented a pacification
between the emperor and the Ottoman Porte, the campaign was opened in
Croatia, where five thousand Turks were defeated by a body of Croates
between Vihitz and Novi. The prince of Baden, who commanded the
imperialists on that side, having thrown a bridge over the Morava at
Passarowitz, crossed that river, and marched in quest of a Turkish
army amounting to fifty thousand men, headed by a seraskier. On the
thirteenth day of August he attacked the enemy in their intrenchments
near Patochin, and forced their lines, routed them with great slaughter,
and took possession of their camp, baggage, and artillery. They returned
to Nissa, where the general finding them still more numerous than the
imperialists, resolved to make a stand, and encamped in a situation that
was inaccessible in every part except the rear, which he left open
for the convenience of a retreat. Through this avenue he was, on the
twenty-fourth day of September, attacked by the prince of Baden,
who, after a desperate resistance, obtained another complete victory,
enriched his troops with the spoil of the enemy, and entered Nissa
without opposition. There he found above three thousand horses and a
vast quantity of provisions. Having reposed his army for a few days in
this place, he resumed his march against the Turks, who had chosen
an advantageous post at Widen, and seemed ambitious of retrieving the
honour they had lost in the two former engagements. The Germans attacked
their lines without hesitation; and though the Musselmen fought with
incredible fury, they were a third time defeated with great slaughter.
This defeat was attended with the loss of Widen, which being surrendered
to the victor, he distributed his troops in winter quarters, and
returned to Vienna covered with laurels.




DEATH OF POPE INNOCENT XI.

The French were likewise baffled in their attempt upon Catalonia, where
the duke de Noailles had taken Campredon in the month of May. Leaving a
garrison in this place, he retreated to the frontiers of France, while
the duke de Villa Hermosa, at the head of a Spanish army, blocked up the
place and laid Rousillon under contribution. He afterwards undertook the
siege in form, and Noailles marched to its relief; but he was so hard
pressed by the Spaniards that he withdrew the garrison, dismantled the
place, and retreated with great precipitation. The French king hoped to
derive some considerable advantage from the death of Pope Innocent XL
which happened on the twelfth day of August. That pontiff had been an
inveterate enemy to Louis ever since the affair of the franchises, and
the seizure of Avignon. [016] _[See note F, at the end of this Vol.]_
Cabals were immediately formed at Eome by the French faction against
the Spanish and Imperial interest. The French cardinals, de Bouillon and
Bonzi, accompanied by Furstemberg, repaired to Eome with a large sum
of money. Peter Ottoboni, a Venetian, was elected pope, and assumed the
name of Alexander VIII. The duke de Chaulnes, ambassador from France,
immediately signified in the name of his master, that Avignon should
be restored to the patrimony of the church; and Louis renounced the
franchises in a letter written by his own hand to the pontiff. Alexander
received these marks of respect with the warmest acknowledgments; but
when the ambassador and Furstemberg besought him to re-examine the
election of the bishop of Cologne, which had been the source of so much
calamity to the empire, he lent a deaf ear to their solicitations.
He even confirmed the dispensations granted by his predecessor to the
prince of Bavaria, who was thus empowered to take possession of the
electorate, though he had not yet attained the age required by the
canons. Furstemberg retired in disgust to Paris, where Louis immediately
gratified him with the abbey of St. Germains.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




KING WILLIAM BECOMES UNPOPULAR.

King William found it an easier task to unite the councils of Europe
against the common enemy than to conciliate and preserve the affections
of his own subjects, among whom he began visibly to decline in point of
popularity. Many were dissatisfied with his measures; and a great number
even of those who exerted themselves for his elevation had conceived a
disgust from his personal deportment, which was very unsuitable to the
manners and disposition of the English people. Instead of mingling
with his nobility in social amusements and familiar conversation, he
maintained a disagreeable reserve which had all the air of sullen pride;
he seldom or never spoke to his courtiers or attendants, he spent his
time chiefly in the closet retired from all communication; or among
his troops in a camp he had formed at Hounslow; or in the exercise of
hunting, to which he was immoderately addicted. This had been prescribed
to him by physicians as necessary to improve his constitution, which was
naturally weak, and by practice had become so habitual that he could not
lay it aside. His ill health co-operating with his natural aversion
to society, produced a peevishness which could not fail of being
displeasing to those who were near his person: this was increased by the
disputes in his cabinet, and the opposition of those who were professed
enemies to his government, as well as by the alienation of his former
friends. As he could not breathe without difficulty in the air of
London, he resided chiefly at Hampton-court, and expended considerable
sums in beautifying and enlarging that palace; he likewise purchased the
house at Kensington of the earl of Nottingham; and such profusion in the
beginning of an expensive war gave umbrage to the nation in general.
Whether he was advised by his counsellors, or his own sagacity pointed
out the expediency of conforming with the English humour, he now seemed
to change his disposition, and in some measure adopt the manners of his
predecessors. In imitation of Charles II. he resorted to the races at
Newmarket; he accepted an invitation to visit Cambridge, where he
behaved himself with remarkable affability to the members of the
university; he afterwards dined with the lord-mayor of London, accepted
the freedom of the city, and condescended so far as to become
sovereign-master of the company of grocers.




A GOOD NUMBER OF THE CLERGY REFUSE TO TAKE THE OATHS.

While William thus endeavoured to remove the prejudices which had been
conceived against his person, the period arrived which the parliament
had prescribed for taking the oaths to the new government. Some
individuals of the clergy sacrificed their benefices to their scruples
of conscience, and absolutely refused to take oaths that were contrary
to those they had already sworn in favour of their late sovereign. These
were distinguished by the epithet of nonjurors: but their number bore
a very small proportion to that of others, who took them with such
reservations and distinctions as redounded very little to the honour of
their integrity. Many of those who had been the warmest advocates for
non-resistance and passive obedience, made no scruple of renouncing
their allegiance to king James, and complying with the present act,
after having declared that they took the oaths in no other sense than
that of a peaceable submission to the powers that were. They even
affirmed that the legislature itself had allowed the distinction between
a king _de facto_ and a king _de jure_, as they had dropped the word
“rightful” when the form was under debate. They alleged that as prudence
obliged them to conform to the letter of the oath, so conscience
required them to give it their own interpretation. Nothing could be more
infamous and of worse tendency than this practice of equivocating in
the most sacred of all obligations. It introduced a general disregard of
oaths, which hath been the source of universal perjury and corruption.
Though this set of temporizers were bitterly upbraided both by the
nonjurors and the papists, they all concurred in representing William as
an enemy to the church; as a prince educated in the doctrines of Calvin,
which he plainly espoused, by limiting his favour and preferment to such
as were latitudinarians in religion, and by his abolishing episcopacy
in Scotland. The presbyterians in that kingdom now tyrannized in their
turn. They were headed by the earl of Crawford, a nobleman of a violent
temper and strong prejudices. He was chosen president of the parliament
by the interest of Melvil, and oppressed the episcopalians in such a
manner that the greater part of them from resentment became well-wishers
to king James. Every circumstance of the hardships they underwent was
reported in England; and the earl of Clarendon, as well as the suspended
bishops, circulated these particulars with great assiduity. The oaths
being rejected by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Ely,
Chichester, Bath and Wells, Peterborough and Gloucester, they were
suspended from their functions, and threatened with deprivation. Lake
of Chichester, being seized with a dangerous distemper, signed a solemn
declaration, in which he professed his adherence to the doctrine of
non-resistance and passive obedience, which he believed to be the
distinguishing characteristic of the church of England. After his death
this paper was published, industriously circulated, and extolled by the
party as an inspired oracle pronounced by a martyr to religious truth
and sincerity.




THE KING GRANTS A COMMISSION FOR REFORMING CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

All the clamour that was raised against the king could not divert him
from prosecuting the scheme of comprehension. He granted a commission
under the great seal to ten bishops and twenty dignitaries of the
church, authorizing them to meet from time to time in the Jerusalem
chamber, to prepare such alterations of the liturgy and the canons, and
such proposals for the reformation of ecclesiastical courts as might
most conduce to the good order, edification, and uniting of the church,
and tend to reconcile all religious differences among the protestant
subjects of the kingdom. A cry was immediately raised against this
commission, as an ecclesiastical court illegal and dangerous. At their
first meeting the authority of the commission was questioned by Sprat,
bishop of Rochester, who retired in disgust, and was followed by Mew of
Winchester, and the doctors Jane and Aldrich. These were averse to any
alteration of the forms and constitution of the church in favour of an
insolent and obstinate party, which ought to have been satisfied with
the toleration they enjoyed. They observed that an attempt to make such
alteration would divide the clergy, and bring the liturgy into disesteem
with the people, as it would be a plain acknowledgment that it wanted
correction. They thought they should violate the dignity of the church
by condescending to make offers which the dissenters were at liberty to
refuse; and they suspected some of their colleagues of a design to give
up episcopal ordination--a step inconsistent with their honour, duty,
oaths, and subscriptions.




MEETING OF THE CONVOCATION.

The commissioners, notwithstanding this secession, proceeded to debate
with moderation on the abuses of which the dissenters had complained,
and corrected every article that seemed liable to any just objection;
but the opposite party employed all their art and industry to inflame
the minds of the people. The two universities declared against all
alterations, and those who promoted them. The king himself was
branded as an enemy to the hierarchy; and they bestirred themselves so
successfully in the election of members for the convocation, that
they procured a very considerable majority. At their first meeting the
friends of the comprehension scheme proposed Dr. Tillotson, clerk of the
closet to his majesty, as prolocutor; but the other party carried it in
favour of Dr. Jane, who was counted the most violent churchman in the
whole Assembly. In a Latin speech to the bishop of London as president,
he, in the name of the lower house, asserted that the liturgy of England
needed no amendment, and concluded with the old declaration of the
barons, “_Nolumus leges Angliæ mutari_. We will not suffer the laws
of England to be changed.” The bishop, in his reply, exhorted them
to moderation, charity, and indulgence towards their brethren the
dissenters, and to make such abatements in things indifferent as might
serve to open a door of salvation to multitudes of straying christians.
His injunctions, however, produced no favourable effect; the lower house
seemed to be animated by a spirit of opposition. Next day the president
prorogued them, on pretence that the royal commission, by which
they were to act, was defective for want of being sealed, and that a
prorogation was necessary until that sanction should be obtained. In
this interval means were used to mollify their non-compliant tempers,
but all endeavours proved ineffectual. When they met again, the earl of
Nottingham delivered the king’s commission to both houses, with a
speech of his own, and a message from his majesty, importing that he had
summoned them out of a pious zeal to do every thing that might tend to
the best establishment of the church of England, which should always
enjoy his favour and protection. He exhorted them to lay aside all
prejudice, and consider calmly and impartially whatever should be
proposed: he assured them he would offer nothing but what should be for
the honour, peace, and advantage of the protestant religion in general,
and particularly of the church of England.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THEIR SESSION PROROGUED.

The bishops adjourning to the Jerusalem chamber, prepared a zealous
address of thanks to his majesty, which, being sent to the lower house
for their concurrence, met with violent opposition. Amendments were
proposed; a conference ensued, and, after warm debates, they agreed upon
a cold address, which was accordingly presented. The majority of the
lower house, far from taking any measures in favour of dissenters,
converted all their attention to the relief of their nonjuring brethren.
Zealous speeches were made in behalf of the suspended bishops; and Dr.
Jane proposed that something might be done to qualify them to sit in the
convocation. This, however, was such a dangerous point as they would not
venture to discuss; yet, rather than proceed upon the business for which
they had been assembled, they began to take cognizance of some pamphlets
lately published, which they conceived to be of dangerous consequence
to the christian religion. The president and his party, perceiving
the disposition of the house, did not think proper to communicate any
proposal touching the intended reformation, and the king suffered the
session to be discontinued by repeated prorogations.




PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

The parliament meeting on the nineteenth day of October, the king, in a
speech of his own composing, explained the necessity of a present supply
to carry on the war. He desired that they might be speedy in their
determinations on this subject, for these would in a great measure
influence the deliberations of the princes and states concerned in the
war against France, as a general meeting of them was appointed to be
held next month at the Hague, to settle the operations of the ensuing
campaign. He concluded with recommending the dispatch of a bill of
indemnity, that the minds of his subjects might be quieted, and that
they might unanimously concur in promoting the honour and welfare of the
kingdom. As several inflammatory bills and disputes, which had produced
heats and animosities in the last session, were still depending, the
king, after having consulted both houses, resolved to put an end to
those disputes by a prorogation. He accordingly went to the house of
lords and prorogued the parliament till the twenty-first day of October,
by the mouth of the new speaker, sir Robert Atkins; the marquis of
Halifax having resigned that office. When they re-assembled, the
king referred them to his former speech: then the commons unanimously
resolved to assist his majesty in reducing Ireland, and in joining with
his allies abroad for a vigorous prosecution of the war against France:
for these purposes they voted a supply of two millions.




THE WHIGS OBSTRUCT THE INDEMNITY BILL.

During this session the whigs employed all their influence and intrigues
in obstructing the bill of indemnity, which they knew would open a door
for favour and preferment to the opposite party, which began to gain
ground in the king’s good graces. With this view they revived the
prosecution of the state prisoners. A committee was appointed to prepare
a charge against Burton and Graham. The commons resolved to impeach the
earls of Peterborough, Salisbury, and Castlemain, sir Edward Hales,
and Obadiah Walker, of high treason, for having been reconciled to the
church of Rome, contrary to the laws of the realm. A bill was ordered
to be brought in to declare the estate of the late lord chancellor
Jefferies forfeited to the crown, and attaint his blood; but it met with
such opposition that the measure was dropped: the house however agreed,
that the pecuniary penalties incurred by those persons who had exercised
offices contrary to the laws against popish recusants, should be
speedily levied and applied to the public service. The lord Griffin
being detected in maintaining a correspondence with king James and his
partizans, was committed to the Tower; but as no other evidence appeared
against him than written letters, found in the false bottom of a pewter
bottle, they could not help consenting to his being released upon bail,
as they had lately resolved that Algernon Sidney was unjustly condemned
in the reign of Charles II. because nothing but writings had been
produced against him at his trial. The two houses concurred in
appointing a committee to inquire who were the advisers and prosecutors
in taking away the lives of lord Russel, colonel Sydney, sir Thomas
Armstrong, alderman Cornish, and others; and who were chiefly concerned
in the arbitrary practices touching the writs of _quo warranto_, and
the surrender of charters. This inquiry was levelled at the marquis of
Halifax, who had concurred with the ministry of Charles in all these
severities. Though no proof appeared upon which votes or addresses could
be founded, that nobleman saw it was necessary for him to withdraw
himself from the administration; he therefore resigned the privy-seal,
which was put in commission, and reconciled himself to the tories, of
whom he became the patron and protector.




INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSE OF THE MISCARRIAGES IN IRELAND RESUMED.

The commons likewise resumed the examination of the miscarriages in
Ireland, and desired the king would appoint commissioners to go over
and inquire into the condition of the army in that kingdom. Schomberg,
understanding that he had been blamed in the house of commons for his
inactivity, transmitted to the king a satisfactory vindication of his
own conduct; and it appeared that the miscarriages in Ireland were
wholly owing to John Shales, purveyor-general to the army. The commons
immediately presented an address to his majesty, praying that Shales
might be taken into custody; that all his papers, accounts, and stores,
should be secured; and that duke Schomberg might be empowered to fill
his place with a more able purveyor. The king gave them to understand
that he had already sent orders to the general for that purpose.
Nevertheless, they in another petition requested his majesty to name
those who had recommended Shales to his service, as he had exercised the
same office under king James, and was suspected of treasonable practices
against the government. William declined gratifying their request; but
he afterwards sent a message to the house, desiring them to recommend
a certain number of commissioners to superintend such provisions and
preparations as might be necessary for that service, as well as to
nominate certain persons to go over and examine the state of the army
in Ireland. The commons were so mollified by this instance of his
condescension, that they left the whole affair to his own direction,
and proceeded to examine other branches of misconduct. Instances of
mismanagement appeared so numerous and so flagrant, that they resolved
upon a subsequent address, to explain the ill conduct and success of
his army and navy; to desire he would find out the author of these
miscarriages, and for the future intrust unsuspected persons with the
management of affairs. They ordered the victuallers of the fleet to be
taken into custody, on suspicion of their having furnished the navy with
unwholesome provisions, and new commissioners were appointed. Bitter
reproaches were thrown out against the ministry. Mr. Hambden expressed
his surprise that the administration should consist of those very
persons whom king James had employed, when his affairs were desperate,
to treat with the prince of Orange, and moved that the king should be
petitioned in an address to remove such persons from his presence and
councils. This was a stroke aimed at the earl of Nottingham, whose
office of secretary Hambden desired to possess; but his motion was not
seconded, the court-members observing that James did not depute these
lords to the prince of Orange because they were attached to his own
interest, but for a very different reason, namely, that they were well
known to disapprove of his measures, and therefore would be the more
agreeable to his highness. The house however voted an address to the
king, desiring that the authors of the miscarriages might be brought to
condign punishment.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




WILLIAM IRRITATED AGAINST THE WHIGS.

In the sequel, the question was proposed, Whether a placeman ought to
have a seat in the house? and a very warm debate ensued: but it was
carried in the affirmative, on the supposition that by such exclusion
the commonwealth would be deprived of some of the ablest senators of the
kingdom. But what chiefly irritated William against the whigs was their
backwardness in promoting the public service, and their disregard of the
earnest desire he expressed to see his revenue settled for life. He said
his title was no more than a pageant, and the worst of all governments
was that of a king without treasure. Nevertheless, they would not grant
the civil list for a longer term than one year. They began to think
there was something arbitrary in his disposition. His sullen behaviour
in all probability first infused this opinion, which was strengthened
and confirmed by the insinuations of his enemies. The Scots who had come
up to London to give an account of the proceedings in their parliament,
were infected with the same notion. One Simpson, a presbyterian of that
country, whom the earl of Portland employed as a spy, had insinuated
himself into the confidence of Nevil Payne, an active and intelligent
partisan and agent of king James; by which means he supplied the earl
with such intelligence as raised him to some degree of credit with that
minister. This he used in prepossessing the earl against the king’s best
friends, and infusing jealousies which were soon kindled into mutual
distrust and animosity.




PLOT AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT.

Sir James Montgomery, who had been a warm advocate for the revolution,
received advice that the court suspected him and others of disaffection,
and was employed in seeking evidence by which they might be prosecuted.
They were equally alarmed and incensed at this intimation, and Payne
seized the opportunity of seducing them into a correspondence with the
exiled king. They demanded the settlement of the presbytery in Scotland,
and actually engaged in a treaty for his restoration. They reconciled
themselves to the duke of Queensbury, and the other noblemen of the
episcopal party: they wrote to James for a supply of money, arms, and
ammunition, together with a reinforcement of three thousand men from
Dunkirk. Montgomery had acquired great interest among the whigs of
England, and this he-employed in animating them against the king and
the ministry. He represented them as a set of wicked men, who employed
infamous spies to insnare and ruin the fast friends of the government,
and found means to alienate them so much from William, that they began
to think in earnest of recalling their banished prince The duke of
Bolton and the earl of Monmouth were almost persuaded into a conspiracy
for this purpose; they seemed to think James was now so well convinced
of his former errors, that they might trust him without scruple.
Montgomery and Payne were the chief managers of the scheme, and they
admitted Ferguson into their councils, as a veteran in the arts of
treason. In order to blast William’s credit in the city, they circulated
a report that James would grant a full indemnity, separate himself
entirely from the French interest, and be contented with a secret
connivance in favour of the Roman catholics. Montgomery’s brother
assured the bishop of Salisbury that a treaty with king James was
absolutely concluded, and an invitation subscribed by the whole cabal.
He said this paper would be sent to Ireland by the way of France, as the
direct communication was difficult; and he proposed a method for seizing
it before it should be conveyed out of the kingdom. Williamson, the
supposed bearer of it, had obtained a pass for Flanders, and a messenger
being sent in pursuit of him, secured his clothes and portmanteau; but
after a very strict examination nothing appeared to justify the
intelligence. Williamson had previously delivered the papers to Simpson,
who hired a boat at Deal, and arrived in safety at France. He returned
with large assurances, and twelve thousand pounds were remitted to the
Scottish undertakers. Montgomery the informer seeing his intelligence
falsified, lost his credit with the bishop, and dreading the resentment
of the other party, retired to the continent. The conspirators loudly
complained of the false imputations they had incurred. The pretended
discoveries were looked upon as fictions of the ministry, and the king
on this occasion suffered greatly in the opinion of his subjects.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




DEBATES ABOUT THE CORPORATION BILLS.

The tories still continued to carry on a secret negotiation with the
court. They took advantage of the ill-humour subsisting between the
king and the whigs; and promised large supplies of money provided this
parliament should be dissolved and another immediately convoked. The
opposite party, being apprized of their intention, brought a bill into
the house of commons for restoring corporations to their ancient rights
and privileges. They knew their own strength at elections consisted
in these corporations; and they inserted two additional severe clauses
against those who were in any shape concerned in surrendering charters.
The whole power of the tories was exerted against this clause; and now
the whigs vied with them in making court to his majesty, promising to
manifest the most submissive obedience should this bill be enacted into
a law. The strength of the tories was now become so formidable to
the house, that they out-voted the other party, and the clauses were
rejected; but the bill passed in its original form. The lords debated
upon the point, Whether a corporation could be forfeited or surrendered?
Lord chief justice Holt and two other judges declared their opinion in
the affirmative: the rest thought otherwise, as no precedents could be
produced farther back than the reign of Henry VIII. when the abbeys were
surrendered; and this instance seemed too violent to authorize such a
measure in a regular course of administration. The bill, however, passed
by one voice only. Then both parties quickened their applications to the
king, who found himself so perplexed and distracted between two factions
which he equally feared, that he resolved to leave the government in the
queen’s hands and retire to Holland. He communicated this design to the
marquis of Carmarthen, the earl of Shrewsbury, and some other noblemen,
who pressed him to lay aside his resolution, and even mingled tears with
their remonstrances.




THE KING RESOLVES TO FINISH THE IRISH WAR IN PERSON.

He at length complied with their request, and determined to finish the
Irish war in person. This design was far from being agreeable to the
parliament. His friends dreaded the climate of that country, which might
prove fatal to his weak constitution. The well-wishers of James were
afraid of that prince’s being hard pressed, should William take the
field against him in person.

Both houses, therefore, began to prepare an address against this
expedition. In order to prevent this remonstrance, the king went to the
parliament, and formally signified his resolution. After his speech they
were prorogued to the second day of April. On the sixth day of February
they were dissolved by proclamation, and a new parliament was summoned
to meet on the twentieth day of March. During this session, the commons,
in an address to the king, desired that a revenue of fifty thousand
pounds might be settled upon the prince and princess of Denmark, out of
the civil list; and his majesty gratified them in this particular: yet
the warmth and industry with which the friends of the princess
exerted themselves in promoting the settlement, produced a coldness and
misunderstanding between the two sisters; and the subsequent disgrace of
the earl of Marlborough was imputed to the part which his wife acted on
the occasion. She was lady of the bed-chamber, and chief confidant to
the princess, whom she strenuously advised to insist upon the settlement
rather than depend upon the generosity of the king and queen.




LUDLOW ARRIVES IN ENGLAND, BUT IS OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.

About this period general Ludlow, who at the restoration had been
excepted from the act of indemnity, as one of those who sat in judgment
upon Charles I. arrived in England, and offered his service in reducing
Ireland, where he had formerly commanded. Though a rigid republican,
he was reputed a conscientious man, and a good officer. He had received
some encouragement to come over, and probably would have been employed
had not the commons interposed. Sir Edward Seymour, who enjoyed by grant
an estate in Wiltshire which had formerly belonged to Ludlow, began to
be in pain for his possession. He observed in the house, that the nation
would be disgraced should one of the J parricides be suffered to live in
the kingdom. An address was immediately presented to the king, desiring
a proclamation might be issued promising a reward for apprehending
general Ludlow. This was accordingly published; but not before he had
landed in Holland, from whence he returned to Vevay in Switzerland,
where he wrote the memoirs of his life, and died after an exile of
thirty years.




EFFORTS OF THE JACOBITES IN SCOTLAND.

While king William fluctuated between two parties in England, his
interest in Scotland had well nigh given way to a coalition between the
original Jacobites and Montgomery’s party of discontented presbyterians.
Colonel Cannon, who succeeded the viscount Dundee in command, after
having made several unsuccessful efforts in favour of the late king’s
interest, retired into Ireland; and the highlanders chose sir Hugh
Cameron for their leader. Under him they renewed their incursions with
the better prospect of success, as several regiments of the regular
troops had been sent to reinforce the army of Schomberg. James assisted
them with clothes, arms, and ammunition, together with some officers,
amongst whom was colonel Bucan, appointed to act as their chief
commander. This officer, at the head of fifteen hundred men, advanced
into the shire of Murray, in hopes of being joined by other malcontents;
but he was surprised and routed by sir Thomas Livingstone, while major
Ferguson destroyed the places they possessed in the Isle of Mull; so
that the highlanders were obliged to retire and conceal themselves among
their hills and fastnesses. The friends of James, despairing of doing
any thing effectual for his service in the field, converted all their
attention to the proceedings in parliament; where they imagined their
interest was much stronger than it appeared to be upon trial. They took
the oaths without hesitation, and hoped, by the assistance of their new
allies, to embroil the government in such a manner that the majority of
the people would declare for a restoration. But the views of these new
cemented parties were altogether incompatible, and their principles
diametrically opposite. Notwithstanding their concurrence in parliament,
the earl of Melvil procured a small majority. The opposition was
immediately discouraged: some individuals retracted, rather than fall
with a sinking cause; and mutual jealousies began to prevail. The
leaders of the coalition treated separately with king James; made
inconsistent demands; reciprocally concealed their negotiations; in a
word, they distrusted and hated one another with the most implacable
resentment.




THE COURT INTEREST PREVAILS.

The earls of Argyle, Annandale, and Breadalbane, withdrew from their
councils and repaired to England. Montgomery, terrified at their
defection, went privately to London, after he had hinted something
of the plot to Melvil, and solicited a pass from the queen, which was
refused. Annandale, having received information that Montgomery had
disclosed all the particulars of the negotiation, threw himself upon the
queen’s mercy, and discovered all he knew of the conspiracy. As lie had
not treated with any of the malcontents in England, they remained secure
from his evidence; but he informed against Nevil Payne, who had been
sent down as their agent to Scotland, where he now resided. He was
immediately apprehended by the council of that kingdom, in consequence
of a letter from the earl of Nottingham; and twice put to the torture,
which he resolutely bore, without discovering his employers. Montgomery
still absconded in London, soliciting a pardon; but finding he could not
obtain it, except on condition of making a full discovery, he
abandoned his country, and chose to die in exile rather than betray his
confederates. This disunion of the conspirators, and discovery of the
plot, left the earl of Melvil in possession of a greater majority;
though even this he was fain to secure by overstraining his instructions
in the articles of patronage, and the supremacy of the crown, which he
yielded up to the fury of the fanatic presbyterians, contrary to the
intention of king William. In lieu of these, however, they indulged him
with the tax of chimney or hearth-money; as well as with a test to be
imposed upon all persons in office or parliament, declaring William and
Mary their lawful sovereigns, and renouncing the pretended title of king
James. All the laws in favour of episcopacy were repealed. Threescore
of the presbyterian ministers, who had been ejected at the restoration,
were still alive; and these the parliament declared the only sound part
of the church. The government of it was lodged in their hands; and
they were empowered to admit such as they should think proper to their
assistance. A few furious fanatics being thus associated, proceeded with
ungovernable violence to persecute the episcopal party, exercising the
very same tyranny against which they themselves had so loudly exclaimed.




THE TORY INTEREST PREVAILS IN THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

While the presbyterian interest thus triumphed in Scotland, the
two parties that divided England employed their whole influence and
attention in managing the elections for a new parliament; and the tories
obtained the victory. The king seemed gradually falling into the arms of
this party. They complained of their having been totally excluded from
the lieutenancy of London at the king’s accession to the crown; and
now a considerable number of the most violent tories in the city were
admitted into the commission by the interest and address of the bishop
of London, the marquis of Carmarthen, and the earl of Nottingham. To
gratify that party, the earls of Monmouth and Warrington were dismissed
from their employments; nay, when the parliament met on the twentieth
day of March, the commons chose for their speaker sir John Trevor, a
violent partisan of that faction, who had been created master of the
rolls by the late king. He was a bold artful man, and undertook to
procure a majority to be at the devotion of the court, provided
he should be supplied with the necessary sums for the purposes of
corruption. William, finding there was no other way of maintaining his
administration in peace, thought proper to countenance the practice of
purchasing votes, and appointed Trevor first commissioner of the great
seal. In his speech to the new parliament, he gave them to understand
that he still persisted in his resolution of going in person to Ireland.
He desired they would make a settlement of the revenue, or establish it
for the present as a fund of credit, upon which the necessary sums for
the service of government might be immediately advanced; he signified
his intention of sending to them an act of grace, with a few exceptions,
that he might manifest his readiness to extend his protection to all his
subjects, and leave no colour of excuse for raising disturbances in
his absence, as he knew how busy some ill-affected men were in their
endeavours to alter the established government; he recommended an union
with Scotland, the parliament of which had appointed commissioners for
that purpose; he told them he should leave the administration in the
hands of the queen, and desired they would prepare an act to confirm her
authority; he exhorted them to dispatch the business for which they were
assembled, to avoid debates, and expressed his hope that they should
soon meet again to finish what might be now left imperfect.




BILL FOR RECOGNISING THEIR MAJESTIES.

The commons, in compliance with his request, voted a supply of twelve
hundred thousand pounds, one million of that sum to be raised by a
clause of credit in the revenue bills; but he could not prevail
upon them to settle the revenue for life. They granted, however, the
hereditary excise for that term, but the customs for four years only.
They considered this short term as the best security the kingdom could
have for frequent parliaments; though this precaution was not at all
agreeable to their sovereign. A poll-bill was likewise passed, other
supplies were granted, and both parties seemed to court his majesty
by advancing money on those funds of credit. The whigs, however, had
another battery in reserve. They produced, in the upper house, a bill
for recognising their majesties as the rightful and lawful sovereign of
these realms, and for declaring all the acts of the last parliament
to be good and valid. The tories were now reduced to a very perplexed
situation. They could not oppose the bill without hazarding the
interest they had so lately acquired, nor assent to it without solemnly
renouncing their former arguments and distinctions. They made no great
objections to the first part, and even proposed to enact, That those
should be deemed good laws for the time to come; but they refused to
declare them valid for that which was past. After a long debate, the
bill was committed; yet the whigs lost their majority on the report;
nevertheless, the bill was recovered, and passed with some alteration in
the words; in consequence of a nervous spirited protest, signed Bolton,
Macclesfield, Stamford, Newport, Bedford, Her bert, Suffolk, Monmouth,
Delamere, and Oxford. The whole interest of the court was thrown into
the scale with this bill, before it would preponderate against the
tories; the chiefs of whom, with the earl of Nottingham at their head,
protested in their turn. The same party in the house of commons were
determined upon a vigorous opposition; and in the mean time some
trifling objections were made, that it might be committed for amendment;
but their design was prematurely discovered by one of their faction,
who chanced to question the legality of the convention, as it was not
summoned by the king’s writ. This insinuation was answered by Somers the
solicitor general, who observed, that if it was not a legal parliament,
they who were then met, and who had taken the oaths enacted by that
parliament, were guilty of high treason; the laws repealed by it were
still in force: it was their duty therefore to return to king James; and
all concerned in collecting and paying the money levied by the acts of
that parliament were highly criminal. The tories were so struck with
these arguments that the bill passed without further opposition, and
immediately received the royal assent. Thus the settlement was confirmed
by those very people who had so loudly exclaimed against it as illegal;
but the whigs, with all their management, would not have gained their
point had not the court been interested in the dispute.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




ANOTHER VIOLENT CONTEST.

There was another violent contest between the two parties, on the import
of a bill requiring all subjects in office to abjure king James on pain
of imprisonment. Though the clergy were at first exempted from this
test, the main body of the tories opposed it with great vehemence; while
the whigs, under countenance of the ministry, supported it with equal
vigour. It produced long and violent debates; and the two factions
seemed pretty equally balanced. At length the tories represented to
the king that a great deal of precious time would be lost in fruitless
altercation; that those who declared against the bill would grow sullen
and intractable, so as to oppose every other motion that might be made
for the king’s service; that, in case of its being carried, his majesty
must fall again into the hands of the whigs, who would renew their
former practices against the prerogative; and many individuals, who
were now either well affected to him, or at least neutral, would become
Jacobites from resentment. These suggestions had such weight with king
William, that he sent an intimation to the commons, desiring they would
drop the debate and proceed to matters that were more pressing. The
whigs in general were disgusted at this interposition; and the earl of
Shrewsbury, who had interested himself warmly in behalf of the bill,
resented it so deeply that he insisted on resigning his office of
secretary of state. The king, who revered his talents and integrity,
employed Dr. Tillotson and others, who were supposed to have credit with
the earl, to dissuade him from quitting his employment; but he continued
deaf to all their remonstrances, and would not even comply with the
request of his majesty, who pressed him to keep the seals until he
should return from Ireland. Long debates were likewise managed in the
house of lords upon the bill of abjuration, or rather an oath of special
fidelity to William, in opposition to James. The tories professed
themselves willing to enter into a negative engagement against the late
king and his adherents; but they opposed the oath of abjuration with all
their might: and the house was so equally divided that neither side was
willing to hazard a decision, so that all the fruit of their debates was
a prolongation of the session.




KING WILLIAM LANDS IN IRELAND.

An act was prepared for investing the queen with the administration
during the king’s absence; another for reversing the judgment on a _quo
warranto_ against the city of London, and restoring it to its ancient
rights and privileges; at length the bill of indemnity so cordially
recommended by the king passed both houses. [021] _[See note G, at the
end of this Vol.]_ On the twenty-first day of May, the king closed the
session with a Short speech, in which he thanked them for the supplies
they had granted, and recommended to them a punctual discharge of their
duties in their respective counties, that the peace of the nation might
not be interrupted in his absence. The houses were adjourned to the
seventh day of July, when the parliament was prorogued and adjourned
successively. As a further security for the peace of the kingdom, the
deputy-lieutenants were authorized to raise the militia in case of
necessity. All papists were prohibited to stir above five miles from
their respective places of abode; a proclamation was published for
apprehending certain disaffected persons; sir John Cochran and Ferguson
were actually arrested on suspicion of treasonable practices. On the
fourth day of June the king set out for Ireland, attended by prince
George of Denmark, the duke of Ormond, the earls of Oxford, Scarborough,
Manchester, and many other persons of distinction: on the fourteenth
day of the month he landed at Carrickfergus, from whence he immediately
proceeded to Belfast, where he was met by the duke of Schomberg, the
prince of Wirtemberg, major-general Kirke, and other officers. By this
time colonel Wolsey, at the head of a thousand men, had defeated a
strong detachment of the enemy near Belturbat; sir John Lanier had
taken Bedloe castle; and that of Charlemont, a strong post of great
importance, together with Balingary near Cavan, had been reduced. King
William having reposed himself for two or three days at Belfast, visited
the duke’s head-quarters at Lis-burne; then advancing to Hillsborough,
published an order against pressing horses, and committing violence on
the country people. When some of his general officers proposed cautious
measures, he declared he did not come to Ireland to let the grass
grow under his feet. He ordered the army to encamp and be reviewed
at Loughbrilland, where he found it amount to six-and-thirty thousand
effective men, well appointed. Then he marched to Dundalk; and
afterwards advanced to Ardee, which the enemy had just abandoned.




JAMES MARCHES TO THE BOYNE.

King James trusted so much to the disputes in the English parliament,
that he did not believe his son-in-law would be able to quit that
kingdom; and William had been six days in Ireland before he received
intimation of his arrival. This was no sooner known than he left
Dublin under the guard of the militia commanded by Luttrel, and with
a reinforcement of six thousand infantry, which he had lately received
from France, joined the rest of his forces, which now almost equalled
William’s army in number, exclusive of about fifteen thousand men who
remained in different garrisons. He occupied a very advantageous post
on the bank of the Boyne, and, contrary to the advice of his general
officers, resolved to stand battle. They proposed to strengthen their
garrisons and retire to the Shannon to wait the effect of the operations
at sea. Louis had promised to equip a powerful armament against the
English fleet, and send over a great number of small frigates to destroy
William’s transports, as soon as their convoy should be returned to
England. The execution of this scheme was not at all difficult, and must
have proved fatal to the English army; for their stores and ammunition
were still on board; the ships sailed along the coast as the troops
advanced in their march; and there was not one secure harbour into
which they could retire on any emergency. James, however, was bent upon
hazarding an engagement; and expressed uncommon confidence and alacrity.
Besides the river which was deep, his front was secured by a morass and
a rising ground, so that the English army could not attack him without
manifest disadvantage.




WILLIAM RESOLVES TO GIVE HIM BATTLE

King William marched up to the opposite bank of the river, and, as
he reconnoitred their situation, was exposed to the fire of some
field-pieces which the enemy purposely planted against his person.
They killed a man and two horses close by him; and the second bullet,
rebounding from the earth, grazed upon his right shoulder so as to carry
off part of his clothes and skin, and produce a considerable contusion.
This accident, which he bore without the least emotion, created some
confusion among his attendants, which the enemy perceiving, concluded
he was killed, and shouted aloud in token of their joy. The whole camp
resounded with acclamation; and several squadrons of their horse
were drawn down towards the river as if they had intended to pass
it immediately and attack the English army. The report was instantly
communicated from place to place until it reached Dublin; from thence
it was conveyed to Paris, where, contrary to the custom of the French
court, the people were encouraged to celebrate the event with bonfires
and illuminations. William rode along the line to show himself to the
army after this narrow escape. At night he called a council of war, and
declared his resolution to attack the enemy in the morning. Schomberg
at first opposed his design; but finding the king determined, he advised
that a strong detachment of horse and foot should that night pass the
Boyne at Slane-bridge, and take post between the enemy and the pass of
Duleck, that the action might be the more decisive. This council
being rejected, the king determined that early in the morning
lieutenant-general Douglas, with the right wing of infantry, and young
Schomberg, with the horse, should pass at Slane-bridge, while the main
body of foot should force their passage at Old-bridge, and the left
at certain fords between the enemy’s camp and Drogheda. The duke,
perceiving his advice was not relished by the Dutch generals, retired to
his tent, where the order of battle being brought to him, he received it
with an air of discontent, saying, It was the first that had ever been
sent him in that manner. The proper dispositions being made, William
rode quite through the army by torchlight, and then retired to his tent,
after having given orders for the soldiers to distinguish themselves
from the enemy by wearing green boughs in their hats during the action.




BATTLE OF THE BOYNE.

At six o’clock in the morning, general Douglas, with young Schomberg,
the earl of Portland, and Auverquerque, marched towards Slane-bridge,
and passed the river with very little opposition. When they reached the
farther bank, they perceived the enemy drawn up in two lines, to a
considerable number of horse and foot, with a morass in their front, so
that Douglas was obliged to wait for a reinforcement. This being
arrived, the infantry was led on to the charge through the morass,
while count Schomberg rode round it with his cavalry to attack the
enemy in flank. The Irish, instead of waiting the assault, faced about
and retreated towards Duleck with some precipitation; yet not so fast
but that Schomberg fell in among their rear and did considerable
execution. King James however soon reinforced his left wing from the
centre; and the count was in his turn obliged to send for assistance.
At this juncture, king William’s main body, consisting of the Dutch
guards, the French regiments, and some battalions of English, passed
the river, which was waist high, under a general discharge of
artillery. King James had imprudently removed his cannon from the other
side; but he had posted a strong body of musqueteers along the bank,
behind hedges, houses, and some works raised for the occasion. These
poured in a close fire upon the English troops before they reached the
shore; but it produced very little effect: then the Irish gave way; and
some battalions landed without further opposition. Yet, before they
could form, they were charged with great impetuosity by a squadron of
the enemy’s horse; and a considerable body of their cavalry and foot,
commanded by general Hamilton, advanced from behind some little
hillocks to attack those that were landed, as well as to prevent the
rest from reaching the shore. His infantry turned their backs and fled
immediately; but the horse charged with incredible fury, both upon the
bank and in the river, so as to put the unformed regiments in
confusion. Then the duke of Schomberg, passing the river in person, put
himself at the head of the French protestants, and pointing to the
enemy, “Gentlemen,” said he, “those are your persecutors;” with these
words he advanced to the attack, where he himself sustained a violent
onset from a party of the Irish horse which had broke through one of
the regiments, and were now on their return. They were mistaken for
English, and allowed to gallop up to the duke, who received two severe
wounds in the head; but the French regiments being now sensible of
their mistake, rashly threw in their fire upon the Irish while they
were engaged with the duke, and instead of saving, shot him dead upon
the spot. The fate of this general had well nigh proved fatal to the
English army, which was immediately involved in tumult and disorder;
while the infantry of king James rallied, and returned to their posts
with a face of resolution. They were just ready to fall upon the
centre, when king William having passed with the left wing, composed of
the Danish, Dutch, and Inniskilling horse, advanced to attack them on
the right. They were struck with such a panic at his appearance that
they made a sudden halt, and then facing about, retreated to the
village of Dunore. There they made such a vigorous stand that the Dutch
and Danish horse, though headed by the king in person, recoiled; even
the Inniskillmers gave way; and the whole wing would have been routed,
had not a detachment of dragoons, belonging to the regiment of
Cunningham and Livison, dismounted, and lined the hedges on each side
of the defile through which the fugitives were driven. There they did
such execution upon the pursuers as soon checked their ardour. The
horse, which were broken, had now time to rally, and returning to the
charge, drove the enemy before them in their turn. In this action
general Hamilton, who had been the life and soul of the Irish during
the whole engagement, was wounded and taken--an incident which
discouraged them to such a degree, that they made no further efforts to
retrieve the advantage they had lost. He was immediately brought to the
king, who asked him if he thought the Irish would make any further
resistance; and he replied, “Upon my honour, I believe they will; for
they have still a good body of horse entire.” William, eyeing him with
a look of disdain, repeated, “Your honour! your honour!” but took no
other notice of his having acted contrary to his engagement, when he
was permitted to go to Ireland on promise of persuading Tyrconnel to
submit to the new government. The Irish now abandoned the field with
precipitation; but the French and Swiss troops, that acted as their
auxiliaries under Lausun, retreated in good order, after having
maintained the battle for some time with intrepidity and perseverance.




DEATH OF SCHOMBERG.

As king William did not think proper to pursue the enemy, the carnage
was not great. The Irish lost fifteen hundred men, and the English
about one-third of that number; though the victory was dearly purchased,
considering the death of the gallant duke of Schomberg, who fell in the
eighty-second year of his age, after having rivalled the best generals
of the time in military reputation. He was descended of a noble family
in the Palatinate, and his mother was an English woman, daughter of lord
Dudley. Being obliged to leave his country on account of the troubles
by which it was agitated, he commenced a soldier of fortune, and served
successively in the armies of Holland, England, France, Portugal, and
Brandenburgh. He attained to the dignities of mareschal in France,
grandee in Portugal, generalissimo in Prussia, and duke in England.
He professed the protestant religion; was courteous and humble in his
deportment; cool, penetrating, resolute, and sagacious; nor was his
probity inferior to his courage. This battle likewise proved fatal
to the brave Caillemote, who had followed the duke’s fortunes, and
commanded one of the protestant regiments. After having received a
mortal wound, he was carried back through the river by four soldiers,
and though almost in the agonies of death, he with a cheerful
countenance encouraged those who were crossing to do their duty,
exclaiming, “_A la gloire, mes enfans; à la gloire_. To glory, my
lads; to glory!” The third remarkable person who lost his life on
this occasion was Walker the clergyman, who had so valiantly defended
Londonderry against the whole army of king James. He had been very
graciously received by king William, who gratified him with a reward of
five thousand pounds, and a promise of further favour; but his military
genius still predominating, he attended his royal patron in this battle,
and being shot in the belly, died in a few minutes. The persons of
distinction who fell on the other side were the lords Dongan and
Carlingford, sir Neile O’Neile, and the marquis of Hoequincourt. James
himself stood aloof during the action on the hill of Dunmore, surrounded
with some squadrons of horse; and seeing victory declare against him,
retired to Dublin without having made the least effort to re-assemble
his broken forces. Had he possessed either spirit or conduct, his army
might have been rallied, and reinforced from his garrisons, so as to be
in a condition to keep the field, and even act upon the offensive; for
his loss was inconsiderable, and the victor did not attempt to molest
his troops in their retreat--an omission which has been charged upon him
as a flagrant instance of misconduct. Indeed, through the whole of this
engagement, William’s personal courage was much more conspicuous than
his military skill.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




JAMES EMBARKS FOR FRANCE.

King James no sooner arrived at Dublin than he assembled the magistrates
and council of the city, and in a short speech resigned them to the
fortune of the victor. He complained of the cowardice of the Irish;
signified his resolution of leaving the kingdom immediately; forbade
them, on their allegiance, to burn or plunder the city after his
departure; and assured them, that, though he was obliged to yield to
force, he would never cease to labour for their deliverance. Next day he
set out for Waterford, attended by the duke of Berwick, Tyrconnel,
and the marquis of Powis. He ordered all the bridges to be broken down
behind him, and embarked in a vessel which had been prepared for his
reception. At sea he fell in with the French squadron, commanded by the
Sieur de Foran, who persuaded him to go on board one of his frigates,
which was a prime sailer. In this he was safely conveyed to France, and
returned to the place of his former residence at St. Germain’s. He had
no sooner quitted Dublin than it was also abandoned by all the papists.
The protestants immediately took possession of the arms belonging to
the militia, under the conduct of the bishops of Meath and Limerick.
A committee was formed to take charge of the administration; and an
account of these transactions was transmitted to king William, together
with a petition that he would honour the city with his presence.




WILLIAM ENTERS DUBLIN.

On the morning after the battle of the Boyne, William sent a detachment
of horse and foot, under the command of M. Mellionere, to Drogheda, the
governor of which surrendered the place without opposition. The king at
the head of the army began his march for Dublin, and halted the first
night at Bally-Breghan; where, having received advice of the enemy’s
retreat from the capital, he sent the duke of Ormond with a body of
horse to take possession. These were immediately followed by the Dutch
guards, who secured the castle. In a few days the king encamped at
Finglas, in the neighbourhood of Dublin, where he was visited by the
bishops of Meath and Limerick, at the head of the protestant clergy,
whom he assured of his favour and protection. Then he published a
declaration of pardon to all the common people who had served against
him, provided they should return to their dwellings and surrender their
arms by the first day of August. Those that rented lands of popish
proprietors who had been concerned in the rebellion, were required to
retain their rents in their own hands until they should have notice
from the commissioners of the revenue to whom they should be paid. The
desperate leaders of the rebellion, who had violated the laws of the
kingdom, called in the French, authorized the depredations which had
been committed upon protestants, and rejected the pardon offered to them
on the king’s first proclamation, were left to the event of war, unless
by evident demonstrations of repentance they should deserve mercy, which
would never be refused to those who were truly penitent. The next step
taken by king William was to issue a proclamation reducing the brass
money to nearly its intrinsic value. In the meantime, the principal
officers in the army of James, after having seen him embark at
Waterford, returned to their troops, determined to prosecute the war as
long as they could be supplied with means to support their operations.




VICTORY GAINED BY THE FRENCH.

During these transactions, the queen, as regent, found herself
surrounded with numberless cares and perplexities. Her council was
pretty equally divided into whigs and tories, who did not always act
with unanimity. She was distracted between her apprehensions for her
father’s safety and her husband’s life: she was threatened with an
invasion by the French from abroad, and with an insurrection by the
Jacobites at home. Nevertheless she disguised her fears, and behaved
with equal prudence and fortitude. Advice being received that a fleet
was ready to sail from Brest, lord Torrington hoisted his flag in the
Downs, and sailed round to St. Helen’s, in order to assemble such a
number of ships as would enable him to give them battle. The enemy
being discovered off Plymouth on the twentieth day of June, the English
admiral, reinforced with a Dutch squadron, stood out to sea with a view
to intercept them at the back of the Isle of Wight, should they presume
to sail up the channel, not that he thought himself strong enough to
cope with them in battle. Their fleet consisted of seventy-eight ships
of war, and two-and-twenty fire-ships; whereas, the combined squadrons
of England and Holland did not exceed six-and-fifty; but he had received
orders to hazard an engagement if he thought it might be done with any
prospect of success. After the hostile fleets had continued five days
in sight of each other, lord Torrington bore down upon the enemy off
Beachy-head, on the thirtieth day of June, at day-break. The Dutch
squadron, which composed the van, began the engagement about nine in
the morning; in about half an hour the blue division of the English were
close engaged with the rear of the French; but the red, which formed
the centre, under the command of Torrington in person, did not fill the
line till ten o’clock, so that the Dutch were almost surrounded by the
enemy, and, though they fought with great valour, sustained considerable
damage. At length the admiral’s division drove between them and the
French, and in that situation the fleet anchored about five in the
afternoon, when the action was interrupted by a calm. The Dutch had
suffered so severely, that Torrington thought it would be imprudent to
renew the battle; he therefore weighed anchor in the night, and with the
tide of flood retired to the eastward. The next day the disabled ships
were destroyed, that they might not be retarded in their retreat.
They were pursued as far as Rye; an English ship of seventy guns being
stranded near Winchelsea, was set on fire and deserted by the captain’s
command. A Dutch ship of sixty-four guns met with the same accident, and
some French frigates attempted to burn her; but the captain defended her
so vigorously that they were obliged to desist, and he afterwards found
means to carry her safe to Holland. In this engagement the English lost
two ships, two sea-captains, and about four hundred men; but the Dutch
were more unfortunate: six of their great ships were destroyed. Dick
and Brackel, rear-admirals, were slain, together with a great number
of inferior officers and seamen. Torrington retreated without further
interruption into the mouth of the Thames; and, having taken precaution
against any attempts of the enemy in that quarter, returned to London,
the inhabitants of which were overwhelmed with consternation.




TORRINGTON COMMITTED TO THE TOWER.

The government was infected with the same panic. The ministry pretended
to believe that the French acted in concert with the malcontents of the
nation; that insurrections in the different parts of the kingdom had
been projected by the Jacobites; and that there would be a general
revolt in Scotland. These insinuations were circulated by the court
agents in order to justify, in the opinion of the public, the measures
that were deemed necessary at this juncture; and they produced the
desired effect. The apprehensions thus artfully raised among the people
inflamed their aversion to nonjurors and Jacobites. Addresses were
presented to the queen by the Cornish tinners, by the lieutenancy of
Middlesex, and by the mayor, aldermen, and lieutenancy of London, filled
with professions of loyalty and promises of supporting their majesties
as their lawful sovereigns, against all opposition. The queen at this
crisis exhibited remarkable proofs of courage, activity, and discretion.
She issued out proper orders and directions for putting the nation in a
posture of defence, as well as for refitting and augmenting the fleet;
she took measures for appeasing the resentment of the states-general,
who exclaimed against the earl of Torrington for his behaviour in the
late action. He was deprived of his command, and sent prisoner to
the Tower; and commissioners were appointed to examine the particular
circumstances of his conduct. A camp was formed in the neighbourhood
of Torbay, where the French seemed to threaten a descent. Their fleet,
which lay at anchor in the bay, cannonaded a small village called
Teign-mouth. About a thousand of their men landed without opposition,
set fire to the place, and burned a few coasting vessels; then they
re-embarked and returned to Brest, so vain of this achievement that they
printed a pompous account of their invasion. Some of the whig partizans
published pamphlets and diffused reports, implying that the suspended
bishops were concerned in the conspiracy against the government; and
these arts proved so inflammatory among the common people, that the
prelates thought it necessary to print a paper, in which they asserted
their innocence in the most solemn protestations. The court seems to
have harboured no suspicion against them, otherwise they would not have
escaped imprisonment. The queen issued a proclamation for apprehending
the earls of Litchfield, Aylesbury, and Castlemain; viscount Preston; the
lords Montgomery and Bellasis; sir Edward Hales, sir Robert Tharold, sir
Robert Hamilton, sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, colonel Edward Sackville,
and some other officers. These were accused of having conspired with
other disaffected persons to disturb and destroy the government, and of
a design to concur with her majesty’s enemies in the intended invasion.
The earl of Torrington continued a prisoner in the Tower till next
session, when he was brought into the house of commons and made a speech
in his own defence. His case produced long debates in the upper house,
where the form of his commitment was judged illegal: at length he
was tried by a court-martial appointed by the commissioners of the
admiralty, though not before an act had passed, declaring the power of
a lord high-admiral vested in those commissioners. The president of the
court was sir Ralph Délavai, who had acted as vice-admiral of the blue
in the engagement. The earl was acquitted, but the king dismissed him
from the service; and the Dutch exclaimed against the partiality of his
judges.




PROGRESS OF WILLIAM IN IRELAND.

William is said to have intercepted all the papers of his father-in-law
and Tyrconnel, and to have learned from them not only the design
projected by the French to burn the English transports, but likewise the
undertaking of one Jones, who engaged to assassinate king William. No
such attempt however was made, and in all probability the whole report
was a fiction, calculated to throw an odium on James’ character. On the
ninth day of July, William detached general Douglas with a considerable
body of horse and foot towards Athlone, while he himself, having left
Trelawny to command at Dublin, advanced with the rest of his army to
Inchiquin in his way to Kilkenny. Colonel Grace, the governor of Athlone
for king James, being summoned to surrender, fired a pistol at the
trumpeter, saying, “These are my terms.” Then Douglas resolved to
undertake the siege of the place, which was naturally very strong, and
defended by a resolute garrison. An inconsiderable breach was made, when
Douglas, receiving intelligence that Sarsfield was on his march to the
relief of the besieged, abandoned the enterprise after having lost above
four hundred men in the attempt. The king continued his march to the
westward; and, by dint of severe examples, established such order and
discipline in his army, that the peasants were secure from the least
violence. At Carlow he detached the duke of Ormond to take possession of
Kilkenny, where that nobleman regaled him in his own castle, which
the enemy had left undamaged. While the army encamped at Carrick,
major-general Kirke was sent to Waterford, the garrison of which,
consisting of two regiments, capitulated upon condition of marching out
with their arms and baggage, and being conducted to Mallow. The fort of
Duncannon was surrendered on the same terms. Here the lord Dover and the
lord George Howard were admitted to the benefit of the king’s mercy and
protection.




HE INVESTS LIMERICK; IS OBLIGED TO RAISE THE SIEGE.

On the first day of August, William being at Chapel-Izard, published a
second declaration of mercy, confirming the former, and even extending
it to persons of superior rank and station, whether natives or
foreigners, provided they would, by the twenty-fifth day of the month,
lay down their arms and submit to certain conditions. This offer of
indemnity produced very little effect, for the Irish were generally
governed by their priests, and the news of the victory which the French
fleet had obtained over the English and Dutch, was circulated with such
exaggerations as elevated their spirits, and effaced all thoughts of
submission. The king had returned to Dublin with a view to embark for
England, but receiving notice that the designs of his domestic enemies
were discovered and frustrated, that the fleet was repaired, and the
French navy retired to Brest, he postponed his voyage and resolved to
reduce Limerick; in which Monsieur Boisseleau commanded as governor, and
the duke of Berwick and colonel Sarsfield acted as inferior officers.
On the ninth day of August, the king having called in his detachment and
advanced into the neighbourhood of the place, summoned the commander to
deliver the town; and Boisseleau answered, that he imagined the best way
to gain the good opinion of the prince of Orange, would be a vigorous
defence of the town which his majesty had committed to his charge.
Before the place was fully invested, colonel Sarsfield, with a body of
horse and dragoons, passed the Shannon in the night, intercepted the
king’s train of artillery on its way to the camp, routed the troops that
guarded it, disabled the cannon, destroyed the carriages, waggons, and
ammunition, and returned in safety to Limerick. Notwithstanding this
disaster, the trenches were opened on the seventeenth day of the month,
and a battery was raised with some cannon brought from Waterford. The
siege was carried on with vigour, and the place defended with great
resolution. At length the king ordered his troops to make a lodgment in
the covered way or counterscarp, which was accordingly assaulted with
great fury; but the assailants met with such a warm reception from the
besieged, that they were repulsed with the loss of twelve hundred men
either killed on the spot or mortally wounded. This disappointment,
concurring with the badness of the weather, which became rainy and
unwholesome, induced the king to renounce his undertaking. The heavy
baggage and cannon being sent away, the army decamped and marched
towards Clonmel. William having constituted the lord Sydney and Thomas
Coningsby lords justices of Ireland, and left the command of the army
with count Solmes, embarked at Duncannon with prince George of Denmark
on the fifth of September, and next day arrived in King road, near
Bristol, from whence he repaired to Windsor.




CORK AND KINSALE REDUCED.

About the latter end of this month the earl of Marlborough arrived in
Ireland with five thousand English troops, to attack Cork and Kinsale in
conjunction with a detachment from the great army, according to a scheme
he had proposed to king William. Having landed his soldiers without much
opposition in the neighbourhood of Cork, he was joined by five thousand
men under the prince of Wirtemberg, between whom and the earl a dispute
arose about the command; but this was compromised by the interposition
of La Mellionere. The place being invested, and the batteries raised,
the besiegers proceeded with such rapidity that a breach was soon
effected. Colonel Mackillicut the governor demanded a parley, and
hostages were exchanged; but he rejected the conditions that were
offered, and hostilities recommenced with redoubled vigour. The duke
of Grafton, who served on this occasion as a volunteer, was mortally
wounded in one of the attacks, and died regretted as a youth of
promising talents. Preparations being made for a general assault,
the besieged thought proper to capitulate, and surrendered themselves
prisoners of war. Besides the governor and colonel Bicaut, the victor
found the earls of Clancarty and Tyrone among the individuals of
the garrison. Marlborough having taken possession of Cork, detached
brigadier Villiers with a body of horse and dragoons to summon the town
and forts of Kinsale, and next day advanced with the rest of the forces.
The old fort was immediately taken by assault; but sir Edward Scott,
who commanded the other, sustained a regular siege until the breach
was practicable, and then obtained an honourable capitulation. These
maritime places being reduced, all communication between France and
the enemy on this side of the island was cut off, and the Irish
were confined to Ulster, where they could not subsist without great
difficulty. The earl of Marlborough having finished this expedition in
thirty days, returned with his prisoners to England, where the fame of
this exploit added greatly to his reputation.




THE FRENCH FORCES QUIT IRELAND.

During these transactions count de Lausan, commander of the French
auxiliaries in Ireland, lay inactive in the neighbourhood of Galway, and
transmitted such a lamentable account of his situation to the court of
France, that transports were sent over to bring home the French forces.
In these he embarked with his troops, and the command of the Irish
forces devolved to the duke of Berwick, though it was afterwards
transferred to M. St. Ruth. Lausan was disgraced at Versailles for
having deserted the cause before it was desperate: Tyrconnel, who
accompanied him in his voyage, solicited the French court for a further
supply of officers, arms, clothes, and ammunition for the Irish army,
which he said would continue firm to the interest of king James if thus
supported. Meanwhile they formed themselves into separate bodies
of freebooters, and plundered the country, under the appellation of
rapparees: while the troops of king William either enjoyed their ease in
quarters, or imitated the rapine of the enemy; so that between both the
poor people were miserably harassed.




SAVOY JOINS THE CONFEDERACY.

The affairs of the continent had not yet undergone any change of
importance, except in the conduct of the duke of Savoy, who renounced
his neutrality, engaged in an alliance with the emperor and king of
Spain; and, in a word, acceded to the grand confederacy. He had no
sooner declared himself, than Catinat the French general entered his
territories at the head of eighteen thousand men, and defeated him in
a pitched battle near Saluces, which immediately surrendered to the
conqueror. Then he reduced Savillana, Villa Franca, with several other
places, pursued the duke to Carignan, surprised Suza, and distributed
his forces in winter quarters, partly in Provence and partly in the
duchy of Savoy, which St. Ruth had lately reduced under the dominion
of France. The duke finding himself disappointed in the succours he
expected from the emperor and the king of Spain, demanded assistance of
the states-general and king William: to this last he sent an ambassador,
to congratulate him upon his accession to the throne of England. The
confederates in their general congress at the Hague, had agreed that
the army of the states under prince Waldeck should oppose the forces
of France, commanded by the duke of Luxembourg in Flanders; while the
elector of Brandenburgh should observe the marquis de Boufflers on
the Moselle: but before the troops of Brandenburgh could be assembled,
Boufflers encamped between the Sambre and the Mouse, and maintained a
free communication with Luxembourg.




PRINCE WALDECK DEFEATED.

Prince Waldeck understanding that this general intended to cross
the Sambre between Namur and Charleroy, in order to lay the Spanish
territories under contribution, decamped from the river Piéton, and
detached the count of Berlo with a great body of horse to observe
the motions of the enemy. He was encountered by the French army near
Fleuras, and slain: and his troops, though supported by two other
detachments, were hardly able to rejoin the main body, which continued
all night in order of battle. Next day they were attacked by the French,
who were greatly superior to them in number: after a very obstinate
engagement the allies gave way, leaving about five thousand men dead
upon the field of battle. The enemy took about four thousand prisoners,
and the greatest part of their artillery; but the victory was dearly
bought. The Dutch infantry fought with surprising resolution and
success. The duke of Luxembourg owned with surprise, that they had
surpassed the Spanish foot at the battle of Rocroy. “Prince Waldeck,
said he, ought always to remember the French horse; and I shall never
forget the Dutch infantry.” The Dutch general exerted himself with
such activity, that the French derived very little advantage from their
victory. The prince being reinforced with the five English regiments,
nine thousand Hanoverians, ten thousand from the bishopric of Liege and
Holland, joined the elector of Brandenburgh; so that the confederate
army amounted to five-and-fifty thousand men, and they marched by
the way of Genap to Bois-Seigneur-Isaac. They were now superior to
Luxembourg, who thought proper to fortify his camp, that he might not
be obliged to fight except with considerable advantage. Nevertheless,
prince Waldeck would have attacked him in his intrenchments, had he not
been prohibited from hazarding another engagement by an express
order of the states-general; and when this restriction was removed, the
elector would not venture a battle.




ARCHDUKE JOSEPH ELECTED KING.

By this time the emperor’s son Joseph was by the electoral college
chosen king of the Romans; but his interest sustained a rude shock in
the death of the gallant duke of Lorraine, who was suddenly seized
with a quin-sey at a small village near Lintz, and expired, not without
suspicion of having fallen a sacrifice to the fears of the French king,
against whom he had formerly declared war as a sovereign prince unjustly
expelled from his territories. He possessed great military talents, and
had threatened to enter Lorraine at the head of forty thousand men, in
the course of the ensuing summer. The court of France, alarmed at this
declaration, is said to have had recourse to poison, for preventing the
execution of the duke’s design. At his death the command of the imperial
army was conferred upon the elector of Bavaria. This prince having
joined the elector of Saxony, advanced against the Dauphin, who had
passed the Rhine at Fort-Louis with a considerable army, and intended to
penetrate into Wirtemberg; but the duke of Bavaria checked his progress,
and he acted on the defensive during the remaining part of the campaign.
The emperor was less fortunate in his efforts against the Turks, who
rejected the conditions of peace he had offered, and took the field
under a new vizier. In the month of August, count Tekeli defeated a
body of imperialists near Cronstadt, in Transylvania; then convoking
the states of that province at Albajulia, he compelled them to elect him
their sovereign; but his reign was of short duration. Prince Louis of
Baden, having taken the command of the Austrian army, detached four
regiments into Belgrade, and advanced against Tekeli, who retired into
Valachia at his approach. Meanwhile the grand vizier invested Belgrade,
and carried on his attacks with surprising resolution. At length a bomb
falling upon a great tower in which the powder magazine of the besieged
was contained, the place blew up with a dreadful explosion. Seventeen
hundred soldiers of the garrison were destroyed; the walls and ramparts
were overthrown; the ditch was filled up, and so large a breach was
opened that the Turks entered by squadrons and battalions, cutting in
pieces all that fell in their way. The fire spread from magazine to
magazine until eleven were destroyed; and in the confusion the
remaining part of the garrison escaped to Peterwaradin. By this time
the imperialists were in possession of Transylvania, and cantoned at
Cronstadt and Clausinburgh. Tekeli undertook to attack the province on
one side, while a body of Turks should invade it on the other: these
last were totally dispersed by prince Louis of Baden; but prince
Augustus of Hanover, whom he had detached against the count, was
slain in a narrow defile, and his troops were obliged to retreat with
precipitation. Tekeli however did not improve this advantage: being
apprized of the fate of his allies, and afraid of seeing his retreat cut
off by the snow that frequently chokes up the passes of the mountains,
he retreated again to Valachia, and prince Louis returned to Vienna.




MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENT.

King William having published a proclamation requiring the attendance of
the members on the second day of October, both houses met accordingly,
and he opened the session with a speech to the usual purport. He
mentioned what he had done towards the reduction of Ireland; commended
the behaviour of the troops; told them the supplies were not equal to
the necessary expense; represented the danger to which the nation would
be exposed unless the war should be prosecuted with vigour; conjured
them to clear his revenue, which was mortgaged for the payment of former
debts, and enable him to pay off the arrears of the army; assured them
that the success of the confederacy abroad would depend upon the vigour
and dispatch of their proceedings; expressed his resentment against
those who had been guilty of misconduct in the management of the fleet;
recommended unanimity and expedition; and declared, that whoever should
attempt to divert their attention from those subjects of importance
which he had proposed, could neither be a friend to him nor a
well-wisher to his country. The late attempt of the French upon the
coast of England, the rumours of a conspiracy by the Jacobites,
the personal valour which William had displayed in Ireland, and the
pusillanimous behavour of James, concurred in warming the resentment of
the nation against the adherents of the late king, and in raising a
tide of loyalty in favour of the new government. Both houses presented
separate addresses of congratulation to the king and queen, upon his
courage and conduct in the field, and her fortitude and sagacity at
the helm in times of danger and disquiet. The commons, pursuant to an
estimate laid before them of the next year’s expenses, voted a supply of
four millions for the maintenance of the army and navy, and settled the
funds for that purpose.




COMMONS COMPLY WITH THE KING’S DEMANDS.

They proposed to raise one million by the sale of forfeited estates in
Ireland: they resolved that a bill should be brought in for confiscating
those estates, with a clause, empowering the king to bestow a third part
of them on those who had served in the war, as well as to grant such
articles and capitulations to those who were in arms, as he should think
proper. This clause was rejected; and a great number of petitions were
offered against the bill, by creditors and heirs who had continued
faithful to the government. These were supposed to have been suggested
by the court, in order to retard the progress of the bill; for
the estates had been already promised to the king’s favourites:
nevertheless, the bill passed the lower house, and was sent up to the
lords, among whom it was purposely delayed by the influence of the
ministry. It was at this juncture that lord Torrington was tried and
acquitted, very much to the dissatisfaction of the king, who not only
dismissed him from the service, but even forbade him to appear in his
presence. When William came to the house of lords to give the royal
assent to a bill for doubling the excise, he told the parliament
that the posture of affairs required his presence at the Hague; that,
therefore, they ought to lose no time in perfecting such other supplies
as were still necessary for the maintenance of the army and navy; and
he reminded them of making some provision for the expense of the civil
government. Two bills were accordingly passed for granting to their
majesties the duties of goods imported, for five years; and these,
together with the mutiny-bill, received the royal assent: upon which
occasion the king observed, that if some annual provision could be made
for augmenting the navy, it would greatly conduce to the honour
and safety of the nation. In consequence of this hint, they voted a
considerable supply for building additional ships of war,* and proceeded
with such alacrity and expedition, as even seemed to anticipate the
king’s desires. This liberality and dispatch were in a great measure
owing to the management of lord Godolphin, who was now placed at the
head of the treasury, and sir John Somers, the solicitor-general.
The place of secretary of state, which had remained vacant since the
resignation of the earl of Shrewsbury, was now filled with lord Sidney;
and sir Charles Porter was appointed one of the justices of Ireland in
the room of this nobleman.

     * This supply was raised by the additional duties upon beer,
          ale, and other liquors. They also provided in the bill,
          that the impositions on wines, vinegar, and tobacco,
          should be made a fund of credit: that the surplus of the
          grants they had made, after the current service was
          provided for, should be applicable to the payment of the
          debts contracted by the war: and, that it should be
          lawful for their majesties to make use of five hundred
          thousand pounds out of the said grants, on condition of
          that sum being repaid from the revenue.--_Ralph_.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




PETITION OF THE TORIES.

Notwithstanding the act for reversing the proceedings against the city
charter, the whigs had made shift to keep possession of the magistracy:
Pilkington continued mayor, and Eobinson retained the office of
chamberlain. The tories of the city, presuming upon their late services,
presented a petition to the house of commons, complaining, That the
intent of the late act of parliament, for reversing the judgment on the
quo warranto, was frustrated by some doubtful expression; so that the
old aldermen elected by commission under the late king’s great seal
still acted by virtue of that authority: that sir Thomas Pilkington
was not duly returned as mayor by the common-hall: and, that he and
the aldermen had imposed Mr. Leonard Eobinson upon them as chamberlain,
though another person was duly elected into that office: that divers
members of the common-council were illegally excluded, and others, duly
elected, were refused admittance. They specified other grievances, and
petitioned for relief. Pilkington and his associates undertook to prove
that those allegations were either false or frivolous; and presented the
petition as a contrivance of the Jacobites to disturb the peace of the
city, that the supply might be retarded and the government distressed.
In the late panic which overspread the nation, the whigs had appeared
to be the monied men, and subscribed largely for the security of the
settlement they had made, while the tories kept aloof with a suspicious
caution. For this reason the court now interposed its influence in such
a manner, that little or no regard was paid to their remonstrance.




ATTEMPT AGAINST CARMARTHEN.

The marquis of Cærmarthen, lord president, who was at the head of the
tory interest in the ministry, and had acquired great credit with the
king and queen, now fell under the displeasure of the opposite faction:
and they resolved if possible to revive his old impeachment. The earl of
Shrewsbury, and thirteen other leading men, had engaged in this design.
A committee of lords was appointed to examine precedents, and inquire
whether impeachments continued in statu quo from parliament to
parliament. Several such precedents were reported; and violent
debates ensued: but the marquis eluded the vengeance of his enemies in
consequence of the following question: “Whether the earls of Salisbury
and Peterborough, who had been impeached in the former parliament for
being reconciled to the church of Rome, shall be discharged from their
bail?” The house resolved in the affirmative, and several lords
entered a protest. The commons having finished a bill for appointing
commissioners to take and state the public accounts, and having chosen
the commissioners from among their own members, sent it up to the house
of lords. There the earl of Rochester moved, That they should add some
of their number to those of the commons: they accordingly chose an equal
number by ballot; but Rochester himself being elected, refused to act:
the others followed his example, and the bill passed without alteration.
On the fifth day of January, the king put an end to the session with
a speech, in which he thanked them for the repeated instances they had
exhibited of their affection to his person and government. He told them,
it was high time for him to embark for Holland: recommended unanimity;
and assured them of his particular favour and protection. Then lord
chief baron Atkins signified his majesty’s pleasure, that the two houses
should adjourn themselves to the thirty-first day of March.*

     * In this year the English planters repossessed themselves
     of part of the inland of St. Christopher, from which they
     had been driven by the French.




THE KING’S VOYAGE TO HOLLAND.

William, having settled the affairs of the nation, set out for Margate
on the sixth day of January; but the ship in which he proposed to
embark being detained by an easterly wind and hard frost, he returned to
Kensington. On the sixteenth, however, he embarked at Gravesend with a
numerous retinue, and set sail for Holland under convoy of twelve
ships of war commanded by admiral Rooke. Next day, being informed by a
fisherman that he was within a league and a half of Goree, he quitted
the yacht and went into an open boat, attended by the duke of
Ormond, the earls of Devonshire, Dorset, Portland, and Monmouth, with
Auverquerque and Zuylestcin, Instead of landing immediately, they lost
sight of the fleet, and, night coming on, were exposed in very severe
weather to the danger of the enemy and the sea, which ran very high
for eighteen hours, during which the king and all his attendants were
drenched with sea-water. When the sailors expressed their apprehensions
of perishing, the king asked if they were afraid to die in his company?
At day-break, he landed on the isle of Goree, where he took some
refreshment in a fisherman’s hut; then he committed himself to the
boat again, and was conveyed to the shore in the neighbourhood of
Masslandsluys. A deputation of the states received him at Hounslardyke:
about six in the evening he arrived at the Hague, where he was
immediately complimented by the states-general, the states of Holland,
the council of state, the other colleges, and the foreign ministers.
He afterwards, at the request of the magistrates, made his public entry
with surprising magnificence; and the Dutch celebrated his arrival with
bonfires, illuminations, and other marks of tumultuous joy. He assisted
at their different assemblies; informed them of his successes in England
and Ireland; and assured them of his constant zeal and affection for his
native country.




HE ASSISTS AT A CONGRESS.

At a solemn congress of the confederate princes, he represented in a
set speech the dangers to which they were exposed from the power
and ambition of France; and the necessity of acting with vigour and
dispatch. He declared he would spare neither his credit, forces, nor
person, in concurring with their measures; and that in the spring he
would come at the head of his troops to fulfil his engagements. They
forthwith resolved to employ two hundred and twenty-two thousand men
against France in the ensuing campaign. The proportions of the different
princes and states were regulated; and the king of England agreed to
furnish twenty thousand. He supplied the duke of Savoy so liberally,
that his affairs soon assumed a more promising aspect. The plan of
operations was settled, and they transacted their affairs with such
harmony that no dispute interrupted their deliberations. In the
beginning of March, immediately after the congress broke up, the siege
of Mons was undertaken by the French king in person, accompanied by the
Dauphin, the dukes of Orleans and Chartres. The garrison consisted
of about six thousand men, commanded by the prince of Bergue: but the
besiegers carried on their works with such rapidity as they could
not withstand. King William no sooner understood that the place
was invested, than he ordered prince Waldeck to assemble the army,
determined to march against the enemy in person. Fifty thousand men were
soon collected at Halle, near Brussels: but when he went thither,
he found the Spaniards had neglected to provide carriages, and other
necessaries for the expedition. Meanwhile, the burghers of Mons, seeing
their town in danger of being utterly destroyed by the bombs and cannon
of the enemy, pressed the governor to capitulate, and even threatened to
introduce the besiegers: so that he was forced to comply, and obtained
very honourable conditions. William, being apprized of this event,
returned to the Hague, embarked for England, and arrived at Whitehall on
the thirteenth day of April.*

     * A few days before his arrival, great part of the palace of
     Whitehall was consumed by fire, through the negligence of
     a female servant.




CHAPTER III.

     _Conspiracy against the Government by Lord Preston and
     others..... The King fills up the vacant Bishoprics.....
     Affairs of Scotland..... Campaign in Flanneitt..... Progress
     of the Trench in Piedmont..... Election of a New Pope....The
     Emperor’s Success against the Turks..... Affairs of
     Ireland..... General Ginckel reduces Athlone..... Defeats
     the Irish at Aghrim..... Undertakes the Siege of
     Limerick..... The French and Irish obtain an honourable
     Capitulation..... Twelve Thousand Irish Catholics are
     transported to France..... Meeting of the English
     Parliament..... Discontent of the Nation..... Transactions
     in Parliament..... Disputes concerning the Bill for
     regulating Trials in Cases of High Treason..... The English
     and Dutch Fleets baffled by the French..... The King
     disobliges the Presbyterians of Scotland..... The Earl of
     Breadalbane undertakes for the Submission of the
     Highlanders..... Massacre of Glencoe..... Preparations for a
     Descent upon England..... Declaration of King James.....
     Efforts of his Friends in England..... Precautions taken by
     the Queen for the Defence of the Nation..... Admiral Russel
     puts to Sea..... He obtains a complete Victory over the
     French Fleet off La Bogue..... Troops embarked at St.
     Helen’s for a Descent upon France..... The Design laid
     aside..... The Troops landed at Ostend..... The French King
     takes Namur in sight of King William..... The Allies are
     defeated at Steenkirk..... Extravagant rejoicings in France
     on Account of this Victory..... Conspiracy against the Life
     of King William, hatched by the French Ministry.....
     Miscarriage of a Design upon Dunkirk..... The Campaign is
     inactive on the Rhine and in Hungary..... The Duke of Savoy
     invades Dauphiné..... The Duke of Hanover created an Elector
     of the Empire._




A CONSPIRACY.

A conspiracy against the government had been lately discovered. In the
latter end of December, the master of a vessel who lived at Barking, in
Essex, informed the marquis of Carmarthen that his wife had let out one
of his boats to carry over some persons to France, and that they would
embark on the thirteenth day of the month. This intelligence being
communicated to the king and council, an order was sent to captain
Billop to watch the motion of the vessel and secure the passengers.
He accordingly boarded her at Gravesend, and found in the hold lord
Preston, Mr. Ashton, a servant of the late queen, and one Elliot.
He likewise seized a bundle of papers, some of which were scarce
intelligible; among the rest, two letters supposed to be written by
Turner, bishop of Ely, to king James and his queen, under fictitious
names. The whole amounted to an invitation to the French king to assist
king James in re-ascending the throne upon certain conditions, while
William should be absent from the kingdom; but the scheme was ill laid,
and countenanced but by a very few persons of consideration, among whom
the chiefs were the earl of Clarendon, the bishop of Ely, lord Preston,
his brother Mr. Graham, and Penn the famous quaker. Notwithstanding
the outcries which had been made against the severities of the late
government, Preston and his accomplice Ashton were tried at the Old
Bailey for compassing the death of their majesties king William and
queen Mary; and their trials were hurried on without any regard to
their petitions for delay. Lord Preston alleged in his defence that the
treasons charged upon him were not committed in the county of Middlesex,
as laid in the indictment; that none of the witnesses declared he had
any concern in hiring the vessel; that the papers were not found upon
him; that there ought to be two credible witnesses to every fact,
whereas the whole proof against him rested on similitude of hands and
mere supposition. He was, nevertheless, found guilty. Ashton behaved
with great intrepidity and composure. He owned his purpose of going to
France in pursuance of a promise he had made to general Worden, who,
on his death-bed, conjured him to go thither and finish some affairs of
consequence which he had left there depending, as well as with a view
to recover a considerable sum of money due to himself. He denied that he
was privy to the contents of the papers found upon him; he complained of
his having been denied time to prepare for his trial; and called several
persons to prove him a protestant of exemplary piety and irreproachable
morals. These circumstances had no weight with the court. He was
brow-beaten by the bench, and found guilty by the jury, as he had the
papers in his custody; yet there was no privity proved; and the whig
party themselves had often expressly declared, that of all sorts of
evidence that of finding papers in a person’s possession is the weakest,
because no man can secure himself from such danger. Ashton suffered with
equal courage and decorum. In a paper which he delivered to the sheriff,
he owned his attachment to king James; he witnessed to the birth of the
prince of Wales; denied his knowledge of the contents of the papers that
were committed to his charge; complained of the hard measure he had
met with from the judges and the jury, but forgave them in the sight of
heaven. This man was celebrated by the nonjurors as a martyr to loyalty;
and they boldly affirmed, that his chief crime in the eyes of the
government was his having among his baggage an account of such evidence
as would have been convincing to all the world concerning the birth
of the prince of Wales, which by a great number of people was believed
supposititious.* Lord Preston obtained a pardon; Elliot was not tried,
because no evidence appeared against him; the earl of Clarendon was
sent to the Tower, where he remained some months, and he was afterwards
confined to his own house in the country--an indulgence which he owed to
his consanguinity with the queen, who was his first cousin. The bishop
of Ely, Graham, and Penn, absconded; and a proclamation was issued for
apprehending them as traitors.

     * To one of the pamphlets published on this occasion, is
     annexed a petition to the present government in the name of
     king James’s adherents, importing, that some grave and
     learned person should be authorized to compile a treatise,
     showing the grounds of William’s title; and declaring, that
     in case the performance should carry conviction along with
     it, they would submit to that title, as they had hitherto
     opposed it from a principle of conscience. The best answer
     that could be made to this summons was Locke’s book upon
     government, which appeared at this period.--_Ralph_.




THE KING FILLS UP THE BISHOPRICS.

This prelate’s being concerned in a conspiracy, furnished the king with
a plausible pretence for filling up the vacant bishoprics. The deprived
bishops had been given to understand, that an act of parliament might
be obtained to excuse them from taking the oaths, provided they would
perform their episcopal functions; but as they declined this expedient,
the king resolved to fill up their places at his return from Holland.
Accordingly, the archbishopric of Canterbury was conferred upon
Dr. Tillotson,* one of the most learned, moderate, and virtuous
ecclesiastics of the age, who did not accept of this promotion without
great reluctance, because he foresaw that he should be exposed to the
slander and malevolence of that party which espoused the cause of his
predecessor. The other vacant Sees were given to divines of unblemished
character; and the public in general seemed very well satisfied with
this exertion of the king’s supremacy. The deprived bishops at first
affected all the meekness of resignation. They remembered those
shouts of popular approbation by which they had been animated in the
persecution they suffered under the late government; and they hoped the
same cordial would support them in their present affliction; but finding
the nation cold in their concern, they determined to warm it by argument
and declamation. The press groaned with the efforts of their learning
and resentment, and every essay was answered by their opponents. The
nonjurors affirmed that Christianity was a doctrine of the cross;
that no pretence whatever could justify an insurrection against the
sovereign; that the primitive christians thought it their indispensable
duty to be passive under every invasion of their rights; and that
non-resistance was the doctrine of the English church, confirmed by all
the sanctions that could be derived from the laws of God and man.
The other party not only supported the natural rights of mankind, and
explained the use that might be made of the doctrine of non-resistance
in exciting fresh commotions, but they also argued that if passive
obedience was right in any instance, it was conclusively so with regard
to the present government; for the obedience required by scripture was
indiscriminate. “The powers that be are ordained of God--let every soul
be subject to the higher powers.” From these texts they inferred that
the new oaths ought to be taken without scruple, and that those who
refused them concealed party under the cloak of conscience. On the other
hand, the fallacy and treachery of this argument were demonstrated. They
said, it levelled all distinctions of justice and duty; that those who
taught such doctrines attached themselves solely to possession, however
unjustly acquired; that if twenty different usurpers should succeed one
another, they would recognize the last, notwithstanding the allegiance
they had so solemnly sworn to his predecessor, like the fawning spaniel
that followed the thief who mounted his master’s horse after
having murdered the right owner. They also denied the justice of a
lay-deprivation, and with respect to church government started tire same
distinctions “_De jure and de facto_” which they had formerly made in
the civil administration. They had even recourse to all the bitterness
of invective against Tillotson and the new bishops, whom they reviled as
intruders and usurpers; their acrimony was chiefly directed against Dr.
Sherlock, who had been one of the most violent sticklers against the
revolution, but thought proper to take the oaths upon the retreat
of king James from Ireland. They branded him as an apostate who had
betrayed his cause, and published a review of his whole conduct,
which proved a severe satire upon his character. Their attacks upon
individuals were mingled with their vengeance against the government;
and indeed the great aim of their divines, as well as of their
politicians, was to sap the foundation of the new settlement. In order
to alienate the minds of the people from the interests of the reigning
prince, they ridiculed his character; inveighed against his measures;
they accused him of sacrificing the concerns of England to the advantage
of his native country; and drew invidious comparisons between the
wealth, the trade, the taxes, of the last and of the present reign. To
frustrate these efforts of the malcontents, the court employed
their engines to answer and recriminate; all sorts of informers were
encouraged and caressed; in a proclamation issued against papists and
other disaffected persons, all magistrates were enjoined to make search,
and apprehend those who should, by seditious discourses and libels,
presume to defame the government. Thus the revolutioners commenced the
professed enemies of those very arts and practices which had enabled
them to bring their scheme to perfection.

     * Beveridge was promoted to the See of Bath and Wells,
     Fowler to that of Gloucester, Cumberland to Peterborough,
     Moor to Norwich, Grove to Chicester, and Patrick to Ely.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




AFFAIRS-OF SCOTLAND.

The presbyterians in Scotland acted with such folly, violence, and
tyranny, as rendered them equally odious and contemptible. The
transactions in their general assembly were carried on with such
peevishness, partiality, and injustice, that the king dissolved it by
an act of state, and convoked another for the month of November in the
following year. The episcopal party promised to enter heartily into the
interests of the new government, to keep the highlanders quiet, and
induce the clergy to acknowledge and serve king William, provided he
would balance the power of Melvil and his partisans in such a manner as
would secure them from violence and oppression; provided the episcopal
ministers should be permitted to perform their functions among those
people by whom they were beloved; and’ that such of them as were willing
to mix with the presbyterians in their judicatories should be admitted
without any severe imposition in point of opinion. The king, who was
extremely disgusted at the presbyterians, relished the proposal, and
young Dalrymple, son of lord Stair, was appointed joint secretary
of state with Melvil. He undertook to bring over the majority of the
Jacobites, and a great number of them took the oaths; but at the same
time they maintained a correspondence with the court of St. Germains, by
the connivance of which they submitted to William that they might be in
a condition to serve James the more effectually. The Scottish parliament
was adjourned by proclamation to the sixteenth day of September.
Precautions were taken to prevent any dangerous communication with the
continent; a committee was appointed to put the kingdom in a posture of
defence; to exercise the powers of the regency in securing the enemies
of the government; and the earl of Home, with sir Peter Fraser and sir
Æneas Macpherson, were apprehended and imprisoned.




CAMPAIGN IN FLANDERS.

The king having settled the operations of the ensuing campaign in
Ireland, where general Ginckel exercised the supreme command, manned
his fleet by dint of pressing sailors, to the incredible annoyance of
commerce; then leaving the queen as before at the helm of government in
England, he returned to Holland accompanied by lord Sidney, secretary
of state, the earls of Marlborough and Portland, and began to make
preparations for taking the field in person. On the thirtieth day of
May, the duke of Luxembourg having passed the Scheld at the head of a
large army, took possession of Halle, and gave it up to plunder in sight
of the confederates, who were obliged to throw up intrenchments for
their preservation. At the same time the marquis de Boufflers, with a
considerable body of forces, intrenched himself before Liege with a view
to bombard that city. In the beginning of June, king William took upon
himself the command of the allied army, by this time reinforced in such
a manner as to be superior to the enemy. He forthwith detached the count
de Tilly with ten thousand men to the relief of Liege, which was already
reduced to ruins and desolation by the bombs, bullets, and repeated
attacks of Boufflers, who now thought proper to retreat to Dinant. Tilly
having thus raised the siege, and thrown a body of troops into Huy,
rejoined the confederate army, which had been augmented ever since his
departure with six thousand men from Brandenburgh, and ten thousand
Hessians commanded by the landgrave in person. Such was the vigilance of
Luxembourg, that William could not avail himself of his superiority.
In vain he exhausted his invention in marches, counter-marches, and
stratagems, to bring on a general engagement; the French marshal avoided
it with such dexterity as baffled all his endeavours. In the course of
this campaign the two armies twice confronted each other; but they were
situated in such a manner that neither could begin the attack without a
manifest disadvantage. While the king lay encamped at Court-sur-heure,
a soldier, corrupted by the enemy, set fire to the fusees of several
bombs, the explosion of which might have blown up the whole magazine
and produced infinite confusion in the army, had not the mischief been
prevented by the courage of the men who guarded the artillery; even
while the fusees were burning, they disengaged the waggons from
the line, and overturned them down the side of a hill, so that the
communication of the fire was intercepted. The person who made this
treacherous attempt being discovered, owned he had been employed for
this purpose by the duke of Luxembourg. He was tried by a court-martial
and suffered the death of a traitor. Such perfidious practices not only
fix an indelible share of infamy on the French general, but prove how
much the capacity of William was dreaded by his enemies. King William,
quitting Court-sur-heure, encamped upon the plain of St. Girard, where
he remained till the fourth day of September, consuming the forage and
exhausting the country. Then he passed the Sambre near Jemeppe, while
the French crossed it at La Busiere, and both armies marched towards
Enghien. The enemy, perceiving the confederates were at their heels,
proceeded to Gramont, passed the Lender, and took possession of a
strong camp between Aeth and Oudenarde; William followed the same route,
and encamped between Aeth and Leuse. While he continued in his post, the
Hessian forces and those of Liege, amounting to about eighteen thousand
men, separated from the army and passed the Meuse at Naimir; then the
king returned to the Hague, leaving the command to prince Waldeck, who
forthwith removed to Leuse, and on the twentieth day of the month began
his march to Cambron. Luxembourg, who watched his motions with a curious
eye, found means to attack him in his retreat so suddenly that his rear
was surprised and defeated, though the French were at last obliged to
retire. The prince continued his route to Cambron, and in a little time
both armies retired into winter quarters. In the meantime, the Duke de
Noailles besieged and took Urgel in Catalonia, while a French squadron,
commanded by the count d’Etrées, bombarded Barcelona and Alicant.

The confederates had proposed to act vigorously in Italy against the
French; but the season was far advanced before they were in a condition
to take the field. The emperor and Spain had undertaken to furnish
troops to join the duke of Savoy; and the maritime powers contributed
their proportion in money. The elector of Bavaria was nominated to the
supreme command of the imperial forces in that country; the marquis
de Leganez, governor of the Milanese, acted as trustee for the Spanish
monarch; duke Schomberg, son of that groat general who lost his life
at the Boyne, lately created duke of Leinster, managed the interest of
William, as king of England and stadtholder, and commanded a body of the
Vaudois paid by Great Britain. Before the German auxiliaries arrived,
the French had made great progress in their conquests. Catinat besieged
and took Villa-Franca, Nice, and some other fortifications; then he
reduced Villana and Carmagnola, and detached the marquis de Feuquieres
to invest Coni, a strong fortress garrisoned by the Vaudois and French
refugees. The duke of Savoy was now reduced to the brink of ruin. He saw
almost all his places of strength in the possession of the enemy; Coni
was besieged; and La Hoguette, another French general, had forced the
passes of the valley of Aoste, so that he had free admission into the
Verceillois, and the frontiers of the Milanese. Turin was threatened
with a bombardment; the people were dispirited and clamorous, and their
sovereign lay with his little army encamped on the hill of Montcallier,
from whence he beheld his towns taken, and his palace of Rivoli
destroyed. Duke Schomberg exhorted him to act on the offensive, and give
battle to Catinat while that officer’s army was weakened by detachments,
and prince Eugene* supported his remonstrance; but this proposal was
vehemently opposed by the marquis de Leganez, who foresaw that if the
duke should be defeated, the French would penetrate into the territories
of Milan. The relief of Coni, however, was undertaken by prince
Eugene, who began his march for that place with a convoy guarded by
two-and-twenty hundred horse; at Magliano he was reinforced by five
thousand militia; Bulonde, who commanded at the siege, no sooner heard
of his approach than he retired with the utmost precipitation, leaving
behind some pieces of cannon, mortars, bombs, arms, ammunition, tents,
provisions, utensils, with all his sick and wounded. When he joined
Catinat he was immediately put under arrest, and afterwards cashiered
with disgrace. Hoguette abandoned the valley of Aoste; Feuquieres was
sent with a detachment to change the garrison of Casal; and Catinat
retired with his army towards Villa Nova d’Aste.

     * Prince Eugene of Savoy, who in the sequel rivalled the
     fame of the greatest warriors of antiquity, was descended on
     the father’s side from the house of Savoy, and on the
     mother’s from the family of Soissons, a branch of the house
     of Bourbon. His father was Eugene Maurice, of Savoy, count
     of Soissons, colonel of the Switzers, and governor of
     Champagne and Brie: his mother was the celebrated Olimpia de
     Mancini, niece of Cardinal Mazarine. Eugene finding himself
     neglected at the court of France, engaged as a soldier of
     fortune in the service of the emperor, and soon
     distinguished himself by his great military talents: he
     was, moreover, an accomplished gentleman, learned, liberal,
     mild, and courteous; an unshaken friend; a generous enemy;
     an invincible captain; a consummate politician.




ELECTION OF A NEW POPE.

The miscarriage of the French before Coni affected Louvois, the minister
of Louis, so deeply, that he could not help shedding tears when he
communicated the event to his master, who told him with great composure
that he was spoiled by good fortune. But the retreat of the French
from Piedmont had a still greater influence over the resolutions of the
conclave at Rome, then sitting for the election of a new pope in
the room of Alexander VIII., who died in the beginning of February.
Notwithstanding the power and intrigues of the French faction headed by
cardinal d’Etrées, the affairs of Piedmont had no sooner taken this turn
than the Italians joined the Spanish and Imperial interest, and cardinal
Pignatelli, a Neapolitan, was elected pontiff. He assumed the name of
Innocent, in honour of the last pope known by that appellation, and
adopted all his maxims against the French monarch. When the German
auxiliaries arrived under the command of the elector of Bavaria, the
confederates resolved to give battle to Catinat; but he repassed the Po,
and sent couriers to Versailles to solicit a reinforcement. Then prince
Eugene invested Carmagnola, and carried on the siege with such vigour
that in eleven days the garrison capitulated. Meanwhile the marquis de
Hoquincourt undertook the conquest of Montmelian, and reduced the town
without much resistance. The castle, however, made such a vigorous
defence that Catinat marched thither in person; and, notwithstanding all
his efforts, the place held out till the second day of December, when it
surrendered on honourable conditions.




THE EMPEROR’S SUCCESS AGAINST THE TURKS.

This summer produced nothing of importance on the Rhine. The French
endeavoured to surprise Mentz, by maintaining a correspondence with one
of the emperor’s commissioners; but this being discovered, their design
was frustrated. The imperial army, under the elector of Saxony, passed
the Rhine in the neighbourhood of Manheim; and the French, crossing
the same river at Philipsburgh, reduced the town of Portzheim in the
marquisate of Baden-Dourlach. The execution of the scheme projected
by the emperor for this campaign, was prevented by the death of his
general, the elector of Saxony, which happened on the second day of
September. His affairs wore a more favourable aspect in Hungary, where
the Turks were totally defeated by prince Louis of Baden on the banks
of the Danube. The imperialists afterwards undertook the siege of Great
Waradin in Translyvania; bitt this was turned into a blockade, and the
place was not surrendered till the following spring. The Turks were so
dispirited by the defeat, by which they had lost the grand vizier, that
the emperor might have made peace upon very advantageous terms; but
his pride and ambition overshot his success. He was weak, vain, and
superstitious; he imagined that now the war of Ireland was almost
extinguished, king William, with the rest of his allies, would be able
to humble the French power, though he himself should not co-operate with
heretics, whom he abhorred; and that, in the meantime, he should not
only make an entire conquest of Transylvania, but also carry his
victorious arms to the gates of Constantinople, according to some
ridiculous prophecy by which his vanity had been flattered. The Spanish
government was become so feeble, that the ministry, rather than be at
the expense of defending the Netherlands, offered to deliver the whole
country to king William, either as monarch of England, or stadtholder of
the United Provinces. He declined this offer, because he knew the people
would never be reconciled to a protestant government; but he proposed
that the Spaniards should confer the administration of Flanders upon the
elector of Bavaria, who was ambitious of signalizing his courage,
and able to defend the country with his own troops and treasure. This
proposal was relished by the court of Spain; the emperor imparted it
to the elector, who accepted the office without hesitation; and he was
immediately declared governor of the Low Countries by the council of
state at Madrid. King William, after his return from the army, continued
some time at the Hague settling the operations of the ensuing campaign.
That affair being discussed, he embarked in the Maese, and landed in
England on the nineteenth day of October.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.

Before we explain the proceedings in parliament, it will be necessary to
give a detail of the late transactions in Ireland. In the beginning
of the season, the French king had sent a large supply of provisions,
clothes, and ammunition, for the use of the Irish at Limerick, under
the conduct of Monsieur St. Ruth, accompanied by a great number of
French officers furnished with commissions from king James, though St.
Kuth issued all his orders in the name of Louis. Tyrconnel had arrived
in January with three frigates and nine vessels, laden with succours of
the same nature; otherwise the Irish could not have been so long kept
together. Nor indeed could these supplies prevent them from forming
separate and independent bands of rapparees, who plundered the country,
and committed the most shocking barbarities. The lords justices, in
conjunction with general Ginckel, had taken every step their prudence
could suggest to quiet the disturbances of the country, and prevent such
violence and rapine, of which the soldiers in king William’s army were
not entirely innocent. The justices had issued proclamations denouncing
severe penalties against those who should countenance or conceal such
acts of cruelty and oppression: they promised to protect all papists who
should live quietly within a certain frontier line; and Ginckel gave the
catholic rebels to understand that he was authorized to treat with them,
if they were inclined to return to their duty. Before the armies took
the field, several skirmishes had been fought between parties; and these
had always turned out so unfortunate to the enemy, that their spirits
were quite depressed, while the confidence of the English rose in the
same proportion.

St. Euth and Tyrconnel were joined by the rapparees, and general Ginckel
was reinforced by Mackay, with those troops which had reduced the
highlanders in Scotland. Thus strengthened, he, in the beginning of
June, marched from Mullingar to Ballymore, which was garrisoned by a
thousand men under colonel Bourke, who, when summoned to surrender,
returned an evasive answer. But, when a breach was made in the place,
and the besiegers began to make preparations for a general assault, his
men laid down their arms and submitted at discretion. The fortifications
of this place being repaired and augmented, the general left a garrison
for its defence, and advanced to Athlone, situated on the other side of
the Shannon, and supported by the Irish army encamped almost under its
walls. The English town on the hither side of the river was taken
sword in hand, and the enemy broke down an arch of the bridge in their
retreat. Batteries were raised against the Irish town, and several
unsuccessful attempts were made to force the passage of the bridge,
which was defended with great vigour. At length it was resolved, in a
council of war, that a detachment should pass at a ford a little to the
left of the bridge, though the river was deep and rapid, the bottom foul
and stony, and the pass guarded by a ravelin, erected for that purpose.
The forlorn hope consisted of sixty grenadiers in armour, headed by
captain Sandys and two lieutenants. They were seconded by another
detachment, and this was supported by six battalions of infantry. Never
was a more desperate service, nor was ever exploit performed with more
valour and intrepidity. They passed twenty a-breast in the face of the
enemy, through an incessant shower of balls, bullets, and grenades.
Those who followed them took possession of the bridge, and laid planks
over the broken arch. Pontoons were fixed at the same time, that
the troops might pass in different places. The Irish were amazed,
confounded, and abandoned the town in the utmost consternation; so that
in half an hour it was wholly secured by the English, who did not
lose above fifty men in this attack. Mackay, Tetteau, and Ptolemache,
exhibited proofs of the most undaunted courage in passing the river;
and general Ginckel, for his conduct, intrepidity, and success on this
occasion, was created earl of Athlone. When St. Ruth was informed,
by express, that the English had entered the river, he said, it was
impossible they should pretend to take a town which he covered with his
army, and that he would give a thousand pistoles if they would
attempt to force a passage. Sarsfield insisted upon the truth of the
intelligence, and pressed him to send succours to the town; he ridiculed
this officer’s fears, and some warm expostulation passed between them.
Being at length convinced that the English were in possession of the
place, he ordered some detachments to drive them out again; but the
cannon of their own works being turned against them, they found the task
impracticable, and that very night their army decamped. St. Ruth, after
a march of ten miles, took post at Aghrim; and having, by drafts from
garrisons, augmented his army to five-and-twenty thousand men, resolved
to hazard a decisive engagement.

Ginckel, having put Athlone in a posture of defence, passed the Shannon
and marched up to the enemy, determined to give them battle, though his
forces did not exceed eighteen thousand, and the Irish were posted in a
very advantageous situation. St. Ruth had made an admirable disposition,
and taken every precaution that military skill could suggest. His centre
extended along a rising ground, uneven in many places, intersected with
banks and ditches, joined by lines of communication, and fronted by a
large bog almost impassable. His right was fortified with intrenchments,
and his left secured by the castle of Aghrim. He harangued his army
in the most pathetic strain, conjuring them to exert their courage
in defence of their holy religion, in the extirpation of heresy, in
recovering their ancient honours and estates, and in restoring a pious
king to the throne, from whence he had been expelled by an unnatural
usurper. He employed the priests to enforce his exhortations; to assure
the men that they might depend upon the prayers of the church; and that,
in case they should fall in battle, the saints and angels would convey
their souls to heaven. They are said to have sworn upon the sacrament
that they would not desert their colours, and to have received an order
that no quarter should be given to the French heretics in the army of
the prince of Orange. Ginckel had encamped on the Roscommon side of the
river Sue, within three miles of the enemy: after having reconnoitred
their posture, he resolved, with the advice of a council of war, to
attack them on Sunday the twelfth day of July. The necessary orders
being given, the army passed the river at two fords and a stone bridge,
and, advancing to the edge of the great bog, began about twelve o’clock
to force the two passages, in order to possess the ground on the other
side. The enemy fought with surprising fury, and the horse were several
times repulsed; but at length the troops upon the right carried their
point by moans of some field pieces. The day was now so far advanced,
that the general determined to postpone the battle till next morning;
but perceiving some disorder among the enemy, and fearing they would
decamp in the night, he altered his resolution and ordered the attack to
be renewed. At six o’clock in the evening the left wing of the English
advanced to the right of the Irish, from whom they met with such a warm
and obstinate reception, that it was not without the most surprising
efforts of courage and perseverance that they at length obliged them to
give ground; and even then they lost it by inches. St. Ruth, seeing them
in danger of being overpowered, immediately detached succours to them
from his centre and left wing. Mackay no sooner perceived them weakened
by these detachments, then he ordered three battalions to skirt the
bog and attack them on the left, while the centre advanced through the
middle of the morass, the men wading up to the waist in mud and water.
After they had reached the other side, they found themselves obliged
to ascend a rugged hill fenced with hedges and ditches; and these were
lined with musqeteers, supported at proper intervals with squadrons of
cavalry. They made such a desperate resistance, and fought with such
impetuosity, that the assailants were repulsed into the middle of the
bog with great loss, and St. Ruth exclaimed--“Now will I drive the
English to the gates of Dublin.” In this critical conjuncture Ptolemache
came tip with a fresh body to sustain them, rallied the broken troops,
and renewed the charge with such vigour that the Irish gave way in their
turn, and the English recovered the ground they had lost, though they
found it impossible to improve their advantage. Mackay brought a body of
horse and dragoons to the assistance of the left wing, and first turned
the tide of battle in favour of the English. Major-general Rouvigny, who
had behaved with great gallantry during the whole action, advanced
with five regiments of cavalry to support the centre; when St. Kuth,
perceiving his design, resolved to fall upon him in a dangerous hollow
way which he was obliged to pass. For this purpose he began to descend
Kircommodon-hill with his whole reserve of horse; but in his way was
killed by a cannon-ball. His troops immediately halted, and his guards
retreated with his body. His fate dispirited the troops, and produced
such confusion as Sarsfield could not remedy; for though he was next
in command, he had been at variance with St. Ruth since the affair at
Athlone, and was ignorant of the plan he had concerted. Rouvigny having
passed the hollow way without opposition, charged the enemy in flank,
and bore down all before him with surprising impetuosity; the centre
redoubled their efforts and pushed the Irish to the top of the hill,
and then the whole line giving way at once from right to left threw down
their arms. The foot fled towards a bog in their rear, and their horse
took the route by the highway to Loughneagh; both were pursued by the
English cavalry, who for four miles made a terrible slaughter. In the
battle, which lasted two hours, and in the pursuit, above four thousand
of the enemy were slain and six hundred taken, together with all their
baggage, tents, provisions, ammunition, and artillery, nine-and-twenty
pair of colours, twelve standards, and almost all the arms of the
infantry. In a word, the victory was decisive, and not above eight
hundred of the English were killed upon the field of battle. The
vanquished retreated in great confusion to Limerick, where they resolved
to make a final stand in hope of receiving such succours from France as
would either enable them to retrieve their affairs, or obtain good terms
from the court of England. There Tyrconnel died of a broken heart,
after having survived his authority and reputation. He had incurred the
contempt of the French, as well as the hatred of the Irish, whom he
had advised to submit to the new government rather than totally ruin
themselves and their families.

Immediately after the battle detachments were sent to reduce Portumny,
Bonnachar, and Moorcastle, considerable passes on the Shannon, which
were accordingly secured. Then Ginckel advanced to Galway, which he
summoned to surrender; but he received a defiance from lord Dillon
and general D’Ussone who commanded the garrison. The trenches were
immediately opened; a fort which commanded the approaches to the town
was taken by assault; six regiments of foot and four squadrons of horse
passed the river on pontoons, and the place being wholly invested, the
governor thought proper to capitulate. The garrison marched out with
the honours of war, and was allowed safe conduct to Limerick. Ginckel
directed his march to the same town, which was the only post of
consequence that now held out for king James. Within four miles of the
place he halted until the heavy cannon could be brought from Athlone.
Hearing that Luttrel had been seized by the French general D’Ussone, and
sentenced to be shot for having proposed to surrender, he sent a trumpet
to tell the commander that if any person should be put to death for such
a proposal, he would make retaliation on the Irish prisoners. On the
twenty-fifth day of August the enemy were driven from all their advanced
posts: captain Cole, with a squadron of ships, sailed up the Shannon,
and his frigates anchored in sight of the town. On the twenty-sixth day
of the month the batteries were opened, and a line of contra-vallation
was formed; the Irish army lay encamped on the other side of the river,
on the road to Killalow, and the fords were guarded with four regiments
of their dragoons. On the fifth day of September, after the town had
been almost laid in ruins by the bombs, and large breaches made in the
wails by the battering cannon, the guns were dismounted, the out-forts
evacuated, and such other motions made as indicated a resolution to
abandon the siege. The enemy expressed their joy in loud acclamations;
but this was of short continuance. In the night the besiegers began to
throw a bridge of pontoons over the river about a mile higher up than
the camp, and this work was finished before morning. A considerable body
of horse and foot had passed when the alarm was given to the enemy, who
were seized with such consternation, that they threw down their arms and
betook themselves to flight, leaving behind them their tents, baggage,
two pieces of cannon, and one standard. The bridge was immediately
removed nearer the town and fortified; all the fords and passes were
secured, and the batteries continued firing incessantly till the
twenty-second day of the month, when Ginckel passed over with a division
of the army and fourteen pieces of cannon. About four in the afternoon
the grenadiers attacked the forts that commanded Thomond-bridge, and
carried them sword in hand after an obstinate resistance. The garrison
had made a sally from the town to support them; and this detachment was
driven back with such precipitation, that the French officer on command
in that quarter, fearing the English would enter pell-mell with the
fugitives, ordered the bridge to be drawn up, leaving his own men to the
fury of a victorious enemy. Six hundred were killed, two hundred taken
prisoners, including many officers, and a great number were drowned in
the Shannon.




THE FRENCH AND IRISH OBTAIN AN HONOURABLE CAPITULATION.

Then the English made a lodgement within ten paces of the bridge-foot;
and the Irish, seeing themselves surrounded on all sides, determined
to capitulate. General Sarsfield and colonel Wahop signified their
resolution to Scrvenmore and Rouvigny; hostages were exchanged; a
negotiation was immediately begun, and hostilities ceased on both sides
of the river. The lords justices arrived in the camp on the first day of
October, and on the fourth the capitulation was executed, extending to
all the places in the kingdom that were still in the hands of the Irish.
The Roman catholics were restored to the enjoyment of such liberty in
the exercise of religion as was consistent with the laws of Ireland, and
conformable with that which they possessed in the reign of Charles II.
All persons whatever were entitled to the protection of these laws, and
restored to the possession of their estates, privileges, and immunities,
upon their submitting to the present government, and taking the oath
of allegiance to their majesties king William and queen Mary, excepting
however certain persons who were forfeited or exiled. This article even
extended to all merchants of Limerick, or any other garrison possessed
by the Irish, who happened to be abroad, and had not borne arms since
the declaration in the first year of the present reign, provided they
should return within the term of eight months. All the persons comprised
in this and the forgoing article were indulged with a general pardon of
all attainders, outlawries, treasons, misprisons of treason, premunires,
felonies, trespasses, and other crimes and misdemeanors whatsoever,
committed since the beginning of the reign of James II.; and the lords
justices promised to use their best endeavours towards the reversal
of such attainders and outlawries as had passed against any of them
in parliament. In order to allay the violence of party and extinguish
private animosities, it was agreed that no person should be sued or
impleaded on either side for any trespass, or made accountable for the
rents, tenements, lands, or houses he had received or enjoyed since the
beginning of the war. Every nobleman and gentleman comprised in these
articles was authorized to keep a sword, a case of pistols, and a gun,
for his defence or amusement. The inhabitants of Limerick and other
garrisons were permitted to remove their goods and chattels, without
search, visitation, or payment of duty. The lords justices promised
to use their best endeavours that all persons comprehended in this
capitulation should for eight months be protected from all arrests
and executions for debt or damage; they undertook that their majesties
should ratify these articles within the space of eight months, and
use their endeavours that they might be ratified and confirmed in
parliament. The subsequent article was calculated to indemnify colonel
John Brown, whose estate and effects had been seized for the use of the
Irish army by Tyrconnel and Sarsfield, which last had been created Lord
Lucan by king James, and was now mentioned by that title. All persons
were indulged with free leave to remove with their families and effects
to any other country except England and Scotland. All officers and
soldiers in the service of king James, comprehending even the rapparees,
willing to go beyond sea, were at liberty to inarch in bodies to the
places of embarkation, to be conveyed to the continent with the French
officers and troops. They were furnished with passports, convoys, and
carriages by land and water; and general Gluckel engaged to provide
seventy ships, if necessary, for their transportation, with two men of
war for the accommodation of their officers, and to serve as a convoy to
the fleet. It was stipulated, That the provisions and forage for their
subsistence should be paid for on their arrival in France; that hostages
should be given for this indemnification, as well as for the return of
the ships; that all the garrisons should march out of their respective
towns and fortresses with the honours of war; that the Irish should have
liberty to transport nine hundred horses; that those who should choose
to stay behind might dispose of themselves according to their own fancy,
after having surrendered their arms to such commissioners as the general
should appoint; that all prisoners of war should be set at liberty on
both sides; that the general should provide two vessels to carry over
two different persons to France with intimation of this treaty; and that
none of those who were willing to quit the kingdom should be detained on
account of debt, or any other pretence.--This was the substance of the
famous treaty of Limerick, which the Irish Roman catholics considered
as the great charter of their civil and religious liberties. The town of
Limerick was surrendered to Ginckel; but both sides agreed that the two
armies should intrench themselves till the Irish could embark, that no
disorders might arise from a communication.




TWELVE THOUSAND IRISH CATHOLICS ARE TRANSPORTED TO FRANCE.

The protestant subjects of Ireland were extremely disgusted at these
concessions made in favour of vanquished rebels, who had exercised such
acts of cruelty and rapine. They complained, That they themselves, who
had suffered for their loyalty to king William, were neglected, and
obliged to sit down with their losses; while their enemies, who had
shed so much blood in opposing his government, were indemnified by
the articles of the capitulation, and even favoured with particular
indulgencies. They were dismissed with the honours of war; they were
transported at the government’s expense, to fight against the English in
foreign countries; an honourable provision was made for the rapparees,
who were professed banditti; the Roman catholic interest in Ireland
obtained the sanction of regal authority; attainders were overlooked,
forfeitures annulled, pardons extended, and laws set aside, in order to
effect a pacification. Ginckel had received orders to put an end to
the war at any rate, that William might convert his whole influence
and attention to the affairs of the continent. When the articles of
capitulation were ratified, and hostages exchanged for their being duly
executed, about two thousand Irish foot, and three hundred horse, began
their march for Cork, where they proposed to take shipping for France,
under the conduct of Sarsfield; but three regiments refusing to quit
the kingdom, delivered up their arms and dispersed to their former
habitations. Those who remained at Limerick embarked on the seventh day
of November, in French transports; and sailed immediately to France,
under the convoy of a French squadron which had arrived in the bay of
Dangle immediately after the capitulation was signed. Twelve thousand
men chose to undergo exile from their native country rather than submit
to the government of king William. When they arrived in France they were
welcomed by a letter from James, who thanked them for their loyalty,
assured them they should still serve under his commission and command,
and that the king of France had already given orders for their being new
clothed and put into quarters of refreshment.




MEETING OF THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT.

The reduction of Ireland being thus completed, baron Ginckel returned to
England, where he was solemnly thanked by the house of commons for
his great services, after he had been created earl of Athlone by his
majesty. When the parliament met on the twenty-second day of October,
the king in his speech insisted upon the necessity of sending a strong
fleet to sea early in the season, and of maintaining a considerable army
to annoy the enemy abroad, as well as to protect the kingdom from insult
and invasion; for which purposes, he said, sixty-five thousand men would
be barely sufficient. Each house presented an address of congratulation
upon his majesty’s safe return to England, and on the reduction of
Ireland: they promised to assist him to the utmost of their power,
in prosecuting the war with France; and, at the same time, drew up
addresses to the queen, acknowledging her prudent administration during
his majesty’s absence. Notwithstanding this appearance of cordiality
and complaisance, a spirit of discontent had insinuated itself into both
houses of parliament, and even infected great part of the nation.

A great number of individuals who wished well to their country, could
not, without anxiety and resentment, behold the interest of the nation
sacrificed to foreign connexions, and the king’s favour so partially
bestowed upon Dutchmen in prejudice to his English subjects. They
observed, that the number of forces he demanded was considerably greater
than that of any army which had ever been paid by the public, even when
the nation was in the most imminent danger; that instead of contributing
as allies to the maintenance of the war upon the continent, they had
embarked as principals and bore the greatest part of the burden, though
they had the least share of the profit. They even insinuated that such
a standing army was more calculated to make the king absolute at home,
than to render him formidable abroad; and the secret friends of the
late king did not fail to enforce these insinuations. They renewed their
animadversions upon the disagreeable part of his character; they dwelt
upon his proud reserve, his sullen silence, his imperious disposition,
and his base ingratitude, particularly to the earl of Marlborough, whom
he had dismissed from all his employments immediately after the signal
exploits he had performed in Ireland. The disgrace of this nobleman
was partly ascribed to the freedom with which he had complained of the
king’s undervaluing his services, and partly to the intrigues of his
wife, who had gained an ascendancy over the princess Anne of Denmark,
and is said to have employed her influence in fomenting a jealousy
between the two sisters. The malcontents of the whiggish faction,
enraged to find their credit declining at court, joined in the cry
which the Jacobites had raised against the government. They scrupled not
to say, that the arts of corruption were shamefully practised to secure
a majority in parliament; that the king was as tender of the prerogative
as any of his predecessors had ever been; and that he even ventured
to admit Jacobites into his council, because they were known tools of
arbitrary power. These reflections alluded to the earls of Rochester
and Kanelagh, who, with sir Edward Seymour, had been lately created
privy-counsellors. Rochester entertained very high notions of regal
authority; he proposed severity as one of the best supports of
government; was clear in his understanding, violent in his temper, and
incorrupt in his principles. Ranelagh was a man of parts and pleasure,
who possessed the most plausible and winning address; and was capable
of transacting the most important and intricate affairs, in the midst of
riot and debauchery. He had managed the revenue of Ireland in the reign
of Charles II.; he enjoyed the office of paymaster in the army of King
James, and now maintained the same footing under the government of
William and Mary. Sir Edward Seymour was the proudest commoner in
England, and the boldest orator that ever filled the speaker’s chair. He
was intimately acquainted with the business of the house, and knew every
individual member so exactly, that with one glance of his eye he could
prognosticate the fate of every motion. He had opposed the court with
great acrimony, questioned the king’s title, censured his conduct, and
reflected upon his character. Nevertheless, he now became a proselyte,
and was brought into the treasury.




TRANSACTIONS IN PARLIAMENT.

The commons voted three millions, four hundred and eleven thousand, six
hundred and seventy-five pounds, for the use of the ensuing year: but
the establishment of funds for raising these supplies was retarded,
partly by the ill-humour of the opposition, and partly by intervening
affairs that diverted the attention of the commons. Several eminent
merchants presented a petition to the house against the East-India
company, charging them with manifold abuses; at the same time, a
counter-petition was delivered by the company, and the affair referred
to the examination of a committee appointed for that purpose. After
a minute inquiry into the nature of the complaints, the commons voted
certain regulations with respect to the stock and the traffic;
and resolved to petition his majesty, that, according to the said
regulations, the East-India company should be incorporated by charter.
The committee was ordered to bring in a bill for this establishment; but
divers petitions being presented against it, and the company’s answers
proving unsatisfactory, the house addressed the king to dissolve it,
and grant a charter to a new company. He said it was an affair of great
importance to the trade of the kingdom; therefore, he would consider the
subject, and in a little time return a positive answer. The parliament
was likewise amused by a pretended conspiracy of the papists in
Lancashire, to raise a rebellion and restore James to the throne.
Several persons were seized, and some witnesses examined: but nothing
appeared to justify the information. At length one Fuller, a prisoner
in the king’s bench, offered his evidence, and was brought to the bar of
the house of commons, where he produced some papers. He obtained a blank
pass from the king for two persons, who he said would come from the
continent to give evidence. He was afterwards examined at his own
lodgings, where he affirmed that colonel Thomas Délavai and James Hayes
were the witnesses for whom he had procured the pass and the protection.
Search was made for them according to his direction, but no such persons
were found. Then the house declared Fuller a notorious impostor, cheat,
and false accuser. He was, at the request of the commons, prosecuted by
the attorney-general, and sentenced to stand in the pillory; a disgrace
which he accordingly underwent.

A bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason having been laid
aside by the lords in the preceding session, was now again brought upon
the carpet, and passed the lower house. The design of this bill was to
secure the subject from the rigours to which he had been exposed in the
late reigns: it provided, That the prisoner should be furnished with a
copy of his indictment, as also of the panel, ten days before his trial;
and, that his witnesses should be examined upon oath as well as those of
the crown. The lords, in their own behalf, added a clause enacting,
That upon the trials of any peer or peeress, for treason or misprison of
treason, all the peers who have a right to sit and vote in parliament,
should be duly summoned to assist at the trial; that this notice should
be given twenty days before the trial; and that every peer so summoned,
and appearing, should vote upon the occasion. The commons rejected this
amendment; and a free conference ensued. The point was argued with great
vivacity on both sides, which served only to inflame the dispute, and
render each party the more tenacious of their own opinion. After three
conferences that produced nothing but animosity, the bill was dropped;
for the commons resolved to bear the hardships of which they complained,
rather than be relieved at the expense of purchasing a new privilege to
the lords; and without this advantage, the peers would not contribute to
their relief.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE ENGLISH AND DUTCH FLEETS BAFFLED BY THE FRENCH.

The next object that engrossed the attention of the lower house, was the
miscarriage of the fleet during the summer’s expedition. Admiral Russel,
who commanded at sea, having been joined by a Dutch squadron, sailed
in quest of the enemy; but as the French king had received undoubted
intelligence that the combined squadrons were superior to his navy in
number of ships and weight of metal, he ordered Tourville to avoid
an engagement. This officer acted with such vigilance, caution, and
dexterity, as baffled all the endeavours of Russel, who was moreover
perplexed with obscure and contradictory orders. Nevertheless, he
cruised all summer either in the channel or in soundings, for the
protection of the trade, and in particular secured the homeward-bound
Smyrna fleet, in which the English and Dutch had a joint concern
amounting to four millions sterling. Having scoured the channel, and
sailed along great part of the French coast, he returned to Torbay in
the beginning of August, and received fresh orders to put to sea again,
notwithstanding his repeated remonstrances against exposing large
ships to the storms that always blow about the time of the equinox. He
therefore sailed back to soundings, where he continued cruising till
the second day of September, when he was overtaken by a violent tempest,
which drove him into the channel, and obliged him to make for the port
of Plymouth. The weather being hazy, he reached the Sound with great
difficulty: the Coronation, a second-rate, foundered at anchor off the
Ram-head; the Harwich, a third-rate, bulged upon the rocks and perished;
two others ran ashore, but were got off with little damage; but the
whole fleet was scattered and distressed. The nation murmured at the
supposed misconduct of the admiral, and the commons subjected him to an
inquiry: but when they examined his papers, orders, and instructions,
they perceived he had adhered to them with great punctuality, and
thought proper to drop the prosecution out of tenderness to the
ministry. Then the house took into consideration some letters which had
been intercepted in a French ship taken by sir Ralph Delaval. Three of
these are said to have been written by king James, and the rest sealed
with his seal. They related to the plan of an insurrection in Scotland,
and in the northern parts of England: Legge, lord Dartmouth, with one
Crew, being mentioned in them as agents and abettors in the design,
warrants were immediately issued against them; Crew absconded, but lord
Dartmouth was committed to the Tower. Lord Preston was examined touching
some ciphers which they could not explain, and, pretending ignorance,
was imprisoned in Newgate, from whence however he soon obtained
his release. The funds for the supplies of the ensuing year being
established, and several acts* passed relating to domestic regulations,
the king on the twenty-fourth day of February closed the session with
a short speech, thanking the parliament for their demonstrations of
affection in the liberal supplies they had granted, and communicating
his intention of repairing speedily to the continent. Then the two
houses, at his desire, adjourned themselves to the twelfth day of April,
and the parliament was afterwards prorogued to the twenty-ninth day of
May, by proclamation. [035] _[See note H, at the end of this Vol.]_

     * The laws enacted in this session were those: an act for
     abrogating the oath of supremacy in Ireland, and appointing
     other oaths; an act for taking away clergy from some
     offenders, and bringing others to punishment; an act against
     deer-stealing; an act for repairing the highways, and
     settling the rates of carriage of goods; an act for the
     relief of creditors against fraudulent devices; an act for
     explaining and supplying the defects of former laws for the
     settlement of the poor; an act for the encouragement of the
     breeding and feeding of cattle; and an act for ascertaining
     the tithes of hemp and flax.




THE KING DISOBLIGES THE PRESBYTERIANS OF SCOTLAND.

The king had suffered so much in his reputation by his complaisance to
the presbyterians of Scotland, and was so displeased with the conduct of
that stubborn sect of religionists, that he thought proper to admit some
prelatists into the administration. Johnston, who had been sent envoy to
the elector of Brandenburgh was recalled, and with the master of Stair,
made joint secretary of Scotland; Melvil, who had declined in his
importance, was made lord privy-seal of that kingdom; Tweedale was
constituted lord chancellor; Crawford retained the office of president
of the council; and Lothian was appointed high commissioner to the
general assembly. The parliament was adjourned to the fifteenth day
of April, because it was not yet compliant enough to be assembled with
safety; and the episcopal clergy were admitted to a share of the church
government. These measures, instead of healing the divisions, served
only to inflame the animosity of the two parties. The episcopalians
triumphed in the king’s favour, and began to treat their antagonists
with insolence and scorn: the presbyterians were incensed to see
their friends disgraced, and their enemies distinguished by the royal
indulgence. They insisted upon the authority of the law, which happened
to be upon their side: they became more than ever sour, surly, and
implacable; they refused to concur with the prelatists or abate in
the least circumstances of discipline; and the assembly was dissolved
without any time or place assigned for the next meeting. The
presbyterians pretended an independent right of assembling annually,
even without a call from his majesty; they therefore adjourned
themselves, after having protested against the dissolution. The king
resented this measure as an insolent invasion of the prerogative, and
conceived an aversion to the whole sect, who in their turn began to lose
all respect for his person and government.

As the highlanders were not yet totally reduced, the earl of Breadalbane
undertook to bring them over, by distributing sums of money among their
chiefs; and fifteen thousand pounds were remitted from England for this
purpose. The clans being informed of this remittance, suspected that the
earl’s design was to appropriate to himself the best part of the money,
and when he began to treat with them made such extravagant demands that
he found his scheme impracticable. He was therefore obliged to refund
the sum he had received; and he resolved to wreak his vengeance with
the first opportunity on those who had frustrated his intention. He
who chiefly thwarted his negotiation was Macdonald of Glencoe, whose
opposition rose from a private circumstance which ought to have had
no effect upon a treaty that regarded the public weal. Macdonald had
plundered the lands of Breadalbane during the course of hostilities; and
this nobleman insisted upon being indemnified for his losses, from the
other’s share of the money which he was employed to distribute. The
highlander not only refused to acquiesce in these terms, but, by his
influence among the clans, defeated the whole scheme, and the earl in
revenge devoted him to destruction. King William had by proclamation
offered an indemnity to all those who had been in arms against him,
provided they would submit and take the oaths by a certain day; and this
was prolonged to the close of the present year, with a denunciation of
military execution against those who should hold out after the end of
December. Macdonald, intimidated by this declaration, repaired on the
very last day of the month to Fort-William, and desired that the oaths
might be tendered to him by colonel Hill, governor of that fortress.
As this officer was not vested with the power of a civil magistrate,
he refused to administer them; and Macdonald set out immediately for
Inverary, the county-town of Argyle. Though the ground was covered with
snow, and the weather intensely cold, he travelled with such diligence,
that the term prescribed by the proclamation was but one day elapsed
when he reached the place, and addressed himself to sir John Campbell,
sheriff of the county, who, in consideration of his disappointment at
Fort-William, was prevailed upon to administer the oaths to him and his
adherents. Then they returned to their own habitations in the valley
of Glencoe, in full confidence of being protected by the government to
which they had so solemnly submitted.




MASSACRE OF GLENCOE.

Breadalbane had represented Macdonald at court as an incorrigible rebel,
as a ruffian inured to bloodshed and rapine, who would never be obedient
to the laws of his country, nor live peaceably under any sovereign. He
observed, that he had paid no regard to the proclamation, and proposed
that the government should sacrifice him to the quiet of the kingdom,
in extirpating him with his family and dependents by military execution.
His advice was supported by the suggestions of the other Scottish
ministers; and the king, whose chief virtue was not humanity, signed a
warrant for the destruction of those unhappy people, though it does
not appear that he knew of Macdonald’s submission. An order for this
barbarous execution, signed and countersigned by his majesty’s own hand,
being transmitted to the master of Stair, secretary for Scotland, this
minister sent particular directions to Livingstone, who commanded the
troops in that kingdom, to put the inhabitants of Glencoe to the
sword, charging him to take no prisoners, that the scene might be more
terrible. In the month of February, captain Campbell of Glenlyon, by
virtue of an order from major Duncanson, marched into the valley of
Glencoe with a company of soldiers belonging to Argyle’s regiment, on
pretence of levying the arrears of the land-tax and hearth-money. When
Macdonald demanded whether they came as friends or enemies, he answered,
as friends, and promised upon his honour that neither he nor his people
should sustain the least injury. In consequence of this declaration, he
and his men were received with the most cordial hospitality, and lived
fifteen days with the men of the valley in all the appearance of the
most unreserved friendship. At length the fatal period approached.
Macdonald and Campbell having passed the day together, parted about
seven in the evening, with mutual professions of the warmest affection.
The younger Macdonald, perceiving the guards doubled, began to suspect
some treachery, and communicated his suspicion to his brother; but
neither he nor the father would harbour the least doubt of Campbell’s
sincerity: nevertheless the two young men went forth privately to make
further observations. They overheard the common soldiers say they
liked not the work; that though they would have willingly fought the
Macdonalds of the Glen fairly in the field, they held it base to murder
them in cool blood, but that their officers were answerable for the
treachery. When the youths hastened back to apprize their father of the
impending danger, they saw the house already surrounded; they heard
the discharge of muskets, the shrieks of women and children; and, being
destitute of arms, secured their own lives by immediate flight. The
savage ministers of vengeance had entered the old man’s chamber, and
shot him through the head. He fell down dead in the arms of his wife,
who died next day distracted by the horror of her husband’s fate. The
laird of Auchintrincken, Macdonald’s guest, who had, three months before
this period, submitted to the government, and at this very time had a
protection in his pocket, was put to death without question. A boy of
eight years, who fell at Campbell’s feet imploring mercy, and offering
to serve him for life, was stabbed to the heart by one Drummond a
subaltern officer. Eight-and-thirty persons suffered in this manner,
the greater part of whom were surprised in their beds, and hurried into
eternity before they had time to implore the divine mercy. The design
was to butcher all the males under seventy that lived in the valley, the
number of whom amounted to two hundred; but some of the detachments did
not arrive soon enough to secure the passes; so that one hundred and
sixty escaped. Campbell having perpetrated this cruel massacre, ordered
all the houses to be burned, made a prey of all the cattle and effects
that were found in the valley, and left the helpless women and children,
whose fathers and husbands he had murdered, naked and forlorn, without
covering, food, or shelter, in the midst of the snow that covered the
whole face of the country, at the distance of six long miles from any
inhabited place. Distracted with grief and horror, surrounded with the
shades of night, shivering with cold, and appalled with the apprehension
of immediate death from the swords of those who had sacrificed their
friends and kinsmen, they could not endure such a complication of
calamities, but generally perished in the waste, before they could
receive the least comfort or assistance. This barbarous massacre,
performed under the sanction of king William’s authority, answered the
immediate purpose of the court by striking terror into the hearts of the
Jacobite high-landers; but at the same time excited the horror of all
those who had not renounced every sentiment of humanity, and produced
such an aversion to the government, as all the arts of a ministry could
never totally surmount. A detail of the particulars was published
at Paris, with many exaggerations, and the Jacobites did not fail
to expatiate on every circumstance, in domestic libels and private
conversation. The king, alarmed at the outcry which was raised upon this
occasion, ordered an inquiry to be set on foot, and dismissed the master
of Stair from his employment of secretary: he likewise pretended that he
had subscribed the order amidst a heap of other papers, without knowing
the purport of it; but as he did not severely punish those who had made
his authority subservient to their own cruel revenge, the imputation
stuck fast to his character; and the highlanders, though terrified
into silence and submission, were inspired with the most implacable
resentment against his person and administration.




PREPARATIONS FOR A DESCENT UPON ENGLAND.

A great number in both kingdoms waited impatiently for an opportunity to
declare in behalf of their exiled monarch, who was punctually informed
of all these transactions, and endeavoured to make his advantage of the
growing discontent. King William having settled the domestic affairs
of the nation, and exerted uncommon care and assiduity in equipping a
formidable fleet, embarked for Holland on the fifth day of March, and
was received by the states-general with expressions of the most cordial
regard. While he was here employed in promoting the measures of the
grand confederacy, the French king resolved to invade England in his
absence, and seemed heartily engaged in the interest of James, whose
emissaries in Britain began to bestir themselves with uncommon assiduity
in preparing the nation for his return. One Lant, who was imprisoned on
suspicion of distributing his commissions, had the good fortune to be
released, and the papists of Lancashire dispatched him to the court of
St. Germain’s with an assurance that they were in a condition to receive
their old sovereign. He returned with advice that king James would
certainly land in the spring; and that colonel Parker and other officers
should be sent over with full instructions, touching their conduct at
and before the king’s arrival. Parker accordingly repaired to England,
and made the Jacobites acquainted with the whole scheme of a descent,
which Louis had actually concerted with the late king. He assured them
that their lawful sovereign would once more visit his British dominions,
at the head of thirty thousand effective men, to be embarked at La
Hogue; that the transports were already prepared, and a strong squadron
equipped for their convoy; he therefore exhorted them to be speedy and
secret in their preparation, that they might be in readiness to take
arms and co-operate in effecting his restoration. This officer, and one
Johnson a priest, are said to have undertaken the assassination of king
William; but before they could execute their design his majesty set sail
for Holland.




DECLARATION OF KING JAMES.

Meanwhile James addressed a letter to several lords who had been
formerly members of his council, as well as to divers ladies of quality
and distinction, intimating the pregnancy of his queen, and requiring
them to attend as witnesses at the labour. He took notice of the injury
his family and honour had sustained, from the cruel aspersions of his
enemies concerning the birth of his son, and as Providence had now
favoured him with an opportunity of refuting the calumny of those who
affirmed that the queen was incapable of child-bearing, he assured them
in the name of his brother the French king, as well as upon his own
royal word, that they should have free leave to visit his court and
return after the labour.*

     * The letter was directed not only for privy counsellors,
     but also to the duchesses of Somerset and Beaufort, the
     marchioness of Halifax, the countesses of Derby, Mulgrave,
     Rutland, Brooks, Nottingham, Lumley, and Danby, the ladies
     Fitzharding and Fretchville, those of sir John Trevor,
     speaker of the house of commons, sir Edward Seymour, sir
     Christopher Musgrave, the wives of sir Thomas Stamford,
     lord-mayor of London, sir William Ashhurst and sir Richard
     Levert, the sheriffs, and, lastly, to Dr. Chamberlain, the
     famous practitioner in midwifery.

This invitation however no person would venture to accept. He afterwards
employed his emissaries in circulating a printed declaration, importing
that the king of France had enabled him to make another effort to
retrieve his crown; and that although he was furnished with a number of
troops sufficient to untie the hands of his subjects, he did not intend
to deprive them of their share in the glory of restoring their lawful
king and their ancient government. He exhorted the people to join his
standard. He assured them that the foreign auxiliaries should behave
with the most regular discipline, and be sent back immediately after his
re-establishment. He observed, that when such a number of his subjects
were so infatuated as to concur with the unnatural design of the prince
of Orange, he had chosen to rely upon the fidelity of his English army,
and refused considerable succours that were offered to him by his most
christian majesty; that when he was ready to oppose force with force, he
nevertheless offered to give all reasonable satisfaction to his subjects
who had been misled, and endeavoured to open their eyes with respect to
the vain pretences of his adversary, whose aim was not the reformation
but the subversion of the government; that when he saw himself deserted
by his army, betrayed by his ministers, abandoned by his favourites, and
even his own children, and at last rudely driven from his own palace
by a guard of insolent foreigners, he had for his personal safety taken
refuge in France: that his retreat from the malice and cruel designs
of the usurper had been construed into an abdication, and the whole
constitution of the monarchy destroyed by a set of men illegally
assembled, who, in fact, had no power to alter the property of the
meanest subject. He expressed his hope that by this time the nation had
fairly examined the account, and from the losses and enormous expense of
the three last years, were convinced that the remedy was worse than the
disease; that the beginning, like the first years of Nero’s reign, would
in all probability be found the mildest part of the usurpation, and
the instruments of the new establishment live to suffer severely by the
tyranny they had raised; that even though the usurpation should continue
during his life, an indisputable title would survive in his issue,
and expose the kingdom to all the miseries of a civil war. He not only
solicited but commanded his good subjects to join him, according to
their duty and the oaths they had taken. He forbade them to pay taxes
or any part of the revenue to the usurper. He promised pardon, and even
rewards, to all those who should return to their duty, and to procure in
his first parliament an act of indemnity, with an exception of certain
persons * whom he now enumerated.

     * Those excepted were the duke of Ormond, the marquis of
     Winchester, the earls of Sunderland, Bath, Danhy, and
     Nottingham; the lords Newport, Delamere, Wiltshire,
     Colchester, Cornhury, Dunblain, and Churchill; the bishops
     of London and St. Asaph; sir Robert Howard, sir John Worden,
     sir Samuel Grimstone, sir Stephen Fox, sir George Treby, sir
     Basil Dixwell, sir James Oxenden; Dr. John Tillotson, Dr.
     Gilbert Burnet; Francis Russel, Richard Lovison, John
     Trenchard, Charles Duncomb, citizens of London; Edwards,
     Stapleton, and Hunt, fishermen, and all others who had
     offered personal indignities to him at Feyersham; or had
     been concerned in the barbarous murder of John Ashton Cross,
     or any other who had suffered death for their loyalty; and
     all spies, or such as had betrayed his council during his
     late absence from England.

He declared that all soldiers who should quit the service of the usurper
and enlist under his banners, might depend upon receiving their pardon
and arrears; and that the foreign troops, upon laying clown their
arms, should be paid and transported to their respective countries.
He solemnly protested that he would protect and maintain the church
of England, as by law established, in all her rights, privileges, and
possessions: he signified his resolution to use his influence with the
parliament for allowing liberty of conscience to all his subjects, as
an indulgence agreeable to the spirit of the christian religion, and
conducive to the wealth and prosperity of the nation. He said his
principal care should be to heal the wounds of the late distractions; to
restore trade by observing the act of navigation, which had been
lately so much violated in favour of strangers; to put the navy in a
flourishing condition; and to take every step that might contribute
to the greatness of the monarchy and the happiness of the people. He
concluded with professions of resignation to the Divine Will, declaring
that all who should reject his offers of mercy, and appear in arms
against him, would be answerable to Almighty God for all the blood that
should be spilt, and all the miseries in which these kingdoms might be
involved by their desperate and unreasonable opposition.

While this declaration operated variously on the minds of the people,
colonel Parker, with some other officers, enlisted men privately for
the service of James, in the counties of York, Lancaster, and in the
bishopric of Durham: at the same time, Fountaine and Holeman were
employed in raising two regiments of horse at London, that they might
join their master immediately after his landing. His partisans sent
captain Lloyd with an express to lord Melfoot, containing a detail
of these particulars, with an assurance that they had brought over
rear-admiral Carter to the interest of his majesty. They likewise
transmitted a list of the ships that composed the English fleet, and
exhorted James to use his influence with the French king, that the
count do Tourville might be ordered to attack them before they should be
joined by the Dutch squadron. It was in consequence of this advice that
Louis commanded Tourville to fall upon the English fleet, even without
waiting for the Toulon squadron commanded by the marquis D’Etrees. By
this time James had repaired to La Hogue, and was ready to embark with
his army, consisting of a body of French troops, together with
some English and Scotch refugees, and the regiments which had been
transported from Ireland by virtue of the capitulation of Limerick.




PRECAUTIONS TAKEN BY THE QUEEN FOR THE DEFENCE OF THE NATION.

The ministry of England was informed of all these particulars, partly
by some agents of James who betrayed his cause, and partly by admiral
Carter, who gave the queen to understand he had been tampered with; and
was instructed to amuse the Jacobites with a negotiation. King William
no sooner arrived in Holland than he hastened the naval preparations
of the Dutch, so that their fleet was ready for sea sooner than was
expected; and when he received the first intimation of the projected
descent, he detached general Ptolemache with three of the English
regiments from Holland. These, reinforced with other troops remaining in
England, were ordered to encamp in the neighbourhood of Portsmouth.
The queen issued a proclamation, commanding all papists to depart from
London and Westminster: the members of both houses of parliament were
required to meet on the twenty-fourth day of May, that she might avail
herself of their advice in such a perilous conjuncture. Warrants
were expedited for apprehending divers disaffected persons; and
they withdrawing themselves from their respective places of abode, a
proclamation was published for discovering and bringing them to justice.
The earls of Scarsdale, Litchfield, and Newburgh; the lords Griffin,
Forbes, sir John Fenwick, sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, and others, found
means to elude the search. The earls of Huntingdon and Marlborough
were sent to the Tower; Edward Ridley, Knevitt, Hastings, and Robert
Ferguson, were imprisoned in Newgate. The bishop of Rochester was
confined to his own house; the lords Brudenal and Fanshaw were secured;
the earls of Dunmore, Middleton, and sir Andrew Forrester, were
discovered in a quaker’s house, and committed to prison with several
other persons of distinction. The trainbands of London and Westminster
were armed by the queen’s direction, and she reviewed them in person:
admiral Russell was ordered to put to sea with all possible expedition;
and Carter, with a squadron of eighteen sail, continued to cruise along
the French coast to observe the motions of the enemy.




ADMIRAL RUSSEL PUTS TO SEA.

On the eleventh day of May, Russel sailed from Rye to St. Helen’s,
where he was joined by the squadron under Delaval and Carter. There he
received a letter from the earl of Nottingham, intimating that a
report having been spread of the queen’s suspecting the fidelity of the
sea-officers, her majesty had ordered him to declare in her name that
she reposed the most entire confidence in their attachment, and
believed the report was raised by the enemies of the government. The
flag-officers and captains forthwith drew up a very loyal and dutiful
address, which was graciously received by the queen, and published for
the satisfaction of the nation. Russel, being reinforced by the Dutch
squadrons commanded by Allemonde, Callemberg, and Vandergoes, set sail
for the coast of France on the eighteenth day of May, with a fleet of
ninety-nine ships of the line, besides frigates and fire-ships. Next
day, about three o’clock in the morning, he discovered the enemy under
the count de Tour-ville, and threw out the signal for the line of
battle, which by eight o’clock was formed in good order, the Dutch in
the van, the blue division in the rear, and the red in the centre. The
French fleet did not exceed sixty-three ships of the line, and as they
were to windward Tourville might have avoided an engagement; but he had
received a positive order to fight, on the supposition that the Dutch
and English squadrons had not joined. Louis indeed was apprised of their
junction before they were descried by his admiral, to whom he dispatched
a countermanding order by two several vessels; but one of them was taken
by the English, and the other did not arrive till the day after the
engagement.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

[Illustration: 2-038-hogue-battle.jpg BATTLE OF LA HOGUE]




HE OBTAINS A COMPLETE VICTORY OVER THE FRENCH.

Tourville therefore, in obedience to the first mandate, bore down
alongside of Russel’s own ship, which he engaged at a very small
distance. He fought with great fury till one o’clock, when his rigging
and sails being considerably damaged, his ship, the Rising-Sun, which
carried one hundred and four cannon, was towed out of the line in great
disorder. Nevertheless the engagement continued till three, when the
fleets were parted by a thick fog: when this abated, the enemy were
descried flying to the northward, and Russel made the signal for
chasing. Part of the blue squadron came up with the enemy about eight in
the evening, and engaged them half an hour, during which admiral Carter
was mortally wounded. Finding himself in extremity, he exhorted his
captain to fight as long as the ship could swim, and expired with great
composure. At length the French bore away for Conquet road, having lost
four ships in this day’s action. Next day, about eight in the morning,
they were discovered crowding away to the westward, and the combined
fleets chased with all the sail they could carry, until Russel’s
foretopmast came by the board. Though he was retarded by this accident,
the fleet still continued the pursuit, and anchored near Cape La Hogue.
On the twenty-second of the month, about seven in the morning, part
of the French fleet was perceived near the Race of Alderney, some at
anchor, and some driving to the eastward with the tide of flood. Russel
and the ships nearest him immediately slipped their cables and chased.
The Rising Sun having lost her masts, ran ashore near Cherbourg, where
she was burned by sir Ralph Delaval, together with the Admirable,
another first-rate, and the Conquérant of eighty guns. Eighteen other
ships of their fleet ran into La Hogue, where they were attacked by sir
George Rooke, who destroyed them and a great number of transports laden
with ammunition, in the midst of a terrible fire from the enemy, and in
sight of the Irish camp. Sir John Ashby, with his own squadron and some
Dutch ships, pursued the rest of the French fleet, which escaped through
the Race of Alderney by such a dangerous passage as the English could
not attempt without exposing their ships to the most imminent hazard.
This was a very mortifying defeat to the French king, who had been so
long flattered with an uninterrupted series of victories; it reduced
James to the lowest ebb of despondence, as it frustrated the whole
scheme of his embarkation, and overwhelmed his friends in England with
grief and despair. Some historians allege that Russel did not improve
his victory with all advantages that might have been obtained before
the enemy recovered their consternation. They say his affection to the
service was in a great measure cooled by the disgrace of his friend
the earl of Marlborough; that he hated the earl of Nottingham, by whose
channel he received his orders; and that he adhered to the letter
rather than to the spirit of his instructions. But this is a malicious
imputation, and a very ungrateful return for his manifold services to
the nation. He acted in this whole expedition with the genuine spirit
of a British admiral. He plied from the Nore to the Downs with a very
scanty wind through the dangerous sands, contrary to the advice of
all his pilots; and by this bold passage effected a junction of the
different squadrons, which otherwise the French would have attacked
singly and perhaps defeated. He behaved with great gallantry during the
engagement, and destroyed about fifteen of the enemy’s capital ships; in
a word, he obtained such a decisive victory, that during the remaining
part of the war the French would not hazard another battle by sea with
the English.

Russel having ordered Sir John Ashby and the Dutch admiral Callemberg to
steer towards Havre de Grace, and endeavour to destroy the remainder
of the French fleet, sailed back to St. Helen’s that the damaged ships
might be refitted, and the fleet furnished with fresh supplies of
provisions and ammunition; but his principal motive was to take on board
a number of troops provided for a descent upon France, which had been
projected by England and Holland, with a view to alarm and distract the
enemy in their own dominions. The queen was so pleased with the victory
that she ordered thirty thousand pounds to be distributed among the
sailors. She caused medals to be struck in honour of the action; and the
bodies of admiral Carter and captain Hastings, who had been killed in
the battle, to be interred with great funeral pomp. In the latter end of
July seven thousand men, commanded by the duke of Leinster, embarked on
board transports to be landed at St. Maloes, Brest, or Rochefort, and
the nation conceived the most sanguine hopes of this expedition. A
council of war, consisting of land and sea officers, being held on board
the Breda to deliberate upon the scheme of the ministry, the members
unanimously agreed that the season was too far advanced to put it in
execution. Nevertheless, the admiral having detached sir John Ashby with
a squadron to intercept the remains of the French fleet in their passage
from St. Maloes to Brest, set sail for La Hogue with the rest of the
fleet and transports; but in a few days the wind shifting, lie was
obliged to return to St. Helen’s.

The queen immediately dispatched the marquis of Carmarthen, the earls of
Devonshire, Dorset, Nottingham, and Rochester, together with the lords
Sidney and Cornwallis, to consult with the admiral, who demonstrated the
impracticability of making an effectual descent upon the coast of France
at that season of the year. The design was therefore laid aside, and the
forces were transported to Flanders. The higher the hopes of the
nation had been raised by this armament, the deeper they felt their
disappointment. A loud clamour was raised against the ministry as
the authors of this miscarriage. The people complained that they were
plundered and abused; that immense sums were extorted from them by the
most grievous impositions; that, by the infamous expedient of borrowing
upon established funds, their taxes were perpetuated; that their burdens
would daily increase; that their treasure was either squandered away in
chimerical projects or expended in foreign connexions, of which England
was naturally independent. They were the more excusable for exclaiming
in this manner, as their trade had suffered grievously by the French
privateers which swarmed in the Channel. In vain the merchants had
recourse to the Admiralty, which could not spare particular convoys
while large fleets were required for the defence of the nation. The
French king having nothing further to apprehend from the English
armament, withdrew his troops from the coast of Normandy; and James
returned in despair to St. Germain’s, where his queen had been in his
absence delivered of a daughter, who was born in the presence of the
archbishop of Paris, the keeper of the seals, and other persons of
distinction.




THE FRENCH TAKE NAMUR IN SIGHT OF KING WILLIAM.

Louis had taken the field in the latter end of May. On the twentieth day
of that month he arrived at his camp in Flanders with all the effeminate
pomp of an Asiatic emperor, attended by his women and parasites, his
band of music, his dancers, his opera, and, in a word, by all the
ministers of luxury and sensual pleasure. Having reviewed his army,
which amounted to about one hundred and twenty thousand men, he
undertook the siege of Namur, which he invested on both sides of the
Sambre with about one-half of his army, while the other covered the
siege under the command of Luxembourg. Namur is situated on the conflux
of the Meuse and the Sambre. The citadel was deemed one of the strongest
forts in Flanders, strengthened with a new work contrived by the famous
engineer Coehorn, who now defended it in person. The prince de Barbason
commanded the garrison, consisting of nine thousand men. The place was
well supplied, and the governor knew that king William would make strong
efforts for its relief, so that the besieged were animated with many
concurring considerations. Notwithstanding these advantages, the
assailants carried on their attacks with such vigour that in seven days
after the trenches were opened, the town capitulated and the garrison
retired into the citadel. King William, being joined by the troops of
Brandenburgh and Liege, advanced to the Mehaigne at the head of one
hundred thousand effective men, and encamped within cannon shot of
Luxembourg’s army, which lay on the other side of the river. That
general however had taken such precautions, that the king of England
could not interrupt the siege nor attack the French lines without
great disadvantage. The besiegers, encouraged by the presence of
their monarch, and assisted by the superior abilities of Vau-ban their
engineer, repeated their attacks with such impetuosity that the fort
of Cohorn was surrendered after a very obstinate defence, in which
he himself had been dangerously wounded. The citadel being thus left
exposed to the approaches of the enemy, could not long withstand
the violence of their operations; the two covered ways were taken
by assault. On the twentieth of May the governor capitulated, to the
unspeakable mortification of king William, who saw himself obliged to
lie inactive at the head of a powerful army, and be an eye-witness of
the loss of the most important fortress in the Netherlands. Louis having
taken possession of the place, returned in triumph to Versailles,
where he was flattered with all the arts of adulation; while William’s
reputation suffered a little from his miscarriage, and the prince of
Barbason incurred the suspicion of treachery or misconduct.




THE ALLIES DEFEATED AT STEENKIRK.

Luxembourg having placed a strong garrison in Namur, detached Bounders
with a body of troops to La Bassiere, and with the rest of his army
encamped at Soignies. The king of England sent off detachments towards
Liege and Ghent; and on the sixth day of July posted himself at Genap,
resolved to seize the first opportunity of retrieving his honour by
attacking the enemy. Having received intelligence that the French
general was in motion and intended to take post between Steenkirk and
Enghien, he passed the river Senne in order to anticipate his purpose;
but in spite of all his diligence Luxembourg gained his point, and
William encamped at Lembecq, within six miles of the French army.
Here he resolved in a council of war to attack the enemy, and every
disposition was made for that purpose. The heavy baggage he ordered
to be conveyed to the other side of the Senne; and one Millevoix, a
detected spy, was compelled by menaces to mislead Luxembourg with false
intelligence, importing that he need not be alarmed at the motions of
the allies, who intended the next day to make a general forage. On the
twenty-fourth day of July, the army began to move from the left in two
columns, as the ground would not admit of their marching in an extended
front. The prince of Wirtemberg began the attack on the right of the
enemy at the head of ten battalions of English, Danish, and Dutch
infantry; he was supported by a considerable body of British horse and
foot, commanded by lieutenant-general Mackay. Though the ground was
intersected by hedges, ditches, and narrow defiles, the prince marched
with such diligence that he was in a condition to begin the battle about
two in the afternoon, when he charged the French with such impetuosity
that they were driven* from their posts, and their whole camp became a
scene of tumult and confusion. Luxembourg, trusting to the intelligence
he had received, allowed himself to be surprised, and it required the
full exertion of his superior talents to remedy the consequences of his
neglect. He forthwith forgot a severe indisposition under which he then
laboured; he rallied his broken battalions; he drew up his forces in
order of battle, and led them to the charge in person. The duke de
Chartres, who was then in the fifteenth year of his age, the dukes
of Bourbon and Vendôme, the prince of Conti, and a great number of
volunteers of the first quality, put themselves at the head of the
household troops, and fell with great fury upon the English, who were
very ill supported by count Solmes, the officer who commanded the centre
of the allies. The prince of Wirtemberg had taken one of the enemies’
batteries, and actually penetrated into their lines; but finding himself
in danger of being overpowered by numbers, he sent an aidecamp twice to
demand succours from Solmes, who derided his distress, saying, “Let us
see what sport these English bull-dogs will make.” At length, when the
king sent an express order commanding him to sustain the left wing, he
made a motion with his horse, which could not act while his infantry
kept their ground, and the British troops, with a few Dutch and Danes,
bore the whole brunt of the engagement. They fought with surprising
courage and perseverance against dreadful odds; and the event of the
battle continued doubtful, until Bouflîers joined the French army with
a great body of dragoons. The allies could not sustain the additional
weight of this reinforcement, before which they gave way, though the
retreat was made in tolerable order, and the enemy did not think
proper to prosecute the advantage they had gained. In this action the
confederates lost the earl of Angus, general Mackay, sir John Lanier,
sir Robert Douglas, and many other gallant officers, together with about
three thousand men left dead on the spot, the same number wounded or
taken, a great many colours and standards, and several pieces of cannon.




EXTRAVAGANT REJOICINGS IN FRANCE.

The French however reaped no solid advantage from this victory, which
cost them about three thousand men, including the prince of Turenne,
the marquis de Bellefond, Tilladet, and Fernacon, with many officers of
distinction: as for Millevoix the spy, he was hanged on a tree on the
right wing of the allied army. King William retired unmolested to
his own camp; and notwithstanding all his overthrows, continued a
respectable enemy, by dint of invincible fortitude and a genius fruitful
in resources. That he was formidable to the French nation, even in the
midst of his ill success, appears from divers undeniable testimonies,
and from none more than from the extravagance of joy expressed by the
people of France on the occasion of this unimportant victory. When the
princes who served in the battle returned to Paris, the roads through
which they passed were almost blocked up with multitudes; and the
whole air resounded with acclamation. All the ornaments of the fashion
peculiar to both sexes adopted the name of Steenkirk: every individual
who had been personally engaged in the action was revered as a being
of a superior species, and the transports of the women rose almost to a
degree of frenzy.




CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE LIFE OF WILLIAM.

The French ministry did not entirely depend upon the fortune of the war
for the execution of their revenge against king William, They likewise
employed assassins to deprive him of life in the most treacherous
manner.

When Louvois died, his son the marquis de Barbesieux, who succeeded him
in his office of secretary, found among his papers the draft of a scheme
for this purpose, and immediately revived the design by means of the
chevalier de Grandval, a captain of dragoons in the service. He and
colonel Parker engaged one Dumont, who undertook to assassinate king
William. Madame de Maintenon, and Paparel, paymaster to the French army,
were privy to the scheme, which they encouraged: the conspirators are
said to have obtained an audience of king James, who approved of their
undertaking, and assured them of his protection; but that unfortunate
monarch was unjustly charged with the guilt of countenancing the
intended murder, as they communicated nothing to him but an attempt to
seize the person of the prince of Orange. Dumont actually enlisted in
the confederate army, that he might have the better opportunity to shoot
the king of England when he should ride out to visit the linos,
while Grandval and Parker repaired to the French camp, with orders
to Luxembourg to furnish them with a party of horse for the rescue of
Dumont, after the blow should be struck. Whether this man’s heart failed
him, or he could not find the opportunity he desired, after having
resided some weeks in the camp of the allies, he retired to Hanover; but
still corresponded with Grandval and Barbesieux. This last admitted one
Leofdale, a Dutch baron, into the secret, and likewise imparted it
to monsieur Chanlais, quarter-master general of the French army, who
animated Grandval and Leefdale with the promise of a considerable
reward, and promised to cooperate with Parker for bringing off Dumont,
for this assassin still persisted in his undertaking. Leefdale had been
sent from Holland on purpose to dive to the bottom of this conspiracy,
in consequence of advice given by the British envoy at Hanover, where
Dumont had dropped some hints that alarmed his suspicion. The Dutchman
not only insinuated himself into the confidence of the conspirators,
but likewise inveigled Grandval to Eyndhoven, where he was apprehended.
Understanding that Dumont had already discovered the design to the duke
of Zell, and that he himself had been betrayed by Leefdale, he freely
confessed all the particulars without enduring the torture; and, being
found guilty by a court-martial, was executed as a traitor.

About this period the duke of Leinster arrived at Ostend, with the
troops which had been embarked at St. Helen’s. He was furnished with
cannon sent down the Meuse from Maestricht, and reinforced by a large
detachment from the king’s camp at Gramont, under the command of general
Ptolemache. He took possession of Furnes, was joined by the earl of
Portland and M. d’Auverquerque, and a disposition was made for investing
Dunkirk; but on further deliberation the enterprise was thought very
dangerous, and therefore laid aside. Furnes and Dixmuyde, lately reduced
by brigadier Ramsay, were strengthened with new works, and secured by
strong garrisons. The cannon were sent back, and the troops returning to
Ostend, re-embarked for England. This fruitless expedition, added to
the inglorious issue of the campaign, increased the ill humour of the
British nation. They taxed William with having lain inactive at Gramont
with an army of one hundred thousand men, while Luxembourg was posted
at Courtray with half that number. They said, if he had found the French
lines too strong to be forced, he might have passed the Scheld higher
up, and not only laid the enemy’s conquests under contribution, but even
marched into the bowels of France; and they complained that Furnes
and Dixmuyde were not worth the sums expended in maintaining their
garrisons. On the twenty-sixth day of September king William left the
army under the command of the elector of Bavaria, and repaired to his
house at Loo: in two days after his departure the camp at Gramont was
broke up; the infantry marched to Marienkerke, and the horse; to Caure.
On the sixteenth day of October, the king receiving intelligence that
Boufflers had invested Charleroy, and Luxembourg taken post in the
neighbourhood of Condé, ordered the troops to be instantly reassembled
between the village of Ixells and Halle, with design to raise the siege,
and repaired to Brussels, where he held a council of war, in which the
proper measures were concerted. He then returned to Holland, leaving the
command with the elector of Bavaria, who forthwith began his march for
Charleroy. At his approach Boufflers abandoned the siege, and moved
towards Philip-ville. The elector having reinforced the place, and
thrown supplies into Aeth, distributed his forces into winter-quarters.
Then Luxembourg, who had cantoned his army between Condé, Leuzet, and
Tournay, returned to Paris, leaving Boufflers to command in his absence.




THE CAMPAIGN INACTIVE ON THE RHINE AND IN HUNGARY.

The allies had been unsuccessful in Flanders, and they were not
fortunate in Germany. The landgrave of Hesse Cassol undertook the siege
of Eberemburgh, which, however, he was obliged to abandon. The duke
de Lorges, who commanded the French forces on the Rhine, surprised,
defeated, and took the duke of Wirtemberg, who had posted himself with
four thousand horse near Ridelsheim, to check the progress of the enemy.
Count Tallard having invested Rhinefield, the landgrave marched to its
relief with such expedition that the French wore obliged to desist and
retreat with considerable damage. The elector of Saxony had engaged
to bring an army into the field; but he complained that the emperor left
the burden of the war with France upon the princes, and converted his
chief power and attention to the campaign in Hungary. A jealousy and
misunderstanding ensued: Schoning the Saxon general, in his way to the
hot baths at Dablitz in Bohemia, was seized by the emperor’s order on
suspicion of having maintained a private correspondence with the enemy,
and very warm expostulations on this subject passed between the courts
of Vienna and Dresden. Schoning was detained two years in custody; and
at length released on condition that he should never be employed again
in the empire. The war in Hungary produced no event of importance.
The ministry of the Ottoman Porte was distracted by factions, and the
seraglio threatened with tumults. The people were tired of maintaining
an unsuccessful war; the vizier was deposed; and in the midst of this
confusion, the garrison of great Waradin, which had been blocked up by
the imperialists during the whole winter, surrendered on capitulation.
Lord Paget, the English ambassador at Vienna, was sent to Constantinople
with powers to mediate a peace; but the terms offered by the emperor
were rejected at the Porte: the Turkish army lay upon the defensive, and
the season was spent in a fruitless negotiation.




THE DUKE INVADES DAUPHINE.

The prospect of affairs in Piedmont was favourable for the allies; but
the court of France had brought the pope to an accommodation, and began
to tamper with the duke of Savoy. M. Chanlais was sent to Turin with
advantageous proposals, which however the duke would not accept, because
he thought himself entitled to better terms, considering that the
allied army in Piedmont amounted to fifty thousand effective men, while
Catinat’s forces were not sufficient to defend his conquests in that
country. In the month of July the duke marched into Dauphiné, where he
plundered a number of villages, and reduced the fortress of Guillestre;
then passing the river Darance, he invested Ambrun, which, after a siege
of nine days, surrendered on capitulation: he afterwards laid all
the neighbouring J towns under contribution. Here duke Schomberg, who
commanded the auxiliaries in the English pay, published a declaration
in the name of king William, inviting the people to join his standard,
assuring them that his master had no other design in ordering his troops
to invade France, but that of restoring the noblesse to their ancient
splendour, their parliaments to their former authority, and the people
to their just privileges. He even offered his protection to the clergy,
and promised to use his endeavours for reviving the edict of Nantes,
which had been guaranteed by the kings of England. These offers,
however, produced little effect; and the Germans ravaged the whole
country in revenge for the cruelties which the French had committed
in the Palatinate. The allied army advanced from Ambrun to Gap, on the
frontiers of Provence, and this place submitted without opposition. The
inhabitants of Grenoble, the capital of Dauphiné, and even of Lyons,
were overwhelmed with consternation; and a fairer opportunity of
humbling France could never occur, as that part of the kingdom had been
left almost quite defenceless; but this was fatally neglected, either
from the spirit of dissension which began to prevail in the allied army,
or from the indisposition of the duke of Savoy, who was seized with the
small-pox in the midst of this expedition; or, lastly, from his want of
sincerity, which was shrewdly suspected. He is said to have maintained a
constant correspondence with the court of Versailles, in complaisance to
which he retarded the operations of the confederates. Certain it is, he
evacuated all his conquests, and about the middle of September quitted
the French territories, after having pillaged and laid waste the country
through which he had penetrated.* In Catalonia the French attempted
nothing of importance during this campaign, and the Spaniards were
wholly inactive in that province.

     * At this period queen Mary, understanding that the
     protestant Vaudois were destitute of ministers to preach or
     teach the gospel, established a fund from her own privy
     purse to maintain ten preachers, and as many schoolmasters,
     in the valleys of Piedmont.




THE DUKE OF HANOVER CREATED AN ELECTOR OF THE EMPIRE.

The protestant interest in Germany acquired an accession of strength by
the creation of a ninth electorate in favour of Ernest Augustus, duke of
Hanover. He had by this time renounced all his connexions with France,
and engaged to enter heartily into the interest of the allies, in
consideration of his obtaining the electoral dignity. King William
exerted himself so vigorously in his behalf at the court of Vienna, that
the emperor agreed to the proposal, in case the consent of the other
electors could be procured. This assent, however, was extorted by the
importunities of the king of England, whom he durst not disoblige.
Leopold was blindly bigotted to the religion of Rome, and consequently
averse to a new creation that would weaken the catholic interest in the
electoral college. He therefore employed his emissaries to thwart the
duke’s measures. Some protestant princes opposed him from motives of
jealousy, and the French king used all his artifice and influence
to prevent the elevation of the house of Hanover. When the duke had
surmounted all this opposition, so far as to gain over a majority of
the electors, new objections were started. The emperor suggested that
another popish electorate should be created to balance the advantage
which the Lutherans would reap from that of Hanover; and he proposed
that Austria should be raised to the same dignity; but violent
opposition was made to this expedient, which would have vested the
emperor with a double vote in the electoral college. At length, after
a tedious negotiation, the duke of Hanover, on the nineteenth day of
December, was honoured with the investiture as elector of Brunswick;
created great marshal of the empire, and did homage to the emperor:
nevertheless, he was not yet admitted into the college, because he had
not been able to procure the unanimous consent of all the electors.*

     * In the beginning of September the shock of an earthquake
     was felt in London, and many other parts of England, as well
     as in France, Germany, and the Netherlands. Violent
     agitations of the same kind had happened about two months
     before in Sicily and Malta; and the town of Port-Royal in
     Jamaica was almost totally ruined by the earthquake: the
     place was so suddenly overflowed, that about fifteen hundred
     persons perished.




CHAPTER IV.

     _False Information against the Earl of Marlborough, the
     Bishop of Rochester, and others..... Sources of National
     Discontent..... Dissension between the Queen and the
     Prince’s Anne of Denmark..... The House of Lords vindicate
     their Privileges in behalf of their imprisoned Members.....
     The Commons present Addresses to The King and Queen.....
     They acquit Admiral Russel, and resolve to advise his
     Majesty..... They comply with all the Demands of the
     Ministry..... The Lords present an Address of Advice to the
     King..... The Dispute between the Lords and Commons
     concerning Admiral Russel..... The Commons address the
     King..... They establish the Land tax and other
     Impositions..... Burnet’s Pastoral Letter burned by the
     Hangman..... Proceedings of the Lower House against the
     Practice of kidnapping Men for the Service..... The two
     Houses address the King on the Grievances of Ireland .....
     An Account of the Place-bill, and that for triennial
     Parliaments..... The Commons petition his Majesty that he
     would dissolve the East India Company..... Trial of Lord
     Mohan for Murder..... Alterations in the Ministry..... The
     king repairs to the Continent, and assembles the Confederate
     Army in Flanders..... The French reduce Huy..... Luxembourg
     resolves to attack the Allies..... who are defeated at
     Landen..... Charleroy is besieged and taken by the
     Enemy..... Campaign on the Rhine..... The Duke of Savoy is
     defeated by Catinat in the Plain of Marsaglia.....
     Transactions in Hungary and Catalonia..... Naval
     Affairs..... A Fleet of Merchant Ships under Convoy of Sir
     George Rooke attacked, and partly destroyed by the French
     Squadrons ..... Wheeler’s Expedition to the West Indies.....
     Benbow bombards St. Maloes..... The French King has recourse
     to the Mediation of Denmark..... Severity of the Government
     against the Jacobites..... Complaisance of the Scottish
     Parliament..... The King returns to England, makes some
     Changes in the Ministry, and opens the Session of
     Parliament..... Both Houses inquire into the Miscarriages by
     Sea..... The Commons grant a vast Sum for the Services of
     the ensuing Year..... The King rejects the Bill against free
     and impartial Proceedings in Parliament; and the Lower House
     remonstrates on this Subject..... Establishment of the Bank
     of England..... The East India Company obtain a now
     Charter..... Bill for a general Naturalization dropped.....
     Sir Francis Wheeler perishes in a Storm..... The English
     attempt to make a Descent in Camaret Bay, but are repulsed
     with Loss..... They bombard Dieppe, Havre-de-Grace, Dunkirk,
     and Calais..... Admiral Russel sails for the Mediterranean,
     relieves Barcelona, and winters at Cadiz..... Campaign in
     Flanders..... The Allies reduce Huy..... The Prince of Baden
     passes the Rhine, but is obliged to repass that River.....
     Operations in Hungary..... Progress of the French in
     Catalonia..... State of the War in Piedmont..... The King
     returns to England..... The Parliament meets..... The Bill
     for Triennial Parliaments receives the Royal Assent.....
     Death of Archbishop Tillotson and of Queen Mary.....
     Reconciliation between the King and the Princess of
     Denmark._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE EARL OF MARLBOROUGH, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER, &c, FALSELY ACCUSED.

While king William seemed wholly engrossed by the affairs of the
continent, England was distracted by domestic dissension, and overspread
with vice, corruption, and profaneness. Over and above the Jacobites,
there was a set of malcontents whose number daily increased. They
not only murmured at the grievances of the nation, but composed and
published elaborate dissertations upon the same subject. These made
such impressions upon the people, already irritated by heavy burdens,
distressed in their trade, and disappointed in their sanguine
expectations, that the queen thought it necessary to check the progress
of those writers by issuing out a proclamation offering a reward to such
as would discover seditious libellers. The earl of Marlborough had
been committed to the Tower on the information of one Robert Young, a
prisoner in Newgate, who had forged that nobleman’s hand-writing, and
contrived the scheme of an association in favour of king James, to which
he affixed the names of the earls of Marlborough and Salisbury, Sprat,
bishop of Rochester, the lord Cornbury, and sir Basil Firebrace. One of
his emissaries had found means to conceal this paper in a certain part
of the bishop’s house at Bromley in Kent, where it was found by the
king’s messengers, who secured the prelate in consequence of Young’s
information. But he vindicated himself to the satisfaction of the whole
council; and the forgery of the informer was detected by the confession
of his accomplice. The bishop obtained his release immediately and the
earl of Marlborough was admitted to bail in the court of king’s bench.




SOURCES OF NATIONAL DISCONTENT.

So many persons of character and distinction had been imprisoned during
this reign upon the slightest suspicion, that the discontented part
of the nation had some reason to insinuate they had only exchanged
one tyrant for another. They affirmed that the _habeas-corpus_ act was
either insufficient to protect the subject from false imprisonment, or
had been shamefully misused. They expatiated upon the loss of ships,
which had lately fallen a prey to the enemy; the consumption of seamen;
the neglect of the fisheries; the interruption of commerce, in which the
nation was supplanted by her allies, as well as invaded by her enemies;
the low ebb of the kingdom’s treasure, exhausted in hiring foreign
bottoms, and paying foreign troops to fight foreign quarrels; and the
slaughter of the best and bravest of their countrymen, whose blood had
been lavishly spilt in support of connexions with which they ought to
have had no concern. They demonstrated the mischiefs that necessarily
arose from the unsettled state of the nation. They observed that the
government could not be duly established until a solemn declaration
should confirm the legality of that tenure by which their majesties
possessed the throne; that the structure of parliaments was deficient
in point of solidity, as they existed entirely at the pleasure of
the crown, which would use them no longer than they should be found
necessary in raising supplies for the use of the government. They
exclaimed against the practice of quartering soldiers in private houses
contrary to the ancient laws of the land, the petition of rights, and
the subsequent act on that subject passed in the reign of the second
Charles. They enumerated among their grievances the violation of
property, by pressing transport ships into the service without settling
any fund of payment for the owners; the condition of the militia, which
was equally burdensome and useless; the flagrant partiality in favour
of allies, who carried on an open commerce with France, and supplied the
enemy with necessaries, while the English laboured under the severest
prohibitions, and were in effect the dupes of those very powers
whom they protected. They dwelt upon the ministry’s want of conduct,
foresight, and intelligence, and inveighed against their ignorance,
insolence, and neglect, which were as pernicious to the nation as if
they had formed a design of reducing it to the lowest ebb of disgrace
and destruction. By this time, indeed, public virtue was become the
object of ridicule, and the whole kingdom was overspread with
immorality and corruption; towards the increase of which many concurring
circumstances happened to contribute. The people were divided into three
parties, namely, the Williamites, the Jacobites, and the discontented
Revolutioners; these factions took all opportunities to thwart, to
expose, and to ridicule the measures and principles of each other, so
that patriotism was laughed out of doors as an hypocritical pretence.
This contention established a belief that every man consulted his own
private interest at the expense of the public, a belief that soon grew
into a maxim almost universally adopted. The practice of bribing a
majority in parliament had a pernicious influence upon the morals of all
ranks of people, from the candidate to the lowest borough elector. The
expedient of establishing funds of credit for raising supplies to defray
the expenses of government, threw large premiums and sums of money into
the hands of low sordid usurers, brokers, and jobbers, who distinguished
themselves by the name of the monied interest. Intoxicated by this flow
of wealth, they affected to rival the luxury and magnificence of their
superiors; but being destitute of sentiment and taste to conduct them
in their new career, they ran into the most absurd and illiberal
extravagancies. They laid aside all decorum; became lewd, insolent,
intemperate, and riotous. Their example was caught by the vulgar.
All principle, and even decency, was gradually banished; talent lay
uncultivated, and the land was deluged with a tide of ignorance and
profligacy.




DISSENSION BETWEEN THE QUEEN AND PRINCESS ANNE.

King William having ascertained the winter quarters of the army, and
concerted the operations of the ensuing campaign with the states-general
and the ministers of the allies, set sail for England on the fifteenth
day of October; on the eighteenth landed at Yarmouth, was met by the
queen at Newhall, and passed through the city of London to Kensington
amidst the acclamations of the populace. He received a congratulatory
address from the lord-mayor and aldermen, with whom he dined in public
by invitation. A day of thanksgiving was appointed for the victory
obtained at sea. The lustring company was established by patent, and
the parliament met on the fourth day of November. The house of lords was
deeply infected with discontent, which in some measure proceeded
from the dissension between the queen and her sister, the princess of
Denmark, which last underwent every mortification which the court could
inflict. Her guards were taken away; all honours which had been paid to
her rank by the magistrates of Bath, where she sometimes resided,
and even by the ministers of the church where she attended at divine
service, were discontinued by the express order of his majesty. Her
cause was naturally espoused by those noblemen who had adhered to her
in her former contest with the king about an independent settlement; and
these were now reinforced by all the friends of the earl of Marlborough,
united for a double tie; for they resented the disgrace and confinement
of that lord, and thought it their duty to support the princess Anne
under a persecution incurred by an attachment to his countess. The earl
of Shrewsbury lived in friendship with Marlborough, and thought he had
been ungratefully treated by the king; the marquis of Halifax befriended
him from opposition to the ministry; the earl of Mulgrave for an
opportunity to display his talents, and acquire that consideration which
he thought due to his merit. Devonshire, Montague, and Bradford, joined
in the same cause from principle; the same pretence was used by the
earls of Stamford, Monmouth, Warrington, and other whigs, though in
effect they were actuated by jealousy and resentment against those
by whom they had been supplanted. As for the Jacobites, they gladly
contributed their assistance to promote any scheme that had a tendency
to embroil the administration.




THE LORDS VINDICATE THEIR PRIVILEGES.

The king, in his speech to parliament, thanked them for their last
supplies, congratulated them upon the victory obtained at sea, condoled
them on the bad success of the campaign by land, magnified the power of
France, represented the necessity of maintaining a great force to oppose
it, and demanded subsidies equal to the occasion. He expressed his
reluctance to load them with additional burdens, which he said could not
be avoided, without exposing his kingdom to inevitable destruction. He
desired their advice towards lessening the inconveniences of exporting
money for the payment of the forces. He intimated a design of making a
descent upon France; declared he had no aim but to make his subjects a
happy people; and that he would again cheerfully expose his life for the
welfare of the nation. The lords, after an adjournment of three days,
began with great warmth to assert their privileges, which they conceived
had been violated in the cases of the earl of Marlborough and the other
noblemen who had been apprehended, committed to prison, and afterwards
admitted to bail by the court of king’s-bench. These circumstances
being fully discussed in a violent debate, the house ordered lord Lucas,
constable of the Tower, to produce the warrants of commitment, and the
clerk of the king’s-bench to deliver the affidavit of Aaron Smith, the
court solicitor, upon which the lords had been remanded to prison. At
the same time the whole affair was referred to a committee, empowered
to send for persons, papers, and records. The judges were ordered to
attend: Aaron Smith was examined touching the evidence against the
committed lords. The committee reported their general resolution,
which produced a vehement dispute. The opinion of the judges was
unsatisfactory to both parties; the debate was referred to a committee
of the whole house, in which it was resolved and declared, as the sense
of that assembly, that in pursuance of the _habeas-corpus_ act, it was
the duty of the judges and gaol-delivery to discharge the prisoner on
bail if committed for high treason, unless it be made appear, upon oath,
that there are two witnesses against the said prisoner, who cannot be
produced in that term, session, or general gaol-delivery. They likewise
resolved it was the intention of the said statute, that in case there
should be more than one prisoner to be bailed or remanded, there must be
oath made that there are two witnesses against each prisoner, otherwise
he cannot be remanded to prison. These resolutions were entered in the
books as standing directions to all future-judges, yet not without
great opposition from the court members. The next debate turned upon
the manner in which the imprisoned lords should be set at liberty.
The contest became so warm that the courtiers began to be afraid, and
proposed an expedient which was put in practice. The house adjourned to
the seventeenth day of the month, and at its next meeting was given to
understand that the king had discharged the imprisoned noblemen. After
another warm debate, a formal entry was made in the journals, importing,
That the house being informed of his majesty’s having given directions
for discharging the lords under bail in the king’s-bench, the debate
about that matter ceased. The resentment of the peers being thus
allayed, they proceeded to take his majesty’s speech into consideration.




THE COMMONS PRESENT ADDRESSES TO THE KING AND QUEEN.

The commons having voted an address of thanks, and another, praying that
his majesty’s foreign alliances should be laid before them, determined
on a bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason. They passed
a vote of thanks to admiral Russel, his officers and seamen, for the
victory they had obtained, and then proceeded to an inquiry, Why that
victory had not been pursued? why the descent had not been made? and why
the trade had not been better protected from the enemy’s cruisers? The
admiral having justified his own conduct, they commanded the lords of
the admiralty to produce copies of all the letters and orders which had
been sent to the admiral; they ordered Russel to lay before them his
answers; and the commissioners of the transports, victuallers, and
office of ordnance, to deliver in an account of their proceedings. They
then presented addresses to the king and queen, acknowledging the favour
of God in restoring him to his people; congratulating him upon his
deliverance from the snares of his open and secret enemies; and assuring
him they would, according to his majesty’s desire in his most gracious
speech, be always ready to advise and assist him in the support of
his government. The queen was thanked for her gracious and prudent
administration during his majesty’s absence; they congratulated her on
their signal deliverance from a bold and cruel design formed for their
destruction, as well as on the glorious victory which her fleet had
gained; and they assured her that the grateful sense they had of their
happiness under her government, should always be manifested in constant
returns of duty and obedience.

After this formal compliment, the house, instead of proceeding to the
supplies, insisted upon perusing the treaties, public accounts, and
estimates, that they might be in a condition to advise as well as to
assist his majesty. Being indulged with those papers, they passed a
previous vote that a supply should be given; then they began to concert
their articles of advice. Some of the members loudly complained of
partiality to foreign generals, and particularly reflected upon the
insolence of count Solmes, and his misconduct at Steenkirk. After some
warm altercation, the house resolved one article of their advice should
be, that his majesty would be pleased to fill up the vacancies that
should happen among the general officers, with such only as were natives
of his dominions, and that the commander-in-chief of the English should
be an Englishman. Their next resolution implied, that many of the great
affairs of the government having been for some time past unsuccessfully
managed, the house should advise his majesty to prevent such mischiefs
for the future, by employing men of knowledge, ability, and integrity.
Individual members inveighed bitterly against cabinet councils, as a
novelty in the British system of government by which the privy-council
was jostled out of its province. They complained that all the grievances
of the nation proceeded from the vicious principles of the ministry:
they observed, that he who opposed the establishment could not be
expected to support it with zeal. The earl of Nottingham was mentioned
by name, and the house resolved that his majesty should be advised to
employ in his councils such persons only whose principles obliged them
to support his rights against the late king, and all other pretenders.
Marlborough’s interest still predominated among the commons. His friend
Russel acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the house, and shifted
the blame of the miscarriage upon his enemy the earl of Nottingham,
by declaring that twenty days elapsed between his first letter to that
nobleman and his lordship’s answer. The earl’s friends, of whom there
was a great number in the house, espoused his cause with great vigour,
and even recriminated upon Russel; so that a very violent debate ensued.
Both parties agreed that there had been mismanagement in the scheme of a
descent. It was moved, that one cause of the miscarriage was the want of
giving timely and necessary orders, by those to whom the management of
the affair was committed. The house divided, and it was carried in the
affirmative by one voice only. At the next sitting of the committee,
sir Richard Temple proposed they should consider how to pay the forces
abroad, by means of English manufactures, without ex porting money. They
resolved that the house should be moved to appoint a committee to
take this expedient into consideration. Sir Francis Wilmington was
immediately called upon to leave the chair, and the speaker resumed his
place. All that had been done was now void, as no report had been made;
and the committee was dissolved. The house however revived it, and
appointed a day for its sitting; but before it could resume its
deliberations, admiral Russel moved for its being adjourned, and all its
purposes were defeated.

The court agents had by this time interposed, and secured a majority
by the infamous arts of corruption. The commons no longer insisted upon
their points of advice. Their whole attention was now centered in
the article of assistance. They granted about two millions for the
maintenance of three-and-thirty thousand seamen, the building of some
additional ships of war, and the finishing of Plymouth dock; and seven
hundred and fifty thousand pounds to supply the deficiency of the
quarterly poll. The estimates of the land-service were not discussed
without tedious debates and warm disputes. The ministry demanded
fifty-four thousand men, twenty thousand of whom should be kept at home
for the defence of the nation, while the rest should serve abroad in the
allied army. Many members declared their aversion to a foreign war,
in which the nation had no immediate concern and so little prospect
of success. Others agreed that the allies should be assisted on the
continent with a proportion of British forces; but that the nation
should act as an auxiliary, not as a principal, and pay no more than
what the people would cheerfully contribute to the general expense.
These reflections, however, produced no other effect than that of
prolonging the debate. Ministerial influence had surmounted all
opposition. The house voted the number of men demanded. Such was their
servile complaisance, that when they examined the treaties by which the
English and Dutch contracted equally with the German princes, and found
that, notwithstanding these treaties, Britain bore two-thirds of the
expense, they overlooked this flagrant instance of partiality, and
enabled the king to pay the proportion. Nay, their maxims were so much
altered, that, instead of prosecuting their resentment against foreign
generals, they assented to a motion that the prince of Wirtemberg, the
major-generals Tetteau and La Forest, who commanded the Danish troops in
the pay of the states-general, should be indulged with such an addition
to their appointments as would make up the difference between the pay of
England and that of Holland. Finally, they voted above two millions
for the subsistence of the land forces, and for defraying extraordinary
expenses attending the war upon the continent, including subsidies to
the electors of Saxony and Hanover.




THE LORDS PRESENT AN ADDRESS OF ADVICE TO THE KING.

The house of lords meanwhile was not free from animosity and
contention. The Marlborough faction exerted themselves with great
vivacity. They affirmed, it was the province of their house to advise
the sovereign: like the commons, they insisted upon the king’s having
asked their advice because he had mentioned that word in his speech,
though he never dreamed that they would catch at it with such
eagerness. They moved, that the task of digesting the articles of
advice should be undertaken by a joint committee of both houses; but
all the dependents of the court, including the whole bench of bishops,
except Watson of St. David’s, were marshalled to oppose this motion,
which was rejected by a majority of twelve; and this victory was
followed with a protest of the vanquished. Notwithstanding this defeat,
they prosecuted their scheme of giving advice; and after much wrangling
and declamation, the house agreed in an address of remonstrance,
advising and beseeching his majesty, That the commanding officer of the
British forces should be an Englishman; that English officers might
take rank of those in the confederate armies, who did not belong to
crowned heads; that the twenty thousand men to be left for the defence
of the kingdom should be all English, and commanded by an English
general; that the practice of pressing men for the fleet should be
remedied; that such officers as were guilty of this practice should be
cashiered and punished; and, lastly, that no foreigners should sit at
the board of ordnance. This address was presented to the king, who
received it coldly, and said he would take it into consideration.

Then the lords resolved to inquire into the miscarriage of the purposed
descent, and called for all the papers relating to that affair; but the
aim of the majority was not so much to rectify the errors of the
government, as to screen Nottingham, and censure Russel. That nobleman
produced his own book of entries, together with the whole
correspondence between him and the admiral, whom he verbally charged
with having contributed to the miscarriage of the expedition. This
affair was referred to a committee. Sir John Ashby was examined. The
house directed the earl to draw up the substance of his charge; and
these papers were afterwards delivered to a committee of the commons,
at a conference by the lord-president, and the rest of the committee
above. They were offered for the inspection of the commons, as they
concerned some members of that house, by whom they might be informed
more fully of the particulars they contained. At another conference
which the commons demanded, their committee declared, in the name of
the house, That they had read and well considered the papers which
their lordships had sent them, and which they now returned: that
finding Mr. Russel, one of their members, often mentioned in the said
papers, they had unanimously resolved, that admiral Russel, in his
command of the fleets during the last summer’s expedition, had behaved
with fidelity, courage, and conduct. The lords irritated at this
declaration, and disappointed in their resentment against Russel,
desired a free conference between the committees of both houses. The
earl of Rochester told the commons, he was commanded by the house of
lords to inform them that their lordships looked upon the late vote and
proceeding of the lower house, in returning their papers, to be
irregular and unparliamentary, as they had not communicated to their
lordships the lights they had received, and the reason upon which their
vote was founded. A paper to the same purport was delivered to colonel
Granville, who promised to present it to the commons, and make a
faithful report of what his lordship had said. Thus the conference
ended, and the inquiry was discontinued.




THE COMMONS ADDRESS THE KING.

The lower house seemed to be as much exasperated against the earl of
Nottingham as the lords were incensed at Russel. A motion was made that
his majesty should be advised to appoint such commissioners of the
board of admiralty as were of known experience in maritime affairs.
Although this was overruled, they voted an address to the king,
praying, that for the future, all orders for the engagement of the
fleet might pass through the hands of the said commissioners; a protest
by implication against the conduct of the secretary. The consideration
of ways and means was the next object that engrossed the attention of
the lower house. They resolved that a rate of four shillings in the
pound, for one year, should be charged upon all lands according to
their yearly value; as also upon all personal estates, and upon all
offices and employments of profit, other than military offices in the
army and navy. The act founded on this resolution empowered the king to
borrow money on the credit of it, at seven per cent. They further
enabled him to raise one million on the general credit of the
exchequer, by granting annuities. They laid several new duties on a
variety of imports. They renewed the last quarterly poll, providing
that in case it should not produce three hundred thousand pounds, the
deficiencies might be made up by borrowing on the general credit of the
exchequer. They continued the impositions on wine, vinegar, tobacco,
and sugar, for five years; and those on East-India goods for four
years. They laid a new imposition of eight per cent, on the capital
stock of the East-India company, estimated at seven hundred and
forty-four thousand pounds; of one per cent, on the African; of five
pounds on every share of the stock belonging to the Hudson’s Bay
company; and they empowered his majesty to borrow five hundred thousand
pounds on these funds, which were expressly established for maintaining
the war with vigour.*

     * The French king hearing how liberally William was
     supplied, exclaimed, with some emotion, “My little cousin
     the prince of Orange is fixed in the saddle--but, no matter,
     the last Louis d’or must carry it.”




BURNET’S PASTORAL LETTER BURNED.

The money-bills were retarded in the upper house by the arts of
Halifax, Mulgrave, and other malcontents. They grafted a clause on the
land-tax bill, importing, that the lords should tax themselves. It was
adopted by the majority, and the bill sent with this amendment to the
commons, by whom it was unanimously rejected as a flagrant attempt upon
their privileges. They demanded a conference, in which they declared
that the clause in question was a notorious encroachment upon the right
the commons possessed, of regulating all matters relating to supplies
granted by parliament. When this report was debated in the house of
lords, the earl of Mulgrave displayed uncommon powers of eloquence and
argument, in persuading the house, that, by yielding to this claim of
the commons, they would divest themselves of their true greatness, and
nothing would remain but the name and shadow of a peer, which was but a
pageant. Notwithstanding all his oratory, the lords relinquished their
clause, declaring, at the same time, that they had agreed to pass the
bill without alteration, merely in regard to the present urgent state
of affairs, as being otherwise of opinion that they had a right to
insist upon their clause. A formal complaint being made in the house of
commons against the pamphlet entitled, “King William and Queen Mary
Conquerors,” as containing assertions of dangerous consequence to their
majesties, to the liberty of the subject, and the peace of the kingdom,
the licenser and printer were taken into custody. The book being
examined, resolved that it should be burned by the hands of the common
hangman, and that the king should be moved to dismiss the licenser from
his employment. The same sentence they pronounced upon a pastoral
letter of bishop Burnet, in which this notion of conquest had been at
first asserted. The lords, in order to manifest their sentiments on the
same subject, resolved, That such an assertion was highly injurious to
their majesties, inconsistent with the principles on which the
government was founded, and tending to the subversion of the rights of
the people. Bohun the licenser was brought to the bar of the house, and
discharged upon his own petition, after having been reprimanded on his
knees by the speaker.

Several members having complained that their servants had been
kidnapped and sent to serve as soldiers in Flanders, the house
appointed a committee to inquire into the abuses committed by
press-masters; and a suitable remonstrance was presented to the king,
who expressed his indignation at this practice, and assured the house
that the delinquents should be brought to exemplary punishment.
Understanding however in the sequel, that the methods taken by his
majesty for preventing this abuse had not proved, effectual, they
resumed their inquiry, and proceeded with, uncommon vigour on the
information they received. A great number of persons who had been
pressed were discharged by order of the house; and captain Winter, the
chief undertaker for this method of recruiting the army, was carried by
the sergeant before the lord chief justice, that he might be prosecuted
according to law.




THE TWO HOUSES ADDRESS THE KING.

Before the heats occasioned by this unpopular expedient were allayed,
the discontent of the nation was further inflamed by complaints from
Ireland, where lord Sidney was said to rule with despotic authority.
These complaints were exhibited by sir Francis Brewster, sir William
Gore, sir John Macgill, lieutenant Stafford, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Kerne.
They were examined at the bar of the house, and delivered an account
of their grievances in writing. Both houses concurred in this inquiry;
which, being finished, they severally presented addresses to the king.
The lords observed, That there had been great abuses in disposing of the
forfeited estates; that protections had been granted to the Irish not
included in the articles of Limerick; so that protestants were deprived
of the benefit of the law against them; that the quarters of the army
had not been paid according to the provision made by parliament; that
a mayor had been imposed upon the city of Dublin for two years
successively, contrary to the ancient privileges and charter; that
several persons accused of murder had been executed without proof;
and one Sweetman, the most guilty, discharged without prosecution. The
commons spoke more freely in their address; they roundly explained the
abuses and mismanagement of that government, by exposing the protestant
subjects to the free quarter and violence of a licentious army; by
recruiting the troops with Irish papists who had been in open rebellion
against his majesty; by granting protections to Irish Roman-catholics,
whereby the course of the law was stopped; by reversing outlawries for
high treason not comprehended in the articles of Limerick; by letting
the forfeited estates at undervalue, to the prejudice of his majesty’s
revenue; by embezzling the stores left in the towns and garrisons by
the late king James, as well as the effects belonging to the forfeited
estates, which might have been employed for the better preservation
of the kingdom; and, finally, by making additions to the articles of
Limerick after the capitulation was signed and the place surrendered.
They most humbly besought his majesty to redress these abuses, which had
greatly encouraged the papists, and weakened the protestant interest in
Ireland. The king graciously received both addresses, and promised
to pay a particular regard to all remonstrances that should come from
either house of parliament; but no material step was taken against the
lords Sidney, Athlone, and Coningsby, who appeared to have engrossed
great part of the forfeitures by grants from the crown; and even
commissioner Culliford, who had been guilty of the most grievous acts of
oppression, escaped with impunity.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




ACCOUNT OF THE PLACE AND TRIENNIAL PARLIAMENT BILLS.

The old whig principle was not yet wholly expelled from the lower house.
The undue influence of the court was exerted in such an open scandalous
manner, as gave offence to the majority of the commons. In the midst of
all their condescension, sir Edward Hussey, member for Lincoln, brought
in a bill touching free and impartial proceedings in parliament. It was
intended to disable all members of parliament from enjoying places of
trust and profit, and particularly levelled against the officers of
the army and navy, who had insinuated themselves into the house in such
numbers, that this was commonly called the officers’ parliament. The
bill passed the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, by whom
it was read a second time and committed; but the ministry employing
their whole strength against it, on the report it was thrown out by a
majority of two voices. The earl of Mulgrave again distinguished himself
by his elocution, in a speech that was held in great veneration by the
people; and, among those who entered a protest in the journals of the
house when the majority rejected the bill, was prince George of Denmark,
duke of Cumberland. The court had not collected themselves from the
consternation produced by such a vigorous opposition, when the earl of
Shrewsbury produced another bill for triennial parliaments, providing
that there should be an annual session; that if, at the expiration of
three years, the crown should not order the writs to be issued, the lord
chancellor, or keeper, or commissioner of the great seal, should issue
them _ex officio_, and by authority of this act, under severe penalties.
The immediate object of this bill was the dissolution of the present
parliament, which had already sat three sessions, and began to be
formidable to the people from its concessions to the ministry. The
benefits that would accrue to the constitution from the establishment
of triennial parliaments were very well understood, as these points had
been frequently discussed in former reigns. The courtiers now objected,
that frequent elections would render the free-holders proud and
insolent, encourage faction among the electors, and entail a continual
expense upon the member, as he would find himself obliged, during the
whole time of the sitting, to behave like a candidate, conscious how
soon the time of election would revolve. In spite of the ministerial
interest in the upper house, the bill passed, and contained a proviso
that the present parliament should not continue any longer than the
month of January next ensuing. The court renewed its efforts against it
in the house of commons, where nevertheless it was carried, with some
alterations which the lords approved. But all these endeavours were
frustrated by the prerogative of the king, who, by refusing his assent,
prevented its being enacted into a law.

It was at the instigation of the ministry that the commons brought in a
bill for continuing and explaining certain temporary laws then expiring
or expired. Among these was an act for restraining the liberty of the
press, which owed its original to the reign of Charles II., and had been
revived in the first year of the succeeding reign. The bill passed the
lower house without difficulty, but met with warm opposition in the
house of lords; a good number of whom protested against it, as a law
that subjected all learning and true information to the arbitrary will
of a mercenary, and perhaps ignorant licenser, destroyed the properties
of authors, and extended the evil of monopolies. The bill for regulating
trials was dropped, and, in lieu of it, another produced for the
preservation of their majesties’ sacred persons and government; but this
too was rejected by the majority in consequence of the ministry’s
secret management. The East India company narrowly escaped dissolution.
Petitions and counter-petitions were delivered into the house of
commons; the pretensions on both sides were carefully examined; a
committee of the whole house resolved, that there should be a new
subscription of a joint stock, not exceeding two millions five hundred
thousand pounds, to continue for one-and-twenty years. The report was
made and received, and the public expected to see the affair brought
to a speedy issue; but the company had recourse to the same expedients
which had lately proved so successful in the hands of the ministry.
Those who had been the most warm in detecting their abuses suddenly
cooled; and the prosecution of the affair began to languish. Not but
that the house presented an address to his majesty, praying that he
would dissolve the company upon three years’ warning, according to
the condition of their charter. He told them he would consider their
address, and they did not further urge their remonstrance. The bill for
ascertaining the commissions and salaries of the judges, to which the
king had refused the royal assent in the last session, was revived,
twice read, and rejected; and another for preventing the exportation and
melting of the coin, they suffered to lie neglected on the table. On the
fourteenth day of March the king put an end to the session, after having
thanked the parliament for so great testimonies of their affection, and
promised the supplies should not be misapplied. He observed that
the posture of affairs called him abroad, but that he would leave a
sufficient number of troops for the security of the kingdom; he assured
them he would expose his person upon all occasions for the advantage of
these kingdoms; and use his utmost endeavours to make them a flourishing
nation. [046] _[See note I, at the end of this Vol.]_




TRIAL OF LORD MOHUN--ALTERATIONS IN THE MINISTRY.

During the course of this session, lord Mohun was indicted and tried
by the peers in Westminster-hall, as an accomplice in the murder of
one Montford a celebrated comedian, the marquis of Carmarthen acting as
lord-steward upon this occasion. The judges having been consulted,
the peers proceeded to give their judgments _seriatim_, and Mohun was
acquitted by a great majority. The king, who from his first accession
to the throne had endeavoured to trim the balance between the whigs and
tories, by mingling them together in his ministry, made some alterations
at this period that savoured of the same policy. The great seal, with
the title of lord keeper, was bestowed upon sir John Somers, who was
well skilled in the law, and in many other branches of polite and useful
literature. He possessed a remarkable talent for business, in which he
exerted great patience and assiduity; was gentle, candid, and equitable;
a whig in principles, yet moderate, pacific, and conciliating. Of the
same temper was sir John Trenchard, now appointed secretary of state.
He had been concerned with the duke of Monmouth, and escaped to the
continent, where he lived some years; was calm, sedate, well acquainted
with foreign affairs, and considered as a leading man in his party.
These two are said to have been promoted at the recommendation of the
earl of Sunderland, who had by this time insinuated himself into the
king’s favour and confidence; though his success confirmed the opinion
which many entertained of his having betrayed his old master. The
leaders of the opposition were sir Edward Seymour, again become a
malcontent, and sir Christopher Mus-grave, a gentleman of Cumberland,
who though an extravagant tory from principle, had refused to concur
with all the designs of the late king. He was a person of a grave and
regular deportment, who had rejected many offers of the ministry, which
he opposed with great violence; yet on some critical occasions his
patriotism gave way to his avarice, and he yielded up some important
points in consideration of large sums which he received from the court
in secret. Others declared war against the administration, because they
thought their own talents were not sufficiently considered. Of these the
chief were Paul Foley and Robert Harley. The first was a lawyer of good
capacity, extensive learning, and virtuous principles; but peevish,
obstinate, and morose. He entertained a very despicable opinion of the
court; and this he propagated with equal assiduity and success. Harley
possessed a good fund of learning; was capable of uncommon application,
particularly turned to politics. He knew the forms of parliament, had a
peculiar dexterity at protracting and perplexing debates; and cherished
the most aspiring ambition. Admiral Russel was created treasurer of
the household; but the command of the fleet was vested in the hands
of Killigrew, Délavai, and Shovel. Sir George Rooke was declared
vice-admiral of the red, and John lord Berkeley of the blue division;
their rear-admirals were Matthew Aylmer and David Mitchel.




THE KING ASSEMBLES THE CONFEDERATE ARMY IN FLANDERS.

The king having visited the fleet and fortifications at Portsmouth,
given instructions for annoying the enemy by sea, and left the
administration in the hands of the queen, embarked on the last day of
March, near Gravesend, and arrived in Holland on the third of April. The
troops of the confederates were forthwith ordered to assemble: but while
he was employed in making preparations for the campaign, the French king
actually took the field, attended by madame de Maintenon, and all the
court ladies. His design was supposed to be upon some town in Brabant:
his army amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand men, completely
armed, and abundantly supplied with all necessaries for every sort of
military operation. King William immediately took possession of the
strong camp at Parke near Lou-vain, a situation which enabled him to
cover the places that were most exposed. Understanding that the French
emissaries had sown the seeds of dissension between the bishop and
chapter of Liege, he sent the duke of Wirtemberg thither, to reconcile
the different parties, and concert measures for the further security
of the place. He reinforced the garrison with nine battalions; and
the elector palatine lay with his troops in readiness to march to its
relief. William likewise threw reinforcements into Maestricht, Huy, and
Char-leroy; and he himself resolved to remain on the defensive, at the
head of sixty thousand men, with a numerous train of artillery.




THE FRENCH REDUCE HUY.

Louis having reviewed his army at Gemblours, and seen his designs upon
Brabant defeated by the diligence of his antagonist, detached Boufflers
with twenty thousand men to the Upper Rhine to join the dauphin, who
commanded in that quarter; then leaving the conduct of his forces in
the Netherlands to the duke de Luxembourg, he returned with his court
to Versailles. Immediately after his departure, Luxembourg fixed his
head-quarters at Mildert; and king William strengthened his camp on
that side with ten battalions and eight-and-twenty pieces of cannon.
The enemy’s convoys were frequently surprised by detachments from the
garrison of Charleroy; and a large body of horse, foot, and dragoons,
being drafted out of Liege and Maestricht, took post at Huy, under the
command of the count de Tilly, so as to straiten the French in their
quarters. These however were dislodged by Luxembourg in person, who
obliged the count to pass the Jaar with precipitation, leaving behind
three squadrons and all his baggage, which fell into the hands of the
enemy. This check however was balanced by the success of the duke of
Wirtemberg, who, at the head of thirteen battalions of infantry and
twenty squadrons of horse, forced the French lines between the
Scheldt and the Lys, and laid the whole country as far as Lisle under
contribution. On that very day, which was the eighteenth of July,
Luxembourg marched towards Huy, which was next morning invested by M.
de Villeroy. The other covered the siege, and secured himself from the
allies by lines of contravallation. Before their batteries began to
play, the town capitulated. On the twenty-third day of the month the
garrison mutined, the castles were surrendered, the governor remained
a prisoner, and his men were conducted to Liege. The confederate army
advanced in order to relieve the town; but the king being apprised of
its fate, detached ten battalions to reinforce the garrison of Liege,
and next day returned to Neer-Hespen.




THE DUKE OF LUXEMBOURG RESOLVES TO ATTACK THE ALLIES.

Luxembourg made a motion towards Liege as if he had intended to besiege
the place; and encamped at Hellecheim, about seven leagues from the
confederates. Knowing how much they were weakened by the different
detachments which had been made from their army, he resolved to attack
them in their camp, or at least fall upon their rear should they retreat
at his approach. On the twenty-eighth day of July he began his march in
four columns, and passed the Jaar near its source, with an army superior
to the allies by five-and-thirty thousand men. The king of England at
first looked upon this motion as a feint to cover the design upon Liege;
but receiving intelligence that their whole army was in full march to
attack him in his camp, he resolved to keep his ground, and immediately
drew up his forces in order of battle. His general officers advised him
to repass the Geete; but he chose to risk a battle, rather than expose
the rear of his army in repassing that river. His right wing extended as
far as Neer-Winden, along the Geete, covered with hedges, hollow ways,
and a small rivulet; the left reached to Neer-Landen; and these two
villages were joined by a slight intrenchment which the king ordered
to be thrown up in the evening. Brigadier Ramsay, with the regiments of
O’Farrel, Mackay, Lauder, Leven and Monroe, were ordered to the right of
the whole army, to line some hedges and hollow ways on the farther side
of the village of Lare. Six battalions of Brandenburgh were posted
to the left of this village; and general Dumont, with the Hanoverian
infantry, possessed the village of Neer-Winden, which covered part
of the camp, between the main body and the right wing of the cavalry.
Neer-Landen, on the left, was secured by six battalions of English,
Danes, and Dutch. The remaining infantry was drawn up in one line behind
the intrenchment. The dragoons upon the left guarded the village of
Donnai upon the brook of Beck, and from thence the left wing of horse
extended to Neer-Landen, where it was covered by this rivulet.

The king having visited all the posts on horseback, and given the
necessary orders, reposed himself about two hours in his coach; and
early in the morning sent for his chaplain, whom he joined in prayer
with great devotion. At sun-rising the enemy appeared drawn up in order
of battle; and the allies began to play their cannon with good success.
About eight in the morning they attacked the villages of Lare and
Neer-Winden with great fury; and twice made themselves masters of these
posts, from whence they were as often repulsed.

The allies still kept their ground; and the duke of Berwick was taken by
his uncle brigadier Churchill. Then the French made an attack upon the
left wing of the confederates at Neer-Landen; and after a very obstinate
dispute, were obliged to give way, though they still kept possession of
the avenues. The prince of Conti, however, renewed the charge with the
flower of the French infantry; and the confederates being overpowered,
retreated from the village, leaving the camp in that part exposed.
Villeroy marching this way with a body of horse, was encountered and
repulsed by the count D’Arco, general of the Bavarian cuirassiers; and
the duke de Chartres narrowly escaped being taken. Meanwhile Luxembourg,
the prince of Conti, the count de Marsin, and the marshal de Joyeuse,
charged on the right, and in different parts of the line with such
impetuosity as surmounted all resistance. The camp of the confederates
was immediately filled with French troops: the villages of Lare
and Neer-Winden were taken after a long and desperate dispute. The
Hanoverian and Dutch horse being broken, the king in person brought the
English cavalry to their assistance. They fought with great gallantry;
and for some time retarded the fate of the day. The infantry were
rallied, and stood firm until all their ammunition was expended. In a
word, they were scarce able to sustain the weight of such a superiority
in point of number, when the marquis D’Harcourt joined the enemy from
Huy, with two-and-twenty fresh squadrons, which immediately turned
the scale in their favour. The elector of Bavaria, after having made
extraordinary efforts, retreated with great difficulty over the bridge
to the other side of the river, where he rallied the troops in order
to favour the retreat of those who had not passed. The king seeing the
battle lost, and the whole army in confusion, retired with the infantry
to Dormul on the brook of Beck, where the dragoons of the left wing were
posted, and then ordered the regiments of Wyndham, Lumley, and Calway,
to cover his retreat over the bridge at Neer-Hespen, which he effected
with great difficulty. Now all was tumult, rout, and consternation; and
a great number of the fugitives threw themselves into the river, where
they were drowned. This had like to have been the fate of the brave earl
of Athlone; the duke of Ormond was wounded in several places, and taken
prisoner by the enemy; and the count de Solmes was mortally wounded.
Ptolemache brought off the greater part of the English infantry with
great gallantry and conduct; as for the baggage, it had been sent to
Liege before the engagement; but the confederates lost sixty pieces of
cannon, and nine mortars, a great number of standards and colours,* with
about seven thousand men killed and wounded in the action. It must be
owned that the allies fought with great valour and perseverance; and
that king William made prodigious efforts of courage and activity to
retrieve the fortune of the day. He was present in all parts of the
battle; he charged in person both on horseback and on foot, where the
danger was most imminent. His peruke, the sleeve of his coat, and the
knot of his scarf, were penetrated by three different musket bullets;
and he saw a great number of soldiers fall on every side of him. The
enemy bore witness to his extraordinary valour. The prince of Conti, in
a letter to his princess which was intercepted, declared that he saw the
prince of Orange exposing himself to the greatest dangers; and that such
valour richly deserved the peaceable possession of the crown he
wore. Yet here, as in every other battle he fought, his conduct and
disposition were severely censured. Luxembourg having observed the
nature of his situation immediately before the engagement, is said to
have exclaimed, “Now I believe Waldeck is really dead;” alluding to that
general’s known sagacity in choosing ground for an encampment. Be that
as it will, he paid dear for his victory. His loss in officers and men
exceeded that of the allies; and he reaped no solid advantage from the
battle. He remained fifteen days inactive at Waren, while king William
recalled the duke of Wirtemberg, and drafting troops from Liege and
other garrisons, was in a few days able to hazard another engagement.

     * The duke of Luxembourg sent such a number of standards and
     ensigns to Paris during the course of this war, that the
     prince of Conti called him the Upholsterer of Notre Dame, a
     church in which those trophies were displayed.




CHARLEBOY TAKEN BY THE ENEMY.

Nothing remarkable happened during the remaining part of the
Campaign, until Luxembourg, being rejoined by Boufflers with a strong
reinforcement from the Rhine, invested Charleroy. He had taken his
measures with such caution and dexterity, that the allies could not
frustrate his operations, without attacking his lines at a great
disadvantage. The king detached the elector of Bavaria and the duke
of Wirtemberg, with thirty battalions and forty squadrons, to make a
diversion in Flanders; but they returned in a few days without having
attempted any thing of consequence. The garrison of Charleroy defended
the place with surprising valour, from the tenth of September to
the eleventh of October, during which period they had repulsed the
assailants in several attacks; but at length despairing of relief, the
governor capitulated on the most honourable conditions: the reduction
of the place was celebrated with a _Te Deum_, and other rejoicings
at Paris. Louis however, in the midst of all his glory, was extremely
mortified when he reflected what little advantage he had reaped from
all his late victories. The allies had been defeated successively at
Fleurus, Steenkirk, and Landen; yet in a fortnight after each of those
battles William was always in a condition to risk another engagement.
Formerly Louis had conquered half of Holland, Flanders, and
Franche-Comté, without a battle; whereas, now he could not with his
utmost efforts, and after the most signal victories, pass the frontiers
of the United Provinces. The conquest of Charleroy concluded the
campaign in the Netherlands, and both armies went into winter-quarters.




CAMPAIGN ON THE RHINE.

The French army on the Rhine, under De Lorges, passed that river in the
month of May at Philipsburgh, and invested the city of Heidelberg,
which they took, plundered, and reduced to ashes. This general committed
numberless barbarities in the Palatinate, which he ravaged without even
sparing the tombs of the dead. The French soldiers on this occasion seem
to have been actuated by the most brutal inhumanity. They butchered
the inhabitants, violated the women, plundered the houses, rifled the
churches, and murdered the priests at the altar. They broke open the
electoral vault, and scattered the ashes of that illustrious family
about the streets. They set fire to different quarters of the city; they
stripped about fifteen thousand of the inhabitants, without distinction
of age or sex, and drove them naked into the castle, that the garrison
might be the sooner induced to capitulate. There they remained like
cattle in the open air, without food or covering, tortured between the
horrors of their fete and the terrors of a bombardment. When they were
set at liberty, in consequence of the fort’s being surrendered, a great
number of them died along the banks of the Neckar, from cold, hunger,
anguish, and despair. These enormous cruelties, which would have
disgraced the arms of a Tartarian freebooter, were acted by the express
command of Louis XIV. of France, who has been celebrated by so many
venal pens, not only as the greatest monarch, but also as the most
polished prince of Christendom. De Lorges advanced towards the Neckar
against the prince of Baden, who lay encamped on the other side of
the river; but in attempting to pass, he was twice repulsed with
considerable damage. The dauphin joining the army, which now amounted to
seventy thousand men, crossed without opposition; but found the Germans
so advantageously posted, that he would not hazard an attack; having
therefore repassed the river, he secured Stutgard with a garrison,
sent detachments into Flanders and Piedmont, and returned in August to
Versailles. In Piedmont the allies were still more unfortunate. The duke
of Savoy and his confederates seemed bent upon driving the French from
Casal and Pignerol. The first of these places was blocked up, and the
other actually invested. The fort of St. Bridget that covered the place
was taken, and the town bombarded. Meanwhile Catinat being reinforced,
descended into the plains. The duke was so apprehensive of Turin that
he abandoned the siege of Pignerol, after having blown up the fort,
and marched in quest of the enemy to the plain of Mar-saglia, in the
neighbourhood of his capital. On the fourth day of October, the French
advanced upon them from the hills between Orbasson and Prosasque, and
a desperate engagement ensued. The enemy charged the left wing of the
confederates sword in hand with incredible fury; though they were
once repulsed, they renewed the attack with such impetuosity that the
Neapolitan and Milanese horse were obliged to give way, and disordered
the German cavalry. These falling upon the foot, threw the whole wing
into confusion. Meanwhile the main body and the other wing sustained the
charge without flinching, until they were exposed in flank by the defeat
of the cavalry; then the whole front gave way. In vain the second line
was brought up to sustain them; the horse turned their backs, and the
infantry was totally routed. In a word, the confederates were obliged to
retire with precipitation, leaving their cannon and about eight thousand
men killed or wounded on the field of battle. The duke of Schomberg
having been denied the post which was his due, insisted upon fighting at
the head of the troops maintained by the king of Great Britain, who were
posted in the centre, and behaved with great gallantry under the eye
of their commander. When the left wing was defeated, the count de los
Torres desired he would take upon him the command, and retreat with the
infantry and right wing; but he refused to act without the order of his
highness, and said things were come to such a pass that they must either
conquer or die. He continued to animate his men with his voice and
example, until he received a shot in the thigh. His valet seeing him
fall, ran to his assistance, and called for quarter, but was killed by
the enemy before he could be understood. The duke being taken at the
same instant, was afterwards dismissed upon his parole, and in a few
days died at Turin, universally lamented on account of his great and
amiable qualities. The earl of Warwick and Holland, who accompanied him
as a volunteer, shared his fate in being wounded and taken prisoner;
but he soon recovered his health and liberty. This victory was as
unsubstantial as that of Landen, and almost as dear in the purchase;
for the confederates made an obstinate defence, and yielded solely to
superior number. The duke of Savoy retreated to Moncalier, and threw a
reinforcement into Coni, which Catinat would not venture to besiege,
so severely had he been handled in the battle. He therefore contented
himself with laying the country under contribution, reinforcing the
garrisons of Casal, Pignerol, and Suza, and making preparations for
repassing the mountains. The news of this victory no sooner reached
Paris, than Louis dispatched M. de Chanlais to Turin, with proposals
for detaching the duke of Savoy from the interest of the allies; and the
pope, who was now become a partisan of France, supported the negotiation
with his whole influence; but the French king had not yet touched upon
the right string. The duke continued deaf to all his addresses.




TRANSACTIONS in HUNGARY and CATALONIA.

France had been alike successful in her intrigues at the courts of Rome
and Constantinople. The vizier at the Porte had been converted into a
pensionary and creature of Louis; but the war in which the Turks had
been so long and unsuccessfully engaged, rendered him so odious to the
people, that the grand seignor deposed him in order to appease their
clamours. The English and Dutch ambassadors at Constantinople forthwith
renewed their mediation for a peace with the emperor; but the terms
they proposed were still rejected with disdain. In the meantime general
Heusler, who commanded the imperialists at Transylvania, reduced the
fortresses of Jeno and Villaguswar. In the beginning of July the duc de
Croy assumed the chief command of the German army, passed the Danube and
the Saave, and invested Belgrade. The siege was carried on for some
time with great vigour, but at length abandoned at the approach of the
vizier, who obliged the imperialists to repass the Saave, and sent out
parties which made incursions into Upper-Hungary. The power of France
had never been so conspicuous as at this juncture, when she maintained
a formidable navy at sea, and four great armies in different parts of
Europe. Exclusive of the operations in Flanders, Germany, and Piedmont,
the count de Noailles invested Eoses in Catalonia, about the latter end
of May, while at the same time it was blocked up by the French fleet
under the command of the count D’Etrées. In a few days the place was
surrendered by capitulation, and the castle of Ampurias met with the
same fate. The Spanish power was reduced to such a degree, that Noailles
might have proceeded in his conquests without interruption, had he
not been obliged to detach part of his army to reinforce Catinat in
Piedmont.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




NAVAL AFFAIRS.

Nothing could be more inglorious for the English than their operations
by sea in the course of this summer. The king had ordered the admirals
to use all possible despatch in equipping the fleets, that they might
block up the enemy in their own ports and protect the commerce, which
had suffered severely from the French privateers. They were however so
dilatory in their proceedings, that the squadrons of the enemy sailed
from their harbours before the English fleet could put to sea. About the
middle of May it was assembled at St. Helen’s, and took on board five
regiments intended for a descent on Brest; but this enterprise was never
attempted. When the English and Dutch squadrons joined, so as to form
a very numerous fleet, the public expected they would undertake some
expedition of importance; but the admirals were divided in opinion,
nor did their orders warrant their executing any scheme of consequence.
Killigrew and Délavai did not escape the suspicion of being disaffected
to the service; and France was said to have maintained a secret
correspondence with the malcontents in England. Louis had made
surprising efforts to repair the damage which his navy had sustained.
He had purchased several large vessels and converted them into ships of
war; he had laid an embargo on all the shipping of his kingdom until his
squadrons were manned; he had made a grand naval promotion to encourage
the officers and seamen; and this expedient produced a wonderful spirit
of activity and emulation. In the month of May his fleet sailed to the
Mediterranean in three squadrons, consisting of seventy-one capital
ships, besides bomb-ketches, fire-ships, and tenders.

In the beginning of June, the English and Dutch fleets sailed down the
channel. On the sixth, sir George Rooke was detached to the Straits
with a squadron of three-and-twenty ships as convoy to the Mediterranean
trade. The grand fleet returned to Torbay, while he pursued his voyage,
having taken under his protection about four hundred merchant ships
belonging to England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Hamburgh, and Flanders.
On the sixteenth his scouts discovered part of the French fleet under
Cape St. Vincent; next day their whole navy appeared, to the amount of
eighty sail. Sixteen of these plied up to the English squadron, while
the vice-admiral of the white stood off to sea to intercept the ships
under convoy. Sir George Rooke, by the advice of the Dutch vice-admiral
Vandergoes, resolved if possible to avoid an engagement, which could
only tend to their absolute ruin. He forthwith sent orders to the small
ships that were near the land to put into the neighbouring ports of
Faro, St. Lucar, and Cadiz, while he himself stood off with an easy sail
for the protection of the rest. About six in the evening, ten sail of
the enemy came up with two Dutch ships of war commanded by the captains
Schrijver and Vander-Poel, who seeing no possibility of escaping, tacked
in shore, and, thus drawing the French after them, helped to save the
rest of the fleet. When attacked they made a most desperate defence, but
at last were overpowered by numbers and taken. An English ship of war
and a rich pinnace were burned; nine-and-twenty merchant vessels
were taken, and about fifty destroyed by the counts de Tourville and
D’Etrées. Seven of the largest Smyrna ships fell into the hands of M.
de Cotlegon, and four he sunk in the bay of Gibraltar. The value of
the loss sustained on this occasion amounted to one million sterling.
Meanwhile Rooke stood off with a fresh gale, and on the nineteenth sent
home the Lark ship of war with the news of his misfortune; then he bore
away for the Madeiras, where having taken in wood and water, he set sail
for Ireland, and on the third day of August arrived at Cork with fifty
sail, including ships of war and trading vessels. He detached captain
Fairborne to Kinsale with all his squadron except six ships of the
line, with which, in pursuance of orders, he joined the great fleet then
cruising in the chops of the channel. On the twenty-fifth day of August
they returned to St. Helen’s, and the four regiments were landed. On
the nineteenth day of September, fifteen Dutch ships of the line and
two frigates set sail for Holland; and twenty-six sail, with seven
fire-ships, were assigned as guard-ships during the winter.




EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES.

The French admirals, instead of pursuing Rooke to Madeira, made an
unsuccessful attempt upon Cadiz, and bombarded Gibraltar, where the
merchants sunk their ships that they might not fall into the hands of
the enemy. Then they sailed along the coast of Spain, destroyed some
English and Dutch vessels at Malaga, Alicant, and other places, and
returned in triumph to Toulon. About this period sir Francis Wheeler
returned to England with his squadron from an unfortunate expedition in
the West Indies. In conjunction with colonel Codrington, governor of
the Leeward Islands, he made unsuccessful attempts upon the islands of
Martinique and Dominique. Then he sailed to Boston in New England with
a view to concert an expedition against Quebec, which was judged
impracticable. He afterwards steered for Placentia in Newfoundland,
which he would have attacked without hesitation; but the design
was rejected by a majority of voices in the council of war. Thus
disappointed, he set sail for England, and arrived at Portsmouth in a
very shattered condition, the greater part of his men having died in the
course of this voyage.




BENBOW BOMBARDS ST. MALOES.

In November another effort was made to annoy the enemy. Commodore Benbow
sailed with a squadron of twelve capital ships, four bomb-ketches, and
ten brigantines, to the coast of St. Maloes, and anchoring within
half a mile of the town, cannonaded and bombarded it for three days
successively. Then his men landed on an island where they burned a
convent. On the nineteenth they took the advantage of a dark night, a
fresh gale, and a strong tide, to send in a fire-ship of a particular
contrivance, styled the Infernal, in order to burn the town; but she
struck upon a rock before she arrived at the place, and the engineer was
obliged to set her on fire and retreat. She continued burning for some
time, and at last blew up with such an explosion as shook the whole town
like an earthquake, unroofed three hundred houses, and broke all the
glass and earthenware for three leagues around. A capstan that weighed
two hundred pounds was transported into the place, and falling upon a
house, levelled it to the ground; the greatest part of the wall
towards the sea tumbled down; and the inhabitants were overwhelmed
with consternation, so that a small number of troops might have taken
possession without resistance, but there was not a soldier on board.
Nevertheless the sailors took and demolished Quince-fort, and did
considerable damage to the town of St. Maloes, which had been a nest of
privateers that infested the English commerce. Though this attempt was
executed with great spirit and some success, the clamours of the people
became louder and louder. They scrupled not to say that the councils
of the nation were betrayed; and their suspicions rose even to the
secretary’s office. They observed, that the French were previously
acquainted with all the motions of the English, and took their measures
accordingly for their destruction. They collected and compared a
good number of particulars that seemed to justify their suspicion of
treachery. But the misfortunes of the nation in all probability arose
from a motley ministry divided among themselves, who, instead of acting
in concert for the public good, employed all their influence to thwart
the views and blacken the reputations of each other. The people in
general exclaimed against the marquis of Carmarthen, the earls of
Nottingham and Rochester, who had acquired great credit with the queen,
and, from their hatred to the whigs, betrayed the interests of the
nation.




THE FRENCH KING HAS RECOURSE TO THE MEDIATION OF DENMARK.

But if the English were discontented, the French were miserable in spite
of all their victories. That kingdom laboured under a dreadful famine,
occasioned partly from unfavourable seasons, and partly from the
war, which had not left hands sufficient to cultivate the ground.
Notwithstanding all the diligence and providence of their ministry
in bringing supplies of corn from Sweden and Denmark, their care
in regulating the price and furnishing the markets, their liberal
contributions for the relief of the indigent, multitudes perished of
want, and the whole kingdom was reduced to poverty and distress. Louis
pined in the midst of his success. He saw his subjects exhausted by
a ruinous war, in which they had been involved by his ambition. He
tampered with the allies apart, in hopes of dividing and detaching them
from the grand confederacy; he solicited the northern crowns to engage
as mediators for a general peace. A memorial was actually presented by
the Danish minister to king William, by which it appears that the
French king would have been contented to purchase a peace with some
considerable concessions; but the terms were rejected by the king of
England, whose ambition and revenge were not yet gratified, and whose
subjects, though heavily laden, could still bear additional burdens.

The Jacobites had been very attentive to the progress of dissatisfaction
in England, which they fomented with their usual assiduity. The late
declaration of king James had been couched in such imperious terms as
gave offence even to some of those who favoured his interest. The earl
of Middleton therefore, in the beginning of the year, repaired to St.
Germain’s and obtained another, which contained the promise of a general
pardon without exception, and every other concession that a British
subject could demand of his sovereign. About the latter end of May, two
men named Canning and Dormer were apprehended for dispersing copies of
this paper, tried at the Old Bailey, found guilty of not only dispersing
but also of composing a false and seditious libel, sentenced to pay five
hundred marks a-piece, to stand three times in the pillory, and find
sureties for their good behaviour. But no circumstance reflected more
disgrace on this reign than the fate of Anderton, the supposed printer
of some tracts against the government. He was brought to trial for
high treason; he made a vigorous defence in spite of the insults
and discouragement he sustained from a partial bench. As nothing but
presumptions appeared against him, the jury scrupled to bring in
a verdict that would affect his life, until they were reviled and
reprimanded by judge Treby, then they found him guilty. In vain recourse
was had to the queen’s mercy; he suffered death at Tyburn, and left a
paper protesting solemnly against the proceedings of the court, which
he affirmed was appointed not to try but to convict him, and petitioning
heaven to forgive his penitent jury. The severity of the government
was likewise exemplified in the case of some adventurers, who having
equipped privateers to cruise upon the English, under joint commissions
from the late king James and Louis XIV., happened to be taken by the
English ships of war. Dr. Oldys, the king’s advocate, being commanded
to proceed against them as guilty of treason and piracy, refused to
commence the prosecution; and gave his opinion in writing that they
were neither traitors nor pirates. He supported his opinion by arguments
before the council; these were answered by Dr. Littleton, who succeeded
him in the office from which he was dismissed; and the prisoners were
executed as traitors. The Jacobites did not fail to retort those
arts upon the government which their adversaries had so successfully
practised in the late reign. They inveighed against the vindictive
spirit of the administration, and taxed it with encouraging informers
and false witnesses--a charge for which there was too much foundation.

The friends of James in Scotland still continued to concert designs
in his favour; but their correspondence was detected, and their aims
defeated, by the vigilance of the ministry in that kingdom. Secretary
Johnston not only kept a watchful eye over all their transactions, but
by a dexterous management of court liberality and favour, appeased the
discontents of the presbyterians so effectually, that the king ran no
risk in assembling the parliament. Some offices were bestowed upon the
leaders of the kirk party, and the duke of Hamilton, being reconciled
to the government, was appointed commissioner. On the eighteenth day of
April the session was opened, and the king’s letter, replete with the
most cajoling expressions, being read, the parliament proceeded to
exhibit undeniable specimens of their good humour. They drew up a very
affectionate answer to his majesty’s letter; they voted an addition of
six new regiments to the standing forces of the kingdom; they granted
a supply of above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling to his
majesty; they enacted a law for levying men to serve on board the royal
navy; they fined all absentees, whether lords or commons, and vacated
the seats of all those commissioners who refused to take the oath of
assurance, which was equivalent to an abjuration of king James; they
set on foot an inquiry about an intended invasion; they published some
intercepted letters supposed to be written to king James by Nevil Payne,
whom they committed to prison and threatened with a trial for high
treason; but he eluded the danger by threatening in his turn to impeach
those who had made their peace with the government; they passed an
act for the comprehension of such of the episcopal clergy as should
condescend to take the oaths by the tenth day of July. All that the
general assembly required of them was, an offer to subscribe the
confession of faith, and to acknowledge presbytery as the only
government of the Scottish church; but they neither submitted to
these terms, nor took the oaths within the limited time, so that
they forfeited all legal right to their benefices. Nevertheless they
continued in possession, and even received private assurances of the
king’s protection. It was one of William’s political maxims to court his
domestic enemies; but it was never attended with any good effect. This
indulgence gave offence to the presbyterians, and former distractions
began to revive.




THE KING RETURNS TO ENGLAND.

The king having prevailed upon the states-general to augment their land
forces and navy for the service of the ensuing campaign, embarked for
England, and arrived at Kensington on the thirtieth day of October.
Finding the people clamorous and discontented, the trade of the
nation decayed, the affairs of state mismanaged, and the ministers
recriminating upon one another, he perceived the necessity of changing
hands, and resolved to take his measures accordingly. Sunderland,
his chief counsellor, represented that the tories were averse to the
continuance of a war which had been productive of nothing but damage and
disgrace; whereas, the whigs were much more tractable, and would bleed
freely, partly from the terror of invasion and popery, partly from the
ambition of being courted by the crown, and partly from the prospect of
advantage, in advancing money to the government on the funds established
by parliament; for that sort of traffic which obtained the appellation
of the monied interest was altogether a whig-gish institution. The king
revolved these observations in his own mind; and, in the meantime, the
parliament met on the seventh day of November, pursuant to the last
prorogation. In his speech, he expressed his resentment against
those who were the authors of the miscarriages at sea; represented the
necessity of increasing the land forces and the navy; and demanded a
suitable supply for these purposes. In order to pave the way to their
condescension, he had already dismissed from his council the earl
of Nottingham, who, of all his ministers, was the most odious to the
people. His place would have been immediately filled with the earl of
Shrewsbury; but that nobleman suspecting this was a change of men rather
than of measures, stood aloof for some time, until he received such
assurances from the king as quieted his scruples, and then he accepted
the office of secretary. The lieutenancy for the city of London, and all
other commissions over England, were altered with a view to favour the
whig interest; and the individuals of that party were indulged with
many places of trust and profit; but the tories were too powerful in the
house of commons to be exasperated, and therefore a good number of them
were retained in office.




BOTH HOUSES INQUIRE INTO THE MISCARRIAGES BY SEA.

On the sixth day of the session, the commons unanimously resolved
to support their majesties and their government; to inquire into
miscarriages; and to consider of means for preserving the trade of the
nation. The Turkey company was summoned to produce the petitions they
had delivered to the commissioners of the Admiralty for convoy: lord
Falkland, who sat at the head of that board, gave in copies of all the
orders and directions sent to sir George Rooke concerning the Straits
fleet, together with a list of all the ships at that time in commission.
It appeared, in the course of this inquiry, that the miscarriage of
Rooke’s fleet was in a great measure owing to the misconduct of the
admirals, and the neglect of the victualling-office; but they were
screened by a majority. Mr. Harley, one of the commissioners for taking
and stating the public accounts, delivered a report, which contained a
charge of peculation against lord Falkland. Rainsford, receiver of the
rights and perquisites of the navy, confessed that he had received and
paid more money than that which was charged in the accounts; and, in
particular, that he had paid four thousand pounds to lord Falkland
by his majesty’s order. This lord had acknowledged before the
commissioners, that he had paid one half of the sum, by the king’s
order, to a person who was not a member of either house; and that the
remainder was still in his hands. Rainsford owned he had the original
letter which he received from Falkland, demanding the money; and this
nobleman desiring to see it, detained the voucher; a circumstance
that incensed the commons to such a degree, that a motion was made for
committing him to the Tower, and debated with great warmth, but was at
last over-ruled by the majority. Nevertheless, they agreed to make him
sensible of their displeasure, and he was reprimanded in his place. The
house of lords having also inquired into the causes of the miscarriages
at sea, very violent debates arose, and at length the majority resolved,
that the admirals had done well in the execution of the orders they had
received. This was a triumph over the whig lords, who had so eagerly
prosecuted the affair, and now protested against the resolution not
without great appearance of reason. The next step of the lords was to
exculpate the earl of Nottingham, as the blame seemed to lie with him on
the supposition that the admirals were innocent. With a view therefore
to transfer this blame to Trenchard, the whiggish secretary, the earl
gave the house to understand that he had received intelligence from
Paris in the beginning of June, containing a list of the enemy’s fleet
and the time of their sailing; that this was communicated to a committee
of the council, and particularly imparted to secretary Trenchard,
whose province it was to transmit instructions to the admirals. Two
conferences passed on this subject between the lords and commons.
Trenchard delivered in his defence in writing; and was in his turn
screened by the whole efforts of the ministry, in which the whig
influence now predominated. Thus an inquiry of such national
consequence, which took its rise from the king’s own expression of
resentment against the delinquents, was stifled by the arts of the
court, because it was likely to affect one of its creatures; for, though
there was no premeditated treachery in the case, the interest of
the public was certainly sacrificed to the mutual animosity of the
ministers. The charge of lord Falkland being resumed in the house
of commons, he appeared to have begged and received of the king the
remaining two thousand pounds of money which had been paid by Rainsford:
he was therefore declared guilty of a high misdemeanor and breach of
trust, and committed to the Tower; from whence however he was in two
days discharged upon his petition.




VAST SUMS GRANTED FOR THE SERVICES OF THE ENSUING YEAR.

Harley, Foley, and Harcourt, presented to the house a state of the
receipts and issues of the revenue, together with two reports from the
commissioners of accounts concerning sums issued for secret services,
and to members of parliament. This was a discovery of the most
scandalous practices in the mystery of corruption, equally exercised on
the individuals of both parties, in occasional bounties, grants,
places, pensions, equivalents, and additional salaries. The malcontents
therefore justly observed, the house of commons was so managed that the
king could baffle any bill, quash all grievances, stifle accounts,
and rectify the articles of Limerick. When the commons took into
consideration the estimates and supplies of the ensuing year, the king
demanded forty thousand men for the navy, and above one hundred thousand
for the purposes of the land service. Before the house considered these
enormous demands, they granted four hundred thousand pounds by way of
advance, to quiet the clamours of the seamen, who were become mutinous
and desperate for want of pay, upwards of one million being due to them
for wages. Then the commons voted the number of men required for the
navy; but they were so ashamed of that for the army, that they thought
it necessary to act in such a manner as should imply that they still
retained some regard for their country. They called for all the treaties
subsisting between the king and his allies; they examined the different
proportions of the troops furnished by the respective powers; they
considered the intended augmentations, and fixed the establishment of
the year at four-score and three thousand, one hundred, and twenty-one
men, including officers. For the maintenance of these they allotted the
sum of two millions, five hundred and thirty thousand, five hundred and
nine pounds. They granted two millions for the navy, and about five
hundred thousand pounds, to make good the deficiencies of the annuity
and poll bills; so that the supplies for the year amounted to about
five millions and a half, raised by a land-tax of four shillings in the
pound, by two more lives in the annuities, a further excise on beer, a
new duty on salt, and a lottery.

Though the malcontents in parliament could not withstand this torrent of
profusion, they endeavoured to distress the court interest, by reviving
the popular bills of the preceding session; such as that for regulating
trials in cases of high treason, the other for the more frequent calling
and meeting of parliaments, and that concerning free and impartial
proceedings in parliament. The first was neglected in the house of
lords; the second was rejected; the third was passed by the commons, on
the supposition that it would be defeated in the other house. The lords
returned it with certain amendments, to which the commons would not
agree: a conference ensued; the peers receded from their corrections,
and passed the bill, to which the king however refused his assent.
Nothing could be more unpopular and dangerous than such a step at this
juncture. The commons, in order to recover some credit with the people,
determined to disapprove of his majesty’s conduct. The house formed
itself into a committee, to take the state of the kingdom into
consideration. They resolved, that whoever advised the king to refuse
the royal assent to that bill, was an enemy to their majesties and the
kingdom. They likewise presented an address, expressing their concern
that he had not given his consent to the bill; and beseeching his
majesty to hearken for the future to the advice of his parliament,
rather than to the counsels of particular persons, who might have
private interests of their own, separate from those of his majesty
and his people. The king thanked them for their zeal, professed a warm
regard for their constitution, and assured them he would look upon
all parties as enemies who should endeavour to lessen the confidence
subsisting between the sovereign and the people. The members in the
opposition were not at all satisfied with this general reply. A day
being appointed to take it into consideration, a warm debate was
maintained with equal eloquence and acrimony. At length the question
being put that an address should be made for a more explicit answer, it
passed in the negative by a great majority.




ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND.

The city of London petitioned that a parliamentary provision should be
made for the orphans, whose fortunes they had scandalously squandered
away. Such an application had been made in the preceding session, and
rejected with disdain, as an imposition on the public; but now those
scruples were removed, and the house passed a bill for this purpose,
consisting of many clauses, extending to different charges on the city
lands, aqueducts, and personal estates; imposing duties on binding
apprentices, constituting freemen, as also upon wines and coals imported
into London. On the twenty-third day of March these bills received
the royal assent; and the king took that opportunity of recommending
despatch, as the season of the year was far advanced, and the enemy
diligently employed in making preparations for an early campaign. The
scheme of a national bank, like those of Amsterdam and Genoa, had been
recommended to the ministry as an excellent institution, as well for
the credit and security of the government, as the increase of trade and
circulation. One project was invented by Dr. Hugh Chamberlain, proposing
the circulation of tickets on land security; but William Paterson was
author of that which was carried into execution, by the interest of
Michael Godfrey and other active projectors. The scheme was founded
on the motion of a transferable fund, and a circulation by bill on the
credit of a large capital. Forty merchants subscribed to the amount of
five hundred thousand pounds, as a fund of ready money, to circulate one
million at eight per cent, to be lent to the government; and even
this fund of ready money bore the same interest. When it was properly
digested in the cabinet, and a majority in parliament secured for its
reception, the undertakers for the court introduced it into the house of
commons, and expatiated upon the national advantages that would accrue
from such a measure. They said it would rescue the nation out of the
hands of extortioners and usurers, lower interest, raise the value
of land, revive and establish public credit, extend circulation,
consequently improve commerce, facilitate the annual supplies, and
connect the people the more closely with the government. The project was
violently opposed by a strong party, who affirmed that it would become
a monopoly, and engross the whole money of the kingdom; that, as it must
infallibly be subservient to government views, it might be employed
to the worst purposes of arbitrary power; that instead of assisting it
would weaken commerce, by tempting people to withdraw their money from
trade and employ it in stock-jobbing; that it would produce a swarm of
brokers and jobbers to prey upon their fellow-creatures, encourage
fraud and gaming, and further corrupt the morals of the nation.
Notwithstanding these objections, the bill made its way through the two
houses, establishing the funds for the security and advantage of the
subscribers; empowering their majesties to incorporate them by the name
of the governor and company of the bank of England, under a proviso,
that at any time after the first day of August, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and five, upon a year’s notice, and the repayment of the
twelve hundred thousand pounds, the said corporation should cease and
determine. The bill likewise contained clauses of appropriation for the
services of the public. The whole subscription was filled in ten clays
after its being opened; and the court of directors completed the payment
before the expiration of the time prescribed by the act, although they
did not call in more than seven hundred and twenty thousand pounds
of the money subscribed. All these funds proving inadequate to the
estimates, the commons brought in a bill to impose stamp duties upon all
vellum, parchment, and paper, used in almost every kind of intercourse
between man and man; and they crowned the oppression of the year with
another grievous tax upon carriages, under the name of a bill for
licensing and regulating hackney and stage coaches.




EAST INDIA COMPANY’S CHARTER.

The commons, in a clause of the bill for taxing several joint-stocks,
provided, that in case of a default in the payment of that tax, within
the time limited by the act, the charter of the company so failing
should be deemed void and forfeited. The East India company actually
neglected their payment, and the public imagined the ministry would
seize this opportunity of dissolving a monopoly against which so
many complaints had been made; but the directors understood their own
strength; and, instead of being broken, obtained the promise of a new
charter. This was no sooner known, than the controversy between them
and their adversaries was revived with such animosity, that the council
thought proper to indulge both parties with a hearing. As this produced
no resolution, the merchants who opposed the company petitioned, that,
in the meanwhile, the new charter might be suspended. Addresses of the
same kind were presented by a great number of clothiers, linen-drapers,
and other dealers. To these a written answer was published by the
company; the merchants printed a reply, in which they undertook to prove
that the company had been guilty of unjust and unwarrantable actions,
tending to the scandal of religion, the dishonour of the nation, the
reproach of our laws, the oppression of the people, and the ruin of
trade. They observed, that two private ships had exported in one year
three times as many cloths as the company had exported in three years.
They offered to send more cloth and English merchandise to the Indies
in one year than the company had exported in five; to furnish the
government with five hundred tons of saltpetre for less than one half
of the usual price; and they represented, that the company could neither
load the ships they petitioned for in England, nor reload them in the
East Indies. In spite of all these remonstrances, the new charter passed
the great seal; though the grants contained in it were limited in such a
manner that they did not amount to an exclusive privilege, and subjected
the company to such alterations, restrictions, and qualifications, as
the king should direct before the twenty-ninth day of September. This
indulgence, and other favours granted to the company, were privately
purchased of the ministry, and became productive of a loud outcry
against the government. The merchants published a journal of the whole
transaction, and petitioned the house of commons that their liberty of
trading to the East Indies might be confirmed by parliament. Another
petition was presented by the company, praying that their charter
might receive a parliamentary sanction. Both parties employed all their
address in making private application to the members. The house having
examined the different charters, the book of their new subscriptions,
and every particular relating to the company, resolved that all the
subjects of England had an equal right to trade to the East Indies
unless prohibited by act of parliament.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




GENERAL NATURALIZATION BILL.

But nothing engrossed the attention of the public more than a bill which
was brought into the house for a general naturalization of all foreign
protestants. The advocates for this measure alleged, That great part
of the lands of England lay uncultivated; that the strength of a nation
consisted in the number of inhabitants; that the people were thinned by
the war and foreign voyages, and required an extraordinary supply; that
a great number of protestants, persecuted in France and other countries,
would gladly remove to a land of freedom, and bring along with them
their wealth and manufactures; that the community had been largely
repaid for the protection granted to those refugees who had already
settled in the kingdom. They had introduced several new branches of
manufacture, promoted industry, and lowered the price of labour; a
circumstance of the utmost importance to trade, oppressed as it was with
taxes, and exposed to uncommon hazard from the enemy. The opponents
of the bill urged with great vehemence, That it would cheapen the
birthright of Englishmen; that the want of culture was owing to the
oppression of the times; that foreigners being admitted into the
privileges of the British trade, would grow wealthy at the expense of
their benefactors, and transfer the fortunes they had gained into their
native country; that the reduction in the price of labour would be a
national grievance, while so many thousands of English manufacturers
were starving for want of employment, and the price of provisions
continued so high that even those who were employed could scarce supply
their families with bread; that the real design of the bill was to make
such an accession to the dissenters as would render them an equal match
in the body politic for those of the church of England; to create a
greater dependence on the crown, and, in a word, to supply a foreign
head with foreign members. Sir John Knight, a member of the house, in
a speech upon this subject, exaggerated the bad consequences that would
attend such a bill, with all the wit and virulence of satire: it was
printed and dispersed through the kingdom, and raised such a flame among
the people as had not appeared since the revolution. They exclaimed,
that all offices would be conferred upon Dutchmen, who would become
lord-danes, and prescribe the modes of religion and government; and they
extolled sir John Knight as the saviour of the nation. The courtiers,
incensed at the progress of this clamour, complained in the house of
the speech which had been printed; and sir John was threatened with
expulsion and imprisonment. He therefore thought proper to disown
the paper, which was burned by the hands of the common hangman. This
sacrifice served only to increase the popular disturbance, which rose
to such a height of violence, that the court party began to tremble; and
the bill was dropped for the present.

Lord Coningsby and Mr. Porter had committed the most flagrant acts of
oppression in Ireland. These had been explained during the last session
by the gentlemen who appealed against the administration of lord Sidney,
but they were screened by the ministry; and therefore the earl of
Bellamont now impeached them in the house of commons, of which he
and they were members. After an examination of the articles exhibited
against them, the commons, who were by this time at the devotion of the
court, declared, that, considering the state of affairs in Ireland, they
did not think them fit grounds for an impeachment.--In the course of
this session, the nation sustained another misfortune in the fate of
sir Francis Wheeler, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of the
Mediterranean squadron. He received instructions to take under his
convoy the merchant ships bound to Turkey, Spain, and Italy; to cruise
thirty days in a certain latitude for the protection of the Spanish
plate-fleet homeward bound; to leave part of his squadron at Cadiz
as convoy to the trade for England; to proceed with the rest to the
Mediterranean; to join the Spanish fleet in his return; and to act in
concert with them, until he should be joined by the fleet from Turkey
and the Straits, and accompany them back to England. About the latter
end of October he set sail from Saint Helen’s, and in January arrived
at Cadiz with the ships under his convoy. There leaving rear-admiral
Hopson, he proceeded for the Mediterranean. In the bay of Gibraltar he
was overtaken by a dreadful tempest, under a lee-shore, which he could
not possibly weather, and where the ground was so foul that no anchor
would hold. This expedient however was tried. A great number of ships
were driven ashore, and many perished. The admiral’s ship foundered at
sea, and he and all his crew were buried in the deep, except two Moors
who were miraculously preserved. Two other ships of the line, three
ketches, and six merchant ships were lost. The remains of the fleet
were so much shattered, that, instead of prosecuting their voyage,
they returned to Cadiz in order to be refitted, and sheltered from the
attempts of the French squadrons, which were still at sea under the
command of Chateau-Renaud and Cabaret. On the twenty-fifth day of April,
the king-closed the session with a speech in the usual style, and the
parliament was prorogued to the eighteenth day of September. [053]
_[See note K, at the end of this Vol.]_




THE ENGLISH ATTEMPT TO MAKE A DESCENT IN CAMARET-BAY.

Louis of France being tired of the war, which had impoverished his
country, continued to tamper with the duke of Savoy, and, by the canal
of the pope, made some offers to the king of Spain, which were rejected.
Meanwhile he resolved to stand upon the defensive during the ensuing
campaign, in every part but Catalonia, where his whole naval force might
co-operate with the count de Noailles, who commanded the land army.
King William having received intelligence of the design upon Barcelona,
endeavoured to prevent the junction of the Brest and Toulon squadrons,
by sending Russel to sea as early as the fleet could be in a condition
to sail; but before he arrived at Portsmouth, the Brest squadron had
quitted that harbour. On the third day of May the admiral sailed
from St. Helen’s with the combined squadrons of England and Holland,
amounting to ninety ships of the line, besides frigates, fire-ships,
and tenders. He detached captain Pritchard of the Monmouth with
two fire-ships, to destroy a fleet of French merchant ships near
Conquet-bay; and this service being performed, he returned to St.
Helen’s, where he had left Adm. Cloudesley Shovel with a squadron, to
take on board a body of land forces intended for a descent upon the
coast of France. These being embarked under the command of general
Ptolemache, the whole fleet sailed again on the twenty-ninth of May.
The land and sea officers, in a council of war, agreed that part of the
fleet designed for this expedition should separate from the rest and
proceed to Camaret-bay, where the forces should be landed. On the fifth
day of June, lord Berkeley, who commanded this squadron, parted with the
grand fleet, and on the seventh anchored between the bays of Camaret and
Bertaume. Next day the marquis of Carmarthen, afterwards duke of
Leeds, who served under Berkeley as rear-admiral of the blue, entered
Camaret-bay with two large ships and six frigates, to cover the troops
in landing. The French had received intelligence of the design, and
taken such precautions, under the conduct of the celebrated engineer
Vauban, that the English were exposed to a terrible fire from new
erected batteries, as well as from a strong body of troops, and though
the ships cannonaded them with great vigour, the soldiers could not
maintain any regularity in landing. A good number were killed in the
open boats before they reached the shore; and those who landed were
soon repulsed, in spite of all the endeavours of general Ptolemache,
who received a wound in the thigh, which proved mortal. Seven hundred
soldiers are said to have been lost on this occasion, besides those who
were killed on board of the ships. The Monk ship of war was towed off
with great difficulty; but a Dutch frigate of thirty guns fell into the
hands of the enemy.

After this unfortunate attempt, lord Berkeley, with the advice of a
council of war, sailed back for England, and at St. Helen’s received
orders from the queen to call a council, and deliberate in what manner
the ships and forces might be best employed. They agreed to make some
attempt upon the coast of Normandy. With this view they set sail on the
fifth day of July. They bombarded Dieppe, and reduced the greatest part
of the town to ashes. Thence they steered to Havre-de-Grace, which met
with the same fate. They harassed the French troops who marched after
them along shore. They alarmed the whole coast, and filled every town
with such consternation that they would have been abandoned by the
inhabitants had not they been detained by military force. On the
twenty-sixth of July, lord Berkeley returned to St. Helen’s, where he
quitted the fleet, and the command devolved upon sir Cloudesley Shovel.
This officer having received instructions to make an attempt upon
Dunkirk, sailed round to the Downs, where he was joined by M. Meesters,
with six-and-twenty Dutch pilots. On the twelfth of September he
appeared before Dunkirk; and next day sent in the Charles galley, with
two bomb-ketches, and as many of the machines called infernals. These
were set on fire without effect, and the design miscarried; then Shovel
steered to Calais, which having bombarded with little success, he
returned to the coast of England; and the bomb-ketches and machines were
sent into the river Thames.




ADMIRAL RUSSEL RELIEVES BARCELONA.

During these transactions, admiral Russel with the grand fleet sailed
for the Mediterranean; and being joined by rear-admiral Neville from
Cadiz, together with Callemberg and Evertzen, he steered towards
Barcelona, which was besieged by the French fleet and army. At his
approach, Tourville retired with precipitation into the harbour of
Toulon; and Noailles abandoned his enterprise. The Spanish affairs were
in such a deplorable condition, that without this timely assistance the
kingdom must have been undone. While he continued in the Mediterranean,
the French admiral durst not venture to appear at sea, and all his
projects were disconcerted. After having asserted the honour of the
British flag in those seas during the whole summer, he sailed in the
beginning of November to Cadiz, where, by an express order of the
king, he passed the winter, during which he took such precautions for
preventing Tourville from passing the Straits, that he did not think
proper to risk the passage.




CAMPAIGN IN FLANDERS.

It will now be necessary to describe the operations on the continent.
In the middle of May king William arrived in Holland, where he consulted
with the states-general. On the third day of June he repaired to
Beth-lem-abbey near Louvain, the place appointed for the rendezvous of
the army; and there he was met by the electors of Bavaria and Cologn.
In a few days a numerous army was assembled, and every thing seemed to
promise an active campaign. On the third day of June the dauphin assumed
the command of the French forces, with which Luxembourg had taken post
between Mons and Maubeuge; and passing the Sambre, encamped at Fleuras,
but on the eighteenth he removed from thence, and took up his quarters
between St. Tron and Wanheim; while the confederates lay at Roosbeck.
On the eleventh of July, the dauphin marched in four columns to Oerle
upon the Jaar, where he pitched his camp. On the twenty-second the
confederates marched to Romale; then the dauphin took the route to
Vignamont, where he secured his army by entrenchments, as his forces
were inferior in number to those of the allies; and as he had been
directed by his father to avoid an engagement. In this situation both
armies remained till the fifteenth day of August, when king William sent
the heavy baggage to Louvain; and on the eighteenth made a motion to
Sombref. This was no sooner known to the enemy than they decamped; and
having marched all night, posted themselves between Temploux and Masy,
within a league and a half of the confederates. The king of England
resolved to pass the Scheld, and with this view marched by the way of
Nivelle and Soignes to Chievres; from thence he detached the duke of
Wirtemberg, with a strong body of horse and foot, to pass the river at
Oudenarde, while the elector of Bavaria advanced with another detachment
to pass it at Pont de Espieres. Notwithstanding all the expedition
they could make, their purpose was anticipated by Luxembourg, who being
apprised of their route had detached four thousand horse, with each
a foot soldier behind the trooper, to reinforce M. de Valette who
commanded that part of the French line. These were sustained by a choice
body of men, who travelled with great expedition without observing the
formalities of a march. Mareschal de Villeroy followed the same route
with all the cavalry of the right wing, the household troops, and twenty
field-pieces; and the rest of the army was brought up by the dauphin in
person. They marched with such incredible diligence, that the elector
of Bavaria could scarce believe his own eyes when he arrived in sight of
the Scheld and saw them intrenching themselves on the other side of the
river. King William having reconnoitred their disposition, thought it
impracticable to pass at that place; and therefore marched down the
river to Oudenarde, where a passage had been already effected by the
duke of Wirtemberg. Here the confederates passed the Scheld on the
twenty-seventh day of the month; and the king fixed his head-quarters at
Wanneghem. His intention was to have taken possession of Courtray, and
established winter-quarters for a considerable part of his army in that
district; but Luxembourg having posted himself between that place and
Menin, extended his lines in such a manner that the confederates could
not attempt to force them, nor even hinder him from subsisting his army
at the enginse (expense ?) of the castellany of Courtray, during the
remainder of the campaign. This surprising march was of such importance
to the French king, that he wrote with his own hand a letter of thanks
to his army; and ordered that it should be read to every particular
squadron and battalion.




THE ALLIES REDUCE HUY.

The king of England, though disappointed in his scheme upon Courtray,
found means to make some advantage of his superiority in number. He
drafted troops from the garrison of Liege and Maestricht; and on the
third day of September reinforced his body with a large detachment from
his own camp, conferring the command upon the duke of Holstein-Ploen,
with orders to undertake the siege of Huy. Next day the whole
confederate forces passed the Lys, and encamped at Wouterghem. From
thence the king with a part of the army marched to Roselsær; this
diversion obliged the dauphin to make considerable detachments for the
security of Ypres and Menin on the one side, and to cover Furnes and
Dunkirk on the other. At this juncture, a Frenchman, being seized in the
very act of setting fire to one of the ammunition waggons in the allied
army, confessed he had been employed for this purpose by some of the
French generals, and suffered death as a traitor. On the sixteenth day
of the month the duke of Holstein-Ploen invested Huy, and earned on the
siege with such vigour that in ten days the garrison capitulated. The
king ordered Dixmuyde, Deynse, Ninove, and Tirelemont, to be secured for
winter quarters to part of the army; the dauphin returned to Versailles;
William quitted the camp on the last day of September; and both armies
broke up about the middle of October.

The operations on the Rhine were preconcerted between king William and
the prince of Baden, who had visited London in the winter. The dispute
between the emperor and the elector of Saxony was compromised; and this
young prince dying during the negotiation, the treaty was perfected by
his brother and successor, who engaged to furnish twelve thousand men
yearly, in consideration of a subsidy from the court of Vienna. In the
beginning of June, mareschal de Lorges passed the Rhine at Philipsburgh,
in order to give battle to the imperialists encamped at Halibron. The
prince of Baden, who was not yet joined by the Saxons, Hessians, nor by
the troops of Munster and Paderborn, dispatched couriers to quicken the
march of these auxiliaries, and advanced to Eppingen, where he proposed
to wait till they should come up; but on the fifteenth, receiving
undoubted intelligence that the enemy were in motion towards him, he
advanced to meet them in order of battle. De Lorges concluded that this
was a desperate effort, and immediately halted to make the necessary
preparations for an engagement. This pause enabled prince Louis to take
possession of a strong pass near Sintzheim, from which he could not
easily be dislodged. Then the mareschal proceeded to Viseloch, and
ravaged the adjacent country, in hopes of drawing the imperialists from
their intrenchments. The prince being joined by the Hessians, resolved
to beat up the quarters of the enemy; and the French general being
apprised of his design, retreated at midnight with the utmost
precipitation. Having posted himself at Ruth, he sent his heavy baggage
to Philipsburgh; then he moved to Gonsbergh in the neighbourhood of
Manheim, repassed the Rhine, and encamped between Spires and Worms. The
prince of Baden being joined by the allies, passed the river by a
bridge of boats near Hagenbach, in the middle of September; and laid the
country of Alsace under contribution. Considering the advanced season of
the year this was a rash undertaking; and the French general resolved
to profit by his enemy’s temerity. He forthwith advanced against the
imperialists, foreseeing that should they be worsted in battle, their
whole army would be ruined. Prince Louis, informed of his intention,
immediately passed the Rhine; and this retreat was no sooner effected
than the river swelled to such a degree that the island in the middle,
and a great part of the camp he had occupied, was overflowed. Soon after
this incident both armies retired into winter-quarters. The campaign
in Hungary produced no event of importance. It was opened by the new
vizier, who arrived at Belgrade in the middle of August: and about the
same time Caprara assembled the imperial army in the neighbourhood of
Peterwaraden. The Turks passed the Saave in order to attack their camp,
and carried on their approaches with five hundred pieces of cannon; but
made very little progress. The imperialists received reinforcements; the
season wasted away; a feud arose between the vizier and the chain of the
Tartars; and the Danube being swelled by heavy rains, so as to interrupt
the operations of the Turks, their general decamped in the night of
the first of October. They afterwards made an unsuccessful attempt upon
Titul, while the imperial general made himself master of Giula. In
the course of this summer the Venetians, who were also at war with the
Turks, reduced Cyclut, a place of importance on the river Naranta, and
made a conquest of the island of Scio in the Archipelago.




PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH.

We have already observed that the French king had determined to act
vigorously in Catalonia. In the beginning of May, the duke de Noailles
advanced at the head of eight and twenty thousand men to the river Ter,
on the opposite bank of which the viceroy of Catalonia was encamped with
sixteen thousand Spaniards. The French general passed the river in
the face of this army, and attacked their intrenchments with such
impetuosity, that in less than an hour they were totally defeated. Then
he marched to Palamos, and undertook the siege of that place, while at
the same time it was blocked up by the combined squadrons of Brest and
Toulon. Though the besieged made an obstinate defence, the town was
taken by storm, the houses were pillaged, and the people put to the
sword, without distinction of age, sex, or condition. Then he invested
Gironne, which in a few days capitulated. Ostalric met with the same
fate, and Noailles was created viceroy of Catalonia by the French king.
In the beginning of August he distributed his forces into quarters of
refreshment along the river Ter-dore, resolving to undertake the siege
of Barcelona, which was saved by the arrival of admiral Russel. The war
languished in Piedmont, on account of a secret negotiation between the
king of France and the duke of Savoy; notwithstanding the remonstrances
of Rouvigny earl of Galway, who had succeeded the duke of Schomberg in
the command of the British forces in that country. Casal was closely
blocked up by the reduction of Fort St. George, and the Vaudois gained
the advantage in some skirmishes in the valley of Ragclas; but no design
of importance was executed.*

     * In the course of this year, M. du Casse, governor of St.
     Domingo, made an unsuccessful attempt upon the Island of
     Jamaica; and M. St. Clair, with four men of war, formed a
     design against St. John’s, Newfoundland; but he was repulsed
     with loss by the valour of the inhabitants.

England had continued very quiet under the queen’s administration, if we
except some little commotions occasioned by the practices, or pretended
practices, of the Jacobites. Prosecutions were revived against certain
gentlemen of Lancashire and Cheshire, for having been concerned in the
conspiracy formed in favour of the late king’s projected invasion
from Normandy. These steps were owing to the suggestions of infamous
informers, whom the ministry countenanced. Colonel Parker and one Crosby
were imprisoned, and bills of treason found against them; but Parker
made his escape from the Tower, and was never retaken, though a reward
of four hundred pounds was set upon his head. The king having settled
the affairs of the confederacy at the Hague, embarked for England on the
eighth of November, and next day landed at Margate. On the twelfth he
opened the session of parliament with a speech, in which he observed
that the posture of affairs was improved both by sea and land since they
last parted; in particular, that a stop was put to the progress of
the French arms. He desired they would continue the act of tonnage and
poundage, which would expire at Christmas; he reminded them of the
debt for the transport ships employed in the reduction of Ireland; and
exhorted them to prepare some good bill for the encouragement of seamen.
A majority in both houses was already secured; and in all probability he
bargained for their condescension by agreeing to the bill for triennial
parliaments. This Mr. Harley brought in by order of the lower house
immediately after their first adjournment; and it kept pace with the
consideration of the supplies. The commons having examined the estimates
and accounts, voted four millions, seven hundred sixty-four thousand,
seven hundred and twelve pounds, for the service of the army and navy.
In order to raise this sum they continued the land tax; they renewed the
subsidy of tonnage and poundage for five years, and imposed new duties
on different commodities.* The triennial bill enacted, that a parliament
should be held once within three years at least; that within three years
at farthest after the dissolution of the parliament then subsisting, and
so from time to time for ever after, legal writs under the great seal
should be issued by the direction of the crown for calling, assembling,
and holding another new parliament; that no parliament should continue
longer than three years at farthest, to be accounted from the first day
of the first session; and that the parliament then subsisting should
cease and determine on the first day of November next following, unless
their majesties should think fit to dissolve it sooner. The duke of
Devonshire, the marquis of Halifax, the earls of Weymouth and Aylesbury,
protested against this bill, because it tended to the continuance of the
present parliament longer than, as they apprehended, was agreeable to
the constitution of England.

     * They imposed certain rates and duties upon marriages,
     births, and burials, bachelors, and widows. They passed an
     act for laying additional duties upon coffee, tea, and
     chocolate, towards paying the debt due for the transport
     ships: and another, imposing duties on glass ware, stone,
     and earthen bottles, coal, and culm.




DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP TILLOTSON AND OF QUEEN MARY

While this bill was depending, Dr. John Tillotson, archbishop of
Canterbury, was seized with a fit of the dead palsy in the chapel
of Whitehall, and died on the twenty-second day of November, deeply
regretted by the king and queen, who shed tears of sorrow at his
decease; and sincerely lamented by the public, as a pattern of elegance,
ingenuity, meekness, charity, and moderation. These qualities he must
be allowed to have possessed, notwithstanding the invectives of his
enemies, who accused him of puritanism, flattery, and ambition; and
charged him with having conduced to a dangerous schism in the church, by
accepting the archbishopric during the life of the deprived Sancroft.
He was succeeded in the metropolitan See by Dr. Tennison, bishop of
Lincoln, recommended by the whig-party which now predominated in the
cabinet. The queen did not long survive her favourite prelate. In about
a month after his decease she was taken ill of the smallpox, and the
symptoms proving dangerous, she prepared herself for death with great
composure. She spent some time in exercises of devotion and private
conversation with the new archbishop; she received the sacrament with
all the bishops who were in attendance; and expired on the twenty-eighth
day of December, in the thirty-third year of her age, and in the sixth
of her reign, to the inexpressible grief of the king, who for some weeks
after her death could neither see company nor attend to the business of
state. Mary was in her person tall and well-proportioned, with an oval
visage, lively eyes, agreeable features, a mild aspect, and an air
of dignity. Her apprehension was clear, her memory tenacious, and her
judgment solid. She was a zealous protestant, scrupulously exact in
all the duties of devotion, of an even temper, and of a calm and mild
conversation. She was ruffled by no passion, and seems to have been a
stranger to the emotions of natural affection; for she ascended without
compunction the throne from which her father had been deposed, and
treated her sister as an alien to her blood. In a word, Mary seems to
have imbibed the cold disposition and apathy of her husband; and to
have centered all her ambition in deserving the epithet of an humble and
obedient wife. [056] _[See note L, at the end of this Vol.]_




RECONCILIATION BETWEEN THE KING AND THE PRINCESS OF DENMARK.

The princess Anne being informed of the queen’s dangerous indisposition,
sent a lady of her bed-chamber to desire she might be admitted to her
majesty; but this request was not granted. She was thanked for her
expression of concern; and given to understand, that the physicians had
directed that the queen should be kept as quiet as possible. Before her
death, however, she sent a forgiving message to her sister; and after
her decease, the earl of Sunderland effected a reconciliation between
the king and the princess, who visited him at Kensington, where she was
received with uncommon civility. He appointed the palace of St. James
for her residence, and presented her with the greater part of the
queen’s jewels. But a mutual jealousy and disgust subsisted under these
exteriors of friendship and esteem. The two houses of parliament waited
on the king at Kensington, with consolatory addresses on the death of
his consort; their example was followed by the regency of Scotland, the
city and clergy of London, the dissenting ministers, and almost all the
great corporations in England.*

     * The earls of Rochester and Nottingham are said to have
     started a doubt, whether the parliament was not dissolved by
     the queen’s death; but this dangerous motion met with no
     countenance.

[Illustration: 2-056-william3.jpg WILLIAM III.]




CHAPTER V. WILLIAM.

     _Account of the Lancashire Plot..... The Commons inquire
     into the Abuses which had crept into the Army..... They
     expel and prosecute some of their own Members for Corruption
     in the Affair of the East India Company..... Examination of
     Cooke, Acton, and others..... The Commons impeach the Duke
     of Leeds..... The Parliament is prorogued..... Session of
     the Scottish Parliament..... They inquire into the Massacre
     of Glencoe..... They pass an Act for erecting a Trading
     Company to Africa and the Indies..... Proceedings in the
     Parliament of Ireland..... Disposition of the Armies in
     Flanders..... King William undertakes the Siege of
     Namur..... Famous Retreat of Prince Vaudemont..... Brussels
     is bombarded by Villeroy..... Progress of the Siege of
     Namur..... Villeroy attempts to relieve it..... The
     Besiegers make a desperate Assault..... The Place
     capitulates..... Boufflers is arrested by order of King
     William..... Campaign on the Rhine and in Hungary..... The
     Duke of Savoy takes Casal..... Transactions in
     Catalonia..... The English Fleet bombard’s St. Maloes and
     other places on the Coast of France..... Wilmot’s expedition
     to the West Indies..... A new Parliament..... They pass the
     Bill for regulating Trials in Cases of High Treason.....
     Resolutions with respect to the new Coinage..... The Commons
     address the King to recall a Grant he had made to the Earl
     of Portland..... Another against the new Scottish
     Company..... Intrigues of the Jacobites..... Conspiracy
     against the life of William..... Design of an Invasion
     defeated..... The two Houses engage in an Association for
     the Defence of his Majesty..... Establishment of a Land
     Bank..... Trial of the Conspirators..... The Allies burn the
     Magazine at Civet..... Louis the Fourteenth makes Advances
     towards a Peace with Holland..... He detaches the Duke of
     Savoy from the Confederacy..... Naval Transactions.....
     Proceedings in the Parliaments of Scotland and Ireland.....
     Zeal of the English Commons in their Affection to the
     King..... Resolutions touching the Coin and the support of
     Public Credit..... Enormous Impositions..... Sir John Fen-
     wick is apprehended..... A Bill of Attainder being brought
     into the House against him produces violent Debates..... His
     Defence..... The Bill passes..... Sir John Fenwick is
     beheaded..... The Earl of Monmouth sent to the Tower.....
     Inquiry into Miscarriages by Sea..... Negotiations at
     Ryswick..... The French take Barcelona..... Fruitless
     Expedition of Admiral Neville to the West Indies..... The
     Elector of Saxony is chosen King of Poland..... Peter the
     Czar of Muscovy travels in Disguise with his own Ambassadors
     ..... Proceedings in the Congress at Ryswick..... The
     Ambassadors of England, Spain, and Holland, sign the
     Treaty..... A general Pacification._

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




ACCOUNT OF THE LANCASHIRE PLOT.

THE kingdom now resounded with the complaints of the papists and
malcontents, who taxed the ministry with subornation of perjury in
the case of the Lancashire gentlemen who had been persecuted for the
conspiracy. One Lunt, an Irishman, had informed sir John Trench-ard,
secretary of state, that he had been sent from Ireland with commissions
from king James to divers gentlemen in Lancashire and Cheshire; that he
had assisted in buying arms and enlisting men to serve that king in
his projected invasion of England; that he had been twice despatched by
those gentlemen to the court of St. Germain’s, assisted many Jacobites
in repairing to France, helped to conceal others that came from that
kingdom; and that all those persons told him they were furnished with
money by sir John Friend, to defray the expense of their expeditions.
His testimony was confirmed by other infamous emissaries, who received
but too much countenance from the government. Blank warrants were
issued, and filled up occasionally with such names as the informers
suggested. These were delivered to Aaron Smith, solicitor to the
treasury, who with messengers accompanied Lunt and his associates
to Lancashire, under the protection of a party of Dutch horse-guards
commanded by one captain Baker. They were empowered to break open
houses, seize papers, and apprehend persons, according to their
pleasure; and they committed many acts of violence and oppression. The
persons against whom these measures were taken, being apprized of the
impending danger, generally retired from their own habitations. Some,
however, were taken and imprisoned; a few arms were secured; and in
the house of Mr. Standish, at Standish-hall, they found the draft of
a declaration to be published by king James at his landing. As
this prosecution seemed calculated to revive the honour of a stale
conspiracy, and the evidences were persons of abandoned characters,
the friends of those who were persecuted found no great difficulty in
rendering the scheme odious to the nation. They even employed the pen
of Ferguson, who had been concerned in every plot that was hatched since
the Rye-house conspiracy. This veteran, though appointed housekeeper to
the excise-office, thought himself poorly recompensed for the part he
had acted in the revolution, became dissatisfied, and upon this occasion
published a letter to sir John Trenchard on the abuse of power. It
was replete with the most bitter invectives against the ministry, and
contained a great number of flagrant instances in which the court
had countenanced the vilest corruption, perfidy, and oppression. This
production was in every body’s hand, and had such an effect upon the
people, that when the prisoners were brought to trial at Manchester,
the populace would have put the witnesses to death had they not been
prevented by the interposition of those who were friends of the accused
persons, and had already taken effectual measures for their safety.
Lunt’s chief associate in the mystery of information was one Taaffe,
a wretch of the most profligate principles, who, finding himself
disappointed in his hope of reward from the ministry, was privately
gained over by the agents for the prisoners. Lunt, when desired in court
to point out the persons whom he had accused, committed such a mistake
as greatly invalidated his testimony; and Taaffe declared before the
bench, that the pretended plot was no other than a contrivance between
himself and Lunt in order to procure money from the government. The
prisoners were immediately acquitted, and the ministry incurred a
heavy load of popular odium, as the authors or abettors of knavish
contrivances to insnare the innocent. The government, with a view to
evince their abhorrence of such practices, ordered the witnesses to
be prosecuted for a conspiracy against the lives and estates of the
gentlemen who had been accused; and at last the affair was brought into
the house of commons. The Jacobites triumphed in their victory. They
even turned the battery of corruption upon the evidence for the crown,
not without making a considerable impression. But the cause was now
debated before judges who were not at all propitious to their views. The
commons having set on foot an inquiry, and examined all the papers and
circumstances relating to the pretended plot, resolved that there was
sufficient ground for the prosecution and trials of the gentlemen at
Manchester; and that there was a dangerous conspiracy against the king
and government. They issued an order for taking Mr. Standish into
custody; and the messenger reporting that he was not to be found, they
presented an address to the king, desiring a proclamation might be
published offering a reward for apprehending his person. The peers
concurred with the commons in their sentiments of this affair; for
complaints having been laid before their house also by the persons
who thought themselves aggrieved, the question was put whether the
government had cause to prosecute them, and carried in the affirmative,
though a protest was entered against this vote by the earls of Rochester
and Nottingham. Notwithstanding these decisions, the accused gentlemen
prosecuted Lunt and two of his accomplices for perjury at the Lancaster
assizes, and all three were found guilty. They were immediately indicted
by the crown for a conspiracy against the lives and liberties of the
persons they had accused. The intention of the ministry in laying
this indictment was to seize the opportunity of punishing some of
the witnesses for the gentlemen who had prevaricated in giving their
testimony; but their design being discovered, the Lancashire men refused
to produce their evidence against the informers; the prosecution dropped
of consequence, and the prisoners were discharged.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




INQUIRY INTO THE ABUSES IN THE ARMY.

When the commons were employed in examining the state of the revenue,
and taking measures for raising the necessary supplies, the inhabitants
of Royston presented a petition, complaining that the officers and
soldiers of the regiment belonging to colonel Hastings, which was
quartered upon them, exacted subsistence-money, even on pain of military
execution. The house was immediately kindled into a flame by this
information. The officers and Pauncefort, agent for the regiment, were
examined: then it was unanimously resolved that such a practice was
arbitrary, illegal, and a violation of the rights and liberties of the
subject. Upon further inquiry, Pauncefort and some other agents were
committed to the custody of the sergeant, for having neglected to pay
the subsistence money they had received for the officers and soldiers.
He was afterwards sent to the Tower, together with Henry Guy, a member
of the house and secretary to the treasury, the one for giving and the
other for receiving a bribe to obtain the king’s bounty. Pauncefort’s
brother was likewise committed for being concerned in the same commerce.
Guy had been employed, together with Trevor the speaker, as the
court-agent for securing a majority in the house of commons; for that
reason he was obnoxious to the members in the opposition, who took this
opportunity to brand him, and the courtiers could not with any decency
screen him from their vengeance. The house having proceeded in this
inquiry, drew up an address to the king, enumerating the abuses which
had crept into the army, and demanding immediate redress. He promised
to consider the remonstrance and redress the grievances of which they
complained. Accordingly, he cashiered colonel Hastings; appointed a
council of officers to sit weekly and examine all complaints against any
officer and soldier; and published a declaration for the maintenance
of strict discipline, and the due payment of quarters. Notwithstanding
these concessions, the commons prosecuted their examinations: they
committed Mr. James Craggs, one of the contractors for clothing the
army, because he refused to answer upon oath to such questions as might
be put to him by the commissioners of accounts. They brought in a bill
for obliging him and Mr. Richard Harnage, the other contractor, together
with the two Paunceforts, to discover how they had disposed of the sums
paid into their hands on account of the army, and for punishing them in
case they should persist in their refusal. At this period they received
a petition against the commissioners for licensing hackney-coaches.
Three of them, by means of an address to the king, were removed with
disgrace for having acted arbitrarily, corruptly, and contrary to the
trust reposed in them by act of parliament.

Those who encouraged this spirit of reformation, introduced another
inquiry about the orphans’ bill, which was said to have passed into an
act by virtue of undue influence. A committee being appointed to inspect
the chamberlain’s books, discovered that bribes had been given to sir
John Trevor, speaker of the house, and Mr. Hungerford, chairman of
the grand committee. The first being voted guilty of a high crime and
misdemeanor, abdicated the chair, and Paul Foley was appointed speaker
in his room. Then sir John and Hungerford were expelled the house: one
Nois, a solicitor for the bill, was taken into custody because he had
scandalized the commons, in pretending he was engaged to give great sums
to several members, and denying this circumstance on his examination.
The reformers in the house naturally concluded that the same arts had
been practised in obtaining the new charter of the East India company,
which had been granted so much against the sense of the nation. Their
books were subjected to the same committee that carried on the former
inquiry, and a surprising scene of venality and corruption was soon
disclosed. It appeared that the company, in the course of the preceding
year, had paid near ninety thousand rounds in secret services, and that
sir Thomas Cooke, one of the directors, and a member of the house, had
been the chief managers of this infamous commerce. Cooke, refusing to
answer, was committed to the Tower, and a bill of pains and penalties
brought in obliging him to discover how the sum mentioned in the report
of the committee had been distributed. The bill was violently opposed
in the upper house by the duke of Leeds, as being contrary to law
and equity, and furnishing a precedent of a dangerous nature. Cooke,
agreeably to his own petition, being brought to the bar of the house of
lords, declared that he was ready and willing to make a full discovery,
in case he might be favoured with an indemnifying vote to secure him
against all actions and suits, except those of the East India company
which he had never injured. The lords complied with his request and
passed a bill for this purpose, to which the commons added a penal
clause, and the former was laid aside.




EXAMINATION OF COOKE, ACTON, AND OTHERS.

When the king went to the house to give the royal assent to the
money-bills, he endeavoured to discourage this inquiry by telling
the parliament that the season of the year was far advanced, and the
circumstances of affairs extremely pressing, he therefore desired they
would despatch such business as they should think of most importance
to the public, as he should put an end to the session in a few days.
Notwithstanding this shameful interposition, both houses appointed
a joint committee to lay open the complicated scheme of fraud and
iniquity. Cooke, on his first examination, confessed that he
had delivered tallies for ten thousand pounds to Francis Tyssen,
deputy-governor, for the special service of the company; an equal sum
to Richard Acton, for employing his interest in preventing a new
settlement, and endeavouring to establish the old company; besides two
thousand pounds by way of interest and as a further gratuity; a thousand
guineas to colonel Fitzpatrick, five hundred to Charles Bates, and three
hundred and ten to Mr. Molinenx, a merchant, for the same purpose; and
he owned that sir Basil Firebrace had received forty thousand pounds on
various pretences. He said he believed the ten thousand pounds paid
to Tyssen had been delivered to the king by sir Josiah Child, as a
customary present which former kings had received, and that the sums
paid to Acton were distributed among some members of parliament.
Firebrace being examined, affirmed that he had received the whole forty
thousand pounds for his own use and benefit; but that Bates had received
sums of money, which he understood were offered to some persons of the
first quality. Acton declared that ten thousand pounds of the sum which
he had received was distributed among persons who had interest with
members of parliament, and that great part of the money passed through
the hands of Craggs, who was acquainted with some colonels in the
house and northern members. Bates owned he had received the money in
consideration of using his interest with the duke of Leeds in favour of
the company; that this nobleman knew of the gratuity; and that the sum
was reckoned by his grace’s domestic, one Robart, a foreigner, who kept
it in his possession until this inquiry was talked of, and then it was
returned. In a word, it appeared by this man’s testimony, as well as by
that of Firebrace on his second examination, that the duke of Leeds
was not free from corruption, and that sir John Trevor was a hireling
prostitute.




THE DUKE OF LEEDS IMPEACHED.

The report of the committee produced violent altercations, and the most
severe strictures upon the conduct of the lord president. At length the
house resolved that there was sufficient matter to impeach Thomas,
duke of Leeds, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and that he should be
impeached thereupon. Then it was ordered that Mr. comptroller Wharton
should impeach him before the lords in the name of the house and of all
the commons in England. The duke was actually in the middle of a speech
for his own justification, in which he assured the house, upon his
honour, that he was not guilty of the corruptions laid to his charge,
when one of his friends gave him intimation of the votes which had
passed in the commons. He concluded his speech abruptly, and repairing
to the lower house, desired he might be indulged with a hearing. He was
accordingly admitted, with the compliment of a chair, and leave to
be covered. After having sat a few minutes, he took off his hat and
addressed himself to the commons in very extraordinary terms. Having
thanked them for the favour of indulging him with a hearing, he said
that house would not have been then sitting but for him. He protested
his own innocence with respect to the crime laid to his charge. He
complained that this was the effect of a design which had been long
formed against him. He expressed a deep sense of his being under the
displeasure of the parliament and nation, and demanded speedy justice.
They forthwith drew up the articles of impeachment, which being
exhibited at the bar of the upper house, he pleaded not guilty, and the
commons promised to make good their charge; but by this time such arts
had been used as all at once checked the violence of the prosecution.
Such a number of considerable persons were involved in this mystery of
corruption, that a full discovery was dreaded by both parties. The duke
sent his domestic Robart out of the kingdom, and his absence furnished
a pretence for postponing the trial. In a word, the inquiry was dropped;
but the scandal stuck fast to the duke’s character.

In the midst of these deliberations, the king went to the house on the
third day of May, when he thanked the parliament for the supplies they
had granted; signified his intention of going abroad; assured them he
would place the administration of affairs in persons of known care and
fidelity; and desired that the members of both houses would be more than
ordinarily vigilant in preserving the public peace. The parliament was
then prorogued to the eighteenth of June. [057] _[See note M, at the end
of this Vol.]_ The king immediately appointed a regency to govern the
kingdom in his absence; but neither the princess of Denmark nor
her husband were intrusted with any share in the administration--a
circumstance that evinced the king’s jealousy, and gave offence to a
great part of the nation. [058] _[See note N, at the end of this Vol.]_




THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT.

A session of parliament was deemed necessary in Scotland, to provide new
subsidies for the maintenance of the troops of that kingdom, which had
been so serviceable in the prosecution of the war. But as a great outcry
had been raised against the government on account of the massacre of
Glencoe, and the Scots were tired of contributing towards the expense
of a war from which they could derive no advantage, the ministry thought
proper to cajole them with the promise of some national indulgence.
In the meantime, a commission passed the great seal for taking a
precognition of the massacre, as a previous step to the trial of the
persons concerned in that perfidious transaction. On the ninth day
of May, the session was opened by the marquis of Tweedale, appointed
commissioner, who, after the king’s letter had been read, expatiated
on his majesty’s care and concern for their safety and welfare; and his
firm purpose to maintain the presbyterian discipline in the church of
Scotland. Then he promised, in the king’s name, that if they would pass
an act for establishing a colony in Africa, America, or any other part
of the world where a colony might be lawfully planted, his majesty would
indulge them with such rights and privileges as he had granted in like
cases to the subjects of his other dominions. Finally, he exhorted
them to consider ways and means to raise the necessary supplies for
maintaining their land forces, and for providing a competent number of
ships of war to protect their commerce. The parliament immediately voted
an address of condolence to his majesty on the death of the queen; and
they granted one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling for the
service of the ensuing year, to be raised by a general poll-tax, a
land-tax, and an additional excise.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




THEY INQUIRE INTO THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE.

Their next step was to desire the commissioner would transmit their
humble thanks to the king for his care to vindicate the honour of the
government and the justice of the nation, in ordering a precognition
to be taken with respect to the slaughter of Glencoe. A motion was
afterwards made that the commissioners should exhibit an account of
their proceedings in this affair; accordingly a report, consisting
of the king’s instructions, Dalrymple’s letters, the depositions
of witnesses, and the opinion of the committee, was laid before the
parliament. The motion is said to have been privately influenced by
secretary Johnston, for the disgrace of Dalrymple, who was his rival in
power and interest. The written opinion of the commissioners, who were
creatures of the court, imported, That Macdonald of Glencoe had been
perfidiously murdered; that the king’s instructions contained nothing
to warrant the massacre; and that secretary Dalrymple had exceeded his
orders. The parliament concurred with this report. They resolved, That
Livingston was not to blame for having given the orders contained in
his letters to lieutenant-colonel Hamilton; that this last was liable
to prosecution; that the king should be addressed to give orders, either
for examining major Duncanson in Flanders, touching his concern in this
affair, or for sending him home to be tried in Scotland; as also, that
Campbell of Glenlyon; captain Drummond, lieutenant Lindsey, ensign
Lundy, and sergeant Barber, should be sent to Scotland, and prosecuted
according to law, for the parts they had acted in that execution. In
consequence of these resolutions, the parliament drew up an address to
the king, in which they laid the whole blame of the massacre upon the
excess in the master of Stair’s letters concerning that transaction.
They begged that his majesty would give such orders about him, as he
should think fit for the vindication of his government; that the actors
in that barbarous slaughter might be prosecuted by the king’s advocate
according to law; and that some reparation might be made to the men of
Glencoe who escaped the massacre, for the losses they had sustained
in their effects upon that occasion, as their habitations had been
plundered and burned, their lands wasted, and their cattle driven away;
so that they were reduced to extreme poverty. Notwithstanding this
address of the Scottish parliament, by which the king was so solemnly
exculpated, his memory is still loaded with the suspicion of having
concerted, countenanced, and enforced this barbarous execution,
especially as the master of Stair escaped with impunity, and the other
actors of the tragedy, far from being punished, were preferred in the
service. While the commissioners were employed in the inquiry, they made
such discoveries concerning the conduct of the earl of Breadalbane, as
amounted to a charge of high treason; and he was committed prisoner
to the castle of Edinburgh; but it seems he had dissembled with the
highlanders by the king’s permission, and now sheltered himself under
the shadow of a royal pardon.




THEY PASS AN ACT FOR ERECTING A TRADING COMPANY.

The committee of trade, in pursuance of the powers granted by the king
to his commissioner, prepared an act for establishing a company trading
to Africa and the Indies, empowering them to plant colonies, hold
cities, towns, or forts, in places uninhabited, or in others with the
consent of the natives; vesting them with an exclusive right, and an
exemption for one-and-twenty years from all duties and impositions.
This act was likewise confirmed by letters patent under the great seal,
directed by the parliament, without any further warrant from the crown.
Paterson, the projector, had contrived the scheme of a settlement upon
the isthmus of Darien, in such a manner as to carry on a trade in the
South Sea as well as in the Atlantic; nay, even to extend it as far
as the East Indies: a great number of London merchants, allured by the
prospect of gain, were eager to engage in such a company, exempted
from all manner of imposition and restriction. The Scottish parliament
likewise passed an act in favour of the episcopal clergy, decreeing,
That those who should enter into such engagements to the king as were
by law required, might continue in their benefices under his majesty’s
protection, without being subject to the power of presbytery. Seventy
of the most noted ministers of that persuasion took the benefit of
this indulgence. Another law was enacted, for raising nine thousand men
yearly to recruit the Scottish regiments abroad; and an act for erecting
a public bank; then the parliament was adjourned to the seventh day of
November.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

Ireland began to be infected with the same factions which had broke out
in England since the revolution: lord Capel, lord-deputy, governed in a
very partial manner, oppressing the Irish papists without any regard to
equity or decorum. He undertook to model a parliament in such a manner
that they should comply with all the demands of the ministry; and he
succeeded in his endeavours by making such arbitrary changes in offices
as best suited his purpose. These precautions being taken, he convoked
a parliament for the twenty-seventh day of August, when he opened
the session with a speech, expatiating upon their obligations to
king-William, and exhorting them to make suitable returns to such a
gracious sovereign. He observed, that the revenue had fallen short
of the establishment; so that both the civil and military lists were
greatly in debt; that his majesty had sent over a bill for an additional
excise, and expected they would find ways and means to answer the
demands of the service. They forthwith voted an address of thanks, and
resolved to assist his majesty to the utmost of their power, against
all his enemies, foreign and domestic. They passed the bill for an
additional excise, together with an act for taking away the writ “_De
heretico comburendo_;” another annulling all attainders and acts passed
in the late pretended parliament of king James; a third to prevent
foreign education; a fourth for disarming papists; and a fifth for
settling the estates of intestates. Then they resolved, That a sum
not exceeding one hundred and sixty-three thousand three hundred and
twenty-five pounds, should be granted to his majesty; to be raised by
a poll-bill, additional customs, and a continuation of the additional
excise. Sir Charles Porter, the chancellor, finding his importance
diminished, if not entirely destroyed, by the assuming disposition and
power of the lord-deputy, began to court popularity by espousing the
cause of the Irish against the severity of the administration, and
actually formed a kind of tory interest which thwarted lord Capel in all
his measures. A motion was made in parliament to impeach the chancellor
for sowing discord and division among his majesty’s subjects; but being
indulged with a hearing by the house of commons, he justified himself so
much to their satisfaction, that he was voted clear of all imputation
by a great majority. Nevertheless, they, at the end of the session,
sent over an address, in which they bore testimony to the mild and just
administration of their lord-deputy.




DISPOSITION OF THE ARMIES.

King William having taken such steps as were deemed necessary for
preserving the peace of England in his absence, crossed the sea to
Holland in the middle of May, fully determined to make some great effort
in the Netherlands that might aggrandize his military character, and
humble the power of France which was already on the decline. That
kingdom was actually exhausted in such a manner that the haughty Louis
found himself obliged to stand upon the defensive against enemies over
whom he had been used to triumph with uninterrupted success. He heard
the clamours of his people which he could not quiet; he saw his advances
to peace rejected; and to crown his misfortunes, he sustained an
irreparable loss in the death of Francis de Montmorency, duke of
Luxembourg, to whose military talents he owed the greatest part of his
glory and success. That great officer died in January at Versailles, in
the sixty-seventh year of his age; and Louis lamented his death the more
deeply, as he had not another general left in whose understanding he
could confide. The conduct of the army in Flanders was intrusted to
mareschal Villeroy, and Boufflers commanded a separate army though
subject to the other’s orders. As the French king took it for granted
that the confederates would have a superiority of numbers in the field,
and was well acquainted with the enterprising genius of their chief, he
ordered a new line to be drawn between Lys and the Scheld; he caused a
disposition to be made for covering Dunkirk, Ypres, Tournay, and Namur;
and laid injunctions on his general to act solely on the defensive.
Meanwhile, the confederates formed two armies in the Netherlands.
The first consisted of seventy battalions of infantry, and eighty-two
squadrons of horse and dragoons, chiefly English and Scots, encamped
at Ærseele, Caneghem, and Wouterghem, between Thield and Deynse, to
be commanded by the king in person, assisted by the old prince of
Vaudemont. The other army, composed of sixteen battalions of foot and
one hundred and thirty squadrons of horse, encamped at Zellich and
Hamme, on the road from Brussels to Dendermonde, under the command
of the elector of Bavaria, seconded by the duke of Holstein-Ploen.
Major-general Ellemberg was posted near Dixmuyde with twenty battalions
and ten squadrons; and another body of Brandenburg and Dutch troops,
with a reinforcement from Liege, lay encamped on the Mehaigne, under the
conduct of the baron de Heyden, Lieutenant-general of Brandenburgh, and
the count de Berlo, general of the Liege cavalry. King-William arrived
in the camp on the fifth clay of July, and remained eight days at
Ærseele. Then he marched to Bekelar, while Villeroy retired behind his
lines between Menin and Ypres, after having detached ten thousand men
to reinforce Boufflers, who had advanced to Pont d’Espieres; but he too
retreating within his lines, the elector of Bavaria passed the Scheld
and took post at Kirkhoven; at the same time the body under Heyden
advanced towards Namur.




WILLIAM UNDERTAKES THE SIEGE OF NAMUR.

The king of England having by his motions drawn the forces of the enemy
on the side of Flanders, directed the baron de Heyden and the earl of
Athlone, who commanded forty squadrons from the camp of the elector of
Bavaria, to invest Namur, and this service was performed on the third
day of July; but as the place was not entirely surrounded, mareschal
Boufflers threw himself into it with such a reinforcement of dragoons
as augmented the garrison to the number of fifteen thousand chosen men.
King William and the elector brought up the rest of the forces, which
encamped on both sides of the Sambre and the Mose, and the lines of
circumvallation were begun on the sixth day of July under the direction
of the celebrated engineer, general Coehorn. The place was formerly
very strong, both by situation and art; but the French, since its last
reduction, had made such additional works that both the town and citadel
seemed impregnable. Considering the number of the garrison and the
quality of the troops, commanded by a mareschal of France distinguished
by his valour and conduct, the enterprise was deemed an undeniable proof
of William’s temerity. On the eleventh the trenches were opened, and
next day the batteries began to play with incredible fury. The king
receiving intelligence of a motion made by a body of French troops with
a view to intercept the convoys, detached twenty squadrons of horse and
dragoons to observe the enemy.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




FAMOUS RETREAT OF PRINCE VAUDEMONT.

Prince Vaudemont, who was left at Roselsær with fifty battalions, and
the like number of squadrons, understanding that Villeroy had passed the
Lys in order to attack him, took post with his left near Grammen, his
right by Ærseele and Caneghem, and began to fortify his camp with a
view to expect the enemy. Their vanguard appearing on the evening of the
thirteenth at Dentreghem, he changed the disposition of his camp,
and intrenched himself on both sides. Next day, however, perceiving
Villeroy’s design was to surround him by means of another body of troops
commanded by M. Montai, who had already passed the Scheld for that
purpose, he resolved to avoid an engagement, and effected a retreat
to Ghent, which is celebrated as one of the most capital efforts of
military conduct. He forthwith detached twelve battalions and twelve
pieces of cannon to secure Newport, which Villeroy had intended to
invest; but that general now changed his resolution, and undertook the
siege of Dixmuyde, garrisoned by eight battalions of foot and a regiment
of dragoons, commanded by major-general Ellemberg, who in six-and-thirty
hours after the trenches were opened, surrendered himself and his
soldiers prisoners of war. This scandalous example was followed by
colonel O’Farrel, who yielded up Deynse on the same shameful conditions,
even before a battery was opened by the besiegers. In the sequel, they
were both tried for their misbehaviour; Ellemberg suffered death, and
O’Farrel was broke with infamy. The prince of Vaudemont sent a message
to the French general, demanding the garrisons of those two places,
according to a cartel which had been settled between the powers at war;
but no regard was paid to this remonstrance. Villeroy, after several
marches and countermarches, appeared before Brussels on the thirteenth
day of August, and sent a letter to the prince of Berghem, governor of
that city, importing that the king his master had ordered him to bombard
the town, by way of making reprisals for the damage done by the English
fleet to the maritime towns of France; he likewise desired to know in
what part the electress of Bavaria resided, that he might not fire
into that quarter. After this declaration, which was no more than an
unmeaning compliment, he began to bombard and cannonade the place with
red-hot bullets, which produced conflagrations in many different parts
of the city, and frightened the electress into a miscarriage. On the
fifteenth, the French discontinued their firing, and retired to Enghein.

During these transactions, the siege of Namur was prosecuted with great
ardour under the eye of the king of England; while the garrison defended
the place with equal spirit and perseverance. On the eighteenth day
of July, major-general Ramsay and lord Cutis, at the head of five
battalions, English, Scots, and Dutch, attacked the enemy’s advanced
works on the right of the counterscarp. They were sustained by six
English battalions commanded by brigadier-general Fitzpatrick; while
eight foreign regiments, with nine thousand pioneers, advanced on the
left under major-general Salish. The assault was desperate and bloody,
the enemy maintaining their ground for two hours with undaunted courage;
but at last they were obliged to give way, and were pursued to the very
gates of the town, though not before they had killed or wounded twelve
hundred men of the confederate army. The king was so well pleased with
the behaviour of the British troops, that during the action he laid his
hand upon the shoulder of the elector of Bavaria, and exclaimed with
emotion, “See, my brave English.” On the twenty-seventh the English and
Scots, lander Ramsay and Hamilton, assaulted the counterscarp, where
they met with prodigious opposition from the fire of the besieged.
Nevertheless, being sustained by the Dutch, they made a lodgement on the
foremost covered-way before the gate of St. Nicholas, as also upon part
of the counterscarp. The valour of the assailants on this occasion was
altogether unprecedented, and almost incredible; while on the other hand
the courage of the besieged was worthy of praise and admiration. Several
persons were killed in the trenches at the side of the king, and among
these Mr. Godfrey, deputy-governor of the bank of England, who had come
to the camp to confer with his majesty about remitting money for the
payment of the army. On the thirtieth day of July the elector of Bavaria
attacked Vauban’s line that surrounded the works of the castle. General
Coehorn was present in this action, which was performed with equal
valour and success. They not only broke the line, but even took
possession of Coehorn’s fort, in which however they found it impossible
to effect a lodgement. On the second day of August, lord Cutts, with
four hundred English and Dutch grenadiers, attacked the salient angle
of a demi-bastion, and lodged himself on the second counterscarp. The
breaches being now practicable, and preparations made for a general
assault, count Guiscard the governor capitulated for the town on the
fourth of August; and the French retired into the citadel, against which
twelve batteries played upon the thirteenth. The trenches meanwhile were
carried on with great expedition, notwithstanding all the efforts of the
besieged, who fired without ceasing, and exerted amazing diligence and
intrepidity in defending and repairing the damage they sustained. At
length the annoyance became so dreadful from the unintermitting showers
of bombs and red-hot bullets, that Boufflers, after having made divers
furious sallies, formed a scheme for breaking through the confederate
camp with his cavalry. This however was prevented by the extreme
vigilance of king William.

After the bombardment of Brussels, Villeroy, being-reinforced with all
the troops that could be drafted from garrisons, advanced towards Namur
with an army of ninety thousand men; and prince Vaudemont, being joined
by the prince of Hesse with a strong body of forces from the Rhine, took
possession of the strong camp at Masy, within five English miles of
the besieging army. The king understanding that the enemy had reached
Fleurus, where they discharged ninety pieces of cannon as a signal to
inform the garrison of their approach, left the conduct of the siege
to the elector of Bavaria, and took upon himself the command of the
covering army, in order to oppose Villeroy, who being further reinforced
by a detachment from Germany, declared that he would hazard a battle for
the relief of Namur. But when he viewed the posture of the allies near
Masy, he changed his resolution and retired in the night without noise.
On the thirtieth day of August, the besieged were summoned to surrender,
by count Horn, who in a parley with the count de Lamont, general of
the French infantry, gave him to understand that mareschal Villeroy had
retired towards the Mehaigne; so that the garrison could not expect to
be relieved. No immediate answer being returned to this message, the
parley was broke off, and the king resolved to proceed without delay to
a general assault, which he had already planned with the elector and his
other generals. Between one and two in the afternoon, lord Cutts, who
desired the command though it was not his turn of duty, rushed out
of the trenches of the second line, at the head of three hundred
grenadiers, to make a lodgement in the breach of Terra-nova, supported
by the regiments of Coulthorp, Buchan, Hamilton, and Mackay;
while colonel Marselly with a body of Dutch, the Bavarians, and
Brandenburghers, attacked at two other places. The assailants met with
such a warm reception, that the English grenadiers were repulsed,
even after they had mounted the breach, lord Cutts being for some
time disabled by a shot in the head. Marselly was defeated, taken, and
afterwards killed by a. cannon ball from the batteries of the besiegers.
The Bavarians by mistaking their way were exposed to a terrible fire, by
which their general count Rivera, and a great number of their officers,
were slain: nevertheless, they fixed themselves on the outward
intrenchment on the point of the Coehorn next to the Sambre, and
maintained their ground with amazing fortitude. Lord Cutts, when his
wound was dressed, returned to the scene of action, and ordered two
hundred chosen men of Mackay’s regiment, commanded by lieutenant Cockle,
to attack the face of the salient angle next to the breach sword in
hand, while the ensigns of the same regiment should advance and plant
their colours on the pallisadoes. Coekle and his detachment executed the
command he had received with admirable intrepedity. They broke through
the pallisadoes, drove the French from the covered way, made a lodgement
in one of the batteries, and turned the cannon against the enemy. The
Bavarians being thus sustained, made their post good. The major-generals
La Cave and Schwerin lodged themselves at the same time on the covered
way; and though the general assault did not succeed in its full extent,
the confederates remained masters of a very considerable lodgement,
nearly an English mile in length. Yet this was dearly purchased with
the lives of two thousand men, including many officers of great rank
and reputation. During the action the elector of Bavaria signalised his
courage in a very remarkable manner, riding from place to place through
the hottest of the fire, giving his directions with notable presence
of mind, according to the emergency of circumstances, animating the
officers with praise and promise of preferment, and distributing
handfuls of gold among the private soldiers.

On the first day of September, the besieged having obtained a cessation
of arms that their dead might be buried, the count de Guiscard appearing
on the breach, desired to speak with the elector of Bavaria. His
highness immediately mounting the breach, the French governor offered
to surrender the fort of Cohorn; but was given to understand, that if
he intended to capitulate, he must treat for the whole. This reply being
communicated to Boufflers, he agreed to the proposal: the cessation
was prolonged, and that very evening the capitulation was finished.
Villeroy, who lay encamped at Gemblours, was no sooner apprised of this
event by a triple discharge of all the artillery, and a running fire
along the lines of the confederate army, than he passed the Sambre near
Charleroy with great precipitation; and having reinforced the garrison
of Dinant, retreated towards the lines in the neighbourhood of Mons. On
the fifth day of September the French garrison, which was now reduced
from fifteen to five thousand five hundred men, evacuated the citadel of
Namur. Boufflers, in marching out, was arrested in name of his Britannic
majesty, by way of reprisal for the garrisons of Dixmuyde and Deynse,
which the French king had detained contrary to the cartel subsisting
between the two nations. The mareschal was not a little discomposed at
this unexpected incident, and expostulated warmly with Mr. Dyckvelt,
who assured him that the king of Great Britain entertained a profound
respect for his person and character. William even offered to set him at
liberty, provided he would pass his word that the garrisons of Dixmuyde
and Deynso should be sent back, or that he himself would return in a
fortnight. He said that he could not enter into any such engagement,
as he did not know his master’s reasons for detaining the garrisons in
question. He was therefore reconveyed to Namur; from thence removed
to Maestricht, and treated with great reverence and respect, till
the return of an officer whom he had despatched to Versailles with an
account of his captivity. Then he engaged his word, that the garrisons
of Dixmuyde and Deynse should be sent back to the allied army. He was
immediately released and conducted in safety to Dinant. When he repaired
to Versailles, Louis received him with very extraordinary marks of
esteem and affection. He embraced him in public with the warmest
expressions of regard; declared himself perfectly well satisfied with
his conduct; created him a duke and peer of France; and presented him
with a very large sum, in acknowledgment of his signal services.




CAMPAIGN ON THE RHINE.

After the reduction of Namur, which greatly enhanced the military
character of king William, he retired to his house at Loo, which was
his favourite place of residence, leaving the command to the elector
of Bavaria; and about the latter end of September both armies began to
separate. The French forces retired within their lines. A good number of
the allied troops were distributed in different garrisons; and a strong
detachment marched towards Newport, under the command of the prince of
Wirtemberg, for the security of that place. Thus ended the campaign in
the Netherlands. On the Rhine nothing of moment was attempted by either
army. The mareschal de Lorges, in the beginning of June, passed the
Rhine at Philipsburgh; and posting himself at Brucksal, sent out parties
to ravage the country. On the eleventh of the same month the prince of
Baden joined the German army at Steppach, and on the eighth day of July
was reinforced by the troops of the other German confederates, in the
neighbourhood of Wiselock. On the nineteenth the French retired without
noise, in the night, towards Manheim, where they repassed the river
without any interruption from the imperial general; then he sent off a
large detachment to Flanders. The same step was taken by the prince of
Baden; and each army lay inactive in their quarters for the remaining
part of the campaign. The command of the Germans in Hungary was
conferred upon the elector of Saxony; but the court of Vienna was so
dilatory in their preparations, that he was not in a condition to act
till the middle of August. Lord Paget had been sent ambassador
from England to the Ottoman Porte, with instructions relating to a
pacification; but before he could obtain an audience the sultan died,
and was succeeded by his nephew Mustapha, who resolved to prosecute the
war in person. The warlike genius of this new emperor afforded but an
uncomfortable prospect to his people, considering that Peter, the czar
of Muscovy, had taken the opportunity of the war in Hungary, to invade
the Crimea and besiege Azoph; so that the Tartars were too much employed
at home to spare the succours which the sultan demanded. Nevertheless,
Mustapha and his vizier took the field before the imperialists could
commence the operations of the campaign, passed the Danube, took Lippa
and Titul by assault, stormed the camp of general Veterani, who was
posted at Lugos with seven thousand men, and who lost his life in the
action. The infantry were cut to pieces, after having made a desperate
defence; but the horse retreated to Caronsebes, under the conduct of
general Trusches. The Turks after this exploit retired to Orsowa. Their
navy meanwhile surprised the Venetian fleet at Scio, where several ships
of the republic were destroyed, and they recovered that island, which
the Venetians thought proper to abandon; but in order to balance this
misfortune, these last obtained a complete victory over the pacha of
Negropont in the Morea.




THE DUKE OF SAVOY TAKES CASAL.

The French king still maintained a secret negotiation with the duke of
Savoy, whose conduct had been for some time mysterious and equivocal.
Contrary to the opinion of his allies, he undertook the siege of
Casal, which was counted one of the strongest fortifications in Europe,
defended by a numerous garrison, abundantly supplied with ammunition and
provisions. The siege was begun about the middle of May; and the
place was surrendered by capitulation in about fourteen days, to the
astonishment of the confederates, who did not know that this was a
sacrifice by which the French court obtained the duke’s forbearance
during the remaining part of the campaign. The capitulation imported,
that the place should be restored to the duke of Mantua, who was the
rightful proprietor; that the fortifications should be demolished at the
expense of the allies; that the garrison should remain in the fort
till that work should be completed; and hostages were exchanged for
the performance of these conditions. The duke understood the art of
procrastination so well, that September was far advanced before the
place was wholly dismantled; and then he was seized with an ague, which
obliged him to quit the army.




TRANSACTIONS IN CATALONIA.

In Catalonia the French could hardly maintain the footing they had
gained. Admiral Russel, who wintered at Cadiz, was created admiral,
chief-commander, and captain general of all his majesty’s ships
employed, or to be employed, in the narrow-seas and in the
Mediterranean. He was reinforced by four thousand five hundred soldiers,
under the command of brigadier-general Stewart; and seven thousand
men, Imperialists as well as Spaniards, were drafted from Italy for the
defence of Catalonia. These forces were transported to Barcelona under
the convoy of admiral Nevil, detached by Russel for that purpose. The
affairs of Catalonia had already changed their aspect. Several French
parties had been defeated. The Spaniards had blocked up Ostalric and
Castel-Follit: Noailles had been recalled, and the command devolved to
the duke de Vendôme, who no sooner understood that the forces from Italy
were landed, than he dismantled Ostalric and Castel-Follit, and retired
to Palamos. The viceroy of Catalonia and the English admiral having
resolved to give battle to the enemy and reduce Palamos, the English
troops were landed on the ninth day of August, and the allied army
advanced to Palamos. The French appeared in order of battle; but the
viceroy declined an engagement. Far from attacking the enemy he withdrew
his forces, and the town was bombarded by the admiral. The miscarriage
of this expedition was in a great measure owing to a misunderstanding
between Russel and the court of Spain. The admiral complained that his
catholic majesty had made no preparations for the campaign; that he had
neglected to fulfil his engagements with respect to the Spanish squadron
which ought to have joined the fleets of England and Holland; that
he had taken no care to provide tents and provisions for the British
forces. On the twenty-seventh day of August he sailed for the coast of
Provence, where the fleet was endangered by a terrible tempest; then he
steered down the Straits, and toward the latter end of September arrived
in the bay of Cadiz. There he left a number of ships under the command
of sir David Mitchel, until he should be joined by sir George Rooke
who was expected from England, and returned home with the rest of the
combined squadrons.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




THE ENGLISH FLEET BOMBARDS ST. MALOES, &c.

While admiral Russel asserted the British dominion in the Mediterranean,
the French coasts were again insulted in the channel by a separate fleet
under the command of lord Berkeley of Stratton, assisted by the Dutch
admiral Allemonde. On the fourth day of July they anchored before St.
Maloes, which they bombarded from nine ketches covered by some frigates,
which sustained more damage than was done to the enemy. On the sixth,
Granville underwent the same fate, and then the fleet returned to
Portsmouth. The bomb vessels being refitted, the fleet sailed round to
the Downs, where four hundred soldiers were embarked for an attempt upon
Dunkirk, under the direction of Meesters the famous Dutch engineer, who
had prepared his infernals and other machines for the service. On the
first day of August the experiment was tried without success. The bombs
did some execution; but two smoke ships miscarried. The French had
secured the Ris-bank and wooden forts with piles, bombs, chains, and
floating batteries, in such a manner that the machine-vessels could not
approach near enough to produce any effect. Besides, the councils of the
assailants were distracted by violent animosities. The English officers
hated Meesters, because he was a Dutchman, and had acquired some credit
with the king; he on the other hand treated them with disrespect. He
retired with his machines in the night, and refused to co-operate with
lord Berkeley in his design upon Calais, which was now put in execution.
On the sixteenth he brought his batteries to bear upon this place,
and set fire to it in different quarters; but the enemy had taken such
precautions as rendered his scheme abortive.




EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES.

A squadron had been sent to the West Indies under the joint-command of
captain Robert Wilmot and colonel Lilingston, with twelve hundred
land forces. They had instructions to co-operate with the Spaniards
in Hispaniola, against the French settlements on that island, and to
destroy their fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland in their return.
They were accordingly joined by seventeen hundred Spaniards raised
by the president of St. Domingo; but instead of proceeding against
Petit-Guavas, according to the directions they had received, Wilmot
took possession of Port François, and plundered the country for his own
private advantage, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Lilingston,
who protested against his conduct. In a word, the sea and land officers
lived in a state of perpetual dissension; and both became extremely
disagreeable to the Spaniards, who soon renounced all connexion with
them and their designs. In the beginning of September the commodore set
sail for England, and lost one of his ships in the gulph of Florida. He
himself died in his passage; and the greater part of the men being swept
off by an epidemical distemper, the squadron returned to Britain in a
most miserable condition. Notwithstanding the great efforts the nation
had made to maintain such a number of different squadrons for the
protection of commerce, as well as to annoy the enemy, the trade
suffered severely from the French privateers, which swarmed in both
channels and made prize of many rich vessels. The marquis of Cærmarthen,
being stationed with a squadron off the Scilly islands, mistook a fleet
of merchant ships for the Brest fleet, and retired with precipitation
to Milford-Haven. In consequence of this retreat, the privateers took
a good number of ships from Barbadoes, and five from the East-Indies,
valued at a million sterling. The merchants renewed their clamour
against the commissioners of the Admiralty, who produced their orders
and instructions in their own defence. The marquis of Cærmarthen had
been guilty of flagrant misconduct on this occasion; but the chief
source of those national calamities was the circumstantial intelligence
transmitted to France from time to time by the malcontents of England;
for they were actuated by a scandalous principle which they still
retain, namely, that of rejoicing in the distress of their country.




A NEW PARLIAMENT.

King William, after having conferred with the states of Holland and the
elector of Brandenburgh who met him at the Hague, embarked for England
on the nineteenth day of October, and arrived in safety at Margate, from
whence he proceeded to London, where he was received as a conqueror,
amidst the rejoicings and acclamations of the people. On the same day he
summoned a council at Kensington, in which it was determined to convoke
a new parliament. While the nation was in good humour, it was supposed
that they would return such members only as were well affected to
the government; whereas the present parliament might proceed in
its inquiries into corruption and other grievances, and be the less
influenced by the crown, as their dependence was of such short duration.
The parliament was therefore dissolved by proclamation, and a new one
summoned to meet at Westminster on the twenty-second day of November.
While the whole nation was occupied in the elections, William, by the
advice of his chief confidants, laid his own disposition under restraint
in another effort to acquire popularity. He honoured the diversions
of Newmarket with his presence, and there received a compliment of
congratulation from the university of Cambridge. Then he visited the
earls of Sunderland, Northampton, and Montague, at their different
houses in the country; and proceeded with a splendid retinue to Lincoln,
from whence he repaired to Welbeck, a seat belonging to the duke of
Newcastle in Nottinghamshire, where he was attended by Dr. Sharp,
archbishop of York, and his clergy. He lodged one night with lord Brooke
at Warwick castle, dined with the duke of Shrewsbury at Ryefort, and by
the way of Woodstock, made a solemn entry into Oxford, having been met
at some distance from the city by the duke of Or-mond, as chancellor of
the university, the vice-chancellor, the doctors in their habits, and
the magistrates in their formalities. He proceeded directly to the
theatre, where he was welcomed in an elegant Latin speech; he received
from the chancellor on his knees the usual presents of a large English
Bible, and book of Common-Prayer, the cuts of the university, and a pair
of gold-fringed gloves. The conduits ran with wine, and a magnificent
banquet was prepared; but an anonymous letter being found in the street,
importing that there was a design to poison his majesty, William
refused to eat or drink in Oxford, and retired immediately to Windsor.
Notwithstanding this abrupt departure, which did not savour much of
magnanimity, the university chose sir William Trumball, secretary of
state, as one of their representatives in parliament.




BILL FOR REGULATING TRIALS IN CASES OF HIGH-TREASON.

The whig interest generally prevailed in the elections, though many even
of that party were malcontents; and when the parliament met, Foley
was again chosen speaker of the commons. The king in his first speech
extolled the valour of the English forces; expressed his concern at
being obliged to demand such large supplies from his people; observed
that the funds had proved very deficient, and the civil list was in
a precarious condition; recommended to their compassion the miserable
situation of the French protestants; took notice of the bad state of
the coin; desired they would form a good bill for the encouragement and
increase of seamen; and contrive laws for the advancement of commerce.
He mentioned the great preparations which the French were making for
taking the field early; in treated them to use despatch; expressed
his satisfaction at the choice which his people had made of their
representatives in the house of commons; and exhorted them to proceed
with temper and unanimity. Though the two houses presented addresses of
congratulation to the king upon his late success, and promised to assist
him in prosecuting the war with vigour, the nation loudly exclaimed
against the intolerable burdens and losses to which they were subjected
by a foreign scheme of politics, which, like an unfathomable abyss,
swallowed up the wealth and blood of the kingdom. All the king’s
endeavours to cover the disgusting side of his character had proved
ineffectual; he was still dry, reserved, and forbidding; and the
malcontents inveighed bitterly against his behaviour to the princess
Anne of Denmark. When the news of Namur’s being reduced arrived in
England, this lady congratulated him upon his success in a dutiful
letter, to which he would not deign to send a reply, either by writing
or message, nor had she or her husband been favoured with the slightest
mark of regard since his return to England. The members in the lower
house, who had adopted opposing maxims either from principle or
resentment, resolved that the crown should purchase the supplies with
some concession in favour of the people. They therefore brought in the
so long contested bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason,
and misprison of treason; and considering the critical juncture of
affairs, the courtiers were afraid of obstructing such a popular
measure. The lords inserted a clause, enacting, that a peer should be
tried by the whole peerage; and the commons at once assented to this
amendment. The bill provided, that persons indicted for high treason, or
misprison of treason, should be furnished with a copy of the indictment
five days before the trial; and indulged with council to plead in their
defence; that no person should be indicted but upon the oaths of two
lawful witnesses swearing to overt-acts; that in two or more distinct
treasons of divers kinds, alleged in one bill of indictment, one
witness to one, and another witness to another, should not be deemed
two witnesses; that no person should be prosecuted for any such crime,
unless the indictment be found within three years after the offence
committed, except in case of a design or attempt to assassinate or
poison the king, where this limitation should not take place; that
persons indicted for treason, or misprison of treason, should be
supplied with copies of the panel of the jurors, two days at least
before the trial, and have process to compel their witnesses to appear;
that no evidence should be admitted of any overt-act not expressly laid
in the indictment; that this act should not extend to any impeachment,
or other proceeding in parliament; nor to any indictment for
counterfeiting his majesty’s coin, his great seal, privy seal, sign
manual, or signet.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




RESOLUTIONS WITH RESPECT TO A NEW COINAGE.

This important affair being discussed, the commons proceeded to examine
the accounts and estimates, and voted above five millions for the
service of the ensuing year. The state of the coin was by this time
become such a national grievance as could not escape the attention
of parliament. The lords prepared an address to the throne, for a
proclamation to put a stop to the currency of diminished coin; and
to this they desired the concurrence of the commons. The lower house,
however, determined to take this affair under their own inspection. They
appointed a committee of the whole house to deliberate on the state of
the nation with respect to the currency. Great opposition was made to a
recoinage, which was a measure strenuously recommended and supported
by Mr. Montague, who acted on this occasion by the advice of the great
mathematician sir Isaac Newton. The enemies of this expedient argued,
that should the silver coin be called in, it would be impossible to
maintain the war abroad, or prosecute foreign trade, inasmuch as the
merchant could not pay his bills of exchange, nor the soldier receive
his subsistence; that a stop would be put to all mutual payment; and
this would produce universal confusion and despair. Such a reformation
could not be effected without some danger and difficulty; but it was
become absolutely necessary, as the evil daily increased, and in a
little time must have terminated in national anarchy. After long and
vehement debates, the majority resolved to proceed with all possible
expedition to a new coinage. Another question arose, Whether the new
coin, in its different denominations, should retain the original weight
and purity of the old; or the established standard be raised in value?
The famous Locke engaged in this dispute against Mr. Lowndes, who
proposed that the standard should be raised; the arguments of Mr. Locke
were so convincing, that the committee resolved the established standard
should be preserved with respect to weight and fineness. They likewise
resolved, that the loss accruing to the revenue from clipped money,
should be borne by the public. In order to prevent a total stagnation,
they further resolved, that after an appointed day no clipped money
should pass in payment, except to the collectors of the revenue and
taxes, or upon loans or payments into the exchequer; that after another
day to be appointed, no clipped money of any sort should pass in any
payment whatsoever; and that a third day should be fixed for all persons
to bring in their clipped money to be recoined, after which they should
have no allowance upon what they might offer. They addressed the king
to issue a proclamation agreeably to these resolutions; and on the
nineteenth day of December it was published accordingly. Such were
the fears of the people, augmented and inflamed by the enemies of
the government, that all payment immediately ceased, and a face of
distraction appeared through the whole community. The adversaries of
the bill seized this opportunity to aggravate the apprehensions of
the public. They inveighed against the ministry as the authors of this
national grievance; they levelled their satire particularly at Montague;
and it required uncommon fortitude and address to avert the most
dangerous consequences of popular discontent. The house of commons
agreed to the following resolutions: that twelve hundred thousand pounds
should be raised by a duty on glass windows, to make up the loss on
the clipped money; that the recompence for supplying the deficiency
of clipped money should extend to all silver coin, though of a coarser
alloy than the standard; that the collectors and receivers of his
majesty’s aids and revenues should be enjoined to receive all such
monies; that a reward of five per cent, should be given to all such
persons as should bring in either milled or broad undipped money, to be
applied in exchange of the clipped money throughout the kingdom; that a
reward of threepence per ounce should be given to all persons who should
bring wrought plate to the mint to be coined; that persons might pay
in their whole next year’s land-tax in clipped money, at one convenient
time to be appointed for that purpose; that commissioners should be
appointed in every county to pay and distribute the milled and broad
undipped money, and the new coined money in lieu of that which was
diminished. A bill being prepared agreeably to these determinations,
was sent up to the house of lords, who made some amendments which the
commons rejected; but in order to avoid cavils and conferences, they
dropped the bill and brought in another without the clauses which the
lords had inserted. They were again proposed in the upper house and
over-ruled by the’ majority; and on the twenty-first day of January the
bill received the royal assent, as did another bill enlarging the time
for purchasing annuities and continuing the duties on low wines. At the
same time the king passed the bill of trials for high treason, and
an act to prevent mercenary elections. Divers merchants and traders
petitioned the house of commons that the losses in their trade and
payments, occasioned by the rise of guineas, might be taken into
consideration. A bill was immediately brought in for taking off the
obligation and encouragement for coining guineas for a certain time; and
then the commons proceeded to lower the value of this coin, a task in
which they met with great opposition from some members, who alleged
that it would foment the popular disturbances. At length, however,
the majority agreed that a guinea should be lowered from thirty to
eight-and-twenty shillings, and afterwards to six-and-twenty. At length
a clause was inserted in the bill for encouraging people to bring plate
to the mint, settling the price of a guinea at two-and-twenty shillings,
and it naturally sunk to its original value of twenty shillings and
sixpence. Many persons, however, supposing that the price of gold would
be raised the next session, hoarded up their guineas; and upon the same
supposition, encouraged by the malcontents, the new coined silver money
was reserved, to the great detriment of commerce. The king ordered mints
to be erected in York, Bristol, Exeter, and Chester, for the purpose of
the re-coinage, which was executed with unexpected success, so that
in less than a year the currency of England, which had been the worst,
became the best coin in Europe.

At this period the attention of the commons was diverted to an object
of a more private nature. The earl of Portland, who enjoyed the greatest
share of the king’s favour, had obtained a grant of some lordships
in Derbyshire. While the warrant was depending, the gentlemen of that
county resolved to oppose it with all their power. In consequence of
a petition, they were indulged with a hearing by the lords of the
treasury. Sir William Williams, in the name of the rest, alleged that
the lordships in question were the ancient demesnes of the prince of
Wales, absolutely unalienable; that the revenues of those lordships
supported the government of Wales in paying the judges and other
salaries; that the grant was of too large an extent for any foreign
subject; and that the people of the county were too great to be subject
to any foreigner. Sundry other substantial reasons were used against the
grant, which, notwithstanding all their remonstrances, would have passed
through the offices, had not the Welsh gentlemen addressed themselves
by petition to the house of commons. Upon this occasion, Mr. Price, a
member of the house, harangued with great severity against the Dutch in
general, and did not even abstain from sarcasms upon the king’s person,
title, and government. The objections started by the petitioners being
duly considered, were found so reasonable that the commons presented
an address to the king, representing that those manors had been usually
annexed to the principality of Wales, and settled on the princes of
Wales for their support; that many persons in those parts held their
estates by royal tenure under great and valuable compositions, rents,
royal payments, and services to the crown and princes of Wales;
and enjoyed great privileges and advantages under such tenure. They
therefore besought his majesty to recall the grant which was in
diminution of the honour and interest of the crown; and prayed that
the said manors and lands might not be alienated without the consent of
parliament. This address met with a cold reception from the king,
who promised to recall the grant which had given such offence to the
commons, and said he would find some other way of showing his favour to
the earl of Portland.

The people in general entertained a national aversion to this nobleman:
the malcontents inculcated a notion that he had made use of his interest
and intelligence to injure the trade of England, that the commerce of
his own country might flourish without competition. To his suggestions
they imputed the act and patent in favour of the Scottish company, which
was supposed to have been thrown in as a bone of contention between the
two kingdoms. The subject was first started in the house of lords,
who invited the commons to a conference; a committee was appointed
to examine into the particulars of the act for erecting the Scottish
company; and the two houses presented a joint address against it, as a
scheme that would prejudice all the subjects concerned in the wealth and
trade of the English nation. They represented, that in consequence of
the exemption from taxes and other advantages granted to the Scottish
company, that kingdom would become a free port for all East and West
India commodities; that the Scots would be enabled to supply all
Europe at a cheaper rate than the English could afford to sell their
merchandise for, therefore England would lose the benefit of its
foreign trade; besides, they observed that the Scots would smuggle their
commodities into England, to the great detriment of his majesty and
his customs. To this remonstrance the king replied that he had been ill
served in Scotland; but that he hoped some remedies would be found to
prevent the inconveniencies of which they were apprehensive. In all
probability he had been imposed upon by the ministry of that kingdom;
for in a little time he discarded the marquis of Tweedale, and dismissed
both the Scottish secretaries of state, in lieu of whom he appointed
lord Murray, son to the marquis of Athol. Notwithstanding the king’s
answer, the committee proceeded on the inquiry, and, in consequence
of their report confirming a petition from the East India company, the
house resolved that the directors of the Scottish company were guilty
of a high crime and misdemeanor in administering and taking an oath _de
fideli_ in this kingdom, and that they should be impeached for the same.
Meanwhile, Roderick Mackenzie, from whom they had received their
chief information, began to retract his evidence, and was ordered into
custody; but he made his escape and could not be retaken, although the
king at their request issued a proclamation for that purpose. The Scots
were extremely incensed against the king when they understood he had
disowned their company, from which they had promised themselves such
wealth and advantage. The settlement of Darien was already planned and
afterwards put in execution, though it miscarried in the sequel, and had
like to have produced abundance of mischief.




INTRIGUES OF THE JACOBITES.

The complaints of the English merchants who had suffered by the war were
so loud at this juncture, that the commons resolved to take their
case into consideration. The house resolved itself into a committee to
consider the state of the nation with regard to commerce, and having
duly weighed all circumstances, agreed to the following resolutions:
that a council of trade should be established by act of parliament, with
powers to take measures for the more effectual preservation of commerce;
that the commissioners should be nominated by parliament, but none
of them have seats in the house; that they should take an oath
acknowledging the title of king William as rightful and lawful; and
abjuring the pretensions of James, or any other person. The king
considered these resolutions as an open attack upon his prerogative, and
signified his displeasure to the earl of Sunderland, who patronised this
measure; but it was so popular in the house, that in all probability it
would have been put in execution, had not the attention of the
commons been diverted from it at this period by the detection of a new
conspiracy. The friends of king James had, upon the death of queen Mary,
renewed their practices for effecting a restoration of that monarch, on
the supposition that the interest of William was considerably weakened
by the decease of his consort. Certain individuals, whose zeal for James
overshot their discretion, formed a design to seize the person of
king William, and convey him to France, or put him to death in case of
resistance. They had sent emissaries to the court of St. Germain’s to
demand a commission for this purpose, which was refused. The earl
of Aylesbury, lord Montgomery, son to the marquis of Powis, sir John
Fenwick, sir John Friend, captain Charnock, captain Porter, and one
Mr. Goodman, were the first contrivers of this project. Charnock was
detached with a proposal to James, that he should procure a body of
horse and foot from France to make a descent in England, and they would
engage not only to join him at his landing, but even to replace him on
the throne of England.

These offers being declined by James, on pretence that the French king
could not spare such a number of troops at that juncture, the earl of
Aylesbury went over in person, and was admitted to a conference with
Louis, in which the scheme of an invasion was actually concerted. In the
beginning of February the duke of Berwick repaired privately to England,
where he conferred with the conspirators, assured them that king James
was ready to make a descent with a considerable number of French forces,
distributed commissions, and gave directions for providing men, arms,
and horses, to join him at his arrival. When he returned to France, he
found every thing prepared for the expedition. The troops were drawn
down to the sea-side; a great number of transports were assembled at
Dunkirk; monsieur Gabaret had advanced as far as Calais with a squadron
of ships, which, when joined by that of Du Bart at Dunkirk, was judged
a sufficient convoy; and James had come as far as Calais in his way to
embark. Meanwhile the Jacobites in England were assiduously employed
in making preparations for a revolt. Sir John Friend had very near
completed a regiment of horse; considerable progress was made in levying
another by sir William Perkins; sir John Fenwick had enlisted four
troops; colonel Tempest had undertaken for one regiment of dragoons;
colonel Parker was preferred to the command of another; Mr. Curzon was
commissioned for a third; and the malcontents intended to raise a fourth
in Suffolk, where their interest chiefly prevailed.




CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE LIFE OF WILLIAM.

While one part of the Jacobites proceeded against William in the
usual way of exciting an insurrection, another, consisting of the most
desperate conspirators, had formed a scheme of assassination. Sir George
Barclay, a native of Scotland, who had served as an officer in the army
of James, a man of undaunted courage, a furious bigot in the religion
of Rome, yet close, circumspect, and determined, was landed with other
officers in Romneymarsh, by one captain Gill, about the beginning
of January, and is said to have undertaken the task of seizing or
assassinating king William. He imparted his design to Harrison, _alias_
Johnston, a priest, Char-nock, Porter, and sir William Perkins, by whom
it was approved; and he pretended to have a particular commission for
this service. After various consultations, they resolved to attack the
king on his return from Richmond, where he commonly hunted on Saturdays;
and the scene of their intended ambuscade was a lane between Brentford
and Turnham-Green. As it would be necessary to charge and disperse the
guards that attended the coach, they agreed that their number should be
increased to forty horsemen, and each conspirator began to engage
proper persons for the enterprise. When their complement was full, they
determined to execute their purpose on the fifteenth day of February.
They concerted the manner in which they should meet in small parties
without suspicion, and waited with impatience for the hour of action.
In this interval some of the underling actors, seized with horror at the
reflection of what they had undertaken, or captivated with the prospect
of reward, resolved to prevent the execution of the design by a timely
discovery. On the eleventh day of February, one Fisher informed the earl
of Portland of the scheme, and named some of the conspirators; but his
account was imperfect. On the thirteenth however he returned with a
circumstantial detail of all the particulars. Next day the earl was
accosted by one Pendergrass, an Irish officer, who told his lordship he
had just come from Hampshire at the request of a particular friend, and
understood that he had been called up to town with a view of engaging
him in a design to assassinate king William. He said, he had promised
to embark in the undertaking, though he detested it in his own mind, and
took this first opportunity of revealing the secret, which was of such
consequence to his majesty’s life. He owned himself a Roman catholic,
but declared that he did not think any religion could justify such a
treacherous purpose. At the same time he observed, that as he lay under
obligations to some of the conspirators, his honour and gratitude
would not permit him to accuse them by name; and that he would upon no
consideration appear as an evidence. The king had been so much used to
fictitious plots and false discoveries, that he paid little regard to
the informations until they were confirmed by the testimony of another
conspirator called La Rue, a Frenchman, who communicated the same
particulars to brigadier Levison, without knowing the least circumstance
of the other discoveries. Then the king believed there was something
real in the conspiracy; and Pendergrass and La Rue were severally
examined in his presence. He thanked Pendergrass in particular for this
instance of his probity; but observed that it must prove ineffectual
unless he would discover the names of the conspirators; for, without
knowing who they were, he should not be able to secure his life against
their attempts. At length Pendergrass was prevailed upon to give a list
of those he knew, yet not before the king had solemnly promised that
he should not be used as an evidence against them, except with his own
consent. As the king did not go to Richmond on the day appointed, the
conspirators postponed the execution of their design till the Saturday
following. They accordingly met at different houses on the Friday, when
every man received his instructions. There they agreed, that after the
perpetration of the parricide, they should ride in a body as far as
Hammersmith, and then dispersing, enter London by different avenues. But
on the morning, when they understood that the guards were returned to
their quarters, and the king’s coaches sent back to the Mews, they
were seized with a sudden damp, on the suspicion that their plot was
discovered. Sir George Barclay withdrew himself, and every one began
to think of providing for his own safety. Next night, however, a great
number of them were apprehended, and then the whole discovery was
communicated to the privy council. A proclamation was issued against
those that absconded; and great diligence was used to find sir George
Barclay, who was supposed to have a particular commission from James for
assassinating the prince of Orange; but he made good his retreat, and it
was never proved that any such commission had been granted.




DESIGN OF AN INVASION DEFEATED.

This design and the projected invasion proved equally abortive. James
had scarce reach Calais when the duke of Wirtemberg despatched his
aidecamp from Flanders to king William, with an account of the purposed
descent. Expresses with the same tidings arrived from the elector of
Bavaria and the prince de Vaude-mont. Two considerable squadrons being
ready for sea, admiral Russel embarked at Spithead and stood over to
the French coast with about fifty sail of the line. The enemy were
confounded at his appearance, and hauled in their vessels under the
shore, in such shallow water that he could not follow and destroy them;
but he absolutely ruined their design, by cooping them up in their
harbours. King James, after having tarried some weeks at Calais,
returned to St. Germain’s. The forces were sent back to the garrisons
from which they had been drafted; the people of France exclaimed, that
the malignant star which ruled the destiny of James had blasted this and
every other project formed for his restoration. By means of the reward
offered in the proclamation, the greater part of the conspirators were
betrayed or taken. George Harris, who had been sent from France with
orders to obey sir George Barclay, surrendered himself to sir William
Trumball, and confessed the scheme of assassination in which he had been
engaged. Porter and Pendergrass were apprehended together. This last
insisted upon the king’s promise that he should not be compelled to give
evidence; but when Porter owned himself guilty, the other observed he
was no longer bound to be silent, as his friend had made a confession;
and they were both admitted as evidences for the crown.




THE TWO HOUSES FORM AN ASSOCIATION FOR THE DEFENCE OF HIS MAJESTY.

After their examination, the king, in a speech to both houses,
communicated the nature of the conspiracy against his life, as well
as the advices he had received touching the invasion; he explained
the steps he had taken to defeat the double design, and professed his
confidence in their readiness and zeal to concur with him in every thing
that should appear necessary for their common safety. That same
evening the two houses waited upon him at Kensington in a body, with an
affectionate address, by which they expressed their abhorrence of the
villanous and barbarous design which had been formed against his sacred
person, of which they besought him to take more than ordinary care. They
assured him they would to their utmost defend his life, and support
his government against the late king James and all other enemies; and
declared, that in case his majesty should come to a violent death,
they would revenge it upon his adversaries and their adherents. He was
extremely well pleased with this warm address, and assured them in his
turn he would take all opportunities of recommending himself to the
continuance of their loyalty and affection. The commons forthwith
empowered him by bill to secure all persons suspected of conspiring
against his person and government. They brought in another, providing,
that in case of his majesty’s death, the parliament then being should
continue until dissolved by the next heir in succession to the crown,
established by act of parliament; that if his majesty should chance to
die between two parliaments, that which had been last dissolved should
immediately re-assemble, and sit for the despatch of national affairs.
They voted an address to desire that his majesty would banish by
proclamation all papists to the distance of ten miles from the cities of
London and Westminster; and give instructions to the judges going on
the circuits to put the laws in execution against Roman catholics and
nonjurors. They drew up an association, binding themselves to assist
each other in support of the king and his government, and to revenge any
violence that should be committed on his person. This was signed by
all the members then present; but as some had absented themselves
on frivolous pretences, the house ordered, that in sixteen days the
absentees should either subscribe or declare their refusal. Several
members neglecting to comply with this injunction within the limited
time, the speaker was ordered to write to those who were in the country,
and demand a peremptory answer; and the clerk of the house attended such
as pretended to be ill in town. The absentees finding themselves pressed
in this manner, thought proper to sail with the stream, and sign the
association, which was presented to the king by the commons in a body,
with a request that it might be lodged among the records in the Tower,
as a perpetual memorial of their loyalty and affection. The king
received them with uncommon complacency; declared that he heartily
entered into the same association; that he should be always ready to
venture his life with his good subjects against all who should endeavour
to subvert the religion, laws, and liberties of England; and he promised
that this and all other associations should be lodged among the records
of the Tower of London. Next day the commons resolved, that whoever
should affirm an association was illegal, should be deemed a promoter
of the designs of the late king James, and an enemy to the laws and
liberties of the kingdom. The lords followed the example of the lower
house in drawing up an association; but the earl of Nottingham, sir
Edward Seymour, and Mr. Finch, objected to the words rightful and lawful
as applied to his majesty. They said as the crown and its prerogatives
were vested in him, they would yield obedience, though they could not
acknowledge him as their rightful and lawful king.

Nothing could be more absurd than this distinction, started by men
who had actually constituted part of the administration; unless they
supposed that the right of king William expired with queen Mary.
The earl of Rochester proposed an expedient in favour of such tender
consciences, by altering the words that gave offence; and this was
adopted accordingly. Fifteen of the peers, and ninety-two commoners,
signed the association with reluctance. It was, however, subscribed by
all sorts of people in different parts of the kingdom; and the bishops
drew up a form for the clergy, which was signed by a great majority. The
commons brought in a bill, declaring all men incapable of public trust,
or of sitting in parliament, who would not engage in this association.
At the same time the council issued an order for renewing all the
commissions in England, that those who had not signed it voluntarily
should be dismissed from the service as disaffected persons.




ESTABLISHMENT OF A LAND-BANK.

After these warm demonstrations of loyalty, the commons proceeded upon
ways and means for raising the supplies. A new bank was constituted as
a fund, upon which the sum of two millions five hundred and sixty-four
thousand pounds should be raised; and it was called the land-bank,
because established on land securities. This scheme, said to have been
projected by the famous Dr. Chamberlain, was patronised by the earl of
Sunderland, and managed by Foley and Harley; so that it seemed to be a
tory plan which Sunderland supported, in order to reconcile himself to
that party. [067] _[See note O, at the end of this Vol.]_ The bank of
England petitioned against this bill, and were heard by their counsel;
but their representations produced no effect, and the bill having passed
through both houses, received the royal assent. On the twenty-seventh
day of April the king closed the session with a short but gracious
speech; and the parliament was prorogued to the sixteenth day of June.

Before this period some of the conspirators had been brought to trial.
The first who suffered was Robert Charnock, one of the two fellows
of Magdalen-college, who, in the reign of James, had renounced the
protestant religion; the next were lieutenant King and Thomas Keys,
which last had been formerly a trumpeter, but of late servant to captain
Porter. They were found guilty of high treason, and executed at Tyburn.
They delivered papers to the sheriff, in which they solemnly declared,
that they had never seen or heard of any commission from king James for
assassinating the prince of Orange; Charnock in particular observed,
that he had received frequent assurances of the king’s having rejected
such proposals when they had been offered; and that there was no other
commission but that for levying war in the usual form. Sir John Friend
and sir William Perkins were tried in April. The first, from mean
beginnings, had acquired great wealth and credit, and always firmly
adhered to the interests of king James. The other was likewise a man of
fortune, violently attached to the same principles, though he had
taken the oaths to the present government as one of the six clerks in
chancery. Porter and Blair, another evidence, deposed, that sir John
Friend had been concerned in levying men under a commission from king
James, and that he knew of the assassination plot, though not engaged
in it as a personal actor. He endeavoured to invalidate the testimony
of Blair, by proving him guilty of the most shocking ingratitude. He
observed that both the evidences were reputed papists. The curate of
Hackney, who officiated as chaplain in the prisoner’s house, declared
upon oath, that after the revolution he used to pray for king William,
and that he had often heard sir John Friend say that though he could not
comply with the present government, he would live peaceably under it,
and never engage in any conspiracy. Mr. Hoadley, father of the present
bishop of Winchester, added, that the prisoner was a good protestant,
and frequently expressed his detestation of king-killing principles.
Friend himself owned he had been with some of the conspirators at a
meeting in Leadenhall-street, but heard nothing of raising men, or any
design against the government. He likewise affirmed that a consultation
to levy war was not treason; and that his being at a treasonable consult
could amount to no more than a misprison of treason. Lord chief justice
Holt declared, that although a bare conspiracy, or design to levy war,
was not treason within the statute of Edward III., yet if the design or
conspiracy be to kill, or depose, or imprison the king, by the means of
levying war, then the consultation and conspiracy to levy war becomes
high treason though no war be actually levied. The same inference might
have been drawn against the authors and instruments of the revolution.
The judge’s explanation influenced the jury, who, after some
deliberation, found the prisoner guilty. Next day sir William Perkins
was brought to the bar, and upon the testimony of Porter, Ewebank, his
own groom, and Haywood, a notorious informer, was convicted of having
been concerned not only in the invasion, but also in the design against
the king’s life. The evidence was scanty, and the prisoner having been
bred to the law, made an artful and vigorous defence: but the judge
acted as counsel for the crown; and the jury decided by the hints they
received from the bench. He and sir John Friend underwent the sentence
of death, and suffered at Tyburn on the third day of April. Friend
protested before God that he knew of no immediate descent purposed by
king James, and therefore had made no preparations; that he was utterly
ignorant of the assassination scheme; that he died in the communion of
the church of England, and laid down his life cheerfully in the cause
for which he suffered. Perkins declared, upon the word of a dying man,
that the tenour of the king’s commission which he saw was general,
directed to all his loving subjects, to raise and levy war against the
prince of Orange and his adherents, and to seize all forts, castles,
&c, but that he neither saw nor heard of any commission particularly
levelled against the person of the prince of Orange. He owned, however,
that he was privy to the design; but believed it was known to few or
none but the immediate undertakers. These two criminals were in their
last moments attended by Collier, Snatt, and Cook, three nonjuring
clergymen, who absolved them in the view of the populace, with an
imposition of hands; a public insult on the government which did not
pass unnoticed. Those three clergyman were presented by the grand jury
for having countenanced the treason by absolving the traitors, and
thereby encouraged other persons to disturb the peace of the kingdom. An
indictment being preferred against them, Cook and Snatt were committed
to Newgate; but Collier absconded, and published a vindication of their
conduct, in which he affirmed that the imposition of hands was the
general practice of the primitive church. On the other hand, the
two metropolitans and twelve other bishops subscribed a declaration,
condemning the administration of absolution without a previous
confession made, and abhorrence expressed, by the prisoners of the
heinous crimes for which they suffered.

In the course of the same month, Rookwood, Cranborne, and Lowick, were
tried as conspirators by a special commission in the king’s-bench, and
convicted on the joint testimony of Porter, Harris, La Rue, Bertram,
Fisher, and Pendergrass. Some favourable circumstances appeared in the
case of Lowick. The proof of his having been concerned in the design
against the king’s life was very defective; many persons of reputation
declared he was an honest, good natured, inoffensive man; and he himself
concluded his defence with the most solemn protestation of his own
innocence. Great intercession was made for his pardon by some noblemen;
but all their interest proved ineffectual. Cranborne died in a transport
of indignation, leaving a paper which the government thought proper to
suppress. Lowick and Rookwood likewise delivered declarations to the
sheriff, the contents of which as being less inflammatory were allowed
to be published. Both solemnly denied any knowledge of a commission from
king James to assassinate the prince of Orange; the one affirming that
he was incapable of granting such an order; and the other asserting
that he, the best of kings, had often rejected proposals of that nature.
Lowick owned that he would have joined the king at his landing; but
declared he had never been concerned in any bloody affair during the
whole course of his life. On the contrary, he said he had endeavoured
to prevent bloodshed as much as lay in his power; and that he would not
kill the most miserable creature in the world, even though such an act
would save his life, restore his sovereign, and make him one of
the greatest men in England. Rookwood alleged he was engaged by his
immediate commander, whom he thought it was his duty to obey, though the
service was much against his judgment and inclination. He professed his
abhorrence of treachery even to an enemy. He forgave all mankind,
even the prince of Orange, who as a soldier, he said, ought to have
considered his case before he signed his death warrant; he prayed God
would open his eyes, and render him sensible of the blood that was from
all parts crying against him, so as he might avert a heavier execution
than that which he now ordered to be inflicted. The next person brought
to trial was Mr. Cooke, son of sir Miles Cooke, one of the six clerks
in chancery. Porter and Goodman deposed that he had been present at two
meetings at the King’s-head tavern in Leadenhall-street, with the lords
Aylesbury and Montgomery, sir William Perkins, sir John Fenwick,
sir John Friend, Charnock, and Porter. The evidence of Goodman was
invalidated by the testimony of the landlord and two drawers belonging
to the tavern, who swore that Goodman was not there while the noblemen
were present. The prisoner himself solemnly protested, that he was ever
averse to the introduction of foreign forces; that he did not so much
as hear of the intended invasion until it became the common topic of
conversation; and that he had never seen Goodman at the King’s-head. He
declared his intention of receiving the blessed sacrament, and wished he
might perish in the instant if he now spoke untruth. No respect was
paid to these asseverations. The solicitor-general Hawles, and lord
chief-justice Treby, treated him with great severity in the prosecution
and charge to the jury, by whom he was capitally convicted. After
his condemnation, the court-agents tampered with him to make further
discoveries; and after his fate had been protracted by divers short
reprieves, he was sent into banishment. From the whole tenour of
these discoveries and proceedings, it appears that James had actually
meditated an invasion; that his partisans in England had made
preparations for joining him on his arrival; that a few desperadoes of
that faction had concerted a scheme against the life of king William;
that in prosecuting the conspirators, the court had countenanced
informers; that the judges had strained the law, wrested circumstances,
and even deviated from the function of their office, to convict
the prisoners; in a word, that the administration had used the same
arbitrary and unfair practices against those unhappy people, which they
themselves had in the late reigns numbered among the grievances of the
kingdom.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




THE ALLIES BURN THE MAGAZINE AT GIVET.

The warmth, however, manifested on this occasion may have been owing
to national resentment of the purposed invasion. Certain it is, the
two houses of parliament and the people in general were animated with
extraordinary indignation against France at this juncture. The
lords besought his majesty in a solemn address to appoint a day of
thanksgiving to Almighty God for having defeated the barbarous purpose
of his enemies; and this was observed with uncommon zeal and devotion.
Admiral Russel, leaving a squadron for observation on the French
coast, returned to the Downs; but sir Cloudesley Shovel, being properly
prepared for the expedition, subjected Calais to another bombardment, by
which the town was set on fire in different parts, and the inhabitants
were overwhelmed with consternation. The generals of the allied army in
Flanders resolved to make some immediate retaliation upon the French for
their unmanly design upon the life of king William, as they took it for
granted that Louis was accessary to the scheme of assassination. That
monarch, on the supposition that a powerful diversion would be made
by the descent on England, had established a vast magazine at Givet,
designing, when the allies should be enfeebled by the absence of
the British troops, to strike some stroke of importance early in
the campaign. On this the confederates now determined to wreak their
vengeance. In the beginning of March the carl of Athlone and monsieur
de Coehorn, with the concurrence of the duke of Holstein-Ploen, who
commanded the allies, sent a strong detachment of horse, drafted from
Brussels and the neighbouring garrisons, to amuse the enemy on the side
of Charleroy, while they assembled forty squadrons, thirty battalions,
with fifteen pieces of cannon, and six mortars, in the territory of
Namur. Athlone with a part of this body invested Dinant, while Coehorn
with the remainder advanced to Givet. He forthwith began to batter and
bombard the place, which in three hours was on fire, and by four in the
afternoon wholly destroyed, with the great magazine it contained.
Then the two generals joining their forces returned to Namur without
interruption. Hitherto the republic of Venice had deferred acknowledging
king William; but now they sent an extraordinary embassy for that
purpose, consisting of signiors Soranzo and Venier, who arrived in
London, and on the first day of May had a public audience. The king on
this occasion knighted Soranzo as the senior ambassador, and presented
him with the sword according to custom. On that day, too, William
declared in council that he had appointed the same regency which had
governed the kingdom during his last absence, and embarking on the
seventh at Margate, arrived at Orange-Polder in the evening, under
convoy of vice-admiral Aylmer. This officer had been ordered to attend
with a squadron, as the famous Du Bart still continued at Dunkirk,
and some attempt of importance was apprehended from his enterprising
genius.*

     * Some promotions were made before the king left England.
     George Hamilton, third son of the duke of that name, was for
     his military services in Ireland and Flanders created earl
     of Orkney. Sir John Lowther was ennobled by the title of
     baron Lowther and viscount Lonsdale; sir John Thompson made
     baron of Haversham; and the celebrated John Locke appointed
     one of the commissioners of trade and plantation.




LOUIS MAKES ADVANCES TOWARDS A PEACE WITH HOLLAND.

The French had taken the field before the allied army could be
assembled; but no transaction of consequence distinguished this campaign
either upon the Rhine or in Flanders. The scheme of Louis was still
defensive on the side of the Netherlands, while the active plans of
king William were defeated by want of money. All the funds for this year
proved defective: the land-bank failed, and the national bank sustained
a rude shock in its credit. The loss of the nation upon the recoinage,
amounted to two millions two hundred thousand pounds; and though the
different mints were employed without interruption, they could not for
some months supply the circulation, especially as great part of the new
money was kept up by those who received it in payment, or disposed of
it at an unreasonable advantage. The French king having exhausted the
wealth and patience of his subjects, and greatly diminished their
number in the course of this war, began to be diffident of his arms, and
employed all the arts of private negotiation. While his minister D’Avaux
pressed the king of Sweden to offer his mediation, he sent Callieres to
Holland with proposals for settling the preliminaries of a treaty.

He took it for granted that as the Dutch were a trading people, whose
commerce had greatly suffered in the war, they could not be averse to
a pacification; and he instructed his emissaries to tamper with
the malcontents of the republic, especially with the remains of the
Louvestein faction, which had always opposed the schemes of the
stadtholder. Callieres met with a favourable reception from the states,
which began to treat with him about the preliminaries, though not
without the consent and concurrence of king William and the rest of the
allies. Louis, with a view to quicken the effect of this negotiation,
pursued offensive measures in Catalonia, where his general the duke de
Vendome attacked and worsted the Spaniards in their camp near Ostalrick,
though the action was not decisive; for that general was obliged to
retreat after having made vigorous efforts against their intrenchments.
On the twentieth day of June, mareschal de Lorges passed the Rhine
at Philips-burg and encamped within a league of Eppingen, where the
Imperial troops were obliged to intrench themselves, under the command
of the prince of Baden, as they were not yet joined by the auxiliary
forces. The French general after having faced him about a month,
thought proper to repass the river. Then he detached a body of horse to
Flanders, and cantoned the rest of his troops at Spires, Franckendahl,
Worms, and Ostofen. On the last day of August the prince of Baden
retaliated the insult, by passing the Rhine at Mentz and Cocsheim. On
the tenth he was joined by general Thungen, who commanded a separate
body, together with the militia of Suabia and Franconia, and advanced to
the camp of the enemy, who had reassembled; but they were posted in such
a manner that he would not hazard an attack. Having therefore cannonaded
them for some days, scoured the adjacent country by detached parties,
and taken the little castle of Wiezengen, he repassed the river at
Worms on the seventh day of October: the French likewise crossed at
Philipsburgh in hopes of surprising general Thungen, who had taken post
in the neighbourhood of Strasbourg; but he retired to Eppingen before
their arrival, and in a little time both armies were distributed in
winter quarters. Peter, the czar of Muscovy, carried on the siege of
Azoph with such vigour, that the garrison was obliged to capitulate
after the Russians had defeated a great convoy sent to its relief. The
court of Vienna forthwith engaged in an alliance with the Muscovite
emperor; but they did not exert themselves in taking advantage of the
disaster which the Turks had undergone. The Imperial army, commanded by
the elector of Saxony, continued inactive on the river Marosch till the
nineteenth day of July, then they made a feint of attacking Temiswaer;
but they inarched towards Betzkerch, in their route to Belgrade, on
receiving advice that the grand seignor intended to besiege Titul. On
the twenty-first day of August, the two armies were in sight of each
other. The Turkish horse attacked the Imperialists in a plain near the
river Begue, but were repulsed. The Germans next day made a show of
retreating, in hopes of drawing the enemy from their intrenchments. The
stratagem succeeded. On the twenty-sixth the Turkish army was in motion.
A detachment of the Imperialists attacked them in flank as they marched
through a wood. A very desperate action ensued, in which the generals
Heusler and Poland, with many other gallant officers, lost their lives.
At length the Ottoman horse were routed; but the Germans were so roughly
handled, that on the second day after the engagement they retreated at
midnight, and the Turks remained quiet in their intrenchments.

In Piedmont the face of affairs underwent a strange alteration. The duke
of Savoy, who had for some time been engaged in a secret negotiation
with France, at length embraced the offers of that crown, and privately
signed a separate treaty of peace at Loretto, to which place he repaired
on a pretended pilgrimage. The French king engaged to present him with
four millions of livres by way of reparation for the damage he had
sustained, to assist him with a certain number of auxiliaries against all
his enemies, and to effect a marriage between the duke of Burgundy and
the princess of Piedmont, as soon as the parties should be marriageable.
The treaty was guaranteed by the pope and the Venetians, who were
extremely desirous of seeing the Germans driven out of Italy.
King William being apprized of this negotiation, communicated the
intelligence to the earl of Galway, his ambassador at Turin, who
expostulated with the duke upon this defection; but he persisted in
denying any such correspondence, until the advance of the French army
enabled him to avow it without fearing the resentment of the allies whom
he had abandoned. Catinat marched into the plains of Turin at the
head of fifty thousand men, an army greatly superior to that of the
confederates. Then the duke imparted to the ministers of the allies the
proposals which France had made; represented the superior strength
of her army; the danger to which he was exposed; and, finally, his
inclination to embrace her offers. On the twelfth of July a truce was
concluded for a month, and afterwards prolonged till the fifteenth of
September. He wrote to all the powers engaged in the confederacy, except
King William, expatiating on the same topics, and soliciting their
consent. Though each in particular refused to concur, he on the
twenty-third day of August signed the treaty in public which he had
before concluded in private. The emperor was no sooner informed of his
design, than he took every step which he thought could divert him from
his purpose. He sent the count Mansfeldt to Turin with proposals for a
match between the king of the Romans and the princess of Savoy, as well
as with offers to augment his forces and his subsidy; but the duke had
already settled his terms with France, from which he would not recede.
Prince Eugene, though his kinsman, expressed great indignation at his
conduct. The young prince de Commercy was so provoked at his defection
that he challenged him to single combat, and the duke accepted of
his challenge; but the quarrel was compromised by the intervention of
friends, and they parted in an amicable manner. He had concealed the
treaty until he should receive the remaining part of the subsidies due
to him from the confederates. A considerable sum had been remitted
from England to Genoa for his use; but lord Galway no sooner received
intimation of his new engagement, than he put a stop to the payment of
this money, which he employed in the Milanese for the subsistence of
those troops that were in the British service. King William was encamped
at Gemblours when the duke’s envoy notified the separate peace which his
master had concluded with the king of France. Though he was extremely
chagrined at the information, he dissembled his anger and listened to
the minister without the least emotion. One of the conditions of this
treaty was, that within a limited time the allies should evacuate the
duke’s dominions, otherwise they should be expelled by the joint forces
of France and Savoy. A neutrality was offered to the confederates;
and this being rejected, the contracting powers resolved to attack the
Milanese. Accordingly when the truce expired, the duke, as generalissimo
of the French king, entered that duchy and undertook the siege of
Valentia; so that in one campaign he commanded two contending armies.
The garrison of Valentia, consisting of seven thousand men, Germans,
Spaniards, and French protestants, made an obstinate defence; and the
duke of Savoy prosecuted the siege with uncommon impetuosity. But after
the trenches had been open for thirteen days, a courier arrived from
Madrid with an account of his catholic majesty’s having agreed to the
neutrality for Italy. This agreement imported that there should be a
suspension of arms until a general peace could be effected; and that the
Imperial and French troops should return to their respective countries.
Christendom had well nigh been embroiled anew by the death of John
Sobieski, king of Poland, who died at the age of seventy in the course
of this summer, after having survived his faculties and reputation.
As the crown was elective, a competition arose for the succession. The
kingdom was divided by factions; and the different powers of Europe
interested themselves warmly in the contention.




NAVAL TRANSACTIONS.

Nothing of consequence had been lately achieved by the naval force of
England. When the conspiracy was first discovered, sir George Rooke had
received orders to return from Cadiz, and he arrived in the latter
end of April. While he took his place at the board of admiralty, lord
Berkeley succeeded to the command of the fleet, and in the month of
June set sail towards Ushant in order to insult the coast of France. He
pillaged and burned the villages on the islands Grouais, Houat, and Hey
die; made prize of about twenty vessels; bombarded St. Martin’s on the
isle of Ehé, and the town of Olonne, which was set on fire in fifteen
different places with the shells and carcasses. Though these appear to
have been enterprises of small import, they certainly kept the whole
coast of France in perpetual alarm. The ministry of that kingdom were
so much afraid of invasion, that between Brest and Goulet they ordered
above one hundred batteries to be erected, and above sixty thousand men
were continually in arms for the defence of the maritime places. In the
month of May rear-admiral Benbow sailed with a small squadron in
order to block up Du Bart in the harbour of Dunkirk; but that famous
adventurer found means to escape in a fog, and steering to the eastward
attacked the Dutch fleet in the Baltic under a convoy of five frigates.
These last he took, together with half the number of the trading ships;
but falling in with the outward bound fleet convoyed by thirteen ships
of the line, he was obliged to burn four of the frigates, turn the fifth
adrift, and part with all his prizes except fifteen, which he carried
into Dunkirk.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE PARLIAMENTS OF SCOTLAND AND IRELAND.

The parliament of Scotland met on the eighth day of September, and lord
Murray, secretary of state, now earl of Tullibardine, presided as king’s
commissioner. Though that kingdom was exhausted by the war and two
successive bad harvests, which had driven a great number of the
inhabitants into Ireland, there was no opposition to the court measures.
The members of parliament signed an association like that of England.
They granted a supply of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds for
maintaining their forces by sea and land. They passed an act for
securing their religion, lives, and properties, in case his majesty
should come to an untimely death. By another they obliged all persons
in public trust to sign the association, and then the parliament was
adjourned to the eighth day of December. The disturbances of Ireland
seemed now to be entirely appeased. Lord Capel dying in May, the
council, by virtue of an act passed in the reign of Henry VIII.,
elected the chancellor, sir Charles Porter, to be lord justice and chief
governor of that kingdom, until his majesty’s pleasure should be known.
The parliament met in June: the commons expelled Mr. Sanderson, the
only member of that house who had refused to sign the association, and
adjourned to the fourth day of August. By that time sir Charles Porter
and the earls of Montrath and Drogheda were appointed lords justices,
and signified the king’s pleasure that they should adjourn. In the
beginning of December the chancellor died of an apoplexy.




ZEAL OF THE ENGLISH COMMONS IN THEIR AFFECTION TO THE KING.

King William being tired of an inactive campaign, left the army under
the command of the elector of Bavaria, and about the latter end of
August repaired to his palace at Loo, where he enjoyed his favourite
exercise of stag-hunting. He visited the court of Brandenburgh at
Cleves; conferred with the states of Holland at the Hague; and,
embarking for England, landed at Margate on the sixth day of October.
The domestic economy of the nation was extremely perplexed at this
juncture from the sinking of public credit, and the stagnation that
necessarily attended a recoinage. These grievances were with difficulty
removed by the clear apprehension, the enterprising genius, the unshaken
fortitude of Mr. Montague, chancellor of the exchequer, operating upon
a national spirit of adventure, which the monied interest had produced.
The king opened the session of parliament on the twentieth day of
October, with a speech importing that overtures had been made for a
negotiation, but that the best way of treating with France would be
sword in hand. He therefore desired they would be expeditious in raising
the supplies for the service of the ensuing year, as well as for making
good the funds already granted. He declared that the civil list could
not be supported without their assistance. He recommended the miserable
condition of the French protestants to their compassion. He desired
they would contrive the best expedients for the recovery of the national
credit. He observed that unanimity and despatch were now more than ever
necessary, for the honour, safety, and advantage of England. The commons
having taken this speech into consideration, resolved that they
would support his majesty and his government, and assist him in the
prosecution of the war; that the standard of gold and silver should not
be altered; and that they would make good all parliamentary funds. Then
they presented an address in a very spirited strain, declaring, that
notwithstanding the blood and treasure of which the nation had been
drained, the commons of England would not be diverted from their firm
resolutions of obtaining by war a safe and honourable peace. They
therefore renewed their assurances that they would support his majesty
against all his enemies at home and abroad. The house of lords delivered
another to the same purpose, declaring that they would never be wanting
or backward on their parts in what might be necessary to his majesty’s
honour, the good of his kingdoms, and the quiet of Christendom. The
commons, in the first transports of their zeal, ordered two seditious
pamphlets to be burned by the hands of the common hangman. They
deliberated upon the estimates, and granted above six millions for
the service of the ensuing-year. They resolved that a supply should
be granted for making good the deficiency of parliamentary funds, and
appropriated several duties for this purpose.




RESOLUTIONS TOUCHING THE COIN, &c.

With respect to the coin they brought in a bill repealing an act for
taking off the obligation and encouragement of coining guineas for a
certain time, and for importing and coining guineas and half guineas, as
the extravagant price of those coins which occasioned this act was now
fallen. They passed a second bill for remedying the ill state of the
coin; and a third, explaining an act in the preceding session for laying
duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction. In order
to raise the supplies of the year, they resolved to tax all persons
according to the true value of their real and personal estates, their
stock upon land and in trade, their income by offices, pensions, and
professions. A duty of one penny per week for one year was laid upon all
persons not receiving alms. A further imposition of one farthing in the
pound per week was fixed upon all servants receiving four pounds per
annum as wages, and upwards to eight pounds a-year inclusive. Those who
received from eight to sixteen pounds were taxed at one halfpenny per
pound. An aid of three shillings in the pound for one year was laid upon
all lands, tenements, and hereditaments, according to their true value.
Without specifying the particulars of those impositions, we shall only
observe that, in the general charge, the commons did not exempt one
member of the commonwealth that could be supposed able to bear any part
of the burden. Provision was made that hammered money should be received
in payment of these duties at the rate of five shillings and eightpence
per ounce. All the deficiencies on annuities and monies borrowed on the
credit of the exchequer, were transferred to this aid. The treasury
was enabled to borrow a million and a half at eight per cent, and to
circulate exchequer bills to the amount of as much more. To cancel these
debts the surplus of all the supplies, except the three-shilling-aid,
was appropriated. The commons voted one hundred and twenty-five thousand
pounds for making good the deficiency in recoining the hammered money,
and the recompence for bringing in plate to the mint. This sum was
raised by a tax or duty upon wrought plate, paper, pasteboard, vellum,
and parchment, made or imported. Taking into consideration the services
and the present languishing state of the bank, whose notes were at
twenty per cent, discount, they resolved that it should be enlarged
by new subscriptions, made by four-fifths in tallies struck on
parliamentary funds, and one-fifth in bank-bills or notes; that
effectual provision should be made by parliament for paying the
principal of all such tallies as should be subscribed into the bank, out
of the funds agreed to be continued; that an interest of eight per cent,
should be allowed on all such tallies; and that the continuance of the
bank should be prolonged to the first day of August, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and ten. That all assignments of orders or
tallies subscribed into the bank should be registered in the exchequer;
that before the day should be fixed for the beginning of the new
subscriptions, the old should be made one hundred per cent., and what
might exceed that value should be divided among the old members; that
all the interest due on those tallies which might be subscribed into the
bank-stock, at that time appointed for subscriptions, to the end of the
last preceding quarter on each tally, should be allowed as principal;
that liberty should be given by parliament to enlarge the number of
bank-bills to the value of the sum that should be so subscribed over
and above the twelve hundred thousand pounds, provided they should
be obliged to answer such bills on demand, and in default thereof be
answered by the exchequer out of the first money due to them; that no
other bank should be erected or allowed by act of parliament during the
continuance of the bank of England; that this should be exempted from
all tax or imposition; that no act of the corporation should forfeit
the particular interest of any person concerned therein; that provision
should be made to prevent the officers of the exchequer, and all other
officers and receivers of the revenue, from diverting, delaying, or
obstructing the course of payments to the bank; that care should be
taken to prevent the altering, counterfeiting, or forging any bank bills
or notes; that the estates and interest of each member in the stock of
the corporation should be made a personal estate; that no contract
made for any bank stock to be bought or sold, should be valid in law or
equity unless actually registered in the bank books within seven days,
and actually transferred within fourteen days after the contract
should be made. A bill upon these resolutions was brought in under
the direction of the chancellor of the exchequer: it related to the
continuation of tonnage and poundage upon wine, vinegar, and tobacco,
and comprehended a clause for laying an additional duty upon salt for
two years and three quarters. All the several branches constituted a
general fund, since known by the name of the general mortgage, without
prejudice to their former appropriations. The bill also provided that
the tallies should bear eight per cent, interest; that from the tenth
of June for five years they should bear no more than six per cent,
interest; and that no premium or discount upon them should be taken.
In case of the general funds proving insufficient to pay the whole
interest, it was provided that every proprietor should receive his
proportion of the product, and the deficiency be made good from the next
aid; but should the fund produce more than the interest, the surplus
was destined to operate as a sinking fund for the discharge of the
principal. In order to make up a deficiency of above eight hundred
thousand pounds occasioned by the failure of the land-bank, additional
duties were laid upon leather; the time was enlarged for persons to come
in and purchase the annuities payable by several former acts, and to
obtain more certain interest in such annuities.

Never were more vigorous measures taken to support the credit of
the government; and never was the government served by such a set of
enterprising undertakers. The commons having received a message from the
king touching the condition of the civil list, resolved that a sum not
exceeding five hundred and fifteen thousand pounds should be granted for
the support of the civil list for the ensuing year, to be raised by a
malt tax and additional duties upon mum sweets, cyder, and perry. They
likewise resolved that an additional aid of one shilling in the pound
should be laid upon land, as an equivalent for the duty of ten per
cent, upon mixed goods. Provision was made for raising one million four
hundred thousand pounds by a lottery. The treasury was empowered to
issue an additional number of exchequer bills to the amount of twelve
hundred thousand pounds, every hundred pounds bearing interest at the
rate of fivepence a-day, and ten per cent, for circulation; finally, in
order to liquidate the transport-debt, which the funds established for
that purpose had not been sufficient to defray, a money-bill was brought
in to oblige pedlars and hawkers to take out licenses, and pay for them
at certain stated prices. One cannot without astonishment reflect upon
the prodigious efforts that were made upon this occasion, or consider
without indignation the enormous fortunes that were raised up by usurers
and extortioners from the distresses of their country. The nation
did not seem to know its own strength, until it was put to this
extraordinary trial; and the experiment of mortgaging funds succeeded so
well, that later ministers have proceeded in the same system, imposing
burden upon burden, as if they thought the sinews of the nation could
never be overstrained.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




SIR JOHN FENWICK IS APPREHENDED, CONDEMNED, AND BEHEADED.

The public credit being thus bolstered up by the singular address of Mr.
Montague, and the bills passed for the supplies of the ensuing year,
the attention of the commons was transferred to the case of sir John
Fen-wick, who had been apprehended in the month of June at New Romney,
in his way to France. He had when taken written a letter to his lady by
one Webber, who accompanied him; but this man being seized, the letter
was found, containing such a confession as plainly evinced him guilty.
He then entered into a treaty with the court for turning evidence, and
delivered a long information in writing, which was sent abroad to his
majesty. He made no discoveries that could injure any of the Jacobites,
who, by his account, and other concurring testimonies, appeared to
be divided into two parties, known by the names of compounders and
non-com-pounders. The first, headed by the earl of Middleton, insisted
upon receiving security from king James that the religion and liberties
of England should be preserved; whereas the other party, at the head
of which was the earl of Melfort, resolved to bring him in without
conditions, relying upon his own honour and generosity. King William
having sent over an order for bringing Fenwick to trial, unless he
should make more material discoveries, the prisoner, with a view to
amuse the ministry until he could take other measures for his own
safety, accused the earls of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Bath, the
lord Godolphin, and admiral Russel, of having made their peace with
king James, and engaged to act for his interest. Meanwhile his lady and
relations tampered with the two witnesses, Porter and Goodman. The first
of these discovered those practices to the government; and one
Clancey, who acted as agent for lady Fenwick, was tried, convicted
of subornation, fined, and set in the pillory; but they had succeeded
better in their attempts upon Goodman, who disappeared; so that one
witness only remained, and Fenwick began to think his life was out
of danger. Admiral Russel acquainted the house of commons that he and
several persons of quality had been reflected upon in some informations
of sir John Fenwick; he therefore desired that he might have an
opportunity to justify his own character. Mr. secretary Trumball
produced the papers, which having been read, the commons ordered that
sir John Fenwick should be brought to the bar of the house. There he was
exhorted by the speaker to make an ample discovery; which, however,
he declined, except with the proviso that he should first receive some
security that what he might say should not prejudice himself. He was
ordered to withdraw until they should have deliberated on his request.
Then he was called in again, and the speaker told him that he might
deserve the favour of the house by making a full discovery. He desired
he might be indulged with a little time to recollect himself, and
promised to obey the command of the house. This favour being denied, he
again insisted upon having security; which they refusing to grant, he
chose to be silent, and was dismissed from the bar. The house voted
that his informations reflecting upon the fidelity of several noblemen,
members of the house, and others, upon hearsay, were false and
scandalous, contrived to undermine the government, and create jealousies
between the king and his subjects in order to stifle the conspiracy.

A motion being made for leave to bring in a bill to attaint him of high
treason, a warm debate ensued, and the question being put, was carried
in the affirmative by a great majority. He was furnished with a copy of
the bill, and allowed the use of pen, ink, paper, and counsel. When he
presented a petition praying that his counsel might be heard against
passing the bill, they made an order that his counsel should be allowed
to make his defence at the bar of the house; so that he was surprised
into an irregular trial, instead of being indulged with an opportunity
of offering objections to their passing the bill of attainder. He was
accordingly brought to the bar of the house; and the bill being read
in his hearing, the speaker called upon the king’s counsel to open the
evidence. The prisoner’s counsel objected to their proceeding to trial,
alleging that their client had not received the least notice of their
purpose, and therefore could not be prepared for his defence; but that
they came to offer their reasons against the bill. The house, after a
long debate, resolved, that he should be allowed further time to produce
witnesses in his defence; that the counsel for the king should likewise
be allowed to produce evidence to prove the treasons of which he stood
indicted; and an order was made for his being brought to the bar
again in three days. In pursuance of this order he appeared, when
the indictment which had been found against him by the grand jury was
produced; and Porter was examined as an evidence. Then the record of
Clancey’s conviction was read; and one Roe testified that Deighton, the
prisoner’s solicitor, had offered him an annuity of one hundred pounds
to discredit the testimony of Goodman. The king’s counsel moved, that
Goodman’s examination, as taken by Mr. Vernon, clerk of the council,
might be read. Sir J. Powis and sir Bartholomew Shower, the prisoner’s
counsel, warmly opposed this proposal; they affirmed that a deposition
taken when the party affected by it was not present to cross-examine the
deposer, could not be admitted in a case of five shillings value; that
though the house was not bound by the rules of inferior courts, it was
nevertheless bound by the eternal and unalterable rules of justice; that
no evidence, according to the rules of law, could be admitted in such a
case but that of living witnesses; and that the examination of a person
who is absent was never read to supply his testimony. The dispute
between the lawyers on this subject gave rise to a very violent debate
among the members of the house. Sir Edward Seymour, sir Richard Temple,
Mr. Harley, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Manly, sir Christopher Musgrave, and all
the leaders of the tory party, argued against the hardship and injustice
of admitting this information as an evidence. They demonstrated that it
would be a step contrary to the practice of all courts of judicature,
repugnant to the common notions of justice and humanity, diametrically
opposite to the last act for regulating trials in cases of high treason,
and of dangerous consequences to the lives and liberties of the people.
On the other hand, lord Cutts, sir Thomas Lyttleton, Mr. Montague, Mr.
Smith of the treasury, and Trevor the attorney-general, affirmed that
the house was not bound by any form of law whatsoever; that this was
an extraordinary case in which the safety of the government was deeply
concerned; that though the common law might require two evidences in
cases of treason, the house had a power of deviating from those rules
in extraordinary cases; that there was no reason to doubt of sir John
Fenwick’s being concerned in the conspiracy; that he or his friends had
tampered with Porter; and that there were strong presumptions to believe
the same practices had induced Goodman to abscond. In a word, the
tories, either from party or patriotism, strenuously asserted the cause
of liberty and humanity by those very arguments which had been used
against them in the former reigns; while the wings, with equal
violence and more success, espoused the dictates of arbitrary power and
oppression, in the face of their former principles, with which they
were now upbraided. At length the question was put, whether or not
the information of Goodman should be read? and was carried in the
affirmative by a majority of seventy-three voices. Then two of the grand
jury who had found the indictment, recited the evidence which had been
given to them by Porter and Goodman; lastly, the king’s counsel insisted
upon producing the record of Cooke’s conviction, as he had been tried
for the same conspiracy. The prisoner’s counsel objected, that if such
evidence was admitted, the trial of one person in the same company would
be the trial of all; and it could not be expected that they who came to
defend sir John Fenwick only, should be prepared to answer the charge
against Cooke. This article produced another vehement debate among the
members; and the whigs obtained a second victory. The record was read,
and the king’s counsel proceeded to call some of the jury who served
on Cooke’s trial to affirm that he had been convicted on Goodman’s
evidence. Sir Bartholomew Shower said he would submit it to the
consideration of the house, whether it was just that the evidence
against one person should conclude against another standing at a
different bar, in defence of his life? The parties were again ordered to
withdraw; and from this point arose a third debate, which ended as the
two former to the disadvantage of the prisoner. The jury being examined,
Mr. Sergeant Gould moved, that Mr. Vernon might be desired to produce
the intercepted letter from sir John Fenwick to his lady. The prisoner’s
counsel warmly opposed this motion, insisting upon their proving it to
be his hand writing before it could be used against him; and no further
stress was laid on this evidence. When they were called upon to enter
on his defence, they pleaded incapacity to deliver matters of such
importance after they had been fatigued with twelve hours’ attendance.
The house resolved to hear such evidence as the prisoner had to produce
that night. His counsel declared that they had nothing then to produce
but the copy of a record; and the second resolution was, that he should
be brought up again next day at noon. He accordingly appeared at the
bar, and sir J. Powis proceeded on his defence. He observed that the
bill under consideration affected the lives of the subjects; and such
precedents were dangerous; that sir John Fenwick was forthcoming in
order to be tried by the ordinary methods of justice; that he was
actually under process, had pleaded, and was ready to stand trial;
that if there was sufficient clear evidence against him, as the king’s
sergeant had declared, there was no reason for his being deprived of the
benefit of such a trial as was the birthright of every British subject;
and if there was a deficiency of legal evidence, he thought this was a
very odd reason for the bill. He took notice that even the regicides had
the benefit of such a trial; that the last act for regulating trials in
cases of treason proved the great tenderness of the laws which affected
the life of the subject; and he expressed his surprise that the very
parliament which had passed that law should enact another for putting
a person to death without any trial at all. He admitted that there
had been many bills of attainder, but they were generally levelled at
outlaws and fugitives; and some of them had been reversed in the sequel
as arbitrary and unjust. He urged that this bill of attainder did not
allege or say that sir John Fenwick was guilty of the treason for which
he had been indicted; a circumstance which prevented him from producing
witnesses to that and several matters upon which the king’s counsel had
expatiated. He said they had introduced evidence to prove circumstances
not alleged in the bill, and defective evidence of those that were; that
Porter was not examined upon oath; that nothing could be more severe
than to pass sentence of death upon a man, corrupt his blood, and
confiscate his estate, upon parole evidence; especially of such a wretch
who, by his own confession, had been engaged in a crime of the blackest
nature, not a convert to the dictates of conscience, but a coward,
shrinking from the danger by which he had been environed, and even
now drudging for a pardon. He invalidated the evidence of Goodman’s
examination. He observed that the indictment mentioned a conspiracy
to call in a foreign power; but as this conspiracy had not been put in
practice, such an agreement was not a sufficient overt-act of treason,
according to the opinion of Hawles the solicitor-general, concerned in
this very prosecution. So saying, he produced a book of remarks which
that lawyer had published on the cases of lord Russel, colonel Sidney,
and others, who had suffered death in the reign of Charles II. This
author, said he, takes notice, that a conspiracy or agreement to levy
war is not treason without actually levying war; a sentiment in which
he concurred with lord Coke, and lord chief-justice Hales. He concluded
with saying, “We know at present on what ground we stand; by the
statute of Edward III. we know what treason is; by the two statutes of
Edward VI. and the late act, we know what is proof; by the Magna Charta
we know we are to be tried _per legem terræ el per judicium parium_,
by the law of the land and the judgment of our peers; but if bills of
attainder come into fashion, we shall neither know what is treason, what
is evidence, nor how nor where we are to be tried.” He was seconded by
sir Bartholomew Shower, who spoke with equal energy and elocution; and
their arguments were answered by the king’s counsel. The arguments in
favour of the bill imported that the parliament would not interpose
except in extraordinary cases; that here the evidence necessary in
inferior courts being defective, the parliament, which was not tied down
by legal evidence, had a right to exert their extraordinary power in
punishing an offender, who would otherwise escape with impunity; that
as the law stood, he was but a sorry politician that could not ruin the
government, and yet elude the statute of treason; that if a plot,
after being discovered, should not be thoroughly prosecuted, it would
strengthen and grow upon the administration, and probably at length
subvert the government; that it was notorious that parties were forming
for king James; persons were plotting in every part of the kingdom, and
an open invasion was threatened; therefore this was a proper time for
the parliament to exert their extraordinary power; that the English
differed from all other nations in bringing the witnesses and the
prisoner face to face, and requiring two witnesses in cases of treason;
nor did the English law itself require the same proof in some cases as
in others, for one witness was sufficient in felony, as well as for the
treason of coining; that Fenwick was notoriously guilty, and deserved
to feel the resentment of the nation; that he would have been brought
to exemplary punishment in the ordinary course of justice, had he not
eluded it by corrupting evidence and withdrawing a witness. If
this reasoning be just, the house of commons has a right to act in
diametrical opposition to the laws in being; and is vested with a
despotic power over the lives and fortunes of their constituents, for
whose protection they are constituted. Let us therefore reflect upon
the possibility of a parliament debauched by the arts of corruption into
servile compliance with the designs of an arbitrary prince, and tremble
for the consequence. The debate being finished, the prisoner was, at the
desire of admiral Russel, questioned with regard to the imputations he
had fixed upon that gentleman and others from hearsay; but he desired
to be excused on account of the risk he ran while under a double
prosecution, if any thing which should escape him might be turned to his
prejudice.

After he was removed from the bar, Mr. Vernon, at the desire of the
house, recapitulated the arts and practices of sir John Fenwick and his
friends to procrastinate the trial. The bill was read a second time;
and the speaker asking, If the question should be put for its being
committed? the house was immediately kindled into a new flame of
contention. Hawles, the solicitor-general, affirmed that the house in
the present case should act both as judge and jury. Mr. Harcourt said he
knew of no trial for treason but what was confirmed by _Magna Charta_,
by a jury, the birthright and darling privilege of an Englishman, or
_per legem terræ_, which includes impeachments in parliament; that it
was a strange trial where the person accused had a chance to be hanged,
but none to be saved; that he never heard of a juryman who was not on
his oath, nor of a judge who had not power to examine witnesses upon
oath, and who was not empowered to save the innocent as well as to
condemn the guilty. Sir Thomas Lyttleton was of opinion that the
parliament ought not to stand upon little niceties and forms of other
courts when the government was at stake. Mr. Howe asserted that to do a
thing of this nature, because the parliament had power to do it, was
a strange way of reasoning; that what was justice and equity at
Westminster-hall, was justice and equity every where; that one bad
precedent in parliament was of worse consequence than an hundred in
Westminster-hall, because personal or private injuries did not foreclose
the claims of original right; whereas the parliament could ruin the
nation beyond redemption, because it could establish tyranny by law. Sir
Richard Temple, in arguing against the bill, observed that the power of
parliament is to make any law, but the jurisdiction of parliament is to
govern itself by the law; to make a law, therefore, against all the laws
in England was the _ultimum remedium et pessimum_, never to be used but
in case of absolute necessity. He affirmed that by this precedent the
house overthrew all the laws of England; first, in condemning a man upon
one witness; secondly, in passing an act without any trial. The commons
never did nor can assume a jurisdiction of trying any person: they may
for their own information hear what can be offered; but it is not a
trial where witnesses are not upon oath. All bills of attainder have
passed against persons that were dead or fled, or without the compass of
the law: some have been brought in after trials in Westminster-hall; but
none of those have been called trials, and they were generally reversed.
He denied that the parliament had power to declare anything treason
which was not treason before. When inferior courts were dubious, the
case might be brought before parliament to judge whether it be treason
or felony; but then they must judge by the laws in being, and this
judgment was not in the parliament by bill but only in the house of
lords. Lord Digby, Mr. Harley, and colonel Granville, spoke to the same
purpose. But their arguments and remonstrances had no effect upon the
majority, by whom the prisoner was devoted to destruction. The bill was
committed, passed, and sent up to the house of lords, where it
produced the longest and warmest debates which had been known since the
Restoration. Bishop Burnet signalized his zeal for the government by a
long speech in favour of the bill, contradicting some of the fundamental
maxims which he had formerly avowed in behalf of the liberties of the
people. At length it was carried by a majority of seven voices; and
one-and-forty lords, including eight prelates, entered a protest couched
in the strongest terms against the decision.

When the bill received the royal assent, another act of the like nature
passed against Barclay, Holmes, and nine other conspirators who had fled
from justice, in case they should not surrender themselves on or before
the twenty-fifth day of March next ensuing. Sir John Fenwick solicited
the mediation of the lords in his behalf, while his friends implored the
royal mercy. The peers gave him to understand that the success of his
suit would depend upon the fulness of his discoveries. He would have
previously stipulated for a pardon, and they insisted upon his depending
on their favour. He hesitated some time between the fears of infamy and
the terrors of death, which last he at length chose to undergo rather
than incur the disgraceful character of an informer. He was complimented
with the axe in consideration of his rank and alliance with the house
of Howard, and suffered on Tower-hill with great composure. In the paper
which he delivered to the sheriff, he took God to witness that he
knew not of the intended invasion until it was the common subject of
discourse, nor was he engaged in any shape for the service of king
James. He thanked those noble and worthy persons who had opposed his
attainder in parliament; protested before God that the information
he gave to the ministry he had received in letters and messages from
France; and observed that he might have expected mercy from the prince
of Orange, as he had been instrumental in saving his life by preventing
the execution of a design which had been formed against it--a
circumstance which in all probability induced the late conspirators to
conceal their purpose of assassination from his knowledge. He professed
his loyalty to king James, and prayed heaven for his speedy restoration.




EARL OF MONMOUTH SENT TO THE TOWER.

While Fenwick’s affair was in agitation, the earl of Monmouth had set on
foot some practices against the duke of Shrewsbury. One Matthew Smith,
nephew to sir William Perkins, had been entertained as a spy by this
nobleman, who finding his intelligence of very little use or importance,
dismissed him as a troublesome dependent. Then he had recourse to the
earl of Monmouth, into whom he infused unfavourable sentiments of the
duke, insinuating that he had made great discoveries which from sinister
motives were suppressed. Monmouth communicated those impressions to
the earl of Portland, who enlisted Smith as one of his intelligencers.
Copies of the letters he had sent to the duke of Shrewsbury were
delivered to secretary Trumball sealed up for the perusal of his
majesty at his return from Flanders. When Fenwick mentioned the duke of
Shrewsbury in his discoveries, the earl of Monmouth resolved to seize
the opportunity of ruining that nobleman. He, by the channel of the
duchess of Norfolk, exhorted lady Fenwick to prevail upon her husband
to persist in his accusation, and even dictated a paper of directions.
Fenwick rejected the proposal with disdain, as a scandalous contrivance;
and Monmouth was so incensed at his refusal that when the bill of
attainder appeared in the house of lords, he spoke in favour of it
with peculiar vehemence. Lady Fenwick, provoked at this cruel outrage,
prevailed upon her nephew the earl of Carlisle to move the house that
sir John might be examined touching any advices that had been sent
to him with relation to his discoveries. Fenwick being interrogated
accordingly, gave an account of all the particulars of Monmouth’s
scheme, which was calculated to ruin the duke of Shrewsbury by bringing
Smith’s letters on the carpet. The duchess of Norfolk and a confidant
were examined and confirmed the detection. The house called for Smith’s
letters, which were produced by sir William Trumball. The earl
of Monmouth was committed to the Tower and dismissed from all his
employments. He was released however at the end of the session, and the
court made up all his losses in private lest he should be tempted to
join the opposition.




INQUIRY INTO MISCARRIAGES BY SEA.

The whigs, before they were glutted with the sacrifice of Fenwick, had
determined to let loose their vengeance upon sir George Rooke, who was
a leader in the opposite interest. Sir Cloudesley Shovel had been sent
with a squadron to look into Brest, where, according to the intelligence
which the government had received, the French were employed in preparing
for a descent upon England; but this information was false. They were
busy in equipping an armament for the West Indies, under the command of
M. Pointis, who actually sailed to the coast of New Spain and took the
city of Carfehagena. Rooke had been ordered to intercept the Toulon
squadron in its way to Brest; but his endeavours miscarried. The commons
in a committee of the whole house resolved to inquire why this fleet was
not intercepted; Rooke underwent a long examination, and was obliged
to produce his journal, orders, and letters. Shovel and Mitchel were
likewise examined; but nothing appearing to the prejudice of the
admiral, the house thought proper to desist from their prosecution.
After they had determined on the fate of Fenwick, they proceeded to
enact several laws for regulating the domestic economy of the nation;
among others they passed an act for the more effectual relief of
creditors in cases of escape, and for preventing abuses in prisons and
pretended privileged places. Ever since the reformation certain places
in and about the city of London, which had been sanctuaries during the
prevalence of the popish religion, afforded asylum to debtors, and were
become receptacles of desperate persons who presumed to set the law at
defiance. One of these places called White-friars was filled with a crew
of ruffians, who every day committed acts of violence and outrage; but
this law was so vigorously put in execution that they were obliged
to abandon the district, which was soon filled with more creditable
inhabitants. On the sixteenth day of April the king closed the session
with a short speech, thanking the parliament for the great supplies
they had so cheerfully granted, and expressed his satisfaction at the
measures they had taken for retrieving the public credit. Before he
quitted the kingdom he ventured to produce upon the scene the earl of
Sunderland, who had hitherto promoted his councils behind the curtain.
That politician was now sworn of the privy council, and gratified with
the office of lord-chamberlain, which had been resigned by the earl of
Dorset, a nobleman of elegant talents and invincible indolence, severe
and poignant in his writings and remarks upon mankind in general, but
humane, good-natured, and generous to excess, in his commerce with
individuals.




NEGOTIATIONS AT RYSWICK.

William having made some promotions * and appointed a regency, embarked
on the twenty-sixth day of April for Holland, that he might be at hand
to manage the negotiation for a general peace.

     * Somers was created a baron, and appointed lord-chancellor
     of England; admiral Russel was dignified with the title of
     earl of Orford. In February the earl of Aylesbury, who had
     been committed on account of the conspiracy, was released
     upon bail; but this privilege was denied to lord Montgomery,
     who had been imprisoned in Newgate on the same account.

By this time the preliminaries were settled between Callieres the French
minister, and Mr. Dykvelt in behalf of the states-general, who resolved,
in consequence of the concessions made by France, that, in concert with
their allies, the mediation of Sweden might be accepted. The emperor and
the court of Spain, however, were not satisfied with those concessions;
yet his imperial majesty declared he would embrace the proffered
mediation, provided the treaty of Westphalia should be re-established;
and provided the king of Sweden would engage to join his troops
with those of the allies, in case France should break through the
stipulation. This proposal being delivered, the ministers of England
and Holland at Vienna presented a joint memorial, pressing his imperial
majesty to accept the mediation without reserve, and name a place
at which the congress might be opened. The emperor complied with
reluctance. On the fourteenth day of February all the ministers of the
allies, except the ambassador of Spain, agreed to the proposal; and
next day signified their assent in form to M. Lillienroot, the Swedish
plenipotentiary. Spain demanded, as a preliminary, that France should
agree to restore all the places mentioned in a long list which the
minister of that crown presented to the assembly. The emperor proposed
that the congress should be held at Aix-la-Chapelle, or Franckfort,
or some other town in Germany. The other allies were more disposed to
negotiate in Holland. At length the French king suggested, that no place
would be more proper than a palace belonging to king William called
Newbourg-house, situated between the Hague and Delft, close by the
village of Ryswick; and to this proposition the ministers agreed. Those
of England were the earl of Pembroke, a virtuous, learned, and popular
nobleman, the lord Villiers, and sir Joseph Williamson: France sent
Harlay and Crecy to the assistance of Callieres. Louis was not only
tired of the war, on account of the misery in which it had involved his
kingdom; but in desiring a peace he was actuated by another motive. The
king of Spain had been for some time in a very ill state of health, and
the French monarch had an eye to the succession: this aim could not
be accomplished while the confederacy subsisted; therefore he eagerly
sought a peace, that he might at once turn his whole power against Spain
as soon as Charles should expire. The emperor harboured the same design
upon the Spanish crown, and for that reason interested himself in the
continuance of the grand alliance. Besides, he foresaw he should in a
little time be able to act against France with an augmented force.
The czar of Muscovy had engaged to find employment for the Turks and
Tartars. He intended to raise the elector of Saxony to the throne of
Poland; and he had made some progress in a negotiation with the circles
of the Rhine for a considerable body of auxiliary troops. The Dutch had
no other view but that of securing a barrier in the Netherlands. King
William insisted upon the French king’s acknowledging his title; and the
English nation wished for nothing so much as the end of a ruinous war.
On the tenth day of February, Callieres, in the name of his master,
agreed to the following preliminaries: That the treaties of Westphalia
and Nimeguen should be the basis of this negotiation; that Strasbourg
should be restored to the empire, and Luxembourg to the Spaniards,
together with Mons, Charleroy, and all places taken by the French in
Catalonia since the treaty of Nimeguen; that Dinant should be ceded to
the bishop of Liege, and all reunion since the treaty of Nimeguen be
made void; that the French king should make restitution of Lorraine,
and, upon conclusion of the peace, acknowledge the prince of Orange as
king of Great Britain, without condition or reserve. The conferences
were interrupted by the death of Charles XI. king of Sweden, who was
succeeded by his son Charles, then a minor: but the queen and five
senators, whom the late king had by will appointed administrators of the
government, resolved to pursue the mediation, and sent a new commission
to Lillienroot for that purpose. The ceremonials being regulated
with the consent of all parties, the plenipotentiaries of the emperor
delivered their master’s demands to the mediator on the twenty-second
day of May, and several German ministers gave in the pretensions the
respective princes whom they represented.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




THE FRENCH TAKE BARCELONA.

Meanwhile the French king, in the hope of procuring more favourable
terms, resolved to make his last effort against the Spaniards in
Catalonia and in the Netherlands, and to elevate the prince of Conti
to the throne of Poland; an event which would have greatly improved
the interest of France in Europe. Louis had got the start of the
confederates in Flanders, and sent thither a very numerous army
commanded by Catinat, Villeroy, and Boufflers. The campaign was opened
with the siege of Aeth, which was no sooner invested than king William,
having recovered of an indisposition, took the field, and had an
interview with the duke of Bavaria, who commanded a separate body. He
did not think proper to interrupt the enemy in their operations before
Aeth, which surrendered in a few days after the trenches were opened;
but contented himself with taking possession of an advantageous camp,
where he covered Brussels, which Villeroy and Boufflers had determined
to besiege. In Catalonia the duke of Vendôme invested Barcelona, in
which there was a garrison of ten thousand regular soldiers, besides
five thousand burghers who had voluntarily taken arms on this occasion.
The governor of the place was the prince of Hesse d’Armstadt, who had
served in Ireland; and been vested with the command of the Imperial
troops which were sent into Spain. The French general being reinforced
from Provence and Languedoc, carried on his approaches with surprising
impetuosity; and was repulsed in several attacks by the valour of the
defendants. At length the enemy surprised and routed the viceroy of
Catalonia; and flushed with this victory, stormed the outworks, which
had been long battered with their cannon. The dispute was very bloody
and obstinate; but the French, by dint of numbers, made themselves
masters of the covered-way and two bastions. There they erected
batteries of cannon and mortars, and fired furiously on the town, which
however the prince of Hesse resolved to defend to the last extremity.
The court of Madrid, however, unwilling to see the place entirely
ruined, as in all probability it would be restored at the peace,
despatched an order to the prince to capitulate; and he obtained very
honourable terms, after having made a glorious defence for nine weeks;
in consideration of which he was appointed viceroy of the province.
France was no sooner in possession of this important place, than the
Spaniards became as eager for peace as they had been before averse to a
negotiation.




EXPEDITION OF ADMIRAL NEVIL TO THE WEST INDIES.

Their impatience was not a little inflamed by the success of Pointis in
America, where he took Carthagena, in which he found a booty amounting
to eight millions of crowns. Having ruined the fortifications of the
place, and received advice that an English squadron under admiral Nevil
had arrived in the West Indies, with a design to attack him in his
return, he bore away for the straits of Bahama. On the twenty-second day
of May he fell in with the English fleet, and one of his fly-boats was
taken; but such was his dexterity, or good fortune, that he escaped
after having been pursued five days, during which the English and Dutch
rear-admirals sprang their fore-top-masts and received other damage, so
that they could not proceed. Then Nevil steered to Carthagena, which
he found quite abandoned by the inhabitants, who after the departure
of Pointis had been rifled a second time by the buccaneers, on pretence
that they had been defrauded of their share of the plunder. This was
really the case; they had in a great measure contributed to the success
of Pointis, and were very ill rewarded. In a few days the English
admiral discovered eight sail of their ships, two of which were forced
on the shore and destroyed, two taken and the rest escaped. Then he
directed his course to Jamaica, and by the advice of the governor, sir
William Beeston, detached rear-admiral Meeze with some ships and forces
to attack Petit-Guavas, which he accordingly surprised, burned, and
reduced to ashes. After this small expedition, Nevil proceeded to the
Havannah on purpose to take the galleons under his convoy for Europe,
according to the instructions he had received from the king; but the
governor of the place, and the general of the plate-fleet, suspecting
such an offer, would neither suffer him to enter the harbour, nor put
the galleons under his protection. He now sailed through the gulf of
Folrida to Virginia, where he died of chagrin, and the command of
the fleet devolved on captain Dilkes, who arrived in England on the
twenty-fourth day of October, with a shattered squadron half manned, to
the unspeakable mortification of the people, who flattered themselves
with the hopes of wealth and glory from this expedition. Pointis
steering to the banks of Newfoundland, entered the bay of Conceptione,
at a time when a stout English squadron, commanded by commodore Norris,
lay at anchor in the bay of St. John. This officer being informed of the
arrival of a French fleet, at first concluded that it was the squadron
of M. Nesmond come to attack him, and exerted his utmost endeavours to
put the place in a posture of defence; but afterwards understanding
that it was Pointis returning with the spoil of Carthagena, he called a
council of war, and proposed to go immediately in quest of the enemy. He
was however over-ruled by a majority, who gave it as their opinion that
they should remain where they were without running unnecessary hazard.
By virtue of this scandalous determination, Pointis was permitted
to proceed on his voyage to Europe; but he had not yet escaped every
danger. On the fourteenth day of August he fell in with a squadron under
the command of captain Harlow, by whom he was boldly engaged till night
parted the combatants. He was pursued next day; but his ships sailing
better than those of Harlow, he accomplished his escape, and on the
morrow entered the harbour of Brest. That his ships, which were foul,
should out-sail the English squadron, which had just put to sea, was a
mystery which the people of England could not explain. They complained
of having been betrayed through the whole course of the West Indian
expedition. The king owned he did not understand marine affairs, the
entire conduct of which he abandoned to Russel, who became proud,
arbitrary, and unpopular, and was supposed to be betrayed by his
dependents. Certain it is, the service was greatly obstructed by faction
among the officers, which with respect to the nation had all the effects
of treachery and misconduct.




THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY IS CHOSEN KING OF POLAND.

The success of the French in Catalona, Flanders, and the West Indies,
was balanced by their disappointment in Poland. Louis encouraged by the
remonstrance of the abbé de Polignac, who managed the affairs of France
in that kingdom, resolved to support the prince of Conti as a candidate
for the crown, and remitted great sums of money which wore distributed
among the Polish nobility. The emperor had at first declared for the
son of the late king; but finding the French party too strong for his
competitor, he entered into a negotiation with the elector of Saxony,
who agreed to change his religion, to distribute eight millions of
florins among the Poles, to confirm their privileges, and advance with
his troops to the frontiers of that kingdom. Having performed these
articles, he declared himself a candidate, and was publicly espoused
by the Imperialists. The duke of Lorraine, the prince of Baden, and don
Livio Odeschalchi, nephew to pope Innocent, were likewise competitors;
but finding their interest insufficient, they united their influence
with that of the elector, who was proclaimed king of Poland. He
forthwith took the oath required, procured an attestation from the
Imperial court of his having changed his religion, and marched with his
army to Cracow, where he was crowned with the usual solemnity. Louis
persisted in maintaining the pretensions of the prince of Conti, and
equipped a fleet at Dunkirk for his convoy to Dantzick in his way to
Poland. But the magistrates of that city, who had declared for the new
king, would not suffer his men to land, though they offered to
admit himself with a small retinue. He therefore went on shore at
Marien-burgh, where he was met by some chiefs of his own party; but
the new king Augustus acted with such vigilance, that he found it
impracticable to form an army; besides he suspected the fidelity of his
own Polish partizans; he therefore refused to part with the treasure he
had brought, and in the beginning of winter returned to Dunkirk.




THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY TrAVELS IN DISGUISE.

The establishment of Augustus on the throne of Poland was in some
measure owing to the conduct of Peter the czar of Muscovy, who having
formed great designs against the Ottoman Porte, was very unwilling to
see the crown of Poland possessed by a partizan of France, which was in
alliance with the grand seignor. He therefore interested himself warmly
in the dispute, and ordered his general to assemble an army on the
frontiers of Lithuania, which by over-awing the Poles that were in the
interest of the prince of Conti, considerably influenced the election.
This extraordinary legislator, who was a strange compound of heroism and
barbarity, conscious of the defects in his education, and of the gross
ignorance that overspread his dominions, resolved to extend his ideas,
and improve his judgment by travelling; and that he might be the
less restricted by forms, or interrupted by officious curiosity, he
determined to travel in disguise. He was extremely ambitious of becoming
a maritime power, and in particular of maintaining a fleet in the
Black-sea; and his immediate aim was to learn the principles of
ship-building. He appointed an embassy for Holland, to regulate some
points of commerce with the states-general. Having intrusted the care
of his dominions to persons in whom he could confide, he now disguised
himself, and travelled as one of their retinue. He first disclosed
himself to the elector of Brandenburgh in Prussia, and afterwards to
king William, with whom he conferred in private at Utrecht. He engaged
himself as a common labourer with a ship-carpenter in Holland, whom
he served for some months with wonderful patience and assiduity. He
afterwards visited England, where he amused himself chiefly with the
same kind of occupation. From thence he set out for Vienna, where
receiving advices from his dominions, that his sister was concerned
in managing intrigues against his government, he returned suddenly to
Moscow, and found the machinations of the conspirators were already
baffled by the vigilance and fidelity of the foreigners to whom he had
left the care of the administration. His savage nature, however, broke
out upon this occasion; he ordered some hundreds to be hanged all round
his capital; and a good number were beheaded, he himself with his own
hands performing the office of executioner.




CONGRESS AT RYSWICK.

The negotiations at Ryswick proceeded very slowly for some time. The
Imperial minister demanded, that Franco should make restitution of all
the places and dominions she had wrested from the empire since the peace
of Munster, whether by force of arms or pretence of right. The Spaniards
claimed all they could demand by virtue of the peace of Nimeguen and the
treaty of the Pyrenees. The French affirmed, that if the preliminaries
offered by Callieres were accepted, these propositions could not be
taken into consideration. The Imperialists persisted in demanding a
circumstantial answer, article by article. The Spaniards insisted upon
the same manner of proceeding, and called upon the mediator and Dutch
ministers to support their pretensions. The plenipotentiaries of France
declared, they would not admit any demand or proposition contrary to the
preliminary articles; but were willing to deliver in a project of
peace in order to shorten the negotiations, and the Spanish ambassadors
consented to this expedient. During these transactions the earl of
Portland held a conference with mareschal Boufflers near Halle, in
sight of the two opposite armies, which was continued in five successive
meetings. On the second day of August they retired together to a house
in the suburbs of Halle, and mutually signed a paper, in which
the principal articles of the peace between France and England were
adjusted. Next day king William quitted the camp, and retired to his
house at Loo, confident of having taken such measures for a pacification
as could not be disappointed. The subject of this field negotiation is
said to have turned upon the interest of king James, which the French
monarch promised to abandon; others however suppose that the first
foundation of the partition treaty was laid in this conference. But in
all probability, William’s sole aim was to put an end to an expensive
and unsuccessful war, which had rendered him very unpopular in his own
dominions, and to obtain from the court of France an acknowledgment
of his title, which had since the queen’s death become the subject of
dispute. He perceived the emperor’s backwardness towards a pacification,
and foresaw numberless difficulties in discussing such a complication
of interests by the common method of treating; he therefore chose such
a step as he thought would alarm the jealousy of the allies, and quicken
the negotiation at Ryswick. Before the congress was opened, king James
had published two manifestoes, addressed to the catholic and protestant
princes of the confederacy, representing his wrongs, and craving
redress; but his remonstrances being altogether disregarded, he
afterwards issued a third declaration, solemnly protesting against all
that might or should be negotiated, regulated, or stipulated with
the usurper of his realms, as being void of all rightful and lawful
authority. On the twentieth day, of July the French ambassadors produced
their project of a general peace, declaring at the same time that should
it not be accepted before the last day of August, France would not
hold herself bound for the conditions she now offered; but Caunitz,
the emperor’s plenipotentiary, protested he would pay no regard to this
limitation. On the thirtieth of August, however, he delivered to the
mediators an ultimatum, importing that he adhered to the treaties
of Westphalia and Nimeguen, and accepted of Strasbourg with its
appurtenances; that he insisted upon the restitution of Lorraine to the
prince of that name; and demanded that the church and chapter of Liege
should be re-established in the possession of their incontestable
rights. Next day the French plenipotentiaries declared that the month of
August being now expired, all their offers were vacated; that therefore
the king of France would reserve Strasbourg, and unite it with its
dependencies to his crown for ever; that in other respects he would
adhere to the project, and restore Barcelona to the crown of Spain; but
that these terms must be accepted in twenty days, otherwise he should
think himself at liberty to recede. The ministers of the electors and
princes of the empire joined in a written remonstrance to the Spanish
plenipotentiaries, representing the inconveniencies and dangers that
would accrue to the Germanic body from France being in possession of
Luxembourg, and exhorting them in the strongest terms to reject all
offers of an equivalent for that province. They likewise presented
another to the states-general, requiring them to continue the war
according to their engagements, until France should have complied
with the preliminaries. No regard however was paid to either of these
addresses. Then the Imperial ambassadors demanded the good offices of
the mediator on certain articles; but all that he could obtain of France
was, that the term for adjusting the peace between her and the emperor
should be prolonged till the first day of November, and in the meantime
an armistice be punctually observed. Yet even these concessions were
made on condition that the treaty with England, Spain, and Holland,
should be signed on that day, even though the emperor and empire should
not concur.




THE AMBASSADORS SIGN THE TREATY.

Accordingly on the twentieth day of September, the articles were
subscribed by the Dutch, English, Spanish, and French ambassadors, while
the Imperial ministers protested against the transaction, observing
this was the second time that a separate peace had been concluded with
France; and that the states of the empire, who had been imposed upon
through their own credulity, would not for the future be so easily
persuaded to engage in confederacies. In certain preparatory articles
settled between England and France, king William promised to pay a
yearly pension to queen Mary D’Esté, of fifty thousand pounds, or such
sum as should be established for that purpose by act of parliament. The
treaty itself consisted of seventeen articles. The French king engaged,
that he would not disturb or disquiet the king of Groat Britain in the
possession of his realms or government; nor assist his enemies, nor
favour conspiracies against his person. This obligation was reciprocal.
A free commerce was restored. Commissaries were appointed to meet at
London and settle the pretensions of each crown to Hudson’s bay, taken
by the French during the late peace, and retaken by the English in
the course of the war; and to regulate the limits of the places to
be restored, as well as the exchanges to be made. It was likewise
stipulated, that, in case of a rupture, six months should be allowed to
the subjects of each power for removing their effects; that the separate
articles of the treaty of Nimeguen, relating to the principality of
Orange, should be entirely executed; and that the ratifications should
be exchanged in three weeks from the day of signing. The treaty between
France and Holland imported a general armistice, a perpetual amity, a
mutual restitution, a reciprocal renunciation of all pretensions upon
each other, a confirmation of the peace of Savoy, a re-establishment of
the treaty concluded between France and Brandenburgh in the year I one
thousand six hundred and seventy-nine, a comprehension of Sweden, and
all those powers that should be named before the ratification, or in six
months after the conclusion of the treaty. Besides, the Dutch ministers
concluded a treaty of commerce with France, which was immediately put in
execution. Spain had great reason to be satisfied with the pacification,
by which the recovered Gironne, Eoses, Barcelona, Luxembourg, Charleroy,
Mons, Courtray, and all the towns, fortresses, and territories taken by
the French in the province of Luxembourg, Namur, Brabant, Flanders, and
Hainault, except eighty-two towns and villages claimed by the French;
this dispute was left to the decision of commissaries; or in case
they should not agree, to the determination of the states-general. A
remonstrance in favour of the French protestant refugees in England,
Holland, and Germany, was delivered by the earl of Pembroke to the
mediators, in the name of the protestant allies, on the day that
preceded the conclusion of the treaty; but the French plenipotentiaries
declared in the name of their master, that as he did not pretend “to
prescribe rules to king William about the English subjects, he expected
the same liberty with respect to his own.” No other effort was made in
behalf of those conscientious exiles; the treaties were ratified, and
the peace proclaimed at Paris and London.




A GENERAL PACIFICATION.

The emperor still held out, and perhaps was encouraged to persevere in
his obstinacy by the success of his arms in Hungary, where his general,
prince Eugene of Savoy, obtained a complete victory at Zenta over the
forces of the grand seignor, who commanded his army in person. In this
battle, which was fought on the eleventh day of September, the grand
vizier, the aga of the janissaries, seven-and-twenty pachas, and about
thirty thousand men, were killed or drowned in the river Theysse six
thousand were wounded or taken, together with all their artillery,
tents, baggage, provisions, and ammunition, the grand seignor himself
escaping with difficulty; a victory the more glorious and acceptable,
as the Turks had a great superiority in point of number, and as the
Imperialists did not lose a thousand men during the whole action.
The emperor perceiving that the event of this battle had no effect in
retarding the treaty, thought proper to make use of the armistice,
and continue the negotiation after the forementioned treaties had been
signed. This was likewise the case with the princes of the empire;
though those of the protestant persuasion complained that their interest
was neglected. In one of the articles of the treaty, it was stipulated
that in the places to be restored by France, the Roman catholic religion
should continue as it had been re-established. The ambassadors of the
protestant princes joined in a remonstrance, demanding that the Lutheran
religion should be restored in those places where it had formerly
prevailed; but this demand was rejected, as being equally disagreeable
to France and the emperor. Then they refused to sign the treaty, which
was now concluded between France, the emperor, and the catholic princes
of the empire. By this pacification, Triers, the Palatinate, and
Lorraine, were restored to their respective owners. The countries of
Spanheim and Valdentz, together with the duchy of Deux Ponts, were
ceded to the king of Sweden. Francis Louis Palatine was confirmed in
the electorate of Cologn; and cardinal Furstemberg restored to all his
rights and benefices. The claims of the duchess of Orleans upon the
Palatinate were referred to the arbitration of France and the emperor;
and in the meantime the elector Palatine agreed to supply her highness
with an annuity of one hundred thousand florins. The ministers of the
protestant princes published a formal declaration against the clause
relating to religion, and afterwards solemnly protested against the
manner in which the negotiation had been conducted. Such was the issue
of a long and bloody war, which had drained England of her wealth and
people, almost entirely ruined her commerce, debauched her morals, by
encouraging venality and corruption, and entailed upon her the curse
of foreign connexions, as well as a national debt which was gradually
increased to an intolerable burden. After all the blood and treasure
which had been expended, William’s ambition and revenge remained
unsatisfied. Nevertheless, he reaped the solid advantage of seeing
himself firmly established on the English throne; and the confederacy,
though not successful in every instance, accomplished their great aim
of putting a stop to the encroachments of the French monarch. They
mortified his vanity, they humbled his pride and arrogance, and
compelled him to disgorge the acquisitions which, like a robber, he had
made in violation of public faith, justice, and humanity. Had the allies
been true to one another; had they acted from genuine zeal for the
common interests of mankind; and prosecuted with vigour the plan which
was originally concerted, Louis would in a few campaigns have been
reduced to the most abject state of disgrace, despondence, and
submission; for he was destitute of true courage and magnanimity. King
William having finished this important transaction, returned to England
about the middle of November, and was received in London amidst the
acclamations of the people, who now again hailed him as their deliverer
from a war, by the continuance of which they must have been infallibly
beggared.




CHAPTER VI.

     _State of Parties..... Characters of the Ministers..... The
     Commons reduce the Number of standing Forces to Ten
     Thousand..... They establish the Civil list; and assign
     Funds for paying the National Debts..... They take
     Cognisance of fraudulent Endorsements of Exchequer
     Bills..... Anew East-India Company constituted by act of
     parliament..... .Proceedings against a Book written by
     William Molineux of Dublin, and against certain Smugglers of
     Alamodes and Lustrings from France..... Society for the
     Reformation of Manners..... The Earl of Portland resigns his
     Employments..... The King disowns the Scottish Trading
     Company..... He embarks for Holland..... First Treaty of
     Partition..... Intrigues of France at the Court of
     Madrid..... King William is thwarted by his now
     Parliament..... He is obliged to send away his Dutch
     Guards..... The Commons address the King against the
     Papists..... The Parliament prorogued..... The Scottish
     Company make a Settlement on the Isthmus of Darien; which
     however they are compelled to abandon..... Remonstrances of
     the Spanish Court against the Treaty of Partition ..... The
     Commons persist in their Resolutions to mortify the
     King..... Inquiry into the Expedition of Captain Kidd..... A
     Motion made against Burnet, bishop of Sarum..... Inquiry
     into the Irish Forfeitures..... The Commons pass a Bill of
     Resumption, and a severe Bill against Papists..... The old
     East-India Company re-established..... Dangerous Ferment in
     Scotland..... lord Homers dismissed from his
     Employments..... Second Treaty of Partition..... Death of
     the Duke of Gloucester..... The King sends a Fleet into the
     Baltic, to the Assistance of the Swedes..... The second
     Treaty of Partition generally disagreeable to the European
     Powers..... The French Interest prevails at the Court of
     Spain..... King William finds means to allay the heats in
     Scotland ..... The King of Spain dies, after having
     bequeathed his Dominions by Will to the Duke of Anjou.....
     The French King’s Apology for accepting the Will ..... The
     States-general owns Philip as King of Spain..... Anew
     Ministry and a new Parliament..... The Commons unpropitious
     to the Court---The Lords are more condescending..... An
     intercepted Letter from the Earl of Melfort to his
     Brother..... Succession of the Crown settled upon the
     Princess Sophia, Elect ress Dowager of Hanover, and the
     Protestant Heirs of her Body..... The Duchess of Savoy
     protests against this Act..... Ineffectual Negotiation with
     France..... Severe Addresses from both Houses, in relation
     to the Partition Treaty..... William is obliged to
     acknowledge the King of Spain..... The two Houses seem to
     enter into the King’s Measures..... The Commons resolve to
     wreak their Vengeance on the old Ministry..... The earls of
     Portland and Oxford, the Lords Sotners and Halifax, are
     impeached..... Disputes between the two Houses..... The
     House of Peers acquits the impeached Lords ..... Petition of
     Kent..... Favourable end of the Session..... Progress of
     Prince Eugene in Italy..... Sketch of the Situation of
     Affairs in Europe..... Treaty of Alliance between the
     Emperor and the maritime Powers..... Death of King
     James..... The French King owns the pretended Prince of
     Wales as King of England..... Addresses to King William on
     that subject..... New Parliament..... The King’s last Speech
     to both Houses received with great Applause..... Great
     Harmony between the King and Parliament..... The two Houses
     pass the Bill of Abjuration..... The Lower House justifies
     the Proceedings of the Commons in the preceding
     Parliament..... Affairs of Ireland ..... The King recommends
     an Union of the two Kingdoms..... He falls from his
     Horse..... His Death..... And Character._

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


WHEN the king opened the session of parliament on the third day of
December, he told them the war was brought to the end they all proposed,
namely, an honourable peace. He gave them to understand there was a
considerable debt on account of the fleet and army; that the revenues
of the crown had been anticipated. He expressed his hope that they would
provide for him during his life, in such a manner as would conduce
to his own honour and that of the government. He recommended the
maintenance of a considerable navy; and gave it as his opinion, that
for the present England could not be safe without a standing army. He
promised to rectify such corruptions and abuses as might have crept
into any part of the administration during the war; and effectually to
discourage profaneness and immorality. Finally, he assured them that as
he had rescued their religion, laws, and liberties, when they were in
the extremest danger, so he should place the glory of his reign in
preserving and leaving them entire to latest posterity. To this speech
the commons replied in an address, by a compliment of congratulation
upon the peace, and an assurance, that they would be ever ready to
assist and support his majesty, who had confirmed them in the quiet
possession of their rights and liberties, and by putting an end to the
war fully completed the work of their deliverance. Notwithstanding these
appearances of good humour, the majority of the house, and indeed the
whole nation, were equally alarmed and exasperated at a project for
maintaining a standing army, which was countenanced at court, and even
recommended by the king in his speech to the parliament. William’s
genius was altogether military. He could not bear the thought of being
a king without power. He could not without reluctance dismiss those
officers who had given so many proofs of their courage and fidelity.
He did not think himself safe upon the naked throne, in a kingdom that
swarmed with malcontents who had so often conspired against his person
and government. He dreaded the ambition and known perfidy of the French
king, who still retained a powerful army. He foresaw that a reduction of
the forces would lessen his importance both at home and abroad; diminish
the dependence upon his government; and disperse those foreigners in
whose attachment he chiefly confided. He communicated his sentiments
on this subject to his confidant, the earl of Sunderland, who knew by
experience the aversion of the people to a standing army; nevertheless
he encouraged him with hope of success, on the supposition that the
commons would see the difference between an army raised by the king’s
private authority, and a body of veteran troops maintained by consent
of parliament for the security of the kingdom. This was a distinction to
which the people paid no regard. All the jealousy of former parliaments
seemed to be roused by the bare proposal; and this was inflamed by a
national prejudice against the refugees, in whose favour the king had
betrayed repeated marks of partial indulgence. They were submissive,
tractable, and wholly dependent upon his will and generosity. The
Jacobites failed not to cherish the seeds of dissatisfaction, and
reproach the whigs who countenanced this measure. They branded that
party with apostacy from their former principles. They observed that
the very persons who in the late reigns endeavoured to abridge the
prerogative, and deprive the king of that share of power which was
absolutely necessary to actuate the machine of government, were now
become advocates for maintaining a standing army in time of peace; nay,
and impudently avowed, that their complaisance to the court in this
particular was owing to their desire of excluding from all share in the
administration a faction disaffected to his majesty, which might mislead
him into more pernicious measures. The majority of those who really
entertained revolution principles, opposed the court from apprehension
that a standing army, once established, would take root and grow into an
habitual maxim of government; that should the people be disarmed and the
sword left in the hands of mercenaries, the liberties of the nation
must be entirely at the mercy of him by whom these mercenaries should
be commanded. They might overawe elections, dictate to parliaments, and
establish a tyranny, before the people could take any measures for their
own protection. They could not help thinking it was possible to form
a militia, that, with the concurrence of a fleet, might effectually
protect the kingdom from the dangers of an invasion. They firmly
believed that a militia might be regularly trained to arms, so as to
acquire the dexterity of professed soldiers; and they did not doubt they
would surpass those hirelings in courage, considering that they would
be animated by every concurring motive of interest, sentiment, and
affection. Nay, they argued, that Britain, surrounded as it was by a
boisterous sea, secured by floating bulwarks, abounding with stout and
hardy inhabitants, did not deserve to be free if her sons could not
protect their liberties without the assistance of mercenaries, who were
indeed the only slaves of the kingdom. Yet among the genuine friends
of their country, some individuals espoused the opposite maxims. They
observed that the military system of every government in Europe was now
altered, that war was become a trade, and discipline a science not to be
learned but by those who made it their sole profession; that therefore,
while France kept up a large standing army of veterans ready to embark
on the opposite coast, it would be absolutely necessary for the safety
of the nation to maintain a small standing force, which should be voted
in parliament from year to year. They might have suggested another
expedient which in a few years would have produced a militia of
disciplined men. Had the soldiers of this small standing army been
enlisted for a term of years, at the expiration of which they might have
claimed their discharge, volunteers would have offered themselves from
all parts of the kingdom, even from the desire of learning the use and
exercise of arms, the ambition of being concerned in scenes of actual
service, and the chagrin of little disappointments or temporary
disgusts, which yet would not have impelled them to enlist as soldiers
on the common terms of perpetual slavery. In consequence of such a
succession, the whole kingdom would soon have been stocked with members
of a disciplined militia, equal if not superior to any army of professed
soldiers. But this scheme would have defeated the purpose of the
government, which was more afraid of domestic foes than of foreign
enemies; and industriously avoided every plan of this nature,
which could contribute to render the malcontents of the nation more
formidable.




CHARACTERS OF THE MINISTERS.

Before we proceed to the transactions of parliament in this session, it
may not be amiss to sketch the outlines of the ministry as it stood at
this juncture. The king’s affection for the earl of Portland had begun
to abate in proportion as his esteem for Sunderland increased, together
with his consideration for Mrs. Villiers, who had been distinguished by
some particular marks of his majesty’s favour. These two favourites are
said to have supplanted Portland, whose place in the king’s bosom was
now filled by Van Keppel, a gentleman of Guelderland who had first
served his majesty as a page, and afterwards acted as private secretary.
The earl of Portland growing troublesome, from his jealousy of this
rival, the king resolved to send him into honourable exile, in quality
of an ambassador-extraordinary to the court of France; and Trumball, his
friend and creature, was dismissed from the office of secretary, which
the king conferred upon Vernon, a plodding man of business who had acted
as under-secretary to the duke of Shrewsbury. This nobleman rivalled the
earl of Sunderland in his credit at the council-board, and was supported
by Somers, lord chancellor of England, by Russel now earl of Orford,
first lord of the admiralty, and Montague, chancellor of the exchequer.
Somers was an upright judge, a plausible statesman, a consummate
courtier, affable, mild, and insinuating. Orford appears to have been
rough, turbulent, factious, and shallow. Montague had distinguished
himself early by his poetical genius; but he soon converted his
attention to the cultivation of more solid talents. He rendered himself
remarkable for his eloquence, décemment, and knowledge of the English
constitution. To a delicate taste he united an eager appetite for
political studies. The first catered for the enjoyments of fancy; the
other was subservient to his ambition. He at the same time was the
distinguished encourager of the liberal arts, and the professed patron
of projectors. In his private deportment he was liberal, easy, and
entertaining; as a statesman, bold, dogmatical, and aspiring.




THE NUMBER OF STANDING FORCES REDUCED TO TEN THOUSAND.

The terrors of a standing army had produced such an universal ferment
in the nation, that the dependents of the court in the house of commons
durst not openly oppose the reduction of the forces; but they shifted
the battery, and employed all their address in persuading the house
to agree that a very small number should be retained. When the commons
voted, That all the forces raised since the year one thousand six
hundred and eighty should be disbanded, the courtiers desired the vote
might be re-committed, on pretence that it restrained the king to the
old tory regiments, on whose fidelity he could not rely. This motion
however was overruled by a considerable majority. Then they proposed
an amendment, which was rejected, and afterwards moved, That the sum
of five hundred thousand pounds per annum should be granted for
the maintenance of guards and garrisons. This provision would have
maintained a very considerable number; but they were again disappointed,
and fain to embrace a composition with the other party, by which three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds were allotted for the maintenance
of ten thousand men; and they afterwards obtained an addition of three
thousand marines. The king was extremely mortified at these resolutions
of the commons; and even declared to his particular friends, that he
would never have intermeddled with the affairs of the nation had he
foreseen they would make such returns of ingratitude and distrust. His
displeasure was aggravated by the resentment against Sunderland, who was
supposed to have advised the unpopular measure of retaining a standing
army. This nobleman dreading the vengeance of the commons, resolved
to avert the fury of the impending storm, by resigning his office and
retiring from court, contrary to the entreaties of his friends, and the
earnest desire of his majesty.




CIVIL LIST ESTABLISHED, &c.

The house of commons, in order to sweeten the unpalatable cup they had
presented to the king, voted the sum of seven hundred thousand pounds
per annum for the support of the civil list, distinct from all other
services. Then they passed an act prohibiting the currency of silver
hammered coin, including a clause for making out new exchequer-bills, in
lieu of those which were or might be filled up with endorsements; they
framed another to open the correspondence with France, under a variety
of provisos; a third for continuing the imprisonment of certain persons
who had been concerned in the late conspiracy; a fourth, granting
further time for administering oaths with respect to tallies and orders
in the exchequer and bank of England. These bills having received the
royal assent, they resolved to grant a supply, which, together with the
funds already settled for that purpose, should be sufficient to answer
and cancel all exchequer-bills, to the amount of two millions seven
hundred thousand pounds. Another supply was voted for the payment and
reduction of the army, including half-pay to such commission officers
as were natural born subjects of England. They granted one million four
hundred thousand pounds, to make good deficiencies. They resolved,
That the sum of two millions three hundred and forty-eight thousand one
hundred and two pounds, was necessary to pay off arrears, subsistence,
contingencies, general-officers, guards, and garrisons; of which sum
eight hundred and fifty-five thousand five hundred and two pounds,
remained in the hands of the pay-master. Then they took into
consideration the subsidies due to foreign powers, and the sums owing
to contractors for bread and forage. Examining further the debts of the
nation, they found the general debt of the navy amounted to one million
three hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hundred and forty-two
pounds. That of the ordnance was equal to two hundred and four thousand
one hundred and fifty-seven pounds. The transport debt contracted for
the reduction of Ireland and other services, did not fall short of four
hundred and sixty-six thousand four hundred and ninety-three pounds; and
they owed nine-and-forty thousand nine hundred and twenty-nine pounds,
for quartering and clothing the army which had been raised by one act of
parliament in the year 1677, and disbanded by another in the year 1679.
As this enormous load of debt could not be discharged at once, the
commons passed a number of Arotes for raising sums of money, by which it
was considerably lightened; and settled the funds for those purposes by
the continuation of the land tax, and other impositions. With respect to
the civil list, it was raised by a new subsidy of tonnage and poundage,
the hereditary and temporary excise, a weekly portion from the revenue
of the post-office, the first-fruits and tenths of the clergy, the
fines in the alienation office, and post-fines, the revenue of the
wine-license, money arising by sheriffs, proffers, and compositions in
the exchequer; and seizures, the income of the duchy of Cornwall, the
rents of all other crown lands in England or Wales, and the duty of four
and a half per cent, upon specie from Barbadoes and the Leeward-islands.
The bill imported, That the overplus arising from these funds should be
accounted for to parliament. Six hundred thousand pounds of this money
was allotted for the purposes of the civil list: the rest was granted
for the jointure of fifty thousand pounds per annum, to be paid to queen
Mary d’Esté, according to the stipulation at Ryswick; and to maintain a
court for the duke of Gloucester, son of the princess Anne of Denmark,
now in the ninth year of his age; but the jointure was never paid; nor
would the king allow above fifteen thousand pounds per annum for the
use of the duke of Gloucester, to whom Burnet, bishop of Salisbury, was
appointed preceptor.




COGNIZANCE TAKEN OF FRAUDULENT ENDORSEMENTS OF EXCHEQUER BILLS.

The commons having discussed the ways and means for raising the supplies
of the ensuing year, which rose almost to five millions, took cognizance
of some fraudulent endorsements of exchequer bills, a species of
forgery which had been practised by a confederacy, consisting of
Charles Duncomb, receiver-general of the excise, Bartholomew Burton, who
possessed a place in that branch of the revenue, John Knight, treasurer
of the customs, and Reginald Marriot, a deputy-teller of the exchequer.
This last became evidence, and the proof turning out very strong and
full, the house resolved to make examples of the delinquents. Duncomb
and Knight, both members of parliament, were expelled and committed to
the Tower; Burton was sent to Newgate; and bills of pains and penalties
were ordered to be brought in against them. The first, levelled at
Duncomb, passed the lower house, though not without great opposition,
but was rejected in the house of lords by the majority of one voice.
Duncomb, who was extremely rich, is said to have paid dear for his
escape. The other two bills met with the same fate. The peers discharged
Duncomb from his confinement; but he was recommitted by the commons, and
remained in custody till the end of the session. While the commons
were employed on ways and means, some of the members in the opposition
proposed, that one fourth part of the money arising from improper grants
of the crown, should be appropriated to the service of the public; but
this was a very unpalatable expedient, as it affected not only the whigs
of king William’s reign, but also the tories who had been gratified by
Charles II. and his brother. A great number of petitions were presented
against this measure, and so many difficulties raised, that both parties
agreed to lay it aside. In the course of this inquiry, they discovered
that one Railton held a grant in trust for Mr. Montague, chancellor of
the exchequer. A motion was immediately made, that he should withdraw;
but passed in the negative by a great majority. Far from prosecuting
this minister, the house voted it was their opinion, That Mr. Montague,
for his good services to the government, did deserve his majesty’s
favour.




A NEW EAST INDIA COMPANY CONSTITUTED BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT.

This extraordinary vote was a sure presage of success in the execution
of a scheme which Montague had concerted against the East India company.
They had been sounded about advancing a sum of money for the public
service, by way of loan, in consideration of a parliamentary settlement;
and they offered to raise seven hundred thousand pounds on that
condition: but before they formed this resolution, another body of
merchants, under the auspices of Mr. Montague, offered to lend two
millions at eight per cent, provided they might be gratified with an
exclusive privilege of trading to the East Indies. This proposal was
very well received by the majority in the house of commons. A bill for
this purpose was brought in, with additional clauses of regulation. A
petition was presented by the old company, representing their rights and
claims under so many royal charters; the regard due to the property
of above a thousand families interested in the stock; as also to the
company’s property in India, amounting to forty-four thousand pounds
of yearly revenue. They alleged they had expended a million in
fortifications; that during the war they had lost twelve great ships,
worth fifteen hundred thousand pounds; that since the last subscription
they had contributed two hundred and ninety-five thousand pounds to the
customs, with above eighty-five thousand pounds in taxes; that they had
furnished six thousand barrels of gunpowder on a very pressing occasion:
and eighty thousand pounds for the circulation of exchequer bills, at
a very critical juncture, by desire of the lords of the treasury;
who owned that their compliance was a very important service to the
government. No regard being paid to their remonstrances, they undertook
to raise the loan of two millions, and immediately subscribed two
hundred thousand pounds as the first payment. The two proposals being
compared and considered by the house, the majority declared for the
bill, which was passed, and sent up to the house of lords. There the
old company delivered another petition, and was heard by counsel;
nevertheless the bill made its way, though not without opposition, and
a formal protestation by one-and-twenty lords, who thought it was a
hardship upon the present company; and doubted whether the separate
trade allowed in the bill, concurrent with a joint stock, might not
prove such an inconsistency as would discourage the subscription. This
act, by which the old company was dissolved, in a great measure blasted
the reputation of the whigs, which had for some time been on the decline
with the people. They had stood up as advocates for a standing army;
they now unjustly superseded the East India company; they were accused
of having robbed the public by embezzling the national treasure, and
amassing wealth by usurious contracts, at the expense of their fellow
subjects groaning under the most oppressive burdens. Certain it is, they
were at this period the most mercenary and corrupt undertakers that
had ever been employed by any king or administration since the first
establishment of the English monarchy.

The commons now transferred their attention to certain objects in which
the people of Ireland were interested. Colonel Michelburn, who had been
joint governor of Londonderry with Dr. Walker during the siege of that
place, petitioned the house in behalf of himself, his officers, and
soldiers, to whom a considerable sum of money was due for subsistence;
and the city itself implored the mediation of the commons with
his majesty, that its services and sufferings might be taken into
consideration. The house having examined the allegations contained
in both petitions, presented an address to the king, recommending the
citizens of Londonderry to his majesty’s favour; that they might no
longer remain a ruinous spectacle to all, a scorn to their enemies, and
a discouragement to well affected subjects: they likewise declared
that the governor and garrison did deserve some special marks of royal
favour, for a lasting monument to posterity. To this address the king
replied, that he would consider them according to the desire of the
commons. William Molineux, a gentleman of Dublin, having published
a book to prove that the kingdom of Ireland was independent of the
parliament of England, the house appointed a committee to inquire into
the cause and nature of this performance. An address was voted to the
king, desiring he would give directions for the discovery and punishment
of the author. Upon the report of the committee, the commons in a body
presented an address to his majesty, representing the dangerous attempts
which had been lately made by some of his subjects in Ireland, to
shake off their subjection and dependence upon England; attempts which
appeared not only from the bold and pernicious assertions contained in
a book lately published, but more fully and authentically by some votes
and proceedings of the commons in Ireland. These had, during their last
session, transmitted an act for the better security of his majesty’s
person and government, whereby an English act of parliament was
pretended to be re-enacted with alterations obligatory on the courts of
justice and the great seal of England. The English commons, therefore,
besought his majesty to give effectual orders for preventing any such
encroachments for the future, and the pernicious consequences of what
was past, by punishing those who had been guilty thereof: that he would
take care to see the laws which direct and restrain the parliament of
Ireland punctually observed, and discourage everything which might
have a tendency to lessen the dependence of Ireland upon England. This
remonstrance was graciously received, and the king-promised to comply
with their request.

The jealousy which the commons entertained of the government in Ireland,
animated them to take other measures that ascertained the subjection
of that kingdom. Understanding that the Irish had established divers
woollen manufactures, they in another address entreated his majesty to
take measures for discouraging the woollen manufactures in Ireland,
as they interfered with those of England, and promote the linen
manufacture, which would be profitable to both nations. At the same
time, receiving information the French had seduced some English
manufacturers, and set up a great work for cloth-making in Picardy, they
brought in a bill for explaining and better executing former acts for
preventing the exportation of wool, fullers earth, and scouring clay;
and this was immediately passed into a law. A petition being presented
to the house by the lustring company, against certain merchants who had
smuggled alamodes and lustrings from France, even during the war; the
committee of trade was directed to inquire into the allegations, and
all the secrets of this traffic were detected. Upon the report the
house resolved, That the manufacture of alamodes and lustrings set up
in England had been beneficial to the kingdom; that there had been a
destructive and illegal trade carried on during the war, for importing
these commodities, by which the king had been defrauded of his customs,
and the English manufactures greatly discouraged; that, by the smuggling
vessels employed in this trade, intelligence had been carried into
France during the war, and the enemies of the government conveyed
from justice. Stephen Seignoret Rhene, Baudoin, John Goodet, Nicholas
Santini, Peter de Hearse, John Pierce, John Dumaitre, and David Barreau,
were impeached at the bar of the house of lords; and, pleading guilty,
the lords imposed fines upon them according to their respective
circumstances. They were in the meantime committed to Newgate until
those fines should be paid; and the commons addressed the king, that the
money might be appropriated to the maintenance of Greenwich hospital.
The house having taken cognizance of this affair, and made some new
regulations in the prosecution of the African trade, presented a solemn
address to the king, representing the general degeneracy and corruption
of the age, and beseeching his majesty to command all his judges,
justices, and magistrates, to put the laws in execution against
profaneness and immorality. The king professed himself extremely well
pleased with this remonstrance, promised to give immediate directions
for a reformation, and expressed his desire that some more effectual
provision might be made for suppressing impious books, containing
doctrines against the Trinity; doctrines which abounded at this period,
and took their origin from the licentiousness and profligacy of the
times.




SOCIETY FOR THE REFOrMATION OF MANNERS.

In the midst of such immorality, Dr. Thomas Bray, an active divine,
formed a plan for propagating the gospel in foreign countries.
Missionaries, catechisms, liturgies, and other books for the instruction
of ignorant people, were sent to the English colonies in America. This
laudable design was supported by voluntary contribution; and the bill
having been brought into the house of commons for the better discovery
of estates given to superstitious uses, Dr. Bray presented a petition,
praying that some part of these estates might be set apart for the
propagation of the reformed religion in Maryland, Virginia, and the
Leeward islands. About this period, a society for the reformation of
manners was formed under the king’s countenance and encouragement.
Considerable collections were made for maintaining clergymen to read
prayers at certain hours in places of public worship, and administer the
sacrament every Sunday. The members of this society resolved to inform
the magistrates of all vice and immorality that should fall under
their cognizance; and with that part of the fines allowed by law to
the informer, constitute a fund of charity. The business of the session
being terminated, the king on the third day of July prorogued the
parliament, after having thanked them in a short speech for the many
testimonies of their affection he had received; and in two days after
the prorogation it was dissolved.*

     * On the fifth day of January, a fire breaking out at
     Whitehall through the carelessness of a laundress, the whole
     body of the palace, together with the new gallery, council-
     chamber, and several adjoining apartments were entirely
     consumed; but the banqueting-house was not affected.




THE EARL OF PORTLAND RESIGNS.

In the month of January the earl of Portland had set out on his
embassy to France, where he was received with very particular marks of
distinction. He made a public entry into Paris with such magnificence
as is said to have astonished the French nation. He interceded for
the protestants in that kingdom, against whom the persecution had been
renewed with redoubled violence: he proposed that king James should be
removed to Avignon, in which case his master would supply him with
an honourable pension; but his remonstrances on both subjects proved
ineffectual. Louis, however, in a private conference with him at Marli,
is supposed to have communicated his project of the partition-treaty.
The earl of Portland, at his return to England, finding himself totally
eclipsed in the king’s favour by Keppel, now created earl of Albemarle,
resigned his employments in disgust; nor could the king’s solicitations
prevail upon him to resume any office in the household, though he
promised to serve his majesty in any other shape, and was soon employed
to negotiate the treaty of partition. If this nobleman miscarried in the
purposes of his last embassy at the court of Versailles, the agents of
France were equally unsuccessful in their endeavours to retrieve their
commerce with England which the war had interrupted. Their commissary,
sent over to London with powers to regulate the trade between the two
nations, met with insuperable difficulties. The parliament had burdened
the French commodities with heavy duties which were already appropriated
to different uses; and the channel of trade was in many respects
entirely altered. The English merchants supplied the nation with wines
from Italy, Spain, and Portugal; with linen from Holland and Silesia;
and manufactures of paper, hats, stuffs, and silks, had been set up and
successfully carried on in England by the French refugees.




THE KING DISOWNS THE SCOTTISH TRADING COMPANY.

By this time a ferment had been raised in Scotland by the opposition
and discouragements their new company had sustained. They had employed
agents in England, Holland, and Hamburgh, to receive subscriptions. The
adventurers in England were intimidated by the measures which had been
taken in parliament against the Scottish company. The Dutch East India
company took the alarm, and exerted all their interest to prevent their
countrymen from subscribing; and the king permitted his resident at
Hamburgh to present a memorial against the Scottish company to the
senate of that city. The parliament of Scotland being assembled by the
earl of Marchmont as king’s commissioner, the company presented it with
a remonstrance containing a detail of their grievances, arising from the
conduct of the English house of commons, as well as from the memorial
presented by the king’s minister at Hamburgh, in which he actually
disowned the act of parliament and letters patent which had passed
in their favour, and threatened the inhabitants of that city with
his majesty’s resentment in case they should join the Scots in their
undertaking. They represented that such instances of interposition had
put a stop to the subscriptions in England and Hamburgh, hurt the credit
of the company, discouraged the adventurers, and threatened the entire
ruin of a design in which all the most considerable families of the
nation were deeply engaged. The parliament having taken their case into
consideration, sent an address to his majesty representing the hardships
to which the company had been exposed, explaining how far the nation in
general was concerned in the design, and entreating that he would take
such measures as might effectually vindicate the undoubted rights and
privileges of the company. This address was seconded by a petition from
the company itself, praying that his majesty would give some intimation
to the senate of Hamburgh, permitting the inhabitants of that city to
renew the subscriptions they had withdrawn; that, as a gracious mark of
his royal favour to the company, he would bestow upon them two small
frigates then lying useless in the harbour of Burnt Island; and that,
in consideration of the obstructions they had encountered, he would
continue their privileges and immunities for such longer time as should
seem reasonable to his majesty. Though the commissioner was wholly
devoted to the king, who had actually resolved to ruin this company,
he could not appease the resentment of the nation; and the heats of
parliament became so violent that he was obliged to adjourn it to the
fifth day of November. In this interval the directors of the company,
understanding from their agent at Hamburgh that the address of the
parliament and their own petition had produced no effect in their
favour, wrote a letter of complaint to the lord Seafield, secretary
of state, observing that they had received repeated assurances of the
king’s having given orders to his resident at Hamburgh touching their
memorial, and entreating the interposition of his lordship that justice
might be done to the company. The secretary in his answer promised to
take the first convenient opportunity of representing the affair to his
majesty; but he said this could not be immediately expected, as the
king was much engaged in the affairs of the English parliament. This
declaration the directors considered, as it really was, a mere evasion,
which helped to alienate the minds of that people from the king’s person
and government.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




HE EMBARKS FOR HOLLAND.

King William at this time revolved in his own mind a project of far
greater consequence to the interest of Europe--namely, that of settling
the succession to the throne of Spain, which in a little time would
be vacated by the death of Charles IL, whose constitution was already
exhausted. He had been lately reduced to extremity, and his situation
was no sooner known in France than Louis detached a squadron towards
Cadiz, with orders to intercept the plate fleet, in case the king of
Spain should die before its arrival. William sent another fleet to
protect the galleons; but it arrived too late for that service, and
the nation loudly exclaimed against the tardiness of the equipment.
His catholic majesty recovered from his disorder, contrary to the
expectation of his people; but continued in such an enfeebled and
precarious state of health, that a relapse was every moment apprehended.
In the latter end of July king William embarked for Holland, on
pretence of enjoying a recess from business which was necessary to his
constitution. He was glad of an opportunity to withdraw himself for some
time from a kingdom in which he had been exposed to such opposition and
chagrin. But the real motive of his voyage was a design of treating
with the French king remote from the observation of those who might
have penetrated into the nature of his negotiation. He had appointed a
regency to govern the kingdom in his absence; and, as one of the number,
nominated the earl of Marlborough, who had regained his favour and
been constituted governor of the duke of Gloucester. At his majesty’s
departure, sealed orders were left with the ministry directing that
sixteen thousand men should be retained in the service, notwithstanding
the vote of the commons by which the standing army was limited to ten
thousand. He alleged that the apprehension of troubles which might arise
at the death of king Charles induced him to transgress this limitation;
and he hoped that the new parliament would be more favourable. His
enemies, however, made a fresh handle of this step to depreciate his
character in the eyes of the people.




FIRST TREATY OF PARTITION.

Having assisted at the assembly of the states-general, and given
audience to divers ambassadors at the Hague, he repaired to his house at
Loo, attended by the earls of Essex, Portland, and Selkirk. There he was
visited by count Tallard the French minister, who had instructions to
negotiate the treaty concerning the Spanish succession. The earl of
Portland, by his majesty’s order, had communicated to Secretary Vernon
the principal conditions which the French king proposed; he himself
wrote a letter to lord chancellor Somers, desiring his advice with
regard to the propositions, and full powers under the great seal, with
blanks to be filled up occasionally, that he might immediately begin
the treaty with count Tallard. At the same time he strictly enjoined
secrecy. The purport of Portland’s letter was imparted to the duke
of Shrewsbury and Mr. Montague, who consulted with the chancellor and
Vernon upon the subject, and the chancellor wrote an answer to the king
as the issue of their joint deliberation; but before it reached his
majesty, the first treaty of partition was signed by the earl of
Portland and sir Joseph Williamson. The contracting powers agreed,
that in case the king of Spain should die without issue, the kingdom of
Naples and Sicily, with the places depending on the Spanish monarchy,
and situated on the coast of Tuscany or the adjacent islands; the
marquisate of Final, the province of Guipuscoa, all places on the
French side of the Pyrenees, or the other mountains of Navarre, Alva,
or Biscay, on the other side of the province of Guipuscoa, with all
the ships, vessels, and stores,--should devolve upon the dauphin in
consideration of his right to the crown of Spain, which, with all its
other dependencies, should descend to the electoral prince of Bavaria,
under the guardianship of his father; that the duchy of Milan should
he settled on the emperor’s second son, the archduke Charles; that
this treaty should be communicated to the emperor and the elector of
Bavaria, by the king of England and the states-general; that if either
should refuse to agree to this partition, his proportion should remain
in sequestration until the dispute should be accommodated; that in case
the electoral prince of Bavaria should die before his father, then the
elector and his other heirs should succeed him in those dominions;
and should the archduke reject the duchy of Milan, they agreed that it
should be sequestered and governed by the prince of Vaudemont. It may
be necessary to observe that Philip IV., father to the present king of
Spain, had settled his crown by will on the emperor’s children; that the
dauphin was son to Maria-Theresa, daughter of the same monarch, whose
right to the succession Louis had renounced in the most solemn manner;
as for the electoral prince of Bavaria, he was grandson to a daughter of
Spain. This treaty of partition was one of the most impudent schemes
of encroachment that tyranny and injustice ever planned. Louis, who had
made a practice of sacrificing all ties of honour and good faith to
the interest of his pride, vanity, and ambition, foresaw that he should
never be able to accomplish his designs upon the crown of Spain while
William was left at liberty to form another confederacy against them. He
therefore resolved to amuse him with a treaty, in which he would seem
to act as umpire in the concerns of Europe. He knew that William was too
much of a politician to be restricted by notions of private justice;
and that he would make no scruple to infringe the laws of particular
countries, or even the rights of a single nation, when the balance of
power was at stake. He judged right in this particular. The king of
England lent a willing ear to his proposals, and engaged in a plan for
dismembering a kingdom in despite of the natives, and in violation of
every law human or divine.




INTRIGUES OF FRANCE AT THE COURT OF MADRID.

While the French king cajoled William with this negotiation, the
marquis d’Harcourt, his ambassador to Spain, was engaged in a game of a
different nature at Madrid. The queen of Spain, suspecting the designs
of France, exerted all her interest in behalf of the king of the Romans,
to whom she was nearly related. She new-modelled the council, bestowed
the government of Milan on prince Vaudemont, and established the prince
of Hesse Darmstadt as viceroy of Catalonia. Notwithstanding all her
efforts, she could not prevent the French minister from acquiring some
influence in the Spanish councils. He was instructed to procure the
succession of the crown for one of the dauphin’s sons, or at least to
hinder it from devolving upon the emperor’s children. With a view to
give weight to his negotiations, the French king ordered an army of
sixty thousand men to advance towards the frontiers of Catalonia and
Navarre, while a great number of ships and galleys cruised along the
coast, and entered the harbours of Spain. Harcourt immediately began to
form his party; he represented that Philip IV. had no power to dispose
of his crown against the laws of nature and the constitution of the
realm; that, by the order of succession, the crown ought to descend to
the children of his daughter in preference to more distant relations;
that if the Spaniards would declare in favour of the dauphin’s second
son, the duke of Anjou, they might train him up in the manners and
customs of their country. When he found them averse to this proposal,
he assured them that his master would approve of the electoral prince of
Bavaria rather than consent to the succession’s devolving upon a son of
the emperor. Nay, he hinted that if they would choose a sovereign among
themselves, they might depend upon the protection of his most christian
majesty, who had no other view than that of preventing the house of
Austria from becoming too formidable to the liberties of Europe. The
queen of Spain, having discovered the intrigues of this minister,
conveyed the king to Toledo, on pretence that the air of Madrid was
prejudicial to his health. Harcourt immediately took the alarm. He
supposed her intention was to prevail upon her husband in his solitude
to confirm the last will of his father; but his doubts were all removed
when he understood that the count de Harrach, the Imperial ambassador,
had privately repaired to Toledo. He forthwith took the same road,
pretending to have received a memorial from his master with a positive
order to deliver it into the king’s own hand. He was given to understand
that the management of foreign affairs had been left to the care of
cardinal Corduba at Madrid, and that the king’s health would not permit
him to attend to business. The purport of the memorial was, an offer of
French forces to assist in raising the siege of Ceuta in Barbary, which
the Moors had lately undertaken; but this offer was civilly declined.
Harcourt, not yet discouraged, redoubled his efforts at Madrid, and
found means to engage cardinal Portocarrcro in the interests of his
master. In the meantime Louis concluded an alliance with Sweden, under
the pretext of preserving and securing the common peace by such means as
should be adjudged most proper and convenient. During these transactions
king William was not wanting in his endeavours to terminate the war in
Hungary, which had raged fifteen years without intermission. About the
middle of August, lord Paget and Mr. Colliers, ambassadors from England
and Holland, arrived in the Turkish camp near Belgrade, and a conference
being opened under their mediation, the peace of Carlowitz was signed on
the twenty-sixth day of January By this treaty, the emperor remained in
possession of all his conquests; Caminieck was restored to the Poles;
all the Morea, with several fortresses in Dalmatia, were ceded to the
Venetians; and the czar of Muscovy retained Azoph during a truce of two
years: so that the Turks by this pacification lost great part of their
European dominions. The cardinal primate of Poland, who had strenuously
adhered to the prince of Conti, was prevailed upon to acknowledge
Augustus; and the commotions in Lithuania being appeased, peace was
established through all Christendom.

In the beginning of December the king arrived in England, where a new
parliament had been chosen and prorogued on account of his majesty’s
absence, which was prolonged by contrary winds and tempestuous weather.
His ministry had been at very little pains to influence the elections,
which generally fell upon men of revolution-principles, though they do
not seem to have been much devoted to the person of their sovereign; yet
their choice of sir Thomas Lyttleton for speaker, seemed to presage a
session favourable to the ministry. The two houses being convened on the
sixth day of December, the king in his speech observed that the safety,
honour, and happiness of the kingdom would in a great measure depend
upon the strength which they should think proper to maintain by sea and
land. He desired they would make some further progress in discharging
the national debt; contrive effectual expedients for employing the poor;
pass good bills for the advancement of trade, and the discouragement of
profaneness; and act with unanimity and despatch. The commons of this
new parliament were so irritated at the king’s presuming to maintain
a greater number of troops than their predecessors had voted, that they
resolved he should feel the weight of their displeasure. They omitted
the common compliment of an address; they resolved that all the forces
of England, in English pay, exceeding seven thousand men, should
be forthwith disbanded; as also those in Ireland exceeding twelve
thousand; and that those retained should be his majesty’s natural born
subjects. A bill was brought in on these resolutions and prosecuted with
peculiar eagerness, to the unspeakable mortification of king
William, who was not only extremely sensible of the affront, but also
particularly chagrined to see himself disabled from maintaining his
Dutch guards and the regiments of French refugees, to which he was
uncommonly attached. Before the meeting of the parliament, the ministry
gave him to understand that they should be able to procure a vote for
ten or twelve thousand, but they would not undertake for a greater
number. He professed himself dissatisfied with the proposal, observing
that they might as well disband the whole as leave so few. The ministers
would not run the risk of losing all their credit by proposing a greater
number; and, having received no directions on this subject, sat silent
when it was debated in the house of commons.

Such was the indignation of William, kindled by this conduct of
his ministry and his parliament, that he threatened to abandon the
government, and had actually penned a speech to be pronounced to both
houses on that occasion; but he was diverted from this purpose by his
ministry and confidants, and resolved to pass the bill by which he had
been so much offended. Accordingly, when it was ready for the royal
assent, he went to the house of peers, where having sent for the
commons, he told them that although he might think himself unkindly used
in being deprived of his guards, which had constantly attended him in
all his actions; yet, as he believed nothing could be more fatal to the
nation than any distrust or jealousy between him and his parliament, he
was come to pass the bill according to their desire.

At the same time, for his own justification, and in discharge of the
trust reposed in him, he declared that in his own judgment the nation
was left too much exposed; and that it was incumbent upon them to
provide such a strength as might be necessary for the safety of the
kingdom. They thanked him in an address for this undeniable proof of his
readiness to comply with the desires of his parliament. They assured
him he should never have reason to think the commons were undutiful or
unkind; for they would on all occasions stand by and assist him in the
preservation of his sacred person, and in the support of his government,
against all his enemies whatsoever. The lords presented an address to
the same effect; and the king assured both houses he entertained no
doubts of their loyalty and affection. He forthwith issued orders for
reducing the army to the number of seven thousand men, to be maintained
in England under the name of guards and garrisons; and hoping the hearts
of the commons were now mollified, he made another effort in favour of
his Dutch guards, whom he could not dismiss without the most sensible
regret. Lord Ranelagh was sent with a written message to the commons,
giving them to understand that the necessary preparations were made for
transporting the guards who came with him into England, and that they
should embark immediately, unless out of consideration to him, the
house should be disposed to find a way for continuing them longer in the
service; a favour which his majesty would take very kindly. The commons,
instead of complying with his inclination, presented an address, in
which they professed unspeakable grief that he should propose anything
to which they could not consent with due regard to the constitution
which he had come over to restore, and so often hazarded his royal
person to preserve. They reminded him of the declaration, in which
he had promised that all the foreign forces should be sent out of the
kingdom. They observed, that nothing conduced more to the happiness and
welfare of the nation than an entire confidence between the king and
people, which could no way be so firmly established as by intrusting
his sacred person with his own subjects, who had so eminently signalized
themselves during the late long and expensive war. They received a
soothing answer to this address, but remained firm to their purpose,
in which the king was fain to acquiesce; and the Dutch guards were
transported to Holland. At a time when they declared themselves so well
pleased with their deliverer, such an opposition in an affair of
very little consequence savoured more of clownish obstinacy than of
patriotism. In the midst of all their professions of regard, they
entertained a national prejudice against himself and all the foreigners
in his service. Even in the house of commons, his person was treated
with great disrespect in virulent insinuations. They suggested that
he neither loved nor trusted the English nation; that he treated the
natives with the most disagreeable reserve, and chose his confidants
from the number of strangers that surrounded him; that after every
session of parliament, he retired from the kingdom to enjoy an indolent
and inglorious privacy with a few favourites. These suggestions were
certainly true. He was extremely disgusted with the English, whom he
considered as malicious, ignorant, and ungrateful, and he took no pains
to disguise his sentiments.




THE COMMONS ADDRESS THE KING.

The commons having effected a dissolution of the army, voted fifteen
thousand seamen, and a proportionable fleet, for the security of the
kingdom; they granted one million four hundred and eighty-four thousand
and fifteen pounds for the services of the year, to be raised by a tax
of three shillings in the pound upon lands, personal estates, pensions,
and offices. A great number of priests and Roman catholics, who had been
frighted away by the revolution, were now encouraged by the treaty
of Ryswick to return, and appeared in all public places of London and
Westminster with remarkable effrontery. The enemies of the government
whispered about that the treaty contained a secret article in favour
of those who professed that religion; and some did not even scruple to
insinuate that William was a papist in his heart. The commons, alarmed
at the number and insolence of those religionists, desired the king, in
an address, to remove by proclamation all papists and nonjurors from the
city of London and parts adjacent, and put the laws in execution
against them, that the wicked designs they were always hatching might be
effectually disappointed. The king gratified them in their request of
a proclamation, which was not much regarded; but a remarkable law was
enacted against papists in the course of the ensuing session. The old
East India company, about this period, petitioned the lower house to
make some provision that their corporation might subsist for the residue
of the term of twenty-one years granted by his majesty’s charter; that
the payment of the five pounds per cent. by the late act for settling
the trade to the East Indies, might be settled and adjusted in such
a manner as not to remain a burden on the petitioners; and that such
further considerations might be had for their relief, and for the
preservation of the East India trade, as should be thought reasonable.
A bill was brought in upon the subject of this petition, but rejected
at the second reading. Discontents had risen to such a height, that some
members began to assert they were not bound to maintain the votes
and credit of the former parliament; and, upon this maxim, would have
contributed their interest towards a repeal of the act made in favour of
the new company: but such a scheme was of too dangerous consequence to
the public credit to be carried into execution.

That spirit of peevishness which could not be gratified with this
sacrifice, produced an inquiry into the management of naval affairs,
which was aimed at the earl of Orford, a nobleman whose power gave
umbrage, and whose wealth excited envy. He officiated both as treasurer
of the navy and lord commissioner of the admiralty, and seemed to have
forgot the sphere from which he had risen to title and office. The
commons drew up an address complaining of some unimportant articles of
mismanagement in the conduct of the navy; and the earl was wise enough
to avoid further prosecution by resigning his employments. On the fourth
day of May the king closed the session with a short speech, hinting
dissatisfaction at their having neglected to consider some points which
he had recommended to their attention; and the parliament was prorogued
to the first of June.* In a little time after this prorogation, his
majesty appointed a regency; and on the second day of June embarked for
Holland.

     * About the latter end of March, the earl of Warwick and
     lord Mohun were tried by their peers in Westminster-hall,
     for the murder of captain Richard Coote, who had been killed
     in a midnight combat of three on each side. Warwick was
     found guilty of manslaughter, and Mohun acquitted.




THE SCOTTISH COMPANY MAKE A SETTLEMENT ON THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN.

In Ireland nothing of moment was transacted. The parliament of that
kingdom passed an act for raising one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds on lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to defray the expense of
maintaining twelve thousand men, who had been voted by the commons of
England; then the assembly was prorogued. A new commission afterwards
arrived at Dublin, constituting the duke of Bolton, the earls of
Berkeley and Galway, lords-justices of Ireland. The clamour in Scotland
increased against the ministry, who had disowned their company, and in
a great measure defeated the design from which they had promised
themselves such heaps of treasure. Notwithstanding the discouragements
to which their company had been exposed, they fitted out two of four
large ships which had been built at Hamburgh for their service. These
were laden with a cargo for traffic, with some artillery and military
stores; and the adventurers embarking to the number of twelve hundred,
they sailed from the Frith of Edinburgh, with some tenders, on the
seventeenth day of July in the preceding year. At Madeira they took in a
supply of wine, and then steered to Crab-island in the neighbourhood of
St. Thomas, lying between Santa-Cruz and Porto Rico. Their design was to
take possession of this little island; but when they entered the road,
they saw a large tent pitched upon the strand, and the Danish colours
flying. Finding themselves anticipated in this quarter, they directed
their course to the coast of Darien, where they treated with the natives
for the establishment of their colony, and taking possession of the
ground, to which they gave the name of Caledonia, began to execute their
plan of erecting a town under the appellation of New Edinburgh, by the
direction of their council, consisting of Patterson the projector, and
six other directors. They had no sooner completed their settlement,
than they wrote a letter to the king containing a detail of their
proceedings. They pretended they had received undoubted intelligence
that the French intended to make a settlement on that coast; and that
their colony would be the means of preventing the evil consequences
which might arise to his majesty’s kingdom and dominions from the
execution of such a scheme. They acknowledged his goodness in granting
those privileges by which their company was established; they implored
the continuance of his royal favour and protection, as they had
punctually adhered to the conditions of the act of parliament, and the
patent they had obtained.

By this time, however, the king was resolved to crush them effectually.
He understood that the greater part of their provisions had been
consumed before they set sail from Scotland, and foresaw that they must
be reduced to a starving condition if not supplied from the English
colonies. That they might be debarred of all such assistance, he sent
orders to the governors of Jamaica and the other English settlements
in America, to issue proclamations prohibiting, under the severest
penalties, all his majesty’s subjects from holding any correspondence
with the Scottish colony, or assisting it in any shape with arms,
ammunition, or provisions; on pretence that they had not communicated
their design to his majesty, but had peopled Darien in violation of the
peace subsisting between him and his allies. Their colony was doubtless
a very dangerous encroachment upon the Spaniards, as it would have
commanded the passage between Porto-Bello and Panama, and divided the
Spanish empire in America. The French king complained of the invasion,
and offered to supply the court of Madrid with a fleet to dislodge the
interlopers. Colonna, marquis de Canales, the Spanish ambassador at the
court of London, presented a memorial to king William, remonstrating
against the settlement of this colony as a mark of disregard, and a
breach of the alliance between the two crowns; and declaring that his
master would take proper measures against such hostilities. The
Scots affirmed that the natives of Darien were a free people, who the
Spaniards had in vain attempted to subdue; that therefore they had an
original and incontrovertible right to dispose of their own lands, part
of which the company had purchased for a valuable consideration. But
there was another cause more powerful than the remonstrances of the
Spanish court to which this colony fell a sacrifice; and that was the
jealousy of the English traders and planters. Darien was said to be a
country abounding with gold, which would in a little time enrich the
adventurers. The Scots were known to be an enterprising and pertinacious
people; and their harbour near Golden Island was already declared a free
port. The English apprehended that their planters would be allured into
this new colony by the double prospect of finding gold and plundering
the Spaniards; that the buccaneers in particular would choose it
as their chief residence; that the plantations of England would be
deserted; that Darien would become another Algiers; and that the
settlement would produce a rupture with Spain, in consequence of which
the English effects in that kingdom would be confiscated. The Dutch
too are said to have been jealous of a company which in time might have
proved their competitors in the illicit commerce to the Spanish main;
and to have hardened the king’s heart against the new settlers, whom
he abandoned to their fate, notwithstanding the repeated petitions
and remonstrances of their constituents. Famine compelled the first
adventurers to quit the coast: a second recruit of men and provisions
was sent thither from Scotland; but one of their ships, laden with
provisions, being burnt by accident, they likewise deserted the place.
Another reinforcement arrived, and being better provided than the two
former, might have maintained their footing; but they were soon divided
into factions that rendered all their schemes abortive. The Spaniards
advanced against them; when finding themselves incapable of withstanding
the enemy, they solicited a capitulation, by virtue of which they were
permitted to retire. Thus vanished all the golden dreams of the Scottish
nation, which had engaged in this design with incredible eagerness, and
even embarked a greater sum of money than ever they had advanced
upon any other occasion. They were now not only disappointed in their
expectations of wealth and affluence, but a great number of families
were absolutely ruined by the miscarriage of the design, which they
imputed solely to the conduct of king William. The whole kingdom of
Scotland seemed to join in the clamour that was raised against
their sovereign, taxed him with double dealing, inhumanity, and base
ingratitude, to a people who had lavished their treasure and best blood
in support of his government, and in the gratification of his ambition;
and had their power been equal to their animosity, in all probability a
rebellion would have ensued.




REMONSTRANCES OF THE SPANISH COURT.

William meanwhile enjoyed himself at Loo, where he was visited by
the duke of Zell, with whom he had long cultivated an intimacy of
friendship. During his residence in this place, the earl of Portland
and the grand pensionary of Holland frequently conversed with the French
ambassador, count Tallard, upon the subject of the Spanish succession.
The first plan of the partition being defeated by the death of the young
prince of Bavaria, they found it necessary to concert another, and began
a private negotiation for that purpose. The court of Spain, apprized
of their intention, sent a written remonstrance to Mr. Stanhope,
the English minister at Madrid, expressing their resentment at this
unprecedented method of proceeding, and desiring that a stop might be
put to those intrigues, seeing that the king of Spain would of himself
take the necessary steps for preserving the public tranquillity in case
he should die without heirs of his body. A representation of the same
kind was made to the ministers of France and Holland; the marquis de
Canales, the Spanish ambassador at London, delivered a memorial to
the lords-justices couched in the most virulent terms against this
transaction, and even appealing from the king to the parliament. This
Spaniard was pleased with an opportunity to insult king William, who
hated his person, and had forbid him the court, on account of his
appearing covered in his majesty’s presence. The regency had no sooner
communicated this paper to the king, than he ordered the ambassador to
quit the kingdom in eighteen days, and to remain within his own house
till the time of his departure. He was likewise given to understand
that no writing would be received from him or any of his domestics. Mr.
Stanhope was directed to complain at Madrid of the affront offered to
his master, which he styled an insolent and saucy attempt to stir up
sedition in the kingdom, by appealing to the people and parliament of
England against his majesty. The court of Spain justified what their
minister had done, and in their turn ordered Mr. Stanhope to leave their
dominions. Don Bernardo de Quiros, the Spanish ambassador in Holland,
prepared a memorial on the same subject to the states-general; which
however they refused to accept. These remonstrances did not interrupt
the negotiation, in which Louis was so eager that he complained of
William as if he had not employed his whole influence in prevailing
upon the Dutch to signify their accession to the articles agreed upon by
France and England; but his Britannic majesty found means to remove this
jealousy.




THE COMMONS PERSIST IN THEIR RESOLUTIONS.

About the middle of October, William returned to England, and conferred
upon the duke of Shrewsbury the office of chamberlain, vacant since the
resignation of Sunderland. * Mr. Montague at the same period resigned
his seat at the treasury-board, together with the chancellorship of the
exchequer; either foreseeing uncommon difficulty in managing a house
of commons after they had been dismissed in ill humour, or dreading the
interest of his enemies, who might procure a vote that his two places
were inconsistent. The king opened the session of parliament on the
sixteenth day of November, with a long speech, advising a further
provision for the safety of the kingdom by sea and land, as well as the
repairs of ships and fortifications; exhorting the commons to make good
the deficiencies of the funds, discharge the debts of the nation, and
provide the necessary supplies. He recommended some good bill for
the more effectual preventing and punishing unlawful and clandestine
trading; and expressed a desire that some method should be taken for
employing the poor, which were become a burden to the kingdom. He
assured them his resolutions were to countenance virtue and discourage
vice; and that he would decline no difficulties and dangers where the
welfare and prosperity of the nation was concerned. He concluded with
these words: “Since then our aims are only for the general good, let
us act with confidence in one another; which will not fail, with God’s
blessing, to make me a happy king, and you a great and flourishing
people.” The commons were now become wanton in their disgust. Though
they had received no real provocation, they resolved to mortify him with
their proceedings. They affected to put odious interpretations on
the very harmless expression of “Let us act with confidence in one
another.” Instead of an address of thanks, according to the usual
custom, they presented a sullen remonstrance, complaining that a
jealousy and distrust had been raised of their duty and affection; and
desiring he would show marks of his high displeasure towards all persons
who had presumed to misrepresent their proceedings to his majesty. He
declared, in his answer, that no person had ever dared to misrepresent
their proceedings, and that if any should presume to impose upon him by
such calumnies, he would treat them as his worst enemies.

     * Villers, earl of Jersey, who had been sent ambassador to
     France, was appointed secretary of state in the room of the
     duke of Shrewsbury. This nobleman was created lord
     chamberlain; the earl of Manchester was sent ambassador
     extraordinary to France; the earl of Pembroke was declared
     lord-president of the council; and lord viscount Lonsdale
     keeper of the privy-seal.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




INQUIRY INTO THE EXPEDITION Of CAPTAIN KIDD.

The house was not in a humour to be appeased with soothing promises
and protestations; they determined to distress him by prosecuting his
ministers. During the war the colonies of North America had grown rich
by piracy. One Kidd, the master of a sloop, undertook to suppress the
pirates, provided the government would furnish him with a ship of thirty
guns well manned. The board of admiralty declaring that such a number of
seamen could not be spared from the public service, Kidd was equipped by
the private subscription of the lord Chancellor, the duke of Shrewsbury,
the earls of Romney, Orford, and Bellamont, sir Edward Harrison,
and colonel Livingstone of New York. The king promised to contribute
one-half of the expense, and reserved to himself one-tenth of the
profits; but he never advanced the money. Kidd being thus equipped, and
provided with a commission to act against the French, as well as to
make war on certain pirates therein mentioned by name, set sail from
Plymouth; but instead of cruising on the coast of America, he directed
his course to the East Indies, where he himself turned pirate, and took
a rich ship belonging to the Moors. Having divided his booty with his
crew, ninety of whom left him in order to join other adventurers, he
burned his own ship and sailed with his prize to the West Indies. There
he purchased a sloop in which he steered for North America, leaving part
of his men in the prize, to remain in one of the Leeward Islands until
they should receive further instructions. Arriving on the coast of New
York, he sent one Emmet to make his peace with the earl of Bellamont,
the governor of that province, who inveigled him into a negotiation,
in the course of which he was apprehended. Then his lordship sent an
account of his proceedings to the secretary of state, desiring that he
would send for the prisoners to England, as there was no law in that
colony for punishing piracy with death, and the majority of the people
favoured that practice. The admiralty, by order of the lords-justices,
despatched the ship Rochester to bring home the prisoners and their
effects; but, after having been tossed for some time with tempestuous
weather, this vessel was obliged to return to Plymouth in a shattered
condition. This incident furnished the malcontents with a colour
to paint the ministry as the authors and abettors of a piratical
expedition, which they wanted to screen from the cognizance of the
public. The old East India company had complained to the regency of the
capture made by Kidd in the East Indies, apprehending, as the vessel
belonged to the Moors, they should be exposed to the resentments of the
Mogul. In the beginning of December, this subject being brought abruptly
into the house of commons, a motion was made, That the letters patent
granted to the earl of Bellamont and others, of pirates’ goods, were
dishonourable to the king, against the laws of nations, contrary to the
laws and statutes of the land, invasive of property, and destructive of
trade and commerce. A warm dispute ensued, in the course of which some
members declaimed with great bitterness against the chancellor and
the duke of Shrewsbury, as partners in a piratical scheme; but these
imputations were refuted, and the motion was rejected by a great
majority. Not but they might have justly stigmatized the expedition as a
little mean adventure, in which those noblemen had embarked with a view
to their own private advantage.

While this affair was in agitation among the commons, the attention of
the upper house was employed upon the case of Dr. Watson, bishop of St.
David’s. This prelate was supposed to have paid a valuable consideration
for his bishopric; and, after his elevation, had sold the preferments
in his gift with a view of being reimbursed. He was accused of simony;
and, after a solemn hearing before the archbishop of Canterbury and six
suffragans, convicted and deprived. Then he pleaded his privilege: so
that the affair was brought into the house of lords, who refused to own
him as a peer after he had ceased to be a bishop. Thus disappointed,
he had recourse to the court of delegates, by whom the archbishop’s
sentence was confirmed. The next effort that the commons made, with
a view of mortifying king William, was to raise a clamour against Dr.
Burnet, bishop of Sarum. He was represented in the house as a very unfit
preceptor for the duke of Gloucester, both as a Scottish man, and
author of that pastoral letter which had been burned by order of the
parliament, for asserting that William had a right to the crown from
conquest. A motion was made for addressing his majesty that this
prelate might be dismissed from his employment, but rejected by a great
majority. Burnet had acted with uncommon integrity in accepting the
trust. He had declined the office, which he was in a manner forced to
accept. He had offered to resign his bishopric, thinking the employment
of a tutor would interfere with the duty of a pastor. He insisted upon
the duke’s residence all the summer at Windsor, which is in the diocese
of Sarum, and added to his private charities the whole income of his new
office.




INQUIRY INTO THE IRISH FORFEITURES.

The circumstance on which the anti-courtiers built their chief hope of
distressing or disgracing the government, was the inquiry into the Irish
forfeitures, which the king had distributed among his own dependents.
The commissioners appointed by parliament to examine these particulars,
were Annesley, Trenchard, Hamilton, Langford, the earl of Drogheda, sir
Francis Brewster, and sir Richard Leving. The first four were actuated
by all the virulence of faction; the other three were secretly guided
by ministerial influence. They began their inquiry in Ireland, and
proceeded with such severity as seemed to flow rather from resentment
to the court, than from a love of justice and abhorrence of corruption.
They in particular scrutinized a grant of an estate which the king
had made to Mrs. Villiers, now countess of Orkney, so as to expose the
king’s partiality for that favourite, and subject him to an additional
load of popular odium. In the course of their examination the earl of
Drogheda, Leving, and Brewster, opposed the rest of the commissioners in
divers articles of the report, which they refused to sign, and sent
over a memorial to the house of commons explaining their reasons for
dissenting from their colleagues. By this time, however, they were
considered as hirelings of the court, and no regard was paid to their
representations. The others delivered their report, declaring that
a million and a half of money might be raised from the sale of the
confiscated estates; and a bill was brought in for applying them to the
use of the public. A motion being made to reserve a third part for
the king’s disposal, it was overruled: then the commons passed an
extraordinary vote, importing that they would not receive any petition
from any person whatsoever concerning the grants, and that they would
consider the great services performed by the commissioners appointed
to inquire into the forfeited estates. They resolved, That the four
commissioners who had signed the report had acquitted themselves with
understanding, courage, and integrity; and, That sir Richard Leving,
as author of groundless and scandalous aspersions cast upon his four
colleagues, should be committed prisoner to the Tower. They afterwards
came to the following resolution, which was presented to the king in
form of an address,--That the procuring and passing those grants had
occasioned great debts upon the nation, and heavy taxes upon the people,
and highly reflected upon the king’s honour; and, That the officers and
instruments concerned in the same had highly failed in the performance
of their trust and duty. The king answered, That he was not only led by
inclination, but thought himself obliged in justice to reward those
who had served well in the reduction of Ireland, out of the estates
forfeited to him by the rebellion in that kingdom. He observed, that
as the long war had left the nation much in debt, their taking just and
effectual ways for lessening that debt and supporting public credit was
what, in his opinion, would best contribute to the honour, interest, and
safety of the kingdom. This answer kindled a flame of indignation in
the house. They forthwith resolved, That the adviser of it had used his
utmost endeavours to create a misunderstanding and jealousy between the
king and his people.




THE COMMONS PASS A BILL OF RESUMPTION.

They prepared, finished, and passed a bill of resumption. They ordered
the report of the commissioners, together with the king’s promise and
speeches, and the former resolutions of the house touching the forfeited
estates in Ireland, to be printed and published for their justification;
and they resolved, That the procuring or passing exorbitant grants by
any member now of the privy council, or by any other that had been a
privy councillor in this or any former reign, to his use or benefit, was
a high crime or misdemeanor. That justice might be done to purchasers
and creditors in the act of resumption, thirteen trustees were
authorized and empowered to hear and determine all claims relating
to those estates, to sell them to the best purchasers; and the money
arising from the sale was appropriated to pay the arrears of the army.
It passed under the title of a bill for granting an aid to his majesty
by the sale of forfeited and other estates and interests in Ireland;
and that it might undergo no alteration in the house of lords, it was
consolidated with the money-bill for the service of the year. In the
house of lords it produced warm debates; and some alterations were made
which the commons unanimously rejected. They seemed to be now more than
ever exasperated against the ministry, and ordered a list of the privy
council to be laid before the house. The lords demanded conferences,
which served only to exasperate the two houses against each other;
for the peers insisted upon their amendments, and the commons were so
provoked at their interfering in a money-bill, that they determined to
give a loose to their resentment. They ordered all the doors of their
house to be shut that no members should go forth. Then they took into
consideration the report of the Irish forfeitures, with the list of the
privy councillors; and a question was moved, That an address should be
made to his majesty to remove John lord Somers, chancellor of England,
from his presence and councils for ever. This however was carried in the
negative by a great majority. The king was extremely chagrined at the
bill, which he considered as an invasion of his prerogative, an insult
on his person, and an injury to his friends and servants; and he at
first resolved to hazard all the consequences of refusing to pass it
into a law; but he was diverted from his purpose by the remonstrances of
those in whom he chiefly confided.* He could not, however, dissemble his
resentment. He became sullen, peevish, and morose; and his enemies did
not fail to make use of this additional ill humour as a proof of his
aversion to the English people. Though the motion against the chancellor
had miscarried, the commons resolved to address his majesty that no
person who was not a native of his dominions, except his royal highness
prince George of Denmark, should be admitted into his majesty’s councils
in England or Ireland. This resolution was levelled against the earls
of Portland, Albemarle, and Galway; but before the address could be
presented, the king went to the house of peers, and having passed the
bill which had produced such a ferment, with some others, commanded
the earl of Bridge-water, speaker of the house in the absence of the
chancellor, who was indisposed, to prorogue the parliament to the
twenty-third day of May.

     * Consisting of the lord-chancellor, the lord-president, the
     lord privy-seal, the lord-steward of the household, the earl
     of Bridge-water, first commissioner of the admiralty, the
     earl of Marlborough, the earl of Jersey, and Mr. Montague.




A SEVERE BILL PASSED AGAINST THE PAPISTS.

In the course of this session the commons having prosecuted their
inquiry into the conduct of Kidd, brought in a bill for the more
effectual suppressing of piracy, which passed into a law; understanding
afterwards that Kidd was brought over to England, they presented an
address to the king desiring that he might not be tried, discharged, or
pardoned, till the next session of parliament; and his majesty complied
with their request. Boiling still with indignation against the lord
chancellor, representing the necessity of an immediate parliament. It
was circulated about the kingdom for subscriptions, signed by a great
number of those who sat in parliament, and presented to the king by lord
Boss, who with some others was deputed for that purpose. The king told
them they should know his intention in Scotland; and in the meantime
adjourned their parliament by proclamation. The people exasperated
at this new provocation, began to form the draft of a second national
address, to be signed by the shires and boroughs of the kingdom; but
before this could be finished, the king wrote a letter to the duke of
Queensberry and the privy council of that nation, which was published
for the satisfaction of the people. He professed himself grieved at the
nation’s loss, and willing to grant what might be needful for the relief
and ease of the kingdom. He assured them he had their interest at heart;
and that his good subjects should have convincing proofs of his sincere
inclination to advance the wealth and prosperity of that his ancient
kingdom. He said he hoped this declaration would be satisfactory to all
good men; that they would not suffer themselves to be misled; nor give
advantage to enemies and ill-designing persons, ready to seize every
opportunity of embroiling the government. He gave them to understand
that his necessary absence had occasioned the late adjournment; but as
soon as God should bring him back, their parliament should be assembled.
Even this explanation, seconded by all the credit and address of his
ministers, failed in allaying the national ferment, which rose to the
very verge of rebellion.




LORD SOMERS DISMISSED.

The king, who from his first accession to the throne had veered
occasionally from one party to another, according to the circumstances
of his affairs and the opposition he encountered, was at this period so
incensed and embarrassed by the caprice and insolence of the commons,
that he willingly lent an ear to the leaders of the tories, who
undertook to manage the parliament according to his pleasure, provided
he would part with some of his ministers who were peculiarly odious to
the commons. The person against whom their anger was chiefly directed
was the lord chancellor Somers, the most active leader of the whig
party. They demanded his dismission, and the king exhorted him to resign
his office; but he refusing to take any step that might indicate a fear
of his enemies or a consciousness of guilt, the king sent a peremptory
order for the seals by the lord Jersey, to whom Somers delivered them
without hesitation. They were successively offered to lord chief justice
Holt, and Trevor the attorney-general, who declined accepting such a
precarious office. Meanwhile the king granted a temporary commission to
three judges to sit in the court of chancery; and at length bestowed
the seals, with the title of lord keeper, on Nathan Wright, one of the
sergeants at law, a man but indifferently qualified for the office to
which he was now preferred. Though William seemed altogether attached to
the tories and inclined to a new parliament, no person appeared to take
the lead in the affairs of government; and, indeed, for some time the
administration seemed to be under no particular direction.




SECOND TREATY OF PARTITION.

During the transactions of the last session, the negotiation for a
second partition treaty had been carried on in London by the French
minister Tallard, in conjunction with the earls of Portland and Jersey,
and was soon brought to perfection. On the twenty-first day of February
the treaty was signed in London; and on the twenty-fifth of the next
month it was subscribed at the Hague by Briord, the French envoy, and
the plenipotentiaries of the states-general. By this convention the
treaty of Ryswiek was confirmed. The contracting parties agreed, that,
in case of his catholic majesty’s dying without issue, the dauphin should
possess, for himself and his heirs, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,
the islands of St. Stephano, Porto Hercole, Orbitello, Telamone, Porto
Longone, Piombino, the city and marquisate of Final, the province of
Guipuscoa, the duchies of Lorraine and Bar; in exchange for which last,
the duke of Lorraine should enjoy the duchy of Milan; but that the
county of Biche should remain in sovereignty to the prince of Vaudemont;
that the archduke Charles should inherit the kingdom of Spain and all
its dependencies in and out of Europe; but in case of his dying without
issue, it should devolve to some other child of the emperor, excepting
him who might succeed as emperor or king of the Romans: that this
monarchy should never descend to a king of France or dauphin; and that
three months should be allowed to the emperor, to consider whether or
not he would accede to this treaty. Whether the French king was really
sincere in his professions at this juncture, or proposed this treaty
with a view to make a clandestine use of it at the court of Spain for
more interested purposes, it is not easy to determine; at first however
it was concealed from the notice of the public, as if the parties had
resolved to take no step in consequence of it during the life of his
catholic majesty.

In the beginning of July the king embarked for Holland, after having
appointed a regency to govern the kingdom in his absence. On the
twenty-ninth day of the same month the young duke of Gloucester, the
only remaining child of seventeen which the princess Anne had borne,
died of a malignant fever, in the eleventh year of his age. His death
was much lamented by the greater part of the English nation, not only on
account of his promising talents and gentle behaviour, but also, as it
left the succession undetermined, and might create disputes of fatal
consequence to the nation. The Jacobites openly exulted in an event
which they imagined would remove the chief bar to the interest of the
prince of Wales; but the protestants generally turned their eyes upon
the princess Sophia, electress dowager of Hanover, and grand-daughter
of James I. It was with a view to concert the establishment of her
succession, that the court of Brunswick now returned the visit of king
William. The present state of affairs in England, however, afforded a
very uncomfortable prospect. The people were generally alienated from
the person and government of the reigning king, upon whom they seem to
have surfeited. The vigour of their minds was destroyed by luxury and
sloth; the severity of their morals was relaxed by a long habit of
venality and corruption. The king’s health began to decline, and even
his faculties decayed apace. No person was appointed to ascend the
throne when it should become vacant. The Jacobite faction alone was
eager, vigilant, enterprising and elate. They despatched Mr. Graham,
brother of lord Preston, to the court of St. Germain’s, immediately
after the death of the duke of Gloucester; they began to bestir
themselves all over the kingdom. A report was spread that the princess
Anne had privately sent a message to her father, and that Britain was
once more threatened with civil war, confusion, anarchy, and ruin.




A FLEET SENT INTO THE BALTIC.

In the meantime King William was not inactive. The kings of Denmark and
Poland, with the elector of Brandenburgh, had formed a league to crush
the young-king of Sweden, by invading his dominions on different sides.
The Poles actually entered Livonia, and undertook the siege of Riga; the
king of Denmark, having demolished some forts in Holstein, the duke
of which was connected with Sweden, invested Tonninghen. The Swedish
minister in England demanded that assistance of William which had been
stipulated in a late renewal of the ancient treaty between England
and Sweden. The states of Holland were solicited to the same purpose.
Accordingly, a fleet of thirty sail, English and Dutch, was sent to the
Baltic under the command of sir George Rooke, who joined the Swedish
squadron, and bombarded Copenhagen, to which the Danish fleet had
retired. At the same time the duke of Lunenbourg, with the Swedish
forces which happened to be at Bremen, passed the Elhe, and marched to
the assistance of the duke of Holstein. The Danes immediately abandoned
the siege of Tonninghen, and a body of Saxons, who had made an irruption
into the territories of the duke of Brunswick, were obliged to retreat
in disorder. By the mediation of William, a negotiation was begun for
a treaty between Sweden and Denmark, which in order to quicken, Charles
the young king of Sweden made a descent upon the isle of Zealand. This
was executed with great success. Charles was the first man who landed;
and here he exhibited such marks of courage and conduct, far above his
years, as equally astonished and intimidated his adversaries. Then he
determined to besiege Copenhagen; a resolution that struck such terror
into the Danes, that they proceeded with redoubled diligence in the
treaty, which was brought to a conclusion, between Denmark, Sweden,
and Holstein, about the middle of August. Then the Swedes retired to
Schonen, and the squadrons of the maritime powers returned from the
Baltic.




SECOND TREATY OF PARTITION.

When the new partition treaty was communicated by the ministers of the
contracting parties to the other powers of Europe, it generally met with
a very unfavourable construction. Saxony and the northern crowns were
still embroiled with their own quarrels, consequently could not give
much attention to such a remote transaction. The princes of Germany
appeared cautious and dilatory in their answers, unwilling to be
concerned in any plan that might excite the resentment of the house of
Austria. The elector of Brandenburgh in particular had set his heart
upon the regal dignity, which he hoped to obtain from the favour
and authority of the emperor. The Italian states were averse to the
partition treaty, from their apprehension of seeing France in possession
of Naples and other districts of their country. The duke of Savoy
affected a mysterious neutrality, in hopes of being, able to barter
his consent for some considerable advantage. The Swiss cantons declined
acceding as guarantees. The emperor expressed his astonishment that any
disposition should be made of the Spanish monarchy without the consent
of the present possessor, and the states of the kingdom. He observed,
that neither justice nor decorum could warrant the contracting powers
to compel him, who was the rightful heir, to accept a part of his
inheritance within three months, under penalty of forfeiting even that
share to a third person not yet named; and he declared that he could
take no final resolution until he should know the sentiments of his
catholic majesty, on an affair in which their mutual interest was so
nearly concerned. Leopold was actually engaged in a negotiation with the
king of Spain, who signed a will in favour of his second son Charles;
yet he took no measures to support the disposition, either by sending
the archduke with a sufficient force to Spain, or by detaching troops
into Italy.




THE FRENCH INTEREST PREVAILS AT THE COURT OF SPAIN.

The people of Spain were exasperated at the insolence of the three
foreign powers who pretended to parcel out their dominions. Their pride
took the alarm at the prospect of their monarchy’s being dismembered;
and their grandees repined at the thoughts of losing so many lucrative
governments which they now enjoyed. The king’s life became every day
more and more precarious, from frequent returns of his disorder. The
ministry was weak and divided, the nobility factious, and the people
discontented. The hearts of the nation had been alienated from the house
of Austria, by the insolent carriage and rapacious disposition of
the queen Mariana. The French had gained over to their interests the
cardinal Portocarrero, the marquis de Monterey, with many other noblemen
and persons of distinction. These perceiving the sentiments of the
people, employed their emissaries to raise a general cry that France
alone could maintain the succession entire; that the house of Austria
was feeble and exhausted, and any prince of that line must owe his chief
support to detestable heretics. Portocarrero tampered with the weakness
of his sovereign. He repeated and exaggerated all these digestions; he
advised him to consult Pope Innocent XII. on this momentous point of
regulating the succession. That pontiff, who was a creature of France,
having taken the advice of a college of cardinals, determined that the
renunciation of Maria Theresa was invalid and null, as being founded
upon compulsion, and contrary to the fundamental laws of the Spanish
monarchy. He therefore exhorted king Charles to contribute to the
propagation of the faith, and the repose of Christendom, by making a new
will in favour of a grandson of the French monarch. This admonition
was seconded by the remonstrance of Portocarrero; and the weak prince
complied with the proposal. In the meantime the king of France seemed to
act heartily as a principal in the treaty of partition. His ministers
at foreign courts co-operated with those of the maritime powers in
soliciting the accession of the different potentates in Europe.
When count Zinzendorf, the imperial ambassador at Paris, presented a
memorial, desiring to know what part France would act should the king of
Spain voluntarily place a grandson of Louis upon the throne, the marquis
de Torcy answered in writing, that his most christian majesty would by
no means listen to such a proposal; nay, when the emperor’s minister
gave them to understand that his master was ready to begin a separate
negotiation with the court of Versailles, touching the Spanish
succession, Louis declared he could not treat on that subject without
the concurrence of his allies.

The nature of the partition-treaty was no sooner known in England, than
condemned by the most intelligent part of the nation. They first of all
complained, that such an important affair should be concluded without
the advice of parliament. They observed that the scheme was unjust,
and the execution of it hazardous; that in concerting the terms, the
maritime powers seemed to have acted as partizans of France; for the
possession of Naples and the Tuscan ports would subject Italy to
her dominion, and interfere with the English trade to the Levant and
Mediterranean; while Guipuscoa, on any future rupture, would afford
another inlet into the heart of the Spanish dominions; they, for these
reasons, pronounced the treaty destructive of the balance of power,
and prejudicial to the interest of England. All these arguments were
trumpeted by the malcontents, so that the whole kingdom echoed with the
clamour of disaffection. Sir Christopher Musgrave, and others of the
tory faction, began to think in earnest of establishing the succession
of the English crown upon the person of the prince of Wales. They are
said to have sent over Mr. Graham to St. Germain’s with overtures to
this purpose, and an assurance that a motion would be made in the house
of commons, to pass a vote that the crown should not be supported in the
execution of the partition treaty. King William was not ignorant of the
censure he had undergone, and not a little alarmed to find himself so
unpopular among his own subjects. That he might be the more able
to bestow his attention effectually upon the affairs of England, he
resolved to take some measures for the satisfaction of the Scottish
nation. He permitted the parliament of that kingdom to meet on the
twenty-eighth day of October, and wrote a letter to them from his house
at Loo, containing an assurance that he would concur in every thing that
could be reasonably proposed for maintaining and advancing the peace and
welfare of their kingdom. He promised to give his royal assent to
such acts as they should frame for the better establishment of
the presbyterian discipline; for preventing the growth of popery,
suppressing vice and immorality, encouraging piety and virtue,
preserving and securing personal liberty, regulating and advancing
trade, retrieving the losses, and promoting the interest of their
African and Indian companies. He expressed his concern that he could not
assert the company’s right of establishing a colony at Darien, without
disturbing the peace of Christendom, and entailing a ruinous war on that
his ancient kingdom. He recommended unanimity and despatch in raising
competent taxes for their own defence; and told them he had thought fit
to continue the duke of Queensberry in the office of high commissioner.
Notwithstanding this soothing address, the national resentment continued
to rage, and the parliament seemed altogether intractable. By this time
the company had received certain tidings of the entire surrender of
their settlement; and on the first day of the session, they represented
to parliament, that, for want of due protection abroad, some persons
had been encouraged to break in upon their privileges even at home. This
remonstrance was succeeded by another national address to the king, who
told them he could not take any further notice of that affair, since
the parliament was now assembled; and he had already made a declaration,
with which he hoped all his faithful subjects would be satisfied.
Nevertheless he found it absolutely necessary to practise other
expedients for allaying the ferment of that nation. His ministers and
their agents bestirred themselves so successfully, that the heats in
parliament were entirely cooled, and the outcry of the people subsided
into unavailing murmurs. The parliament resolved, that in consideration
of their great deliverance by his majesty, and as next, under God, their
safety and happiness wholly depended on his preservation and that of his
government, they would support both to the utmost of their power, and
maintain such forces as should be requisite for those ends. They passed
an act for keeping on foot three thousand men for two years, to be
maintained by a land-tax. Then the commissioner produced the king’s
letter, desiring to have eleven hundred men on his own account to the
first day of June following; they forthwith complied with this request,
and were prorogued to the sixth of May. The supernumerary troops were
sent over to the states-general; and the earl of Argyle was honoured
with the title of duke, as a recompence for having concurred with the
commissioners in managing this session of parliament.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




DEATH OF THE KING OF SPAIN.

King William had returned to England on the eighteenth day of October,
not a little chagrined at the perplexities in which he found himself
involved; and in the beginning of the next month, he received advice
that the king of Spain was actually dead. He could not be surprised at
this event, which had been so long-expected; but it was attended with a
circumstance which he had not foreseen. Charles, by his last will, had
declared the duke of Anjou, second son of the dauphin, the sole heir of
the Spanish monarchy. In case this prince should die without issue, or
inherit the crown of France, he willed that Spain should devolve to the
duke of Berry: in default of him, and children, to the archduke Charles
and his heirs; failing of whom, to the duke of Savoy and his posterity.
He likewise recommended a match between the duke of Anjou and one of
the archduchesses. When this testament was first notified to the French
court, Louis seemed to hesitate between his inclination and engagements
to William and the states-general. Madame de Maintenon is said to have
joined her influence to that of the dauphin, in persuading the king to
accept of the will; and Pontchartrain was engaged to support the same
measure. A cabinet-council was called in her apartment. The rest of the
ministry declared for the treaty of partition; the king affected a kind
of neutrality. The dauphin spoke for his son with an air of resolution
he had never assumed before; Pontchartain seconded his argument; madame
de Main-tenon asked, what the duke of Anjou had done to provoke the
king, that he should be barred of his right to that succession? Then the
rest of the members espoused the dauphin’s opinion; and the king owned
himself convinced by their reasons. In all probability the decision
of this council was previously settled in private. After the will was
accepted, Louis closeted the duke of Anjou, to whom he said in presence
of the marquis des Rois, “Sir, the king of Spain has made you a king.
The grandees demand you; the people wish for you, and I give my consent,
remember only, you are a prince of France. I recommend to you to love
your people, to gain their affection by the lenity of your government,
and to render yourself worthy of the throne you are going to ascend.”
 The new monarch was congratulated on his elevation by all the princes
of the blood; nevertheless, the duke of Orleans and his son protested
against the will, because the archduke was placed next in succession
to the duke of Berry, in bar of their right as descendants of Anne
of Austria, whose renunciation could be of no more force than that of
Maria-Theresa. On the fourth day of December the new king set out for
Spain, to the frontiers of which he was accompanied by his two brothers.

When the will was accepted, the French minister de Torcy endeavoured to
justify his master’s conduct to the earl of Manchester, who resided
at Paris in the character of ambassador from the court of London. He
observed, that the treaty of partition was not likely to answer the end
for which it had been concerted; that the emperor had refused to
accede; that it was relished by none of the princes to whom it had been
communicated; that the people of England and Holland had expressed their
discontent at the prospect of France being in possession of Naples and
Sicily; that if Louis had rejected the will, the archduke would have had
a double title derived from the former will, and that of the late king;
that the Spaniards were so averse to the division of their monarchy,
there would be a necessity for conquering the whole kingdom before
the treaty could be executed; that the ships to be furnished by Great
Britain and Holland would not be sufficient for the purposes of such a
war, and it was doubtful whether England and the states-general would
engage themselves in a greater expense. He concluded with saying, That
the treaty would have been more advantageous to France than the will,
which the king accepted purely from a desire of preserving the peace
of Europe. His master hoped therefore that a good understanding would
subsist between him and the king of Great Britain. The same reasons
were communicated by Briod, the French ambassador at the Hague, to the
states-general. Notwithstanding this address, they ordered their envoy
at Paris to deliver a memorial to the French king, expressing their
surprise at his having accepted the will; and their hope, that as the
time specified for the emperor’s acceding to the treaty was not
expired, his most christian majesty would take the affair again into his
consideration, and adhere to his engagements in every article. Louis in
his answer to this memorial, which he despatched to all the courts
of Europe, declared that what he chiefly considered was the principal
design of the contracting parties, namely, the maintenance of peace in
Europe; and that, true to his principle, he only departed from the words
that he might the better adhere to the spirit of the treaty.




PHILIP ACKNOWLEDGED KING OF SPAIN.

With this answer he sent a letter to the states, giving them to
understand that the peace of Europe was so firmly established by the
will of the king of Spain, in favour of his grandson, that he did not
doubt their approbation of his succession to the Spanish crown. The
states observed, that they could not declare themselves upon an affair
of such consequence, without consulting their respective provinces.
Louis admitted the excuse, and assured them of his readiness to concur
with whatever they should desire for the security of the Spanish
Netherlands. The Spanish ambassador at the Hague presented them with a
letter from his new master, who likewise notified his accession to all
the powers of Europe, except the king of England. The emperor loudly
exclaimed against the will, as being more iniquitous than the treaty of
partition; and threatened to do himself justice by force of arms.
The Spaniards, apprehending that a league would be formed between
his imperial majesty and the maritime powers for setting aside the
succession of the duke of Anjou, and conscious of their own inability to
defend their dominions, resigned themselves entirely to the protection
of the French monarch. The towns in the Spanish Netherlands and the
duchy of Milan admitted French garrisons: a French squadron anchored in
the port of Cadiz; and another was detached to the Spanish settlements
in the West Indies. Part of the Dutch army that was quartered at
Luxembourg, Mon, and Namur, were made prisoners of war, because
they would not own the king of Spain, whom their masters had not yet
acknowledged. The states were overwhelmed with consternation by this
event, especially when they considered their own naked situation, and
reflected that the Spanish garrisons might fall upon them before they
could assemble a body of troops for their defence. The danger was so
imminent, that they resolved to acknowledge the king of Spain without
further hesitation, and wrote a letter to the French king for that
purpose; this was no sooner received, than orders were issued for
sending back their battalions.




A NEW MINISTRY, AND A NEW PARLIAMENT.

How warmly soever king William resented the conduct of the French king,
in accepting the will so diametrically opposite to his engagements,
he dissembled his chagrin; and behaved with such reserve and apparent
indifference, that some people naturally believed he had been privy to
the transaction. Others imagined that he was discouraged from engaging
in a new war by his bodily infirmities, which daily increased, as well
as by the opposition in parliament to which he should be inevitably
exposed. But his real aim was to conceal his sentiments until he should
have sounded the opinions of other powers in Europe, and seen how far
he could depend upon his new ministry. He now seemed to repose his chief
confidence in the earl of Rochester, who had undertaken for the
tories, and was declared lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Lord Godolphin was
appointed first commissioner of the treasury, lord Tankerville succeeded
lord Lonsdale, lately deceased, as keeper of the privy-seal, and sir
Charles Hedges was declared secretary of state, in the room of the earl
of Jersey; but the management of the commons was intrusted to Mr. Robert
Harley, who had hitherto opposed the measures of the court with equal
virulence and ability. These new undertakers, well knowing they should
find it very difficult, if not impossible, to secure a majority in
the present parliament, prevailed on the king to dissolve it by
proclamation; then the sheriffs were changed according to their
nomination, and writs issued for a new parliament to meet on the sixth
day of February. During this interval, count Wratislaw arrived in
England, as ambassador from the emperor, to explain Leopold’s title to
the Spanish monarchy, supported by repeated entails and renunciations,
confirmed in the most solemn treaties. This minister met with a very
cold reception from those who stood at the helm of affairs. They sought
to avoid all connexions, that might engage their country as a principal
in another war upon the Continent; smarting as they were from the
losses and incumbrances which the last had entailed upon them and their
posterity. They seemed to think that Louis, rather than involve himself
in fresh troubles, would give all the security that could be desired for
maintaining the peace of Europe; or even should this be refused, they
saw no reason for Britain exhausting her wealth and strength to support
a chimerical balance, in which her interest was but remotely concerned.
It was their opinion, that by keeping aloof she might render herself
more respectable. Her reserve would overawe contending powers; they
would in their turn sue for her assistance, and implore her good
offices; and, instead of declaring herself a party, she would have the
honour to decide as arbitress of their disputes. Perhaps they extended
this idea too far; and, in all probability, their notions were inflamed
by a spirit of faction. They hated the whigs as their political
adversaries, and detested the war, because it had been countenanced
and supported by the interest of that party. The king believed that a
conjunction of the two monarchies of France and Spain would prove fatal
to the liberties of Europe; and that this could not be prevented by
any other method than a general union of the other European powers. He
certainly was an enthusiast in his sentiments of this equilibrium; and
fully convinced that he himself, of all the potentates in Christendom,
was the only prince capable of adjusting the balance. The imperial
ambassador could not therefore be long ignorant of his real purpose, as
he conversed with the Dutch favourites, who knew and approved of their
master’s design, though he avoided a declaration until he should have
rendered his ministers more propitious to his aim. The true secret,
however, of that reserve with which count Wratislaw was treated at his
first arrival, was a private negotiation which the king had set on foot
with the regency of Spain, touching a barrier in the Netherlands. He
proposed that certain towns should be garrisoned with English and Dutch
troops, by way of security against the ambitious designs of France; but
the regency were so devoted to the French interest, that they refused
to listen to any proposal of this nature. While this affair was in
agitation, William resolved to maintain a wary distance from the
emperor; but when his efforts miscarried, the ambassador found him much
more open and accessible.*

     * This year was distinguished by a glorious victory which
     the young king of Sweden obtained in the nineteenth year of
     his age. Riga continued invested by the king of Poland,
     while Peter the czar of Muscovy made his approaches to
     Narva, at the head of a prodigious army, purposing, in
     violation of all faith and justice, to share the spoils of
     the youthful monarch. Charles landed at Revel, compelled the
     Saxons to abandon the siege of Riga, and having supplied the
     place, marched with a handful of troops against the
     Muscovites, who had undertaken the siege of Narva. The czar
     quitted his army with some precipitation, as if he had been
     afraid of hazarding his person, while Charles advanced
     through ways that were thought impracticable, and surprised
     the enemy. He broke into their camp before they had the
     least intimation of his approach, and totally routed them
     after a short resistance. He took a great number of
     prisoners, with all their baggage, tents, and artillery, and
     entered Narva in triumph.

The parliament meeting on the sixth, was prorogued to the tenth day of
February, when Mr. Harley was chosen speaker by a great majority, in
opposition to sir Richard Onslow. The king had previously told sir
Thomas Lyttleton, it would be for his service that he should yield his
pretensions to Harley at this juncture; and that gentleman agreed to
absent himself from the house on the day of election. The king observed
in his speech, that the nation’s loss in the death of the duke of
Gloucester, had rendered it absolutely necessary for them to make
further provision for the succession of the crown in the protestant
line; that the death of the king of Spain had made such an alteration in
the affairs of the Continent, as required their mature deliberation. The
rest of his harangue turned upon the usual topics of demanding supplies
for the ensuing year, reminding them of the deficiencies and public
debts, recommending to their inquiry the state of the navy and
fortifications; exhorting them to encourage commerce, employ the poor,
and proceed with vigour and unanimity in all their deliberations. Though
the elections had been generally carried in favour of the tory interest,
the ministry had secured but one part of that faction. Some of the most
popular leaders, such as the duke of Leeds, the marquis of Normanby, the
earls of Nottingham, Seymour, Musgrave, Howe, Finch, and Showers, had
been either neglected or found refractory, and resolved to oppose the
court measures with all their influence. Besides, the French king,
knowing that the peace of Europe would in a great measure depend on the
resolutions of the English parliament, is said to have distributed great
sums of money in England, by means of his minister Tallard, in order to
strengthen the opposition of the house of commons. Certain it is, the
nation abounded at this period with the French coins called louis d’ors
and pistoles; but whether this redundancy was owing to a balance of
trade in favour of England, or to the largesses of Louis, we shall
not pretend to determine. We may likewise observe, that the infamous
practice of bribing electors had never been so flagrant as in the choice
of representatives for this parliament. This scandalous traffic had been
chiefly carried on by the whig party, and therefore their antagonists
resolved to spare no pains in detecting their corruption. Sir Edward
Seymour distinguished himself by his zeal and activity; he brought some
of these practices to light, and, in particular, stigmatized the new
East-India company for having been deeply concerned in this species of
venality. An inquiry being set on foot in the house of commons, several
elections were declared void; and divers persons who had been illegally
returned, were first expelled the house, and afterwards detained in
prison. Yet these prosecutions were carried on with such partiality,
as plainly indicated that they flowed rather from party zeal than from
patriotism.

A great body of the commons had resolved to present an address to his
majesty, desiring he would acknowledge the king of Spain; and the motion
in all probability would have been carried by a considerable majority,
had not one bold and lucky expression given such a turn to the debate,
as induced the anti-courtiers to desist. One Mr. Monckton, in the heat
of his declamation against this measure, said he expected the next vote
would be for owning the pretended prince of Wales. Though there was
little or no connexion between these two subjects, a great many members
were startled at the information, and deserted the measure, which was
dropped accordingly. The king’s speech being taken into consideration,
the house resolved to support his majesty and his government; to take
such effectual measures as might best conduce to the interest and
safety of England, and the preservation of the protestant religion.
This resolution was presented in an address to the king, who received
it favourably. At the same time, he laid before them a memorial he
had received from the states-general, and desired their advice
and assistance in the points that constituted the substance of
the remonstrance. The states gave him to understand, that they had
acknowledged the duke of Anjou as king of Spain; that France had agreed
to a negotiation, in which they might stipulate the necessary conditions
for securing the peace of Europe; and that they were firmly resolved
to do nothing without the concurrence of his majesty and their other
allies. They therefore begged he would send a minister to the Hague,
with necessary powers and instructions to co-operate with them in this
negotiation; they told him that in case it should prove ineffectual,
or Holland be suddenly invaded by the troops which Louis had ordered
to advance towards their frontiers, they relied on the assistance of
England, and hoped his majesty would prepare the succours stipulated by
treaty, to be used should occasion require. The memorial was like-wise
communicated to the house of lords. Meanwhile the commons desired that
the treaties between England and the states-general should be laid
before the house. These being perused, they resolved upon an address,
to desire his majesty would enter into such negotiations with the
states-general, and other potentates, as might most effectually conduce
to the mutual safety of Great Britain and the united provinces, as well
as to the preservation of the peace of Europe, and to assure him of
their support and assistance in performance of the treaty subsisting
between England and the states-general. This resolution however was
not carried without great opposition from those who were averse to the
nation involving itself in another war upon the continent. The king
professed himself extremely well pleased with this address, and told
them he would immediately order his ministers abroad to act in concert
with the states-general and other powers, for the attainment of those
ends they proposed.




AN INTERCEPTED LETTER.

He communicated to the commons a letter, written by the earl of Melfort
to his brother the earl of Perth, governor to the pretended prince
of Wales. It had been mislaid by, accident, and came to London in the
French mail. It contained a scheme for another invasion of England,
together with some reflections on the character of the earl of
Middleton, who had supplanted him at the court of St. Germain’s. Melfort
was a mere projector, and seems to have had no other view than that
of recommending himself to king James, and bringing his rival into
disgrace. The house of lords, to whom the’ letter was also imparted,
ordered it to be printed. Next day they presented an address, thanking
his majesty for his care of the protestant religion; desiring all the
treaties made since the last war might be laid before them; requesting
him to engage in such alliances as he should think proper for preserving
the balance of power in Europe; assuring him of their concurrence;
expressing their acknowledgment for his having communicated Melfort’s
letter; desiring he would give orders for seizing the horses and arms of
disaffected persons; for removing papists from London; and for searching
after those arms and provisions of war mentioned in the letter; finally,
they requested him to equip speedily a sufficient fleet for the defence
of himself and the kingdom. They received a gracious answer to this
address, which was a further encouragement to the king to put his
own private designs in execution; towards the same end the letter
contributed not a little, by inflaming the fears and resentment of the
nation against France, which in vain disclaimed the earl of Melfort as
a fantastical schemer, to whom no regard was paid at the court of
Versailles. The French ministry complained of the publication of this
letter, as an attempt to sow jealousy between the two crowns; and as
a convincing proof of their sincerity, banished the earl of Melfort to
Angers.




SUCCESSION OF THE CROWN SETTLED.

The credit of exchequer bills was so lowered by the change of the
ministry, and the lapse of the time allotted for their circulation, that
they fell nearly twenty per cent, to the prejudice of the revenue, and
the discredit of the government in foreign countries. The commons having
taken this affair into consideration, voted, That provision should be
made from time to time for making good the principal and interest due on
all parliamentary funds; and afterwards passed a bill for renewing the
bills of credit, commonly called exchequer bills. This was sent up to
the lords on the sixth day of March, and on the thirteenth received
the royal assent. The next object that engrossed the attention of the
commons, was the settlement of the succession to the throne, which the
king had recommended to their consideration in the beginning of the
session. Having deliberated on this subject, they resolved, That for the
preservation of the peace and happiness of the kingdom, and the security
of the protestant religion, it was absolutely necessary that a further
declaration should be made of the limitation and succession of the crown
in the protestant line, after his majesty and the princess, and the
heirs of their bodies respectively; and that further provision should be
first made for the security of the rights and liberties of the people.
Mr. Harley moved, That some conditions of government might be settled
as preliminaries, before they should proceed to the nomination of
the person, that their security might be complete. Accordingly, they
deliberated on this subject, and agreed to the following resolutions;
That whoever shall hereafter come to the possession of this crown, shall
join in communion with the church of England as by law established; that
in case the crown and imperial dignity of this realm shall hereafter
come to any person, not being a native of this kingdom of England,
this nation be not obliged to engage in any war for the defence of any
dominions or territories which do not belong to the crown of England,
without the consent of parliament; that no person who shall hereafter
come to the possession of the crown, shall go out of the dominions of
England, Scotland, or Ireland, without consent of parliament; that, from
and after the time that the further limitation by this act shall take
effect, all matters and things relating to the well-governing of this
kingdom, which are properly cognizable in the privy-council, by the laws
and customs of the realm, shall be transacted there, and all resolutions
taken thereupon shall be signed by such of the privy-council as shall
advise and consent to the same; that, after the limitation shall take
effect, no person born out of the kingdom of England, Scotland,
or Ireland, or the dominions thereunto belonging, although he be
naturalized, and made a denizen (except such as are born of English
parents), shall be capable to be of the privy-council, or a member of
either house of parliament, or to enjoy any office or place of trust,
either civil or military, or to have any grant of lands, tenements, or
hereditaments from the crown to himself, or to any others in trust for
him; that no person who has an office or place of profit under the king,
or receives a pension from the crown, shall be capable of serving as a
member of the house of commons; that, after the limitation shall take
effect, judges’ commissions be made _quamdiu se bene gesserint_, and
their salaries ascertained and established; but upon the address of both
houses of parliament, it may be lawful to remove them; but no pardon
under the great seal of England be pleadable to an impeachment by
the commons in parliament. Having settled these preliminaries, they
resolved, that the princess Sophia, duchess dowager of Hanover,
be declared the next in succession to the crown of England, in the
protestant line, after his majesty, and the princess, and the heirs of
their bodies respectively; and, that the further limitation of the
crown be to the said princess Sophia and the heirs of her body, being
protestants. A bill being formed on these resolutions, was sent up to
the house of lords, where it met with some opposition from the marquis
of Normanby; a protest was likewise entered against it by the earls
of Huntingdon and Plymouth, and the lords Guilford and Jeffries.
Nevertheless it passed without amendments, and on the twelfth day of
June received the royal assent: the king was extremely mortified at the
preliminary limitations, which he considered as an open insult on
his own conduct and administration; not but that they were necessary
precautions, naturally suggested by the experience of those evils to
which the nation had been already exposed, in consequence of raising
a foreign prince to the throne of England. As the tories lay under
the imputation of favouring the late king’s interest, they exerted
themselves zealously on this occasion to wipe off the aspersion, and
insinuate themselves into the confidence of the people; hoping that in
the sequel they should be able to restrain the nation from engaging too
deep in the affairs of the continent, without incurring the charge of
disaffection to the present king and government. The act of settlement
being passed, the earl of Macclesfield was sent to notify the
transaction to the electress Sophia, who likewise received from his
hands the order of the garter.

The act of succession gave umbrage to all the popish princes, who were
more nearly related to the crown than this lady, whom the parliament had
preferred to all others. The duchess of Savoy, grand-daughter to king
Charles I. by her mother, ordered her ambassador, count Maffei, to make
a protestation to the parliament of England, in her name, against all
resolutions and decisions contrary to her title, as sole daughter to the
princess Henrietta, next in succession to the crown of England, after
king William and the princess Anne of Denmark. Two copies of this
protest, Maffei sent in letters to the lord keeper and the speaker of
the lower house, by two of his gentlemen, and a public notary to attest
the delivery; but no notice was taken of the declaration. The duke of
Savoy, while his minister was thus employed in England, engaged in an
alliance with the crowns of France and Spain, on condition, That his
catholic majesty should espouse his youngest daughter without a dowry;
that he himself should command the allied army in Italy, and furnish
eight thousand infantry, with five-and-twenty hundred horse, in
consideration of a monthly subsidy of fifty thousand crowns.




INEFFECTUAL NEGOTIATION with FRANCE.

During these transactions, Mr. Stanhope, envoy extraordinary to the
states-general, was empowered to treat with the ministers of France
and Spain, according to the addresses of both houses of parliament. He
represented, that though his most christian majesty had thought fit to
deviate from the partition-treaty, it was not reasonable that the king
of England should lose the effect of that convention; he therefore
expected some security for the peace of Europe; and for that purpose
insisted upon certain articles, importing, That the French king should
immediately withdraw his troops from the Spanish Netherlands; that for
the security of England, the cities of Ostend and Nieuport should be
delivered into the hands of his Britannic majesty; that no kingdom,
provinces, cities, lands, or places, belonging to the crown of Spain,
should ever be yielded or transferred to the crown of France, on any
pretence whatever; that the subjects of his Britannic majesty should
retain all the privileges, rights, and immunities, with regard to their
navigation and commerce in the dominions of Spain, which they enjoyed
at the death of his late catholic majesty; and also all such immunities,
rights, and franchises, as the subjects of France, or any other power,
either possess for the present, or may enjoy for the future; that all
treaties of peace and conventions between England and Spain should be
renewed; and that a treaty formed on these demands should be guaranteed
by such powers as one or other of the contractors should solicit and
prevail upon to accede. Such likewise were the proposals made by the
states-general, with this difference, that they demanded as cautionary
towns, all the strongest places in the Netherlands. Count D’A vaux, the
French minister, was so surprised at these exorbitant demands, that he
could not help saying, They could not have been higher, if his master
had lost four successive battles. He assured them that his most
christian majesty would withdraw his troops from the Spanish Netherlands
as soon as the king of Spain should have forces of his own sufficient to
guard the country; with respect to the other articles, he could give no
other answer, but that he would immediately transmit them to Versailles.
Louis was filled with indignation at the insolent strain of those
proposals, which he considered as a sure mark of William’s hostile
intentions. He refused to give any other security for the peace of
Europe, than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick; and he is said to have
tampered, by means of his agents and emissaries, with the members of the
English parliament, that they might oppose all steps tending to a new
war on the continent.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}




SEVERE ADDRESSES FROM BOTH HOUSES.

King William certainly had no expectation that France would close with
such proposals; but he was not without hope that her refusal would warm
the English nation into a concurrence with his designs. He communicated
to the house of commons the demands which had been made by him and the
states-general; and gave them to understand, that he would from time
to time make them acquainted with the progress of the negotiation. The
commons suspecting that his intention was to make them parties in a
congress which he might conduct to a different end from that which they
proposed, resolved to signify their sentiments in the answer to this
message. They called for the treaty of partition, which being read,
they voted an address of thanks to his majesty, for his most gracious
declaration that he would make them acquainted with the progress of the
negotiation; but they signified their disapprobation of the partition
treaty, signed with the great seal of England, without the advice of the
parliament which was then sitting, and productive of ill consequences to
the kingdom, as well as to the peace of Europe, as it assigned over to
the French king such a large portion of the Spanish dominion. Nothing
could be more mortifying to the king than this open attack upon his own
conduct, yet he suppressed his resentment, and without taking the least
notice of their sentiments with respect to the partition treaty, assured
them that he should be always ready to receive their advice on the
negotiation which he had set on foot according to their desire. The
debates in the house of commons upon the subject of the partition treaty
rose to such violence, that divers members, in declaiming against it,
transgressed the bounds of decency. Sir Edward Seymour compared the
division which had been made of the Spanish territories, to a robbery
on the highway; and Mr. Howe did not scruple to say it was a felonious
treaty: an expression which the king resented to such a degree, that he
declared he would have demanded personal satisfaction with his sword,
had he not been restrained by the disparity of condition between himself
and the person who had offered such an outrageous insult to his honour.
Whether the tories intended to alienate the minds of the nation from all
foreign connexions, or to wreak their vengeance on the late ministers,
whom they hated as the chiefs of the whig party, certain it is, they now
raised an universal outcry against the partition treaty, which was not
only condemned in public pamphlets and private conversation, but even
brought into the house of lords as an object of parliamentary censure.
In the month of March a warm debate on this subject was begun by
Sheffield marquis of Nonnanby, and carried on with great vehemence by
other noblemen of the same faction. They exclaimed against the article
by which so many territories were added to the crown of France; they
complained, that the emperor had been forsaken; that the treaty was
not communicated to the privy-council or ministry, but clandestinely
transacted by the earls of Portland and Jersey; that the sanction of
the great seal had been unjustly and irregularly applied, first to blank
powers, and afterwards to the treaty itself. The courtiers replied,
that the king had engaged in a treaty of partition at the desire of the
emperor, who had agreed to every article except that relating to the
duchy of Milan, and afterwards desired, that his majesty would procure
for him the best terms he could obtain; above all things recommending
secrecy, that he might not forfeit his interest in Spain, by seeming to
consent to the treaty; that foreign negotiations being intrusted to the
care of the crown, the king lay under no legal obligation to communicate
such secrets of state to his council; far less was he obliged to follow
their advice; and that the keeper of the great seal had no authority for
refusing to apply it to any powers or treaty which the king should
grant or conclude, unless they were contrary to law, which had made no
provision for such an emergency.*

     * In the course of this debate, the earl of Rochester
     reprehended some lords for speaking disrespectfully of the
     French king, observing that it was peculiarly incumbent on
     peers to treat monarchs with decorum and respect, as they
     derived their dignity from the crown. Another affirming that
     the French king was not only to be respected, but likewise
     to be feared: a certain lord replied, “He hoped no man in
     England need to be afraid of the French king; much less the
     peer who spoke last, who was too much a friend to that
     monarch to fear anything from his resentment.”

The earl of Portland, apprehending that this tempest would burst upon
his head, declared on the second day of the debate, that he had, by the
king’s order, communicated the treaty, before it was concluded, to the
earls of Pembroke and Marlborough, the lords Lonsdale, Somers, Halifax,
and secretary Vernon. These noblemen owned, that they had been made
acquainted with the substance of it: that when they excepted to some
particulars, they were told his majesty had carried the matter as far
as it could be advanced, and that he could obtain no better terms; thus
assured that every article was already settled, they said they no longer
insisted upon particulars, but gave their advice that his majesty should
not engage himself in any measure that would produce a new war, seeing
the nation had been so uneasy under the last. After long debates, and
great variety as well as virulence of altercation, the house agreed
to an address in which they disapproved of the partition treaty, as
a scheme inconsistent with the peace and safety of Europe, as well as
prejudicial to the interest of Great Britain. They complained, that
neither the instructions given to his plenipotentiaries, nor the draft
of the treaty itself, had been laid before his majesty’s council. They
humbly besought him, that for the future he would, in all matters of
importance, require and admit the advice of his natural born subjects
of known probity and fortune; and that he would constitute a council of
such persons, to whom he might impart all affairs which should any way
concern him and his dominions. They observed, that interest and natural
affection to their country would incline them to every measure that
might tend to its welfare and prosperity; whereas strangers could not be
so much influenced by these considerations; that their knowledge of
the country would render them more capable than foreigners could be of
advising his majesty touching the true interests of his kingdom; that
they had exhibited such repeated demonstrations of their duty and
affection, as must convince his majesty of their zeal in his service;
nor could he want the knowledge of persons fit to be employed in all his
secret and arduous affairs; finally, as the French king appeared to have
violated the treaty of partition, they advised his majesty, in future
negotiations with that prince, to proceed with such caution as might
imply a real security.




WILLIAM IS OBLIGED TO ACKNOWLEDGE THE KING OF SPAIN.

The king received this severe remonstrance with his usual phlegm;
saying, it contained matter of very great moment; and he would take
care that all treaties he made should be for the honour and safety of
England. Though he deeply felt this affront, he would not alter his
conduct towards the new ministers; but he plainly perceived their
intention was to thwart him in his favourite measure, and humble him
into a dependence upon their interest in parliament. On the last day of
March, he imparted to the commons the French king’s declaration, that he
would grant no other security than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick;
so that the negotiation seemed to be at an end. He likewise communicated
two resolutions of the states-general, with a memorial from their envoy
in England, relating to the ships they had equipped with a view to join
the English fleet, and the succours stipulated in the treaty concluded
in the year 1677, which they desired might be sent over with all
convenient expedition. The house having considered this message,
unanimously resolved to desire his majesty would carry on the
negotiations in concert with the states-general, and take such measures
therein as might most conduce to their safety; they assured him they
would effectually enable him to support the treaty of 1677, by which
England was bound to assist them with ten thousand men, and twenty ships
of war, in case they should be attacked. Though the king was nettled
at that part of this address, which, by confining him to one treaty,
implied their disapprobation of a new confederacy, he discovered no
signs of emotion; but thanked them for the assurance they had given, and
told them he had sent orders to his envoy at the Hague, to continue the
conferences with the courts of Franco and Spain. On the nineteenth day
of April, the marquis de Torcy delivered to the earl of Manchester, at
Paris, a letter from the new king of Spain to his Britannic majesty,
notifying his accession to that throne, and expressing a desire of
cultivating a mutual friendship with the king and crown of England.
How averse soever William might have been to any correspondence of this
sort, the earl of Rochester and the new ministers importuned him in such
a manner to acknowledge Philip, that he at length complied with their
entreaties, and wrote a civil answer to his most catholic majesty. This
was a very alarming incident to the emperor, who was bent upon a war
with the two crowns, and had determined to send prince Eugene with an
army into Italy, to take possession of the duchy of Milan as a fief of
the empire. The new pope Clement XI., who had succeeded to the papacy in
the preceding year, was attached to the French interest; the Venetians
favoured the emperor; but they refused to declare themselves at this
juncture.

The French king consented to a renewal of the negotiations at the Hague;
but in the meantime tampered with the Dutch deputies, to engage them in
a separate treaty. Finding them determined to act in concert with the
king of England, he protracted the conferences in order to gain time,
while he erected fortifications and drew lines on the frontiers of
Holland, divided the princes of the empire by his intrigues, and
endeavoured to gain over the states of Italy. The Dutch meanwhile
exerted themselves in providing for their own security. They reinforced
their garrisons, purchased supplies, and solicited succours from foreign
potentates. The states wrote a letter to king William, explaining the
danger of their situation, professing the most inviolable attachment
to the interest of England, and desiring that the stipulated number
of troops should be sent immediately to their assistance. The
three Scottish regiments which he had retained in his own pay, were
immediately transported from Scotland. The letter of the states-general
he communicated to the house of commons, who having taken it into
consideration, resolved to assist his majesty to support his allies in
maintaining the liberty of Europe; and to provide immediate succours for
the states-general, according to the treaty of 1677. The house of peers,
to whom the letter was also communicated, carried their zeal still
farther. They presented an address, in which they desired his majesty
would not only perform the articles of any former treaty with the
states-general, but also engage with them in a strict league offensive
and defensive, for their common preservation; and invite into it all
the princes and states that were concerned in the present visible danger
arising from the union of Franco and Spain. They exhorted him to
enter into such alliances with the emperor as his majesty should think
necessary, pursuant to the ends of the treaty concluded in the year
1689. They assured him of their hearty and sincere assistance, not
doubting that Almighty God would protect his sacred person in so
righteous a cause; and that the unanimity, wealth, and courage of
his subjects would carry him with honour and success through all the
difficulties of a just war. Lastly, they took leave humbly to represent,
that the dangers to which his kingdom and allies had been exposed, were
chiefly owing to the fatal counsels that prevented his majesty’s sooner
meeting his people in parliament.

These proceedings of both houses could not but be very agreeable to the
king, who expressed his satisfaction in his answer to each apart. They
were the more remarkable, as at this very time considerable progress was
made in a design to impeach the old ministry. This deviation therefore
from the tenour of their former conduct, could be owing to no other
motive than a sense of their own danger, and resentment against France,
which, even during the negotiation, had been secretly employed in making
preparations to surprise and distress the states-general. The commons
having expressed their sentiments on this subject, resumed the
consideration of the partition treaty. They had appointed a committee
to examine the journals of the house of lords, and to report their
proceedings in relation to the treaty of partition. When the report was
made by sir Edward Seymour, the house resolved itself into a committee
to consider the state of the nation; after warm debates they resolved,
That William earl of Portland, by negotiating and concluding the treaty
of partition, was guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor. They ordered
sir John Leveson Gower to impeach him at the bar of the house of lords;
and named a committee to prepare the articles of his impeachment. Then,
in a conference with the lords, they desired to know the particulars of
what had passed between the earl of Portland and secretary Vernon, in
relation to the partition treaty, as also what other information they
had obtained concerning negotiations or treaties of partition of the
Spanish monarchy. The lords demurring to this demand, the lower house
resolved to address the king, That copies of both treaties of partition,
together with all the powers and instructions for negotiating those
treaties, should be laid before them. The copies were accordingly
produced, and the lords sent down to the commons two papers containing
the powers granted to the earls of Portland and Jersey for signing both
treaties of partition. The house afterwards ordered, That Mr. secretary
Vernon should lay before them all the letters which had passed between
the earl of Portland and him, in relation to those treaties; and he
thought proper to obey their command. Nothing could be more scandalously
partial than the conduct of the commons on this occasion. They resolved
to screen the earl of Jersey, sir Joseph Williamson, and Mr. Vernon,
who had been as deeply concerned as any others in that transaction; and
pointed all their vengeance against the earls of Portland and Orford,
and the lords Somers and Halifax. Some of the members even tampered with
Kidd, who was now a prisoner in Newgate, to accuse lord Somers as having
encouraged him in his piracy. He was brought to the bar of the house and
examined; but he declared that he had never spoke to lord Somers; and
that he had no order from those concerned in the ship, but that of
pursuing his voyage against the pirates in Madagascar. Finding him unfit
for their purpose, they left him to the course of law; and he was hanged
with some of his accomplices.

{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}




EARL OF ORFORD, &c, IMPEACHED.

Lord Somers, understanding that he was accused in the house of commons
of having consented to the partition treaty, desired that he might be
admitted and heard in his own defence. His request being granted, he
told the house that when he received the king’s letter concerning the
partition treaty, with an order to send over the necessary powers in the
most secret manner, he thought it would have been taking too much upon
him to put a stop to a treaty of such consequence when the life of
the king of Spain was so precarious; for, had the king died before
the treaty was finished, and he been blamed for delaying the necessary
powers, he could not have justified his own conduct, since the king’s
letter was really a warrant; that, nevertheless, he had written a letter
to his majesty objecting to several particulars in the treaty, and
proposing other articles which he thought were for the interest of his
country; that he thought himself bound to put the great seal to the
treaty when it was concluded; that, as a privy counsellor, he had
offered his best advice, and as chancellor, executed his office
according to his duty. After he had withdrawn, his justification gave
rise to a long debate which ended in a resolution, carried by a majority
of seven voices, That John lord Somers, by advising his majesty to
conclude the treaty of partition, whereby large territories of the
Spanish monarchy were to be delivered up to France, was guilty of a
high crime and misdemeanor. Votes to the same effect were passed against
Edward carl of Orford, and Charles lord Halifax; and all three were
impeached at the bar of the upper house. But the commons knowing that
those impeachments would produce nothing in the house of lords, where
the opposite interest predominated, they resolved to proceed against
the accused noblemen in a more expeditious and effectual way of branding
their reputation. They voted and presented an address, to the king,
desiring he would remove them from his councils and presence for
ever, as advisers of a treaty so pernicious to the trade and welfare
of England. They concluded by repeating their assurance that they would
always stand by and support his majesty to the utmost of their power,
against all his enemies both at home and abroad. The king, in his
answer, artfully overlooked the first part of the remonstrance. He
thanked them for their repeated assurances; and told them he would
employ none in his service but such as should be thought most likely
to improve that mutual trust and confidence between him and his people,
which was so necessary at that conjuncture, both for their own security
and the preservation of their allies.




DISPUTES BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES.

The lords, incensed at this step of the commons, which they considered
as an insult upon their tribunal, and a violation of common justice,
drew up and delivered a counter-address, humbly beseeching his majesty
that he would not pass any censure upon the accused lords until they
should be tried on the impeachments, and judgments be given according
to the usage of parliament. The king was so perplexed by these opposite
representations, that he knew not well what course to follow. He made
no reply to the counter-address; but allowed the names of the impeached
lords to remain in the council-books. The commons having carried their
point, which was to stigmatize those noblemen and prevent their being
employed for the future, suffered the impeachments to be neglected until
they themselves moved for trial. On the fifth day of May the house of
lords sent a message to the commons, importing, That no articles had
as yet been exhibited against the noblemen whom they had impeached. The
charge was immediately drawn up against the earl of Orford: him they
accused of having received exorbitant grants from the crown; of having
been concerned with Kidd the pirate; of having committed abuses in
managing and victualling the fleet when it lay on the coast of Spain;
and lastly, of having advised the partition treaty. The earl, in his own
defence, declared that he had received no grant from the king except a
very distant reversion, and a present of ten thousand pounds after he
had defeated the French at La Hogue; that in Kidd’s affair he had acted
legally, and with a good intention towards the public, though to his own
loss; that his accounts with regard to the fleet which he commanded had
been examined and passed; yet he was ready to waive the advantage, and
justify himself in every particular; and he absolutely denied that he
had given any advice concerning the treaty of partition. Lord Somers
was accused of having set the seals to the powers, and afterwards to the
treaties; of having accepted some grants; of having been an accomplice
with Kidd; and of having some guilt of partial and dilatory proceedings
in chancery. He answered every article in the charge; but no replication
was made by the commons either to him or the earl of Orford. When the
commons were stimulated by another message from the peers, relating to
the impeachments of the earl of Portland and lord Halifax, they declined
exhibiting articles against the former on pretence of respect for his
majesty; but on the fourteenth of June, the charge against Halifax was
sent up to the lords. He was taxed with possessing a grant in Ireland,
without paying the produce of it according to the law lately enacted
concerning those grants; with enjoying another grant out of the forest
of Deane, to the waste of the timber and the prejudice of the navy; with
having held places that were incompatible, by being at the same time
commissioner of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer; and with
having advised the two treaties of partition. He answered, that his
grant in Ireland was of debts and sums of money, and within the act
concerning confiscated estates; that all he had ever received from it
did not exceed four hundred pounds, which, if he was bound to repay,
a common action would lie against him; but every man was not to be
impeached who did not discharge his debts at the very day of payment. He
observed, that as his grant in the forest of Deane extended to weedings
only, it could occasion no waste of timber nor prejudice to the navy;
that the auditor’s place was held by another person, until he obtained
the king’s leave to withdraw from the treasury; that he never saw the
first treaty of partition, nor was his advice asked upon the subject;
that he had never heard of the second but once before it was concluded;
and then he spoke his sentiments freely on the subject. This answer,
like the others, would have been neglected by the commons, whose aim was
now to evade the trials, had not the lords pressed them by messages to
expedite the articles. They even appointed a day for Orford’s trial,
and signified their resolution to the commons. These desired that a
committee of both houses should be named for settling preliminaries, one
of which was, That the lord to be tried should not sit as a peer; and
the other imported, That those lords impeached for the same matter
should not vote in the trial of each other. They likewise desired that
lord Somers should be first tried. The lords made no objection to this
last demand; but they rejected the proposal of a committee consisting of
both houses, alleging that the commons were parties, and had no title
to sit in equality with the judges, or to settle matters relating to
the trial; that this was a demand contrary to the principles of law and
rules of justice, and never practised in any court or nation. The lords,
indeed, had yielded to this expedient in the popish plot, because it was
a case of treason, in which the king’s life and safety of the kingdom
were concerned, while the people were jealous of the court, and the
whole nation was in a ferment; but at present the times were quiet, and
the charge amounted to nothing more than misdemeanors; therefore the
lords could not assent to such a proposal as was derogatory from their
jurisdiction. Neither would they agree to the preliminaries; but on the
twelfth day of June resolved, That no peer impeached for high crimes
and misdemeanors should, upon his trial, be without the bar; and that no
peer impeached could be precluded from voting on any occasion except
in his own trial. Divers messages passed between the two houses,--the
commons still insisting upon a committee to settle preliminaries; at
length the dispute was brought to a free conference.




THE IMPEACHED LORDS ACQUITTED.

Meanwhile the king, going to the house of peers, gave the royal
assent to the bill of succession. In his speech he expressed his warm
acknowledgments for their repeated assurances of supporting him in such
alliances as should be most proper for the preservation of the liberty
of Europe, and for the security of England and the states-general. He
observed that the season of the year was advanced; that the posture
of affairs absolutely required his presence abroad; and he recommended
despatch of the public business, especially of those matters which were
of the greatest importance. The commons thanked him in an address for
having approved of their proceedings: they declared they would support
him in such alliances as he should think fit to make in conjunction
with the emperor and the states-general, for the peace of Europe, and
reducing the exorbitant power of France. They then resumed their dispute
with the upper house. In the free conference, lord Haversham happened to
tax the commons with partiality, in impeaching some lords and screening
others who were equally guilty of the same misdemeanors. Sir Christopher
Musgrave and the managers for the commons immediately withdrew; this
unguarded sally being reported to the house, they immediately resolved,
That John lord Haversham had uttered most scandalous reproaches and
false expressions, highly reflecting upon the honour and justice of the
house of commons, tending to a breach in the good correspondence between
the two houses, and to the interruption of the public justice of the
nation; that the said lord Haversham should be charged before the lords
for the said words; that the lords should be desired to proceed in
justice against him, and to inflict upon him such punishment as so high
an offence against the commons did deserve. The commons had now found a
pretence to justify their delay; and declared they would not renew the
conference until they should have received satisfaction. Lord Haversham
offered to submit to a trial; but insisted on their first proving
the words which he was said to have spoken. When this declaration was
imparted to the commons, they said the lords ought to have censured him
in a summary way, and still refused to renew the conference. The lords,
on the other hand, came to a resolution, That there should not be a
committee of both houses concerning the trial of the impeached lords.
Then they resolved, That lord Somers should be tried at Westminster-hall
on Tuesday the seventeenth day of June, and signified this resolution
to the lower house; reminding them, at the same time, of the articles
against the earl of Portland. The commons refused to appear, alleging
they were the only judges, and that the evidence was not yet prepared.
They sent up the reasons of their nonappearance to the house of lords,
where they were supported by the new ministry and all the malcontents,
and produced very warm debates. The majority carried their point
piecemeal by dint of different votes, against which very severe protests
were entered. On the day appointed for the trial, they sent a message
to the commons that they were going to Westminster-hall. The other
impeached lords asked leave, and were permitted to withdraw. The
articles of impeachment against lord Somers, and his answers, being read
in Westminster-hall, and the commons not appearing to prosecute, the
lords adjourned to their own house, where they debated concerning
the question that was to be put. This being settled, they returned to
Westminster-hall; and the question being put, “That John lord Somers be
acquitted of the articles of impeachment against him, exhibited by
the house of commons, and all things therein contained; and, That the
impeachment be dismissed,” it was carried by a majority of thirty-five.
The commons, exasperated at these proceedings, resolved, That the
lords had refused justice to the commons; that they had endeavoured to
overturn the right of impeachment lodged in the commons by the ancient
constitution of the kingdom; that all the ill consequences which might
attend the delay of the supplies given for the preservation of the
public peace, and the maintenance of the balance of Europe, would be
owing to those who, to procure an indemnity for their own crimes, had
used their utmost endeavours to make a breach between the two houses.
The lords sent a message to the commons, giving them to understand that
they had acquitted lord Somers and dismissed the impeachment, as nobody
had appeared to support the articles; and that they had appointed next
Monday for the trial of the earl of Orford. They resolved, That unless
the charge against lord Haversham should be prosecuted by the commons
before the end of the session, the lords would adjudge him innocent;
that the resolutions of the commons on their late votes, contained most
unjust reflections on the honour and justice of the peers; that they
were contrived to cover their affected and unreasonable delays in
prosecuting the impeached lords; that they manifestly tended to the
destruction of the judicature of the lords; to the rendering trials on
impeachments impracticable for the future, and to the subverting the
constitution of the English government; that therefore, whatever ill
consequence might arise from the so long deferring the supplies for
this year’s service, wore to be attributed to the fatal counsel of the
putting off the meeting of a parliament so long, and to the unnecessary
delays of the house of commons. On the twenty-third day of June, the
articles of impeachment against Edward earl of Orford were read in
Westminster-hall; but the house of commons having previously ordered
that none of the members should appear at this pretended trial, those
articles were not supported, so that his lordship was acquitted and the
impeachment dismissed. Next day the impeachments against the duke of
Leeds, which had lain seven years neglected, together with those against
the earl of Portland and lord Halifax as well as the charge against
lord Haversham, were dismissed for want of prosecution. Each house
ordered a narrative of these proceedings to be published; and their
mutual animosity had proceeded to such a degree of rancour as seemed to
preclude all possibility of reconciliation. The commons, in the whole
course of this transaction, had certainly acted from motives of faction
and revenge; for nothing could be more unjust, frivolous, and partial,
than the charge exhibited in the articles of impeachment, their
anticipating address to the king, and their affected delay in the
prosecution. Their conduct on this occasion was so flagrant as to
attract the notice of the common people, and inspire the generality of
the nation with disgust. This the whigs did not fail to augment by the
arts of calumny, and, in particular, by insinuating that the court of
Versailles had found means to engage the majority of the commons in its
interest.




PETITION OF KENT.

This faction had, since the beginning of this session, employed their
emissaries in exciting a popular aversion to the tory ministers and
members, and succeeded so well in their endeavours, that they formed a
scheme of obtaining petitions from different counties and corporations
that should induce the commons to alter their conduct, on the
supposition that it was contrary to the sense of the nation. In
execution of this scheme, a petition signed by the deputy-lieutenants,
above twenty justices of the peace, the grand jury and freeholders of
the county of Kent, had been presented to the house of commons on the
eighteenth of May, by five gentlemen of fortune and distinction. The
purport of this remonstrance was to recommend union among themselves,
and confidence in his majesty, whose great actions for the nation could
never be forgotten without the blackest ingratitude; to beg they would
have regard to the voice of the people; that their religion and safety
might be effectually provided for; that their loyal addresses might be
turned into bills of supply; and that his most sacred majesty might be
enabled powerfully to assist his allies before it should be too late.
The house was so incensed at the petulance of the petition, that they
voted it scandalous, insolent, and seditious; and ordered the gentlemen
who had presented it to be taken into custody. They were afterwards
committed to the Gate-house, where they remained till the prorogation
of parliament; but they had no reason to repine at their imprisonment,
which recommended them to the notice and esteem of the public. They were
visited and caressed by the chiefs of the whig interest, and considered
as martyrs to the liberties of the people. Their confinement gave
rise to a very extraordinary paper, entitled, “A memorial from the
gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the counties of------, in
behalf of themselves and many thousands of the good people of England.”
 It was signed _Legion_, and sent to the speaker in a letter, commanding
him, in the name of two hundred thousand Englishmen, to deliver it
to the house of commons. In this strange expostulation, the house was
charged with illegal and unwarrantable practices in fifteen particulars;
a new claim of right was ranged under seven heads; and the commons
were admonished to act according to their duty, as specified in this
memorial, on pain of incurring the resentment of an injured nation. It
was concluded in these words--“For Englishmen are no more to be slaves
to parliaments than to kings-our name is Legion, and we are many.” The
commons were equally provoked and intimidated by this libel, which was
the production of one Daniel de Foe, a scurrilous party-writer in very
little estimation. They would not, however, deign to take notice of it
in the house; but a complaint being made of endeavours to raise tumults
and seditions, a committee was appointed to draw up an address to his
majesty, informing him of those seditious endeavours, and beseeching him
to provide for the public peace and security.

The house, however, perceiving plainly that they had incurred the
odium of the nation, which began to clamour for a war with France, and
dreading the popular resentment, thought fit to change their measures
with respect to this object, and present the address we have already
mentioned, in which they promised to support him in the alliances he
should contract with the emperor and other states in order to bridle the
exorbitant power of France. They likewise proceeded in earnest upon the
supply, and voted funds for raising about two millions seven hundred
thousand pounds to defray the expense of the ensuing year. They voted
thirty thousand seamen, and resolved that ten thousand troops should be
transported from Ireland to Holland, as the auxiliaries stipulated in
the treaty of 1677 with the states-general. The funds were constituted
of a land-tax, certain duties on merchandise, and a weekly deduction
from the excise, so as to bring down the civil list to six hundred
thousand pounds, as the duke of Gloucester was dead, and James’ queen
refused her allowance. They passed a bill for taking away all
privileges of parliament in legal prosecutions during the intermediate
prorogations; their last struggle with the lords was concerning a bill
for appointing commissioners to examine and state the public accounts.
The persons nominated for this purpose were extremely obnoxious to the
majority of the peers, as violent partizans of the tory faction; when
the bill, therefore, was sent up to the lords, they made some amendments
which the commons rejected. The former animosity between the two houses
began to revive, when the king interrupted their disputes by putting
an end to the session on the twenty-fourth day of Juno, after having
thanked the parliament for their zeal in the public service, and
exhorted them to a discharge of their duties in their several counties.
He was, no doubt, extremely pleased with such an issue of a session that
had began with a very inauspicious aspect. His health daily declined;
but he concealed the decay of his constitution, that his allies might
not be discouraged from engaging in a confederacy of which he was deemed
the head and chief support. He conferred the command of the ten thousand
troops destined for Holland upon the earl of Marlborough, and appointed
him at the same time his plenipotentiary to the states-general, a choice
that evinced his discernment and discretion; for that nobleman surpassed
all his contemporaries both as a general and a politician. He was cool,
penetrating, intrepid, and persevering, plausible, insinuating, artful,
and dissembling.




PROGRESS OF PRINCE EUGENE.

A regency being established, the king embarked for Holland in the
beginning of July. On his arrival at the Hague he assisted at an
assembly of the states-general, whom he harangued in very affectionate
terms, and was answered with great cordiality; then he made a progress
round the frontiers to examine the state of the garrisons, and gave
such orders and directions as he judged necessary for the defence of the
country. Meanwhile, the French minister D’Avaux, being recalled from
the Hague, delivered a letter to the states from the French king, who
complained that they had often interrupted the conferences, from which
no good fruits were to be expected; but he assured them it wholly
depended upon themselves whether they should continue to receive marks
of his ancient friendship for their republic. The letter was accompanied
by an insolent memorial, to which the states-general returned a very
spirited answer. As they expected nothing now but hostilities from
France, they redoubled their diligence in making preparations for their
own defence. They repaired their fortifications, augmented their army,
and hired auxiliaries. King William and they had already engaged in an
alliance with the king of Denmark, who undertook to furnish a certain
number of troops in consideration of a subsidy; and they endeavoured
to mediate a peace between Sweden and Poland; but this they could not
effect. France had likewise offered her mediation between those powers
in hopes of bringing over Sweden to her interest; and the court of
Vienna had tampered with the king of Poland; but he persisted in his
resolution to prosecute the war. The Spaniards began to be very uneasy
under the dominion of their new master. They were shocked at the
insolence of his French ministers and attendants, and much more at
the manners and fashions which they introduced. The grandees found
themselves very little considered by their sovereign, and resented his
economy; for he had endeavoured to retrench the expense of the court,
which had used to support their magnificence. Prince Eugene, at the head
of the Imperial army, had entered Italy by Vicenza, and passed the Adige
near Carpi, where he defeated a body of five thousand French forces. The
enemy were commanded by the duke of Savoy, assisted by mareschal Catinat
and the prince of Vaudemont, who did not think proper to hazard an
engagement; but mareschal Villeroy arriving in the latter end of August
with orders to attack the Imperialists, Catinat retired in disgust. The
new general marched immediately towards Chiari, where prince Eugene was
intrenched, and attacked his camp; but met with such a reception that
he was obliged to retire with the loss of five thousand men. Towards
the end of the campaign the prince took possession of all the Mantuan
territories, except Mantua itself, and Goito, the blockade of which he
formed. He reduced all the places on the Oglio, and continued in the
field during the whole winter, exhibiting repeated marks of the most
invincible courage, indefatigable vigilance, and extensive capacity
in the art of war. In January he had well nigh surprised Cremona, by
introducing a body of men through an old aqueduct. They forced one of
the gates, by which the prince and his followers entered; Villeroy,
being awakened by the noise, ran into the street where he was taken;
and the town must have been infallibly reduced, had prince Eugene been
joined by another body of troops which he had ordered to march from
the Parmesan and secure the bridge. These not arriving at the time
appointed, an Irish regiment in the French service took possession of
the bridge, and the prince was obliged to retire with his prisoner.

{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}




SITUATION OF AFFAIRS IN EUROPE.

The French king, alarmed at the activity and military genius of the
Imperial general, sent a reinforcement to his army in Italy, and the
duke of Vendôme to command his forces in that country; he likewise
importuned the duke of Savoy to assist him effectually; but that
prince having obtained all he could expect from France, became cold and
backward. His second daughter was by this time married to the new king
of Spain, who met her at Barcelona, where he found himself involved in
disputes with the states of Catalonia, who refused to pay a tax he had
imposed until their privileges should be confirmed; and he was obliged
to gratify them in this particular. The war continued to rage in the
north. The young king of Sweden routed the Saxons upon the river Danu:
thence he marched into Courland and took possession of Mittau without
opposition; while the king of Poland retired into Lithuania. In Hungary
the French emissaries endeavoured to sow the seeds of a new revolt. They
exerted themselves with indefatigable industry in almost every court of
Christendom. They had already gained over the elector of Bavaria,
and his brother the elector of Cologn, together with the dukes of
Wolfenbuttle and Saxe-Gotha, who professed neutrality, while they levied
troops and made such preparations for war as plainly indicated that they
had received subsidies from France. Louis had also extorted a treaty of
alliance from the king of Portugal, who was personally attached to the
Austrian interest; but this weak prince was a slave to his ministers,
whom the French king had corrupted. During this summer, the French
coasts were over-awed by the combined fleets of England and Holland
under the command of sir George Rooke, who sailed down the channel
in the latter end of August, and detached vice-admiral Benbow with a
strong squadron to the West Indies. In order to deceive the French king
with regard to the destination of this fleet, king William demanded the
free use of the Spanish harbours, as if his design had been to send
a squadron to the Mediterranean; but he met with a repulse, while the
French ships were freely admitted. About this period the king
revoked his letters-patent to the commissioners of the admiralty, and
constituted the earl of Pembroke lord high-admiral of England, in order
to avoid the factions, the disputes, and divided counsels of a board.
The earl was no sooner promoted to this office than he sent captain
Loades with three frigates to Cadiz, to bring home the sea-stores and
effects belonging to the English in that place before the war should
commence; and this piece of service was successfully performed. The
French king, in order to enjoy all the advantages that could be derived
from his union with Spain, established a company to open a trade with
Mexico and Peru; and concluded a new Assiento treaty for supplying the
Spanish plantations with negroes. At the same time he sent a strong
squadron to the port of Cadiz. The French dress was introduced into the
court of Spain; and by a formal edict, the grandees of that kingdom and
the peers of France were put on a level in each nation. There was no
vigour left in the councils of Spain; her finances were exhausted; and
her former spirit seemed to be quite extinguished; the nobility were
beggars, and the common people overwhelmed with indigence and distress.
The condition of France was not much more prosperous. She had been
harassed by a long war, and now saw herself on the eve of another, which
in all probability would render her completely miserable.




TREATY OF ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE MARITIME POWERS.

These circumstances were well known to the emperor and the maritime
powers, and served to animate their negotiations for another grand
alliance. Conferences were opened at the Hague; and on the seventh
day of September a treaty was concluded between his Imperial majesty,
England, and the states-general. The objects proposed were to procure
satisfaction to the emperor in the Spanish succession, and sufficient
security for the dominions and commerce of the allies. They engaged to
use their endeavours for recovering the Spanish Netherlands as a barrier
between Holland and France, and for putting the emperor in possession of
the duchy of Milan, Naples, and Sicily, with the lands and islands upon
the coast of Tuscany belonging to the Spanish dominions. They agreed
that the king of England and the states-general should keep and possess
whatever lands and cities they should conquer from the Spaniards in
the Indies; that the confederates should faithfully communicate their
designs to one another; that no party should treat of peace or truce but
jointly with the rest; that they should concur in preventing the union
of France and Spain under the same government, and hinder the French
from possessing the Spanish Indies; that in concluding a peace, the
confederates should provide for the maintenance of the commerce carried
on by the maritime powers to the dominions taken from the Spaniards, and
secure the states by a barrier; that they should at the same time settle
the exercise of religion in the new conquests; that they should assist
one another with all their forces in case of being invaded by the
French king, or any other potentate, on account of this alliance; that a
defensive alliance should remain between them even after the peace; that
all kings, princes, and states should be at liberty to engage in this
alliance. They determined to employ two months to obtain by amicable
means the satisfaction and security which they demanded; and Stipulated
that within six weeks the treaty should be ratified.




DEATH OF KING JAMES.

On the sixteenth day of September king James expired at St. Germain’s,
after having laboured under a tedious indisposition. This unfortunate
monarch, since the miscarriage of his last attempt for recovering his
throne, had laid aside all thoughts of worldly grandeur, and devoted his
whole attention to the concerns of his soul. Though he could not prevent
the busy genius of his queen from planning new schemes of restoration,
he was always best pleased when wholly detached from such chimerical
projects. Hunting was his chief diversion; but religion was his constant
care. Nothing could be more harmless than the life he led; and in the
course of it he subjected himself to uncommon penance and mortification.
He frequently visited the poor monks of la Trappe, who were much edified
by his humble and pious deportment. His pride and arbitrary temper seem
to have vanished with his greatness. He became affable, kind, and easy
to all his dependents; and his religion certainly opened and improved
the virtues of his heart, though it seemed to impair the faculties of
his soul. In his last illness he conjured his son to prefer his religion
to every worldly advantage, and even to renounce all thoughts of a crown
if he could not enjoy it without offering violence to his faith. He
recommended to him the practice of justice and christian forgiveness;
he himself declaring that he heartily forgave the prince of Orange, the
emperor, and all his enemies. He died with great marks of devotion,
and was interred, at his own request, in the church of the English
Benedictines in Paris without any funeral solemnity.




LOUIS OWNS THE PRETENDED PRINCE OF WALES AS KING OF ENGLAND.

Before his death he was visited by the French king, who seemed touched
with his condition, and declared that, in case of his death, he would
own his son as king of England. This promise James’ queen had already
extorted from him by the interest of madame de Main-tenon and the
dauphin. Accordingly, when James died, the pretended prince of Wales was
proclaimed king of England at St. Germain’s, and treated as such at the
court of Versailles. His title was likewise recognised by the king of
Spain, the duke of Savoy, and the pope. William was no sooner informed
of this transaction, than he despatched a courier to the king of Sweden,
as guarantee of the treaty of Ryswick, to complain of this manifest
violation. At the same time he recalled the earl of Manchester from
Paris, and ordered him to return without taking an audience of leave.
That nobleman immediately withdrew, after having intimated to the
marquis de Torcy the order he had received. Louis, in vindication of his
own conduct, dispersed through all the courts of Europe a manifesto,
in which he affirmed, that in owning the prince of Wales as king of
England, he had not infringed any article of the treaty of Ryswick, He
confessed that in the fourth article he had promised that he would not
disturb the king of Great Britain in the peaceable possession of his
dominions; and he declared his intention was to observe that promise
punctually. He observed that his generosity would not allow him to
abandon the prince of Wales or his family; that he could not refuse
him a title which was due to him by birth; that he had more reason to
complain of the king of Great Britain and the states-general, whose
declarations and preparations in favour of the emperor might be regarded
as real contraventions to treaties; finally, he quoted some instances
from history in which the children enjoyed the titles of kingdoms
which their fathers had lost. These reasons, however, would hardly have
induced the French king to take such a step, had not he perceived that a
war with England was inevitable; and that he should be able to reap
some advantages in the course of it from espousing the cause of the
pretender.

The substance of the French manifesto was published in London, by
Poussin the secretary of Tallard, who had been left in England as agent
for the court of Versailles. He was now ordered to leave kingdom, which
was filled with indignation at Louis for having pretended to declare who
ought to be their sovereign. The city of London presented an address
to the lords-justices, expressing the deepest resentment of the French
king’s presumption; assuring his majesty that they would at all times
exert the utmost of their abilities for the preservation of his person,
and the defence of his just rights, in opposition to all invaders of his
crown and dignity. Addresses of the same nature were sent up from all
parts of the kingdom, and could not but be agreeable to William. He had
now concerted measures for acting with vigour against France; and
he resolved to revisit his kingdom after having made a considerable
progress in a treaty of perpetual alliance between England and the
states-general, which was afterwards brought to perfection by his
plenipotentiary, the earl of Marlborough. The king’s return, however,
was delayed a whole month by a severe indisposition, during which the
Spanish minister de Quiros hired certain physicians to consult together
upon the state and nature of his distemper. They declared that he could
not live many weeks; and this opinion was transmitted to Madrid. William
however baffled the prognostic, though his constitution had sustained
such a rude shock that he himself perceived his end was near. He told
the earl of Portland he found himself so weak that he could not expect
to live another summer; but charged him to conceal this circumstance
until he should be dead. Notwithstanding this near approach to
dissolution, he exerted himself with surprising diligence and spirit
in establishing the confederacy, and settling the plan of operations. A
subsidiary treaty was concluded with the king of Prussia, who engaged
to furnish a certain number of troops. The emperor agreed to maintain
ninety thousand men in the field against France; the proportion of the
states was limited to one hundred and two thousand; and that of England
did not exceed forty thousand, to act in conjunction with the allies.

On the fourth day of November the king arrived in England, which he
found in a strange ferment, produced from the mutual animosity of the
two factions. They reviled each other in words and writing with all the
falsehood of calumny, and all the bitterness of rancour; so that truth,
candour, and temperance, seemed to be banished by consent of both
parties. The king had found himself deceived in his new ministers, who
had opposed his measures with all their influence. He was particularly
disgusted with the deportment of the earl of Rochester, who proved
altogether imperious and intractable; and, instead of moderating,
inflamed the violence of his party. The king declared the year in which
that nobleman directed his councils was the un-easiest of his whole
life. He could not help expressing his displeasure in such a coldness
of reserve, that Rochester told him he would serve his majesty no longer
since he did not enjoy his confidence. William made no answer to
this expostulation, but resolved he should see him no more. The earl,
however, at the desire of Mr. Harley, became more pliant and submissive;
and, after the king’s departure for Holland, repaired to his government
of Ireland, in which he now remained exerting all his endeavours to
acquire popularity. William foreseeing nothing but opposition from the
present spirit of the house of commons, closeted some of their leaders
with a view to bespeak their compliance; but finding them determined to
pursue their former principles, and to insist upon their impeachments,
he resolved, with the advice of his friends, to dissolve the parliament.
This step he was the more easily induced to take, as the commons were
become extremely odious to the nation in general, which breathed nothing
but war and defiance against the French monarch. The parliament was
accordingly dissolved by proclamation, and another summoned to meet on
the thirtieth day of December.




THE KING’S LAST SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES.

Never did the two parties proceed with such heat and violence against
each other, as in their endeavours to influence the new elections.
The whigs, however, obtained the victory, as they included the
monied-interest, which will always prevail among the borough electors.
Corruption was now reduced into an open and avowed commerce; and, had
not the people been so universally venal and profligate that no sense of
shame remained, the victors must have blushed for their success. Though
the majority thus obtained was staunch to the measures of the court, the
choice of speaker fell upon Mr. Harley, contrary to the inclination of
the king, who favoured sir Thomas Lyttleton; but his majesty’s speech
was received with universal applause. It was so much admired by the
well-wishers to the revolution, that they printed it with decorations
in the English, Dutch, and French languages. It appeared as a piece of
furniture in all their houses, and as the king’s last legacy to his own
and all protestant people. In this celebrated harangue, he expatiated
upon the indignity offered to the nation by the French king’s
acknowledging the pretended prince of Wales; he explained the dangers to
which it was exposed by his placing his grandson on the throne of Spain;
he gave them to understand he had concluded several alliances according
to the encouragement given him by both houses of parliament, which
alliances should be laid before them, together with other treaties
still depending. He observed, that the eyes of all Europe were upon this
parliament; and all matters at a stand until their resolution should be
known: therefore no time ought to be lost. He told them they had yet
an opportunity to secure for themselves and their posterity the quiet
enjoyment of their religion and liberties, if they were not wanting to
themselves, but would exert the ancient vigour of the English nation;
but he declared his opinion was that should they neglect this occasion,
they had no reason to hope for another. He said it would be necessary to
maintain a great strength at sea, and a force on land proportionable
to that of their allies. He pressed the commons to support the public
credit, which could not be preserved without keeping sacred that maxim,
That they shall never be losers who trust to the parliamentary security.
He declared that he never asked aids from his people without regret;
that what he desired was for their own safety and honour at such a
critical time; and that the whole should be appropriated to the purposes
for which it was intended. He expressed his willingness that the
accounts should be yearly submitted to the inspection of parliament. He
again recommended despatch, together with good bills for employing the
poor, encouraging trade, and suppressing vice. He expressed his
hope that they were come together determined to avoid disputes and
differences, and to act with a hearty concurrence for promoting the
common cause. He said he should think it as great a blessing as could
befal England, if they were as much inclined to lay aside those unhappy
fatal animosities which divided and weakened them, as he was disposed
to make all his subjects safe and easy, even as to the highest offences
committed against his person. He conjured them to disappoint the hopes
of their enemies by their unanimity. As he had always shown, and always
would show, how desirous he was to be the common father of all his
people, he desired they would lay aside parties and divisions, so as
that no distinction should be heard of amongst them, but of those who
were friends to the protestant religion and present establishment, and
of those who wished for a popish prince and a French government. He
concluded by affirming, that if they in good earnest desired to see
England hold the balance of Europe, and be indeed at the head of the
protestant interest, it would appear by their improving the present
opportunity, The lords immediately drew up a warm and affectionate
address, in which they expressed their resentment of the proceedings
of the French king in owning the pretended prince of Wales for king of
England. They assured his majesty they would assist him to the utmost
of their power against all his enemies: and when it should please God
to deprive them of his majesty’s protection, they would vigorously
assist and defend against the pretended prince of Wales, and all other
pretenders whatsoever, every person and persons who had right to
succeed to the crown of England by virtue of the acts of parliament for
establishing and limiting the succession. On the fifth day of January.
an address to the same effect was presented by the commons, and both met
with a very gracious reception from his majesty. The lords, as a further
proof of their zeal, having taken into consideration the dangers that
threatened Europe, from the accession of the duke of Anjou to the crown
of Spain, drew up another address explaining their sense of that danger;
stigmatizing the French king as a violator of treaties; declaring their
opinion that his majesty, his subjects, and allies, could never be
safe and secure until the house of Austria should be restored to their
rights, and the invader of the Spanish monarchy brought to reason; and
assuring his majesty that no time should be lost, nor any thing wanting
on their parts, which might answer the reasonable expectations of
their friends abroad; not doubting but to support the reputation of
the English name, when engaged under so great a prince, in the glorious
cause of maintaining the liberty of Europe.

The king, in order to awake the confidence of the commons, ordered
Mr. secretary Vernon to lay before them copies of the treaties and
conventions he had lately concluded, which were so well approved that
the house unanimously voted the supply. By another vote they authorized
the exchequer to borrow six hundred thousand pounds at six per cent, for
the service of the fleet, and fifty thousand pounds for the subsistence
of guards and garrisons. They deliberated upon the state of the navy,
with the debt due upon it, and examined an estimate of what would be
necessary for extraordinary repairs. They called for an account of that
part of the national debt for which no provision had been made. The
ordered the speaker to write to the trustees for the forfeited estates
in Ireland, to attend the house with a full detail of their proceedings
in the execution of that act of parliament. On the ninth day of January,
they unanimously resolved, That leave be given to bring in a bill for
securing his majesty’s person, and the succession of the crown in the
protestant line, for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince
of Wales, and all other pretenders, and their open and secret abettors.
They resolved to address his majesty that he would insert an article in
all his treaties of alliance, importing, That no peace should be made
with France until his majesty and the nation have reparation for the
great indignity offered by the French king, in owning and declaring the
pretended prince of Wales king of England, Scotland, and Ireland. They
agreed to maintain forty thousand men for the sea service, and a like
number by land, to act in conjunction with the forces of the allies,
according to the proportions settled by the contracting powers. The
supplies were raised by an imposition of four shillings in the pound
upon lands, annuities, pensions, and stipends, and on the profits
arising from the different professions; by a tax of two and one-half per
cent, on all stock in trade and money at interest; of five shillings in
the pound on all salaries, fees, and perquisites; a capitation tax of
four shillings; an imposition of one per cent, on all shares in the
capital stock of any corporation or company which should be bought,
sold, or bargained for; a duty of sixpence per bushel on malt, and a
farther duty on mum, cyder, and perry.




THE BILL OF ABJURATION PASSED.

The commons seemed to vie with the lords in their zeal for the
government. They brought in a bill for attainting the pretended prince
of Wales, which being sent up to the other house, passed with an
additional clause of attainder against the queen, who acted as regent
for the pretender. This however was not carried without great opposition
in the house of lords. When the bill was sent back to the commons, they
excepted to the amendment as irregular. They observed that attainders
by bill constituted the most rigorous part of the law; and that the
stretching of it ought to be avoided. They proposed that the queen
should be attainted by a separate bill. The lords assented to the
proposal; and the bill against the pretended prince of Wales passed. The
lords passed another for attainting the queen; however it was neglected
in the house of commons. But the longest and warmest debates of this
session were produced by a bill, which the lords brought in, for
abjuring the pretended prince of Wales, and swearing to the king by the
title of rightful and lawful king, and his heirs, according to the
act of settlement. It was proposed that this oath should be voluntary,
tendered to all persons, and their subscription or refusal recorded
without any other penalty. This article was violently opposed by the
earl of Nottingham, and the other lords of the tory interest. They
observed, that the government was first settled with another oath, which
was like an original contract; so that there was no occasion for a
new imposition; that oaths relating to men’s opinions had been always
considered as severe impositions; and that a voluntary oath was in its
own nature unlawful. During these disputes, another bill of abjuration
was brought into the house of commons by sir Charles Hedges, that should
be obligatory on all persons who enjoyed employments in church or state;
it likewise included an obligation to maintain the government in king,
lords, and commons, and to maintain the church of England, together with
the toleration for dissenters. Warm debates arose upon the question,
Whether the oath should be imposed or voluntary; and at length it was
carried for imposition by the majority of one voice. They agreed to
insert an additional clause, declaring it equally penal to compass or
imagine the death of her royal highness the princess Anne of Denmark,
as it was to compass or imagine the death of the king’s eldest son and
heir. In the house of peers this bill was strenuously opposed by the
tories; and when, after long debates, it passed on the twenty-fourth day
of February, ten lords entered a protest against it, as an unnecessary
and severe imposition.

The whole nation now seemed to join in the cry for a war with France.
Party heats began to abate; the factions in the city of London were in a
great measure moderated by the union of the two companies trading to the
East Indies, which found their mutual interest required a coalition.
The tories in the house of commons having concurred so heartily with the
inclinations of the people, resolved, as far it lay in their power, to
justify the conduct of their party in the preceding parliament. They
complained of some petitions and addresses which had reflected upon
the proceedings of the last house of commons, and particularly of the
Kentish petition. The majority, however, determined that it was the
undoubted right of the people of England to petition or address the
king for the calling, sitting, or dissolving of parliaments, and for the
redressing of grievances; and that every subject under any accusation,
either by impeachment or otherwise, had a right to be brought to a
speedy trial. A complaint being likewise made that the lords had denied
the commons justice in the matter of the late impeachments, a furious
debate ensued; and it was carried by a very small majority that justice
had not been denied. In some points, however, they succeeded: in the
case of a controverted election at Maidstone, between Thomas Blisse and
Thomas Culpepper, the house resolved, That the latter had been not only
guilty of corrupt, scandalous, and indirect practices, in endeavouring
to procure himself to be elected a burgess, but likewise being one of
the instruments in promoting and presenting the scandalous, insolent,
and seditious petition, commonly called the Kentish petition, to the
last house of commons, was guilty of promoting a scandalous, villainous,
and groundless reflection upon that house, by aspersing the members with
receiving French money, or being in the interest of France; for which
offence he was ordered to be committed to Newgate, and to be prosecuted
by his majesty’s attorney-general. They also resolved, That to assert
that the house of commons is not the only representative of the commons
of England, tends to the subversion of the rights and privileges of the
house of commons, and the fundamental constitution of the government of
this kingdom; that to assert that the house of commons have no power
of commitment, but of their own members, tends to the subversion of the
constitution of the house of commons; that to print or publish any books
or libels reflecting upon the proceedings of the house of commons, or
any member thereof, for or relating to his service therein, is a
high violation of the rights and privileges of the house of commons.
Notwithstanding these transactions, they did not neglect the vigorous
prosecution of the war. They addressed his majesty to interpose with his
allies that they might increase their quotas of land forces, to be
put on board the fleet in proportion to the numbers his majesty should
embark. When they had settled the sums appropriated to the several uses
of the war, they presented a second address desiring he would provide
for the half-pay officers in the first place, in the recruits and levies
to be made. The king assured them it was always his intention to provide
for those officers. He went to the house of peers and gave the royal
assent to an act appointing commissioners to take, examine, and
determine the debts due to the army, navy, and the transport service;
and also to take an account of prizes taken during the war.




AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.

The affairs of Ireland were not a little embarrassed by the conduct
of the trustees appointed to take cognizance of the forfeited estates.
Their office was extremely odious to the people as well as to the court,
and their deportment was arbitrary and imperious. Several individuals of
that kingdom, provoked by the insolence of the trustees on one hand, and
encouraged by the countenance of the courtiers on the other, endeavoured
by a circular letter to spirit up the grand jury of Ireland against the
act of resumption: petitions were presented to the king, couched in
very strong terms, affirming that it was injurious to the protestant
interest, and had been obtained by gross misinformations. The king
having communicated these addresses to the house, they were immediately
voted scandalous, false, and groundless; and the commons resolved, That
notwithstanding the complaints and clamours against the trustees, it
did not appear to the house but those complaints were groundless;
nevertheless they afterwards received several petitions imploring relief
against the said act; and they ordered that the petitioners should be
relieved accordingly. Proposals were delivered in for incorporating
such as should purchase the said forfeitures, on certain terms therein
specified, according to the rent-roll, when verified and made good to
the purchasers; but whereas in this rent-roll the value of the estates
had been estimated at something more than seven hundred and sixteen
thousand pounds, those who undertook to make the purchase affirmed
they were not worth five hundred thousand pounds; and thus the affair
remained in suspense.




THE KING RECOMMENDS AN UNION.

With respect to Scotland, the clamours of that kingdom had not yet
subsided. When the bill of abjuration passed in the house of peers, the
earl of Nottingham had declared that although he differed in opinion
from the majority in many particulars relating to that bill, yet he
was a friend to the design of it; and in order to secure a protestant
succession, he thought an union of the whole island was absolutely
necessary. He therefore moved for an address to the king that he would
dissolve the parliament of Scotland now sitting, as the legality of it
might be called in question, on account of its having been originally a
convention; and that a new parliament should be summoned that they might
treat about an union of the two kingdoms. The king had this affair
so much to heart, that even when he was disabled from going to the
parliament in person, he sent a letter to the commons expressing an
eager desire that a treaty for this purpose might be set on foot, and
earnestly recommending this affair to the consideration of the house;
but as a new parliament in Scotland could not be called without a great
risk, while the nation was in such a ferment, the project was postponed
to a more favourable opportunity.




HE FALLS FROM HIS HORSE.

Before the king’s return from Holland, he had concerted with his allies
the operations of the ensuing campaign. He had engaged in a negotiation
with the prince of Hesse D’Armstadt, who assured him that if he would
besiege and take Cadiz, the admiral of Castile, and divers other
grandees of Spain, would declare for the house of Austria. The allies
had also determined upon the siege of Keyserswaert, which the elector
of Cologn had delivered into the hands of the French; the elector of
Hanover had resolved to disarm the princes of Wolfenbuttle; the king of
the Romans, and prince Louis of Baden, undertook to invest Landau; and
the emperor promised to send a powerful reinforcement to prince
Eugene in Italy; but William did not live to see these schemes put in
execution. His constitution was by this time almost exhausted, though
he endeavoured to conceal the effects of his malady, and to repair his
health by exercise. On the twenty-first day of February, in riding to
Hampton-court from Kensington, his horse fell under him, and he himself
was thrown upon the ground with such violence as produced a fracture
in his collar-bone. His attendants conveyed him to the palace
of Hampton-court, where the fracture was reduced by Ronjat, his
sergeant-surgeon. In the evening he returned to Kensington in his coach,
and the two ends of the fractured bone having been disunited by the
jolting of the carriage, were replaced under the inspection of Bidloo,
his physician. He seemed to be in a fair way of recovering till the
first day of March, when his knee appeared to be inflamed, with great
pain and weakness. Next day he granted a commission under the great
seal to several peers, for passing the bills to which both houses
of parliament had agreed; namely, the act of attainder against the
pretended prince of Wales, and another in favour of the quakers,
enacting, That their solemn affirmation and declaration should be
accepted instead of an oath in the usual form.


{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}




HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER.

On the fourth day of March the king was so well recovered of his
lameness that he took several turns in the gallery at Kensington; but
sitting down on a couch where he fell asleep, he was seized with a
shivering, which terminated in a fever and diarrhoea. He was attended
by sir Thomas Millington, sir Richard Black-more, sir Theodore Colledon,
Dr. Bidloo, and other eminent physicians; but their prescriptions proved
ineffectual. On the sixth he granted another commission for passing the
bill for the malt tax, and the act of abjuration; and being so weak that
he could not write his name, he, in presence of the lord-keeper and the
clerks of parliament, applied a stamp prepared for the purpose. The earl
of Albemarle arriving from Holland, conferred with him in private on the
posture of affairs abroad; but he received his informations with great
coldness, and said, “_Je tire vers ma fin_--I approach the end of my
life.” In the evening he thanked Dr. Bidloo for his care and tenderness,
saying, “I know that you and the other learned physicians have done all
that your art can do for my relief; but, finding all means ineffectual,
I submit.” He received spiritual consolation from archbishop Tennison,
and Burnet bishop of Salisbury; on Sunday morning the sacrament was
administered to him. The lords of the privy-council and divers noblemen
attended in the adjoining apartments, and to some of them who were
admitted he spoke a little. He thanked lord Auverquerque for his long
and faithful services; he delivered to lord Albemarle the keys of his
closet and scrutoire, telling him he knew what to do with them. He
inquired for the earl of Portland; but being speechless before that
nobleman arrived, he grasped his hand and laid it to his heart, with
marks of the most tender affection. On the eighth day of March he
expired, in the fifty-second year of his age, after having reigned
thirteen years. The lords Lexington and Scarborough, who were in
waiting, no sooner perceived that the king was dead, than they ordered
Ronjat to untie from his left arm a black ribbon, to which was affixed a
ring containing some hair of the late queen Mary. The body being opened
and embalmed, lay in state for some time at Kensington; and on the
twelfth day of April was deposited in a vault of Henry’s chapel
in Westminster-abbey. In the beginning of May, a will which he had
intrusted with Monsieur Schuylemberg was opened at the Hague. In this
he had declared his cousin prince Frison of Nassau, stadtholder of
Friesland, his sole and universal heir, and appointed the states-general
his executors. By a codicil annexed, he had bequeathed the lordship of
Breevert, and a legacy of two hundred thousand guilders, to the earl of
Albemarle.

William III. was in his person of the middle stature, a thin body, a
delicate constitution, subject to an asthma and continual cough from his
infancy. He had an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a large forehead, and
a grave solemn aspect. He was very sparing of speech; his conversation
was dry, and his manner disgusting, except in battle, when his
deportment was free, spirited, and animating. In courage, fortitude, and
equanimity, he rivalled the most eminent warriors of antiquity; and his
natural sagacity made amends for the defects in his education, which had
not been properly superintended. He was religious, temperate, generally
just and sincere, a stranger to violent transports of passion, and might
have passed for one of the best princes of the age in which he
lived, had he never ascended the throne of Great Britain. But the
distinguishing criterion of his character was ambition. To this he
sacrificed the punctilios of honour and decorum, in deposing his own
father-in-law and uncle; and this he gratified at the expense of the
nation that raised him to sovereign authority. He aspired to the honour
of acting as umpire in all the contests of Europe; and the second object
of his attention was the prosperity of that country to which he owed
his birth and extraction. Whether he really thought the interests of
the continent and Great Britain were inseparable, or sought only to
drag England into the confederacy as a convenient ally, certain it is he
involved these kingdoms in foreign connexions which in all probability
will be productive of their ruin. In order to establish this favourite
point, he scrupled not to employ all the engines of corruption by
which the morals of the nation were totally debauched. He procured
a parliamentary sanction for a standing army, which now seems to be
interwoven in the constitution. He introduced the pernicious practice
of borrowing upon remote funds; an expedient that necessarily hatched a
brood of usurers, brokers, contractors, and stock-jobbers, to prey upon
the vitals of their country. He entailed upon the nation a growing debt,
and a system of politics big with misery, despair, and destruction. To
sum up his character in a few words--William was a fatalist in religion,
indefatigable in war, enterprising in politics, dead to all the warm and
generous emotions of the human heart, a cold relation, an indifferent
husband, a disagreeable man, an ungracious prince, and an imperious
sovereign.




NOTES:

[Footnote 001: Note A, p. 1. The council consisted of the prince
of Denmark, the archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of Norfolk, the
marquises of Halifax and Winchester, the earls of Danby, Lindsey,
Devonshire, Dorset, Middlesex, Oxford, Shrewsbury, Bedford, Bath,
Macclesfield, and Nottingham; the viscounts Fauconberg, Mordaunt,
Newport, Lumley; the lords Wharton, Montague, Delamere, Churchill; Mr.
Bentinck, Mr. Sidney, sir Robert Howard, sir Henry Capel, Mr. Powle, Mr.
Russel, Mr. Hambden, and Mr. Boseawen.]


[Footnote 002: Note B, p. 2. This expedient was attended with an
insurmountable absurdity. If the majority of the convention could not
grant a legal sanction to the establishment they had made, they could
never invest the prince of Orange with a just right to ascend the
throne; for they could not give what they had no right to bestow; and if
he ascended the throne without a just title, he could have no right to
sanctify that assembly to which he owed his elevation. When the people
are obliged, by tyranny or other accidents, to have recourse to the
first principles of society, namely, their own preservation, in electing
a new sovereign, it will deserve consideration, whether that choice is
to be effected by the majority of a parliament which has been dissolved,
indeed by any parliament whatsoever, or by the body of the nation
assembled in communities, corporations, by tribes or centuries, to
signify their assent or dissent with respect to the person proposed
as their sovereign. This kind of election might be attended with great
inconvenience and difficulty, but these cannot possibly be avoided when
the constitution is dissolved by setting aside the lineal succession
to the throne. The constitution of England is founded on a parliament
consisting of kings, lords, and commons; but when there is no longer a
king, the parliament is defective, and the constitution impaired:
the members of the lower house are the representatives of the people,
expressly chosen to maintain the constitution in church and state, and
sworn to support the rights of the crown, as well as the liberties of
the nation; but though they are elected to maintain, they have no power
to alter, the constitution. When the king forfeits the allegiance of
his subjects, and it becomes necessary to dethrone him, the power of
so doing cannot possibly reside in the representatives who are chosen,
under certain limitations, for the purposes of a legislature which no
longer exists; their power is of course at an end, and they are reduced
to a level with other individuals that constitute the community. The
right of altering the constitution, therefore, or of deviating from the
established practice of inheritance in regard to the succession of the
crown, is inherent in the body of the people; and every individual has
an equal right to his share in the general determination, whether
his opinion be signified _viva voce_, or by a representative whom he
appoints and instructs for that purpose. It may be suggested, that the
prince of Orange was raised to the throne without any convulsion, or
any such difficulties and inconveniencies as we have affirmed to be the
necessary consequences of a measure of that nature. To this remark we
answer, that, since the Revolution, these kingdoms have been divided
and harassed by violent and implacable factions, that eagerly seek
the destruction of each other: that they have been exposed to plots,
conspiracies, insurrections, civil wars, and successive rebellions,
which have not been defeated and quelled without vast effusion of blood,
infinite mischief, calamity, and expense to the nation: that they are
still subjected to all those alarms and dangers which are engendered by
a disputed title to the throne, and the efforts of an artful pretenders
that they are necessarily wedded to the affairs of the continent, and
their interest sacrificed to foreign connexions, from which they can
never be disengaged. Perhaps all these calamities might have been
prevented by the interposition of the prince of Orange. King James,
without forfeiting the crown, might have been laid under such
restrictions that it would not have been in his power to tyrannize
over his subjects, either in spirituals or temporals. The power of the
militia might have been vested in the two houses of parliament, as well
as the nomination of persons to fill the great offices of the church
and state, and superintend the economy of the administration in the
application of the public money; a law might have passed for annual
parliaments, and the king might have been deprived of his power to
convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at his pleasure. Had
these measures been taken, the king must have been absolutely disabled
from employing either force or corruption in the prosecution of
arbitrary designs, and the people must have been fairly represented in
a rotation of parliaments, whose power and influence would have been but
of one year’s duration.]


[Footnote 003: Note C, p. 3. The new form of the coronation-oath
consisted in the following questions and answers:--“Will you solemnly
promise and swear to govern the people of this kingdom of England, and
the dominions thereto belonging, according to the statutes in parliament
agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same?”--“I solemnly promise
so to do.”

“Will you, to the utmost of your power, cause law and justice in mercy
to be executed in all your judgments?” “I will.” “Will You, to the
utmost of your power, maintain the laws of God, the true profession of
the Gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion as by law established;
and will you preserve unto the bishops and clergy of this realm, and to
the churches committed to their charge, all such rights and privileges
as by law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them?”--“All this I
promise to do.”

Then the king or queen, laying his or her hand upon the Gospels, shall
say, “The things which I have here before promised, I will perform and
keep. So help me God.”]


[Footnote 008: Note D, p. 8. The lords of the articles, by the gradual
usurpation of the crown, actually constituted a grievance intolerable
in a free nation. The king empowered the commissioner to choose eight
bishops, whom he authorized to nominate eight noblemen: these together
choose eight barons and eight burgesses; and this whole number, in
conjunction with the officers of state as supernumeraries, constituted
the lords of the articles. This committee possessed the sole exclusive
right and liberty of bringing in motions, making overtures for
redressing wrongs, and proposing means and expedients for the relief
and benefit of the subjects.--_Proceedings of the Scots Parliament
vindicated_.]


[Footnote 010: Note E, p. 10. James in this expedition was attended by
the duke of Berwick, and by his brother Mr. Fitzjames, grand prior, the
duke of Powis, the earls of Dover, Melfort, Abercorn, and Seaforth; the
lords Henry and Thomas Howard, the lords Drummond, Dungan, Trendrauglit,
Buchan, Hunsdon, and Brittas; the bishops of Chester and Galway; the
late lord chief justice Herbert; the marquis d’Estrades, M. de Rosene,
mareschal decamp; Mamoe, Pusignan, and Lori, lieutenant-general;
Prontee, engineer-general; the marquis d’Albeville, sir John Sparrow,
sir Roger Strictland, sir William Jennings, sir Henry Bond, sir Charles
Carney, sir Edward Vaudrey, sir Charles Murray, sir Robert Parker,
sir Alphonso Maiolo, sir Samuel Foxon, and sir William Wallis; by the
colonels Porter, Sarsfield, Anthony and John Hamilton, Simon and Henry
Luttrel, Ramsay, Dorrington, Sutherland, Clifford, Parker, Parcel,
Cannon, and Fielding, with about two-and-twenty other officers of
inferior rank.]


[Footnote 016: F, p. 16. The franchises were privileges of asylum,
annexed not only to the ambassadors at Rome, but even to the whole
district in which any ambassador chanced to live. This privilege was
become a terrible nuisance, inasmuch as it afforded protection to the
most atrocious criminals, who filled the city with rapine and murder.
Innocent XI. resolving to remove this evil, published a bull, abolishing
the franchises; and almost all the catholic powers of Europe acquiesced
in what he had done, upon being duly informed of the grievance. Louis
XIV. however, from a spirit of pride and insolence, refused to part with
anything that looked like a prerogative of his crown. He said the king
of France was not the imitator, but a pattern and example for other
princes. He rejected with disdain the mild representations of the
pope; he sent the marquis de Lavarden as his ambassador to Rome, with a
formidable train, to insult Innocent even in his own city. That
nobleman swaggered through the streets of Rome like a bravo, taking all
opportunities to affront the pope, who excommunicated him in revenge. On
the other hand, the parliament of Paris appealed from the pope’s bull to
a future council. Louis caused the pope’s nuncio to be put under arrest,
took possession of Avignon, which belonged to the see of Rome, and set
the holy father at defiance.]


[Footote 021: G, p. 21. The following persons were exempted from the
benefit of this act:--William, marquis of Powis; Theophilus, earl of
Huntingdon; Robert, earl of Sunderland; John, earl of Melfort; Roger,
earl of Castlemain; Nathaniel, lord bishop of Durham; Thomas, lord
bishop of Saint David’s; Henry, lord Dover; lord Thomas Howard;
sir-Edward Hales, sir Francis Withers, sir Edward Lutwych, sir Thomas
Jenner, sir Nicholas Butler, sir William Herbert, sir Richard Holloway,
sir Richard Heath, sir Roger l’Estrange William Molineux, Thomas
Tynde-sly, colonel Townley, colonel Lundy, Robert Brent, Edward Morgan,
Philip Burton, Richard Graham, Edward Petre, Obadiah Walker, Matthew
Crone, and George lord Jeffries, deceased.]


[Footnote 035: H, p. 35. In the course of this session, Dr. Welwood, a
Scottish physician, was taken into custody, and reprimanded at the
bar of the house of commons, for having reflected upon that house in a
weekly paper, entitled _Mercurius Reformatus_; but, as it was written in
defence of the government, the king appointed him one of his physicians
in ordinary. At this period, Charles Montague, afterwards earl of
Halifax, distinguished himself in the house of commons by his fine
talents and eloquence. The privy seal was committed to the earl of
Pembroke; lord viscount Sidney was created lord-lieutenant of Ireland;
sir John Somers appointed attorney-general; and the see of Lincoln,
vacant by the death of Barlow, conferred upon Dr. Thomas Tennison, who
had been recommended to the king as a divine remarkable for his piety
and moderation.]


[Footnote 046: I, p. 48. The other laws made in this session were those
that follow:--An act for preventing suits against such as had acted for
their majesties’ service in defense of this kingdom. An act for raising
the militia in the year 1693. An act for authorizing the judges to
empower such persons, other than common attorneys and solicitors,
as they should think fit, to take special bail, except in London,
Westminster, and ten miles round. An act to encourage the apprehending
of highwaymen. An act for preventing clandestine marriages. An act for
the regaining, encouraging, and settling the Greenland trade. An act to
prevent malicious informations in the court of King’s Bench, and for the
more easy reversal of outlawries in that court. An Act for the better
discovery of judgments in the courts of law. An Act for delivering
declarations to prisoners for debt. An act for regulating proceedings in
the Crown Office. An act for the more easy discovery and conviction
of such as should destroy the game of this kingdom, And an act for
continuing the acts for prohibiting all trade and commerce with France,
and for the encouragement of privateers.]


[Footnote 053: K, p. 53. Besides the bills already mentioned, the
parliament in this session passed an act for taking and stating the
public accounts--another to encourage ship-building--a third for the
better disciplining the navy--the usual militia act--and an act enabling
his majesty to make grants and leases in the duchy of Cornwall. One was
also passed for renewing a clause in an old statute, limiting the number
of justices of the peace in the principality of Wales. The duke of
Norfolk brought an action in the court of King’s Bench against Mr.
Germaine, for criminal conversation with his duchess. The cause was
tried, and the jury brought in their verdict for one hundred marks, and
costs of suit, in favour of the plaintiff.

Before the king embarked, he gratified a good number of his friends with
promotions. Lord Charles Butler, brother to the duke of Ormond, was
created lord Butler, of Weston in England, and earl of Arran in Ireland.
The earl of Shrewsbury was honoured with the title of duke. The earl of
Mulgrave, being reconciled to the court measures, was gratified with a
pension of three thousand pounds, and the title of marquis of Normanby.
Henry Herbert was ennobled by the title of baron Herbert, of Cherbury.
The earls of Bedford, Devonshire, and Clare, were promoted to the
rank of dukes. The marquis of Caermarthen was made duke of Leeds; lord
viscount Sidney, created earl of Romney; and viscount Newport, earl of
Bedford. Russel was advanced to the head of the admiralty board. Sir
George Rooke and sir John Houblon were appointed joint-commissioners in
the room of Killegrew and Délavai. Charles Montague was made chancellor
of the exchequer; and sir William Trumbal and John Smith commisioners of
the treasury, in the room of sir Edward Seymour and Mr. Hambden.]


[Footnote 056: L, p. 56. Her obsequies were performed with great
magnificence. The body was attended from Whitehall to Westminster Abbey
by all the judges, sergeants at law, the lord-mayor and aldermen of the
city of London, and both houses of parliament; and the funeral sermon
was preached by Dr. Tennison, archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Kenn, the
deprived bishop of Bath and Wells, reproached him in a letter, for not
having called upon her majesty on her death-bed to repent of the share
she had in the Revolution. This was answered by another pamphlet. One
of the Jacobite clergy insulted the queen’s memory, by preaching on the
following text: “Go now, see this cursed woman, and bury her, for she
is a king’s daughter.” On the other hand, the lord-mayor, aldermen, and
common council of London came to a resolution to erect her statue, with
that of the king, in the Royal Exchange.]


[Footnote 058: M, p. 58. In the course of this session, the lords
inquired into the particulars of the Mediterranean expedition, and
presented an address to the king, declaring, that the fleet in those
seas had conduced to the honour and advantage of the nation. On the
other hand, the commons, in an address, besought his majesty to take
care that the kingdom might be put on an equal footing and proportion
with the allies, in defraying the expense of the war.

The coin of the kingdom being greatly diminished and adulterated, the
earls of Rochester and Nottingham expatiated upon this national evil
in the house of lords: an act was passed, containing severe penalties
against clippers; but this produced no good effect. The value of money
sunk in the exchange to such a degree, that a guinea was reckoned
adequate to thirty shillings; and this public disgrace lowered the
credit of the funds and of the government. The nation was alarmed by the
circulation of fictitious wealth, instead of gold and silver, such
as bank bills, exchequer tallies, and government securities. The
malcontents took this opportunity to exclaim against the bank, and even
attempted to shake the credit of it in parliament; but their endeavours
proved abortive--the monied interest preponderated in both houses.]


[Footnote 059: N, p. 58. The regency was composed of the archbishop of
Canterbury; Somers, lord-keeper of the great seal; the earl of Pembroke,
lord-privy-seal; the duke of Devonshire, lord-steward of the household;
the duke of Shrewsbury, secretary of state; the earl of Dorset,
lord-chamberlain; and the lord Godolphin, first commissioner of the
treasury. Sir John Trenchard dying, his place of secretary was filled
by sir William Trumbal, an eminent civilian, learned, diligent, and
virtuous, who had been envoy at Paris and Constantinople. William Nassau
de Zulycrstein, son of the king’s natural uncle, was created baron of
Enfield, viscount Tunbridge, and earl of Rochibrd. Ford, lord Grey of
Werke, was made viscount Glendale, and earl of Tankerville. The month of
April of this year was distinguished by the death of the famous George
Saville, marquis of Halifax, who had survived, in a good measure, his
talents and reputation.]


[Footnote 067: Note 0, p. 67. The commons resolved, That a fund,
redeemable by parliament, be settled in a national land bank, to be
raised by new subscriptions; That no person be concerned in both banks
at the same time; That the duties upon coals, culm, and tonnage of ships
be taken off, from the seventeenth day of March; That the sum of two
millions five hundred and sixty-four thousand pounds be raised on this
perpetual fund, redeemable by parliament; That the new bank should
be restrained from lending money but upon land securities, or to the
government in the exchequer; That for making up the fund of interest for
the capital stock, certain duties upon glass wares, stone and earthen
bottles, granted before to the king for a term of years, be continued to
his majesty, his heirs, and successors; That a further duty be laid upon
stone and earthen ware, and another upon tobacco-pipes. This bank was
to lend out five hundred thousand pounds a-year upon land securities,
at three pounds ten shillings per cent, per annum, and to cease and
determine, unless the subscription should be full, by the first day of
August next ensuing.

The most remarkable laws enacted in this session were these:--An act for
voiding all the elections of parliament men, at which the elected had
been at any expense in meat, drink, or money, to procure votes.

Another against unlawful and double returns. A third, for the more easy
recovery of small tithes. A fourth, to prevent marriages without license
or banns. A fifth, for enabling the inhabitants of Wales to dispose of
all their personal estates as they should think fit: this law was in bar
of a custom that had prevailed in that country--the widows and younger
children claimed a share of the effects, called their reasonable part,
although the effects had been otherwise disposed of by will or deed.
The parliament likewise passed an act for preventing the exportation of
wool, and encouraging the importation thereof from Ireland. An act for
encouraging the linen manufactures of Ireland. An act for regulating
juries. An act for encouraging the Greenland trade. An act of indulgence
to the quakers, that their solemn affirmation should be accepted instead
of an oath. And an act for continuing certain other acts that were near
expiring. Another bill passed for the better regulating elections for
members of parliament; but the royal assent was denied. The question was
put in the house of commons, That whosoever advised his majesty not to
give his assent to that bill was an enemy to his country; but it was
rejected by a great majority.]




CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT




MAPS:

[Illustration: map9.jpg MAP OF CENTRAL AMERICA AND WEST INDIES]

[Illustration: map10.jpg MAP OF THE EAST INDIAN ISLANDS]

[Illustration: map11.jpg MAP OF IRELAND]

[Illustration: map12.jpg MAP OF THE EASTERN HEMISPHERE]




QUEEN ANNE


CHAPTER VII.


[Illustration: 105.jpg Portrait of Queen Anne]


     _Anne succeeds to the Throne..... She resolves to fulfil the
     Engagements of her Predecessor with his Allies..... A French
     Memorial presented to the States-general..... The Queen’s
     Inclination to the Tories..... War declared against
     France..... The Parliament prorogued..... Warm Opposition to
     the Ministry in the Scottish Parliament..... They recognize
     her Majesty’s Authority..... The Queen appoints
     Commissioners to treat of an Union between England and
     Scotland..... State of Affairs on the Continent.....
     Keiserswaert and Landau taken by the Allies..... Progress of
     the Earl of Marlborough in Flanders..... He narrowly escapes
     being taken by a French Partisan..... The Imperialists are
     worsted at Fridlinguen..... Battle of Luzzara in Italy.....
     The King of Sweden defeats Augustus at Lissou in Poland.....
     Fruitless expedition to Cadiz by the Duke of Ormond and Sir
     George Booke..... They take and destroy the Spanish Galleons
     at Vigo..... Admiral Benbow’s Engagement with Ducasse in the
     West Indies..... The Queen assembles a new Parliament.....
     Disputes between the two Houses..... The Lords inquire into
     the Conduct of Sir George Rooke..... The Parliament make a
     Settlement on Prince George of Denmark..... The Earl of
     Marlborough created a Duke..... All Commerce and
     Correspondence prohibited between Holland and the two Crowns
     of France and Spain..... A Bill for preventing occasional
     Conformity..... It miscarries..... Violent Animosity
     between the two Houses produced by the Inquiry into the
     Public Accounts..... Disputes between the two Houses of
     Convocation..... Account of the Parties in Scotland.....
     Dangerous Heats in the Parliament of that Kingdom..... The
     Commissioner is abandoned by the Cavaliers..... He is in
     Danger of his Life, and suddenly prorogues the
     Parliament..... Proceedings of the Irish Parliament.....
     They pass a severe Act against Papists..... The Elector of
     Bavaria defeats the Imperialists at Scardingen, and takes
     Possession of Ratisbon..... The Allies reduce Bonne.....
     Battle of Eckeren..... The Prince of Hesse is defeated by
     the French at Spirebath..... Treaty between the Emperor and
     the Duke of Savoy..... The King of Portugal accedes to the
     Grand Alliance..... Sir Cloudesley Shovel sails with a Fleet
     to the Mediterranean..... Admiral Graydon’s bootless
     Expedition to the West Indies..... Charles King of Spain
     arrives in England._

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




ANNE SUCCEEDS TO THE THRONE.

William was succeeded as sovereign of England by Anne princess of
Denmark, who ascended the throne in the thirty-eighth year of her age,
to the general satisfaction of all parties. Even the Jacobites
seemed pleased with her elevation, on the supposition that as in all
probability she would leave no heirs of her own body, the dictates of
natural affection would induce her to alter the succession in favour of
her own brother. She had been taught to cherish warm sentiments of the
tories, whom she considered as the friends of monarchy, and the
true sons of the church; and they had always professed an inviolable
attachment to her person and interest; but her conduct was wholly
influenced by the countess of Marlborough, a woman of an imperious
temper and intriguing genius, who had been intimate with the princess
from her tender years, and gained a surprising ascendancy over her. Anne
had undergone some strange vicissitudes of fortune in consequence of
her father’s expulsion, and sustained a variety of mortifications in the
late reign, during which she conducted herself with such discretion
as left little or no pretence for censure or resentment. Such conduct
indeed was in a great measure owing to a natural temperance of
disposition not easily ruffled or inflamed. She was zealously devoted to
the church of England, from which her father had used some endeavours
to detach her before the Revolution; and she lived in great harmony with
her husband, to whom she bore six children, all of whom she had
already survived. William had no sooner yielded up his breath, than the
privy-council in a body waited on the new queen, who, in a short but
sensible speech, assured them that no pains nor diligence should be
wanting on her part to preserve and support the religion, laws, and
liberties of her country, to maintain the succession in the protestant
line, and the government in church and state, as by law established. She
declared her resolution to carry on the preparations for opposing the
exorbitant power of France, and to assure the allies that she would
pursue the true interest of England, together with theirs, for the
support of the common cause. The members of the privy-council having
taken the oaths, she ordered a proclamation to be published, signifying
her pleasure that all persons in office of authority or government
at the decease of the late king, should so continue till further
directions. By virtue of an act passed in the late reign, the parliament
continued sitting even after the king’s death. Both houses met
immediately, and unanimously voted an address of condolence and
congratulation; and in the afternoon the queen was proclaimed. Next
day the lords and commons severally attended her with an address,
congratulating her majesty’s accession to the throne; and assuring
her of their firm resolution to support her against all her enemies
whatsoever. The lords acknowledged that their great loss was no
otherwise to be repaired but by a vigorous adherence to her majesty and
her allies, in the prosecution of those measures already concerted to
reduce the exorbitant power of France. The commons declared they
would maintain the succession of the crown in the protestant line, and
effectually provide for the public credit of the nation. These addresses
were graciously received by the queen, who, on the eleventh day of
March, went to the house of peers with the usual solemnity, where, in a
speech to both houses, she expressed her satisfaction at their unanimous
concurrence with her opinion, that too much could not be done for the
encouragement of their allies in humbling the power of France; and
desired they would consider of proper methods towards obtaining an
union between England and Scotland. She observed to the commons that the
revenue for defraying the expenses of civil government was expired; and
that she relied entirely on their affection for its being supplied in
such a manner as should be most suitable to the honour and dignity of
the crown. She declared it should be her constant endeavour to make them
the best return for their duty and affection, by a careful and diligent
administration for the good of all her subjects. “And as I know my own
heart to be entirely English (continued she) I can very sincerely assure
you, there is not any thing you can expect or desire from me which I
shall not be ready to do for the happiness and prosperity of England;
and you shall always find me a strict and religious observer of my
word.” These assurances were extremely agreeable to the parliament; and
she received the thanks of both houses. Addresses of congratulation were
presented by the bishop and clergy of London; by the dissenters in
and about that city; and by all the counties, cities, towns, and
corporations of England. She declared her attachment to the church; she
promised her protection to the dissenters; and received the compliments
of all her subjects with such affability as ensured their affection.




THE ENGAGEMENTS OF HER PREDECESSOR WITH HIS ALLIES FULFILLED.

William’s death was no sooner known at the Hague, than all Holland was
filled with consternation. The states immediately assembled, and for
some time gazed at each other in silent fear and astonishment. They
sighed, wept, and interchanged embraces and vows that they would act
with unanimity, and expend their clearest blood in defence of their
country. Then they despatched letters to the cities and provinces,
informing them of this unfortunate event, and exhorting them to union
and perseverance. The express from England having brought the queen’s
speech to her privy-council, it was translated and published to revive
the drooping spirits of the people. Next day pensionary Fagel imparted
to the states of Holland a letter which he had received from the earl
of Marlborough, containing assurances, in the queen’s name, of union
and assistance. In a few days, the queen wrote a letter in the French
language to the States, confirming these assurances; it was delivered
by Mr. Stanhope, whom she had furnished with fresh credentials as envoy
from England. Thus animated, the states resolved to prosecute vigorous
measures; their resolutions were still more inspirited by the arrival of
the earl of Marlborough, whom the queen honoured with the order of the
garter, and invested with the character of ambassador-extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to the states-general; he was likewise declared captain
general of her forces both at home and abroad. He assured the states
that her Britannic majesty would maintain the alliances which had been
concluded by the late king, and do every thing that the common concerns
of Europe required. The speech was answered by Dickvelt, president of
the week, who, in the name of the states, expressed their hearty thanks
to her majesty, and their resolutions of concurring with her in a
vigorous prosecution of the common interest.




A FRENCH MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

The importance of William’s life was evinced by the joy that diffused
itself through the kingdom of France at the news of his decease. The
person who first brought the tidings to Calais, was imprisoned by the
governor until his information was confirmed. The court of Versailles
could hardly restrain their transports so as to preserve common decorum;
the people of Paris openly rejoiced at the event; all decency was laid
aside at Rome, where this incident produced such indecent raptures, that
cardinal Grimani, the imperial minister, complained of them to the
pope, as an insult on his master the emperor, who was William’s friend,
confederate, and ally. The French king despatched credentials to Barré,
whom the count D’Avaux had left at the Hague to manage the affairs of
France, together with instructions to renew the negotiation with the
states, in hope of detaching them from the alliance. This minister
presented a memorial implying severe reflections on king William,
and the past conduct of the Dutch; and insinuating that now they had
recovered their liberty, the court of France hoped they would consult
their true interest. The count de Goes, envoy from the emperor,
animadverted on these expressions in another memorial, which was
likewise published; the states produced in public an answer to the
same remonstrance, expressing their resentment at the insolence of
such insinuations, and their veneration for the memory of their late
stadtholder. The earl of Marlborough succeeded in every part of his
negotiation. He animated the Dutch to a full exertion of their vigour;
he concerted the operations of the campaign; he agreed with the
states-general and the imperial minister, that war should be declared
against France on the same day at Vienna, London, and the Hague; and
on the third of April embarked for England, after having acquired the
entire confidence of those who governed the United Provinces.




QUEEN’S INCLINATION TO THE TORIES.

By this time the house of commons in England had settled the civil list
upon the queen for her life. When the bill received the royal assent,
she assured them that one hundred thousand pounds of this revenue should
be applied to the public service of the current year; at the same time
she passed another bill for receiving and examining the public accounts.
A commission for this purpose was granted in the preceding reign,
but had been for some years discontinued; and indeed always proved
ineffectual to detect and punish those individuals who shamefully
pillaged their country. The villany was so complicated, the vice so
general, and the delinquents so powerfully screened by artifice and
interest, as to elude all inquiry. On the twenty-fourth day of March the
oath of abjuration was taken by the speaker and members, according to an
act for the further security of her majesty’s person, and the succession
of the crown in the protestant line, and for extinguishing the hopes
of the pretended prince of Wales. The queen’s inclination to the
tories plainly appeared in her choice of ministers. Doctor John Sharp,
archbishop of York, became her ghostly director and counsellor in
all ecclesiastical affairs; the earl of Rochester was continued
lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and enjoyed a great share of her majesty’s
confidence; the privy-seal was intrusted to the marquis of Normandy; the
earl of Nottingham and sir Charles Hedges were appointed secretaries
of state; the earl of Abingdon, viscount Weymouth, lord Dartmouth,
sir Christopher Musgrave, Grenville, Howe, Gower, and Harcourt, were
admitted as members of the privy-council, together with sir Edward
Seymour, now declared comptroller of the household. The lord Godolphin
declined accepting the office of lord high-treasurer, until he was
over-ruled by the persuasions of Marlborough, to whose eldest daughter
his son was married. This nobleman refused to command the forces abroad,
unless the treasury should be put into the hands of Godolphin, on whose
punctuality in point of remittances he knew he could depend. George,
prince of Denmark, was invested with the title of generalissimo of all
the queen’s forces by sea and land; and afterwards created lord high
admiral, the earl of Pembroke having been dismissed from this office
with the offer of a large pension, which he generously refused. Prince
George, as admiral, was assisted by a council, consisting of sir George
Rooke, sir David Mitch el, George Churchill, and Richard Hill. Though
the legality of this board was doubted, the parliament had such respect
and veneration for the queen, that it was suffered to act without
question.




WAR DECLARED AGAINST FRANCE.

A rivalship for the queen’s favour already appeared between the earls of
Rochester and Marlborough. The former, as first cousin to the queen,
and chief of the tory faction, maintained considerable influence in
the council; but even there the interest of his rival predominated.
Marlborough was not only the better courtier, but by the canal of his
countess, actually directed the queen in all her resolutions. Rochester
proposed in council, that the English should avoid a declaration of war
with France, and act as auxiliaries only. He was seconded by some other
members; but the opinion of Marlborough preponderated. He observed,
that the honour of the nation was concerned to fulfil the late king’s
engagements; and affirmed that France could never be reduced within due
bounds, unless the English would enter as principals in the quarrel.
This allegation was supported by the dukes of Somerset and Devonshire,
the earl of Pembroke, and the majority of the council. The queen being
resolved to declare war, communicated her intention to the house of
commons, by whom it was approved; and on the fourth day of May the
declaration was solemnly proclaimed. The king of France was, in this
proclamation, taxed with having taken possession of great part of the
Spanish dominions; with designing to invade the liberties of Europe; and
obstruct the freedom of navigation and commerce; with having offered an
unpardonable insult to the queen and her throne, by taking upon him to
declare the pretended prince of Wales king of England, Scotland,
and Ireland. The three declarations of the emperor, England, and
the states-general, which were published in one day, did not fail to
disconcert, as well as to provoke the French monarch. When his minister
De Torcy recited them in his hearing, he spoke of the queen with some
acrimony; but with respect to the states-general, he declared with great
emotion, that “Messieurs the Dutch merchants should one day repent of
their insolence and presumption, in declaring war against so powerful
a monarch;” he did not, however, produce his declaration till the third
day of July.




THE PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

The house of commons, in compliance with the queen’s desire, brought in
a bill empowering her majesty to name commissioners to treat with the
Scots for an union of the two kingdoms. It met with warm opposition from
sir Edward Seymour and other tory members, who discharged abundance of
satire and ridicule upon the Scottish nation; but the measure seemed so
necessary at that juncture, to secure the protestant succession against
the practices of France and the claims of the pretender, that the
majority espoused the bill, which passed through both houses, and on the
sixth day of May received the royal assent, together with some bills of
less importance. The enemies of the late king continued to revile his
memory. [107] _[See note P, at the end of this Vol.]_ They even charged
him with having formed a design of excluding the princess Anne from the
throne, and of introducing the elector of Hanover as his own immediate
successor. This report had been so industriously circulated, that it
began to gain credit all over the kingdom. Several peers interested
themselves in William’s character, and a motion was made in the upper
house that the truth of this report should be inquired into. The house
immediately desired that those lords who had visited the late king’s
papers, would intimate whether or not they had found any among them
relating to the queen’s succession, or to the succession of the house
of Hanover. They forthwith declared that nothing of that sort appeared.
Then the house resolved, That the report was groundless, false,
villanous, and scandalous, to the dishonour of the late king’s memory,
and highly tending to the disservice of her present majesty, whom
they besought to give orders that the authors or publishers of such
scandalous reports should be prosecuted by the attorney-general. The
same censure was passed upon some libels and pamphlets tending to
inflame the factions of the kingdom, and to propagate a spirit of
irreligion. [108] _[See note Q, at the end of this Vol.]_ On the
twenty-first day of May, the commons in an address advised her majesty
to engage the emperor, the states-general, and her other allies, to join
with her in prohibiting all intercourse with France and Spain; and to
concert such methods with the states-general as might most effectually
secure the trade of her subjects and allies. The lords presented another
address, desiring the queen would encourage her subjects to equip
privateers, as the preparations of the enemy seemed to be made for a
piratical war, to the interruption of commerce; they likewise exhorted
her majesty to grant commissions or charters to all persons who should
make such acquisitions in the Indies, as she in her great wisdom should
judge most expedient for the good of her kingdoms. On the twenty-fifth
day of May the queen having passed several public and private bills,
[109] _[See note R, at the end of this Vol.]_ dismissed the parliament
by prorogation, after having in a short speech thanked them for their
zeal, recommended unanimity, and declared she would carefully preserve
and maintain the act of toleration.




WARM OPPOSITION TO THE MINISTRY IN THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT.

In Scotland a warm contest arose between the revolutioners and those in
the opposition, concerning the existence of the present parliament.
The queen had signified her accession to the throne in a letter to her
privy-council for Scotland, desiring they would continue to act in that
office until she should send a new commission. Meanwhile she authorized
them to publish a proclamation ordaining all officers of state,
counsellors, and magistrates, to act in all things conformably to the
commissions and instructions of his late majesty until new commissions
should be prepared. She likewise assured them of her firm resolution
to protect them in their religion, laws, and liberties, and in the
established government of the church. She had already, in presence of
twelve Scottish counsellors, taken the coronation-oath for that kingdom;
but those who wanted to embroil the affairs of their country, affirmed
that this was an irregular way of proceeding, and that the oath ought
to have been tendered by persons deputed for that purpose either by the
parliament or the privy council of the kingdom. The present ministry,
consisting of the duke of Queensberry, the earls of Marchmont, Melvil,
Seafield, Hyndford, and Selkirk, were devoted to revolution principles,
and desirous that the parliament should continue, in pursuance of a
late act for continuing the parliament that should be then in being,
six months after the death of the king, and that it should assemble in
twenty days after that event. The queen had, by several adjournments,
deferred the meeting almost three months after the king’s decease; and
therefore the anti-revolutioners affirmed that it was dissolved. The
duke of Hamilton was at the head of this party which clamoured loudly
for a new parliament. This nobleman, together with the marquis of
Tweedale, the carls Marshal and Kothes, and many other noblemen,
repaired to London in order to make the queen acquainted with their
objections to the continuance of the present parliament. She admitted
them to her presence and calmly heard their allegations; but she was
determined by the advice of her privy-council for that kingdom, who
were of opinion that the nation was in too great a ferment to hazard
the convocation of a new parliament. According to the queen’s last
adjournment, the parliament met at Edinburgh on the ninth day of June,
the duke of Queensberry having been appointed high commissioner. Before
the queen’s commission was read, the duke of Hamilton for himself and
his adherents, declared their satisfaction at her majesty’s accession to
the throne, not only on account of her undoubted right by descent, but
likewise because of her many personal virtues and royal qualities. He
said they were resolved to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in defence
of her majesty’s right against all her enemies whatever; but, at the
same time, they thought themselves bound in duty to give their opinion
that they were not warranted by law to sit and act as a parliament. He
then read a paper to the following effect:--That forasmuch as, by the
fundamental laws and constitution of this kingdom, all parliaments do
dissolve on the death of their sovereign, except in so far as innovated
by an act in the preceding reign, that the parliament in being at his
majesty’s decease should meet and act what might be needful for the
defence of the true protestant religion as by law established, and for
the maintenance of the succession to the crown as settled by the claim
of right, and for the preservation and security of the public peace; and
seeing these ends are fully answered by her majesty’s succession to the
throne, we conceive ourselves not now warranted by law to meet, sit, or
act; and therefore do dissent from anything that shall be done or acted.
The duke having recited this paper, and formally protested against the
proceedings of the parliament, withdrew with seventy-nine members amidst
the acclamations of the people.




THEY RECOGNISE HER MAJESTY’S AUTHORITY.

Notwithstanding their secession, the commissioner, who retained a much
greater number, produced the queen’s letter signifying her resolution
to maintain and protect her subjects in the full possession of their
religion, laws, liberties, and the presbyterian discipline. She informed
them of her having declared war against France; she exhorted them to
provide competent supplies for maintaining such a number of forces as
might be necessary for disappointing the enemy’s designs, and preserving
the present happy settlement; and she earnestly recommended to their
consideration an union of the two kingdoms. The duke of Queensberry and
the carl of Marchmont having enforced the different articles of this
letter, committees were appointed for the security of the kingdom,
for controverted elections, for drawing up an answer to her majesty’s
letter, and for revising the minutes. Meanwhile the duke of Hamilton and
his adherents sent the lord Blantyre to London with an address to
the queen, who refused to receive it, but wrote another letter to the
parliament expressing her resolution to maintain their dignity and
authority against all opposers. They, in answer to the former, had
assured her that the groundless secession of some members should
increase and strengthen their care and zeal for her majesty’s service.
They expelled sir Alexander Bruce for having given vent to some
reflections against presbytery. The lord advocate prosecuted the faculty
of advocates before the parliament for having passed a vote among
themselves in favour of the protestation and address of the dissenting
members. The faculty was severely reprimanded; but the whole nation
seemed to resent the prosecution. The parliament passed an act for
recognising her majesty’s royal authority; another for adjourning the
court of judicature called the session; a third declaring this meeting
of parliament legal, and forbidding any person to disown, quarrel with,
or impugn the dignity and authority thereof, under the penalty of
high treason; a fourth for securing the true protestant religion and
presbyterian church government; a fifth for a land tax; and a sixth,
enabling her majesty to appoint commissioners for an union between the
two kingdoms.




THE QUEEN APPOINTS COMMISSIONERS TO TREAT OF AN UNION.

The earl of Marchmont, of his own accord, and even contrary to the
advice of the high commissioner, brought in a bill for abjuring the
pretended prince of Wales; but this was not supported by the court
party, as the commissioner had no instructions how to act on the
occasion. Perhaps the queen and her English ministry resolved to keep
the succession open in Scotland as a check upon the whigs and house of
Hanover. On the thirtieth day of June the commissioner adjourned
the parliament, after having thanked them for their cheerfulness and
unanimity in their proceedings; and the chiefs of the opposite parties
hastened to London to make their different representations to the
queen and her ministry. In the meantime she appointed commissioners
for treating about the union, and they met at the Cockpit on the
twenty-second day of October. On the twentieth day of the next month
they adjusted preliminaries, importing, That nothing agreed on among
themselves should be binding except ratified by her majesty and the
respective parliaments of both nations; and that unless all the heads
proposed for the treaty were agreed to, no particular thing agreed
on should be binding. The queen visited them in December, in order
to quicken their mutual endeavours. They agreed that the two kingdoms
should be inseparably united into one monarchy, under her majesty, her
heirs, and successors, and under the same limitations according to the
Acts of Settlement; but when the Scottish commissioners proposed that
the rights and privileges of their company trading to Africa and the
Indies should be preserved and maintained, such a difficulty arose
as could not be surmounted, and no further progress was made in this
commission. The tranquillity of Ireland was not interrupted by any new
commotion. That kingdom was ruled by justices whom the earl of Rochester
had appointed; and the trustees for the forfeited estates maintained
their authority.




STATE OF AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.

While Britain was engaged in these civil transactions, her allies were
not idle on the continent. The old duke of Zell, and his nephew,
the elector of Brunswick, surprised the dukes of Wolfenbuttle and
Saxe-Gotha, whom they compelled to renounce their attachments to France,
and concur in the common councils of the empire. Thus the north of
Germany was reunited to the interest of the confederates; and the
princes would have been in a condition to assist them effectually, had
not the neighbourhood of the war in Poland deterred them from parting
with their forces. England and the states-general endeavoured in vain
to mediate a peace between the kings of Sweden and Poland. Charles was
become enamoured of war and ambitious of conquest. He threatened to
invade Saxony through the dominions of Prussia. Augustus retired
to Cracow, while Charles penetrated to Warsaw, and even ordered the
cardinal-primate to summon a diet for choosing a new king. The situation
of affairs at this juncture was far from being favourable to the allies.
The court of Vienna had tampered in vain with the elector of Bavaria,
who made use of this negotiation to raise his terms with Louis. His
brother, the elector of Cologn, admitted French garrisons into Liege and
all his places on the Rhine. The elector of Saxony was too hard pressed
by the king of Sweden to spare his full proportion of troops to the
allies; the king of Prussia was overawed by the vicinity of the Swedish
conqueror; the duke of Savoy had joined his forces to those of France,
and overrun the whole state of Milan; and the pope, though he professed
a neutrality, evinced himself strongly biassed to the French interests.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




KEISEESWAERT AND LANDAU TAKEN.

The war was begun in the name of the elector-palatine with the siege of
Keiserswaert, which was invested in the month of April by the prince of
Nassau-Saarburgh, mareschal-du-camp to the emperor: under this officer
the Dutch troops served as auxiliaries, because war had not yet been
declared by the states-general. The French garrison made a desperate
defence. They worsted the besiegers in divers sallies, and maintained
the place until it was reduced to a heap of ashes. At length the allies
made a general attack upon the counterscarp and ravelin, which they
carried after a very obstinate engagement, with the loss of two
thousand men. Then the garrison capitulated on honourable terms, and
the fortifications were razed. During this siege, which lasted from
the eighteenth day of April to the middle of June, count Tallard posted
himself on the opposite side of the Rhine, from whence he supplied the
town with fresh troops and ammunition, and annoyed the besiegers with
his artillery; but finding it impossible to save the place, he joined
the grand army commanded by the duke of Burgundy in the Netherlands. The
siege of Keiserswaert was covered by a body of Dutch troops under the
earl of Athlone, who lay encamped in the duchy of Cleve. Meanwhile
general Coehorn, at the head of another detachment, entered Flanders,
demolished the French lines between the forts of Donat and Isabella, and
laid the chatellaine of Bruges under contribution; but a considerable
body of French troops advancing under the marquis de Bedmar, and the
count de la Motte, he overflowed the country, and retired under the
Avails of Sluys. The duke of Burgundy, who had taken the command of the
French army under Bouifflers, encamped at Zanten near Cleve, and laid a
scheme for surprising Nimeguen; in which, however, he was baffled by
the vigilance and activity of Athlone, who, guessing his design, marched
thither and encamped under the cannon of the town. In the beginning of
June, Landau was invested by prince Louis of Baden: in July, the king
of the Romans arrived in the camp of the besiegers with such pomp and
magnificence as exhausted his father’s treasury. On the ninth day
of September the citadel was taken by assault, and then the town
surrendered.




PROGRESS OF THE EARL OF MARLBOROUGH.

When the earl of Marlborough arrived in Holland, the earl of Athlone,
in quality of veldt-mareschal, insisted upon an equal command with
the English general; but the states obliged him to yield this point in
favour of Marlborough, whom they declared generalissimo of all their
forces. In the beginning of July he repaired to the camp at Nimeguen,
where he soon assembled an army of sixty thousand men, well provided
with all necessaries; then he convoked a council of the general officers
to concert the operations of the campaign. On the sixteenth day of
the month he passed the Maese, and encamped at Overasselt, within two
leagues and a half of the enemy, who had entrenched themselves between
Goch and Gedap. He afterwards repassed the river below the Grave, and
removed to Gravenbroeck, where he was joined by the British train of
artillery from Holland. On the second day of August, he advanced
to Petit Brugel, and the French retired before him, leaving Spanish
Guelderkind to his discretion. He had resolved to hazard an engagement,
and issued orders accordingly; but he was restrained by the Dutch
deputies, who were afraid of their own interest in case the battle
should have proved unfortunate. The duke of Burgundy, finding himself
obliged to retreat before the allied army, rather than expose himself
longer to such a mortifying indignity, returned to Versailles, leaving
the command to Boufflers, who lost the confidence of Louis by the ill
success of this campaign. The deputies of the states-general having
represented to the earl of Marlborough the advantages that would
accrue to Holland, from his dispossessing the enemy of the places they
maintained in the Spanish Guelderland, by which the navigation of the
Maese was obstructed, and the important town of Maestricht in a
manner blocked up, he resolved to deliver them from such a troublesome
neighbourhood. He detached general Schultz with a body of troops to
reduce the town and castle of Werk, which were surrendered after a
slight resistance. In the beginning of September he undertook the siege
of Venlo, which capitulated on the twenty-fifth day of the month,
after fort St. Michael had been stormed and taken by lord Cutts and
the English volunteers, among whom the young earl of Huntingdon
distinguished himself by very extraordinary acts of valour. Then the
general invested Euremonde, which he reduced after a very obstinate
defence, together with the fort of Stevensuaert, situated on the same
river. Boufflers, confounded at the rapidity of Marlborough’s success,
retired towards Liege in order to cover that city; but, at the approach
of the confederates, he retired with precipitation to Tongeren, from
whence he directed his route towards Brabant, with a view to defend
such places as the allies had no design to attack. When the earl of
Marlborough arrived at Liege, he found the suburbs of St. Walburgh
had been set on fire by the French garrison, who had retired into the
citadel and the Chartreux. The allies took immediate possession of the
city; and in a few days opened the trenches against the citadel,
which was taken by assault. On this occasion, the hereditary prince of
Hesse-Cassel charged at the head of the grenadiers, and was the first
person who mounted the breach. Violani the governor, and the duke of
Charost, were made prisoners. Three hundred thousand florins in gold and
silver were found in the citadel, besides notes for above one million
drawn upon substantial merchants in Liege, who paid the money.
Immediately after this exploit, the garrison of the Chartreux
capitulated on honourable terms, and were conducted to Antwerp. By the
success of this campaign the earl of Marlborough raised his military
character above all censure, and confirmed himself in the entire
confidence of the states-general, who, in the beginning of the season,
had trembled for Nimeguen, and now saw the enemy driven back into their
own domains.




HE NARROWLY ESCAPES BEING TAKEN BY A FRENCH PARTISAN.

When the army broke up in November, the general repaired to Maestricht,
from whence he proposed to return to the Hague by water. Accordingly
he embarked in a large boat, with five-and-twenty soldiers under the
command of a lieutenant. Next morning he was joined at Ruremonde by
Coehorn in a larger vessel, with sixty men, and they were moreover
escorted by fifty troopers, who rode along the bank of the river. The
large boat outsailed the other, and the horsemen mistook their way in
the dark. A French partisan, with five-and-thirty men from Gueldres, who
lurked among the rushes in wait for prey, seized the rope by which
the boat was drawn, hauled it ashore, discharged their small arms and
hand-grenades, then rushing into it, secured the soldiers before they
could put themselves in a posture of defence. The earl of Marlborough
was accompanied by general Opdam, and mynheer Gueldermalsen, one of the
deputies, who were provided with passports. The earl had neglected this
precaution; but recollecting he had an old passport for his brother
general Churchill, he produced it without any emotion, and the partisan
was in such confusion that he never examined the date. Nevertheless, he
rifled their baggage, carried off the guard as prisoners, and allowed
the boat to proceed. The governor of Venlo receiving information that
the earl was surprised by a party and conveyed to Gueldres, immediately
marched out with his whole garrison to invest that place. The same
imperfect account being transmitted to Holland, filled the whole
province with consternation. The states forthwith assembling, resolved
that all their forces should march immediately to Gueldres, and threaten
the garrison of the place with the utmost extremities unless they would
immediately deliver the general. But, before these orders could be
despatched, the earl arrived at the Hague, to the inexpressible joy of
the people, who already looked upon him as their saviour and protector.




THE IMPERIALISTS ARE WORSTED AT FEIDLINGUEN.

The French arms were not quite so unfortunate on the Rhine as in
Flanders. The elector of Bwaria surprised the city of Ulm in Suabia by a
stratagem, and then declared for France, which had by this time complied
with all his demands. The diet of the empire assembled at Batisbon were
so incensed at his conduct in seizing the city of Ulm by perfidy, that
they presented a memorial to his Imperial majesty, requesting he would
proceed against the elector according to the constitutions of the
empire. They resolved, by a plurality of voices, to declare war in the
name of the empire against the French king and the duke of Anjou, for
having invaded several fiefs of the empire in Italy, the archbishopric
of Cologn, and the diocese of Liege; and they forbade the ministers
of Bavaria and Cologn to appear in the general diet. In vain did these
powers protest against their proceedings. The empire’s declaration of
war was published and notified, in the name of the diet, to the cardinal
of Limberg, the emperor’s commissioner. Meanwhile the French made
themselves masters of Neuburgh, in the circle of Suabia, while Louis
prince of Baden, being weakened by sending off detachments, was obliged
to lie inactive in his camp near Fridlinguen. The French army was
divided into two bodies, commanded by the marquis de Villars and the
count de Guiscard; and the prince thinking himself in danger of being
enclosed by the enemy, resolved to decamp. Villars immediately passed
the Rhine to fall upon him in his retreat, and an obstinate engagement
ensuing, the Imperialists were overpowered by numbers. The prince having
lost two thousand men, abandoned the field of battle to the enemy,
together with his baggage, artillery, and ammunition, and retired
towards Stauffen without being pursued. The French army, even after they
had gained the battle, were unaccountably seized with such a panic, that
if the Imperial general had faced them with two regiments he would have
snatched the victory from Villars, who was upon this occasion
saluted mareschal of France by the soldiers; and next day the town of
Fridlinguen surrendered. The prince being joined by some troops under
general Thungen and other reinforcements, resolved to give battle to
the enemy; but Villars declined an engagement, and repassed the Rhine.
Towards the latter end of October, count Tallard and the marquis de
Lo-marie, with a body of eighteen thousand men, reduced Triers and
Traerbach; on the other hand, the prince of Hesse-Cassel, with a
detachment from the allied army at Liege, retook from the French the
towns of Zinch, Lintz, Brisac, and Andernach.




BATTLE OF LUZZARA, IN ITALY.

In Italy prince Eugene laboured under a total neglect of the Imperial
court, where his enemies, on pretence of supporting the king of the
Romans in his first campaign, weaned the emperor’s attention entirely
from his affairs on the other side of the Alps, so that he left his best
army to moulder away for want of recruits and reinforcements. The prince
thus abandoned could not prevent the duke de Vendôme from relieving
Mantua, and was obliged to relinquish some other places he had taken.
Philip, king of Spain, being inspired with the ambition of putting an
end to the war in this country, sailed in person for Naples, where he
was visited by the cardinal-legate with a compliment from the pope; yet
he could not obtain the investiture of the kingdom from his holiness.
The emperor, however, was so disgusted at the embassy which the pope
had sent to Philip, that he ordered his ambassador at Eome to withdraw.
Philip proceeded from Naples to Final under convoy of the French fleet
which had brought him to Italy; here he had an interview with the duke
of Savoy, who began to be alarmed at the prospect of the French king’s
being master of the Milanese; and, in a letter to the duke de Vendôme,
he forbade him to engage prince Eugene until he himself should arrive in
the camp. Prince Eugene, understanding that the French army intended to
attack Luzzara and Guastalla, passed the Po with an army of about half
the number of the enemy, and posted himself behind the dike of Zero
in such a manner that the French were ignorant of his situation. He
concluded that on their arrival at the ground they had chosen, the horse
would march out to forage, while the rest of the army would be employed
in pitching tents and providing for their refreshment. His design was
to seize that opportunity of attacking them, not doubting that he should
obtain a complete victory; but he was disappointed by mere accident. An
adjutant with an advanced guard had the curiosity to ascend the dike
in order to view the country, when he discovered the Imperial infantry
lying on their faces, and their horse in the rear, ranged in order of
battle. The French camp was immediately alarmed, and as the intermediate
ground was covered with hedges which obliged the assailants to defile,
the enemy were in a posture of defence before the Imperialists could
advance to action; nevertheless, the prince attacked them with great
vivacity in hopes of disordering their line, which gave way in several
places; but night interposing, he was obliged to desist, and in a few
days the French reduced Luzzara and Guastalla. The prince, however,
maintained his post, and Philip returned to Spain without having
obtained any considerable advantage.




THE KING OF SWEDEN DEFEATS AUGUSTUS AT LISSOU.

The French king employed all his artifice and intrigues in raising up
new enemies against the confederates. He is said to have bribed count
Mansfield, president of the council of war at Vienna, to withhold
the supplies from prince Eugene in Italy. At the Ottoman Porte he had
actually gained over the vizier, who engaged to renew the war with the
emperor. But the mufti and all the other great officers were averse to
the design, and the vizier fell a sacrifice to their resentment.
Louis continued to broil the kingdom of Poland by means of the
cardinal-primate. The young king of Sweden advanced to Lissou, where
he defeated Augustus. Then he took possession of Cracow, and raised
contributions; nor could he be persuaded to retreat, although the
Muscovites and Lithuanians had ravaged Livonia, and even made an
irruption into Sweden.




FRUITLESS EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.

The operations of the combined squadrons at sea did not fully answer the
expectation of the public. On the twelfth day of May, sir John Munden
sailed with twelve ships to intercept a French squadron appointed as a
convoy to a new viceroy of Mexico, from Corunna to the West Indies. On
the twenty-eighth day of the month, he chased fourteen sail of French
ships into Corunna.

Then he called a council of war, in which it was agreed that as the
place was strongly fortified, and by the intelligence they had received,
it appeared that seventeen of the enemy’s ships of war rode at anchor in
the harbour, it would be expedient for them to follow the latter part of
their instructions, by which they were directed to cruise in soundings
for the protection of the trade. They returned accordingly, and
being distressed by want of provisions, came into port to the general
discontent of the nation. For the satisfaction of the people, sir
John Munden was tried by a court-martial and acquitted; but as this
miscarriage had rendered him very unpopular, prince George dismissed him
from the service. We have already hinted that king William had projected
a scheme to reduce Cadiz, with intention to act afterwards against the
Spanish settlements in the West Indies. This design queen Anne resolved
to put in execution. Sir George Rooke commanded the fleet, and the duke
of Ormond was appointed general of the land forces destined for this
expedition. The combined squadrons amounted to fifty ships of the line,
exclusive of frigates, fire-ships, and smaller vessels; and the number
of soldiers embarked was not far short of fourteen thousand. In the
latter end of June the fleet sailed from St. Helen’s; on the twelfth of
August they anchored at the distance of two leagues from Cadiz. Next day
the duke of Ormond summoned the duke de Brancaccio, who was governor,
to submit to the house of Austria; but that officer answered he would
acquit himself honourably of the trust reposed in him by the king. On
the fifteenth the duke of Ormond landed with his forces in the bay of
Bulls, under cover of a smart fire from some frigates, and repulsed
a body of Spanish cavalry; then he summoned the governor of Fort St.
Catharine’s to surrender, and received an answer, importing, that the
garrison was prepared for his reception. A declaration was published
in the Spanish language, intimating, that the allies did not come as
enemies to Spain, but only to free them from the yoke of France, and
assist them in establishing themselves under the government of the house
of Austria. These professions produced very little effect among the
Spaniards, who were either cooled in their attachment to that family,
or provoked by the excesses of the English troops. These having taken
possession of Fort St. Catharine and Port St. Mary’s, instead of
protecting, plundered the natives, notwithstanding the strict orders
issued by the duke of Ormond to prevent this scandalous practice; even
some general officers were concerned in the pillage. A battery was
raised against Montagorda fort opposite to the Puntal; but the attempt
miscarried, and the troops were re-embarked.




SPANISH GALLEONS TAKEN and DESTROYED.

Captain Hardy having been sent to water in Lagos bay, received
intelligence that the galleons from the West Indies had put into Vigo
under convoy of a French squadron. He sailed immediately in quest of sir
George Rooke, who was now on his voyage back to England, and falling in
with him on the sixth day of October, communicated the substance of what
he had learned. Rooke immediately called a council of war, in which it
was determined to alter their course and attack the enemy at Vigo. He
forthwith detached some small vessels for intelligence, and received
a confirmation that the galleons and the squadron commanded by Chateau
Renault, were actually in the harbour. They sailed thither, and appeared
before the place on the eleventh day of October. The passage into the
harbour was narrow, secured by batteries, forts, and breast-works on
each side; by a strong boom, consisting of iron chains, top-masts, and
cables, moored at each end of a seventy-gun ship, and fortified within
by five ships of the same strength lying athwart the channel with their
broadsides to the offing. As the first and second rates of the combined
fleets were too large to enter, the admirals shifted their flags into
smaller ships; and a division of five-and-twenty English and Dutch ships
of the line, with their frigates, fire-ships, and ketches, was destined
for the service. In order to facilitate the attack, the duke of Ormond
landed with five-and-twenty hundred men, at the distance of six miles
from Vigo, and took by assault a fort and platform of forty pieces of
cannon at the entrance of the harbour. The British ensign was no sooner
seen flying at the top of this fort than the ships advanced to the
attack. Vice-admiral Hop-son, in the Torbay, crowding all his sail, ran
directly against the boom, which was broken by the first shock; then the
whole squadron entered the harbour through a prodigious fire from the
enemy’s ships and batteries. These last, however, were soon stormed and
taken by the grenadiers who had been landed. The great ships lay against
the forts at each side of the harbour, which in a little time they
silenced, though vice-admiral Hop-son narrowly escaped from a fire-ship
by which he was boarded. After a very vigorous engagement, the French,
finding themselves unable to cope with such an adversary, resolved to
destroy their ships and galloons, that they might not fall into the
hands of the victors. They accordingly burned and ran ashore eight ships
and as many advice-boats; but ten ships of war were taken, together with
eleven galleons. Though they had secured the best part of their plate
and merchandize before the English fleet arrived, the value of fourteen
millions of pieces of eight, in plate and rich commodities, was
destroyed in six galleons that perished; and about half that value was
brought off by the conquerors; so that this was a dreadful blow to the
enemy, and a noble acquisition to the allies. Immediately after this
exploit, sir George Rooke was joined by sir Cloudesley Shovel, who had
been sent out with a squadron to intercept the galleons. This officer
was left to bring home the prizes and dismantle the fortifications,
while Rooke returned in triumph to England.




BENBOW’S ENGAGEMENT WITH DU CASSE.

The glory which the English acquired in this expedition was in some
measure tarnished by the conduct of some officers in the West Indies.
Thither admiral Benbow had been detached with a squadron of ten sail in
the course of the preceding year. At Jamaica he received intelligence
that monsieur Du Casse was in the neighbourhood of Hispaniola, and
resolved to beat up to that island. At Leogane he fell in with a French
ship of fifty guns, which her captain ran ashore and blew up. He took
several other vessels, and having alarmed Petit-Guavas, bore away for
Donna Maria bay, where he understood that Du Casse had sailed for the
coast of Carthagena. Benbow resolved to follow the same course; and
on the nineteenth of August discovered the enemy’s squadron near Saint
Martha, consisting of ten sail, steering along shore. He formed the
line, and an engagement ensued, in which he was very ill seconded by
some of his captains. Nevertheless, the battle continued till night, and
he determined to renew it next morning, when he perceived all his
ships at the distance of three or four miles astern, except the Ruby,
commanded by captain George Walton, who joined him in plying the enemy
with chase guns. On the twenty-first these two ships engaged the French
squadron; and the Ruby was so disabled that the admiral was obliged to
send her back to Jamaica. Next day the Greenwich, commanded by Wade, was
five leagues astern; and the wind changing, the enemy had the advantage
of the weather-gage. On the twenty-third the admiral renewed the battle
with his single ship unsustained by the rest of the squadron. On the
twenty-fourth his leg was shattered by a chain-shot; notwithstanding
which accident, he remained on the quarter-deck in a cradle and
continued the engagement. One of the largest ships of the enemy lying
like a wreck upon the water, four sail of the English squadron poured
their broadsides into her, and then ran to leeward without paying any
regard to the signal for battle. Then the French bearing down upon the
admiral with their whole force, shot away his main-top-sail-yard, and
damaged his rigging in such a manner that he was obliged to lie by and
refit, while they took their disabled ship in tow. During this interval
he called a council of his captains, and expostulated with them on their
behaviour. They observed, that the French were very strong, and advised
him to desist. He plainly perceived that he was betrayed, and with the
utmost reluctance returned to Jamaica, having not only lost a leg, but
also received a large wound in his face, and another in his arm, while
he in person attempted to board the French admiral. Exasperated at
the treachery of his captains, he granted a commission to rear-admiral
Whetstone and other officers, to hold a court-martial and try them for
cowardice. Hudson, of the Pendennis, died before his trial: Kirby
and Wade were convicted, and sentenced to be shot: Constable, of the
Windsor, was cashiered and imprisoned: Vincent, of the Falmouth, and
Fogg, the admiral’s own captain of the Breda, were convicted of having
signed a paper that they would not fight under Benbow’s command; but as
they behaved gallantly in the action, the court inflicted upon them no
other punishment than that of a provisional suspension. Captain Walton
had likewise joined in the conspiracy while he was heated with the fumes
of intoxication, but he afterwards renounced the engagement, and fought
with admirable courage until his ship was disabled. The boisterous
manner of Benbow had produced this base confederacy. He was a rough
seamen; but remarkably brave, honest, and experienced. [112] _[See note
S, at the end of this Vol.]_ He took this miscarriage so much to heart,
that he became melancholy, and his grief co-operating with the fever
occasioned by his wounds, put a period to his life. Wade and Kirby were
sent home in the Bristol; and, on their arrival at Plymouth, shot on
board of the ship, by virtue of a dead warrant for their immediate
execution, which had lain there for some time. The same precaution had
been taken in all the western ports, in order to prevent applications in
their favour.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




A NEW PARLIAMENT.

During these transactions the queen seemed to be happy in the affection
of her subjects. Though the continuance of the parliament was limited
to six months after the king’s decease, she dissolved it by proclamation
before the term was expired; and issued writs for electing another,
in which the tory interest predominated. In the summer the queen gave
audience to the count de Platens, envoy-extraordinary from the elector
of Hanover; then she made a progress with her husband to Oxford, Bath,
and Bristol, where she was received with all the marks of the most
genuine affection. The new parliament meeting on the twentieth day
of October, Mr. Harley was chosen speaker. The queen in her speech,
declared that she had summoned them to assist her in carrying on the
just and necessary war in which the nation was engaged. She desired the
commons would inspect the accounts of the public receipts and payments,
that if any abuses had crept into the management of the finances, they
might be detected and the offenders punished. She told them that the
funds assigned in the last parliament had not produced the sums granted;
and that the deficiency was not supplied even by the one hundred
thousand pounds which she had paid from her own revenue for the public
service. She expressed her concern for the disappointment at Cadiz, as
well as for the abuses committed at Port St. Mary’s, which had obliged
her to give directions for the strictest examination of the particulars.
She hoped they would find time to consider of some better and more
effectual method to prevent the exportation of wool, and improve that
manufacture, which she was determined to encourage. She professed a firm
persuasion, that the affection of her subjects was the surest pledge of
their duty and obedience. She promised to defend and maintain the church
as by law established; and to protect her subjects in the full enjoyment
of all their rights and liberties. She protested, that she relied on
their care of her: she said her interest and theirs were inseparable;
and that her endeavours should never be wanting to make them all safe
and happy. She was presented with a very affectionate address from
either house, congratulating her upon the glorious success of her arms,
and those of her allies, under the command of the earl of Marlborough:
but that of the commons was distinguished by an implicated reproach on
the late reign, importing, that the wonderful progress of her majesty’s
arms under the earl of Marlborough had signally “retrieved” the
ancient honour and glory of the English nation. This expression had
excited a warm debate in the house, in the course of which many severe
reflections were made on the memory of king William. At length the
question was put, whether the word “retrieved” should remain? and
carried in the affirmative by a majority of one hundred.




DISPUTES BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES.

The strength of the tories appeared in nothing more conspicuous than in
their inquiry concerning controverted elections. The borough of Hindon,
near Salisbury, was convicted of bribery, and a bill brought in for
disfranchising the town; yet no vote passed against the person who
exercised this corruption, because he happened to be a tory. Mr. Howe
was declared duly elected for Gloucestershire, though the majority of
the electors had voted for the other candidate. Sir John Packington
exhibited a complaint against the bishop of Worcester and his son, for
having endeavoured to prevent his election: the commons having taken
it into consideration, resolved, that the proceedings of William lord
bishop of Worcester, and his son, had been malicious, unchristian, and
arbitrary, in high violation of the liberties and privileges of the
commons of England. They voted an address to the queen, desiring her to
remove the father from the office of lord-almoner; and they ordered the
attorney-general to prosecute the son, after his privilege as member
of the convocation should be expired. A counter address was
immediately voted and presented by the lords, beseeching her majesty
would not remove the bishop of Worcester from the place of lord-almoner,
until he should be found guilty of some crime by due course of law; as
it was the undoubted right of every lord of parliament, and of every
subject of England, to have an opportunity to make his defence before
he suffers any sort of punishment. The queen said she had not as yet
received any complaint against the bishop of Worcester; but she looked
upon it as her undoubted right to continue or displace any servant
attending upon her own person, when she should think proper. The peers
having received this answer, unanimously resolved, That no lord of their
house ought to suffer any sort of punishment by any proceedings of the
house of commons, otherwise than according to the known and ancient
rules and methods of parliament. When the commons attended the queen
with their address against the bishop, she said she was sorry there
was occasion for such a remonstrance, and that the bishop of Worcester
should no longer continue to supply the place of her almoner. This
regard to their address was a flagrant proof of her partiality to the
tories, who seemed to justify her attachment by their compliance and
liberality.




THE LORDS INQUIRE INTO THE CONDUCT OF SIR GEORGE ROOKE.

In deliberating on the supplies, they agreed to all the demands of the
ministry. They voted forty thousand seamen, and the like number of
land forces, to act in conjunction with those of the allies. For the
maintenance of these last, they granted eight hundred and thirty-three
thousand eight hundred and twenty-six pounds; besides three hundred and
fifty thousand pounds for guards and garrisons; seventy thousand nine
hundred and seventy-three pounds for ordnance; and fifty-one thousand
eight hundred and forty-three pounds for subsidies to the allies.
Lord Shannon arriving with the news of the success at Vigo, the queen
appointed a day of thanksgiving for the signal success of her arms under
the earl of Marlborough, the duke of Ormond, and sir George Rooke; and
on that day, which was the twelfth of November, she went in state to St.
Paul’s church, attended by both houses of parliament. Next day the peers
voted the thanks of their house to the duke of Ormond for his services
at Vigo, and, at the same time, drew up an address to the queen,
desiring she would order the duke of Ormond and sir George Rooke to lay
before them an account of their proceedings: a request with which her
majesty complied. These two officers were likewise thanked by the house
of commons: vice-admiral Hopson was knighted, and gratified with
a considerable pension. The duke of Ormond, at his return from the
expedition, complained openly of Rooke’s conduct, and seemed determined
to subject him to a public accusation; but that officer was such a
favourite among the commons, that the court was afraid to disoblige
them by an impeachment, and took great pains to mitigate the duke’s
resentment. This nobleman was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and
Rooke was admitted into the privy-council. A motion however being made
in the house of lords, that the admiral’s instructions and journals
relating to the last expedition might be examined, a committee was
appointed for that purpose, and prepared an unfavourable report; but it
was rejected by a majority of the house; and they voted, That sir George
Rooke had done his duty, pursuant to the councils of war, like a brave
officer, to the honour of the British nation.




THE PARLIAMENT MAKE A SETTLEMENT ON PRINCE GEORGE OF DENMARK.

On the twenty-first day of November, the queen sent a message to the
house of commons by Mr. Secretary Hedges, recommending further provision
for the prince her husband, in case he should survive her. This message
being considered, Mr. Howe moved, that the yearly sum of one hundred
thousand pounds should be settled on the prince, in case he should
survive her majesty. No opposition was made to the proposal; but warm
debates were excited by a clause in the bill, exempting the prince
from that part of the act of succession by which strangers, though
naturalized, were rendered incapable of holding employments. This clause
related only to those who should be naturalized in a future reign; and
indeed was calculated as a restriction upon the house of Hanover. Many
members argued against the clause of exemption, because it seemed
to imply, that persons already naturalized would be excluded from
employments in the next reign, though already possessed of the right
of natural-born subjects, a consequence plainly contradictory to the
meaning of the act. Others opposed it, because the lords had already
resolved by a vote, that they would never pass any bill sent up from
the commons, to which a clause foreign to the bill should be tacked;
and this clause they affirmed to be a tack, as an incapacity to hold
employments was a circumstance altogether distinct from a settlement in
money. The queen expressed uncommon eagerness in behalf of this bill;
and the court influence was managed so successfully that it passed
through both houses, though not without an obstinate opposition, and a
formal protest by seven-and-twenty peers.




EARL OF MARLBOROUGH CREATED A DUKE.

The earl of Marlborough arriving in England about the latter end of
November, received the thanks of the commons for his great and signal
services, which were so acceptable to the queen, that she created him
a duke, gratified him with a pension of five thousand pounds upon the
revenue of the post office during his natural life; and in a message
to the commons, expressed a desire that they would find some method to
settle it on the heirs male of his body. This intimation was productive
of warm debates, during which sir Christopher Musgrave observed, that he
would not derogate from the duke’s eminent services; but he affirmed
his grace had been very well paid for them by the profitable employments
which he and his duchess enjoyed. The duke, understanding that the
commons were heated by the subject, begged her majesty would rather
forego her gracious message in his behalf, than create any uneasiness
on his account, which might embarrass her affairs, and be of ill
consequence to the public. Then she sent another message to the house,
signifying that the duke of Marlborough had declined her interposition.
Notwithstanding this declaration, the commons in a body presented an
address, acknowledging the eminent services of the duke of Marlborough,
yet expressing their apprehension of making a precedent to alienate the
revenue of the crown, which had been so much reduced by the exorbitant
grants of the late reign, and so lately settled and secured by her
majesty’s unparalleled grace and goodness. The queen was satisfied with
their apology; but their refusal in all probability helped to alienate
the duke from the tories, with whom he had been hitherto connected.




COMMERCE PROHIBITED BETWEEN HOLLAND, FRANCE, AND SPAIN.

In the beginning of January, the queen gave the house of commons to
understand, that the states-general had pressed her to augment her
forces, as the only means to render ineffectual the great and early
preparations of the enemy. The commons immediately resolved, that ten
thousand men should be hired, as an augmentation of the forces to act
in conjunction with the allies; but on condition that an immediate stop
should be put to all commerce and correspondence with France and Spain
on the part of the states-general. The lords presented an address to the
queen on the same subject, and to the same effect; and she owned
that the condition was absolutely necessary for the good of the whole
alliance. The Dutch, even after the declaration of war, had carried on
a traffic with the French; and at this very juncture Louis found it
impossible to make remittances of money to the elector of Bwaria in
Germany, and to his forces in Italy, except through the channel of
English, Dutch, and Geneva merchants. The states-general, though shocked
at the imperious manner in which the parliament of England prescribed
their conduct, complied with the demand without hesitation, and
published a prohibition of all commerce with the subjects of France and
Spain.




BILL FOR PREVENTING OCCASIONAL CONFORMITY.

The commons of this parliament had nothing more at heart than a bill
against occasional conformity. The tories affected to distinguish
themselves as the only true friends to the church and monarchy; and they
hated the dissenters with a mixture of spiritual and political disgust.
They looked upon these last as an intruding sect, which constituted
great part of the whig faction that extorted such immense sums of
money from the nation in the late reign, and involved it in pernicious
engagements, from whence it had no prospect of deliverance. They
considered them as encroaching schismatics that disgraced and endangered
the hierarchy; and those of their own communion, who recommended
moderation, they branded with the epithets of lukewarm christians,
betrayers, and apostates. They now resolved to approve themselves
zealous sons of the church, by seizing the first opportunity that was in
their power to distress the dissenters. In order to pave the way to
this persecution, sermons were preached, and pamphlets were printed, to
blacken the character of the sect, and inflame the popular resentment
against them. On the fourth day of November, Mr. Bromley, Mr. St. John,
and Mr. Annesley, were ordered by the house of commons to bring in
a bill for preventing occasional conformity. In the preamble, all
persecution for conscience sake was condemned: nevertheless it enacted,
that all those who had taken the sacrament and test for offices of
trust, or the magistracy of corporations, and afterwards frequented
any meeting of dissenters, should be disabled from holding their
employments, pay a fine of one hundred pounds, and five pounds for every
day in which they continued to act in their employment after having been
at any such meeting: they were also rendered incapable of holding any
other employment, till after one whole year’s conformity; and, upon
a relapse, the penalties and time of incapacity were doubled. The
promoters of the bill alleged, that an established religion and national
church were absolutely necessary, when so many impious men pretended to
inspiration, and deluded such numbers of people: that the most effectual
way to preserve this national church, would be the maintenance of the
civil power in the hands of those who expressed their regard to the
church in their principles and practice: that the parliament, by the
corporation and test acts, thought they had raised a sufficient barrier
to the hierarchy, never imagining that a set of men would rise up, whose
consciences would be too tender to obey the laws, but hardened enough
to break them: that, as the last reign began with an act in favour of
dissenters, so the commons were desirous that in the beginning of her
majesty’s auspicious government an act should pass in favour of the
church of England: that this bill did not intrench on the act of
toleration, or deprive the dissenters of any privileges they enjoyed by
law, or add any thing to the legal rights of the church of England: that
occasional conformity was an evasion of the law, by which the dissenters
might insinuate themselves into the management of all corporations: that
a separation from the church, to which a man’s conscience will allow him
occasionally to conform, is a mere schism, which in itself was sinful,
without the superaddition of a temporal law to make it an offence: that
the toleration was intended only for the ease offender consciences, and
not to give a license for occasional conformity: that conforming and
non-conforming were contradictions; for nothing but a firm persuasion
that the terms of communion required are sinful and unlawful, could
justify the one; and this plainly condemns the other. The members
who opposed the bill argued, that the dissenters were generally well
affected to the present constitution: that to bring any real hardship
upon them, or give rise to jealousies and fears at stich a juncture,
might be attended with dangerous consequences; that the toleration had
greatly contributed to the security and reputation of the church, and
plainly proved that liberty of conscience and gentle measures were the
most effectual means for increasing the votaries of the church, and
diminishing the number of dissenters: that the dissenters could not be
termed schismatics without bringing a heavy charge upon the church of
England, which had not only tolerated such schism, but even allowed
communion with the reformed churches abroad: that the penalties of this
bill were more severe than those which the laws imposed on papists,
for assisting at the most solemn act of their religion: in a word, that
toleration and tenderness had been always productive of peace and union,
whereas persecution had never failed to excite disorder and extend
superstition. Many alterations and mitigations were proposed, without
effect. In the course of the debate, the dissenters were mentioned and
reviled with great acrimony; and the bill passed the lower house by
virtue of a considerable majority.

The lords, apprehensive that the commons would tack it to some
money-bill, voted, that the annexing any clause to a money-bill was
contrary to the constitution of the English government, and the usage of
parliament. The bill met with a very warm opposition in the upper house,
where a considerable portion of the whig interest still remained.
These members believed that the intention of the bill was to model
corporations, so as to eject all those who would not vote in elections
for the tories. Some imagined this was a preparatory step towards a
repeal of the toleration; and others concluded that the promoters of the
bill designed to raise such disturbances at home as would discourage the
allies abroad, and render the prosecution of the war impracticable.
The majority of the bishops, and among these Burnet of Sarum, objected
against it on the principles of moderation, and from motives of
conscience. Nevertheless, as the court supported this measure with its
whole power and influence, the bill made its way through the house,
though not without alterations and amendments, which were rejected by
the commons. The lower house pretended, that the lords had no right to
alter any fines and penalties that the commons should fix in bills sent
up for their concurrence, on the supposition that those were matters
concerning money, the peculiar province of the lower house; the lords
ordered a minute inquiry to be made into all the rolls of parliament
since the reign of Henry the Seventh; and a great number of instances
were found, in which the lords had begun the clauses imposing fines and
penalties, altered the penalties which had been fixed by the commons,
and even changed the uses to which they were applied. The precedents
were entered in the books; but the commons resolved to maintain their
point without engaging in any dispute upon the subject. After warm
debates, and a free conference between the two houses, the lords adhered
to their amendments, though this resolution was carried by a majority
of one vote only; the commons persisted in rejecting them; the bill
miscarried, and both houses published their proceedings, by way of
appeal to the nation. [114] _[See note T, at the end of this Vol.]_
A bill was now brought into the lower house, granting another year’s
consideration to those who had not taken the oath abjuring the pretended
prince of Wales. The lords added three clauses, importing, that those
persons who should take the oath within the limited time might return to
their benefices and employments, unless they should be already legally
filled; that any person endeavouring to defeat the succession to the
crown, as now limited by law, should be deemed guilty of high treason;
and that the oath of abjuration should be imposed upon the subjects in
Ireland. The commons made some opposition to the first clause; but
at length the question being put, Whether they should agree to the
amendments, it was carried in the affirmative by one voice.




INQUIRY INTO THE PUBLIC ACCOUNTS.

No object engrossed more time, or produced more violent debates, than
did the inquiry into the public accounts. The commissioners appointed
for this purpose pretended to have made great discoveries. They charged
the earl of Ranelagh, paymaster-general of the army, with flagrant
mismanagement. He acquitted himself in such a manner as screened him
from all severity of punishment; nevertheless, they expelled him from
the house for a high crime and misdemeanor, in misapplying several sums
of the public money; and he thought proper to resign his employment. A
long address was prepared and presented to the queen, attributing the
national debt to mismanagement of the funds; complaining that the old
methods of the exchequer had been neglected; and that iniquitous frauds
had been committed by the commissioners of the prizes. Previous to this
remonstrance, the house, in consequence of the report of the committee,
had passed several severe resolutions, particularly against Charles lord
Halifax, auditor of the receipt of the exchequer, as having neglected
his duty, and been guilty of a breach of trust. For these reasons
they actually besought the queen, in an address, that she would give
directions to the attorney-general to prosecute him for the said
offences; and she promised to comply with their request. On the other
hand, the lords appointed a committee to examine all the observations
which the commissioners of accounts had offered to both houses. They
ascribed the national debt to deficiencies in the funds: they acquitted
lord Halifax, the lords of the treasury, and their officers, whom the
commons had accused; and represented these circumstances in an address
to the queen, which was afterwards printed with the vouchers to every
particular. This difference blew up a fierce flame of discord between
the two houses, which manifested their mutual animosity in speeches,
votes, resolutions, and conferences. The commons affirmed, that no
cognizance the lords could take of the public accounts would enable them
to supply any deficiency, or appropriate any surplusage of the public
money; that they could neither acquit nor condemn any person whatsoever,
upon any inquiry arising originally in their own house; and that their
attempt to acquit Charles lord Halifax was unparliamentary. The lords
insisted upon their right to take cognizance originally of all public
accounts; they affirmed, that in their resolutions, with respect to
lord Halifax, they had proceeded according to the rules of justice. They
owned however that their resolutions did not amount to any judgment
or acquittal; but that finding a vote of the commons reflected upon a
member of their house, they thought fit to give their opinion in their
legislative capacity. The queen interposed by a message to the lords,
desiring they would despatch the business in which they were engaged.
The dispute continued even after this intimation; one conference was
held after another, at length both sides despaired of an accommodation.
The lords ordered their proceedings to be printed, and the commons
followed their example. On the twenty-seventh day of February, the
queen, having passed all the bills that were ready for the royal
assent, ordered the lord-keeper to prorogue the parliament, after having
pronounced a speech in the usual style. She thanked them for their zeal,
affection, and despatch; declared, she would encourage and maintain the
church as by law established; desired they would consider some further
laws for restraining the great license assumed for publishing scandalous
pamphlets and libels; and assured them, that all her share of the
prizes which might be taken in the war, should be applied to the public
service. By this time the earl of Eochester was entirely removed from
the queen’s councils. Finding himself outweighed by the interest of
the duke of Marlborough and lord Godolphin, he had become sullen and
intractable; and, rather than repair to his government of Ireland, chose
to resign the office, which, as we have already observed, was conferred
upon the duke of Ormond, an accomplished nobleman, who had acquired
great popularity by the success of the expedition to Vigo. The parties
in the house of lords were so nearly matched, that the queen, in order
to ascertain an undoubted majority in the next session, created four new
peers, [115] _[See note-J, at the end of this Vol.]_ who had signalized
themselves by the violence of their speeches in the house of commons.


{ANNE, 1701--1714}




DISPUTES BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES OF CONVOCATION.

The two houses of convocation, which were summoned with the parliament,
bore a strong affinity with this assembly, by the different interests
that prevailed in the upper and lower. The last, in imitation of the
commons, was desirous of branding the preceding reign; and it was with
great difficulty that they concurred with the prelates in an address of
congratulation to her majesty. Then their former contest was revived.
The lower house desired, in an application to the archbishop of
Canterbury and his suffragans, that the matters in dispute concerning
the manner of synodical proceedings, and the right of the lower house
to hold intermediate assemblies, might be taken into consideration and
speedily determined. The bishops proposed, that in the intervals of
sessions, the lower house might appoint committees to prepare matters;
and when business should be brought regularly before them, the
archbishop would regulate the prorogations in such a manner, that they
should have sufficient time to sit and deliberate on the subject. This
offer did not satisfy the lower house, which was emboldened to persist
in its demand by a vote of the commons. These, in consequence of an
address of thanks from the clergy, touching Mr. Lloyd, son to the bishop
of Worcester, whom they ordered to be prosecuted after his privilege
as member of the convocation should be expired, had resolved, that they
would on all occasions assert the just rights and privileges of the
lower house of convocation. The prelates refused to depart from the
archbishop’s right of proroguing the whole convocation with consent of
his suffragans. The lower house proposed to refer the controversy to the
queen’s decision. The bishops declined this expedient, as inconsistent
with the episcopal authority, and the presidency of the archbishop. The
lower house having incurred the imputation of favouring presbytery, by
this opposition to the bishops, entered in their books a declaration,
acknowledging the order of bishops as superior to presbyters, and to be
a divine apostolical institution. Then they desired the bishops in an
address to concur in settling the doctrine of the divine apostolical
right of episcopacy, that it might be a standing rule of the church.
They likewise presented a petition to the queen, complaining, that in
the convocation called in the year 1700, after an interruption of
ten years, several questions having arisen concerning the rights
and liberties of the lower house, the bishops had refused a verbal
conference; and afterwards declined a proposal to submit the dispute to
her majesty’s determination; they therefore fled for protection to
her majesty, begging she would call the question into her own royal
audience. The queen promised to consider their petition, which was
supported by the earl of Nottingham; and ordered their council to
examine the affair, how it consisted with law and custom. Whether their
report was unfavourable to the lower house, or the queen was unwilling
to encourage the division, no other answer was made to their address.
The archbishop replied to their request presented to the upper house,
concerning the divine right of presbytery, that the preface to the
form of ordination contained a declaration of three orders of ministers
from the times of the apostles; namely, bishops, priests, and deacons,
to which they had subscribed; but he and his brethren conceived, that
without a royal license, they had not authority to attempt, enact,
promulge, or execute any canon, which should concern either doctrine or
discipline. The lower house answered this declaration in very petulant
terms; and the dispute subsisted when the parliament was prorogued. But
these contests produced divisions through the whole body of the clergy,
who ranged themselves in different factions, distinguished by the names
of high-church and low-church. The first consisted of ecclesiastical
tories; the other included those who professed revolution principles,
and recommended moderation towards the dissenters. The high-church party
reproached the other as time-servers, and presbyterians in disguise; and
were in their turn stigmatized as the friends and abettors of tyranny
and persecution. At present, however, the tories both in church
and state triumphed in the favour of their sovereign. The right of
parliaments, the memory of the late king, and even the act limiting the
succession of the house of Hanover, became the subjects of ridicule.
The queen was flattered as possessor of the prerogatives of the ancient
monarchy; the history written by her grandfather, the earl of Clarendon,
was now for the first time published, to inculcate the principles of
obedience, and inspire the people with an abhorrence of opposition to
an anointed sovereign. Her majesty’s hereditary right was deduced from
Edward the Confessor, and as heir of his pretended sanctity and virtue,
she was persuaded to touch persons afflicted with the king’s evil,
according to the office inserted in the Liturgy for this occasion.




ACCOUNT OF PARTIES IN SCOTLAND.

The change of the ministry in Scotland seemed favourable to the
episcopalians and anti-revolutioners of that kingdom. The earls of
Marchmont, Melvil, Selkirk, Leven, and Hyndford, were laid aside; the
earl of Seafield was appointed chancellor; the duke of Queensberry
and the lord viscount Tarbat, were declared secretaries of state; the
marquis of Annandale was made president of the council, and the earl of
Tullibardin, lord privy-seal. A new parliament having been summoned, the
earl of Seafield employed his influence so successfully, that a great
number of anti-revolutioners were returned as members. The duke of
Hamilton had obtained from the queen a letter to the privy-council in
Scotland, in which she expressed her desire that the presbyterian
clergy should live in brotherly love and communion with such dissenting
ministers of the reformed religion as were in possession of benefices,
and lived with decency, and submission to the law. The episcopal clergy,
encouraged by these expressions in their favour, drew up an address to
the queen, imploring her protection; and humbly beseeching her to allow
those parishes in which there was a majority of episcopal freeholders,
to bestow the benefice on ministers of their principles. This petition
was presented by Dr. Skeen and Dr. Scot, who were introduced by the duke
of Queensberry to her majesty. She assured them of her protection and
endeavours to supply their necessities; and exhorted them to live in
peace and christian love with the clergy, who were by law invested with
the church-government in her ancient kingdom of Scotland. A proclamation
of indemnity having been published in March, a great number of Jacobites
returned from France and other countries, pretended to have changed
their sentiments, and took the oaths, that they might be qualified
to sit in parliament. They formed an accession to the strength of the
anti-revolutioners and episcopalians, who now hoped to out-number the
presbyterians, and outweigh their interest. But this confederacy was
composed of dissonant parts, from which no harmony could be expected.
The presbyterians and revolutioners were headed by the duke of
Argyle. The country party of malcontents, which took its rise from the
disappointments of the Darien settlement, acted under the auspices
of the duke of Hamilton and marquis of Tweedale; and the earl of Hume
appeared as chief of the anti-revolutioners. The different parties who
now united, pursued the most opposite ends. The majority of the country
party were friends to the revolution, and sought only redress of
the grievances which the nation had sustained in the late reign. The
anti-revolutioners considered the accession and government of king
William as an extraordinary event, which they were willing to forget,
believing that all parties were safe under the shelter of her majesty’s
general indemnity. The Jacobites submitted to the queen, as tutrix or
regent for the prince of Wales, whom they firmly believed she intended
to establish on the throne. The whigs under Argyle, alarmed at the
coalition of all their enemies, resolved to procure a parliamentary
sanction for the revolution.




DANGEROUS HEATS IN THE PARLIAMENT.

The parliament being opened on the sixth day of May at Edinburgh, by
the duke of Queensberry as commissioner, the queen’s letter was read, in
which she demanded a supply for the maintenance of the forces, advised
them to encourage trade, and exhorted them to proceed with wisdom,
prudence, and unanimity. The duke of Hamilton immediately offered the
draft of a bill for recognising her majesty’s undoubted right and title
to the imperial crown of Scotland, according to the declaration of
the estates of the kingdom, containing the claim of right. It was
immediately received; and at the second reading, the queen’s advocate
offered an additional clause, denouncing the penalties of treason
against any person who should question her majesty’s right and title to
the crown, or her exercise of the government, from her actual entry
to the same. This, after a long and warm debate, was carried by the
concurrence of the anti-revolutioners. Then the earl of Hume produced
the draft of a bill for the supply; immediately after it was read, the
marquis of Tweedale made an overture, that, before all other business,
the parliament would proceed to make such conditions of government, and
regulations in the constitution of the kingdom, to take place after the
decease of her majesty and the heirs of her body, as should be necessary
for the preservation of their religion and liberty. This overture and
the bill were ordered to lie upon the table; and in the meantime the
commissioner found himself involved in great perplexity. The duke of
Argyle, the marquis of Annandale, and the earl of Marchmont, gave him
to understand in private, that they were resolved to move for an act
ratifying the revolution; and for another confirming the presbyterian
government; that they would insist upon their being discussed before
the bill of supply, and that they were certain of carrying the points at
which they aimed. The commissioner now found himself reduced to a very
disagreeable alternative. There was a necessity for relinquishing all
hope of a supply, or abandoning the anti-revolutioners, to whom he
was connected by promises of concurrence. The whigs were determined to
oppose all schemes of supply that should come from the cavaliers;
and these last resolved to exert their whole power in preventing the
confirmation of the revolution and the presbyterian discipline. He
foresaw that on this occasion the whigs would be joined by the duke of
Hamilton and his party, so as to preponderate against the cavaliers. He
endeavoured to cajole both parties; but found the task impracticable.
He desired in parliament, that the act for the supply might be read,
promising that they should have full time afterwards to deliberate on
other subjects. The marquis of Tweedale insisted upon his overture;
and after warm debates, the house resolved to proceed with such acts as
might be necessary for securing the religion, liberty, and trade of
the nation, before any bill for supply or other business should be
discussed. The marquis of Athol offered an act for the security of the
kingdom, in case of her majesty’s decease; but before it was read,
the duke of Argyle presented his draft of a bill for ratifying the
revolution, and all the acts following thereupon, An act for limiting
the succession after the death of her majesty, and the heirs of her
body, was produced by Mr. Fletcher of Saltoun. The earl of Rothes
recommended another, importing, that after her majesty’s death, and
failing heirs of her body, no person coming to the crown of Scotland,
being at the same time king or queen of England, should as king or queen
of Scotland, have power to make peace or war without the con* sent
of parliament. The earl of Marchmont recited the draft of an act for
securing the true protestant religion and presbyterian government; one
was also suggested by sir Patrick Johnston, allowing the importation of
wines, and other foreign liquors. All these bills were ordered to
lie upon the table. Then the earl of Strath-more produced an act for
toleration to all protestants in the exercise of religious worship. But
against this the general assembly presented a most violent remonstrance;
and the promoters of the bill, foreseeing that it would meet with great
opposition, allowed it to drop for the present. On the third day of
June, the parliament passed the act for preserving the true reformed
protestant religion, and confirming presbyterian church government, as
agreeable to the word of God, and the only government of Christ’s church
within the kingdom. The same party enjoyed a further triumph in the
success of Argyle’s act, for ratifying and perpetuating the first act of
king William’s parliament; for declaring it high treason to disown the
authority of that parliament, or to alter or renovate the claim of right
or any article thereof. This last clause was strenuously opposed; but
at last the bill passed with the concurrence of all the ministry, except
the marquis of Athol and the viscount Tarbat, who began at this period
to correspond with the opposite party.




THE COMMISSIONER IS ABANDONED BY THE CAVALIERS.

The cavaliers thinking themselves betrayed by the duke of Queensberry,
who had assented to these acts, first expostulated with him on his
breach of promise, and then renounced his interest, resolving to
separate themselves from the court, and jointly pursue such measures as
might be for the interest of their party. But of all the bills that were
produced in the course of this remarkable session, that which produced
the most violent altercation was the act of security, calculated to
abridge the prerogative of the crown, limit the successor, and throw
a vast additional power into the hands of the parliament. It was
considered paragraph by paragraph; many additions and alterations were
proposed, and some adopted; inflammatory speeches were uttered; bitter
sarcasms retorted from party to party; and different votes passed on
different clauses. At length, in spite of the most obstinate opposition
from the ministry and the cavaliers, it was passed by a majority of
fifty-nine voices. The commissioner was importuned to give it the royal
assent; but declined answering their entreaties till the tenth day
of September. Then he made a speech in parliament, giving them to
understand that he had received the queen’s pleasure, and was empowered
to give the royal assent to all the acts voted in this session, except
the act for the security of the kingdom. A motion was made to solicit
the royal assent in an address to her majesty; but the question being
put, it was carried in the negative by a small majority. On the sixth
day of the same month, the earl of Marchmont had produced a bill to
settle the succession on the house of Hanover. At first the import of it
was not known; but when the clerk in reading it mentioned the princess
Sophia, the whole house was kindled into a flame. Some proposed that
the overture should be burned; others moved that the earl might be sent
prisoner to the castle; and a general dissatisfaction appeared in the
whole assembly. Not that the majority in parliament were averse to
the succession in the house of Hanover; but they resolved to avoid
a nomination without stipulating conditions; and they had already
provided, in the act of security, that it should be high treason to own
any person as king or queen after her majesty’s decease, until he or she
should take the coronation oath, and accept the terms of the claim of
right, and such conditions as should be settled in this or any ensuing
parliament.




HE IS IN DANGER OF HIS LIFE.

Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, a man of undaunted courage and inflexible
integrity, who professed republican principles, and seemed designed by
nature as a member of some Grecian commonwealth, after having observed
that the nation would be enslaved should it submit, either willingly or
by commission, to the successor of England, without such conditions of
government as should secure them against the influence of an English
ministry, offered the draft of an act, importing, that after the decease
of her majesty, without heirs of her body, no person being successor to
the English throne should succeed to the crown of Scotland but under
the following limitations, which, together with the coronation oath and
claim of right, they should swear to observe: namely, that all offices
and places, civil and military, as well as pensions, should for the
future be conferred by a parliament to be chosen at every Michaelmas
head-court, to sit on the first day of November, and adjourn themselves
from time to time till the ensuing Michaelmas; that they should choose
their own president; that a committee of six-and-thirty members, chosen
out of the whole parliament, without distinction of estates, should,
during the intervals of parliament, be vested, under the king, with the
administration of the government, act as his council, be accountable to
parliament, and call it together on extraordinary occasions. He proposed
that the successor should be nominated by the majority; declaring for
himself that he would rather concur in nominating the most rigid papist
with those conditions, than the truest protestant without them. The
motion was seconded by many members; and though postponed for the
present, in favour of an act of trade under the consideration of
the house, it was afterwards resumed with great warmth. In vain the
lord-treasurer represented that no funds were as yet provided for the
army, and moved for a reading of the act presented for that purpose; a
certain member observed, that this was a very unseasonable juncture to
propose a supply, when the house had so much to do for the security of
the nation; he said they had very little encouragement to grant supplies
when they found themselves frustrated of all their labour and expense
for these several months; and when the whole kingdom saw that supplies
served for no other use but to gratify the warice of some insatiable
ministers. Mr. Fletcher expatiated upon the good consequences that
would arise from the act which he had proposed. The chancellor
answered, that such an act was laying a scheme for a commonwealth,
and tending to innovate the constitution of a monarchy. The ministry
proposed a state of a vote, whether they should first give a reading to
Fletcher’s act or to the act of subsidy. The country party moved that
the question might be, “Overtures for subsidies, or overtures for
liberty.” Fletcher withdrew his act, rather than people should pervert
the meaning of laudable designs. The house resounded with the cry
of “Liberty or Subsidy.” Bitter invectives were uttered against the
ministry. One member said it was now plain the nation was to expect no
other return for their expense and toil than that of being loaded with
a subsidy, and being obliged to bend their necks under the yoke of
slavery, which was prepared for them from that throne; another observed,
that as their liberties were suppressed, so the privileges of parliament
were like to be torn from them; but that he would venture his life in
defence of his birthright, and rather die a free man than live a slave.
When the vote was demanded, and declined by the commissioner, the earl
of Roxburgh declared, that if there was no other way of obtaining so
natural and undeniable a privilege of parliament, they would demand
it with their swords in their hands. The commissioner, foreseeing this
spirit of freedom and contradiction, ordered the foot-guard to be in
readiness, and placed a strong guard upon the eastern gate of the city.
Notwithstanding these precautions, he ran the risk of being torn to
pieces; and, in this apprehension, ordered the chancellor to inform the
house that the parliament should proceed upon overtures for liberty at
their next sitting. This promise allayed the ferment which had begun
to rise. Next day the members prepared an overture, implying, that the
elective members should be chosen for every seat at the Michaelmas head
courts; that a parliament should be held once in two years at least;
that the short adjournments _de die in diem_ should be made by the
parliaments themselves as in England; and that no officer in the army,
customs, or excise, nor any gratuitous pensioner, should sit as an
elective member. The commissioner being apprised of their proceedings,
called for such acts as he was empowered to pass, and having given the
royal assent to them, prorogued the parliament to the twelfth day of
October. [117] _[See note X, at the end of this Vol.]_ Such was the
issue of this remarkable session of the Scottish parliament, in which
the duke of Queensberry was abandoned by the greatest part of the
ministry; and such a spirit of ferocity and opposition prevailed, as
threatened the whole kingdom with civil war and confusion. The queen
conferred titles upon those who appeared to have influence in the nation
[118] _[See note Y, at the end of this Vol.]_ and attachment to her
government, and revived the order of the thistle, which the late king
had dropped.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

Ireland was filled with discontent by the behaviour and conduct of
the trustees for the forfeited estates. The earl of Rochester had
contributed to foment the troubles of the kingdom by encouraging the
factions which had been imported from England. The duke of Ormond was
received with open arms as heir to the virtues of his ancestors, who had
been the bulwarks of the protestant interest in Ireland. He opened the
parliament on the twenty-first day of September, with a speech to both
houses, in which he told them that his inclination, his interest, and
the examples of progenitors, were indispensable obligations upon him to
improve every opportunity to the advantage and prosperity of his native
country. The commons having chosen Allen Broderick to be their speaker,
proceeded to draw up very affectionate addresses to the queen and the
lord lieutenant. In that to the queen they complained that their enemies
had misrepresented them, as desirous of being independent of the crown
of England; they, therefore, to vindicate themselves from such false
aspersions, declared and acknowledged that the kingdom of Ireland was
annexed and united to the imperial crown of England. In order to express
their hatred of the trustees, they resolved, that all the protestant
freeholders of that kingdom had been falsely and maliciously
misrepresented, traduced, and abused, in a book entitled, “The Report
of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Irish Forfeitures;”
 and it appearing that Francis Annesley, member of the house, John
Trenchard, Henry Langford, and James Hamilton, were authors of that
book, they further resolved, that these persons had scandalously and
maliciously misrepresented and traduced the protestant freeholders of
that kingdom, and endeavoured to create a misunderstanding and jealousy
between the people of England and the protestants of Ireland. Annesley
was expelled the house, Hamilton was dead, and Trenchard had returned
to England. They had finished the inquiry before the meeting of this
parliament; and sold at an undervalue the best of the forfeited estates
to the sword-blade company of England. This, in a petition to the Irish
parliament, prayed that heads of a bill be brought in for enabling them
to take conveyance of lands in Ireland; but the parliament was very
little disposed to confirm the bargains of the trustees, and the
petition lay neglected on the table. The house expelled John Asgil, who,
as agent to the sword-blade company, had offered to lend money to the
public in Ireland, on condition that the parliament would pass an act
to confirm the company’s purchase of the forfeited estates. His
constituents disowned his proposal; and when he was summoned to appear
before the house, and answer for his prevarication, he pleaded his
privilege as member of the English parliament. The commons, in a
representation of the state and grievances of the nation, gave her
majesty to understand that the constitution of Ireland had been of
late greatly shaken; and their lives, liberties, and estates, called
in question, and tried in a manner unknown to their ancestors; that
the expense to which they had been unnecessarily exposed by the late
trustees for the forfeited estates, in defending their just rights and
titles, had exceeded in value the current cash of the kingdom; that
their trade was decayed, their money exhausted; and that they were
hindered from maintaining their own manufactures; that many protestant
families had been constrained to quit the kingdom in order to earn a
livelihood in foreign countries; that the want of frequent parliaments
in Ireland had encouraged evil-minded men to oppress the subject; that
many civil officers had acquired great fortunes in that impoverished
country, by the exercise of corruption and oppression; that others,
in considerable employments, resided in another kingdom, neglecting
personal attendance on their duty, while their offices were ill
executed, to the detriment of the public, and the failure of justice.
They declared, that it was from her majesty’s gracious interposition
alone they proposed to themselves relief from those their manifold
grievances and misfortunes. The commons afterwards voted the necessary
supplies, and granted one hundred and fifty thousand pounds to make good
the deficiencies of the necessary branches of the establishment.




A SEVERE ACT PASSED AGAINST PAPISTS.

They appointed a committee to inspect the public accounts, by which
they discovered that above one hundred thousand pounds had been falsely
charged as a debt upon the nation. The committee was thanked by the
house for having saved this sum, and ordered to examine what persons
were concerned in such a misrepresentation, which was generally imputed
to those who acted under the duke of Ormond. He himself was a nobleman
of honour and generosity, addicted to pleasure, and fond of popular
applause; but he was surrounded by people of more sordid principles, who
had ingratiated themselves into his confidence by the arts of adulation.
The commons voted a provision for the half-pay officers; and abolished
pensions to the amount of seventeen thousand pounds a-year, as
unnecessary branches of the establishment. They passed an act settling
the succession of the crown after the pattern set them by England; but
the most important transaction of this session was a severe bill to
prevent the growth of popery. It bore a strong affinity to that which
had passed three years before in England; but contained more effectual
clauses. Among others it enacted, that all estates of papists should be
equally divided among the children, notwithstanding any settlement to
the contrary, unless the person to whom they might be settled should
qualify themselves by taking the oaths, and communicating with the
church of England. The bill was not at all agreeable to the ministry
in England, who expected large presents from the papists, by whom a
considerable sum had been actually raised for this purpose. But as they
did not think proper to reject such a bill while the English parliament
was sitting, they added a clause which they hoped the parliament of
Ireland would refuse: namely, that no persons in that kingdom should be
capable of any employment, or of being in the magistracy of any city,
who did not qualify themselves by receiving the sacrament according
to the test act passed in England. Though this was certainly a great
hardship on the dissenters, the parliament of Ireland sacrificed this
consideration to their common security against the Roman catholics, and
accepted the amendment without hesitation. This affair being discussed,
the commons of Ireland passed a vote against a book entitled, “Memoirs
of the late king James II.” as a seditious libel. They ordered it to
be burned by the hands of the common hangman; and the bookseller and
printer to be prosecuted. When this motion was made, a member informed
the house that in the county of Limerick the Irish papists had begun to
form themselves into bodies, to plunder the protestants of their arms
and money; and to maintain a correspondence with the disaffected in
England. The house immediately resolved, that the papists of the kingdom
still retained hopes of the accession of the person known by the name of
the Prince of Wales in the life-time of the late king James, and now by
the name of James III. In the midst of this zeal against popery and
the pretender, they were suddenly adjourned by the command of the
lord-lieutenant, and broke up in great animosity against that nobleman.
[119] _[See note Z, at the end of this Vol.]_




THE ELECTOR TAKES POSSESSION OF RATISBON.

The attention of the English ministry had been for some time chiefly
engrossed by the affairs of the continent. The emperor agreed with the
allies that his son, the archduke Charles should assume the title of
king of Spain, demand the infanta of Portugal in marriage, and undertake
something of importance, with the assistance of the maritime powers. Mr.
Methuen, the English minister at Lisbon, had already made some progress
in a treaty with his Portuguese majesty; and the court of Vienna
promised to send such an army into the field as would in a little
time drive the elector of Bavaria from his dominions. But they were so
dilatory in their preparations, that the French king broke all their
measures by sending powerful reinforcements to the elector, in whose
ability and attachment Louis reposed great confidence. Mareschal
Villars, who commanded an army of thirty thousand men at Strasburgh,
passed the Rhine and reduced fort Kehl, the garrison of which was
conducted to Philipsburgh. The emperor, alarmed at this event, ordered
count Schlick to enter Bwaria on the side of Saltsburgh, with a
considerable body of forces; and sent another, under count Stirum, to
invade the same electorate by the way of Newmark, which was surrendered
to him after he had routed a party of Bavarians; the city of Amberg met
with the same fate. Meanwhile count Schlick defeated a body of militia
that defended the lines of Saltsburgh, and made himself master of Biedt,
and several other places. The elector assembling his forces near Brenau,
diffused a report that he intended to besiege Passau, to cover which
place Schlick advanced with the greatest part of his infantry, leaving
behind his cavalry and cannon. The elector having by this feint divided
the Imperialists, passed the bridge of Scardingen with twelve thousand
men, and, after an obstinate engagement, compelled the Imperialists to
abandon the field of battle; then he marched against the Saxon troops
which guarded the artillery, and attacked them with such impetuosity
that they were entirely defeated. In a few days after these actions, he
took Newburgh on the Inn by capitulation. He obtained another advantage
over an advanced post of the Imperialists near Burgenfeldt, commanded
by the young prince of Brandenburgh Anspach, who was mortally wounded
in the engagement. He advanced to Batisbon, where the diet of the
empire was assembled, and demanded that he should be immediately put in
possession of the bridge and gate of the city. The burghers immediately
took to their arms, and planted cannon on the ramparts; but when they
saw a battery erected against them, and the elector determined to
bombard the place, they thought proper to capitulate, and comply with
his demands. He took possession of the town on the eighth day of April,
and signed an instrument obliging himself to withdraw his troops as soon
as the emperor should ratify the diet’s resolution for the neutrality of
Ratisbon. Mareschal Villars having received orders to join the elector
at all events, and being reinforced by a body of troops under count
Tallard, resolved to break through the lines which the prince of Baden
had made at Stolhoffen. This general had been luckily joined by eight
Dutch battalions, and received the French army, though double his
number, with such obstinate resolution, that Villars was obliged to
retreat with great loss, and directed his route towards Offingen.
Nevertheless he penetrated through the Black Forest, and effected a
junction with the elector. Count Stirum endeavoured to join prince
Louis of Baden; but being attacked near Schwemmingen, retired under the
cannon of Nortlingen.




THE ALLIES REDUCE BONNE.

The confederates were more successful on the Lower Rhine and in the
Netherlands. The duke of Marlborough crossed the sea in the beginning of
April, and assembling the allied army, resolved that the campaign should
be begun with the siege of Bonne, which was accordingly invested on
the twenty-fourth day of April. Three different attacks were carried
on against this place: one by the hereditary prince of Hesse-Cassel;
another by the celebrated Coehorn; and a third by lieutenant-general
Fagel. The garrison defended themselves vigorously till the fourteenth
day of May, when the fort having been taken by assault, and the breaches
rendered practicable, the marquis d’Alegre, the governor, ordered a
parley to be beat; hostages were immediately exchanged; on the sixteenth
the capitulation was signed; and in three days the garrison evacuated
the place in order to be conducted to Luxembourg. During the siege of
Bonne, the mareschals Boufflers and Villeroy advanced with an army of
forty thousand men towards Tongeren, and the confederate army, commanded
by M. d’Auverquerque, was obliged at their approach to retreat under
the cannon of Maestricht. The enemy having taken possession of Tongeren,
made a motion against the confederate army, which they found already
drawn up in order of battle, and so advantageously posted, that,
notwithstanding their great superiority in point of number, they would
not hazard an attack, but retired to the ground from whence they
had advanced. Immediately after the reduction of Bonne, the duke
of Marlborough, who had been present at the siege, returned to the
confederate army in the Netherlands, now amounting to one hundred and
thirty squadrons, and fifty-nine battalions. On the twenty-fifth day of
May, the duke having passed the river Jecker in order to give battle to
the enemy, they marched with precipitation to Boekwren, and abandoned
Tongeren, after having blown up the walls of the place with gunpowder.
The duke continued to follow them to Thys, where he encamped, while they
retreated to Hannye, retiring as he advanced. Then he resolved to force
their lines: this service was effectually performed by Coehorn, at the
point of Callo, and by baron Spaar, in the county of Waes, near Stoken.
The duke had formed the design of reducing Antwerp, which was garrisoned
by Spanish troops under the command of the marquis de Bedmar. He
intended with the grand army to attack the enemy’s lines on the side of
Louvaine and Mechlin: he detached Coehorn with his flying camp on the
right of the Scheldt towards Dutch Flanders, to amuse the marquis
de Bed-mar on that side; and he ordered the baron Opdam, with twelve
thousand men, to take post between Eckeren and Capelle, near Antwerp,
that he might act against that part of the lines which was guarded by
the Spanish forces.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




BATTLE OF ECKEREN.

The French generals, in order to frustrate the scheme of Marlborough,
resolved to cut off the retreat of Opdam. Boufflers, with a detachment
of twenty thousand men from Villeroy’s army, surprised him at Eckeren,
where the Dutch were put in disorder; and Opdam, believing all was
lost, fled to Breda. Nevertheless, the troops rallying under general
Schlangenburg, maintained their ground with the most obstinate
valour till night, when the enemy was obliged to retire, and left the
communication free with fort Lillo, to which place the confederates
marched without further molestation, having lost about fifteen hundred
men in the engagement. The damage sustained by the French was more
considerable. They were frustrated in their design, and had actually
abandoned the field of battle; yet Louis ordered _Te Deum_ to be sung
for the victory; nevertheless Boufflers was censured for his conduct on
this occasion, and in a little time totally disgraced. Opdam presented
a justification of his conduct to the states-general; but by this
oversight he forfeited the fruits of a long service, during which he
had exhibited repeated proofs of courage, zeal, and capacity. The states
honoured Schlangenburg with a letter of thanks for the valour and
skill he had manifested in this engagement; but in a little time they
dismissed him from his employment on account of his having given umbrage
to the duke of Marlborough, by censuring his grace for exposing such a
small number of men to this disaster. After this action, Villeroy,
who lay encamped near Saint Job, declared he waited for the duke of
Marlborough, who forthwith advanced to Hoogstraat, with a view to give
him battle; but at his approach the French general, setting fire to his
camp, retired within his lines with great precipitation. Then the
duke invested Huy, the garrison of which, after a vigorous defence,
surrendered themselves prisoners of war on the twenty-seventh day of
August. At a council of war held in the camp of the confederates, the
duke proposed to attack the enemies’ lines between the Mehaigne and
Leuwe, and was seconded by the Danish, Hanoverian, and Hessian generals;
but the scheme was opposed by the Dutch officers, and the deputies
of the states, who alleged that the success was dubious, and the
consequences of forcing the lines would be inconsiderable; they
therefore recommended the siege of Limburgh, by the reduction of which
they would acquire a whole province, and cover their own country, as
well as Juliers and Gueldres, from the designs of the enemy. The siege
of Limburgh was accordingly undertaken. The trenches were opened on
the five-and-twentieth day of September, and in two days the place was
surrendered; the garrison remaining prisoners of war. By this conquest
the allies secured the country of Liege, and the electorate of Cologn,
from the incursions of the enemy; before the end of the year they
remained masters of the whole Spanish Guelderland, by the reduction of
Gueldres, which surrendered on the seventeenth day of September, after
having been long blockaded, bombarded, and reduced to a heap of
ashes, by the Prussian general Lottum. Such was the campaign in the
Netherlands, which in all probability would have produced events of
greater importance, had not the duke of Marlborough been restricted by
the deputies of the states-general, who began to be influenced by the
intrigues of the Louvestein faction, ever averse to a single dictator.




PRINCE OF HESSE DEFEATED BY THE FRENCH.

The French king redoubled his efforts in Germany. The duke de Vendôme
was ordered to march from the Milanese to Tyrol, and there join the
elector of Bwaria, who had already made himself master of Inspruck. But
the boors rising in arms, drove him out of the country before he could
be joined by the French general, who was therefore obliged to return
to the Milanese. The Imperialists in Italy were so ill supplied by the
court of Vienna, that they could not pretend to act offensively. The
French invested Ostiglia, which, however, they could not reduce; but the
fortress of Barsillo, in the duchy of Beggio, capitulating after a long
blockade, they took possession of the duke of Modena’s country. The
elector of Bwaria rejoining Villars, resolved to attack count Stirum,
whom prince Louis of Baden had detached from his army. With this view
they passed the Danube at Donawert, and discharged six guns as a signal
for the marquis D’Usson, whom they had left in the camp at Lavingen, to
fall upon the rear of the imperialists, while they should charge them
in front. Stirum no sooner perceived the signal than he guessed the
intention of the enemy, and instantly resolved to attack D’Usson before
the elector and the mareschal should advance. He accordingly charged
him at the head of some select squadrons with such impetuosity, that the
French cavalry were totally defeated; and all his infantry would have
been killed and taken, had not the elector and Villars come up in
time to turn the fate of the day. The action continued from six in the
morning till four in the afternoon, when Stirum, being overpowered by
numbers, was obliged to retreat to Norlin-gen, with the loss of twelve
thousand men, and all his baggage and artillery. In the meantime the
duke of Burgundy, assisted by Tallard, undertook the siege of Old
Brisac, with a prodigious train of artillery. The place was very
strongly fortified, though the garrison was small and ill provided with
necessaries. In fourteen days the governor surrendered the place, and
was condemned to lose his head for having made such a slender defence.
The duke of Burgundy returned in triumph to Versailles, and Tallard was
ordered to invest Landau. The prince of Hesse-Cassel being detached
from the Netherlands for the relief of the place, joined the count of
Nassau-Weilbourg, general of the Palatine forces, near Spires, where
they resolved to attack the French in their lines. But by this time
Mons. Pracon-tal, with ten thousand men, had joined Tallard, and enabled
him to strike a stroke which proved decisive. He suddenly quitted his
lines, and surprised the prince at Spirebach, where the French obtained
a complete victory after a very obstinate and bloody engagement, in
which the prince of Hesse distinguished himself by uncommon marks of
courage and presence of mind. Three horses were successively killed
under him, and he slew a French officer with his own hand. After
incredible efforts, he was fain to retreat with the loss of some
thousands. The French paid dear for their victory, Pracontal having been
slain in the action. Nevertheless they resumed the siege, and the place
was surrendered by capitulation. The campaign in Germany was finished by
the reduction of Augsburg by the elector of Bwaria, who took it in the
month of December, and agreed to its being secured by a French garrison.




TREATY BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE DUKE OF SAVOY.

The emperor’s affairs at this juncture wore a very unpromising aspect.
The Hungarians were fleeced and barbarously oppressed by those to whom
he intrusted the government of their country. They derived courage from
despair. They seized this opportunity, when the emperor’s forces were
divided, and his councils distracted, to exert themselves in defence of
their liberties. They ran to arms under the auspices of prince Ragotzki.
They demanded that their grievances should be redressed, and their
privileges restored. Their resentment was kept up by the emissaries of
France and Bwaria, who likewise encouraged them to persevere in their
revolt, by repeated promises of protection and assistance. The emperor’s
prospect, however, was soon mended by two incidents of very great
consequence to his interest. The duke of Savoy foreseeing how much he
should be exposed to the mercy of the French king, should that monarch
become master of the Milanese, engaged in a secret negotiation with the
emperor, which, notwithstanding all his caution, was discovered by the
court of Versailles. Louis immediately ordered the duke of Vendôme
to disarm the troops of Savoy that were in his army, to the number of
two-and-twenty thousand men; to insist upon the duke’s putting him in
possession of four considerable fortresses; and demand that the number
of his troops should be reduced to the establishment stipulated in the
treaty of 1696. The duke, exasperated at these insults, ordered the
French ambassador, and several officers of the same nation, to be
arrested. Louis endeavoured to intimidate him by a menacing letter, in
which he gave him to understand that since neither religion, honour,
interest, nor alliances, had been able to influence his conduct, the
duke de Vendôme should make known the intentions of the French monarch,
and allow him four-and-twenty hours to deliberate on the measures he
should pursue. This letter was answered by a manifesto: in the meantime
the duke concluded a treaty with the court of Vienna; acknowledged
the archduke Charles as king of Spain; and sent envoys to England and
Holland. Queen Anne, knowing his importance as well as his selfish
disposition, assured him of her friendship and assistance; and both she
and the states sent ambassadors to Turin. He was immediately joined by
a body of imperial horse under Visconti, and afterwards by count
Staremberg, at the head of fifteen thousand men, with whom that general
marched from the Modenese in the worst season of the year, through an
enemy’s country, and roads that were deemed impassable. In vain the
French forces harassed him in his march, and even surrounded him in many
different places on the route: he surmounted all these difficulties with
incredible courage and perseverance, and joined the duke of Savoy at
Canelli, so as to secure the country of Piedmont. The other incident
which proved so favourable to the imperial interest, was a treaty by
which the king of Portugal acceded to the grand alliance. His ministry
perceived that should Spain be once united to the crown of France, their
master would sit very insecure upon his throne. They were intimidated by
the united fleets of the maritime powers, which maintained the empire of
the sea; and they were allured by the splendour of a match between their
infanta and the archduke Charles, to whom the emperor and the king of
the Romans promised to transfer all their pretensions to the Spanish
crown. By this treaty, concluded at Lisbon between the emperor, the
queen of Great Britain, the king of Portugal, and the states-general,
it was stipulated that king Charles should be conveyed to Portugal by a
powerful fleet, having on board twelve thousand soldiers, with a great
supply of money, arms, and ammunition; and that he should be joined
immediately upon his landing by an army of eight-and-twenty thousand
Portuguese.




SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL SAILS WITH A FLEET.

The confederates reaped very little advantage from the naval operations
of this summer. Sir George Rooke cruised in the channel, in order to
alarm the coast of France, and protect the trade of England. On the
first day of July, sir Cloudesley Shovel sailed from St. Helen’s with
the combined squadrons of England and Holland: he directed his course
to the Mediterranean, and being reduced to great difficulty by want
of water, steered to Altea, on the coast of Valentia, where brigadier
Seymour landed, and encamped with five-and-twenty hundred marines. The
admiral published a short manifesto, signifying that he was not come
to disturb but to protect the good subjects of Spain, who should swear
allegiance to their lawful monarch the archduke Charles, and endeavour
to shake off the yoke of France. This declaration produced little or no
effect; and the fleet being watered, sir Cloudesley sailed to Leghorn.
One design of this armament was to assist the Cevennois, who had in the
course of the preceding year been persecuted into a revolt on account of
religion, and implored the assistance of England and the states-general.
The admiral detached two ships into the gulf of Narbonne, with
some refugees and French pilots, who had concerted signals with the
Cevennois; but the mareschal de Montrevil having received intimation of
their design, took such measures as prevented all communication; and the
English captains having repeated their signals to no purpose, rejoined
sir Cloudesley at Leghorn. This admiral, having renewed the peace with
the piratical states of Barbary, returned to England without having
taken one effectual step for annoying the enemy, or attempted any thing
that looked like the result of a concerted scheme for that purpose. The
nation naturally murmured at the fruitless expedition, by which it had
incurred such a considerable expense. The merchants complained that they
were ill supplied with convoys. The ships of war were victualled with
damaged provisions; and every article of the marine being mismanaged,
the blame fell upon those who acted as council to the lord high-admiral.




ADMIRAL GRAYDON’S BOOTLESS EXPEDITION.

Nor were the arms of England by sea much more successful in the West
Indies. Sir George Rooke, in the preceding year, had detached from the
Mediterranean captain Hovenden Walker, with six ships of the line and
transports, having on board four regiments of soldiers, for the
Leeward islands. Being joined at Antigua by some troops under colonel
Codrington, they made a descent upon the island of Guadaloupe,
where they razed the fort, burned the town, ravaged the country, and
reimbarked with precipitation, in consequence of a report that the
French had landed nine hundred men on the back of the island. They
retired to Nevis, where they must have perished by famine, had they
not been providentially relieved by vice-admiral Graydon, in his way
to Jamaica. This officer had been sent out with three ships to succeed
Benbow, and was convoyed about one hundred and fifty leagues by two
other ships of the line. He had not sailed many days when he fell in
with part of the French squadron, commanded by Du Casse, on their return
from the West Indies, very full and richly laden. Captain Cleland, of
the Montagu, engaged the sternmost; but he was called off by a signal
from the admiral, who proceeded on his voyage without taking-further
notice of the enemy. When he arrived at Jamaica, he quarrelled with the
principal planters of the island; and his ships beginning to be crazy,
he resolved to return to England. He accordingly sailed through the
gulf of Florida, with a view to attack the French at Placentia in
Newfoundland; but his ships were dispersed in a fog that lasted thirty
days; and afterwards the council of war which he convoked were of
opinion that he could not attack the settlement with any prospect of
success. At his return to England, the house of lords, then sitting, set
on foot an inquiry into his conduct. They presented an address to the
queen, desiring she would remove him from his employments; and he was
accordingly dismissed. The only exploit that tended to distress the
enemy was performed by rear-admiral Dilkes, who in the month of July
sailed to the coast of France with a small squadron; and, in the
neighbourhood of Granville, took or destroyed about forty ships and
their convoy. Yet this damage was inconsiderable, when compared to that
which the English navy sustained from the dreadful tempest that began
to blow on the twenty-seventh day of November, accompanied with such
flashes of lightning, and peals of thunder, as overwhelmed the whole
kingdom with consternation. The houses in London shook from their
foundations, and some of them falling buried the inhabitants in their
ruins. The water overflowed several streets, and rose to a considerable
height in Westminster-hall. London bridge was almost choked with the
wrecks of vessels that perished in the river. The loss sustained by
the capital was computed at a million sterling; and the city of Bristol
suffered to a prodigious amount; but the chief national damage fell upon
the navy. Thirteen ships of war were lost, together with fifteen hundred
seamen, including rear-admiral Beaumont, who had been employed in
observing the Dunkirk squadron, and was then at anchor in the Downs,
where his ship foundered. This great loss, however, was repaired with
incredible diligence, to the astonishment of all Europe. The queen
immediately issued orders for building a greater number of ships than
that which had been destroyed; and she exercised her bounty for the
relief of the shipwrecked seamen, and the widows of those who were
drowned, in such a manner as endeared her to all her subjects.




CHARLES KING OF SPAIN ARRIVES IN ENGLAND.

The emperor having declared his second son, Charles, king of Spain,
that young prince set out from Vienna to Holland, and at Dusseldorp was
visited by the duke of Marlborough, who, in the name of his mistress,
congratulated him upon his accession to the crown of Spain. Charles
received him with the most obliging courtesy. In the course of their
conversation, taking off his sword he presented it to the English
general, with a very gracious aspect, saying, in the French language,
“I am not ashamed to own myself a poor prince. I possess nothing but my
cloak and sword; the latter may be of use to your grace; and I hope
you will not think it the worse for my wearing it one day.”--“On the
contrary,” replied the duke, “it will always put me in mind of your
majesty’s just right and title, and of the obligations I lie under to
hazard my life in making you the greatest prince in Christendom.” This
nobleman returned to England in October and king Charles embarking for
the same kingdom, under convoy of an English and Dutch squadron, arrived
at Spithead on the twenty-sixth day of December. There he was received
by the dukes of Somerset and Marlborough, who conducted him to Windsor;
and on the road he was met by prince George of Denmark. The queen’s
deportment towards him was equally noble and obliging; and he expressed
the most profound respect and veneration for this illustrious princess.
He spoke but little; yet what he said was judicious; and he behaved
with such politeness and affability, as conciliated the affection of the
English nobility. After having been magnificently entertained for three
days, he returned to Portsmouth, from whence on the fourth of January he
sailed for Portugal, with a great fleet commanded by sir George Rooke,
having on board a body of land forces under the duke of Schomberg. When
the admiral had almost reached Cape Finisterre, he was driven back by
a storm to Spithead, where he was obliged to remain till the middle of
February. Then being favoured with a fair wind, he happily performed the
voyage to Lisbon, where king Charles was received with great splendour,
though the court of Portugal was overspread with sorrow excited by the
death of the infanta, whom the king of Spain intended to espouse. In
Poland all hope of peace seemed to vanish. The cardinal-primate, by
the instigation of the Swedish king, whose army lay encamped in the
neighbourhood of Dantzick, assembled a diet at Warsaw, which solemnly
deposed Augustus, and declared the throne vacant. Their intention was to
elect young Sobieski, son of their late monarch, who resided at Breslau
in Silesia: but their scheme was anticipated by Augustus, who retired
hastily into his Saxon dominions, and seizing Sobieski, with his
brother, secured them as prisoners at Dresden.




CHAPTER VIII.

     _The Commons revive the Bill against occasional
     Conformity..... Conspiracy trumped up by Simon Fraser, Lord
     Lovat..... The Lords present a Remonstrance to the Queen.....
     The Commons pass a Vote in favour of the Karl of
     Nottingham..... Second Remonstrance of the Lords.....
     Further Disputes between the two Houses..... The Queen
     grants the first Fruits and the tenths to the poor
     Clergy..... Inquiry into Naval Affairs..... Trial of
     Lindsay..... Meeting of the Scottish Parliament..... Violent
     Opposition to the Ministry in that Kingdom..... Their
     Parliament pass the Act of Security..... Melancholy Situation
     of the Emperor’s Affairs..... The duke of Marlborough
     marches at the head of the Allied Army into Germany..... He
     defeats the Bavarians at Schellenberg..... Fruitless
     Negotiation with the Elector of Bavaria..... The
     Confederates obtain a complete Victory at Hochstadt..... Siege
     of Landau..... The Duke of Marlborough returns to
     England..... State of the War in different parts of
     Europe..... Campaign in Portugal..... Sir George Rooke takes
     Gibraltar, and worsts the French Fleet in a Battle off
     Malaga..... Session of Parliament in England..... An Act of
     Alienation passed against the Scots..... Manor of Woodstock
     granted to the Duke of Marlborough..... Disputes between the
     two Houses on the Subject of the Aylesbury Constables.....
     The Parliament dissolved..... Proceedings in the Parliament
     of Scotland..... They pass an Act for a Treaty of Union with
     England..... Difference between the Parliament and
     Convocation in Ireland..... Fruitless Campaign on the
     Moselle..... The Duke of Marlborough forces the French lines
     in Brabant..... He is prevented by the Deputies of the States
     from attacking the French Army..... He visits the Imperial
     Court of Vienna..... State of the War on the Upper Rhine, in
     Hungary, Piedmont, Portugal, and Poland..... Sir Thomas
     Dilkes destroys part of the French Fleet, and relieves
     Gibraltar..... The Earl of Peterborough and Sir Cloudesley
     Shovel reduce Barcelona..... The Karl’s surprising Progress
     in Spain..... New Parliament in England..... Bill for a
     Regency in case of the Queen’s Decease..... Debates in the
     House of Lords upon the supposed Danger to which the Church
     was exposed..... The Parliament prorogued..... Disputes in
     the Convocation..... Conferences opened for a Treaty of
     Union with Scotland..... Substance of the Treaty._




BILL AGAINST OCCASIONAL CONFORMITY.

When the parliament met in October, the queen in her speech took notice
of the declaration by the duke of Savoy, and the treaty with Portugal,
as circumstances advantageous to the alliance. She told them, that
although no provision was made for the expedition to Lisbon, and the
augmentation of the land forces, the funds had answered so well, and the
produce of prizes been so considerable, that the public had not run in
debt by those additional services; that she had contributed out of her
own revenue to the support of the circle of Suabia, whose firm adherence
to the interest of the allies deserved her seasonable assistance. She
said, she would not engage in any unnecessary expense of her own, that
she might have the more to spare towards the ease of her subjects. She
recommended despatch and union, and earnestly exhorted them to avoid any
heats or divisions that might give encouragement to the common enemies
of the church and state. Notwithstanding this admonition, and the
addresses of both houses, in which they promised to avoid all divisions,
a motion was made in the house of commons for renewing the bill against
occasional conformity, and carried by a great majority. In the new
draft, however, the penalties were lowered and the severest clauses
mitigated. As the court no longer interested itself in the success of
this measure, the house was pretty equally divided with respect to the
speakers, and the debates on each side were maintained with equal spirit
and ability; at length it passed, and was sent up to the lords, who
handled it still more severely. It was opposed by a small majority of
the bishops, and particularly by Burnet of Sarum, who declaimed against
it as a scheme of the papists to set the church and protestants at
variance. It was successively attacked by the duke of Devonshire, the
earl of Pembroke, the lords Haversham, Mohun, Ferrars, and Wharton.
Prince George of Denmark absented himself from the house; and the
question being put for a second reading, it was carried in the negative;
yet the duke of Marlborough and lord Godolphin entered their dissent
against its being rejected, although the former had positively declared
that he thought the bill unseasonable. The commons having perused a copy
of the treaty with Portugal, voted forty thousand men, including five
thousand marines, for the sea service of the ensuing year; and a like
number of land forces, to act in conjunction with the allies, besides
the additional ten thousand: they likewise resolved, that the proportion
to be employed in Portugal should amount to eight thousand. Sums were
granted for the maintenance of these great armaments, as well as for the
subsidies payable to her majesty’s allies; and funds appointed equal
to the occasion. Then they assured the queen, in an address, that they
would provide for the support of such alliances as she had made, or
should make with the duke of Savoy.




CONSPIRACY OF SIMON FRASER, LORD LOVAT.

At this period the nation was alarmed by the detection of a conspiracy
said to be hatched by the Jacobites of Scotland. Simon Fraser, lord
Lovat, a man of desperate enterprise, profound dissimulation, abandoned
morals, and ruined fortune, who had been outlawed for having ravished a
sister of the marquis of Athol, was the person to whom the plot seems to
have owed its origin. He repaired to the court of St. Germain’s, where
he undertook to assemble a body of twelve thousand highlanders to act in
favour of the pretender, if the court of France would assist them with a
small reinforcement of troops, together with officers, arms, ammunition,
and money. The French king seemed to listen to the proposal; but
as Fraser’s character was infamous, he doubted his veracity. He was
therefore sent back to Scotland with two other persons, who were
instructed to learn the strength and sentiments of the clans,
and endeavour to engage some of the nobility in the design of an
insurrection. Fraser had no sooner returned, than he privately
discovered the whole transaction to the duke of Queensberry, and
undertook to make him acquainted with the whole correspondence between
the pretender and the Jacobites. In consequence of this service he was
provided with a pass, to secure him from all prosecution; and made
a progress through the highlands, to sound the inclination of the
chieftains. Before he set out on this circuit, he delivered to the
duke a letter from the queen dowager at St. Germain’s, directed to the
marquis of Athol: it was couched in general terms, and superscribed in a
different character; so that, in all probability, Fraser had forged the
direction with a view to ruin the marquis, who had prosecuted him for
the injury done to his sister. He proposed a second journey to France,
where he should be able to discover other more material circumstances;
and the duke of Queensberry procured a pass for him to go to Holland
from the earl of Nottingham, though it was expedited tinder a borrowed
name. The duke had communicated his discovery to the queen without
disclosing his name, which he desired might be concealed: her majesty
believed the particulars, which were confirmed by her spies at Paris,
as well as by the evidence of sir John Maclean, who had lately been
convoyed from France to England in an open boat, and apprehended at
Feldstone. This gentleman pretended at first that his intention was to
go through England to his own country, in order to take the benefit of
the queen’s pardon; and this in all probability was his real design;
but being given to understand that he would be treated in England as
a traitor, unless he should merit forgiveness by making important
discoveries, he related all he knew of the proposed insurrection. From
his informations the ministry gave directions for apprehending one
Keith, whose uncle had accompanied Fraser from France, and knew all the
intrigues of the court of St. Germain’s. He declared that there was no
other design on foot, except that of paving the way for the pretender’s
ascending the throne after the queen’s decease. Ferguson, that veteran
conspirator, affirmed that Fraser had been employed by the duke of
Queensberry to decoy some persons whom he hated into a conspiracy, that
he might have an opportunity to effect their ruin; and by the discovery
establish his own credit, which began to totter. Perhaps there was too
much reason for this imputation. Among those who were seized at
this time was a gentleman of the name of Lindsay, who had been
under-secretary to the earl of Middleton. He had returned from France to
Scotland in order to take the benefit of the queen’s pardon, under
the shelter of which he came to England, thinking himself secure from
prosecution. He protested he knew of no designs against the queen or her
government; and that he did not believe she would ever receive the least
injury or molestation from the court of St. Germain’s. The house of
lords having received intimation of this conspiracy, resolved, that
a committee should be appointed to examine into the particulars; and
ordered that sir John Maclean should be next day brought to their house.
The queen, who was far from being pleased with this instance of their
officious interposition, gave them to understand by message, that she
thought it would be inconvenient to change the method of examination
already begun; and that she would in a short time inform the house of
the whole affair. On the seventeenth day of December the queen went to
the house of peers, and having passed the bill for the land-tax, made a
speech to both houses, in which she declared that she had unquestionable
information of ill practices and designs carried on by the emissaries
of France in Scotland. The lords persisting in their resolution to
bring the inquiry into their own house, chose their select committee by
ballot; and, in an address, thanked her majesty for the information she
had been pleased to communicate.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




A REMONSTRANCE PRESENTED TO THE QUEEN.

The commons, taking it for granted that the queen was disobliged at
these proceedings of the upper house--which indeed implied an insult
upon her ministry, if not upon herself--presented an address, declaring
themselves surprised to find that when persons suspected of treasonable
practices were taken into custody by her majesty’s messengers in order
to be examined, the lords, in violation to the known laws of the land,
had wrested them out of her hands, and arrogated the examination solely
to themselves; so that a due inquiry into the evil practices and designs
against her majesty’s person and government, might in a great measure be
obstructed. They earnestly desired that she would suffer no diminution
of the prerogative; and they assured her they would, to the utmost of
their power, support her in the exercise of it at home, as well as in
asserting it against all invasions whatsoever. The queen thanked them
for their concern and assurances; and was not ill pleased at the nature
of the address, though the charge against the peers was not strictly
true; for there were many instances of their having assumed such a
right of inquiry. The upper house deeply resented the accusation. They
declared, that by the known laws and customs of parliament, they had an
undoubted right to take examinations of persons charged with criminal
matters, whether those persons were or were not in custody. They
resolved, That the address of the commons was unparliamentary,
groundless, without precedent, highly injurious to the house of peers,
tending to interrupt the good correspondence between the two houses, to
create an ill opinion in her majesty of the house of peers, of dangerous
consequence to the liberties of the people, the constitution of
the kingdom, and privileges of parliament. They presented a long
remonstrance to the queen, justifying their own conduct, explaining the
steps they had taken, recriminating upon the commons, and expressing the
most fervent zeal, duty, and affection to her majesty. In her answer to
this representation, which was drawn up with elegance, propriety, and
precision, she professed her sorrow for the misunderstanding which had
happened between the two houses of parliament, and thanked them for
the concern they had expressed for the rights of the crown and the
prerogative; which she should never exert so willingly as for the good
of her subjects, and the protection of their liberties.

Among other persons seized on the coast of Sussex on their landing from
France, was one Boucher, who had been aidecamp to the duke of Berwick.
This man, when examined, denied all knowledge of any conspiracy: he
said, that being weary of living so long abroad, and having made some
unsuccessful attempts to obtain a pass, he had chosen rather to cast
himself on the queen’s mercy than to remain longer in exile from
his native country. He was tried and condemned for high treason, yet
continued to declare himself ignorant of the plot. He proved that in
the war of Ireland, as well as in Flanders, he had treated the English
prisoners with great humanity. The lords desisted from the prosecution;
he obtained a reprieve, and died in Newgate. On the twenty-ninth day
of January, the earl of Nottingham told the house that the queen
had commanded him to lay before them the papers containing all the
particulars hitherto discovered of the conspiracy in Scotland; but that
there was one circumstance which could not yet be properly communicated
without running the risk of preventing a discovery of greater
importance. They forthwith drew up and presented an address, desiring
that all the papers might be immediately submitted to their inspection.
The queen said she did not expect to be pressed in this manner
immediately after the declaration she had made; but in a few days the
earl of Nottingham delivered the papers, sealed, to the house, and all
the lords were summoned to attend on the eighth day of February, that
they might be opened and perused. Nottingham was suspected of a design
to stifle the conspiracy. Complaint was made in the house of commons
that he had discharged an officer belonging to the late king James, who
had been seized by the governor of Berwick. A warm debate ensued, and
at length ended in a resolve, That the earl of Nottingham, one of her
majesty’s principal secretaries of state, for his great ability and
diligence in the execution of his office, for his unquestionable
fidelity to the queen and her government, and for his steady adherence
to the church of England as by law established, highly merited the trust
her majesty had reposed in him. They ordered the speaker to present this
resolution to the queen, who said, she was glad to find them so well
satisfied with the earl of Nottingham, who was trusted by her in so
considerable an office. They perused the examinations of the witnesses
which were laid before them, without passing judgment or offering advice
on the subject; but they thanked her majesty for having communicated
those particulars, as well as for her wisdom and care of the nation.
When the lords proceeded with uncommon eagerness in their inquiry, the
lower house, in another address, renewed their complaints against the
conduct of the peers, which they still affirmed was without a precedent.
But this was the language of irritated faction, by which indeed
both sides were equally actuated. The select committee of the lords
prosecuted the inquiry, and founded their report chiefly on the
confession of sir John Maclean, who owned that the court of St.
Germain’s had listened to Lovat’s proposal; that several councils had
been held at the pretender’s court on the subject of an invasion; and
that persons were sent over to sound some of the nobility in Scotland.
But the nature of their private correspondence and negotiation could not
be discovered. Keith had tampered with his uncle to disclose the whole
secret; and this was the circumstance which the queen declined imparting
to the lords until she should know the success of his endeavours, which
proved ineffectual. The uncle stood aloof; and the ministry did not
heartily engage in the inquiry. The house of lords having finished these
examinations, and being warmed with violent debates, voted that there
had been dangerous plots between some persons in Scotland and the
courts of France and St. Germain’s; and that the encouragement for this
plotting arose from the not settling the succession to the crown of
Scotland in the house of Hanover. These votes were signified to the
queen in an address; and they promised, that when the succession should
be thus settled, they would endeavour to promote the union of the two
kingdoms upon just and reasonable terms. Then they composed another
representation in answer to the second address of the commons touching
their proceedings. They charged the lower house with want of zeal in
the whole progress of this inquiry. They produced a great number
of precedents to prove that their conduct had been regular and
parliamentary; and they, in their turn, accused the commons of
partiality and injustice in vacating legal elections. The queen, in
answer to this remonstrance, said, she looked upon any misunderstanding
between the two houses as a very great misfortune to the kingdom;
and that she should never omit anything in her power to prevent all
occasions of them for the future.




DISPUTES BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES.

The lords and commons, animated by such opposite principles, seized
every opportunity of thwarting each other. An action having been brought
by one Matthew Ashby against William White and the other constables of
Aylesbury, for having denied him the privilege of voting in the last
election, the cause was tried at the assizes, and the constables were
cast with damages. But an order was given in the queen’s bench to quash
all the proceedings, since no action had ever been brought on that
account. The cause being moved by writ of error into the house of
lords, was argued with great warmth; at length it was carried by a great
majority, that the order of the queen’s bench should be set aside, and
judgment pronounced according to the verdict given at the assizes. The
commons considered these proceedings as encroaching on their privileges.
They passed five different resolutions, importing, That the commons
of England, in parliament assembled, had the sole right to examine and
determine all matters relating to the right of election of their own
members; that the practice of determining the qualifications of electors
in any court of law would expose all mayors, bailiffs, and returning
officers, to a multiplicity of vexatious suits and insupportable
expenses, and subject them to different and independent jurisdictions,
as well as to inconsistent determinations in the same case, without
relief; that Matthew Ashby was guilty of a breach of privilege, as
were all attorneys, solicitors, counsellors, and sergeants-at-law,
soliciting, prosecuting, or pleading, in any case of the same nature.
These resolutions, signed by the clerk, were fixed upon the gate of
Westminster-hall. On the other hand, the lords appointed a committee
to draw up a state of the case; and, upon their report, resolved, That
every person being wilfully hindered to exercise his right of voting,
might maintain an action in the queen’s courts against the officer by
whom his vote should be refused, to assert his right, and recover damage
for the injury; that an assertion to the contrary was destructive of
the property of the subjects, against the freedom of elections, and
manifestly tended to the encouragement of partiality and corruption;
that the declaring of Matthew Ashby guilty of a breach of privilege of
the house of commons, was an unprecedented attempt upon the judicature
of parliament, and an attempt to subject the law of England to the votes
of the house of commons. Copies of the case, and these resolutions, were
sent by the lord-keeper to all the sheriffs of England, to be circulated
through all the boroughs of their respective counties.




THE QUEEN’S BOUNTY to the POOR CLERGY.

On the seventh day of February, the queen ordered secretary Hedges
to tell the house of commons that she had remitted the arrears of
the tenths to the poor clergy; that she would grant her whole revenue
arising out of the first fruits and tenths, as far as it should become
free from incumbrance, as an augmentation of their maintenance; that if
the house of commons could find any method by which her intentions to
the poor clergy might be made more effectual, it would be an advantage
to the public, and acceptable to her majesty. The commons immediately
brought in a bill enabling her to alienate this branch of the revenue,
and create a corporation by charter, to direct the application of it to
the uses proposed; they likewise repealed the statute of mortmain, so
far as to allow all men to bequeath by will, or grant by deed, any sum
they should think fit to give towards the augmentation of benefices.
Addresses of thanks and acknowledgment from all the clergy of England
were presented to the queen for her gracious bounty; but very little
regard was paid to Burnet, bishop of Sarum, although the queen declared
that prelate author of the project. He was generally hated, either as a
Scot, a low-churchman, or a meddling partisan.




INQUIRY INTO NAVAL AFFAIRS.

In March, an inquiry into the condition of the navy was begun in the
house of lords. They desired the queen in an address to give speedy
and effectual orders that a number of ships, sufficient for the home
service, should be equipped and manned with all possible expedition.
They resolved, that admiral Graydon’s not attacking the four French
ships in the channel, had been a prejudice to the queen’s service, and
a disgrace to the nation; that his pressing men in Jamaica, and his
severity towards masters of merchant vessels and transports, had been
a great discouragement to the inhabitants of that island, as well as
prejudicial to her majesty’s service; and they presented an address
against him, in consequence of which he was dismissed. They examined
the accounts of the earl of Oxford, against which great clamour had been
raised; and taking cognizance of the remarks made by the commissioners
of the public accounts, found them false in fact, ill-grounded, and of
no importance. The commons besought the queen to order a prosecution on
account of ill practices in the earl of Ranelagh’s office; and they
sent up to the lords a bill for continuing the commission on the public
accounts. Some alterations were made in the upper house, especially in
the nomination of commissioners; but these were rejected by the commons.
The peers adhering to their amendments, the bill dropped, and the
commission expired. No other bill of any consequence passed in this
session, except an act for raising recruits, which empowered justices of
the peace to impress idle persons for soldiers and marines. On the third
day of April the queen went to the house of peers, and having made
a short speech on the usual topics of acknowledgment, unity, and
moderation, prorogued the parliament to the fourth day of July. The
division still continued between the two houses of convocation; so that
nothing of moment was transacted in that assembly, except their address
to the queen upon her granting the first fruits and tenths for the
augmentation of small benefices. At the same time, the lower house sent
their prolocutor with a deputation to wait upon the speaker of the house
of commons, to return their thanks to that honourable house for having
espoused the interest of the clergy; and to assure them that the
convocation would pursue such methods as might best conduce to the
support, honour, interest, and security of the church as now by
law established. They sent up to the archbishop and prelates divers
representations, containing complaints, and proposing canons and
articles of reformation; but very little regard was paid to their
remonstrances.




TRIAL OF LINDSAY.

About this period the earl of Nottingham, after having ineffectually
pressed the queen to discard the dukes of Somerset and Devonshire,
resigned the seals. The carl of Jersey and sir Edward Seymour were
dismissed; the earl of Kent was appointed chamberlain, Harley secretary
of state, and Henry St. John secretary of war. The discovery of the
Scottish conspiracy was no sooner known in France, than Louis ordered
Fraser to be imprisoned in the Bastile. In England, Lindsay being
sentenced to die for having corresponded with France, was given to
understand that he had no mercy to expect, unless he would discover
the conspiracy, He persisted in denying all knowledge of any such
conspiracy; and scorned to save his life by giving false information. In
order to intimidate him into a confession, the ministry ordered him
to be conveyed to Tyburn, where he still rejected life upon the terms
proposed; then he was carried back to Newgate, where he remained some
years; at length he was banished, and died of hunger in Holland. The
ministers had been so lukewarm and languid in the investigation of the
Scottish conspiracy, that the whigs loudly exclaimed against them as
disguised Jacobites, and even whispered insinuations, implying, that the
queen herself had a secret bias of sisterly affection for the court of
St. Germain’s. What seemed to confirm this allegation was the disgrace
of the duke of Queensberry, who had exerted himself with remarkable zeal
in the detection; but the decline of his interest in Scotland was the
real cause of his being laid aside at this juncture.

{1704}




THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT.

The design of the court was to procure in the Scottish parliament the
nomination of a successor to the crown, and a supply for the forces,
which could not be obtained in the preceding session. Secretary
Johnston, in concert with the marquis of Tweedale, undertook to carry
these points in return for certain limitations on the successor, to
which her majesty agreed. The marquis was appointed commissioner. The
office of lord-register was bestowed upon Johnston; and the parliament
met on the sixth day of July. The queen, in her letter, expressed her
concern that these divisions should have risen to such a height, as
to encourage the enemies of the nation to employ their emissaries for
debauching her good subjects from their allegiance. She declared her
resolution to grant whatever could in reason be demanded for quieting
the minds of the people. She told them she had empowered the marquis of
Tweedale to give unquestionable proofs of her determination to maintain
the government in church and state, as by law established in that
kingdom; to consent to such laws as should be found wanting for the
further security of both, and for preventing all encroachments for the
future. She earnestly exhorted them to settle the succession in the
protestant line, as a step absolutely necessary for their own peace and
happiness, the quiet and security of all her dominions, the reputation
of her affairs abroad, and the improvement of the protestant
interest through all Europe. She declared that she had authorized the
commissioners to give the royal assent to whatever could be reasonably
demanded, and was in her power to grant, for securing the sovereignty
and liberties of that her ancient kingdom. The remaining part of
the letter turned upon the necessity of their granting a supply, the
discouragement of vice, the encouragement of commerce, and the usual
recommendation of moderation and unanimity.




VIOLENT OPPOSITION TO THE MINISTRY.

The duke of Hamilton presented a resolve, that the parliament would not
name a successor to the crown, until the Scots should have concluded a
previous treaty with England in relation to commerce and other concerns.
This motion produced a warm debate, in the course of which Fletcher of
Saltoun expatiated upon the hardships and miseries which the Scots had
sustained since the union of the two crowns under one sovereign, and the
impossibility of bettering their condition, unless they should take
care to anticipate any design that tended to a continuation of the
same calamities. Another resolve was produced by the earl of Rothes,
importing, that the parliament should proceed to make such limitations
and conditions of the government as might be judged proper for
rectifying the constitution--for vindicating and securing the
sovereignty and independency of the nation; and that then parliament
would take into consideration the other resolve offered by the duke of
Hamilton, for a treaty previous to the nomination of a successor. This
proposal was seconded by the court party, and violent heats ensued. At
length sir James Falconer of Phesdo offered an expedient, which neither
party could refuse with any show of moderation. He suggested a resolve,
that the parliament would not proceed to the nomination of a successor
until the previous treaty with England should be discussed; and that it
would make the necessary limitations and conditions of government before
the successor should be nominated. This joint resolve being put to
the vote, was carried by a great majority. The treaty with England was
neglected, and the affair of the succession consequently postponed. The
duke of Athol moved, that her majesty should be desired to send down the
witnesses and all the papers relating to the conspiracy, that, after due
examination, those who were unjustly accused might be vindicated,
and the guilty punished according to their demerits. The commissioner
declared, that he had already written, and would write again to the
queen on that subject. The intention of the cavaliers was to convict
the duke of Queensberry of malice and calumny in the prosecution of that
affair, that they might wreak their vengeance upon him for that instance
of his animosity, as well as for his having deserted them in the former
session. He found means however to persuade the queen, that such an
inquiry would not only protract the session, but also divert them from
the settlement of the succession, and raise such a ferment as might be
productive of tragical consequences. Alarmed at these suggestions, she
resolved to prevent the examination, and gave no answer to the repeated
applications made by her parliament and ministers. Meanwhile the duke
of Queensberry appeased his enemies in Scotland, by directing all his
friends to join in the opposition.




THEY PASS THE ACT OF SECURITY.

The duke of Hamilton again moved, that the parliament should proceed to
the limitations, and name commissioners to treat with England previous
to all other business, except an act for a land tax of two months
necessary for the immediate subsistence of the forces. The earl of
Marchmont proposed an act to exclude all popish successors; but this was
warmly opposed, as unseasonable, by Hamilton and his party, A bill of
supply being offered by the lord justice Clerk, the cavaliers tacked to
it great part of the act of security, to which the royal assent had been
refused in the former session. Violent debates arose; so that the house
was filled with rage and tumult. The national spirit of independence
had been wrought up to a dangerous pitch of enthusiasm. The streets were
crowded with people of all ranks, exclaiming against English influence,
and threatening to sacrifice as traitors to their country all who
should embrace measures that seemed to favour a foreign interest. The
commissioner and his friends were confounded and appalled. Finding it
impossible to stem the torrent, he, with the concurrence of the other
ministers, wrote a letter to the queen, representing the uncomfortable
situation of affairs, and advising her majesty to pass the bill
encumbered as it was with the act of security. Lord Godolphin, on whose
council she chiefly relied, found himself involved in great perplexity.
The tories had devoted him to destruction. He foresaw that the queen’s
concession to the Scots in an affair of such consequence, would furnish
his enemies with a plausible pretence to arraign the conduct of her
minister; but he chose to run that risk rather than see the army
disbanded for want of a supply, and the kingdom left exposed to an
invasion. He therefore seconded the advice of the Scottish ministers;
and the queen authorized the commissioner to pass the bill that was
depending. The act provided, that in case of the queen’s dying without
issue a parliament should immediately meet and declare the successor to
the crown, different from the person possessing the throne of England,
unless before that period a settlement should be made in parliament of
the rights and liberties of the nation, independent of English councils;
by another clause they were empowered to arm and train the subjects, so
as to put them in a posture of defence. The Scottish parliament having,
by a laudable exertion of spirit, obtained this act of security, granted
the supply without further hesitation; but not yet satisfied with
this sacrifice, they engaged in debates about the conspiracy, and the
proceedings of the house of lords in England, which they termed an
officious intermeddling in their concerns, and an encroachment upon the
sovereignty and independency of the nation, They drew up an address to
the queen, desiring that the evidence and papers relating to the plot
might be subjected to their examination in the next session. Meanwhile,
the commissioner, dreading the further progress of such an ungovernable
ferocity, prorogued the parliament to the seventh day of October.
The act of security being transmitted to England, copies of it were
circulated by the enemies of Godolphin, who represented it as a
measure of that minister; and the kingdom was filled with murmurs and
discontent. People openly declared, that the two kingdoms were now
separated by law so as never to be rejoined. Reports were spread that
great quantities of arms had been conveyed to Scotland, and that the
natives were employed in preparations to invade England. All the blame
of these transactions was imputed to lord Godolphin, whom the tories
determined to attack, while the other party resolved to exert their
whole influence for his preservation; yet, in all probability, he
owed his immediate support to the success of his friend the duke of
Marlborough.




SITUATION OF THE EMPEROR’S AFFAIRS.

Nothing could be more deplorable than the situation to which the emperor
was reduced in the beginning of the season. The malcontents in Hungary
had rendered themselves formidable by their success; the elector of
Bavaria possessed all the places on the Danube as far as Passau, and
even threatened the city of Vienna, which must have been infallibly
lost, had the Hungarians and Bavarians acted in concert. By the advice
of prince Eugene, the emperor implored the assistance of her Britannic
majesty; and the duke of Marlborough explained to her the necessity
of undertaking his relief. This nobleman in the month of January had
crossed the sea to Holland, and concerted a scheme with the deputies
of the states-general for the operations of the ensuing campaign. They
agreed that general Averquerque should lie upon the defensive with a
small body of troops in the Netherlands, while the main army of the
allies should act upon the Rhine, under the command of the duke of
Marlborough. Such was the pretext under which this consummate general
concealed another plan, which was communicated to a few only in whose
discretion he could confide. It was approved by the pensionary and
some leading men, who secured its favourable reception with the
states-general when it became necessary to impart the secret to that
numerous assembly. In the meantime, the preparations were made on
pretence of carrying the war to the banks of the Moselle.




MARLBOROUGH MARCHES WITH THE ALLIED ARMY INTO GERMANY.

In the month of April, the duke, accompanied by his brother general
Churchill, lieutentant-general Lumley, the earl of Orkney, and other
officers of distinction, embarked for Holland, where he had a long
conference with a deputation of the states concerning a proposal of
sending a large army towards the Moselle. The deputies of Zealand
opposed this measure of sending their troops to stich a distance so
strenuously, that the duke was obliged to tell them in plain terms
he had received orders to march thither with the British forces. He
accordingly assembled his army at Maestricht, and on the eight day of
May began his march into Germany. The French imagined his intention was
to begin the campaign with the siege of Traerbach, and penetrate into
France along the Moselle. In this persuasion they sent a detachment to
that river, and gave out that they intended to invest Huy, a pretence
to which the duke paid no regard. He continued his route by Bedburgh,
Kerpenord, Kalsecken; he visited the fortifications of Bonne, where he
received certain advice that the recruits and reinforcements for the
French army in Bavaria had joined the elector at Villigen. He redoubled
his diligence, passed the Neckar on the third of June, and halted at
Ladenburgh; from thence he wrote a letter to the states-general, giving
them to understand that he had the queen’s orders to march to the relief
of the empire, and expressing his hope that they would approve the
design, and allow their troops to share the honour of the expedition By
the return of a courier he received their approbation, and full power
to command their forces He then proceeded to Mildenheim, where he was
visited by prince Eugene; and these two great men, whose talents were
congenial, immediately contracted an intimacy of friendship, Next day
prince Louis of Baden arrived in the camp at Great Hippach, He told
the duke, his grace was come to save the empire, and to give him an
opportunity of vindicating his honour, which he knew was at the last
stake in the opinion of some people. The duke replied he was come to
learn of him how to serve the empire: that they must be ignorant indeed
who did not know that the prince of Baden, when his health permitted
him, had preserved the empire and extended its conquests.

Those three celebrated generals agreed that the two armies should join,
that the command should be alternately vested in the duke and prince
Louis from day to day, and that prince Eugene should command a separate
army on the Rhine, Prince Louis returned to his army on the Danube,
prince Eugene set out for Philipsburgh; the duke of Marlborough being
joined by the imperial army under prince Louis of Baden at Wastertellen,
prosecuted his march by Elchingen, Gingen, and Landthaussen. On
the first day of July he was in sight of the enemy’s entrenchments at
Dillingen, and encamped with his right at Amerdighem, and his left at
Onderin-gen. Understanding that the elector of Bavaria had detached the
best part of his infantry to reinforce the count D’Arco, who was posted
behind strong lines at Schellenberg near Donawert, he resolved to attack
their entrenchments without delay On the second day of July he advanced
towards the enemy, and passed the river Wermitz; about five o’clock in
the afternoon the attack was begun by the English and Dutch infantry,
supported by the horse and dragoons. They were very severely handled,
and even obliged to give way, when prince Louis of Baden marching up
at the head of the imperialists to another part of the line, made a
diversion in their favour. After an obstinate resistance they forced
the entrenchments, and the horse entering with the infantry, fell so
furiously upon the enemy, already disordered, that they were routed with
great slaughter. They fled with the utmost trepidation to Donawert and
the Danube, leaving six thousand men dead on the field of battle, The
confederates took sixteen pieces of cannon, thirteen pairs of colours,
with all the tents and baggage. Yet the victory was dearly purchased;
some thousands of the allies were slain in the attack, including many
gallant officers, among whom were the generals Goor and Beinheim,
and count Stirum was mortally wounded. Next day the Bavarian garrison
abandoned Donawert, of which the confederates took immediate possession,
while the elector passed the Danube in his march to the river Leche,
lest the victors should cut off his retreat to his own country. The
confederates having crossed the Danube on several bridges of pontoons,
a detachment was sent to pass the Leche, and take post in the country of
the elector, who had retired under the cannon of Augsburgh. The garrison
of Neuburgh retiring to Ingoldstadt, the place was secured by the
confederates, and the count de Frize was detached with nine battalions
and fifteen squadrons to invest the town of Rain. Advice arriving from
prince Eugene that the mareschals Villeroy and Tallard had passed the
Rhine at Fort Kehl, with an army of five-and-forty thousand men, to
succour the elector of Bavaria, the generals of the allies immediately
detached prince Maximilian of Hanover with thirty squadrons of horse as
a reinforcement to the prince. In a few days Rain surrendered, and Aicha
was taken by assault. The emperor no sooner received a confirmation of
the victory of Schellenberg, than he wrote a letter of acknowledgment
to the duke of Marlborough, and ordered count Wratislau to intimate his
intention of investing him with the title of prince of the empire, which
the duke declined accepting until the queen interposed her authority at
the desire of Leopold.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




FRUITLESS NEGOTIATION WITH THE ELECTOR.

The allies advanced within a league of Augsburgh, and though they found
the elector of Bavaria too securely posted under the cannon of that city
to be dislodged or attacked with any prospect of success, they encamped
with Friedburgh in the centre, so as to cut off all communication
between him and his dominions. The duke of Marlborough having reduced
him to this situation, proposed very advantageous terms of peace,
provided he would abandon the French interest, and join the imperialists
in Italy. His subjects seeing themselves at the mercy of the allies,
pressed him to comply with these offers rather than expose his country
to ruin and desolation. A negotiation was begun, and he seemed ready to
sign the articles, when hearing that mareschal Tallard had passed the
Black Forest to join him with a great body of forces, he declared that
since the king of France had made such powerful efforts to support him,
he thought himself obliged in honour to continue firm in his alliance.
The generals of the allies were so exasperated at this disappointment,
that they sent out detachments to ravage the country of Bavaria as far
as Munich: upwards of three hundred towns, villages, and castles were
inhumanly destroyed, to the indelible disgrace of those who countenanced
and conducted such barbarbous practices. The elector, shocked at these
brutal proceedings, desired, in a letter to the duke of Marlborough,
that a stop might be put to acts of violence so opposite to true glory.
The answer he received implied, that it was in his own power to put
an end to them by a speedy accommodation. Incensed at this reply, he
declared that since they had obliged him to draw the sword, he
would throw away the scabbard. The duke and prince Louis finding it
impracticable to attack the elector in his strong camp, resolved to
undertake the siege of Ingoldstadt, and for that purpose passed the Paer
near the town of Schrobbenhausen, where they encamped, with their left
at Closterburgh. On the fifth day of August the elector of Bavaria
marched to Biberach, where he was joined by Tallard. He resolved to pass
the Danube at Lawingen to attack prince Eugene, who had followed the
French army from the lines of Bichi, and lay encamped at Hochstadt.
Next day, however, he made a motion that disappointed the enemy.
Nevertheless, they persisted in their design of passing the Danube and
encamping at Blenheim. The allies resolved that prince Louis should
undertake the siege of Ingoldstadt, whilst prince Eugene and the duke
should observe the elector of Bavaria. Advice being received that he had
actually crossed the Danube at Lawingen, the duke of Marlborough joined
the forces of prince Eugene at the camp of Munster on the eleventh day
of August, prince Louis having by this time marched off towards the
place he intended to besiege. Next day the duke of Marlborough and
prince Eugene observed the posture of the enemy, who were advantageously
posted on a hill near Hochstadt, their right being covered by the Danube
and the village of Blenheim, their left by the village of Lutzengen, and
their front by a rivulet, the banks of which were steep, and the bottom
marshy.




THE CONFEDERATES OBTAIN A COMPLETE VICTORY AT HOCHSTADT.

Notwithstanding these difficulties, the generals resolved to attack them
immediately, rather than lie inactive until their forage and provisions
should be consumed. They were moreover stimulated to this hazardous
enterprise by an intercepted letter to the elector of Bavaria, from
mareschal Villeroy, giving him to understand that he had received orders
to ravage the country of Wirtem-berg, and intercept all communication
between the Rhine and the allied army. The dispositions being made for
the attack, and the orders communicated to the general officers, the
forces advanced into the plain on the thirteenth day of August, and
were ranged in order of battle. The cannonading began about nine in
the morning, and continued on both sides till one in the afternoon. The
French and Bavarians amounted to about sixty thousand men, Mareschal
Tallard commanded on the right, and posted twenty-seven battalions, with
twelve squadrons, in the village of Blenheim, supposing that there the
allies would make their chief effort: their left was conducted by the
elector of Bavaria, assisted by Marsin, a French general of experience
and capacity. The number of the confederates did not exceed fifty-five
thousand: their right was under the direction of prince Eugene, and
their left commanded by the duke of Marlborough. At noon the battle was
begun by a body of English and Hessians under major-general Wilkes, who
having passed the rivulet with difficulty, and filed off to the left
in the face of the enemy, attacked the village of Blenheim with great
vigour; but were repulsed after three successive attempts. Meanwhile the
troops in the centre, and part of the right wing, passed the rivulet
on planks in different places, and formed on the other side without any
molestation from the enemy. At length, however, they were charged by the
French horse with such impetuosity, and so terribly galled in flank by
the troops posted at Blenheim, that they fell in disorder, and part of
them repassed the rivulet; but a reinforcement of dragoons coming up,
the French cavalry were broke in their turn, and driven to the very
hedges of the village of Blenheim. The left wing of the confederates
being now completely formed, ascended the hill in a firm compacted body,
charged the enemy’s horse, which could no longer stand their ground,
but rallied several times as they gave way. Tallard, in order to make a
vigorous effort, ordered ten battalions to fill up the intervals of his
cavalry. The duke, perceiving his design, sent three battalions of the
troops of Zell to sustain his horse. Nevertheless, the line was a little
disordered by the prodigious fire from the French infantry, and even
obliged to recoil about sixty paces: but the confederates advancing to
the charge with redoubled ardour, routed the French horse; and their
battalions being thus abandoned, were cut in pieces. Tallard, having
rallied his broken cavalry behind some tents that were still standing,
resolved to draw off the troops he had posted in the village of
Blenheim, and sent an aidecamp to Marsdin, who was with the elector of
Bavaria on the left, to desire he would face the confederates with some
troops to the right of the village of Oberklau, so as to keep them in
play, and favour the retreat of the forces from Blenheim. That officer
assured him he was so far from being in a condition to spare troops,
that he could hardly maintain his ground. The fate of the day was now
more than half decided. The French cavalry being vigorously attacked
in flank, were totally defeated. Part of them endeavoured to gain the
bridge which they had thrown over the Danube between Hochstadt and
Blenheim, but they were so closely pursued, that those who escaped the
slaughter threw themselves into the river, where they perished. Tallard,
being surrounded, was taken near a mill behind the village of Sonderen,
together with the marquis de Montperouz, general of horse, the
major-generals de Seppeville, de Silly, de la Valiere, and many other
officers of distinction. While these occurrences passed on the loft
wing, Marsin’s quarters at the village of Oberklau, in the centre, were
attacked by ten battalions under the prince of Holsteinbeck, who passed
the rivulet with undaunted resolution; but before he could form his men
on the other side, he was overpowered by numbers, mortally wounded,
and taken prisoner. His battalions being supported by some Danish and
Hanoverian cavalry, renewed the charge, and were again repulsed: at
length the duke of Marlborough in person brought up some fresh squadrons
from the body of reserve, and compelled the enemy to retire. By this
time prince Eugene had obliged the left wing of the enemy to give
ground, after having surmounted a great number of difficulties,
sustained a very obstinate opposition, and seen his cavalry, in which
his chief strength seemed to lie, three times repulsed. The duke of
Marlborough had no sooner defeated the right wing, than he made a
disposition to reinforce the prince, when he understood from an aidecamp
that his highness had no occasion for assistance; and that the elector,
with monsieur de Mar-sin, had abandoned Oberklau and Luteingen. They
were pursued as far as the villages of Morselingen and Teissenhoven,
from whence they retreated to Dillingen and Lawingen. The confederates
being now masters of the field of battle, surrounded the village of
Blenheim, in which, as we have already observed, twenty-seven battalions
and twelve squadrons were posted. These troops seeing themselves cut off
from all communication with the rest of their army, and despairing of
being able to force their way through the allies, capitulated about
eight in the evening, laid down their arms, delivered their colours and
standards, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war, on condition
that the officers should not be rifled. This was one of the most
glorious and complete victories that ever was obtained. Ten thousand
French and Bavarians were left dead on the field of battle: the greater
part of thirty squadrons of horse and dragoons perished in the river
Danube: thirteen thousand were made prisoners: one hundred pieces of
cannon were taken, with twenty-four mortars, one hundred and twenty-nine
colours, one hundred and seventy-one standards, seventeen pair of
kettle-drums, three thousand six hundred tents, thirty-four coaches,
three hundred laden mules, two bridges of boats, fifteen pontoons,
fifteen barrels and eight casks filled with silver. Of the allies, about
four thousand five hundred men were killed, and about eight thousand
wounded or taken. The loss of the battle was imputed to two capital
errors committed by Tallard; namely, his weakening the centre by
detaching such a number of troops to the village of Blenheim, and his
suffering the confederates to pass the rivulet, and form unmolested.
Certain it is, these circumstances contributed to the success of the
duke of Marlborough, who rode through the hottest of the fire with the
calmest intrepidity, giving his orders with that presence of mind and
deliberation which were so peculiar to his character. When he next day
visited Tallard, he told that general he was sorry such a misfortune
should happen personally to one for whom he had a profound esteem. The
mareschal congratulated him on having vanquished the best troops in the
world; a compliment to which the duke replied, that he thought his own
the best troops in the world, seeing they had conquered those upon whom
the mareschal had bestowed such an encomium.




SIEGE OF LANDAU.

The victorious generals having by this decisive stroke saved the house
of Austria from entire ruin, and entirely changed the face of affairs
in the empire, signified their opinion to prince Louis of Baden, that it
would be for the advantage of the common cause to join all their forces
and drive the French out of Germany, rather than lose time at the
siege of Ingoldstadt, which would surrender of course. This opinion was
confirmed by the conduct of the French garrison at Augsburg, who quitted
that place on the sixteenth day of August. The magistrates sent a
deputation, craving the protection of the duke of Marlborough, who
forthwith ordered a detachment to take possession of that important
city. The duke having sent mareschal de Tallard under a guard
of dragoons to Frankfort, and disposed of the other prisoners of
distinction in the adjacent places, encamped at Sefillingen, within half
a league of Ulm. Here he held a conference with the princes Eugene
and Louis of Baden, in which they agreed that, as the enemy retreated
towards the Bhine, the confederate army should take the same rout,
excepting three-and-twenty battalions and some squadrons to be left for
the siege of Ulm, under general Thungen. They began their march on
the twenty-sixth day of August, by different routes, to the general
rendezvous at Bruschal near Philipsburgh. Then they resolved that prince
Louis of Baden should undertake the siege of Landau, in order to secure
the circle of Suabia from the incursions of that garrison. Considering
the consternation that prevailed all over France, nothing could be more
impolitic than this measure, which gave the enemy time for recollection,
and recruiting their forces. It was a proposal on which the prince
of Baden insisted with uncommon obstinacy. He was even suspected of
corruption: he was jealous of the glory which the duke of Marlborough
had acquired, and such a bigoted papist, that he repined at the
success of an heretical general. On the twelfth day of September he
marched towards Landau with the troops destined for the siege; and the
duke of Marlborough, with prince Eugene, encamped at Croon Weissenburgh
to cover the enterprise. By this time Ulm had surrendered to Thungen,
even before the trenches were opened. Villeroy advanced with his army
towards Landau, as if he had intended to attack the confederates; but
retired without having made any attempt for the relief of the place,
which was defended with the most obstinate valour till the twenty-third
day of November, when the besiegers having lodged themselves on the
counterscarp, the breaches being practicable, and the dispositions
made for a general assault, the garrison capitulated upon honourable
conditions. The king of the Romans had arrived in the camp, that he
might have the credit of taking the place, the command of which he
bestowed on the count de Frize, who had before defended it with equal
courage and ability.




MARLBOROUGH RETURNS TO ENGLAND.

The next enterprise which the confederates undertook was the siege of
Traerbach. The hereditary prince of Hesse-Cassel, being intrusted with
the direction of the attacks, invested the castle in the beginning of
November. Though it was strongly fortified and well defended, he carried
on his operations with such spirit and assiduity, that in about six
weeks the garrison surrendered the place on honourable terms. In the
meantime the duke of Marlborough repaired to Berlin, where he negotiated
for a reinforcement of eight thousand Prussians, to serve under prince
Eugene in Italy during the next campaign. Thence he proceeded to the
court of Hanover, where, as in all other places, he was received with
particular marks of distinction. When he arrived at the Hague, he was
congratulated by the states-general on his victories at Schellenberg and
Blenheim, and as much considered in Holland as if he had been actually
stadt-holder. He had received a second letter from the emperor couched
in the warmest terms of acknowledgment, and was declared prince of the
empire. In December he embarked for England, where he found the people
in a transport of joy, and was welcomed as a hero who had retrieved the
glory of the nation.




STATE OF THE WAR IN EUROPE.

In Flanders nothing of moment was executed, except the bombardment of
Bruges and Namur by baron Spaar, with nine thousand Dutch troops; and
two attempts upon the French lines, which were actually penetrated by
Auverquerque, though he was not able to maintain the footing he had
gained. The elector of Bavaria, who had retired to Brussels after his
defeat, formed a scheme for surprising the Dutch general at the end of
the campaign, and assembled all his troops at Tirlemont: but the French
court, apprehensive of his temerity, sent Villeroy to watch his conduct,
and prevent his hazarding an engagement, except with a fair prospect of
advantage. The mareschal finding him determined to give battle at all
events, represented the improbability of succeeding against an enemy
so advantageously posted; and the ill consequences of a repulse: but
finding the elector deaf to all his remonstrances, he flatly refused to
march, and produced the king’s order to avoid an engagement. In Italy
the French met with no opposition. The duke of Savoy, being unable to
face the enemy in the field, was obliged to lie inactive. He saw the
duke de Vendome reduce Vercelli and Ivrea, and undertake the siege of
Verac; while he posted his little army on the other side of the Po, at
Crescentino, where he had a bridge of communication by which he supplied
the place occasionally with fresh troops and provisions. The place
held out five months against all the efforts of the French general: at
length, the communication being cut off, the duke of Savoy retired to
Chivas. He bore his misfortunes with great equanimity, and told the
English minister that though he was abandoned by the allies, he would
never abandon himself. The emperor had neglected Italy that he might act
with more vigour against Ragotzki and the Hungarian malcontents,
over whom he obtained several advantages; notwithstanding which they
continued formidable, from their number, bravery, and resolution. The
ministers of the allies pressed Leopold to enter into a negotiation for
a peace with those rebels, and conferences were opened; but he was
not sincerely disposed to an accommodation, and Ragotzki aimed at the
principality of Transylvania, which the court of Vienna would not easily
relinquish. The emperor was not a little alarmed by a revolution at the
Ottoman porte, until the new sultan despatched a chiaus to Vienna, with
an assurance that he would give no assistance to the malcontents of
Hungary. In Poland, the diet being assembled by the cardinal-primate,
Stanislaus Lezinski, palatine of Posnania, was elected and proclaimed
king, and recognised by Charles of Sweden, who still maintained his army
by contributions in that country, more intent upon the ruin of Augustus
than upon the preservation of his own dominions; for he paid no regard
to the progress of the Muscovites, who had ravaged Livonia, reduced
Narva, and made incursions into Sweden. Augustus retreated into his
Saxon dominions, which he impoverished in order to raise a great army
with which he might return to Poland; the pope espoused the interest of
this new convert, so far as to cite the cardinal-primate to appear at
Rome, and give an account of the share he had in the Polish troubles.
The protestants of the Cevennois, deriving courage from despair, became
so troublesome to the government of France, that Louis was obliged to
treat them with lenity: he sent mareschal Villars against them with
a fresh reinforcement, but at the same time furnished him with
instructions to treat for an accommodation. This officer immediately
commenced a negotiation with Cavalier, the chief of the revolters; and a
formal treaty was concluded, by which they were indulged with liberty
of conscience: but these articles were very ill observed by the French
ministry.




CAMPAIGN IN PORTUGAL.

In Portugal, the interest of king Charles wore a very melancholy aspect.
When he arrived at Lisbon, he found no preparations made for opening
the campaign. The Portuguese ministry favoured the French in secret; the
people were averse to heretics; the duke of Schom-berg was on ill terms
with Fagel, the Dutch general; the Portuguese forces consisted of raw
undisciplined peasants; and the French ambassador had bought up the
best horses in the kingdom; so that the troopers could not be properly
mounted. The king of Portugal had promised to enter Spain with Charles
by the middle of May; but he was not ready till the beginning of June,
when they reached Santaran. By this time they had published their
respective manifestoes; Charles displaying his title to the crown of
Spain, and promising pardon to all his subjects who would in three
months join his army; and the king of Portugal declaring, that his sole
aim in taking up arms was to restore liberty to the Spanish nation,
oppressed by the power of France, as Avell as to assert the right of
Charles to that monarchy. The present possessor, whom they mentioned by
the name of the duke of Anjou, had already anticipated their invasion.
His general, the duke of Berwick, entering Portugal, took the town
of Segura by stratagem. The governor of Salvaterra surrendered at
discretion; Cebreros was reduced without much opposition; Zode-bre was
abandoned by the inhabitants; and the town of Lhana la Viella was taken
by assault. Portugal was at the same time invaded in different parts by
the marquis de Jeoffreville, prince Tserclas de Tilly, and the marquis
de Villadarias. Two Dutch battalions were attacked and taken by the duke
of Berwick at Sodreira Formosa. Then he passed the Tagus, and joined
prince Tserclas. King Philip arriving in the army, invested Portalegre;
and the garrison, including an English regiment of foot commanded by
colonel Stanhope, were made prisoners of war. The next place he besieged
was Castel Davide, which met with the same fate. On the other hand,
the marquis Das Minas, in order to make a diversion, entered Spain
with fifteen thousand men, took Feuenta Grimaldo in Castile, by assault,
defeated a body of French and Spaniards commanded by Don Ronquillo, and
made himself master of Manseinto. The weather growing excessively hot,
Philip sent his troops into quarters of refreshment; and the allies
followed his example. Duke Schomberg finding his advice very little
regarded by the Portuguese ministry, and seeing very little prospect of
success, desired leave to resign his command, which the queen bestowed
upon the earl of Galway, who, with a reinforcement of English and Dutch
troops, arrived at Lisbon on the thirtieth day of July. About the latter
end of September, the two kings repaired to the camp near Almeida,
resolving to invade Castile; but they found the river Aguada so well
guarded by the duke of Benvick, that they would not attempt a passage.
They therefore retired into the territories of Portugal, and the army
was put into winter quarters. The Spaniards were now so weakened by
detachments sent with the marquis de Villadarias towards Gibraltar, that
the duke of Berwick could not execute any scheme of importance during
the remaining part of the campaign.




SIR GEORGE KOOKE TAKES GIBRALTAR.

The arms of England were not less fortunate by sea than they had been
upon the Danube. Sir George Rooke having landed king Charles at Lisbon,
sent a squadron to cruise off Cape Spartell, under the command of rear
admiral Dilkes, who on the twelfth of March, engaged and took three
Spanish ships of war, bound from St. Sebastian’s to Cadiz. Rooke
received orders from the queen to sail to the relief of Nice and Villa
Franca, which were threatened with a siege by the duke de Vendôme; at
the same time he was pressed by king Charles to execute a scheme upon
Barcelona, projected by the prince of Hesse d’Armstadt, who declared his
opinion, that the Catalonians would declare for the house of Austria,
as soon as they should be assured of proper support and protection.
The ministry of England understanding that the French were employed in
equipping a strong squadron at Brest, and judging it was destined to act
in the Mediterranean, sent out sir Cloudesley Shovel with a considerable
fleet, to watch the motions of the Brest squadron; and he was provided
with instructions how to act, in case it should be sailed to the
Mediterranean. Meanwhile, sir George Rooke, in compliance with the
entreaties of King Charles, sailed with the transports under his convoy
to Barcelona, and on the eighteenth of May appeared before the city.
Next day the troops were landed by the prince of Hesse, to the number
of two thousand, and the Dutch ketches bombarded the place; but by this
time the governor had secured the chiefs of the Austrian party; and the
people exhibiting no marks of attachment to king Charles, the prince
re-embarked his soldiers, from an apprehension of their being attacked
and overpowered by superior numbers. On the sixteenth day of June, sir
George Rooke, being joined by sir Cloudesley Shovel, resolved to proceed
up the Mediterranean in quest of the French fleet, which had sailed
thither from Brest, and which Rooke had actually discovered, in the
preceding month, on their voyage to Toulon. On the seventeenth day of
July the admiral called a council of war in the road of Tetuan, when
they resolved to make an attempt upon Gibraltar, which was but slenderly
provided with a garrison. Thither they sailed, and on the twenty-first
day of the month the prince of Hesse landed on the isthmus with eighteen
hundred marines; then he summoned the governor to surrender, and was
answered, that the place would be defended to the last extremity. Next
day the admiral gave orders for cannonading the town; perceiving that
the enemy were driven from their fortifications at the south mole-head,
he commanded captain Whi-taker to arm all the boats, and assault that
quarter. The captains Hicks and Juniper, who happened to be nearest the
mole, immediately manned their pinnaces, and entered the fortifications
sword in hand. The Spaniards sprung a mine, by which two lieutenants,
and about a hundred men were killed or wounded. Nevertheless, the two
captains took possession of a platform, and kept their ground until they
were sustained by captain Whi-taker, and the rest of the seamen, who
took by storm a redoubt between the mole and the town. Then the governor
capitulated; and the prince of Hesse entered the place, amazed at the
success of this attempt, considering the strength of the fortifications,
which might have been defended by fifty men against a numerous army.

A sufficient garrison being left with his highness, the admiral returned
to Tetuan to take in wood and Water; and when he sailed, on the ninth
day of August, he descried the French fleet, to which he gave chase with
all the sail he could spread. On the thirteenth he came up with it,
as it lay in a line off Malaga ready to receive him, to the number
of two-and-fifty great ships, and four-and-twenty galleys, under the
command of the count de Tholouse, high-admiral of France, with the
inferior flags of the white and blue divisions. The English fleet
consisted of three-and-fifty ships of the line, exclusive of frigates,
but they were inferior to the French in number of guns and men, as well
as in weight of metal, and altogether unprovided with galleys, from
which the enemy reaped great advantage during the engagement. A little
after ten in the morning the battle began, with equal fury on both
sides, and continued to rage with doubtful success till two in the
afternoon, when the van of the French gave way; nevertheless, the fight
was maintained till night, when the enemy bore away to leeward. The wind
shifting before morning, the French gained the weather-gage; but they
made no use of this advantage; for two successive days the English
admiral endeavoured to renew the engagement, which the count de Tholouse
declined, and at last he disappeared. The loss was pretty equal on both
sides, though not a single ship was taken or destroyed by either; but
the honour of the day certainly remained with the English. Over and
above the disadvantages we have enumerated, the bottoms of the British
fleet were foul, and several large ships had expended all their shot
long before the battle ceased; yet the enemy were so roughly handled,
that they did not venture another engagement during the whole war.
The French king, in order to raise the drooping spirits of his people,
claimed the victory, and published an account of the action, which, at
this distance of time, plainly proves that he was reduced to the
mean shift of imposing upon his subjects, by false and partial
representations. Among other exaggerations in this detail, we find
mention made of mischief done to French ships by English bombs; though
nothing is more certain than that there was not one bomb vessel in the
combined fleet. The French academy, actuated by a servile spirit of
adulation, caused a medal to be struck on the occasion, which, instead
of perpetuating the glory of their prince, served only to transmit their
own shame to posterity. After the battle, sir George Rooke sailed to
Gibraltar to refit, and leaving a squadron with sir John Leake, set sail
for England on the twenty-fourth day of August. He arrived in September,
and was received by the ministry, and the people in general, with those
marks of esteem and veneration which were due to his long services and
signal success; but he was still persecuted with a spirit of envy and
detraction. Philip king of Spain, alarmed at the reduction of Gibraltar,
sent the marquis de Villadarias with an army to retake it. The siege
lasted four months, during which the prince of Hesse exhibited many
shining proofs of courage and ability. The place was supplied with men
and provisions by convoys from Lisbon, until monsieur de Pointis put a
stop to that communication, by entering the bay with a strong squadron;
but he was obliged to retire at the approach of sir John Leake and
admiral Vanderdussen; and the marquis de Villadarias, having made
little or no progress on land, thought proper to abandon the enterprise.




SESSION OF PARLIAMENT IN ENGLAND.

The parliament of England meeting on the twenty-ninth day of October,
the queen in her speech, observed, that the great and remarkable
success with which God had blessed her arms, produced unanimous joy
and satisfaction through all parts of the kingdom; and that a timely
improvement of the present advantages would enable her to procure a
lasting foundation of security for England, as well as a firm support
for the liberty of Europe. She declared her intention was to be kind and
indulgent to all her subjects. She expressed her hope that they would do
nothing to endanger the loss of this opportunity; and that there would
be no contention among them, but an emulation to promote the public
welfare. Congratulatory addresses were voted and presented by both
houses. They were equal in their professions of duty and affection to
the queen; but the addresses imbibed a very different colour from the
different sanctions by which the two houses were influenced. The lords
congratulated her on the great and glorious success of her arms under
the command of the duke of Marlborough, without deigning to mention sir
George Rooke, who had defeated the French navy at sea, and added the
important fortress of Gibraltar to the British conquests. On the other
hand, the commons affected to mention the battle of Blenheim, and
Rooke’s naval victory, as events of equal glory and importance. However
they might be warped by prejudice against individuals, they did not
suffer the war to languish for want of supplies. Having taken into
consideration the services of the army and navy, they voted that the
queen should be desired to bestow her bounty on the seamen and land
forces who had behaved themselves so gallantly. Then they deliberated
upon the different articles of national expense, and granted four
millions six hundred and seventy thousand nine hundred and thirty-one
pounds, for the occasion’s of the ensuing year, to be raised by a land
tax, by the sale of annuities, and other expedients. These measures were
taken with such expedition, that the land tax received the royal assent
on the ninth day of December; when the queen, in a short speech, thanked
the commons for their despatch, which she considered a sure pledge of
their affection.




AN ACT OF ALIENATION PASSED.

The high church party took this occasion to promote the bill against
occasional conformity, which was revived and brought into the house in
a new model by Mr. William Bromley, who moved that it might be tacked to
the land-tax bill, and sent up to the lords for their concurrence.
The court no longer espoused this measure, and the violent party was
weakened by defection. After a warm and tedious debate, the tack was
rejected by a great majority. The bill, however, passed the house of
commons, and was sent up to the lords on the fourteenth day of December,
when it would hardly have excited a debate had not the queen been
present, and desirous of hearing what could be said on both sides of
the question. For the information and satisfaction of her majesty the
subject was again discussed, and all the arguments being repeated,
the bill was rejected by a majority of one-and-twenty voices. The next
subject on which the house of lords employed their attention, was the
late conduct of the Scottish parliament. The lord Haversham, in a set
speech, observed, that the settlement of the succession in Scotland had
been postponed, partly because the ministry for that kingdom were weak
and divided; partly from a received opinion that the succession was
never sincerely and cordially intended by those who managed the
affairs of Scotland in the cabinet-council. He expatiated on the bad
consequences that might attend the act of security, which he styled a
bill of exclusion, and particularly mentioned that clause by which the
heritors and boroughs were ordained to exercise their fencible men every
month. He said the nobility and gentry of Scotland were as learned and
brave as any nation in Europe, and generally discontented: that the
common people were very numerous, very stout, and very poor; and he
asked who was the man that could tell what such a multitude, so armed,
and so disciplined, might do under such leaders could opportunities suit
their intention. He recommended these circumstances to the consideration
of the house, and concluded with these words of Lord Bacon, “Let men
beware how they neglect or suffer matter of troubles to be prepared,
for no man can forbid the sparks that may set all on fire.” The lords
resolved to consider these subjects on the twenty-ninth day of November,
when the queen repaired to the house of peers to hear the debates,
and by her presence moderate the heat of both parties. The earl of
Nottingham reflected so severely on the memory of king William, that he
would have been sent to the Tower, had not the lords declined any such
motion out of respect to her majesty. After much declamation on the
Scottish act of security, the grand committee of the peers, by the
advice of lord Wharton, resolved that the queen should be enabled by
act of parliament on the part of England, to name commissioners to treat
about an union with Scotland, provided that the parliament of Scotland
should first appoint commissioners on their part for the same purpose;
that no Scotsmen should enjoy the privileges of Englishmen, except such
as were settled in England, Ireland, and the plantations, and such as
were or might be in the sea or land service, until an union could be
effected, or the succession settled as in England: that the traffic
by cattle from Scotland to England should be prevented: that the lord
admiral should issue orders for taking such vessels as should be found
trading from Scotland to France, or to the ports of any of her majesty’s
enemies: and that care should be taken to prevent the exportation of
English wool into Scotland. On these resolutions a bill was formed for
an entire union, and passed the house on the twentieth day of December.
The lords presented an address to the queen, representing that they had
duly weighed the dangerous and pernicious effects that were likely to
be produced by divers acts of parliament lately passed in Scotland: that
they were of opinion the safety of the kingdom required that speedy
and effectual orders should be given to put Newcastle in a posture of
defence, to secure the port of Tynemouth, and repair the fortifications
of Hull and Carlisle. They likewise advised her majesty to give
directions for disciplining the militia of the four northern counties;
for providing them with arms and ammunition; for maintaining a competent
number of regular troops on the northern borders of England, as well as
in the north of Ireland; and for putting the laws in execution against
papists. The queen promised that a survey should be made of the places
they had mentioned, and laid before parliament, and that she would give
the necessary directions upon the other articles of the address. The
commons seemed to concur with the lords in their sentiments of the
Scottish act of security. They resolved that a bill should be brought
in for the effectual securing the kingdom of England from the apparent
dangers that might arise from several acts lately passed in the
parliament of Scotland, and this was formed on nearly the same
resolutions which had been taken in the upper house. The bill sent down
by the lords was thrice read, and ordered to lie on the table, but they
passed their own, to take effect at Christmas, provided before that time
the Scots should not settle the succession. When it was offered to the
lords they passed it without any amendment, contrary to the expectation
and even to the hope of some members who were no friends to the house of
Hanover, and firmly believed the lords would have treated this bill with
the same contempt which had been manifested for that which they had sent
down to the commons.

The duke of Marlborough, at his first appearance in the house after
his return to England, was honoured with a very extraordinary eulogium,
pronounced by the lord-keeper, in the name of the peers of England; and
a compliment of the same nature was presented to him by a committee
of the house of commons. Doctor Delaune, vice-chancellor of Oxford,
accompanied by the principal members of the University, attended the
queen with an address of congratulation upon the success of her arms in
Germany, under the admirable conduct and invincible courage of the duke
of Marlborough; and at sea, under the most brave and faithful admiral
sir George Booke. He received a civil answer from her majesty, though
now she took umbrage at Booke’s being raised upon a level with the duke
of Marlborough, whose great victories had captivated her administration,
and whose wife had alienated her affection from the tories. The commons
perceiving how high he stood in her majesty’s esteem, and having been
properly tutored for the purpose, took into consideration the great
services of the duke; and, in an address, besought her majesty to
consider some proper means to perpetuate the memory of such noble
actions. In a few days she gave them to understand, by a message that
she was inclined to grant the interest of the crown in the honour and
manor of Woodstock and hundred of Wooton, to the duke of Marlborough and
his heirs; and that as the lieutenancy and rangership of the parks, with
the rents and profits of the manors and hundreds, were granted for
two lives, she wished that incumbrance could be removed. A bill was
immediately brought in, enabling the queen to bestow these honours
and manors on the duke of Marlborough and his heirs, and the queen was
desired to advance the money for clearing the incumbrances. She not only
complied with this address, but likewise ordered the comptroller of her
works to build in Woodstock-park a magnificent palace for the duke, upon
a plan much more solid than beautiful. By this time sir George Rooke was
laid aside, and the command of the fleet bestowed upon sir Cloudesley
Shovel, now declared rear-admiral of England. Mareschal de Tallard, with
the other French generals taken at Hochstadt, arrived on the sixteenth
of December in the river Thames, and were immediately conveyed to
Nottingham and Lichfield, attended by a detachment of the royal regiment
of horse guards. They were treated with great respect, and allowed the
privilege of riding ten miles around the places of their confinement.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




DISAGREEMENT ON THE SUBJECT OF THE AYLESBURY CONSTABLES.

While the house of commons, in two successive addresses, thanked the
queen for the treaty which the duke of Marlborough had concluded with
Prussia concerning the troops to be sent to the duke of Savoy, and
desired she would use her interest with the allies that they might next
year furnish their complete proportions of men by sea and land; the
lords examined into all the proceedings at sea and all the instructions
of the admiralty, and presented an address to the queen, explaining all
the different articles of mismanagement. She promised to consider them
particularly, and give such directions upon them as might be most for
the advantage of the public service. The remaining part of the session
was consumed in disputes and altercations between the two houses on
the subject of the Aylesbury constables, who were sued by five other
inhabitants for having denied them the right of voting at the election.
These five persons were committed to Newgate by order of the house of
commons. They moved for a _habeas-corpus_ in the King’s Bench, but
the court would take no cognizance of the affair. Two of the prisoners
petitioned the queen that their case might be brought before her majesty
in parliament. The commons, in an address, besought the queen to
refuse granting a writ of error in this case, which would tend to the
overthrowing the undoubted rights and privileges of the commons of
England. She assured them she would not do any thing to give them just
cause of complaint, but this matter relating to the course of judicial
proceedings being of the highest importance, she thought it necessary to
weigh and consider very carefully what might be proper for her to do in
a thing of so great concern. They voted all the lawyers, who had pleaded
on the return of the _habeas-corpus_ in behalf of the prisoners, guilty
of a breach of privilege, and ordered them to be taken into custody.
They likewise ordered the prisoners to be removed from Newgate into the
custody of their serjeant-at-arms, lest they should have been discharged
by the queen’s granting writs of error. The prisoners, finding
themselves at the mercy of the exasperated commons, petitioned the lords
for relief. The upper house passed six different resolutions against the
conduct of the commons, as being an obstruction to justice, and contrary
to Magna Charta. The lower house demanded a conference, in which they
insisted upon the sole right of determining elections: they affirmed
that they only could judge who had a right of voting, and that they
were judges of their own privileges, in which the lords could not
intermeddle.




THE PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED.

The upper house demanded a free conference, which proved ineffectual.
New resolutions were taken by the commons, diametrically opposite to
those of the peers; who, on the other hand, attended the queen with
along representation of all the particulars relating to this affair.
They affirmed that the proceedings of the house of commons against
the Aylesbury men, were wholly new and unprecedented: that it was the
birthright of every Englishman, who apprehended himself injured, to seek
for redress in her majesty’s courts of justice: that if any power could
control this right, and prescribe when he should, and when he should
not, be allowed the benefit of the laws, he ceased to be a freeman, and
his liberty and property were precarious. They requested, therefore,
that no consideration whatever should prevail with her majesty to suffer
an obstruction to the known course of justice, but that she would be
pleased to give effectual orders for the immediate issuing of the writs
of error. The queen assured them that she would have complied with their
request, but finding an absolute necessity for putting an immediate end
to the session, she knew there could be no further proceedings on that
matter. On the very day, which was the fourteenth of March, she went to
the house of lords and passed the bills that were ready for the royal
assent. Then she thanked the parliament for having despatched the public
business: she warned them to avoid the fatal effects of animosity and
dissension: and ordered the lord keeper to prorogue them to Thursday
the first of May; but on the fifth of April they were dissolved by
proclamation, and another was published for calling a new parliament.
The queen, accompanied by the prince of Denmark, made an excursion to
Newmarket, and afterwards dined by invitation with the university of
Cambridge, where she conferred the honour of knighthood upon Dr. Ellis
the vice-chancellor, upon James Montague, counsel for the University,
and upon the celebrated Isaac Newton, mathematical professor. The two
houses of convocation still continued at variance. The lower house
penned petulant representations, and the archbishop answered them by
verbal reprehension and admonition. The tory interest was now in the
wane. The duke of Buckinghamshire was deprived of the privy-seal, and
that office conferred on the duke of Newcastle, a nobleman of powerful
influence with the whig party. The earl of Montague was created marquis
of Mounthermer and duke of Montague; the earl of Peterborough and lord
Cholmondeley were chosen of the privy-council; and lord Cutts was sent
to command the troops in Ireland under the duke of Ormond.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT.

The ministry of Scotland was now entirely changed. The marquis of
Tweedale and Johnston having been found unequal to the undertaking, were
dismissed. The duke of Queensberry resumed the management of affairs
in that kingdom under the title of lord privy-seal, and the office of
commissioner was conferred upon the young duke of Argyle, who succeeded
to his father’s influence among the presbyterians. He was a nobleman
possessed of good natural talents, which had not been neglected; candid,
open, and sincere; brave, passionate, and aspiring; had he been endued
with a greater share of liberality, his character would have been truly
heroic. At this juncture he was instructed to procure an act of the
Scottish parliament, settling the protestant succession, or to set on
foot a treaty for the union of the two kingdoms. At the opening of the
session in June, the members were divided into three parties, namely,
the cavaliers or Jacobites, the revolutioners, the squadrone volante, or
flying squadron, headed by the marquis of Tweedale, who disclaimed the
other two factions, and pretended to act from the dictates of conscience
alone. The parliament was adjourned to the third day of July, when her
majesty’s letter was read, earnestly recommending the settlement of the
succession in the protestant line, and an act for a commission to treat
of an union between the two kingdoms. The marquis of Annandale proposed
that the parliament should proceed on the limitations and conditions
of government: that a committee should be appointed to consider the
condition of the coin and the commerce of the nation. The earl of Mar
moved that the house would, preferable to all other business, consider
the means for engaging in a treaty with England. After a long debate
they resolved to proceed on the coin and the commerce. Schemes for
supplying the nation with money by a paper credit were presented by Dr.
Hugh Chamberlain and John Law, but rejected. The house resolved that
any kind of paper credit, by the circulation of bills, was an improper
expedient, and appointed a council to put the laws relating to trade in
execution. The duke of Hamilton proposed that the parliament should not
proceed to the nomination of a successor until the treaty with England
should be discussed, and the limitations settled. This proposal being
approved, a draft of an answer to her majesty’s letter was presented by
the marquis of Tweedale. Two different forms of an act for a treaty
with England were offered by the earl of Mar and the marquis of Lothian:
others were produced concerning the elections of officers of state, and
the regulation of commerce.

{1705}




ACT PASSED FOR A TREATY OF UNION.

The chief aim of the cavaliers was to obstruct the settlement of the
succession, and with that view they pressed the project of limitations,
to which they knew the court would never assent. A motion being made
to grant the first reading to an act of commission for a treaty with
England, the duke of Hamilton insisted on the limitations, and a vote
being stated in these terms, “Proceed to consider the act for a treaty
of limitation,” the latter was carried in favour of the cavaliers. On
the twenty-second day of August an act for this purpose was approved;
and next day an act for a triennial parliament, which the courtiers
were enabled to defeat. They likewise passed an act, ordaining, that the
Scottish ambassadors representing Scotland should be present when the
sovereign might have occasion to treat with foreign princes and states,
and be accountable to the parliament of Scotland. Fletcher of Saltoun,
presented a scheme of limitations that savoured strongly of republican
principles. He afterwards enlarged upon every article, endeavouring to
prove that they were absolutely necessary to prevent the consequences
of English influence; to enable the nation to defend its rights and
liberties; to deter ministers of state from giving bad advice to their
sovereign; to preserve the courts of judicature from corruption, and
screen the people from tyranny and oppression. The earl of Stair having
argued against these limitations, Fletcher replied, “It is no wonder he
opposed the scheme; for, had such an act subsisted, his lordship would
have been hanged for the bad counsel he had given to king James; for the
concern he had in the massacre of Glencoe; and for his conduct since the
revolution.” The next subject on which the parliament deliberated was
the conspiracy. A motion being made that the house might know what
answer the queen had returned to their address in the last session, the
chancellor delivered to the clerk register the papers relating to the
plot, that they might be perused by the members: but these being copies,
and the evidences remaining at London, no further progress was made
in the affair. Yet the duke of Athol, in a distinct narrative of the
pretended conspiracy, boldly accused the duke of Queensberry of having
endeavoured to mislead the queen by false accusations against her good
subjects. When the act for a treaty of union fell under consideration, a
draft for that purpose, presented by the earl of Mar, was compared with
the English act, importing, that the queen should name and appoint not
only the commissioners for England, but likewise for Scotland.

Fletcher did not fail to inveigh against the imperious conduct of the
English parliament in this affair. He exhorted the house to resent such
treatment, and offered the draft of an address to her majesty on the
subject, but this the house rejected. Duke Hamilton proposed that a
clause might be added to the act, importing, that the union should
nowise derogate from any fundamental laws, ancient privileges, offices,
rights, liberties, and dignities of the Scottish nation. This occasioned
a long debate; and a question being put, was carried in the negative.
Another clause was proposed, that the Scottish commissioners should not
begin to treat until the English parliament should have rescinded their
clause enacting that the subjects of Scotland should be adjudged and
taken as aliens after the twenty-fifth day of December. The courtiers,
considering the temper of the house, would not venture to oppose this
motion directly, but proposed that the clause should be formed into a
separate act, and the expedient was approved. Though the Duke of Athol
entered a vigorous protest, to which the greater part of the cavaliers
and all the squadrone adhered, comprehending four-and-twenty peers,
seven-and-thirty barons, and eighteen boroughs, the act for the treaty
of union was, after much altercation, finished, empowering commissioners
to meet and treat of an union; but restraining them from treating of any
alterations of the church government as by law established. Whilst this
important subject was under consideration, the duke of Hamilton, to
the amazement of his whole party, moved that the nomination of the
commissioners should be left to the queen. Fourteen or fifteen of the
cavaliers ran out of the house in a transport of indignation, exclaiming
that they were deserted and basely betrayed by the duke of Hamilton.
A very hot debate ensued, in the course of which the duke was severely
handled by those whom he had hitherto conducted: but at length the
question being put whether the nomination should be left to the queen
or to the parliament, the duke’s motion was approved by a very small
majority. He afterwards excused himself for his defection, by saying he
saw it was in vain to contend, and that since the court had acquired a
great majority, he thought he might be allowed to pay that compliment to
his sovereign. He was desirous of being in the commission, and the duke
of Argyle promised he should be nominated. The queen refusing to honour
him with that mark of distinction, Argyle would not suffer himself to
be named, and threatened to oppose the union, but means were found to
appease his resentment. Two drafts of an address being presented by the
earl of Sutherland and Fletcher of Saltoun, beseeching her majesty to
use her endeavours with the parliament of England to rescind that part
of their act which declared the subjects of Scotland aliens; and
an overture of a bill being offered, ordaining that the Scottish
commissioners should not enter upon the treaty of union until that
clause should be repealed; the courtiers moved that the parliament
should proceed by way of order to their commissioners, and by address
to her majesty. After some debate, the house assenting to this proposal,
the order and address was drawn up and approved. The great and weighty
affair of the treaty being at length happily transacted, though not
without a protest by Athol and his adherents, the parliament granted
a supply of fifty thousand pounds, and the house was adjourned to the
twentieth day of December; then the queen declaring the earl of Mar
secretary of state in the room of the marquis of Annandale, who was
appointed lord president of the council.




DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENT AND CONVOCATION IN IRELAND.

In Ireland, the parliament met at Dublin on the fifth day of March,
and voted one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for the support of the
necessary branches of the establishment. A dispute arose between the
commons and the lower house of convocation, relating to the tithes
of hemp and flax, ascertained in a clause of a bill for the better
improvement of the hempen and flaxen manufactures of the kingdom. The
lower house of convocation presented a memorial against this clause as
prejudicial to the rights and properties of the clergy. The commons
voted the person who brought it in guilty of a breach of privilege,
and ordered him to be taken into custody. Then they resolved that the
convocation were guilty of a contempt and breach of the privilege of
that house. The convocation presuming to justify their memorials, the
commons voted that all matters relating to it should be razed out of
the journals and books of convocation. The duke of Ormond, dreading the
consequences of such heats, adjourned the parliament to the first day
of May, when the houses meeting again, came to some resolutions that
reflected obliquely on the eon-vocation as enemies to her majesty’s
government and the protestant succession. The clergy, in order to acquit
themselves of all suspicion, resolved in their turn that the church
and nation had been happily delivered from popery and tyranny by king
William at the revolution: that the continuance of these blessings were
due, under God, to the auspicious reign and happy government of her
majesty queen Anne: that the future security and preservation of the
church and nation depended wholly, under God, on the succession of the
crown as settled by law in the protestant line: that if any clergyman
should by word or writing declare anything in opposition to these
resolutions, they should look upon him as a sower of divisions among
the protestants, and an enemy to the constitution. They levelled another
resolution against the presbyterians, importing, that to teach or to
preach against the doctrine, government, rites, or ceremonies of the
church, or to maintain schools or seminaries for the education of
youth, in principles contrary to those of the established church, was
a contempt of the ecclesiastical laws of the kingdom; of pernicious
consequence; and served only to continue and widen the unhappy schisms
and divisions in the nation. In June the parliament was prorogued to the
same month of the following year: then the duke of Ormond embarked for
England, leaving the administration in the hands of sir Richard Cox,
lord chancellor, and lord Cutts, the commander-in-chief of the queen’s
forces, who were appointed lords-justices during the duke’s absence.




CAMPAIGN ON THE MOSELLE.

During these transactions in Great Britain and Ireland, the allies had
not been remiss in their preparations for the ensuing campaign. The duke
of Marlborough had fixed upon the Moselle for the scene of action; and
magazines of all sorts were formed at Triers. On the thirteenth day
of March the duke embarked for Holland, where he prevailed upon the
states-general to contribute their troops for the execution of his
project. Having concerted with the deputies of the states and the Dutch
generals the necessary measures for opening the campaign, he set out for
Maestricht in order to assemble his army. On the fifth day of May the
emperor Leopold died at Vienna, and was succeeded on the imperial throne
by his eldest son Joseph, king of the Romans, a prince who resembled his
father in meekness of disposition, narrowness of intellect, and bigotry
to the Romish religion. On the fifteenth of June the English troops
passed the Maese, and continued their march towards the Moselle, under
the command of general Churchill; and the duke set out for Cruetznach,
to confer with prince Louis of Baden, who excused himself on pretence
of being much indisposed. Marlborough visited him at Castadt, where in
a conference they resolved that a sufficient number of German troops
should be left for the security of the lines of Lauterburg and
Stolhoffen, under the command of general Thungen, and that prince Louis
of Baden should march with a large detachment towards the Saar, to act
in concert with the duke of Marlborough. The confederate army passed the
Moselle and the Saar in the beginning of June, and encamped at Elft in
sight of the enemy, who retired with great precipitation, and intrenched
themselves in the neighbourhood of Coningsmarcheren. The duke’s design
was to besiege Saar-Louis; but prince Louis failed in the performance
of his engagement: he feigned himself sick, and repaired to the bath at
Schlangenbacle, leaving the small number of imperial troops he conducted
as far as Cruetznach, under the command of the count de Frize. He was
suspected of treachery; but probably acted from envy of the duke’s
military reputation.*

     * The duke of Marlborough finding himself obliged to
     retreat, sent a note with a trumpeter to Villars, containing
     an apology for decamping:--“Do me the justice, said he, to
     believe that my retreat is entirely owing to the failure of
     the prince of Baden; but that my esteem for you is still
     greater than my resentment of his conduct.”




THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH FORCES THE FRENCH LINES IN BRABANT.

While this nobleman sustained such a mortifying disappointment on the
Moselle, the French did not fail to take advantage of their superiority
in the Netherlands, where general d’Auverquerque was obliged to stand
on the defensive. They invested Huy, and carried on their operations so
vigorously, that in a few days the garrison were obliged to surrender
themselves prisoners of war; then Villeroy undertook the reduction of
Liege, and actually began his works before the citadel. Marlborough was
no sooner informed of the enemy’s progress than he marched to Triers,
where, in a council, it was resolved that the army should return to the
Netherlands. The troops were in motion on the nineteenth of June, and
marched with such expedition that they passed the Maese on the first
day of July. Villeroy having received advice of the duke’s approach,
abandoned his enterprise, and retired to Tonegren, from whence he
retreated within his lines, that reached from Marche aux Dames on the
Mouse, along the Mehaigne as far as Lenuive. Marlborough having joined
d’Auverquerque, sent general Scholten with a detachment to invest Huy,
and in a few days the garrison surrendered at discretion. The English
general, resolving to strike some stroke of importance that should atone
for his disappointment on the Moselle, sent general Hompesch to the
states, with a proposal for attacking the French lines; and obtained
their permission to do whatever he should think proper for the good
of the common cause. Then he explained the scheme in two successive
councils of war, by which at length it was approved and resolved upon,
though some Dutch generals declared themselves against the undertaking.
The enemy were posted along the lines, amounting to one hundred
battalions, and one hundred and forty-six squadrons. The allied army
did not much exceed that number. In order to divide them, d’Auverquerque
made a false motion, and passed the Mehaigne as if he had intended to
attack the lines about Messelin. The stratagem succeeded. The French
weakened the other parts by strengthening that which was on the side
of the Gerbise towards Namur. The duke of Marlborough having made
the disposition, the army began to march in the night between the
seventeenth and eighteenth of July, in order to force a passage of
the French lines at Heylesem, the castle of Wauge, and the villages
of Wauge, Neerhespen, and Oostmalen. These posts were taken with very
little difficulty; but before the infantry could come up, the enemy
advanced with fifty squadrons and twenty battalions, and began to fire
from eight pieces of cannon with triple barrels, which did considerable
execution. The duke perceiving that they were continually reinforced
from the other parts of the lines, ordered the horse to charge their
cavalry, which were soon broken and routed; but rallying behind their
infantry, interlined with foot, and joined by fresh squadrons, they
advanced again towards the allies, who were now sustained by their
infantry, and moved forward to renew the charge. After a warm though
short engagement, the enemy’s horse were defeated with great slaughter.
The infantry, seeing themselves abandoned in the plain, retreated in
great disorder, between the villages of Heylesem and Golsteven, where
they were joined by the rest of their army, and formed again in order
of battle. Meanwhile the duke of Marlborough ordered all his troops to
enter the lines; and extended his right towards the great Geete before
Tirlemont, where the enemy had left the battalion of Montluc, which
surrendered at discretion. In this action the confederates took the
marquis d’Alegre and the count de Home, lieutenant-generals, one
major-general, two brigadier-generals, with many other officers, and
a great number of common soldiers; a large heap of standards, four
colours, one pair of kettle-drums, and ten pieces of cannon. In the
action, as the duke of Marlborough advanced to the charge at the head
of several squadrons, a Bavarian officer rode up to attack him sword in
hand; but in raising himself on his stirrups to strike with the greater
advantage, he fell from his horse and was immediately slain.

The body of troops commanded by monsieur d’Alegre being thus defeated
with little or no loss to the confederates, the elector of Bavaria and
the mareschal de Villeroy passed the great Geete and the Deule, with
great expedition, and took possession of the strong camp at Parck, their
left extending to Eoselser, and their right to Winselen against the
height of Louvain. Next day the duke of Marlborough, marching through
the plain of Parck, took twelve hundred prisoners, who could not keep
pace with the rest of the enemy’s forces; and in the evening he encamped
with the right at the abbey of Vliersbeck, and the left before Bierbcek,
under the cannon of Louvain. He detached lieutenant-gen-carl Henkelum,
the duke of Wirtemberg, and count Oxienstiern, with a considerable
body of forces, to attack some posts on the Deule which were slenderly
guarded. Their advanced guard accordingly passed the river and repulsed
the enemy; but for want of timely support, they were obliged to pass
it and retire. On the third of August baron Spaar, with a body of Dutch
troops, marched to Raboth on the canal of Bruges, forced the French
lines at Lovendegen, and took four forts by which they were defended;
but receiving advice that the enemy were on their march towards him, he
retired to Mildegem, and carried with him several hostages as security
for the payment of the contributions he had raised. On the fifteenth the
duke moved from Mildert to Corbais; next day he continued his march
to Genap, from whence he advanced to Fischer-mont. On the seventeenth
general d’Auverquerque took the post of Waterloo; and next day the
confederate army was drawn up in order of battle before the enemy, who
extended from Overysche, near the wood of Soignies, to Neerysche,
with the little river Ysche in their front, so as to cover Brussels and
Louvain. The duke of Marlborough proposed to attack them immediately,
before they should recollect themselves from their consternation; and
d’Auverquerque approved of the design; but it was opposed by general
Schlangenburg and other Dutch officers, who represented it in such a
light to the deputies of the states, that they refused to concur in the
execution. The duke being obliged to relinquish the scheme, wrote an
expostulatory letter to the states-general, complaining of their having
withdrawn that confidence which they had reposed in him while he acted
Germany. This letter being published at the Hague, excited murmurs among
the people, and the English nation were incensed at the presumption of
the deputies, who wrote several letters in their own justification to
the states-general; but these had no effect upon the populace, by whom
the duke was respected even to a degree of adoration. The states being
apprised of the resentment that prevailed over all England, and that
the earl of Pembroke, lord-president of the council, was appointed
as envoy-extraordinary to Holland, with instructions to demand
satisfaction, thought proper to anticipate his journey by making
submissions to the duke, and removing Schlangenburg from his command.
The confederate army returned to Corbais, from whence it inarched to
Perwitz, where it encamped. The little town of Sout-Leeuwe, situated
in the middle of a morass, and constituting the chief defence of
the enemy’s lines, being taken by a detachment under the command of
lieutenant-general Dedem, the duke ordered the lines from this place to
Wasseigne to be levelled, and the town of Tirlemont to be dismantled;
then passing the Demer, he encamped on the nineteenth day of
September at Aerschot. About the latter end of the month he marched to
Heventlials; from hence the duke repaired to the Hague, where he had
several conferences with the pensionary. In a few days he returned to
the army, which decamping from Heventlials, marched to Clampthout.
On the twenty-fourth day of October, the count de Noyelles invested
Santvliet, which surrendered before the end of the month.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




HE VISITS THE COURT OF VIENNA.

At this period the duke, in consequence of pressing letters from the
emperor, set out for Vienna in order to concert the operations for
the ensuing campaign, and other measures of importance, in which the
concerns of the allies were interested. In his way he was magnificently
entertained by the elector Palatine, and him of Triers, and complimented
by the magistracy of Frankfort, where he conferred with prince Louis
of Baden. On the twelfth of November he arrived at Vienna, where he was
treated with the highest marks of distinction and cordial friendship by
their imperial majesties. His son-in-law, the earl of Sunderland,
had been sent thither as envoy-extraordinary; and now they conferred
together with the emperor and his ministers. They resolved to maintain
the war with redoubled vigour. The treaties were renewed, and
provision made for the security of the duke of Savoy. The emperor, in
consideration of the duke’s signal service to the house of Austria,
presented him with a grant of the lordship of Mindel-heim in Suabia,
which was now erected into a principality of the Roman empire. In his
return with the earl of Sunderland he visited the courts of Berlin and
Hanover, where he was received with that extraordinary respect which was
due to his character; and arrived at the Hague on the fourteenth day of
December. There he settled the operations of the next campaign with
the states-general, who consented to join England in maintaining an
additional body of ten thousand men reinforcement to the army of
prince Eugene in Italy. While the allies were engaged in the siege of
Santvliet, the elector of Bavaria sent a detachment, under the command
of don Marcello de Grimaldi, to invest Diest, the garrison of which were
made prisoners of war.




STATE OF THE WAR ON THE UPPER RHINE, IN HUNGARY, &c.

On the Upper Rhine, mareschal Villars besieged and took Homburgh, and
passed the Rhine at Strasburgh on the sixth day of August. Prince Louis
of Baden arriving in the camp of the Imperialists at Stolhoffen, not
only obliged him to retire, but having passed the river, forced the
French lines at Hagenau; then he reduced Drusenheim and Hagenau, but
attempted no enterprise equal to the number of his army, although the
emperor had expostulated with him severely on his conduct, and he had
now a fair opportunity of emulating the glory of Marlborough, upon
whom he looked with the eyes of an envious rival. In Italy a battle was
fought at Casano, between prince Eugene and the duke de Vendôme, with
dubious success. The duke de Feuillade reduced Chivas, and invested
Nice, which, after an obstinate defence, surrendered in December. All
the considerable places belonging to the duke of Savoy were now taken,
except Coni and Turin; and his little army was reduced to twelve
thousand men, whom he could hardly support. His duchess, his clergy, and
his subjects in general, pressed him to submit to the necessity of his
affairs; but he adhered to the alliance with surprising fortitude. He
withstood the importunities of his duchess, excluded all the bishops and
clergy from his councils; and when he had occasion for a confessor, he
chose a priest occasionally either from the Dominicans or Franciscans.
The campaign in Portugal began with a very promising aspect. The allies
invaded Spain by the different frontiers of Beyra and Alentejo. Their
army, under the command of the Condo das Galveas, undertook the siege
of Valencia D’Alcantara in May, and took it by assault; Albuquerque
surrendered upon articles, and then the troops were sent into quarters
of refreshment. The marquis de las Minas, who commanded the Portuguese
in the province of Beyra, reduced the town of Salva-terra, plundered and
burned Sarca, but was obliged to retire to Panamacos at the approach
of the enemy. Towards the end of September the confederates, being
reassembled, invested Badajox, by the advice of the earl of Gal-way, who
lost his right hand by a cannon ball, and was obliged to be carried off;
so that the conduct of the siege was left to General Fagel. He had
made considerable progress towards the reduction of the place, when the
marquis de Thessé found means to throw in a powerful reinforcement, and
then the confederates abandoned the enterprise. The war continued
to rage in Hungary with various success. Ragotzki, though frequently
worsted, appeared still in arms, and ravaged the country, which became a
scene of misery and desolation. In Poland the old cardinal-primate owned
Stanislaus, but died before the coronation, which was performed by the
bishop of Cujavia. In the beginning of winter king Augustus had passed
through Poland in disguise to the Muscovite army, which was put under
his command in Lithuania; and the campaign was protracted through the
whole winter season, notwithstanding the severity of the weather in that
northern climate. In the spring the Swedish general, Reinchild, obtained
a complete victory over the Saxon army, which was either cut in pieces
or taken, with their camp, baggage, and artillery; yet the war was
not extinguished. The king of Sweden continued obstinately deaf to all
proposals of peace, and was become as savage in his manners, as brutal
in his revenge.




THE FRENCH FLEET DESTROYED, &c.

At sea the arms of the allies were generally prosperous. Philip of
Spain, being obstinately bent upon retaking Gibraltar, sent mareschal de
Thessé to renew the siege, while de Pontis was ordered to block up the
place by sea with his squadron. These French officers carried on the
siege with such activity, that the prince of Hesse despatched an express
to Lisbon with a letter, desiring sir John Leake to sail immediately to
his assistance. This admiral having been reinforced from England by sir
Thomas Dilkes, with five sail of the line and a body of troops, set sail
immediately; and on the tenth day of March descried five ships of war
hauling out of the bay of Gibraltar. These were commanded by de Pontis
in person, to whom the English admiral gave chase. One of them struck,
after having made a very slight resistance; and the rest ran ashore to
the westward of Marbella, where they were destroyed. The remaining part
of the French squadron had been blown from their anchors, and taken
shelter in the bay of Malaga; but now they slipped their cables and made
the best of their way to Toulon. The mareschal de Thessé, inconsequence
of this disaster, turned the siege of Gibraltar into a blockade, and
withdrew the greater part of his forces. While sir John Leake was
employed in this expedition, sir George Byng, who had been ordered to
cruise in soundings for the protection of trade, took a ship of forty
guns from the enemy, together with twelve privateers, and seven vessels
richly laden from the West Indies.




BARCELONA REDUCED BY SIR C. SHOVEL AND LORD PETERBOROUGH.

But the most eminent achievement of this summer was the reduction of
Barcelona, by the celebrated earl of Peterborough and sir Cloudesley
Shovel, who sailed from St. Helen’s in the latter end of May with the
English fleet, having on board a body of five thousand land forces; and
on the twentieth day of June arrived at Lisbon; where they were joined
by sir John Leake and the Dutch admiral Allemonde. In a council of war,
they determined to put to sea with eight-and-forty ships of the line,
which should be stationed between cape Spartel and the bay of Cadiz,
in order to prevent the junction of the Toulon and Brest squadrons. The
prince of Hesse-d’Armstadt arriving from Gibraltar, assured king Charles
that the province of Catalonia and the kingdom of Valencia were attached
to his interest; and his majesty, being weary of Portugal, resolved to
accompany the earl of Peterborough to Barcelona. He accordingly
embarked with him on board of the Ranelagh; and the fleet sailed on the
twenty-eighth day of July, the earl of Galway having reinforced them
with two regiments of English dragoons. At Gibraltar they took on board
the English guards, and three old regiments, in lieu of which they left
two new raised battalions. On the eleventh day of August they anchored
in the bay of Altea, where the earl of Peterborough published a
manifesto in the Spanish language, which had such an effect that all
the inhabitants of the place, the neighbouring villages, and adjacent
mountains, acknowledged king Charles as their lawful sovereign.
They seized the town of Denia for his service; and he sent thither a
garrison of four hundred men under the command of major-general Ramos.
On the twenty-second they arrived in the bay of Barcelona: the troops
were disembarked to the eastward of the city, where they encamped in a
strong situation, and were well received by the country people. King
Charles landed amidst the acclamations of an infinite multitude from
the neighbouring towns and villages, who threw themselves at his feet,
exclaiming, “Long live the king!” and exhibiting all the marks of the
most extravagant joy. The inhabitants of Barcelona were well affected
to the house of Austria, but overawed by a garrison of five thousand
men under the duke de Popoli, Velasco, and other officers devoted to the
interest of king Philip. Considering the strength of such a garrison,
and the small number of Dutch and English troops, nothing could appear
more desperate and dangerous than the design of besieging the place; yet
this was proposed by the prince of Hesse d’Armstadt, who served in the
expedition as a volunteer, strongly urged by king Charles, and approved
by the earl of Peterborough and sir Cloudesley Shovel. The city was
accordingly invested on one side; but, as a previous step to the
reduction of it, they resolved to attack the fort of Montjuic, strongly
situated on a hill that commanded the city. The out-works were taken
by storm, with the loss of the gallant prince of Hesse, who was
shot through the body, and expired in a few hours: then the earl of
Peterborough began to bombard the body of the fort; and a shell chancing
to fall into the magazine of powder, blew it up, together with the
governor and some of the best officers: an accident which struck such
a terror into the garrison, that they surrendered without further
resistance.




THE EARL’S PROGRESS IN SPAIN.

This great point being gained, the English general erected his batteries
against the town, with the help of the Miquelets and seamen; the bomb
ketches began to fire with such execution, that in a few days the
governor capitulated, and on the fourth day of October king Charles
entered in triumph. [136] _[See note K, at the end of this Vol.]_ All
the other places in Catalonia declared for him, except Roses; so that
the largest and richest province of Spain was conquered with an army
scarce double the number of the garrison of Barcelona. King Charles
wrote a letter with his own hand to the queen of England, containing
a circumstantial detail of his affairs, the warmest expressions of
acknowledgment, and the highest encomiums on her subjects, particularly
the earl of Peterborough. In a council of war it was determined that
the king and the earl should continue in Catalonia with the land
forces; that sir Cloudesley Shovel should return to England; that
five-and-twenty English and fifteen Dutch ships of war should winter at
Lisbon under the command of sir John Leake and the Dutch rear-admiral
Wassenaer; and that four English and two Dutch frigates should remain at
Barcelona. Don Francisco de Velasco was transported to Malaga with about
a thousand men of his garrison; the rest voluntarily engaged in the
service of king Charles, and six other regiments were raised by
the states of Catalonia. The count de Cifuentas, at the head of the
Miquelets and Catalans attached to the house of Austria, secured
Tar-ragonia, Tortosa, Lerida, San-Mattheo, Gironne, and other places.
Don Raphael Nevat, revolting from Philip with his whole regiment of
horse, joined general Ramos at Denia, and made themselves masters of
several places of importance in the kingdom of Valencia. Flushed with
such unexpected success, they penetrated to the capital of the same
name, which they surprised, together with the marquis de Villa-Gracia,
the viceroy, and the archbishop. These advantages however were not
properly improved. The court of Charles was divided into factions,
and so much time lost in disputes, that the enemy sent a body of six
thousand men into the kingdom of Valencia, under the command of the
conde de las Torres, who forthwith invested San-Mattheo, guarded by
colonel Jones at the head of five hundred Miquelets. This being a
place of great consequence on account of its situation, the earl of
Peterborough marched thither with one thousand infantry, and two hundred
dragoons; and by means of feigned intelligence artfully conveyed to the
conde, induced that general to abandon the siege with precipitation,
in the apprehension of being suddenly attacked by a considerable army.
Peterborough afterwards took possession of Nules, and purchasing horses
at Castillon de la Plana, began to form a body of cavalry which did good
service in the sequel. Having assembled a little army, consisting of ten
squadrons of horse and dragoons, and four battalions of regular troops,
with about three thousand militia, he marched to Molviedro, which was
surrendered to him by the governor, brigadier Mahoni. Between this
officer and the duke d’Arcos, the Spanish general, he excited such
jealousies by dint of artifices, not altogether justifiable even in war,
that the duke was more intent upon avoiding the supposed treachery of
Mahoni than upon interrupting the earl’s march to Valencia, where the
inhabitants expressed uncommon marks of joy at his arrival. About this
period a very obstinate action happened at St. Istevan de Litera, where
the chevalier d’Asfeldt, with nine squadrons of horse and dragoons, and
as many battalions of French infantry, attacked colonel Wills at
the head of a small detachment; but this last being supported by
lieutenant-general Cunningham, who was mortally wounded in the
engagement, repulsed the enemy, though three times his number, with the
loss of four hundred men killed upon the spot. The troops on both sides
fought with the most desperate valour, keeping up their fire until the
muzzles of their pieces met, and charging each other at the point of
the bayonet. The only misfortune that attended the English arms in the
course of this year, was the capture of the Baltic fleet homeward-bound,
with their convoy of three ships of war, which were taken by the Dunkirk
squadron under the command of the count de St. Paul, though he himself
was killed in the engagement. When an account of this advantage was
communicated to the French king, he replied with a sigh, “Very well, I
wish the ships were safe again in any English port, provided the count
de St. Paul could be restored to life.” After the death of the famous du
Bart, this officer was counted the best seaman in France.




NEW PARLIAMENT IN ENGLAND.

The kingdom of England was now wholly engrossed by the election of
members for the new parliament. The tories exerted themselves with great
industry, and propagated the cry of the church’s being in danger; a cry
in which the Jacobites joined with great fervour; but, notwithstanding
all their efforts in words and writing, a majority of whigs was
returned; and now the lord Godolphin, who had hitherto maintained a
neutrality, thought proper openly to countenance that faction. By his
interest, co-operating with the influence of the duchess of Marlborough,
sir Nathan Wright was deprived of the great seal, which was committed to
Mr. William Cowper, with the title of lord-keeper. This was a lawyer of
good extraction, superior talents, engaging manners, and eminence in his
profession. He was staunch to whig principles, and for many years had
been considered as one of their best speakers in the house of commons.
The new parliament meeting on the twenty-fifth day of October, a violent
contest arose about the choice of a speaker. Mr. Bromley was supported
by the tories, and the whigs proposed Mr. John Smith, who was elected
by a majority of forty-three voices. The queen in her speech represented
the necessity of acting vigorously against France, as a common enemy
to the liberties of Europe; she commended the fortitude of the duke of
Savoy, which she said was without example; she told them her intention
was to expedite commissions for treating of an union with Scotland; she
earnestly recommended an union of minds and affections among her people;
she observed, that some persons had endeavoured to foment animosities,
and even suggested in print that the established church was in danger;
she affirmed that such people were enemies to her and the kingdom,
and meant only to cover designs which they durst not publicly own, by
endeavouring to distract the nation with unreasonable and groundless
distrusts and jealousies; she declared she would always affectionately
support and countenance the church of England, as by law established;
that she would inviolably maintain the toleration; that she would
promote religion and virtue, encourage trade, and every thing else that
might make them a happy and flourishing people.




BILL FOR A REGENCY.

The majority in both houses now professed the same principles, and
were well disposed to support the queen in all her designs. They
first presented the usual addresses in the warmest terms of duty and
affection. Then the commons drew up a second, assuring her they would,
to the utmost of their power, assist her in bringing the treaty of union
to a happy conclusion. They desired that the proceedings of the last
session of parliament, relating to the union and succession, might be
laid before the house. The lords had solicited the same satisfaction;
and her majesty promised to comply with their request. The lower house
having heard and decided in some cases of controverted elections,
proceeded to take into consideration the estimates for the service of
the ensuing year, and granted the supplies without hesitation. In the
house of lords, while the queen was present, lord Haversham, at the end
of a long speech, in which he reflected upon the conduct of the duke of
Marlborough, both on the Moselle and in Brabant, moved for an address
to desire her majesty would invite the presumptive heir to the crown
of England to come and reside in the kingdom. This motion was earnestly
supported by the duke of Buckingham, the earls of Rochester, Nottingham,
and Anglesea. They said there was no method so effectual to secure the
succession as that of the successor’s being upon the spot, ready to
assume and maintain his or her right against any pretender; and they
observed, that in former times, when the throne of England was vacant,
the first comer had always succeeded in his pretensions. The proposal
was vehemently opposed by the whigs, who knew it was disagreeable to
the queen, whom they would not venture to disoblige. They argued, that
a rivalry between the two courts might produce distractions, and be
attended with very ill consequences; and observed, that the princess
Sophia had expressed a full satisfaction in the assurances of the queen,
who had promised to maintain her title. The question being put, was
carried in the negative by a great majority. The design of the tories
in making this motion, was to bring the other party into disgrace either
with the queen or with the people. Their joining in the measure would
have given umbrage to their sovereign; and, by opposing it, they ran
the risk of incurring the public odium as enemies to the protestant
succession: but the pretence of the tories was so thin, the nation saw
through it; and the sole effect the motion produced was the queen’s
resentment against the whole party. Burnet, bishop of Sarum, proposed,
that provision might be made for maintaining the public quiet in the
interval between the queen’s decease and the arrival of her successor;
the motion was seconded by the lord-treasurer, and a bill brought in for
the better security of her majesty’s person and government, and of the
succession to the crown of England. By this act a regency was appointed,
of the seven persons that should possess the offices of archbishop
of Canterbury, lord-chancellor, or lord-keeper, lord-treasurer,
lord-president, lord privy-seal, lord high-admiral, and the lord
chief-justice of the queen’s bench. Their business was to proclaim the
next successor through the kingdom of England, and join with a certain
number of persons named as regents by the successor, in three lists
to be sealed up and deposited with the archbishop of Canterbury, the
lord-keeper, and the ministry residentiary of Hanover. It was enacted,
that these joint regencies should conduct the administration; that the
last parliament, even though dissolved, should reassemble, and continue
sitting for six months after the decease of her majesty. The bill met
with a warm opposition from the tories, and did not pass the upper
house without a protest. It was still further obstructed in the house
of commons even by some of the whig party, who were given to understand
that the princess Sophia had expressed an inclination to reside in
England. Exceptions were likewise taken to that clause in the bill,
enacting, that the last parliament should be reassembled. They affirmed,
that this was inconsistent with part of the act by which the succession
was at first settled; for among other limitations, the parliament had
provided, that when the crown should devolve to the house of Hanover, no
man who had either place or pension should be capable of sitting in the
house of commons. After tedious disputes and zealous altercations,
they agreed that a certain number of offices should be specified
as disqualifying places. This self-denying clause, and some other
amendments, produced conferences between the two houses, and at length
the bill passed by their mutual assent. Lord Haversham moved for an
inquiry into the miscarriages of the last campaign, hoping to find some
foundation for censure in the conduct of the duke of Marlborough; but
the proposal was rejected as invidious; and the two houses presented an
address to the queen, desiring she would preserve a good correspondence
among all the confederates. They likewise concurred in repealing the
act by which the Scots had been alienated, and all the northern counties
alarmed with the apprehension of a rupture between the two nations.
The lord Shannon and brigadier Stanhope arriving with an account of
the expedition to Catalonia, the queen communicated the good news in a
speech to both houses, expressing her hope that they would enable her to
prosecute the advantages which her arms had acquired. The commons
were so well pleased with the tidings, that they forthwith granted two
hundred and fifty thousand pounds for her majesty’s proportion in the
expense of prosecuting the successes already gained by king Charles III.
for the recovery of the monarchy of Spain to the house of Austria. On
the fifteenth day of November, the queen gave the royal assent to an act
for exhibiting a bill to naturalize the princess Sophia, and the issue
of her body.

These measures being taken, the sixth day of December was appointed for
inquiring into those dangers to which the tories affirmed the church was
exposed; and the queen attended in person, to hear the debates on this
interesting subject. The earl of Eochester compared the expressions in
the queen’s speech at the beginning of the session, to the law enacted
in the reign of Charles II. denouncing the penalties of treason against
those who should call the king a papist; for which reason, he said, he
always thought him of that persuasion. He affirmed that the church’s
danger arose from the act of security in Scotland, the absence of the
successor to the crown, and the practice of occasional conformity. He
was answered by lord Halifax, who, by way of recrimination, observed
that king Charles II. was a Roman-catholic, at least his brother
declared him a papist after his death; that his brother and successor
was a known Roman-catholic, yet the church thought herself secure; and
those patriots who stood up in its defence were discountenanced and
punished: nay, when the successor ascended the throne, and the church
was apparently in the most imminent danger by the high commission court
and otherwise, the nation was then indeed generally alarmed; and every
body knew who sat in that court, and entered deeply into the measures
which were then pursued. Compton, bishop of London, declared that
the church was in danger, from profaneness, irreligion, and the
licentiousness of the press. He complained, that sermons were preached
wherein rebellion was countenanced, and resistance to the higher powers
encouraged. He alluded to a sermon preached before the lord mayor by Mr.
Hoadly, now bishop of Winchester. Burnet of Sarum said, the bishop of
London was the last man who ought to complain of that sermon; for if
the doctrine it contained was not good, he did not know what defence his
lordship could make for his appearing in arms at Nottingham. He affirmed
the church would be always subject to profaneness and irreligion, but
that they were not now so flagrant as they usually had been; he said
the society set up for reformation in London and other cities, had
contributed considerably to the suppression of vice; he was sure the
corporation for propagating the gospel had done a great deal towards
instructing men in religion, by giving great numbers of books in
practical divinity; by erecting libraries in country parishes; by
sending many able divines to the foreign plantations, and founding
schools to breed up children in the christian knowledge; though to
this expense very little had been contributed by those who appeared so
wonderfully zealous for the church. The archbishop of York expressed
his apprehension of danger from the increase of dissenters, particularly
from the many academies they had instituted; he moved, that the judges
might be consulted with respect to the laws that were in force against
such seminaries, and by what means they might be suppressed. Lord
Wharton moved, that the judges might also be consulted about means of
suppressing schools and seminaries held by non-jurors, in one of which
the sons of a noble lord in that house had been educated. To this
sarcasm the archbishop replied, that his sons were indeed taught by
Mr. Ellis, a sober virtuous man; but that when he refused the oath of
abjuration, they were immediately withdrawn from his instructions. Lord
Wharton proceeded to declare, that he had carefully perused a pamphlet
entitled “The Memorial,” which was said to contain a demonstration that
the church was in danger; but all he could learn was, that the duke of
Buckingham, the earls of Rochester and Nottingham, were out of place;
that he remembered some of these noblemen sat in the high commission
court, and then made no complaint of the church’s being in danger.
Patrick, bishop of Ely, complained of the heat and passion manifested
by the gentlemen belonging to the universities, and of the undutiful
behaviour of the clergy towards their bishops. He was seconded by
Hough of Litchfield and Coventry, who added, that the inferior clergy
calumniated their bishops, as if they were in a plot to destroy the
church, and had compounded to be the last of their order. Hooper of Bath
and Wells, expatiated on the invidious distinction implied in the terms
“high church,” and “low church.” The duke of Leeds asserted, that the
church could not be safe without an act against occasional conformity.
Lord Somers recapitulated all the arguments which had been used on both
sides of the question: he declared his own opinion was, that the nation
was happy under a wise and just administration; that for men to raise
groundless jealousies at that juncture, could mean no less than an
intention to embroil the people at home, and defeat the glorious designs
of the allies abroad. The debate being finished, the question was put,
Whether the church of England was in danger? and carried in the negative
by a great majority: then the house resolved, that the church of
England, as by law established, which was rescued from the extremest
danger by king William III. of glorious memory, is now, by God’s
blessings under the happy reign of her majesty, in a most safe and
nourishing condition; and that whoever goes about to suggest
or insinuate that the church is in danger, under her majesty’s
administration, is an enemy to the queen, the church, and the kingdom.
Next day the commons concurred in this determination, and joined the
lords in an address to the queen, communicating this resolution,
beseeching her to take effectual measures for making it public, and also
for punishing the authors and spreaders of the seditious and scandalous
reports of the church’s being in danger. She accordingly issued a
proclamation containing the resolution of the two houses, and offering
a reward for discovering the author of the memorial of the church of
England, and for apprehending David Edwards, a professed papist, charged
upon oath to be the printer and publisher of that libel.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

After a short adjournment, a committee of the lower house presented the
thanks of the commons to the duke of Marlborough, for his great services
performed to her majesty and the nation in the last campaign, and for
his prudent negotiations with her allies. This nobleman was in such
credit with the people, that when he proposed a loan of five hundred
thousand pounds to the emperor, upon a branch of his revenue in.
Silesia, the money was advanced immediately by the merchants of London.
The kingdom was blessed with plenty; the queen was universally beloved;
the people in general were zealous for the prosecution of the war; the
forces were well paid; the treasury was punctual; and, though a great
quantity of coin was exported for the maintenance of the war, the paper
currency supplied the deficiency so well, that no murmurs were heard,
and the public credit flourished both at home and abroad. All the funds
being established, one in particular for two millions and a-half by way
of annuities for ninety-nine years, at six and a-half per cent., and all
the bills having received the royal assent, the queen went to the house
of peers on the nineteenth day of March, where, having thanked both
houses for the repeated instances of their affection which she had
received, she prorogued the parliament to the twenty-first day of May
following.*

     * Among other bills passed during this session, was an act
     for abridging and reforming some proceedings in the common
     law and in chancery.

The new convocation, instead of imitating the union and harmony of
the parliament, revived the divisions by which the former had been
distracted, and the two houses seemed to act with more determined
rancour against each other. The upper house having drawn tip a warm
address of thanks to the queen for her affectionate care of the church,
the lower house refused to concur, nor would they give any reason for
their dissent. They prepared another in a different strain, which was
rejected by the archbishop. Then they agreed to divers resolutions,
asserting their right of having what they offered to the upper house
received by his grace and their lordships. In consequence of this
dissension the address was dropped, and a stop put to all further
communication between the two houses. The dean of Peterborough protested
against the irregularities of the lower house. The queen, in a letter to
the archbishop, signified her resolution to maintain her supremacy, and
the due subordination of presbyters to bishops. She expressed her hope
that he and his suffragans would act conformably to her resolution, in
which case they might be assured of the continuance of her favour and
protection: she required him to impart this declaration to the bishops
and clergy, and to prorogue the convocation to such time as should
appear most convenient. When he communicated this letter to the lower
house, the members were not a little confounded: nevertheless, they
would not comply with the prorogation, but continued to sit in defiance
of her majesty’s pleasure.




CONFERENCES OPENED FOR A TREATY OF UNION WITH SCOTLAND.

The eyes of Great Britain were now turned upon a transaction of the
utmost consequence to the whole island; namely, the treaty for an union
of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland. The queen having appointed
the commissioners [139] _[See note 2 A, at the end of this Vol.]_ on
both sides, they met on the sixteenth day of April, in the council
chamber of the Cockpit near Whitehall, which was the place appointed
for the conferences. Their commissions being opened and read by the
respective secretaries, and introductory speeches being pronounced by
the lord-keeper of England, and the lord chancellor of Scotland,
they agreed to certain preliminary articles, importing, that all the
proposals should be made in writing; and every point, when agreed,
reduced to writing; that no points should be obligatory, till all
matters should be adjusted in such a manner as would be proper to be
laid before the queen and the two parliaments for their approbation;
that a committee should be appointed from each commission, to revise the
minutes of what might pass, before they should be inserted in the books
by the respective secretaries; and that all the proceedings during
the treaty should be kept secret. The Scots were inclined to a federal
union, like that of the United Provinces; but the English were bent upon
an incorporation, so that no Scottish parliament should ever have power
to repeal the articles of the treaty. The lord-keeper proposed that the
two kingdoms of England and Scotland should be for ever united into one
realm, by the name of Great Britain: that it should be represented by
one and the same parliament; and that the succession of this monarchy,
failing of heirs of her majesty’s body, should be according to the
limitations mentioned in the act of parliament passed in the reign of
king William, intituled, an act for the further limitation of the crown,
and the better securing the rights and liberties of the subject. The
Scottish commissioners, in order to comply in some measure with the
popular clamour of their nation, presented a proposal implying that the
succession to the crown of Scotland should be established upon the same
persons mentioned in the act of king William’s reign; that the subjects
of Scotland should for ever enjoy all the rights and privileges of the
natives in England, and the dominions thereunto belonging; and that
the subjects of England should enjoy the like rights and privileges in
Scotland; that there should be a free communication and intercourse of
trade and navigation between the two kingdoms, and plantations thereunto
belonging; and that all laws and statutes in either kingdom,
contrary to the terms of this union, should be repealed. The English
commissioners declined entering into any considerations upon these
proposals, declaring themselves fully convinced that nothing but an
entire union could settle a perfect and lasting friendship between
the two kingdoms. The Scots acquiesced in this reply, and both sides
proceeded in the treaty without any other intervening dispute. They were
twice visited by the queen, who exhorted them to accelerate the articles
of a treaty that would prove so advantageous to both kingdoms. At length
they were finished, arranged, and mutually signed, on the twenty-second
of July, and next day presented to her majesty, at the palace of St.
James’s, by the lord-keeper, in the name of the English commissioners;
at the same time a sealed copy of the instrument was likewise delivered
by the lord chancellor of Scotland; and each made a short oration on the
subject, to which the queen returned a very gracious reply. That same
day she dictated an order of council, that whoever should be concerned
in any discourse or libel, or in laying wagers relating to the union,
should be prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the law.




SUBSTANCE OF THE TREATY.

In this famous treaty it was stipulated, that the succession to the
united kingdom of Great Britain should be vested in the princess Sophia,
and her heirs, according to the acts already passed in the parliament of
England: that the united kingdoms should be represented by one and the
same parliament: that all the subjects of Great Britain should enjoy a
communication of privileges and advantages: that they should have the
same allowances, encouragements, and drawbacks; and be under the same
prohibitions, restrictions, and regulations, with respect to commerce
and customs: that Scotland should not be charged with the temporary
duties on some certain commodities: that the sum of three hundred and
ninety-eight thousand and eighty-five pounds ten shillings, should be
granted to the Scots, as an equivalent for such parts of the customs and
excise charged upon that kingdom in consequence of the union, as would
be applicable to the payment of the debts of England, according to the
proportion which the customs and excise of Scotland bore co those of
England: that, as the revenues of Scotland might increase, a further
equivalent should be allowed for such proportion of the said increase
as should be applicable to the payment of the debts of England: that
the sura to be paid at present, as well as the monies arising from the
future equivalents, should be employed in reducing the coin of Scotland
to the standard and value of the English coin; in paying off the capital
stock and interest due to the proprietors of the African company, which
should be immediately dissolved; in discharging all the public debts of
the kingdom of Scotland; in promoting and encouraging manufactures and
fisheries, under the direction of commissioners to be appointed by her
majesty, and accountable to the parliament of Great Britain: that the
laws concerning public right, policy, and civil government, should be
the same throughout the whole united kingdom; but that no alteration
should be made in laws which concerned private right, except for evident
utility of the subjects within Scotland: that the court of session
and all other courts of judicature in Scotland, should remain as then
constituted by the laws of that kingdom, with the same authority
and privileges as before the union; subject, nevertheless, to such
regulations as should be made by the parliament of Great Britain: that
all heritable offices, superiorities, heritable jurisdictions, offices
for life, and jurisdictions for life, should be reserved to the owners,
as rights and property, in the same manner as then enjoyed by the laws
of Scotland: that the rights and privileges of the royal boroughs in
Scotland should remain entire after the union: that Scotland should
be represented in the parliament of Great Britain by sixteen peers
and forty-five commoners, to be elected in such a manner as should
be settled by the present parliament of Scotland: that all peers of
Scotland, and the successors to their honours and dignities, should,
from and after the union, be peers of Great Britain, and should have
rank and precedency next and immediately after the English peers of the
like orders and degrees, at the time of the union; and before all peers
of Great Britain of the like orders and degrees, who might be created
after the union: that they should be tried as peers of Great Britain,
and enjoy all privileges of peers, as fully as enjoyed by the peers
of England, except the right and privilege of sitting in the house of
lords, and the privileges depending thereon, and particularly the right
of sitting upon the trials of peers: that the crown, sceptre, and sword
of state, the records of parliament, and all other records, rolls, and
registers whatsoever, should still remain as they were, within that part
of the united kingdom called Scotland: that all laws and statutes in
either kingdom, so far as they might be inconsistent with the terms
of these articles, should cease and be declared void by the respective
parliaments of the two kingdoms.--Such is the substance of that treaty
of union which was so eagerly courted by the English ministry, and
proved so unpalatable to the generality of the Scottish nation.




CHAPTER IX.

     _Battle of Ramillies, in which the French are defeated.....
     The Siege of Barcelona raised by the English fleet..... Prince
     Eugene obtains a complete victory over the French at
     Turin..... Sir Cloudesley Shovel sails with a reinforcement
     to Charles king of Spain..... the king of Sweden marches
     into Saxony..... The French King demands Conferences for a
     Peace..... Meeting of the Scottish  Parliament..... Violent
     Opposition to the Union..... The Scots in general averse to
     the Treaty, which is nevertheless confirmed in their
     Parliament..... Proceedings in the English Parliament.....
     The Commons approve of the Articles of the Union..... The
     Lords pass a Bill for the Security of the Church of
     England..... Arguments used against the Articles of the
     Union, which, however, are confirmed by Act of
     Parliament..... The Parliament revived by Proclamation.....
     The Queen gives audience to a Muscovite Ambassador.....
     Proceedings in Convocation..... France threatened with total
     Ruin..... The Allies are defeated at Almanza.....
     Unsuccessful Attempt upon Toulon..... Sir Cloudesley Shovel
     wrecked on the Rocks of Scilly..... Weakness of the Emperor
     on the Upper Rhine..... Interview between the King of Sweden
     and the Duke of Marlborough..... Inactive Campaign in the
     Netherlands..... Harley begins to form a Party against the
     Duke of Marlborough..... The Nation discontented with the
     Whig Ministry..... Meeting of the first British
     Parliament..... Inquiry into the State of the War in
     Spain..... Gregg, a Clerk in the Secretary’s Office,
     detected in a Correspondence with the French  Ministry.....
     Harley resigns  his  Employments..... The   Pretender
     embarks at Dunkirk for Scotland..... His design is
     defeated..... State of the Nation at that Period.....
     Parliament dissolved..... The French surprise Ghem and
     Bruges..... They are routed at Oudenarde..... The Allies
     invest Lisle..... They defeat a large Body of French Forces
     at Wynendale..... The Elector of Bavaria attacks
     Brussels..... Lisle surrendered..... Ghent taken, and Bruges
     abandoned..... Conquest of Minorca by General Stanhope.....
     Rupture between the Pope and the Emperor..... Death of
     Prince George of Denmark..... The new Parliament
     assembled..... Naturalization Bill..... Act of Grace.....
     Disputes about the Muscovite Ambassador compromised._




THE FRENCH DEFEATED AT THE BATTLE OF RAMILLIES.

While this treaty was on the carpet at home, the allied arms prospered
surprisingly in the Netherlands, in Spain, and in Piedmont. The French
king had resolved to make very considerable efforts in these countries;
and, indeed, at the beginning of the campaign his armies were very
formidable. He hoped that, by the reduction of Turin and Barcelona, the
war would be extinguished in Italy and Catalonia. He knew that he could
out-number any body of forces that prince Louis of Baden should assemble
on the Rhine; and he resolved to reinforce his army in Flanders, so as
to be in a condition to act offensively against the duke of Marlborough.
This nobleman repaired to Holland in the latter end of April, and
conferred with the states-general. Then he assembled the army between
Borschloen and Groes Waren, and found it amounted to seventy-four
battalions of foot, and one hundred and twenty-three squadrons of horse
and dragoons, well furnished with artillery and pontoons. The court of
France having received intelligence that the Danish and Prussian troops
had not yet joined the confederates, ordered the elector of Bavaria
and the mareschal Villeroy to attack them before the junction could
be effected. In pursuance of this order they passed the Deule on
the nineteenth day of May, and posted themselves at Tirlemont, being
superior in number to the allied army. There they were joined by the
horse of the army, commanded by mareschal Marsin, and encamped between
Tirlemont and Judoigne. On Whitsunday, early in the morning, the duke of
Marlborough advanced with his army in eight columns towards the village
of Ramillies, being by this time joined by the Danes; and he learned
that the enemy were in march to give him battle. Next day the French
generals perceiving the confederates so near them, took possession of a
strong camp, the right extending to the tomb of Hautemont, on the side
of the Mehaigne; their left to Anderkirk; and the village of Ramillies
being near their centre. The confederate army was drawn up in order of
battle, with the right wing near Foltz on the brook of Yause, and the
left by the village of Franquenies, which the enemy had occupied. The
duke ordered lieutenant-general Schultz, with twelve battalions and
twenty pieces of cannon, to begin the action by attacking Eamillies,
which was strongly fortified with artillery. At the same time
velt-mareschal d’Auverquerque on the left commanded colonel Wertmuller,
with four battalions and two pieces of cannon, to dislodge the enemy’s
infantry posted among the hedges of Franquenies. Both these orders
were successfully executed. The Dutch and Danish horse of the left wing
charged with great vigour and intrepidity, but were so roughly handled
by the troops of the French king’s household, that they began to give
way, when the duke of Marlborough sustained them with the body of
reserve, and twenty squadrons drawn from the right, where a morass
prevented them from acting. In the meantime, he in person rallied some
of the broken squadrons, in order to renew the charge, when his own
horse falling, he was surrounded by the enemy, and must have been either
killed or taken prisoner, had not a body of infantry come seasonably to
his relief. When he remounted his horse, the head of colonel Brienfield,
his gentleman of the horse, was carried off by a cannon ball while he
held the duke’s stirrup. Before the reinforcement arrived, the best part
of the French mousquetaires were cut in pieces. All the troops posted in
Ramillies were either killed or taken. The rest of the enemy’s infantry
began to retreat in tolerable order, under cover of the cavalry on their
left wing, which formed themselves in three lines between Ossuz and
Anderkirk; but the English horse having found means to pass the rivulet
which divided them from the enemy, fell upon them with such impetuosity,
that they abandoned their foot, and were terribly slaughtered in the
village of Anderkirk. They now gave way on all sides. The horse fled
three different ways, but were so closely pursued that very few escaped.
The elector of Bavaria and the mareschal de Villeroy saved themselves
with the utmost difficulty. Several waggons of the enemy’s van-guard
breaking down in a narrow pass, obstructed the way in such a manner
that the baggage and artillery could not proceed; nor could their troops
defile in order. The victorious horse being informed of this accident,
pressed on them so vigorously that great numbers threw down their
arms and submitted. The pursuit was followed through Judoigne till
two o’clock in the morning, five leagues from the field of battle, and
within two of Louvaine. In a word, the confederates obtained a complete
victory. They took the enemy’s baggage and artillery, about one hundred
and twenty colours or standards, six hundred officers, six thousand
private soldiers, and about eight thousand were killed or wounded.*

     * The French impute the loss of this battle to the
     misconduct of Villeroy, who, it must be owned, made a most
     wretched disposition. When he returned to Versailles, where
     he expected to meet with nothing else but reproaches, Louis
     received him without the least mark of displeasure, saying,
     “Mr. Mareschal, you and I are too old to be fortunate.”

Prince Maximilian and prince Monbason lost their lives; the
major-general Palavicini and Mizieres were taken, together with the
marquasses de Bar, de Nonant, and de la Beaume, (this last the son of
the mareschal de Tallard,) monsieur de Montmorency, nephew to the duke
of Luxembourg, and many other persons of distinction. The loss of the
allies did not exceed three thousand men, including prince Louis of
Hesse, and Mr. Bentinck, who were slain in the engagement. The French
generals retired with precipitation to Brussels, while the allies took
possession of Louvaine, and next day encamped at Bethlem. The battle of
Eamillies was attended with the immediate conquest of all Brabant.
The cities of Louvaine, Mechlin, Brussels, Antwerp, Ghent, and Bruges,
submitted without resistance, and acknowledged king Charles. Ostend,
though secured by a strong garrison, was surrendered after a siege
of ten days. Menin, esteemed the most finished fortification in the
Netherlands, and guarded by six thousand men, met with the same fate.
The garrison of Dendermonde surrendered themselves prisoners of war;
and Aeth submitted on the same conditions. The French troops were
dispirited. The city of Paris was overwhelmed with consternation. Louis
affected to bear his misfortunes with calmness and composure; but the
constraint had such an effect upon his constitution, that his
physicians thought it necessary to prescribe frequent bleeding, which
he accordingly underwent. At his court no mention was made of military
transactions: all was solemn, silent, and reserved.




THE SIEGE OF BARCELONA RAISED.

Had the issue of the campaign in Catalonia been such as the beginning
seemed to prognosticate, the French king might have in some measure
consoled himself for his disgraces in the Netherlands. On the sixth
day of April king Philip, at the head of a numerous army, undertook the
siege of Barcelona, while the count de Thoulouse blocked it up with a
powerful squadron. The inhabitants, animated by the presence of king
Charles, made a vigorous defence; and the garrison was reinforced
with some troops from Gironne and other places. But, after the fort of
Montjuic was taken, the place was so hard pressed, that Charles ran
the utmost risk of falling into the hands of the enemy; for the carl of
Peterborough, who had marched from Valencia with two thousand men, found
it impracticable to enter the city. Nevertheless, he maintained his
post upon the hills; and, with surprising courage and activity, kept
the besiegers in continual alarm. At length, sir John Leake sailed
from Lisbon with thirty ships of the line; and on the eighth day of May
arrived in sight of Barcelona. The French admiral no sooner received
intelligence of his approach, than he set sail for Toulon. In three
days after his departure, king Philip abandoned the siege and retired in
great disorder, leaving behind his tents, with the sick and wounded.
On the side of Portugal, the duke of Berwick was left with such an
inconsiderable force as proved insufficient to defend the frontiers. The
earl of Galway, with an army of twenty thousand men, undertook the siege
of Alcantra; and in three days the garrison, consisting of four thousand
men, were made prisoners of war. Then he marched to Placentia, and
advanced as far as the bridge of Almaris; but the Portuguese would
penetrate no farther until they should know the fate of Barcelona.
When they understood the siege was raised, they consented to proceed to
Madrid. Philip guessed their intention, posted to that capital, and sent
his queen with all his valuable effects to Burgos, whither he followed
her in person, after having destroyed everything that he could not carry
away. About the latter end of June, the earl of Galway entered the city
without resistance; but the Spaniards were extremely mortified to see
an army of Portuguese, headed by an heretic, in possession of their
capital. King Charles loitered away his time in Barcelona, until his
competitor recovered his spirits, and received such reinforcements as
enabled him to return to Madrid with an army equal to that commanded by
the earl of Galway. This general made a motion towards Arragon, in order
to facilitate his conjunction with Charles, who had set out by the way
of Saragossa, where he was acknowledged as sovereign of Arragon
and Valencia. In the beginning of August this prince arrived at the
Portuguese camp with a small reinforcement; and in a few days was
followed by the carl of Peterborough, at the head of five hundred
dragoons. The two armies were now pretty equal in point of number; but
as each expected farther reinforcements, neither chose to hazard an
engagement. The earl of Peterborough, who aspired to the chief command,
and hated the prince of Lichtenstein, who enjoyed the confidence of king
Charles, retired in disgust; and embarking on board an English ship of
war, set sail for Genoa. The English fleet continued all the summer
in the Mediterranean; they secured Carthagena, which had declared for
Charles; they took the town of Alicant by assault, and the castle by
capitulation. Then sailing out of the Straits, one squadron was detached
to the West Indies, another to lie at Liston, and the rest were sent
home to England.




PRINCE EUGENE OBTAINS A COMPLETE VICTORY OVER THE FRENCH.

Fortune was not more propitious to the French in Italy than in Flanders.
The duke de Vendôme having been recalled to assume the command in
Flanders after the-battle of Ramillies, the duke of Orleans was placed
at the head of the army in Piedmont, under the tutorage and direction of
the mareschal de Marsin. They were ordered to besiege Turin, which was
accordingly invested in the month of May, and the operations carried on
till the beginning of September. Great preparations had been made for
this siege. It was not undertaken until the duke of Savoy had rejected
all the offers of the French monarch, which were sufficient to have
shaken a prince of less courage and fortitude. The duke de la Feuillade
having finished the lines of circumvallation and contravallation, sent
his quarter-master-general with a trumpet to offer passports and a
guard for the removal of the duchess and her children. The duke of
Savoy replied, that he did not intend to remove his family, and that the
mareschal might begin to execute his master’s orders whenever he should
think fit; but, when the siege began with uncommon fury, and the French
fired red-hot balls into the place, the two duchesses, with the young
prince and princesses, quitted Turin, and retired to Quierasco, from
whence they were conducted through many dangers into the territories of
Genoa. The duke himself forsook his capital in order to put himself at
the head of his cavalry; and was pursued from place to place by five
and forty squadrons, under the command of the count d’Aubeterre.
Notwithstanding the very noble defence which was made by the garrison of
Turin, which destroyed fourteen thousand of the enemy during the course
of the siege, the defences were almost ruined, their ammunition began to
fail, and they had no prospect of relief but from prince Eugene, who
had numberless difficulties to en-counter before he could march to their
assistance. The duke de Vendôme, before he left Italy, had secured all
the fords of the Adige, the Mincio, and the Oglio, and formed such lines
and intrenchments as he imagined would effectually hinder the Imperial
general from arriving in time to relieve the city of Turin. But the
prince surmounted all opposition; passed four great rivers in despite of
the enemy, and reached the neighbourhood of Turin on the thirteenth day
of August. There, being joined by the duke of Savoy, he passed the Po
between Montcalier and Cavignan. On the fifth day of September they took
a convoy of eight hundred loaded mules: next day they passed the Doria,
and encamped with the right on the bank of that river before Pianessa,
and the left on the Stura before the Veneria. The enemy were intrenched,
having the Stura on their right, the Doria on their left, and the
convent of Capuchins, called Notre Dame de la Campagne, in their centre.
When prince Eugene approached Turin, the duke of Orleans proposed to
march out of the intrenchments and give him battle; and this proposal
was seconded by all the general officers, except Marsin, who, finding
the duke determined, produced an order from the French king commanding
the duke to follow the mareschal’s advice. The court of Versailles was
now become afraid of hazarding an engagement against those who had so
often defeated their armies; and this officer had private instructions
to keep within the trenches. On the seventh day of September the
confederates marched up to the entrenchments of the French in eight
columns, through a terrible fire from forty pieces of artillery, and
were formed in order of battle within half cannon-shot of the enemy.
Then they advanced to the attack with surprising resolution, and met
with such a warm reception as seemed to stop their progress. Prince
Eugene perceiving this check, drew his sword, and putting himself at
the head of the battalions on the left, forced the entrenchments at the
first charge. The duke of Savoy met with the same success in the centre,
and on the right near Lucengo. The horse advanced through the
intervals of the foot, left for that purpose; and breaking in with vast
impetuosity, completed the confusion of the enemy, who were defeated on
all hands, and retired with precipitation to the other side of the
Po, while the duke of Savoy entered his capital in triumph. The duke
of Orleans exhibited repeated proofs of the most intrepid courage, and
received several wounds in the engagement. Mareschal de Marsin fell into
the hands of the victors, his thigh being shattered with a ball, and
died in a few hours after the amputation. Of the French army about
five thousand men were slain on the field of battle; a great number of
officers, and upwards of seven thousand men were taken, together with
two hundred and fifty-five pieces of cannon, one hundred and eighty
mortars, an incredible quantity of ammunition, all the tents and
baggage, five thousand beasts of burden, ten thousand horses
belonging to thirteen regiments of dragoons, and the mules of the
commissary-general, so richly laden that this part of the booty alone
was valued at three millions of livres. The loss of the confederates did
not exceed three thousand men killed or disabled in the action, besides
about the same number at the garrison of Turin, which had fallen since
the beginning of the siege. This was such a fatal stroke to the interest
of Louis, that madame de Main-tenon would not venture to make him folly
acquainted with the state of his affairs. He was told that the duke of
Orleans had raised the siege of Turin at the approach of prince Eugene,
but he knew not that his own army was defeated and ruined. The spirits
of the French were a little comforted in consequence of an advantage
gained about this time by the count de Medavigrancey, who commanded a
body of troops left in the Mantuan territories. He surprised the prince
of Hesse in the neighbourhood of Castiglione, and obliged him to retire
to the Adige with the loss of two thousand men; but this victory was
attended with no consequence in their favour. The duke of Orleans
retreated into Dauphiné, while the French garrisons were driven out
of every place they occupied in Piedmont and Italy, except Cremona,
Valenza, and the castle of Milan, which were blocked up by the
confederates.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




SIR C. SHOVEL SAILS WITH A REINFORCEMENT TO CHARLES.

Over and above these disasters which the French sustained in the course
of this campaign, they were miserably alarmed by the project of an
invasion from Britain, formed by the marquis de Guiscard, who, actuated
by a family disgust, had abandoned his country and become a partisan of
the confederates. He was declared a lieutenant-general in the emperor’s
army, and came over to London, after having settled a correspondence
with the malcontents in the southern parts of France. He insinuated
himself into the friendship of Henry St. John, secretary of war, and
other persons of distinction. His scheme of invading France was approved
by the British ministry, and he was promoted to the command of a
regiment of dragoons destined for that service. About eleven thousand
men were embarked under the conduct of Earl Rivers, with a large train
of artillery; and the combined squadrons, commanded by sir Cloudesley
Shovel, set sail from Plymouth on the thirteenth day of August. Next day
they were forced into Torbay by contrary winds, and there they held a
council of war to concert their operations, when they discovered that
Guiscard’s plan was altogether chimerical, or at least founded upon such
slight assurances and conjectures as could not justify their proceeding
to execution. An express was immediately despatched to the admiralty
with the result of this council; and, in the meantime, letters arrived
at court from the earl of Galway, after his retreat from Madrid to
Valencia, soliciting succours with the most earnest entreaties. The
expedition to France was immediately postponed, and sir Cloudesley
Shovel was ordered to make the best of his way to Lisbon, there to take
such measures as the state of the war in Spain should render necessary.
Guiscard and his officers being set on shore, the fleet sailed with
the first fair wind, and towards the latter end of October arrived at
Lisbon. On the twenty-eighth day of the next month the king of Portugal
died, and his eldest son and successor being but eighteen years of age,
was even more than his father influenced by a ministry which had private
connexions with the court of Versailles. Nevertheless, sir Cloudesley
Shovel and Earl Rivers, being pressed by letters from king Charles and
the earl of G-alway, sailed to their assistance in the beginning of
January; and on the twenty-eighth arrived at Alicant, from whence the
earl of Rivers proceeded by land to Valencia, in order to assist at a
general council of war. The operations of the ensuing campaign being
concerted, and the army joined by the reinforcement from England, earl
Rivers, disliking the country, returned with the admiral to Lisbon.




THE KING OF SWEDEN MARCHES INTO SAXONY.

Poland was at length delivered from the presence of the king of Sweden,
who in the beginning of September suddenly marched through Lusatia
into Saxony; and in a little time laid that whole electorate under
contribution. Augustus being thus cut off from all resource, resolved
to obtain peace on the Swede’s own terms, and engaged in a secret treaty
for this purpose. In the meantime the Poles and Muscovites attacked the
Swedish forces at Kalish in Great Poland, and by dint of numbers routed
them with great slaughter. Notwithstanding this event, Augustus ratified
the treaty, by which he acknowledged Stanislaus as true and rightful
king of Poland, reserving to himself no more than the empty title of
sovereign. The confederates were not a little alarmed to find Charles
in the heart of Germany, and the French court did not fail to court
his alliance; but he continued on the reserve against all their
solicitations. Then they implored his mediation for a peace; and he
answered, that he would interpose his good offices as soon as he
should know they would be agreeable to the powers engaged in the grand
alliance.




THE FRENCH KING DEMANDS CONFERENCES FOR A PEACE.

The pride of Louis was now humbled to such a degree as might have
excited the compassion of his enemies. He employed the elector of
Bavaria to write letters in his name to the duke of Marlborough and
the deputies of the states-general, containing proposals for opening
a congress. He had already tampered with the Dutch, in a memorial
presented by the marquis d’Alegre. He likewise besought the pope to
interpose in his behalf. He offered to cede either Spain and the West
Indies, or Milan, Naples, and Sicily, to king Charles; to give up a
barrier for the Dutch in the Netherlands; and to indemnify the duke of
Savoy for the ravages that had been committed in his dominions. Though
his real aim was’ peace, yet he did not despair of being able to excite
such jealousies among the confederates as might shake the basis of their
union. His hope was not altogether disappointed. The court of Vienna was
so much alarmed at the offers he had made, and the reports circulated
by his emissaries, that the emperor resolved to make himself master of
Naples before the allies should have it in their power to close with the
proposals of France. This was the true motive of his concluding a treaty
with Louis in the succeeding winter, by which the Milanese was entirely
evacuated, and the French king at liberty to employ those troops
in making strong efforts against the confederates in Spain and the
Netherlands. The Dutch were intoxicated with success, and their
pensionary, Heinsius, entirely influenced by the duke of Marlborough,
who found his account in the continuance of the war, which at once
gratified his warice and ambition; for all his great qualities were
obscured by the sordid passion of accumulating wealth. During the whole
war the allies never had such an opportunity as they now enjoyed to
bridle the power of France effectually, and secure the liberties of
the empire; and indeed, if their real design was to establish an equal
balance between the houses of Austria and Bourbon, it could not have
been better effected than by dividing the Spanish monarchy between these
two potentates. The accession of Spain, with all its appendages, to
either, would have destroyed the equilibrium which the allies proposed
to establish. But other motives contributed to a continuation of the
war. The powers of the confederacy were fired with the ambition of
making conquests; and England in particular thought herself intitled to
an imdemnification for the immense sums she had expended. Animated
by these concurring considerations, queen Anne and the states-general
rejected the offers of France; and declared that they would not enter
into any negotiation for peace, except in concert with their allies.




MEETING OF THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT.

The tories of England began to meditate schemes of opposition against
the duke of Marlborough. They looked upon him as a selfish nobleman, who
sacrificed the interest of the nation, in protracting a ruinous war
for his own private advantage. They saw their country oppressed with an
increasing load of taxes, which they apprehended would in a little time
become an intolerable burden; and they did not doubt but at this period
such terms might be obtained as would fully answer the great purpose of
the confederacy. This indeed was the prevailing opinion among all the
sensible people of the nation who were not particularly interested in
the prosecution of the war, either by being connected with the general,
or in some shape employed in the management of the finances. The tories
were likewise instigated by a party spirit against Marlborough, who, by
means of his wife, was in full possession of the queen’s confidence,
and openly patronized the whig faction. But the attention of people in
general was now turned upon the Scottish parliament, which took
into consideration the treaty of union lately concluded between the
commissioners of both kingdoms. On the third day of October the duke of
Queensberry, as high commissioner, produced the queen’s letter, in which
she expressed her hope that the terms of the treaty would be acceptable
to her parliament of Scotland. She said, an entire and perfect union
would be the solid foundation of a lasting peace: it would secure their
religion, liberty, and property; remove the animosities that prevailed
among themselves, and the jealousies that subsisted between the two
nations: it would increase their strength, riches, and commerce:
the whole island would be joined in affection, and free from all
apprehensions of different interests: it would be enabled to resist all
its enemies, support the protestant interest everywhere, and maintain
the liberties of Europe. She renewed her assurance of maintaining
the government of their church; and told them, that now they had an
opportunity of taking such steps as might be necessary for its security
after the union. She demanded the necessary supplies. She observed, that
the great success with which Almighty God had blessed her arms, afforded
the nearer prospect of a happy peace, with which they would enjoy the
full advantages of this union: that they had no reason to doubt but the
parliament of England would do all that should be necessary on their
part to confirm the union: finally, she recommended calmness and
unanimity in deliberating on this great and weighty affair, of such
consequence to the whole island of Great Britain.




VIOLENT OPPOSITION TO THE UNION.

Hitherto the articles of the union had been industriously concealed from
the knowledge of the people: but the treaty being recited in parliament,
and the particulars divulged, such a flame was kindled through the
whole nation as had not appeared since the restoration. The cavaliers or
Jacobites had always foreseen that this union would extinguish all their
hopes of a revolution in favour of the pretender. The nobility found
themselves degraded in point of dignity and influence, by being excluded
from their seats in parliament. The trading part of the nation
beheld their commerce saddled with heavy duties and restrictions, and
considered the privilege of trading to the English plantations as
a precarious and uncertain prospect of advantage. The barons, or
gentlemen, were exasperated at a coalition by which their parliament
was annihilated, and their credit destroyed. The people in general
exclaimed, that the dignity of their crown was betrayed; that the
independency of their nation had fallen a sacrifice to treachery and
corruption; that whatever conditions might be speciously offered, they
could not expect they would be observed by a parliament in which the
English had such a majority. They exaggerated the dangers to which the
constitution of their church would be exposed from a bench of bishops,
and a parliament of episcopalians. This consideration alarmed the
presbyterian ministers to such a degree, that they employed all their
power and credit in waking the resentment of their hearers against the
treaty, which produced an universal ferment among all ranks of people.
Even the most rigid puritans joined the cavaliers in expressing their
detestation of the union; and laying aside their mutual animosities,
promised to co-operate in opposing a measure so ignominous and
prejudicial to their country. In parliament, the opposition was headed
by the dukes of Hamilton and Athol, and the marquis of Annandale. The
first of these noblemen had wavered so much in his conduct, that it is
difficult to ascertain his real political principles. He was generally
supposed to favour the claim of the pretender; but he was afraid of
embarking too far in his cause, and avoided violent measures in the
discussion of the treaty, lest he should incur the resentment of the
English parliament, and forfeit the estate he possessed in that kingdom.
Athol was more forward in his professions of attachment to the court of
St. Germain’s; but he had less ability, and his zeal was supposed to
be inflamed by resentment against the ministry. The debates upon the
different articles of the treaty were carried on with great heat and
vivacity, and many shrewd arguments were used against this scheme of
incorporating the union. One member affirmed, that it would furnish a
handle to any aspiring prince to overthrow the liberties of all Britain;
for if the parliament of Scotland could alter, or rather subvert its
constitution, this circumstance might be a precedent for the parliament
of Great Britain to assume the same power: that the representatives for
Scotland would, from their poverty, depend upon those who possessed
the means of corruption; and having expressed so little concern for the
support of their own constitution, would pay very little regard to that
of any other. “What!” said the duke of Hamilton, “shall we in half
an hour give up what our forefathers maintained with their lives and
fortunes for many ages? Are here none of the descendants of those worthy
patriots who defended the liberty of their country against all invaders;
who assisted the great king Robert Bruce to restore the constitution,
and revenge the falsehood of England and the usurpation of Baliol? Where
are the Douglasses and Campbells? Where are the peers, where are
the barons, once the bulwark of the nation? Shall we yield up the
sovereignty and independency of our country, when we are commanded by
those we represent to preserve the same, and assured of their assistance
to support us?” The duke of Athol protested against an incorporating
union, as contrary to the honour, interest, fundamental laws, and
constitution of the kingdom of Scotland, the birthright of the peers,
the rights and privileges of the barons and boroughs, and to the
claim of right, property, and liberty of the subjects. To this protest
nineteen peers and forty-six commoners adhered. The earl-marshal entered
a protest, importing, that no person being successor to the crown
of England should inherit that of Scotland, without such previous
limitations as might secure the honour and sovereignty of the Scottish
crown and kingdom, the frequency and power of parliament, the religion,
liberty, and trade of the nation, from English or any foreign influence.
He was seconded by six-and-forty members. With regard to the third
article of the union, stipulating, that both kingdoms should be
represented by one and the same parliament, the country party observed
that, by assenting to this expedient, they did in effect sink their own
constitution, while that of England underwent no alteration: that in all
nations there are fundamentals which no power whatever can alter: that
the rights and privileges of parliament being one of those fundamentals
among the Scots, no parliament, or any other power, could ever legally
prohibit the meeting of parliaments, or deprive any of the three estates
of its right of sitting or voting in parliament, or give up the rights
and privileges of parliament: but that by this treaty the parliament of
Scotland was entirely abrogated, its rights and privileges sacrificed,
and those of the English parliament substituted in their place. They
argued that though the legislative power in parliament was regulated and
determined by a majority of voices; yet the giving up the constitution,
with the rights and privileges of the nation, was not subject to
suffrage, being founded on dominion and property, and therefore could
not be legally surrendered without the consent of every person who had a
right to elect and be represented in parliament. They affirmed, that the
obligation laid on the Scottish members to reside so long in London in
attendance on the British parliament, would drain Scotland of all its
money, impoverish the members, and subject them to the temptation of
being corrupted. Another protest was entered by the marquis of
Annandale against an incorporating union, as being odious to the people,
subversive of the constitution, sovereignty, and claim of right, and
threatening ruin to the church as by law established. Fifty-two members
joined in this protestation. Almost every article produced the most
inflammatory disputes. The lord Belhaven enumerated the mischiefs which
would attend the union in a pathetic speech, that drew tears from the
audience, and is at this day looked upon as a prophecy by great part
of the Scottish nation. Addresses against the treaty were presented to
parliament by the convention of boroughs, the commissioners of the
general assembly, the company trading to Africa and the Indies, as well
as from several shires, stewartries, boroughs, towns, and parishes, in
all the different parts of the kingdom, without distinction of whig or
tory, episcopalian or presbyterian. The earl of Buchan for the peers,
Lockhart of Camwarth for the barons, sir William Stuart in behalf of
the peers, barons, boroughs, the earls of Errol and Marischal for
themselves, as high-constable and earl-marshal of the kingdom, protested
severally against the treaty of union.

While this opposition raged within doors, the resentment of the people
rose to transports of fury and revenge. The more rigid presbyterians,
known by the name of Cameronians, chose officers, formed themselves
into regiments, provided horses, arms, and ammunition, and marching to
Dumfries, burned the articles of union at the Market-cross, justifying
their conduct in a public declaration. They made a tender of their
attachment to duke Hamilton, from whom they received encouragement
in secret. They reconciled themselves to the episcopalians and the
cavaliers: they resolved to take the route to Edinburgh, and dissolve
the parliament; while the duke of Athol undertook to secure the pass of
Stirling with his highlanders, so as to open the communication between
the western and northern parts of the kingdom. Seven or eight thousand
men were actually ready to appear in arms at the town of Hamilton,
and march directly to Edinburgh, under the duke’s command, when that
nobleman altered his opinion, and despatched private couriers through
the whole country, requiring the people to defer their meeting till
further directions. The more sanguine cavaliers accused his grace of
treachery, but in all likelihood he was actuated by prudential motives.
He alleged, in his own excuse, that the nation was not in a condition
to carry on such an enterprise, especially as the English had already
detached troops to the border, and might in a few days have wafted over
a considerable reinforcement from Holland. During this commotion among
the Cameronians, the cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow were filled with
tumults. Sir Patrick Johnston, provost of Edinburgh, who had been one
of the commissioners for the union, was besieged in his own house by
the populace, and would have been torn in pieces had not the guards
dispersed the multitude. The privy-council issued a proclamation against
riots, commanding all persons to retire from the streets whenever the
drum should beat; ordering the guards to fire upon those who should
disobey this command, and indemnifying them from all prosecution for
maiming or slaying the lieges. These guards were placed all round the
house in which the peers and commons were assembled, and the council
received the thanks of the parliament for having thus provided for
their safety. Notwithstanding these precautions of the government, the
commissioner was constantly saluted with the curses and imprecations of
the people as he passed along: his guards were pelted, and some of his
attendants wounded with stones as they sat by him in the coach, so that
he was obliged to pass through the streets on full gallop.

Against all this national fury the dukes of Queensberry and Argyle, the
earls of Montrose, Seafield, and Stair, and the other noblemen attached
to the union, acted with equal prudence and resolution. They argued
strenuously against the objections that were started in the house.
They magnified the advantages that would accrue to the kingdom from the
privileges of trading to the English plantations, and being protected
in their commerce by a powerful navy; as well as from the exclusion of
a popish pretender, who they knew was odious to the nation in general.
They found means, partly by their promises, and partly by corruption, to
bring over the earls of Roxburgh and Marchmont, with the whole squadron
who had hitherto been unpropitious to the court. They disarmed the
resentment of the clergy, by promoting an act to be inserted in the
union, declaring the presbyterian discipline to be the only government
in the church of Scotland, unalterable in all succeeding times, and a
fundamental article of the treaty. They soothed the African company with
the prospect of being indemnified for the losses they had sustained.
They amused individuals with the hope of sharing the rest of the
equivalent. They employed emissaries to allay the ferment among the
Cameronians, and disunite them from the cavaliers, by canting, praying,
and demonstrating the absurdity, sinfulness, and danger of such a
coalition. These remonstrances were reinforced by the sum of twenty
thousand pounds, which the queen privately lent to the Scottish
treasury, and which was now distributed by the ministry in such a manner
as might best conduce to the success of the treaty. By these practices
they diminished, though they could not silence, the clamour of the
people, and obtained a considerable majority in parliament, which
out-voted all opposition. Not but that the duke of Queensberry at one
time despaired of succeeding, and being in continual apprehension for
his life, expressed a desire of adjourning the parliament, until by time
and good management he should be able to remove those difficulties that
then seemed to be insurmountable. But the lord-treasurer Godolphin, who
foresaw that the measure would be entirely lost by delay, and was no
judge of the difficulties, insisted upon his proceeding. It was at this
period that he remitted the money, and gave directions for having forces
ready at a call, both in England and Ireland. At length the Scottish
parliament approved and ratified all the articles of the union with some
small variation. Then they prepared an act for regulating the election
of the sixteen peers and forty-five commoners to represent Scotland in
the British parliament. This being touched with the sceptre, the three
estates proceeded to elect their representatives. The remaining part
of the session was employed in making regulations concerning the coin,
in examining the accounts of their African company, and providing
for the due application of the equivalent, which was scandalously
misapplied. On the twenty-fifth day of March the commissioner adjourned
the parliament, after having, in a short speech, taken notice of the
honour they had acquired in concluding an affair of such importance to
their country. Having thus accomplished the great purpose of the court,
he set out for London, in the neighbourhood of which he was met by above
forty noblemen in their coaches, and about four hundred gentlemen on
horseback. Next day he waited upon the queen at Kensington, from whom
he met with a very gracious reception. Perhaps there is not another
instance upon record of a ministry’s having carried a point of this
importance against such a violent torrent of opposition, and contrary
to the general sense and inclination of a whole exasperated people. The
Scots were persuaded that their trade would be destroyed, their nation
oppressed, and their country ruined, in consequence of the union with
England, and indeed their opinion was supported by very plausible
arguments. The majority of both nations believed that the treaty would
produce violent convulsions, or at best prove ineffectual. But we
now see it has been attended with none of the calamities that were
prognosticated; that it quietly took effect, and fully answered all the
purposes for which it was intended. Hence we may learn that many great
difficulties are surmounted, because they are not seen by those who
direct the execution of any great project; and that many schemes, which
theory deems impracticable, will yet succeed in the experiment.




PROCEEDINGS in the ENGLISH PARLIAMENT.

The English parliament assembling on the third day of December, the
queen, in her speech to both houses, congratulated them on the glorious
successes of her arms. She desired the commons would grant such supplies
as might enable her to improve the advantages of this successful
campaign. She told them that the treaty of union, as concluded by the
commissioners of both kingdoms, was at that time under the consideration
of the Scottish parliament; and she recommended despatch in the public
affairs, that both friends and enemies might be convinced of the
firmness and vigour of their proceedings. The parliament was perfectly
well disposed, to comply with all her majesty’s requests. Warm debates
were presented by both houses. Then they proceeded to the consideration
of the supply, and having examined the estimates in less than a
week, voted near six millions for the service of the ensuing year.
Nevertheless, in examining the accounts some objections arose. They
found that the extraordinary supplies for the support of king Charles
of Spain, amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds more than the sums
provided by parliament. Some members argued that very ill consequences
might ensue, if a ministry could thus run the nation in debt, and expect
the parliament should pay the money. The courtiers answered, that if
anything had been raised without necessity, or ill applied, it was
reasonable that those who were in fault should be punished; but as this
expense was incurred to improve advantages, at a time when the occasion
could not be communicated to parliament, the ministry was rather to
be applauded for their zeal, than condemned for their liberality. The
question being put, the majority voted that those sums had been expended
for the preservation of the duke of Savoy, for the interest of king
Charles against the common enemy, and for the safety and honour of the
nation. When the speaker presented the money-bills, he told her, that as
the glorious victory obtained by the duke of Marlborough at Ramillies,
was fought before it could be supposed the armies were in the field, so
it was no less surprising that the commons had granted supplies to
her majesty, before the enemy could well know that the parliament was
sitting. The general was again honoured with the thanks of both houses.
The lords in an address besought the queen to settle his honours on
his posterity. An act was passed for this purpose; and, in pursuance of
another address from the commons, a pension of five thousand pounds out
of the post-office was settled upon him and his descendants. The lords
and commons having adjourned themselves to the last day of December, the
queen closed the year with triumphal processions. As the standards and
colours taken at Blenheim had been placed in Westminster-hall, so now
those that had been brought from the field of Ramillies were put up in
Guildhall, as trophies of that victory. About this time the earls of
Kent, Lindsey, and Kingston, were raised to the rank of marquisses. The
lords Wharton, Paulet, Godolphin, and Cholmondeley, were created earls.
Lord Walden, son and heir-apparent to the earl of Suffolk, obtained the
title of earl of Bindon. The lord-keeper Cowper, and sir Thomas Pelham,
were ennobled as barons.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE COMMONS APPROVE OF THE ARTICLES OF THE UNION.

The parliament being assembled after their short recess, the earl of
Nottingham moved for an address to the queen, desiring her majesty would
order the proceedings of the commissioners for the union, as well as
those of the Scottish parliament on the said subject, to be laid
before them. He was seconded by the duke of Buckingham and the earl of
Rochester; and answered by the earl of Godolphin, who told them
they needed not doubt but that her majesty would communicate those
proceedings, as soon as the Scottish parliament should have discussed
the subject of the union. The lords Wharton, Somers, and Halifax
observed, that it was for the honour of the nation that the treaty of
union should first come ratified from the parliament of Scotland; and
that then and not before, it would be a proper time for the lords to
take it into consideration. On the twenty-eighth clay of January, the
queen in person told both houses that the treaty of union, with some
additions and alterations, was ratified by an act of the Scottish
parliament: that she had ordered it to be laid before them; and hoped
it would meet with their concurrence and approbation. She desired the
commons would provide for the payment of the equivalent, in case the
treaty should be approved. She observed to both houses, that now they
had an opportunity of putting the last hand to a happy union of the two
kingdoms; and that she should look upon it as a particular happiness
if this great work, which had been so often attempted without success,
could be brought to perfection in her reign. When the commons formed
themselves into a committee of the whole house, to deliberate on the
articles of the union, and the Scottish act of ratification, the
tory party, which was very weak in that assembly, began to start some
objections. Sir John Packington disapproved of this incorporating union,
which he likened to a marriage with a woman against her consent. He said
it was a union carried on by corruption and bribery within doors, by
force and violence without; that the promoters of it had basely betrayed
their trust, in giving up their independent constitution, and he would
leave it to the judgment of the house, to consider whether or not men
of such principles were fit to be admitted into their house of
representatives. He observed that her majesty, by the coronation oath,
was obliged to maintain the church of England as by law established;
and likewise bound by the same oath to defend the presbyterian kirk of
Scotland in one and the same kingdom. Now, said he, after this union is
in force, who shall administer this oath to her majesty? It is not the
business of the Scots, who are incapable of it, and no well-wishers to
the church of England. It is then only the part of the bishops to do it,
and can it be supposed that those reverend persons will, or can act a
thing so contrary to their own order and institution, as thus to promote
the establishment of the presbyterian church government in the united
kingdom? He added, that the church of England being established _jure
divino_, and the Scots pretending that the kirk was also _jure divino_,
he could not tell how two nations that clashed in so essential an
article could unite; he therefore thought it proper to consult the
convocation about this critical point. A motion was made, that the
first article of the treaty, which implies a peremptory agreement to
an incorporating union, should be postponed; and that the house should
proceed to the consideration of the terms of the intended union,
contained in the other articles. This proposal being rejected, some
tory members quitted the house; and all the articles were examined and
approved without further opposition. The whigs were so eager in the
prosecution of this point, that they proceeded in a very superficial
manner, and with such precipitation as furnished their enemies with a
plausible pretence to affirm, that they had not considered the treaty
with the coolness and deliberation which an affair of this importance
required.

Before the lords began to investigate the articles of the union, they,
at the instance of the archbishop of Canterbury, brought in a bill for
the security of the church of England, to be inserted as a fundamental
and essential part of that treaty. It passed through both houses without
opposition, and received the royal assent. On the fifteenth clay of
February, the debates concerning the union began in the house of
lords, the queen being present, and the bishop of Sarum chairman of
the committee. The earls of Rochester, Anglesea, and Nottingham, argued
against the union; as did the bishop of Bath and Wells. Lord Haversham,
in a premeditated harangue, said the question was, whether two nations
independent in their sovereignties, that had their distinct laws and
interests, their different forms of worship, church-government, and
order, should be united into one kingdom? He supposed it a union made up
of so many mismatched pieces, of such jarring incongruous ingredients,
that should it ever take effect, it would carry the necessary
consequences of a standing power and force to keep them from falling
asunder and breaking in pieces every moment. Pie repeated what had
been said by lord Bacon, that an unity pieced up by direct admission
of contrarieties in the fundamental points of it, is like the toes of
Nebuchadnezzar’s image, which were made of iron and clay---they may
cleave together, but would never incorporate. He dissented from the
union for the sake of the good old English constitution, in which he
dreaded some alteration from the additional weight of sixty-one Scottish
members, and these too returned by a Scottish privy-council. He took
notice, that above one hundred Scottish peers, and as many commoners,
were excluded from sitting and voting in parliament, though they had
as much right of inheritance to sit there as any English peer had of
sitting in the parliament of England. He expressed his apprehension of
this precedent; and asked what security any peer of England had for this
right and privilege of peerage, which those lords had not. He said, If
the bishops would weaken their own cause, so far as to give up the two
great points of episcopal ordination and confirmation; if they
would approve and ratify the act for securing the presbyterian
church-government in Scotland, as the true protestant religion and
purity of worship; they must give up that which had been contended for
between them and the presbyterians for thirty years, and been defended
by the greatest and most learned men in the church of England. He
objected to the exempting articles, by which heritable offices and
superiorities were reserved. He affirmed that the union was contrary
to the sense of the Scottish nation; that the murmurs of the people had
been so loud as to fill the whole kingdom; and so bold as to reach even
to the doors of the parliament; that the parliament itself had suspended
their beloved clause in the act of security for arming the people;
that the government had issued a proclamation pardoning all slaughter,
bloodshed, and maiming committed upon those who should be found in
tumults. From these circumstances he concluded, that the Scottish nation
was averse to an incorporating union, which he looked upon as one of
the most dangerous experiments to both nations. Lord North and Grey
complained of the small and unequal proportion of the land-tax imposed
upon Scotland. The earl of Nottingham said it was highly unreasonable
that the Scots, who were by the treaty let into all the branches of the
English trade, and paid so little towards the expense of the government,
should moreover have such a round sum by way of equivalent. The
same topics were insisted on by the lords North and Grey, Guernsey,
Granville, Stawel, and Abingdon. The earl of Nottingham, after having
opposed every article separately, concluded with words to this effect;
“As sir John Maynard said to the late king at the revolution, that
having buried all his contemporaries in Westminster-hall, he was afraid,
if his majesty had not come in that very juncture of time, he might have
likewise outlived the very laws; so, if this union do pass, as I have no
reason to doubt but it will, I may justly affirm I have outlived all the
laws, and the very constitution of England: I, therefore, pray to God
to avert the dire effects which may probably ensue from such an
incorporating union.”

These arguments and objections were answered by the lord-treasurer
Godolphin, the earls of Sunderland and Wharton, the lords Townshend,
Halifax, and So-mers, the bishops of Oxford, Norwich, and Sarum. They
observed that such an important measure could not be effected without
some inconveniences; but that these ought to be borne in consideration
of the greatness of the advantage: that the chief dangers to which the
church was exposed arose from France and popery; and this union would
effectually secure it against these evils: that Scotland lay on the
weakest side of England, which could not be defended but by an expensive
army. Should a war break out between the two nations, and Scotland be
conquered, yet even in that case it would be necessary to keep it under
with a standing army, which any enterprising prince might model for
his ambitious purposes, and joining with the Scots, enslave his
English dominion; that any union after a conquest would be compulsive,
consequently of short duration; whereas now it was voluntary, it would
be lasting; that with regard to ecclesiastical affairs, all heats and
animosities might be allayed by soft and gentle management. The cantons
of Switzerland, though they professed different religions, were yet
united in one general body; and the diet of Germany was composed of
princes and states, among whom three different persuasions prevailed;
so that two sorts of discipline might very well subsist under one
legislature. If there was any danger on either side, it threatened the
Scots much more than the English, as five hundred and thirteen members
could certainly be too hard for forty-five; and in the house of lords,
six-and-twenty bishops would always preponderate against sixteen peers
from Scotland. Notwithstanding all the opposition made by the lords
of the tory interest, every article was approved by a great majority,
though not without a good number of protestations; and a bill of
ratification was prepared in the lower house by sir Simon Harcourt, the
solicitor-general, in such an artful manner as to prevent all debates.
All the articles, as they passed in Scotland, were recited by way
of preamble, together with the acts made in both parliaments for the
security of the several churches; and, in conclusion, there was one
clause by which the whole was ratified and enacted into a law. By this
contrivance, those who were desirous of starting new difficulties found
themselves disabled from pursuing their design. They could not object to
the recital, which was barely matter of fact; and they had not strength
sufficient to oppose the general enacting clause. On the other hand,
the whigs promoted it with such zeal that it passed by a majority of one
hundred and fourteen, before the others had recollected themselves from
the surprise which the structure of the bill had occasioned. It made
its way through the house of lords with equal despatch; and, when
it received the royal sanction, the queen expressed the utmost
satisfaction. She said she did not doubt but it would be remembered and
spoke of hereafter to the honour of those who had been instrumental in
bringing it to such a happy conclusion. She desired that her subjects of
both kingdoms should from henceforward behave with all possible respect
and kindness towards one another, that so it might appear to all the
world they had hearts disposed to become one people.

{1707}




PARLIAMENT REVIVED BY PROCLAMATION.

As the act of union did not take place till the first of May, a great
number of traders in both kingdoms resolved to make advantage of this
interval. The English proposed to export into Scotland such commodities
as entitled them to a drawback, with a view to bring them back after the
first of May. The Scots, on the other hand, as their duties were much
lower than those in England, intended to import great quantities of
wine, brandy, and other merchandise, which they could sell at a greater
advantage in England after the union, when there would be a free
intercourse between the two nations. Some of the ministers had embarked
in this fraudulent design, which alarmed the merchants of England
to such a degree, that they presented a remonstrance to the commons.
Resolutions were immediately taken in the house against these practices,
and a bill was prepared; but the lords apprehending that it in some
measure infringed the articles of the union, and that it might give
umbrage to the Scottish nation, it was dropped. The frauds had been in a
good measure prevented by the previous resolutions of the house; and
the first day of May was now at hand; so that the bill was thought
unnecessary. On the twenty-fourth day of April the queen prorogued
the parliament, after having given them to understand that she would
continue by proclamation the lords and commons already assembled, as
members in the first British parliament on the part of England, pursuant
to the powers vested in her by the acts of parliament of both kingdoms,
ratifying the treaty of union. The parliament was accordingly revived
by proclamation, and another issued to convoke the first parliament of
Great Britain for the twenty-third day of October. The Scots repaired
to London, where they were well received by the queen, who bestowed
the title of duke on the earls of Roxburgh and Montrose. She likewise
granted a commission for a new privy-council in that kingdom, to be in
force till the next session of parliament, that the nation might not be
disgusted by too sudden an alteration of outward appearances. The first
of May was appointed as a day of public thanksgiving; and congratulatory
addresses were sent up from all parts of England; but the university of
Oxford prepared no compliment; and the Scots were wholly silent on this
occasion.




THE QUEEN GIVES AUDIENCE TO A MUSCOVITE AMBASSADOR.

In the course of this session the commons, in an address to the queen,
desired she would resettle the islands of St. Christopher’s and Nevis
in the West Indies, which had been ravaged by the enemy. They likewise
resolved, that an humble address should be presented to her majesty,
praying she would concert measures for suppressing a body of pirates
who had made a settlement on the island of Madagascar, as also for
recovering and preserving the ancient possessions, trade, and fishery in
Newfoundland. The French refugees likewise delivered a remonstrance to
the queen, recapitulating the benefits which the persecuted protestants
in France had reaped from the assistance of her royal progenitors,
acknowledging their own happiness in living under her gentle government,
among a people by whom they had been so kindly entertained when driven
from their native country; and imploring her majesty’s interposition
and good offices in favour of their distressed and persecuted brethren
abroad. She graciously received this address, declaring she had always
great compassion for the unhappy circumstances of the protestants in
France; that she would communicate her thoughts on this subject to her
allies; and she expressed her hope that such measures might be taken as
should effectually answer the intent of their petition. In the month of
May she granted an audience to an ambassador-extraordinary from the
czar of Muscovy, who delivered a letter from his master, containing
complaints of king Augusts, who had maltreated the Russian troops sent
to his assistance, concluded a dishonourable peace with Charles king
of Sweden, without the knowledge of his allies, and surrendered count
Patkul, the Muscovite minister, as a deserter, to the Swedish monarch,
contrary to the law of nations, and even to the practice of barbarians.
He therefore desired her Britannic majesty would use her good offices
for the enlargement of the count, and the other Russian prisoners
detained at Stockholm; and that she would take into her protection
the remains of the Russian auxiliaries upon the Rhine, that they might
either enter into the service of the allies, or be at liberty to return
in safety to their own country. The queen actually interposed in behalf
of Patkul; but her intercession proved ineffectual, and that unhappy
minister was put to death with all the circumstances of wanton
barbarity. As many severe and sarcastic writings had lately appeared in
which the whigs and ministry were reviled, and reflections hinted to
the prejudice of the queen’s person, the government resolved to make
examples of the authors and publishers of these licentious productions.
Dr. Joseph Browne was twice pilloried for a copy of verses, intituled
“The Country Parson’s Advice to the Lord-Keeper,” and a letter which
he afterwards wrote to Mr. Secretary Hailey. William Stevens, rector of
Sutton in Surrey, underwent the same sentence, as author of a pamphlet
called “A Letter to the Author of the Memorial of the Church of
England.” Edward Ward was fined and set in the pillory, for having
written a burlesque poem on the times, under the title of “Hudibras
Redivivus;” and the same punishment was inflicted upon William Pittes,
author of a performance, intituled “The Case of the Church of England’s
Memorial fairly stated.”




PROCEEDINGS IN CONVOCATION.

The lower house of convocation still continued to wrangle with their
superiors; and though they joined the upper house in a congratulatory
address to the queen on the success of her arms, they resolved to make
application to the commons against the union. The queen being apprised
of their design, desired the archbishop to prorogue them for three
weeks, before the expiration of which the act of union had passed in
parliament. The lower house delivered a representation to the bishops,
in which they affirmed no such prorogation had ever been ordered during
the session of parliament. The bishops found in their records seven or
eight precedents of such prorogations, and above thirty instances of the
convocation having sat sometimes before, and sometimes after, a session
of parliament; nay, sometimes even when the parliament was dissolved.
The queen, informed of these proceedings, wrote a letter to the
archbishop, intimating that she looked upon the lower house as guilty
of an invasion of her royal supremacy; and that if any thing of the same
nature should be attempted for the future, she would use such means
for punishing offenders as the law warranted. The prolocutor absenting
himself from the convocation, the archbishop pronounced sentence of
contumacy against him. The lower house, in a protestation, declared this
sentence unlawful and altogether null. Nevertheless the prolocutor made
a full submission, with which the archbishop was satisfied, and the
sentence was repealed. About this period the earl of Sunderland was
appointed one of the secretaries of state, in the room of sir Charles
Hedges. This change was not effected without great opposition from
Harley, who was in his heart an enemy to the duke of Marlborough and
all his adherents; and had already, by his secret intrigues, made
considerable progress in a scheme for superseding the influence of the
duchess.




FRANCE THREATENED WITH TOTAL RUIN.

The French king at this juncture seemed to be entirely abandoned by
his former good fortune. He had sustained such a number of successive
defeats as had drained his kingdom of people, and his treasury was
almost exhausted. He endeavoured to support the credit of his government
by issuing mint-bills, in imitation of the bank-notes of England;
but, notwithstanding all his precautions, they passed at a discount of
three-and-fifty per cent. The lands lay uncultivated; the manufactures
could be no longer carried on; and the subjects perished with famine.
The allies, on the other hand, seemed to prosper in every quarter.
They had become masters of the greatest part of the Netherlands, in
consequence of the victory at Ramillies; the army of king Charles was
considerably reinforced; a scheme was formed for the conquest of Toulon,
by the troops of the emperor and the duke of Savoy, supplied with a
large sum of money by queen Anne, and assisted by the combined fleets
of England and Holland, under the command of sir Cloudesley Shovel. In
a word, France seemed to be reduced to the verge of destruction, from
which nothing in all probability could have saved her but the jealousy
and misconduct of the confederates. Louis, by virtue of his capitulation
with the emperor in Italy, was enabled to send such reinforcements
into Spain as turned the fortune of the war in that country; while the
distractions in the council of king Charles prevented that unanimity
and concurrence without which no success can be expected. The earl
of Peterborough declared against an offensive war, on account of the
difficulty of finding subsistence in Castile; and advised Charles to
trust to the expedition against Toulon. This opinion he sent from Italy,
to which he had withdrawn.




THE ALLIES ARE DEFEATED AT ALMANZA.

Charles, however, was persuaded to penetrate once more to Madrid, and
give battle to the enemy wherever they should appear. On the thirteenth
day of March the army was assembled at Caudela, to the number of sixteen
thousand men; under the auspices of the marquis das Minas, to whom the
earl of Galway was second in command. They marched towards Yecla, and
undertook the siege of Vilena; but having received intelligence that
the duke of Berwick was in the neighbourhood, they advanced on the
fourteenth day of April in four columns towards the town of Almanza,
where the enemy were drawn up in order of battle, their number being
considerably superior to that of the confederates. The battle began
about two in the afternoon, and the whole front of each army was fully
engaged. The English and Dutch squadrons on the left, sustained by the
Portuguese horse of the second line, were overpowered after a gallant
resistance. The centre, consisting chiefly of battalions from Great
Britain and Holland, obliged the enemy to give way, and drove their
first upon their second line; but the Portuguese cavalry on the right
being broken at the first charge, the foot betook themselves to flight;
so that the English and Dutch troops being left naked on the flanks,
were surrounded and attacked on every side. In this dreadful emergency
they formed themselves into a square, and retired from the field of
battle. By this time the men were quite spent with fatigue, and all
their ammunition exhausted: they were ignorant of the country, abandoned
by their horse, destitute of provisions, and cut off from all hope
of supply. Moved by these dismal considerations, they capitulated and
surrendered themselves prisoners of war, to the amount of thirteen
battalions. The Portuguese, and part of the English horse, with the
infantry that guarded the baggage, retreated to Alcira, where they
were joined by the earl of Galway, with about five and twenty hundred
dragoons which he had brought from the field of battle. About three
thousand men of the allied army were killed upon the spot, and among
that number brigadier Killegrew, with many officers of distinction.
The earl of Galway, who charged in person at the head of Guiscard’s
dragoons, received two deep cuts in the face. The marquis das Minas was
run through the arm, and saw his concubine, who fought in the habit of
an Amazon, killed by his side: the lords Tyrawley, Mark Ker, and colonel
Glayton, were wounded: all their artillery, together with an hundred and
twenty colours and standards, and about ten thousand men, were taken; so
that no victory could be more complete; yet it was not purchased
without the loss of two thousand men slain in the action, including some
officers of eminence. The duke of Berwick, who commanded the troops
of king Philip, acquired a great addition of fame by his conduct and
behaviour before and during the engagement; but his authority was
superseded by the duke of Orleans, who arrived in the army immediately
after the battle. This prince seemed to entertain some private views of
his own; for he took no effectual step to improve the victory. He began
a private negotiation with the earl of Galway, during which the two
armies lay inactive on the banks of the Cinca; and he concluded the
campaign with the siege of Lerida, which was surrendered by capitulation
on the second day of November: then the troops on both sides went into
winter quarters. The earl of Galway and the Marquis das Minas embarked
at Barcelona for Lisbon, and general Carpenter remained commander of the
English forces quartered in Catalonia, which was now the only part of
Spain that remained to king Charles.




UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT UPON TOULON.

The attempt upon Toulon by the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene
might have succeeded, if the emperor, notwithstanding the repeated
remonstrances of the maritime powers, had not divided his army in
Italy, by detaching a considerable body through the ecclesiastical state
towards Naples, of which he took possession without any difficulty.
Besides, ten thousand recruits destined for the Imperial forces in Italy
were detained in Germany, from an apprehension of the king of Sweden,
who remained in Saxony, and seemed to be upon very indifferent terms
with the emperor. With the assistance of the English and Dutch fleets,
the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene passed the Var [149] _[See note 2 B,
at the end of this Vol.]_ on the eleventh day of July, at the head of
an army of thirty thousand men, and marched directly towards Toulon,
whither the artillery and ammunition were conveyed on board of the
combined squadrons. The French king was extremely alarmed at this
attempt, as five thousand pieces of cannon, vast magazines, and the best
part of his fleet, were in the harbour of Toulon, and ran the greatest
risk of being entirely taken or destroyed. The whole kingdom of France
was filled with consternation when they found their enemies were in the
bosom of their country. The monarch resolved to leave no stone unturned
for the relief of the place, and his subjects exerted themselves in
a very extraordinary manner for its preservation. The nobility of the
adjacent provinces armed their servants and tenants, at the head of whom
they marched into the city: they coined their plate, and pawned their
jewels for money to pay the workmen employed upon the fortifications;
and such industry was used, that in a few days the town and harbour,
which had been greatly neglected, were put in a good posture of defence.
The allies took possession of the eminences that commanded the city, and
the ordnance being landed, erected batteries. From these they began to
cannonade and bombard the city, while the fleet attacked and reduced
two forts at the entrance of the Mole, and co-operated in the siege
with their great guns and bomb-ketches. The garrison was numerous, and
defended the place with great vigour. They sunk ships in the entrance
to the Mole: they kept up a prodigious fire from the ramparts: they made
desperate sallies, and even drove the besiegers from one of their posts
with great slaughter. The French king, alarmed at this design of his
enemies, ordered troops to march towards Toulon from all parts of his
dominions. He countermanded the forces that were on their route to
improve the victory of Almanza: a great part of the army under Villars
on the Bhine was detached to Provence, and the court of Versailles
declared, that the duke of Burgundy should march at the head of a strong
army to the relief of Toulon. The duke of Savoy being apprized of
these preparations, seeing no hope of reducing the place, and being
apprehensive that his passage would be intercepted, resolved to abandon
his enterprise. The artillery being re-embarked, with the sick
and wounded, he decamped in the night, under favour of a terrible
bombardment and cannonading from the English fleet, and retreated to
his own country without molestation.* Then he undertook the reduction of
Susa, the garrison of which surrendered at discretion. By this conquest
he not only secured the key to his own dominions, but also opened to
himself a free passage into Dauphiné.

     * Had the duke of Savoy marched with expedition from the
     Var, he would have found Toulon defenceless; but he
     lingered in such a manner as gives reason to believe he was
     not hearty in the enterprise; and his operations were
     retarded by a difference between him and his kinsman prince
     Eugene.




SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL WRECKED.

Sir Cloudesley Shovel having left a squadron with sir Thomas Dilkes for
the Mediterranean service, set sail for England with the rest of the
fleet, and was in soundings on the twenty-second day of October. About
eight o’clock at night his own ship, the Association, struck upon the
rocks of Scilly, and perished with every person on board. This was
likewise the fate of the Eagle and the Romney: the Firebrand was dashed
in pieces on the rocks; but the captain and four-and-twenty men saved
themselves in the boat: the Phoenix was driven on shore: the Royal Anne
was saved by the presence of mind and uncommon dexterity of sir George
Byng and his officers: the St. George, commanded by lord Dursley, struck
upon the rocks, but a wave set her afloat again. The admiral’s body
being cast ashore, was stripped and buried in the sand; but afterwards
discovered and brought into Plymouth, from whence it was conveyed to
London, and interred in Westminster-abbey. Sir Cloudesley Shovel was
born of mean parentage in the county of Suffolk; but raised himself to
the chief command at sea, by his industry, valour, skill, and integrity.
On the upper Rhine the allies were unprosperous.[150] _[See note C, at
the end of this Vol.]_ The prince of Baden was dead, and the German army
so inconsiderable, that it could not defend the lines of Buhl against
the mareschal de Villars, who broke through this work, esteemed the
rampart of Germany, reduced Rastadt, defeated a body of horse, laid the
duchy of Wirtemberg under contribution, took Stutgard and Schorndorf;
and routed three thousand Germans intrenched at Lorch, under the command
of general Janus, who was made prisoner. In all probability, this active
officer would have made great progress towards the restoration of the
elector of Bavaria, had not he been obliged to stop in the middle of
his career, in consequence of his army’s being diminished by sending off
detachments to Provence. The Imperial army retired towards Hailbron, and
the command of it was, at the request of the emperor and allies, assumed
by the elector of Hanover, who restored military discipline, and
acted with uncommon prudence and circumspection; but he had not force
sufficient to undertake any enterprise of importance.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE KING OF SWEDEN AND THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.

In the month of April, the duke of Marlborough set out from the Hague
for Leipsic, with a letter from the queen to Charles XII. of Sweden,
whose designs were still so mysterious, that the confederates could not
help being alarmed at his being in the heart of Germany. The duke was
pitched upon as the most proper ambassador, to soothe his vanity and
penetrate into his real intention.*

     * When the duke arrived in his coach at the quarters of
     count Piper, of whom he had demanded an audience, he was
     given to understand that the count was busy, and obliged to
     wait half an hour before the Swedish minister came down to
     receive him. When he appeared at last, the duke alighted
     from his coach, put on his hat, passed the count without
     saluting him, and went aside to the wall, where having staid
     some time, he returned and accosted him with the most polite
     address.

He found this original character not simple, but sordid in his
appearance and economy, savage in his deportment, ferocious, illiterate,
stubborn, implacable, and reserved. The English general assailed him
on the side of his vanity, the only part by which he was accessible.
“Sire,” said he, “I present to your majesty a letter, not from the
chancery, but from the heart of the queen my mistress, and written
with her own hand. Had not her sex prevented her from taking so long a
journey, she would have crossed the sea to see a prince admired by the
whole universe. I esteem myself happy in having the honour of assuring
your majesty of my regard; and I should think it a great happiness, if
my affairs would allow me, to learn under so great a general as your
majesty, what I want to know in the art of war.” Charles was pleased
with this overstrained compliment, which seems to have been calculated
for a raw unintelligent barbarian, unacquainted with the characters of
mankind. He professed particular veneration for queen Anne, as well as
for the person of her ambassador, and declared he would take no steps to
the prejudice of the grand alliance. Nevertheless, the sincerity of this
declaration has been questioned. The French court is said to have gained
over his minister, count Piper, to their interest. Certain it is, he
industriously sought occasion to quarrel with the emperor, and treated
him with great insolence, until he submitted to all his demands. The
treaty being concluded upon the terms he thought proper to impose, he
had no longer the least shadow of pretence to continue his disputes with
the court of Vienna; and therefore began his march for Poland, which was
by this time overrun by the czar of Muscovy.




INACTIVE CAMPAIGN in the NETHERLANDS.

The duke of Marlborough returning from Saxony, assembled the allied army
at Anderlach near Brussels, about the middle of May; and, understanding
that the elector of Bavaria and the duke de Vendôme, who commanded the
French forces, had quitted their lines, he advanced to Soignies with
a design to engage them in the plain of Fleuras. But receiving certain
intelligence that the enemy were greatly superior to the allies in
number, by the help of drafts from all the garrisons, he retreated
towards Brussels, and took post at Mildert; while the French advanced
to Gemblours. Both armies lay inactive until the enemy sent off a large
detachment towards Provence. Then the duke of Marlborough and general
D’Auverquerque resolved to attack them in their fortified camp at
Gemblours. But they retreated with such celerity from one post to
another, that the confederates could not come up with them until they
were safely encamped with their right at Pont-a-Tresin, and their left
under the cannon of Lisle, covered with the river Schelde, and secured
by intrenchments. The allies chose their camp at Helchin, and foraged
under the cannon of Tournay, within a league of the enemy; but nothing
could induce them to hazard an engagement; and both armies went into
winter quarters in the latter end of October. The duke of Marlborough
set out for Franckfort, where he conferred with the electors of Mentz,
Hanover, and Palatine, about the operations of the next campaign: then
he returned to the Hague, and having concerted the necessary measures
with the deputies of the states-general, embarked for England in the
beginning of November.




A PARTY FORMED AGAINST MARLBOROUGH.

The queen’s private favour was now shifted to a new object. The duchess
of Marlborough was supplanted by Mrs. Masham, her own kinswoman, whom
she had rescued from indigence and obscurity. This favourite succeeded
to that ascendancy over the mind of her sovereign which the duchess had
formerly possessed. She was more humble, pliable, and obliging than her
first patroness, who had played the tyrant, and thwarted the queen in
some of her most respected maxims. Her majesty’s prepossession in favour
of the tories and high-churchmen was no longer insolently condemned and
violently opposed. The new confidant conformed to all her prejudices,
and encouraged all her designs with assent and approbation. In political
intrigues she acted as associate, or rather auxiliary, to Mr. Secretary
Harley, who had insinuated himself into the queen’s good graces, and
determined to sap the credit of the duke of Marlborough and the earl
of Godolphin. His aim was to unite the tory interest under his own
auspices, and expel the whigs from the advantages they possessed under
the government. His chief coadjutor in this scheme was Henry St. John,
afterwards lord Bolingbroke, a man of warm imagination and elegant
taste, penetrating, eloquent, ambitious, and enterprising, whose talents
were rather specious than solid, and whose principles were loose and
fluctuating. He was at first contented to act in an inferior capacity,
subservient to the designs of the secretary; but, when he understood
the full extent of his own parts and influence, he was fired with the
ambition of eclipsing his principal, and from the sphere of his minister
raised himself to the character of his rival These politicians, with the
assistance of sir Simon Har court, a colleague of uncommon ability and
credit, exerted their endeavours to rally and reconcile the disunited
tories, who were given to understand that the queen could no longer bear
the tyranny of the whigs: that she had been always a friend in her
heart to the tory and high-church party; and that she would now
exhibit manifest proof of her inclination. She accordingly bestowed
the bishoprics of Chester and Exeter upon sir William Dawes and Dr.
Blackall, who though otherwise of unblemished characters, had openly
condemned the revolution.

The people in general began to be sick of the whig ministry, whom they
had formerly caressed. To them they imputed the burdens under which they
groaned; burdens which they had hitherto been animated to bear by
the pomp of triumph and uninterrupted success. At present they were
discouraged by the battle of Almanza, the miscarriage of the expedition
against Toulon, the loss of sir Cloudesley Shovel, and the fate of four
ships of the line, destroyed or taken by a squadron under the command
of messieurs Forbin and Du Guai Trouin, two of the most enterprising
sea-officers in the French service. No new advantage had been obtained
in the Netherlands: France, instead of sinking under the weight of the
confederacy, seemed to rise with fresh vigour from every overthrow: the
English traders had lately sustained repeated losses for want of proper
convoys; the coin of the nation was visibly diminished, and the public
credit began to decline. The tories did not fail to inculcate and
exaggerate these causes of discontent, and the ministry were too remiss
in taking proper steps for the satisfaction of the nation. Instead of
soothing, by gentle measures and equal administration, the Scots, who
had expressed such aversion to the union, they treated them in such a
manner as served to exasperate the spirits of that people. A stop was
put to their whole commerce for two months before it was diverted into
the new channel. Three months elapsed before the equivalent was remitted
to that kingdom, and it was afterwards applied with the most shameful
partiality. Seizures of wines and other merchandise imported from thence
into England, were made in all the northern parts with an affectation
of severity and disdain: so that the generality of the Scottish nation
loudly exclaimed against the union and the government. The Jacobites
were again in commotion. They held conferences: they maintained a
correspondence with the court of St. Germains: a great number of the
most rigid whigs entered so far into their measures as to think
a revolution was absolutely necessary to preserve the liberties,
independence, and commerce of their country: the pretender’s birth-day
was publicly celebrated in many different parts of the kingdom, and
everything seemed to portend an universal revolt. Ireland continued
quiet under the administration of the earl of Pembroke, whom the queen
had appointed lord-lieutenant of that kingdom. A parliament having met
at Dublin in the month of July, presented addresses of congratulation
to her majesty on the late union of the two kingdoms. The commons having
inspected the public accounts, resolved, that the kingdom had been put
to excessive charge, by means of great arrears of rent returned by the
late trustees, as due out of the forfeited estates, which returns were
false and unjust; and that an humble representation should be laid
before her majesty on this subject. They passed another laudable
resolution in favour of their own manufactures. They granted the
necessary supplies, and having finished several bills for the royal
assent, were prorogued on the twenty-ninth day of October.




MEETING OP THE FIRST BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

It was on the twenty-third of the same month that the first parliament
of Great Britain assembled at Westminster, when the queen in her speech
to both houses palliated the miscarriages in Provence and in Spain:
represented the necessity of making further efforts against the common
enemy; and exhorted them to be upon their guard against those who
endeavoured to sow jealousies in the commonwealth. The commons in their
address expressed the continuance of their former zeal and devotion
to her majesty’s government; but, in the house of lords, the earl of
Wharton expatiated upon the scarcity of money, the decay of trade, and
the mismanagement of the navy. He was seconded by lord Somers and the
leaders of the tory party, who proposed that, previous to every measure,
they should consider the state of the nation. The design of Wharton
and Somers was to raise the earl of Orford once more to the head of the
admiralty; and the tories, who did not perceive their drift, hoped, in
the course of the inquiry, to fix the blame of all mismanagement upon
the whig ministers. A day being fixed for this examination, the
house received a petition from the sheriffs and merchants of London,
complaining of great losses by sea for want of cruisers and convoys,
and the complaints were proved by witnesses. The report was sent to the
lord-admiral, who answered all the articles separately: then the tories
moved for an address, in which the blame of the miscarriages might
be laid upon the ministry and cabinet-council; but the motion was
overruled: the queen was presented with a bare representation of
the facts, and desired that she would take the proper measures for
preventing such evils for the future. The commons made some progress
in an inquiry of the same nature, and brought in a bill for the better
securing the trade of the kingdom. They cheerfully granted the supplies
for the service of the ensuing year. They prepared another bill for
repealing the Scottish act of security, and that about peace and war,
which had excited such jealousy in the English nation. They resolved
that there should be but one privy-council in the kingdom of Great
Britain: that the militia of Scotland should be put on the same footing
with that of England: that the powers of the justices of the peace
should be the same through the whole island: that the lords of
justiciary in Scotland should go circuits twice in the year; that the
writs for electing Scottish members to serve in the house of commons
should be directed, and returns made, in the same manner as practised
in England. An act being formed on these resolutions, they brought in
a bill for preserving the trade with Portugal: then they considered the
state of the war in Spain.




INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE WAR IN SPAIN.

When the queen passed these bills, she recommended an augmentation in
the aids and auxiliaries granted to the king of Spain and the duke of
Savoy. This intimation produced a debate in the house of lords on the
affairs of Spain. The services of the earl of Peterborough were extolled
by the earl of Rochester and lord Haver-sham, who levelled some oblique
reflections on the earl of Galway. Several lords enlarged upon the
necessity of carrying on the war until king Charles should be fully
established upon the throne of Spain. The earl of Peterborough said they
ought to contribute nine shillings in the pound rather than make peace
on any other terms: he declared himself ready to return to Spain, and
serve even under the earl of Galway. The earl of Rochester repeated
a maxim of the old duke of Schom-berg, that attacking France in the
Netherlands was like taking a bull by the horns. He therefore proposed
that the allies should stand on the defensive in Flanders, and detach
from thence fifteen or twenty thousand men into Catalonia. He was
seconded by the earl of Nottingham; but warmly opposed by the duke of
Marlborough, who urged that the great towns in Brabant which he had
conquered could not be preserved without a considerable number of men;
and that if the French should gain any advantage in Flanders from their
superiority in point of number, the discontented party in Holland, which
was very numerous, and bore with impatience the burden of the war, would
not fail crying aloud for peace. Being challenged by Rochester to show
how troops could be procured for the service of Italy and Spain, he
assured the house that measures had been already concerted with the
emperor for forming an army of forty thousand men under the duke of
Savoy, for sending powerful succours to king Charles. This declaration
finished the debate, which issued in an affectionate address to her
majesty. The lords resolved, that no peace could be safe and honourable
for her majesty and her allies, if Spain and the Spanish West Indies
were suffered to continue in the power of the house of Bourbon. They
presented an address, in which they desired she would press the emperor
to send powerful succours to Spain under the command of prince Eugene,
with all possible expedition, to make good his contract with the duke of
Savoy, and strengthen the army on the Rhine, which was now happily
put under the conduct of that wise and valiant prince, the elector of
Hanover. The commons concurred in this remonstrance, in consequence of
which the queen desired the emperor to bestow the command in Spain upon
prince Eugene. The court of Vienna, however, did not comply with this
request, but sent thither count Staremberg, who, of all the German
generals, was next to the prince in military reputation. The commons now
proceeded to consider of ways and means, and actually established
funds for raising the supply, which amounted to the enormous sum of six
millions.

At this period Mr. Harley’s character incurred suspicion, from the
treachery of William Gregg, an inferior clerk in his office, who was
detected in a correspondence with monsieur Chamillard, the French king’s
minister. When his practices were detected he made an ample confession,
and pleading guilty to his indictment at the Old Bailey, was condemned
to death for high-treason. At the same time, John Bara and Alexander
Valiere were committed to Newgate for corresponding with the enemy;
and Claude Baud, secretary to the duke of Savoy’s minister, was, at the
request of his master, apprehended for traitorous practices against her
majesty and her government. A committee of seven lords being appointed
to examine these delinquents, made a report to the house, which was
communicated to the queen, in an address, importing, that Gregg had
discovered secrets of state to the French minister: that Alexander
Valiere and John Bara had managed a correspondence with the governors
and commissaries of Calais and Boulogn; and, in all probability,
discovered to the enemy the stations of the British cruisers, the
strength of their convoys, and the times at which the merchant ships
proceeded on their voyages; that all the papers in the office of Mr.
Secretary Harley had been for a considerable time exposed to the view of
the meanest clerks, and that the perusal of all the letters to and from
the French prisoners had been chiefly trusted to Gregg, a person of a
very suspicious character, and known to be extremely indigent. The queen
granted a reprieve to this man, in hope of his making some important
discovery, but he really knew nothing of consequence to the nation. He
was an indigent Scot, who had been employed as a spy in his own country,
and now offered his services to Chamillard, with a view of being
rewarded for his treachery; but he was discovered before he had reaped
any fruits from his correspondence. As he had no secrets of importance
to impart, he was executed at Tyburn, where he delivered a paper to the
sheriff, in which he declared Mr. Harley entirely ignorant of all his
treasonable connexions, notwithstanding some endeavours that were made
to engage him in an accusation of that minister.

The queen had refused to admit the earl of Peterborough into her
presence until he should have vindicated his conduct, of which king
Charles had complained in divers letters. He was eagerly desirous of a
parliamentary inquiry. His military proceedings, his negotiations,
his disposal of the remittances, were taken into consideration by both
houses; but he produced such a number of witnesses and original papers
to justify every transaction, that his character triumphed in the
inquiry, which was dropped before it produced any resolution in
parliament. Then they took cognizance of the state of affairs in Spain,
and found there had been a great deficiency in the English troops at
the battle of Almanza. This, however, was explained so much to their
satisfaction, that they voted an address to the queen, thanking her
for having taken measures to restore the affairs in Spain, and provide
foreign troops for that service. The bill for rendering the union more
complete, met with a vigorous opposition in the house of lords from the
court-party, on account of the clause enacting, that, after the first
of May, there should be but one privy-council in the kingdom of Great
Britain. The ministry, finding it was strenuously supported by all
the tories and a considerable number of the other faction, would have
compromised the difference, by proposing that the privy-council of
Scotland should continue to the first day of October. They hinted this
expedient, in hope of being able to influence the ensuing elections;
but their design being palpable, the motion was overruled, and the bill
received the royal assent: a court of exchequer, however, was erected in
Scotland upon the model of that in England. The execution of Gregg, and
the examination of Valiere and Bara, who had acted as smugglers to the
coast of France, under the protection of Harley, to whom they engaged
for intelligence, affected the credit of that minister, who was
reviled and traduced by the emissaries of the whig party. The duke of
Marlborough and the earl of Godolphin, being apprised of his secret
practices with Mrs. Masham, wrote to the queen that they could serve her
no longer, should Mr. Harley continue in the post of secretary. Being
summoned to the cabinet-council, they waited on her in person, and
expostulated on the same subject. She endeavoured to appease their
resentment with soft persuasion, which had no effect; and when they
retired from court, to the astonishment of all the spectators, she
repaired in person to the council. There Mr. Secretary Harley began to
explain the cause of their meeting, which was some circumstance relating
to foreign affairs. The duke of Somerset said, he did not see how they
could deliberate on such matters while the general and treasurer were
absent: the other members observed a sullen silence; so that the council
broke up, and the queen found herself in danger of being abandoned by
her ministers. Next day her majesty sent for the duke of Marlborough,
and told him that Harley should immediately resign his office, which
was conferred upon Mr. Henry Boyle, chancellor of the exchequer; but she
deeply resented the deportment of the duke and the earl of Godolphin,
from whom she entirely withdrew her confidence. Sir Simon Harcourt,
attorney-general, sir Thomas Mansel, comptroller of the household, and
Mr. St. John, relinquished their several posts upon the disgrace of
Harley.




THE PRETENDER EMBARKS AT DUNKIRK FOR SCOTLAND.

The kingdom was at this period alarmed with a threatened invasion from
France. The court of St. Germain’s had sent over one colonel Hook with
credentials to Scotland, to learn the situation, number, and ability
of the pretender’s friends in that country. This minister, by his
misconduct, produced a division among the Scottish Jacobites. Being a
creature of the duke of Perth, he attached himself wholly to the duke
of Athol, and those other zealous partisans who were bent upon receiving
the pretender without conditions; and he neglected the duke of Hamilton,
the earl-marshal, and other adherents of that house, who adopted the
more moderate principles avowed by the earl of Middleton, At his return
to France, he made such a favourable report of the disposition and power
of the Scottish nation, that Louis resolved to equip an armament, and
send over the pretender to that kingdom. His pretence was to establish
that prince on the throne of his ancestors; but his real aim was to make
a diversion from the Netherlands, and excite a revolt in Great Britain,
which should hinder queen Anne from exerting herself against France
on the continent. He began to make preparations for this expedition
at Dunkirk, where a squadron was assembled under the command of the
chevalier de Fourbin; and a body of land forces were embarked with
monsieur de Gace, afterwards known by the appellation of the mareschal
de Matignon. The pretender, who had assumed the name of the chevalier
de St. George, was furnished with services of gold and silver plate,
sumptuous tents, rich clothes for his life-guards, splendid liveries,
and all sorts of necessaries even to profusion. Louis at parting
presented him with a sword studded with valuable diamonds, and repeated
what he had formerly said to this adventurer’s father: “He hoped he
should never see him again.” The pope contributed to the expense of this
expedition, and accommodated him with divers religious inscriptions,
which were wrought upon his colours and standards. Queen Anne being
informed of these preparations, and the design of the French monarch,
communicated to the commons the advices which she had received from
Holland and the Netherlands, touching the destination of the Dunkirk
armament; both houses concurred in an address, assuring her they would
assist her majesty with their lives and fortunes against the pretended
prince of Wales, and all her other enemies. Then they passed a bill,
enacting, that the oath of abjuration should be tendered to all persons,
and such as refused to take it should be in the condition of convicted
recusants. By another, they suspended the _habeas-corpus_ act till
October, with relation to persons apprehended by the government on
suspicion of treasonable practices. The pretender and his adherents were
proclaimed traitors and rebels; and a bill was passed, discharging the
clans of Scotland from all vassalage to those chiefs who should take up
arms against her majesty.

Transports were hired to bring over ten British battalions from Ostend;
a large fleet being equipped with incredible diligence, sailed from Deal
towards Dunkirk, under the conduct of sir John Leake, sir George Byng,
and lord Dursley. The French imagined that Leake had sailed to Lisbon,
and that Britain was unprovided of ships of war; so that they were
amazed and confounded when this fleet appeared off Mardyke: a stop was
immediately put to the embarkation of their troops; frequent expresses
were despatched to Paris; the count de Fourbin represented to the French
king the little probability of succeeding in this enterprise, and the
danger that would attend the attempt; but he received positive orders to
embark the forces, and set sail with the first favourable wind.

The British fleet being forced from their station by severe weather
on the fourteenth day of March, the French squadron sailed on the
seventeenth from the road of Dunkirk; but the wind shifting, it anchored
in Newport-pits till the nineteenth in the evening, when they set sail
again with a fair breeze, steering their course to Scotland. Sir George
Byng having received advice of their departure, from an Ostend vessel
sent out for that purpose by major-general Cadogan, gave chase to the
enemy, after having detached a squadron, under admiral Baker, to convoy
the troops that were embarked at Ostend for England. On the tenth day of
March the queen went to the house of peers, where, in a speech to both
houses, she told them that the French fleet had sailed; that sir George
Byng was in pursuit of them; and that ten battalions of her troops were
expected every day in England. This intimation was followed by two very
warm addresses from the lords and commons, in which they repeated their
assurances of standing by her against all her enemies. They exhorted her
to persevere in supporting the common cause, notwithstanding this petty
attempt to disturb her dominions; and levelled some severe insinuations
against those who endeavoured to foment jealousies between her majesty
and her most faithful servants. Addresses on the same occasion were sent
up from different parts of the kingdom; so that the queen seemed to look
with contempt upon the designs of the enemy. Several regiments of foot,
with some squadrons of cavalry, began their march for Scotland; the earl
of Leven, commander-in-chief of the forces in that country, and governor
of the castle of Edinburgh, hastened thither to put that fortress in a
posture of defence, and to make the proper dispositions to oppose the
pretender at his landing. But the vigilance of sir George Byng rendered
all these precautions unnecessary. He sailed directly to the Frith of
Edinburgh, where he arrived almost as soon as the enemy, who immediately
took the advantage of a land breeze, and bore away with all the sail
they could carry. The English admiral gave chase; and the Salisbury,
one of their ships, was boarded and taken. At night monsieur de Fourbin
altered his course, so that next day they were out of reach of the
English squadron. The pretender desired they would proceed to the
northward, and land him at Inverness, and Fourbin seemed willing to
gratify his request; but the wind changing, and blowing in their
teeth with great violence, he represented the danger of attempting to
prosecute the voyage; and, with the consent of the chevalier de St.
George and his general, returned to Dunkirk, after having been tossed
about a whole month in very tempestuous weather. In the meantime sir
George Byng sailed up to Leith road, where he received the freedom of
the city of Edinburgh in a golden box, as a testimony of gratitude for
his having delivered them from the dreadful apprehensions under which
they laboured.




STATE OF THE NATION AT THAT PERIOD.

Certain it is, the pretender could not have chosen a more favourable
opportunity for making a descent upon Scotland. The people in general
were disaffected to the government on account of the union; the regular
troops under Leven did not exceed five-and-twenty hundred men, and even
great part of these would in all probability have joined the invader;
the castle of Edinburgh was destitute of ammunition, and would in all
appearance have surrendered at the first summons; in which case the
Jacobites must have been masters of the equivalent money lodged in that
fortress: a good number of Dutch ships, loaded with cannon, small arms,
ammunition, and a large sum of money, had been driven on shore in the
shire of Angus, where they would have been seized by the friends of the
pretender, had the French troops been landed; and all the adherents of
that house were ready to appear in arms. In England, such a demand was
made upon the bank, by those who favoured the invasion, and those who
dreaded a revolution, that the public credit seemed to be in danger.
The commons resolved, that whoever designedly endeavoured to destroy
or lessen the public credit, especially at a time when the kingdom was
threatened with an invasion, was guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor,
and an enemy to her majesty and the kingdom. The lord treasurer
signified to the directors of the bank, that her majesty would allow
for six months an interest of six per cent, upon their bills, which was
double the usual rate; and considerable sums of money were offered
to them by this nobleman, as well as by the dukes of Marlborough,
Newcastle, and Somerset. The French, Dutch, and Jewish merchants, whose
interest was in a peculiar manner connected with the safety of the bank,
exerted themselves for its support; and the directors having called in
twenty per cent, upon their capital stock, were enabled to answer
all the demands of the timorous and disaffected. All the noblemen and
persons of distinction in Scotland, suspected of an attachment to the
court of St. Germain’s, were apprehended, and either imprisoned in the
castle of Edinburgh, or brought up to London to be confined in the Tower
or in Newgate. Among these was the duke of Hamilton, who found means to
make his peace with the whig ministers; and, in a little time, the other
prisoners were admitted to bail. [153] _[See note 2 D, at the end of
this Vol.]_

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED.

On the first day of April the parliament was prorogued, and afterwards
dissolved by proclamation. Writs were issued out for new elections,
together with a proclamation commanding all the peers of North Britain
to assemble at Holyrood-house in Edinburgh, on the seventeenth day of
June, to elect sixteen peers to represent them in the ensuing British
parliament, pursuant to the twenty-second article of the treaty of
union. After the dissolution of the parliament, the lords Griffin and
Clermont, two sons of the earl of Middleton, and several Scottish and
Irish officers who had been taken on board the Salisbury, were brought
to London and imprisoned in the Tower or in Newgate. Lord Griffin being
attainted by outlawry, for high treason committed in the reign of king
William, was brought to the bar of the court of king’s bench, and a rule
made for his execution; but he was reprieved from month to month, until
he died a natural death in prison. The privy-council of Scotland was
dissolved; the duke of Queensberry was created a British peer, by the
title of baron of Ripon, marquis of Beverley, and duke of Dover; and the
office of secretary at war, vacant by the resignation of Henry St. John,
was bestowed upon Robert Walpole, a gentleman who had rendered himself
considerable in the house of commons, and whose conduct Ave shall have
occasion to mention more at large in the sequel. About the same time
a proclamation was issued for distributing prizes, in certain
proportions, to the different officers and seamen of the royal navy; a
regulation that still prevails.




THE FRENCH SURPRISE GHENT AND BRUGES.

The French king, not at all discouraged by the miscarriage of his
projected invasion, resolved to improve the advantages he had gained on
the continent during the last campaign, and indeed he made efforts that
were altogether incredible, considering the consumptive state of his
finances. [154] _[See note 2 E, at the end of this Vol.]_ He assembled
a prodigious army in the Netherlands, under the command of the duke of
Burgundy, assisted by Vendôme, and accompanied by the duke of Berry and
the chevalier de St. George. The elector of Bavaria was destined to the
command of the troops on the Rhine, where he was seconded by the duke of
Berwick; and the mareschal de Villeroy was sent to conduct the forces
in Dauphiné. About the latter end of March, the duke of Marlborough
repaired to the Hague, where he was met by prince Eugene: these two
celebrated generals conferred with the pensionary Heinsius, and the
deputies of the states-general. Then they made an excursion to Hanover,
where they prevailed upon the elector to be satisfied with acting upon
the defensive in his command on the Rhine, and spare part of his forces,
that the confederates might be enabled to make vigorous efforts in the
Netherlands. The prince proceeded to Vienna, and the duke immediately
returned to Flanders, where he assembled the army towards the latter
end of May. On the twenty-fifth day of that month, the duke de Vendôme
marched to Soignies, and posted himself within three leagues of the
confederates, who were encamped at Billinghen and Halle. The duke of
Marlborough having received intelligence that the enemy were on their
march by Bois-Seigneur-Isaac to Braine-la-Leuwe, concluded their
intention was to take post on the banks of the Deule, to hinder the
allies from passing that river, and to occupy Louvaine. He, therefore,
commanded the army to march all night, and on the third day of June
encamped at Terbank, general d’Auverquerque fixing his quarters in the
suburbs of Louvaine, while the French advanced no farther than Genap and
Braine-la-Leuwe. As they were more numerous than the confederates, and
headed by a prince of the blood, the generals of the allies at first
expected that they would hazard a battle; but their scheme was to
retrieve by stratagem the places they lost in Flanders. The elector of
Bavaria had rendered himself extremely popular in the great towns;
the count de Bergeyck, who had considerable interest among them, was
devoted to the house of Bourbon; the inhabitants of the great cities
were naturally inconstant and mutinous, and particularly dissatisfied
with the Dutch government. The French generals resolved to profit by
these circumstances. A detachment of their troops, under the brigadiers
la Faile and Pasteur, surprised the city of Ghent, in which there was no
garrison; at the same time the count de la Motte, with a strong body
of forces, appeared before Bruges, which was surrendered to him without
opposition; then he made a fruitless attempt upon Damme, and marched to
the little fort of Plassendhal, which he took by assault. The duke of
Marlborough was no sooner apprised of the enemy’s having sent a strong
detachment towards Tabize, than he marched from Terbank, passed the
canal, and encamped at Anderlach. The French crossed the Senne at Halle
and Tabize, and the allies resolved to attack them next morning; but the
enemy passed the Dender in the night with great expedition; and the duke
of Marlborough next day encamped at Asche, where he was joined by prince
Eugene, who had marched with a considerable reinforcement of Germans
from the Moselle. The enemy understanding that this general was on his
march, determined to reduce Oudenarde, the only pass on the Schelde
possessed by the confederates; and invested it on the ninth day of July,
hoping to subdue it before the allies could be reinforced. The duke of
Marlborough was immediately in motion, and made a surprising march from
Asche, as far as Herselingen, where he was joined by the reinforcement.
Then he took possession of the strong camp at Lessines, which the French
had intended to occupy in order to cover the siege of Oudenarde.

Thus disappointed, the French generals altered their resolution,
abandoned Oudenarde, and began to pass the Schelde at Gavre. The
two generals of the confederates were bent upon bringing them to an
engagement. Cadogan was sent with sixteen battalions and eight squadrons
to repair the roads, and throw bridges over the Schelde below Oudenarde.
The army was in motion about eight o’clock, and marched with such
expedition, that by two in the afternoon the horses had reached the
bridges over which Cadogan and his detachment were passing. The enemy
had posted seven battalions in the village of Heynem, situated on the
banks of the Schelde, and the French household troops were drawn up
in order of battle on the adjacent plain, opposite to a body of troops
under major-general Bantzaw, who were posted behind a rivulet that ran
into the river. The duke de Vendôme intended to attack the confederates
when one half of their army should have passed the Schelde; but he
was thwarted by the duke of Burgundy, who seemed to be perplexed and
irresolute. This prince had ordered the troops to halt in their march to
Gavre, as if he had not yet formed any resolution; and now he recalled
the squadrons from the plain, determined to avoid a battle. Vendôme
remonstrated against this conduct, and the dispute continued till three
in the afternoon, when the greater part of the allied army had passed
the Schelde without opposition. Then the duke of Burgundy declared
for an engagement, and Vendôme submitted to his opinion with great
reluctance, as the opportunity was now lost, and the army unformed.
Major-general Grimaldi was ordered to attack Rantzaw with the horse
of the king’s household, who, finding the rivulet marshy, refused to
charge, and retired to the right. Meanwhile Cadogan attacked the village
of Heynem, which he took, with three of the seven battalions by which it
was guarded. Bantzaw, passing the rivulet, advanced into the plain and
drove before him several squadrons of the enemy. In this attack the
electoral prince of Hanover, his late majesty George IL, charged at
the head of Bulau’s dragoons with great intrepidity. His horse was
shot under him, and colonel Laschky killed by his side. Divers French
regiments were entirely broken, and a good number of officers and
standards fell into the hands of the Hanoverians. The confederates
continued still passing the river, but few or none of the infantry were
come up till five in the afternoon, when the duke of Argyle arrived with
twenty battalions, which immediately sustained a vigorous assault from
the enemy. By this time the French were drawn up in order of battle;
and the allies being formed as they passed the river, both armies were
engaged through the whole extent of their lines about seven in the
evening. Europe had not for many years produced two such noble armies:
above one hundred general officers appeared in the field, and two
hundred and fifty colonels fought at the head of their respective
regiments. The number of the French exceeded that of the allies
by twelve thousand; but their generals were divided, their forces
ill-disposed; and the men dispirited by the uninterrupted success
of their adversaries. They seemed from the beginning averse to an
engagement, and acted in hurry and trepidation. Nevertheless, the
action was maintained until general d’Auverquerque and count Tilly, who
commanded on the left of the allies, obliged the right of the enemy to
give ground; and the prince of Orange, with count Oxienstern, attacked
them in flank with the Dutch infantry. Then they began to give way,
and retired in great confusion. The duke de Vendôme, alighting from
his horse, rallied the broken battalions, called the officers by name,
conjured them to maintain the honour of their country, and animated the
men with his voice and example. But notwithstanding all his endeavours,
they were forced back among the enclosures in great confusion. Some
regiments were cut in pieces; others desired to capitulate; and if the
darkness had not interposed, their whole army would have been ruined.
The night coming on, so that it became impossible to distinguish friends
from enemies, the two generals ordered the troops to cease firing, and
the enemy took this opportunity of escaping by the road which leads from
Oudenarde to Ghent. The duke de Vendôme seeing the French forces flying
in the utmost terror and precipitation, formed a rear-guard of about
five-and-twenty squadrons, and as many battalions, with which he secured
the retreat. To this precaution the safety of their army was entirely
owing; for at day-break the duke of Marlborough sent a large detachment
of horse and foot, under the lieutenant-generals Bulau and Lumley, to
pursue the fugitives; but the hedges and ditches that skirted the road
were lined with the French grenadiers in such a manner, that the cavalry
could not form, and they were obliged to desist. The French reached
Ghent about eight in the morning, and marching through the city,
encamped at Lovendegen on the canal. There they thought proper to cast
up intrenchments, upon which they planted their artillery, which they
had left at Gavre with their heavy baggage. About three thousand were
slain on the field of battle; two thousand deserted; and about seven
thousand were taken, including a great number of officers, together with
ten pieces of cannon, above an hundred standards and colours, and four
thousand horses. The loss of the allies did not amount to two thousand
men; nor was one officer of distinction killed on their side during the
whole engagement.*

     * Among the officers who were engaged in this battle, old
     general d’Auverquerque and the duke of Argyle distinguished
     themselves by the most extraordinary valour and activity.

After the confederates had rested two days on the field of battle, a
detachment was ordered to level the French lines between Ypres and
the Lys; another was sent to raise contributions as far as Arras; they
ravaged the country, and struck terror even into the city of Paris.
While the allies plundered the province of Picardy, a detachment from
the French army, under the chevalier de Rozen, made an irruption into
Dutch-Flanders, broke through the lines of Bervilet, which had been left
unguarded, and made a descent upon the island of Cadsandt, which they
laid under contribution.




THE ALLIES INVEST LISLE.

The generals of the allies now undertook an enterprise, which, in the
opinion of the French generals, savoured of rashness and inconsiderate
self-sufficiency. This was the siege of Lisle, the strongest town in
Flanders, provided with all necessaries, stores of ammunition, and a
garrison reinforced with one and twenty battalions of the best troops
in France, commanded by mareschal de Boufflers in person. But these were
not the principal difficulties which the allies encountered. The enemy
had cut off the communication between them and their magazines at
Antwerp and Sas-Fan-Ghent; so that they were obliged to bring their
convoys from Ostend along a narrow causeway, exposed to the attack of an
army more numerous than that with which they sat down before Lisle. On
the thirteenth of August it was invested on one side by prince Eugene,
and on the other by the prince of Orange-Nassau, stadtholder of
Friesland; while the duke of Marlborough encamped at Hel-chin, to cover
the siege. The trenches were opened on the twenty-second day of August,
and carried on with that vigour and alacrity which is always inspired by
victory and success. The dukes of Burgundy and Vendôme being now joined
by the duke of Berwick, resolved, if possible, to relieve the place; and
made several marches and counter-marches for this purpose. Marlborough
being apprized of their intention, inarched out of his lines to give
them battle, being reinforced by a considerable body of troops from the
siege, including Augustus king of Poland, and the landgrave of Hesse,
as volunteers; but the enemy declined an engagement, and the allies
returned to their camp, which they fortified with an intrenchment.
On the seventh day of September, the besiegers took by assault the
counterscarp of Lisle, after an obstinate action, in which they lost a
thousand men. The French generals continued to hover about the camp
of the confederates, which they actually cannonaded; and the duke of
Marlborough again formed his army in order of battle; but their design
was only to harass the allies with continual alarms, and interrupt the
operations of the siege. They endeavoured to surprise the town of
Aeth, by means of a secret correspondence with the inhabitants; but the
conspiracy was discovered before it took effect. Then they cut off all
communication between the besiegers and the Schelde, the banks of which
they fortified with strong intrenchments, and a prodigious number of
cannon; so that now all the stores and necessaries were sent to the camp
of the confederates from Ostend. On the twenty-first day of September,
prince Eugene, who was in the trenches, seeing the troops driven by
the enemy from a lodgement they had made on the counterscarp of the
tenaille, rallied and led them back to the charge; but being wounded
over the left eye with a musket-shot, he was obliged to retire, and for
some days the duke of Marlborough sustained the whole command, both in
the siege and of the covering army. On the twenty-third the tenaille was
stormed, and a lodgement made along the covered way. Mareschal Boufflers
having found means to inform the duke de Vendôme that his ammunition was
almost expended, this general detached the chevalier de Luxembourg, with
a body of horse and dragoons, to supply the place with gunpowder,
every man carrying a bag of forty pounds upon the crupper. They were
discovered in passing through the camp of the allies, and pursued to the
barrier of the town, into which about three hundred were admitted; but a
great number were killed by the confederates, or miserably destroyed by
the explosion of the powder which they carried.

The next attempt of the French generals was to intercept a convoy from
Ostend. The count de la Motte marched from Ghent, with about two and
twenty thousand men, to attack this convoy, which was guarded by six
thousand of the allies, commanded by major-general Webb. This officer
made such an admirable disposition by the wood of Wynendale, and
received the enemy with such a close fire, that, after a very warm
action that lasted two hours, they retired in the utmost confusion,
notwithstanding their great superiority in number, leaving six thousand
men killed upon the field of battle; the loss of the allies not
exceeding nine hundred and twelve officers and soldiers. This was the
most honourable exploit performed during the whole war, and of such
consequence to the confederates, that if the convoy had been taken,
the siege must have been raised. The duke de Vendôme ordered the dikes
between Bruges and Newport to be cut, so as to lay the whole country
under water, in hopes of destroying the communication between Ostend
and the camp of the confederates; and, after a regular siege, he took
colonel Caulfield, and a body of British troops posted in the village of
Leffinghen, by whose means the convoys had been forwarded to the duke
of Marlborough. On the twenty-second of October, mareschal Boufflers
desired to capitulate for the town of Lisle: next day the articles were
signed: on the twenty-fifth the allies took possession of the place, and
the mareschal retired into the citadel with the remains of his garrison,
which, from twelve thousand, was reduced to less than the half of that
number. A negotiation was begun for the surrender of the citadel; but
Boufflers made such extravagant demands as were rejected with disdain.
Hostilities were renewed on the twenty-ninth day of the month; and the
earl of Stair was detached to provide corn for the army in the districts
of Fumes and Dixmuyde. During these transactions, veldt-mareschal
D’Auverquerque died at Roselser, in the sixty-seventh year of his age,
after having, in above thirty campaigns, exhibited innumerable proofs of
uncommon courage, ability, and moderation. The duke de Vendôme did not
despair of obliging the confederates to abandon their enterprise: the
French ministers at Rome and Venice publicly declared the allied army
was cooped up in such a manner, that it must either raise the siege or
be famished. The elector of Bavaria, with a detachment of ten thousand
men, marched to Brussels, and attacked the counterscarp with incredible
fury; but was repulsed by the garrison, under the command of general
Paschal, and retired with precipitation, when he understood that the
duke of Marlborough was in motion to relieve the place. This nobleman
and prince Eugene no sooner understood the danger to which Brussels was
exposed, than they marched with the covering army to the Schelde,
which they passed in pontoons without opposition, notwithstanding the
formidable works which the French had raised. They now abandoned them
with precipitation, to the surprise of the confederates, who had laid
their account with the loss of a thousand men in the attack. Having
passed the river between Eskenaffe and Hauterive, as well as at other
places, they marched to Oudenarde, where they received intelligence that
the elector had retreated. Then prince Eugene returned to Lisle, and the
duke of Marlborough proceeded to Brussels, where he was received with
joy and acclamation. He afterwards took post at Oudenarde, so as to
maintain a communication with prince Eugene.




LISLE SURRENDERED, GHENT TAKEN, AND BRUGES ABANDONED.

The besiegers having made lodgements and raised batteries on the second
counterscarp of the citadel, sent a message to Boufflers, intimating,
that if he would surrender before the opening of the batteries, he
should have an honourable capitulation; otherwise he and his garrison
must be made prisoners of war. He chose to avoid the last part of the
alternative: hostages were exchanged on the eighth day of December, and
the articles signed on the tenth; when the mareschal and his garrison
marched out with the honours of war, and were conducted to Douay. In
this great enterprise, spirit and perseverance made amends for want of
foresight and skill, which was flagrant on the side of the confederates;
yet their success was owing in a great measure to the improvidence and
misconduct of the besieged. The French generals never dreamed that the
allies would attempt any thing of consequence after the reduction of
Lisle, considering the advanced season of the year, and therefore they
returned to Paris, after having distributed their army into winter
quarters. But their indefatigable antagonists were determined to strike
another stroke of importance before their forces should separate. On the
twentieth day of December they invested the city of Ghent on all sides;
and on the thirtieth, when the batteries were ready to open, the count
de la Motte, who commanded the garrison, desired to capitulate. On the
third day of January, 1708, he marched out with thirty battalions and
sixteen squadrons, which were conducted to Tournay; while the duke of
Argyle, with six British battalions, took possession of the town and
citadel. Then the enemy abandoned Bruges, Plassendahl, and Leffengen;
and the generals of the allies, having settled the plan of winter
quarters, repaired to Holland, leaving their forces under the command
of count Tilly. The French king was confounded and dismayed at these
conquests in the Netherlands. Nor was he easy on the side of Dauphiné:
in spite of all the vigilance and activity of Villars, the duke of Savoy
made himself master of the important fortresses of Exilles, La Perouse,
the valley of St. Martin, and Fenestrells; so that by the end of the
campaign he had secured a barrier to his own frontiers, and opened a way
into the French provinces, after having made a diversion in favour of
king Charles, by obliging the enemy to send a strong detachment from
Rousillon to the assistance of Villars.

{1708}




CONQUEST OF MINORCA.

The campaign in Catalonia was productive of a great event. Count Guido
de Staremberg arrived at Barcelona on the last day of April; but the
Imperial troops brought from Italy by admiral Leake did not land in
time to relieve Tortosa, which the duke of Orleans besieged and took,
together with Denia, the garrison of which were made prisoners of war,
contrary to the articles of capitulation. These losses, however,
were abundantly made up to the allies by the conquest of Sardinia and
Minorca. Sir John Leake, having taken on board a handful of troops,
under the conduct of the marquis d’Alconzel, set sail for Cagliari, and
summoned the viceroy to submit to king Charles. As he did not send
an immediate answer, the admiral began to bombard the city, and the
inhabitants compelled him to surrender at discretion. The greater part
of the garrison enlisted themselves in the service of Charles. The
deputies of the states being assembled by the marquis d’Alconzel,
acknowledged that prince as their sovereign, and agreed to furnish
his army with thirty thousand sacks of corn, which were accordingly
transported to Catalonia, where there was a great scarcity of
provisions. Major-general Stanhope having planned the conquest of
Minorca, and concerted with the admiral the measures necessary to put
it in execution, obtained from count Staremberg a few battalions of
Spaniards, Italians, and Portuguese; at the head of these he embarked
at Barcelona with a fine train of British artillery, accompanied by
brigadier Wade and colonel Petit, an engineer of great reputation. They
landed on the island about ten miles from St. Philip’s fort, on the
26th of August, with about eight hundred marines, which augmented their
number to about three thousand. Next day they erected batteries; and
general Stanhope ordered a number of arrows to be shot into a place, to
which papers were affixed, written in the Spanish and French languages,
containing threats, that all the garrison should be sent to the mines
if they would not surrender before the batteries were finished. The
garrison consisted of a thousand Spaniards, and six hundred French
marines, commanded by colonel la Jonquire, who imagined that the number
of the besiegers amounted to at least ten thousand, so artfully had they
been drawn up in sight of the enemy. The batteries began to play, and
in a little time demolished four towers that served as out-works to
the fort; then they made a breach in the outward wall, through which
brigadier Wade, at the head of the grenadiers, stormed a redoubt, with
such extraordinary valour as struck the besieged with consternation.
On the second or third day they thought proper to beat a parley, and
capitulate, on condition that they should march out with the honours of
war: that the Spaniards should be transported to Murcia, and the French
to Toulon. These last, however, were detained, by way of reprisal for
the garrison of Denia. The Spanish governor was so mortified when he
learned the real number of besiegers, that on his arrival at Murcia, he
threw himself out of a window in despair, and was killed upon the spot.
La Jonquire was confined for life, and all the French officers incurred
their master’s displeasure. Fort St. Philip being thus reduced, to
the amazement of all Europe, and the garrison of Fort Fornelles having
surrendered themselves prisoners to the admirals Leake and Whitaker, the
inhabitants gladly submitted to the English government, for king Philip
had oppressed and deprived them of their privileges: general Stanhope
appointed colonel Petit governor of Fort St. Philip, and deputy-governor
of the whole island. After this important conquest he returned to
the army in Spain, where an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Tortosa,
finished the operations of the campaign.




RUPTURE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR.

The British fleet not only contributed to the reduction of Minorca, but
likewise overawed the pope, who had endeavoured to form a league of the
princes in Italy against the emperor. This pontiff had manifested his
partiality to the house of Bourbon in such a palpable manner, that his
Imperial majesty ordered monsieur de Bonneval to march with the troops
that were in Italy, reinforced by those belonging to the duke of Modena,
and invade the duchy of Ferrara. He accordingly took possession of
Comachio and some other places, pretending they were allodial estates
belonging to the duke of Modena, and fiefs of the emperor, to which the
holy see had no lawful claim. The viceroy of Naples was forbid to
remit any money to Rome; and the council of the kingdom drew up a long
memorial, containing the pretensions of his catholic majesty, which
struck at the very foundation of the pope’s temporal power. His holiness
wrote a long remonstrance to the emperor on the injustice of those
proceedings, and declared that he would assert his cause though he
should lose his life in the contest. He forthwith began to raise an
army, and revived a plan of forming a league among the princes and
states of Italy for their mutual defence. Sir John Leake had received
orders to bombard Civita-Vecchia, in resentment for the pope’s having
countenanced the pretender’s expedition to Great Britain; but as the
emperor and duke of Savoy hoped to effect an accommodation with the
court of Rome, they prevailed upon the English admiral to suspend
hostilities until they should have tried the method of negotiation. The
marquis de Prie, a Piedmontese nobleman, was sent as ambassador to Rome;
but the pope would not receive him in that quality. Elated with the
promises of France, he set the emperor at defiance; and his troops
having surprised a body of Imperialists, were so barbarous as to cut
them all in pieces. The duke of Savoy having ended the campaign, the
troops of the emperor, which had served under that prince, were ordered
to march into the papal territories, and drove the forces of his
holiness before them, without any regard to number. Bologna capitulated;
and Rome began to tremble with the apprehension of being once more
sacked by a German army. Then the pope’s courage failed; he was glad
to admit the marquis de Prie as envoy from the emperor. He consented to
disband his new levies; to accommodate the Imperial troops with winter
quarters in the papal territories; to grant the investiture of Naples to
king Charles; and to allow at all times a passage to the Imperial troops
through his dominions. On the Upper Rhine the electors of Bavaria
and Hanover were so weak, that they could not undertake any thing of
consequence against each other. In Hungary the disputes still continued
between the emperor and the malcontents. Poland was at length delivered
from the oppression exercised by the king of Sweden, who marched into
the Ukraine against the czar of Muscovy, notwithstanding the submission
with which that monarch endeavoured to appease his indignation. During
the course of this year the English merchants sustained no considerable
losses by sea: the cruisers were judiciously stationed, and the trade
was regularly supplied with convoys. In the West Indies, commodore Wager
destroyed the admiral of the galleons, and took the rear-admiral on the
coast of Carthagena. Had the officers of his squadron done their duty,
the greatest part of the fleet would have fallen into his hands. At his
return to Jamaica, two of his captains were tried by a court-martial and
dismissed from the service.




DEATH OF PRINCE GEORGE OF DENMARK.

The court of England was about this time not a little disquieted by
the consequences of an outrage committed on the person of the count de
Matueof, the Muscovite ambassador. He was publicly arrested at the suit
of a laceman, and maltreated by the bailiffs, who dragged him to
prison, where he continued until he was bailed by the earl of Feversham.
Incensed at this insult, he demanded redress of the government, and was
seconded in his remonstrances by the ministers of the emperor, the king
of Prussia, and several other foreign potentates. The queen expressed
uncommon indignation against the authors of this violence, who were
immediately apprehended, and orders were given to prosecute them with
the utmost severity of the law. Matueof repealed his complaints with
great acrimony; and Mr. Secretary Boyle assured him, in the queen’s
name, that he should have ample satisfaction. Notwithstanding this
assurance, he demanded a pass for himself and family; refused the
ordinary presents at his departure; and retired to Holland. From thence
he transmitted a memorial, with a letter from the czar to the queen,
insisting upon her punishing with death all the persons concerned in
violating the law of nations upon the person of his ambassador. Such
punishment being altogether inconsistent with the laws of England,
the queen and her ministry were extremely perplexed, and held several
councils to deliberate upon the measures proper to be taken on such an
occasion. On the twenty-eighth day of October, prince George of Denmark
died of an asthma and dropsy, with which he had been long afflicted.
He was a prince of an amiable rather than a shining character, brave,
good-natured, modest, and humane, but devoid of great talents and
ambition. He had always lived in harmony with the queen, who, during the
whole term of their union, and especially in his last illness, approved
herself a pattern of conjugal truth and tenderness. At his death the
earl of Pembroke was created lord-high-admiral, the earl of Wharton
promoted to the government of Ireland, and lord Somers appointed
president of the council. Notwithstanding these promotions of the whig
noblemen, the duke of Marlborough declined apace in his credit with the
queen, who privately consulted and reposed her chief confidence in Mr.
Harley, though he had no visible concern in the administration.




THE NEW PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.

The new parliament, in which the whig interest still preponderated,
was assembled on the sixteenth day of November, when they were given to
understand by a commission under the great seal, that the archbishop of
Canterbury, the chancellor, the lord-treasurer, the lord steward, and
the master of the horse, were appointed to represent the person of her
majesty, whom decency would not permit to appear in the house so soon
after the death of her consort. Sir Richard Onslow being chosen speaker
of the lower house with the queen’s approbation, the chancellor, in a
speech to both houses, recommended the vigorous prosecution of the
war, telling them her majesty hoped they would enable her to make a
considerable augmentation for preserving and improving the advantages
which the allies had gained in the Netherlands; that she desired
they would prepare such bills as might confirm and render the union
effectual; and that if they would propose means for the advancement
of trade and manufacture, she would take pleasure in enacting such
provisions. Both houses having presented addresses of condolence and
congratulation, on the death of prince George, and the success of her
majesty’s arms during the last campaign, the commons took cognizance of
controverted elections, which were decided with shameful partiality for
the whig faction. Then they proceeded to consider the different branches
of the supply; they approved of an augmentation of ten thousand men,
which was judged necessary for the more vigorous prosecution of the war;
and they voted above seven millions for the service of the ensuing year.
The bank agreed to circulate two millions five hundred thousand pounds
in exchequer bills for the government, on condition that the term of
their continuance should be prolonged for one-and-twenty years; and that
their stock of two millions, two hundred and one thousand, one hundred
and seventy-one pounds, should be doubled by a new subscription. The
two-thirds subsidy was appropriated for the interest of the money raised
by this expedient.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




NATURALIZATION BILL.

Great debates having arisen about Scottish elections, the house
considered the petitions and representations that were delivered,
touching the incapacity of the eldest sons of Scottish peers, excluded
from sitting in the parliament of Great Britain. Counsel being heard
upon the subject, that incapacity was confirmed; and new writs were
issued, that new members might be elected for the shires of Aberdeen and
Linlithgow, in the room of William lord Haddo, and James lord Johnston.
Petitions were likewise presented to the house of lords by some Scottish
peers, concerning their right of voting and signing proxies. After warm
debates, the house, upon a division, determined that a Scottish lord
created a peer of Great Britain should no longer retain his vote in
Scotland; and that the noblemen who were in the castle of Edinburgh had
a right to sign proxies, after having taken the oaths to the government.
The Scottish peers and commoners that sat in the British parliament were
divided into two factions. The duke of Queensberry was in great
credit with the Queen and the lord-treasurer, by whose interest he was
appointed secretary of state for Scotland. His influence in elections
was so great, that all offices in that kingdom were bestowed according
to his recommendation. He was opposed by the dukes of Hamilton,
Montrose, and Roxburgh, who were supported by the earl of Sunderland and
lord Somers; so that the whole interest in that country was engrossed by
one or other member of the ministry. A bill for a general naturalization
of all protestants was brought into the house, and notwithstanding
violent opposition from the tories, both among the lords and commons,
was enacted into a law. The whigs argued for this bill, as a measure
that would encourage industry, improve trade and manufacture, and repair
the waste of men which the war had occasioned; but one of their chief
motives was to throw an addition of foreigners into the balance against
the landed interest. The tories pleaded that a conflux of aliens might
prove dangerous to the constitution; that they would retain a fondness
for their native countries, and, in times of war, act as spies and
enemies; that they would insinuate themselves into places of trust and
profit; become members of parliament; and by frequent intermarriages
contribute to the extinction of the English race: that they would add
to the number of the poor, already so expensive; and share the bread of
the labourers and tradesmen of England.




ACT OF GRACE.

An inquiry being set on foot in both houses concerning the late
intended invasion in Scotland, lord Haversham and the other tory members
endeavoured to demonstrate, that proper precautions had not been taken
for the security of that kingdom, even after the ministry had received
undoubted intelligence of the pretender’s design; that since the
attempt had miscarried, many persons of quality had been apprehended and
severely used by the government, on pretended suspicion of high treason;
though in all probability the aim of the ministry, in confining those
persons, was to remove all possibility of their opposing the court at
the ensuing elections for members of parliament. These assertions
were supported by many incontested facts and shrewd arguments,
notwithstanding which, the majority were so little disposed to find
fault, that the inquiry issued in a joint address to the queen,
containing resolutions, that timely and effectual care had been taken
to disappoint the designs of her majesty’s enemies, both at home and
abroad. A bill, however, was brought into the house of lords, under
the title of “An act for improving the union of the two kingdoms.”
 It related to trials for treason in Scotland, which by this law were
regulated according to the manner of proceeding in England, with some
small variation. The Scottish members opposed it as an encroachment upon
the form of their laws; and they were joined by those who had laid it
down as a maxim to oppose all the court measures; nevertheless, the bill
passed through both houses, and received the royal assent. Yet, in order
to sweeten this unpalatable medicine, the queen consented to an act of
grace, by which all treasons were pardoned, except those committed on
the high seas; an exception levelled at those who had embarked with the
pretender. Major-general Webb, who had been defrauded of his due honour,
in a partial representation of the battle of Wynendale, transmitted by
Cardonnel, secretary to the duke of Marlborough, was now thanked by
the house of commons for the great and eminent services which he had
performed in that engagement. This motion was made by the tories; and
the whigs did not fail to procure a compliment of the same nature to the
duke of Marlborough, even before he returned to England. When the news
of Ghent’s being taken arrived, the lords and commons congratulated the
queen on this last effort of a glorious campaign; and the duke at his
arrival was thanked, in the name of the peers, by the lord chancellor.
As he was supposed to have brought over proposals of peace, the two
houses, in an address, desired the queen would insist on the demolition
of Dunkirk, which was a nest of pirates that infested the ocean, and
did infinite prejudice to the commerce of England. The queen promised
to comply with their request. But she was not a little surprised at the
next address they presented, humbly entreating, that she would have
such indulgence to the hearty desires of her subjects, as to entertain
thoughts of a second marriage. She told them, that the provision she had
made for the protestant succession would always be a proof how much she
had at heart the future happiness of the kingdom; but the subject of
this address was of such a nature, that she was persuaded they did not
expect a particular answer.

{1709}




DISPUTES ABOUT THE MUSCOVITE AMBASSADOR COMPROMISED.

The laws having been found insufficient to punish capitally the authors
of the insult offered to the Muscovite ambassador, a bill was brought
into the house of commons for preserving the privileges of ambassadors
and other foreign ministers; and passed through both houses, as did
another, to prevent the laying of wagers relating to the public, a
practice which had been carried to a degree of infatuation; and by
which many unwary persons fell a sacrifice to crafty adventurers. On the
fourteenth day of March, the commons voted the sum of one hundred and
three thousand, two hundred and three pounds, for the relief of the
inhabitants of Nevis and St. Christopher’s, who had suffered by the
late invasion; and on the twenty-first day of April, the parliament was
prorogued. The Muscovite ambassador continued to write expostulatory
letters to Mr. Secretary Boyle, who at last owned that the laws of the
kingdom did not admit of such punishment as he demanded. An information
was tried in the court of king’s bench for her majesty against Thomas
Morton, laceman, and thirteen other persons concerned in the insult, of
which they were found guilty; and the special matter of the privileges
of ambassadors was to be argued next term before the judges. Meanwhile,
the queen, by way of satisfaction to the czar, condescended to make
solemn excuses by her ambassador; to repair Matueof’s honour by a
letter, and indemnify him for all his costs and damages: concessions
with which the czar and his ambassador declared themselves well
satisfied. The convocation had been summoned, chosen, and returned with
a new parliament; but as the old spirit was supposed to prevail in
the lower house, the queen, by writ to the archbishop, ordered him.
to prorogue it from time to time, until the session of parliament was
finished.




CHAPTER X.

     _Negotiation for Peace ineffectual..... The Allied Army
     besieges and takes Tour-nay..... The French are defeated at
     Malplaquet..... Mons surrendered..... Campaign in Spain.....
     The French King’s Proposals of treating rejected by the
     States-general..... Account of Dr. Sacheverel..... He is
     impeached by the Commons..... His Trial..... Debates upon it
     in the House of Lords..... He is silenced for three
     Years..... Conferences at Gertruydenburgh..... Pride and
     Obstinacy of the Dutch..... Douay besieged and taken by the
     Confederates, as well as Bethune, Aire, and St. Venant.....
     King Charles obtains a Victory over Philip at Saragossa, and
     enters Madrid..... Battle of Villaviciosa..... The Whig
     Ministry disgraced..... The Parliament is dissolved.....
     Meeting of the New Parliament..... The Duke of Marlborough
     insulted and reviled..... Inquiry into the Conduct of the
     War in Spain..... Severe Votes in the House of Commons
     against those who invited over the poor Palatines.....
     Harley stabbed at the Council Board by Guiscard; and
     created Earl of Oxford..... Death of the Emperor Joseph.....
     Representation by the Commons to the Queen..... Proceedings
     in the  Convocation..... The Duke of Marlborough continues
     to command the Allied Army..... He surprises the French
     Lines..... Reduces Bouchain..... The Duke of Argyle commands
     the British Troops in Spain..... King Charles elected
     Emperor..... Expedition to Canada..... Insolence of the
     Jacobites in Scotland..... A Negotiation set on Foot between
     the Courts of France and England..... Prior is sent to
     Fountainbleau..... Ménager arrives privately in England.....
     The French King’s Proposals disagreeable to the Allies.....
     Violent Debate upon them in the House of Lords..... The Duke
     of Hamilton’s Title of Duke of Brandon disallowed..... Bill
     against occasional Conformity passes..... Duke of
     Marlborough dismissed from all his Employments..... Twelve
     new Peers  created..... Prince Eugene of Savoy arrives in
     England..... Walpole expelled the House of Commons.....
     Votes against the Duke of Marlborough..... Resolutions
     against the Barrier-treaty and the Dutch..... Acts
     unfavourable to the Presbyterian Discipline in Scotland._




NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE INEFFECTUAL.

The French king was by this time reduced to such a state of humiliation
by the losses of the last campaign, and a severe winter, which completed
the misery of his subjects, that he resolved to sacrifice all the
considerations of pride and ambition, as well as the interest of his
grandson, to his desire of peace, which was now become so necessary and
indispensable. He despatched the president Rouillé privately to Holland,
with general proposals of peace, and the offer of a good barrier to the
states-general, still entertaining hopes of being able to detach them
from the confederacy. This minister conferred in secret with Buys and
Vanderdussen, the pensionaries of Amsterdam and Gouda, at Moerdyke,
from whence he was permitted to proceed to Woerden, between Leyden and
Utrecht. The states immediately communicated his proposals to the courts
of Vienna and Great Britain. Prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough
arrived at the Hague in April, and conferred with the grand pensionary
Heinsius, Buys, and Vanderdussen, on the subject of the French
proposals, which were deemed unsatisfactory. Rouillé immediately
despatched a courier to Paris, for further instructions; and the duke of
Marlborough returned to England, to make the queen acquainted with the
progress of the negotiation. Louis, in order to convince the states
of his sincerity, sent the marquis de Torcy, his secretary for foreign
affairs, to the Hague, with fresh offers, to which the deputies would
make no answer until they knew the sentiments of the queen of Great
Britain. The duke of Marlborough crossed the seas a second time
accompanied by the lord Townshend, as ambassador-extraordinary and
joint plenipotentiary; prince Eugene being likewise at the Hague, the
conferences were begun. The French minister declared that his master
would consent to the demolition of Dunkirk; that he would abandon the
pretender, and dismiss him from his dominions; that he would acknowledge
the queen’s title and the protestant succession; that he would renounce
all pretensions to the Spanish monarchy, and cede the places in the
Netherlands which the states-general demanded for their barrier; that he
would treat with the emperor on the footing of the treaty concluded
at Rys-wick, and even demolish the fortifications of Strasburgh. The
ministers of the allies, rendered proud and wanton by success, and
seeing their own private interest in the continuation of the war,
insisted upon the restitution of the Upper and Lower Alsace to the
empire; upon the French monarch’s restoring Strasburgh in its present
condition; upon his ceding the town and castellany of Lisle, demolishing
Dunkirk, New Brisac, Fort-Louis, and Hunningen. In a word, their
demands were so insolent, that Louis would not have suffered them to be
mentioned in his hearing, had not he been reduced to the last degree
of distress. One can hardly read them without feeling a sentiment of
compassion for that monarch, who had once given law to Europe, and
been so long accustomed to victory and conquest. Notwithstanding the
discouraging despatches he had received from the president Rouillé,
after his first conferences with the deputies, he could not believe
that the Dutch would be so blind to their own interest, as to reject the
advantages in commerce, and the barrier which he had offered. He could
not conceive that they would choose to bear the burden of excessive
taxes in prosecuting a war, the events of which would always be
uncertain, rather than enjoy the blessings of peace, security, and
advantageous commerce: he flattered himself that the allies would not so
far deviate from their purposed aim of establishing a balance of power,
as to throw such an enormous weight into the scale of the house of
Austria, which cherished all the dangerous ambition and arbitrary
principles, without the liberality of sentiment peculiar to the house of
Bourbon. In proportion as they rose in their demands, Louis fell in his
condescension. His secretary of state, the marquis de Torcy, posted
in disguise to Holland, on the faith of a common blank passport. He
solicited, he soothed, he supplicated, and made concessions in the
name of his sovereign. He found the states were wholly guided by the
influence of prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough. He found these
generals elated, haughty, overbearing, and implacable. He in private
attacked the duke of Marlborough on his weakest side: he offered to
that nobleman a large sum of money, provided he would effect a peace
on certain conditions. The proposal was rejected. The duke found his
enemies in England increasing, and his credit at court in the wane; and
he knew that nothing but a continuation of the war, and new victories,
could support his influence in England. Torcy was sensible that his
country was utterly exhausted, that Louis dreaded nothing so much as the
opening of the campaign; and he agreed to those articles upon which
they insisted as preliminaries. The French king was confounded at
these proposals; he felt the complicated pangs of grief, shame, and
indignation. He rejected the preliminaries with disdain. He even deigned
to submit his conduct to the judgment of his subjects. His offers
were published, together with the demands of the allies. His people
interested themselves in the glory of their monarch. They exclaimed
against the cruelty and arrogance of his enemies. Though impoverished
and half-starved by the war, they resolved to expend their whole
substance in his support; and rather to fight his battles without
pay, than leave him in the dire necessity of complying with such
dishonourable terms. Animated by these sentiments, they made such
efforts as amazed the whole world. The preliminaries being rejected by
the French king, Rouillé was ordered to quit Holland in four-and-twenty
hours; and the generals of the confederates resolved to open the
campaign without further hesitation.




THE ALLIED ARMY TAKE TOURNAY.

Prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough proceeded to Flanders, and
towards the end of June the allied army encamped in the plain of Lisle,
to the number of one hundred and ten thousand fighting men. At the same
time, the mareschal Villars, accounted the most fortunate general in
France, assembled the French forces in the plain of Lens, where he began
to throw up intrenchments. The confederate generals having observed his
situation, and perceiving he could not be attacked with any probability
of success, resolved to undertake the siege of Tournay, the garrison of
which Villars had imprudently weakened. Accordingly, they made a
feint upon Ypres, in order to deceive the enemy, and convert all their
attention to that side, while they suddenly invested Tournay on the
twenty-seventh day of June. Though the garrison did not exceed twelve
I weakened battalions, and four squadrons of dragoons, the place was
so strong, both by art and nature, and lieutenant de Surville,
the governor, possessed such admirable talents, that the siege was
protracted contrary to the expectation of the allies, and cost them a
great number of men, notwithstanding all the precautions that could be
taken for the safety of the troops. As the besiegers proceeded by the
method of sap, their miners frequently met with those of the enemy under
ground, and fought with bayonet and pistol. The volunteers on both sides
presented themselves to these subterraneous combats, in the midst of
mines and countermines ready primed for explosion. Sometimes they were
kindled by accident, and sometimes sprung by design; so that great
numbers of those brave men were stifled below, and whole battalions
blown into the air, or buried in the rubbish. On the twenty-eighth day
of July, the besiegers having effected a practicable breach, and made
the necessary dispositions for a general assault, the enemy offered to
capitulate: the town was surrendered upon conditions, and the garrison
retired to the citadel. Surville likewise entered into a treaty
about giving up the citadel: the articles being sent to the court of
Versailles, Louis would not ratify them, except upon condition that
there should be a general cessation in the Netherlands till the fifth
day of September. Hostilities were renewed on the eighth day of August,
and prosecuted with uncommon ardour and animosity. On the thirtieth,
Surville desired to capitulate on certain articles, which were rejected
by the duke of Marlborough, who gave him to understand that he had
no terms to expect, but must surrender at discretion. At length, his
provisions being quite exhausted, he was obliged io surrender himself
and his garrison prisoners of war, though they were permitted to return
to France, on giving their parole that they would not act in the field
until a like number of the allies should be released.




THE FRENCH ARE DEFEATED.

The next object that attracted the eyes of the confederates was the city
of Mons, which they resolved to besiege with all possible expedition.
They passed the Schelde on the third day of September, and detached
the prince of Hesse to attack the French lines from the Haisne to the
Sombre, which were abandoned at his approach. On the seventh day
of September, mareschal de Boufflers arrived in the French camp at
Quievrain, content to act in an inferior capacity to Villars, although
his superior in point of seniority. The duke of Marlborough having
received advice that the French were on their march to attack the
advanced body under the prince of Hesse, decamped from Havre in order
to support that detachment. On the ninth the allies made a motion to
the left, by which the two armies were brought so near each other that a
mutual cannonading ensued. The French army, amounting to one hundred
and twenty thousand men, were posted behind the woods of La Merte and
Tanières, in the neighbourhood of Malplaquet. The confederates, nearly
of the same number, encamped with the right near Sart and Bleron, and
the left on the edge of the wood of Lanière; the head quarters being
at Blaregnies. The enemy, instead of attacking the allies, began
to fortify their camp, which was naturally strong, with triple
intrenchments. In a word, they were so covered with lines, hedges,
intrenchments, cannon and trees laid across, that they seemed to be
quite inaccessible. Had the confederates attacked them on the ninth, the
battle would not have been so bloody, and the victory would have proved
more decisive; for they had not then begun to secure the camp; but
Marlborough postponed the engagement until they should be reinforced by
eighteen battalions which had been employed in the siege of Tournay;
and in the meantime, the French fortified themselves with incredible
diligence and despatch. On the eleventh day of September, early in the
morning, the confederates, favoured by a thick fog, erected batteries
on each wing and in the centre; and about eight o’clock, the weather
clearing up, the attack began. Eighty-six battalions on the right,
commmanded by general Schuylemburgh, the duke of Argyle, and other
generals, and supported by two-and-twenty battalions under count Lottum,
attacked the left of the enemy with such vigour, that, notwithstanding
their lines and barricadoes, they were in less than an hour driven from
their intrenchments into the woods of Sart and Tanières. The prince of
Orange and baron Fagel, with six-and-thirty Dutch battalions, advanced
against the right of the enemy, posted in the wood of La Merte, and
covered with three intrenchments. Here the battle was maintained with
the most desperate courage on both sides. The Dutch obliged the French
to quit the first intrenchment; but were repulsed from the second with
great slaughter. The prince of Orange persisted in his efforts with
incredible perseverance and intrepidity, even after two horses had been
killed under him, and the greater part of his officers either slain or
disabled. The French fought with an obstinacy of courage that bordered
on despair, till seeing their lines forced, their left wing and centre
giving way, and their general, Villars, dangerously wounded, they made
an excellent retreat towards Bavay, under the conduct of Boufflers, and
took post between Quesnoy and Valenciennes. The field of battle they
abandoned to the confederates, with about forty colours and standards,
sixteen pieces of artillery, and a good number of prisoners; but this
was the dearest victory the allies had ever purchased. About twenty
thousand of their best troops were killed in the engagement; whereas the
enemy did not lose half that number, and retired at leisure, perfectly
recovered of that apprehension with which they had been for some years
inspired and overawed by the successes of their adversaries. On the side
of the allies, count Lottum, general Tettau, count Oxienstern, and
the marquis of Tullibar-dine, were killed, with many other officers
of distinction. Prince Eugene was slightly wounded in the head;
lieutenant-general Webb received a shot in the groin. The duke of
Argyle, who distinguished himself by extraordinary feats of valour,
escaped unhurt; but several musket-balls penetrated through his clothes,
his hat, and periwig. In the French army, the chevalier de St. George
charged twelve times with the household troops, and in the last was
wounded with a sword in the arm. The mareschal de Villars confidently
asserted, that if he himself had not been disabled, the confederates
would certainly have been defeated.




MONS SURRENDERED.

Considering the situation of the French, the number of their troops, and
the manner in which they were fortified, nothing could be more rash and
imprudent than the attack, which cost the lives of so many gallant men,
and was attended with so little advantage to the conquerors. Perhaps
the duke of Marlborough thought a victory was absolutely necessary
to support his sinking interest at the court of Great Britain. His
intention was to have given battle before the enemy had intrenched
themselves; but prince Eugene insisted upon delaying the action until
the reinforcement should arrive from Tournay. The extraordinary carnage
is imputed to the impetuosity of the prince of Orange, whose aim
through this whole war was to raise himself into consideration with the
states-general by signal acts of military prowess. The French having
retired to Valenciennes, the allies were left at liberty to besiege
Mons, which capitulated about the end of October; and both armies were
distributed in winter quarters. The campaign on the Rhine produced
nothing but one sharp action, between a detachment of the French army
commanded by the count de Borgh, and a body of troops under count Merci,
who had passed the Rhine in order to penetrate into Franche-compte. The
Imperial officer was worsted in this encounter, with the loss of two
thousand men; obliged to repass the river, and retire to Fribourg. In
Piedmont, velt-mareschal Thaun commanded the confederates in the room of
the duke of Savoy, who refused to take the field until some differences,
which had arisen between the emperor and him, should be adjusted.
Thaun’s design was to besiege Briançon; but the duke of Berwick had
taken such precautions as frustrated his intention, though part of
the troops under the French general were employed in suppressing an
insurrection of the Camisars, and other malcontents in the Vivaraz.
These were entirely defeated in a pitched battle; and Abraham, one
of their leaders, being taken, was broke alive upon the wheel;
three-and-twenty were hanged, and the other prisoners sent to the
galleys. The pope delayed acknowledging king Charles under various
pretences, in hopes that the campaign would prove favourable to the
house of Bourbon; till at length the emperor giving him to understand
that his army should take up their winter quarters in the ecclesiastical
state, his holiness solemnly owned Charles as king of Spain, Naples, and
Sicily.




CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN.

The military operations in Spain and Portugal were unfavourable to the
allies. On the seventh of May, the Portuguese and English were defeated
at Caya by the Spaniards, under the command of the mareschal de Bay. The
castle of Alicant, guarded by two English regiments, had been besieged,
and held out during a whole winter. At length the chevalier d’Asfeldt
ordered the rock to be undermined, and having lodged two hundred barrels
of gunpowder, gave Syburg the governor to understand, that two of his
officers might come out and see the condition of the works. This offer
being accepted, Asfeldt in person accompanied them to the mine: he told
them he could not bear the thoughts of seeing so many brave men perish
in the ruins of a place they had so gallantly defended, and allowed them
four-and-twenty hours to consider on the resolution they should take.
Syburg continued deaf to his remonstrances; and, with an obstinacy
that savoured more of stupidity than of valour, determined to stand the
explosion. When the sentinels that were posted on the side of the hill
gave notice, by a preconcerted signal, that fire was set to the mine,
the governor ordered the guard to retire, and walked out to the parade
accompanied by several officers. The mine being sprung, the rock opened
under their feet, and they falling into the chasm, it instantly closed,
and crushed them to death. Notwithstanding this dreadful incident,
colonel d’Albon, who succeeded to the command, resolved to defend the
place to the last extremity. Sir Edward Whitaker sailed from Barcelona
to the relief of the place; but the enemy had erected such works as
effectually hindered the troops from landing. Then general Stanhope, who
commanded them, capitulated with the Spanish general for the garrison,
which marched out with all the honours of war, and was transported to
Minorca, where the men were put into quarters of refreshment. On the
frontiers of Catalonia, general Starem-berg maintained his ground,
and even annoyed the enemy. He passed the Segra, and reduced Balaguer;
having left a strong garrison in the place, he repassed the river, and
sent his forces into winter quarters. The most remarkable event of
this summer was the battle of Poultowa, in which the king of Sweden was
entirely defeated by the czar of Muscovy, and obliged to take refuge
at Bender, a town of Moldavia, in the Turkish dominions. Augustus
immediately marched into Poland against Stanislaus, and renounced his
own resignation, as if it had been the effect of compulsion. He formed
a project with the kings of Denmark and Prussia to attack the Swedish
territories in three different places; but the emperor and maritime
powers prevented the execution of this scheme, by entering into a
guarantee for preserving the peace of the empire. Nevertheless, the king
of Denmark declared war against Sweden, and transported an army over the
Sound of Schonen; but they were attacked and defeated by the Swedes,
and obliged to re-embark with the utmost precipitation. The war still
continued to rage in Hungary, where, however, the revolters were routed
in many petty engagements.




FRENCH KING’S PROPOSALS OF TREATING REJECTED BY THE STATES-GENERAL.

Though the events of the summer had been less unfavourable to France
than Louis had reason to expect, he saw that peace was as necessary as
ever to his kingdom; but he thought he might now treat with some freedom
and dignity. His minister, Torcy, maintained a correspondence with Mr.
Petkum, resident of the duke of Holstein at the Hague: he proposed to
this minister, that the negotiation should be renewed; and demanded
passes, by virtue of which the French plenipotentiaries might repair in
safety to Holland. In the meantime, the French king withdrew his troops
from Spain, on pretence of demonstrating his readiness to oblige
the allies in that particular; though this measure was the effect of
necessity, which obliged him to recall those troops for the defence of
his own dominions. The states-general refused to grant passes to
the French ministers; but they allowed Petkum to make a journey to
Versailles. In the interim king Philip published a manifesto, protesting
against all that should be transacted at the Hague to his prejudice. Far
from yielding Spain and the Indies to his competitor, he declared his
intention of driving Charles from those places that were now in his
possession. He named the duke of Alba and count Bergheyck for his
plenipotentiaries, and ordered them to notify their credentials to the
maritime powers; but no regard was paid to their intimation. Philip
tampered likewise with the duke of Marlborough; and the marquis de Torcy
renewed his attempts upon that general; but all his application and
address proved ineffectual. Petkum brought back from Versailles a kind
of memorial, importing, that those motives which influenced the French
before the campaign was opened, no longer subsisted; that the winter
season naturally produced a cessation of arms, during which he would
treat of a general and reasonable peace, without restricting himself to
the form of the preliminaries which the allies had pretended to impose;
that, nevertheless, he would still treat on the foundation of those
conditions to which he had consented, and send plenipotentiaries to
begin the conference with those of the allies on the first day of
January. The states-general inveighed against this memorial, as a proof
of the French king’s insincerity; though he certainly had a right
to retract those offers they had formerly rejected. They came to a
resolution, that it was absolutely necessary to prosecute the war with
rigour; and they wrote pressing letters on the subject to all their
allies.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




ACCOUNT OF DE SACHEVEREL.

The parliament of Great Britain being assembled on the fifteenth day of
November, the queen in her speech told both houses that the enemy had
endeavoured, by false appearances and deceitful insinuations of a desire
after peace, to create jealousies among the allies: that God Almighty
had been pleased to bless the arms of the confederates with a most
remarkable victory and other successes, which had laid France open to
the impression of the allied arms, and consequently rendered peace more
necessary to that kingdom than it was at the beginning of the campaign.
She insisted upon the expediency of prosecuting the advantages she had
gained, by reducing that exorbitant and oppressive power which had so
long threatened the liberties of Europe. The parliament were as eager
and compliant as ever.. They presented congratulatory addresses: they
thanked the duke of Marlborough for his signal services; while great
part of the nation reproached him with having wantonly sacrificed so
many thousand lives to his own private interest and reputation. In less
than a month the commons granted upwards of six millions for the service
of the ensuing year, and established a lottery, with other funds, to
answer this enormous supply. On the thirteenth day of December, Mr.
Dolben, son to the late archbishop of York, complained to the house of
two sermons preached and published by Dr. Henry Sacheverel, rector
of St. Saviour’s in Southwark, as containing positions contrary to
revolution principles, to the present government, and the protestant
succession. Sacheverel was a clergyman of narrow intellects, and an
overheated imagination. He had acquired some popularity among those who
had distinguished themselves by the name of high-churchmen, and took all
occasions to vent his animosity against the dissenters. At the summer
assizes at Derby, he had held forth in that strain before the judges;
on the fifth day of November, in Saint Paul’s church, he, in a violent
declamation, defended the doctrine of non-resistance; inveighed against
the toleration and dissenters; declared the church was dangerously
attacked by her enemies, and slightly defended by her false friends: he
sounded the trumpet for the church, and exhorted the people to put
on the whole armour of God. Sir Samuel Garrard, the lord mayor,
countenanced this harangue, which was published under his protection,
extolled by the tories, and circulated all over the nation. The
complaint of Mr. Dolben against Sacheverel, was seconded in the house of
commons by sir Peter King and other members. The most violent paragraphs
were read: the sermons were voted scandalous and seditious libels.
Sacheverel, being brought to the bar of the house, acknowledged himself
the author of both, and mentioned the encouragement he had received from
the lord mayor to print that which was entitled, “The Perils of False
Brethren.” Sir Samuel, who was a member, denied he had ever given him
such encouragement. The doctor being ordered to withdraw, the house
resolved he should be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors; and Mr.
Dolben was ordered to impeach him at the bar of the house of lords, in
the name of all the commons of England. A committee was appointed to
draw up articles, and Sacheverel was taken into custody. At the same
time, in order to demonstrate their own principles, they resolved that
the reverend Mr. Benjamin Hoadly, rector of St. Peter-le-Poor, for
having often justified the principles on which her majesty and the
nation proceeded in the late happy revolution, had justly merited the
favour and recommendation of the house; and they presented an address
to the queen, beseeching her to bestow some dignity in the church on Mr.
Hoadly, for his eminent service both to the church and state. The
queen returned a civil answer, though she paid no regard to their
recommendation. Hoadly was a clergyman of sound understanding,
unblemished character, and uncommon moderation, who, in a sermon
preached before the lord mayor of London, had demonstrated the
lawfulness of resisting wicked and cruel governors, and vindicated the
late revolution. By avowing such doctrines, he incurred the resentment
of the high churchmen, who accused him of having preached up rebellion.
Many books were written against the maxims he professed. These he
answered; and, in the course of the controversy, acquitted himself
with superior temper, judgment, and solidity of argument. He as well as
Bishop Burnet and several other prelates, had been treated with
great virulence in Sacheverel’s sermon, and the-lord treasurer was
scurrilously abused under the name of Volpone. The doctor being
impeached at the bar of the upper house, petitioned that he might be
admitted to bail; but this indulgence was refused, and the commons
seemed bent upon prosecuting him with such severity as gave disgust to
men of moderate principles. Meanwhile the tories were not idle. They
boldly affirmed that the whigs had formed a design to pull down the
church, and that this prosecution was intended to try their strength
before they could proceed openly to the execution of their project.
These assertions were supported, and even credited by great part of
the clergy, who did not fail to alarm and inflame their hearers; while
emissaries were employed to raise a ferment among the populace, already
prepared with discontent, arising from a scarcity which prevailed in
almost every country of Europe. The ministers magnified the dangers
to which the church was exposed, from dissenters, whigs, and lukewarm
prelates. These they represented as the authors of a ruinous war, which
in a little time would produce universal famine; and as the immediate
encouragers of those Palatine refugees who had been brought over, to the
number of six thousand, and maintained by voluntary contributions, until
they could be conveniently transported into Ireland and the plantations
of America. The charity bestowed upon those unhappy strangers
exasperated the poor of England, who felt severely the effects of the
dearth, and helped to fill up the measure of popular discontent.
The articles against Dr. Sacheverel being exhibited, his person was
committed to the deputy-usher of the black rod, but afterwards the lords
admitted him to bail. Then he drew up an answer to the charge, in
which he denied some articles, and others he endeavoured to justify or
extenuate. The commons having sent up a replication, declaring they were
ready to prove the charge, the lords appointed the twenty-seventh day of
February for the trial in Westminster-hall.




HIS TRIAL.

The eyes of the whole kingdom were turned upon this extraordinary trial.
It lasted three weeks, during which all other business was suspended;
and the queen herself was every day present, though in quality of a
private spectator. The managers for the commons were sir Joseph Jekyl,
Mr. Eyre, solicitor-general, sir Peter King, recorder of the city of
London, lieutenant-general Stanhope, sir Thomas Parker, and Mr. Robert
Walpole, treasurer of the navy. The doctor was defended by sir Simon
Harcourt and Mr. Phipps, and assisted by Dr. Atterbury, Dr. Smallridge,
and Dr. Friend. A vast multitude attended him every day to and from
Westminster-hall, striving to kiss his hand, and praying for his
deliverance, as if he had been a martyr and confessor. The queen’s sedan
was beset by the populace, exclaiming, “God bless your majesty and the
church. We hope your majesty is for Dr. Sacheverel.” They compelled all
persons to lift their hats to the doctor as he passed in his coach to
the temple, where he lodged; and among these some members of parliament,
who were abused and insulted. They destroyed several meeting houses;
plundered the dwelling houses of eminent dissenters; and threatened to
pull down those of the lord chancellor, the earl of Wharton, and the
bishop of Sarum. They even proposed to attack the bank, so that the
directors were obliged to send to Whitehall for assistance. The horse
and foot guards were immediately sent to disperse the rioters, who fled
at their approach. Next day the guards were doubled at Whitehall, and
the train bands of Westminster continued in arms during the whole
trial. The commons entreated the queen, in an address, to take effectual
measures for suppressing the present tumults, set on foot and fomented
by papists, nonjurors, and other enemies to her title and government.
She expressed a deep sense of their care and concern, as well as a just
resentment at these tumultuous and violent proceedings. She published
a proclamation for suppressing the tumults; and several persons being
apprehended, were afterwards tried for high-treason. Two of them were
convicted and sentenced to die, but neither suffered. The commons
presented another address of thanks to her majesty for her gracious
answer to their first remonstrance. They took this occasion to declare,
that the prosecution of the commons against Dr. Henry Sacheverel
proceeded only from the indispensable obligation they lay under to
vindicate the late happy revolution, the glory of their royal deliverer,
her own title and administration, the present established and
protestant succession, together with the toleration and the quiet of
the government. When the doctor’s counsel had finished his defence, he
himself recited a speech, wherein he solemnly justified his intentions
towards the queen and her government, and spoke in the most respectful
terms of the revolution and the protestant succession. He maintained the
doctrine of “non-resistance” in all cases whatsoever, as a maxim of
the church in which he was educated, and by many pathetical expressions
endeavoured to excite the compassion of the audience. He was surrounded
by the queen’s chaplains, who encouraged and extolled him as the
champion of the church; and he was privately favoured by the queen
herself, who could not but relish a doctrine so well calculated for the
support of regal authority.




DEBATES UPON IT IN THE LORDS.

On the tenth day of March, the lords being adjourned to their own house,
the earl of Nottingham proposed the following question:--“Whether,
in prosecutions by impeachments for high crimes and misdemeanors, by
writing or speaking, the particular words supposed to be criminal are
necessary to be expressly specified in such impeachments?” The judges
being consulted, were unanimously of opinion, that, according to law,
the grounds of an indictment or impeachment ought to be expressly
mentioned in both. One of the lords having suggested that the judges had
delivered their opinions according to the rules of Westminster-hall, and
not according to the usage of parliament, the house resolved, that in
impeachments they should proceed according to the laws of the land, and
the law and usage of parliament. On the sixteenth day of the month, the
queen being in the house incognita, they proceeded to consider whether
or not the commons had made good the articles exhibited against Dr.
Sacheverel. The earl of Wharton observed, that the doctor’s speech was
a full confutation and condemnation of his sermon: that all he had
advanced about non-resistance and unlimited obedience was false and
ridiculous: that the doctrine of passive obedience, as urged by the
doctor, was not reconcileable to the practice of churchmen: that if the
revolution was not lawful, many in that house, and vast numbers without,
were guilty of blood, murder, rapine, and injustice; and that the queen
herself was no lawful sovereign, since the best title she had to the
crown was her parliamentary title, founded upon the revolution. He was
answered by the lord Haversham in a long speech. Lord Ferrers said, if
the doctor was guilty of some foolish unguarded expressions, he ought
to have been tried at common law. The earl of Scarborough observed,
the revolution was a nice point, and above the law; he moved that they
should adjourn the debate, and take time to consider before they gave
judgment. Dr. Hooper, bishop of Bath and Wells, allowed the necessity
and legality of resistance in some extraordinary cases; but was of
opinion, that this maxim ought to be concealed from the knowledge of the
people, who are naturally too apt to resist; that the revolution was
not to be boasted of, or made a precedent; but that a mantle ought to be
thrown over it, and it should be called a vacancy or abdication. He said
the original compact were dangerous words, not to be mentioned without
great caution; that those who examined the revolution too nicely were no
friends to it; and that there seemed to be a necessity for preaching up
non-resistance and passive obedience at that time, when resistance was
justified. The duke of Argyle affirmed, that the clergy in all ages had
delivered up the rights and privileges of the people, preaching up the
king’s power, in order to govern him the more easily; and therefore they
ought not to be suffered to meddle with politics. The earl of Anglesea
owned the doctor had preached nonsense; but said, that was no crime. The
duke of Leeds distinguished between resistance and revolution; for had
not the last succeeded, it would have certainly been rebellion, since he
knew of no other but hereditary right. The bishop of Salisbury justified
resistance from the book of Maccabees; he mentioned the conduct of queen
Elizabeth, who assisted the Scots, the French, and the states-general,
in resisting their different sovereigns, and was supported in this
practice both by her parliaments and her convocations. He observed
that king Charles I. had assisted the citizens of Rochelle in
their rebellion; that Manwayring incurred a severe censure from the
parliament, for having broached the doctrine of the divine right
of kings; and that though this became a favourite maxim after the
restoration, yet its warmest asserters were the first who pleaded for
resistance when they thought themselves oppressed. The archbishop of
York, the duke of Buckingham, and other leaders of the tory interest,
declared that they never read such a piece of madness and nonsense as
Sacheverel’s sermon; but they did not think him guilty of a misdemeanor.
Next day, Dr. Wake, bishop of Lincoln, accused Sacheverel of having made
a strange and false representation of the design for a comprehension,
which had been set on foot by archbishop Sancroft, and promoted by the
most eminent divines of the church of England. He was of opinion that
some step should be taken for putting a stop to such preaching, as, if
not timely corrected, it might kindle heats and animosities that
would endanger both church and state. Dr. Trimnel, bishop of Norwich,
expatiated on the insolence of Sacheverel, who had arraigned archbishop
Grindal, one of the eminent reformers, as a perfidious prelate, for
having favoured and tolerated the discipline of Geneva. He enlarged
upon the good effects of the toleration. He took notice of Sacheverel’s
presumption in publishing inflammatory prayers, declaring himself under
persecution, while he was prosecuted for offending against the law, by
those who in common justice ought to be thought the fairest accusers,
and before their lordships, who were justly acknowledged to be the
most impartial judges. In discussing the fourth article, the bishop
of Salisbury spoke with great vehemence against Sacheverel, who, by
inveighing against the revolution, toleration, and union, seemed to
arraign and attack the queen herself; since her majesty had so great a
share in the first, had often declared she would maintain the second,
and that she looked upon the third as the most glorious event of her
reign. He affirmed that nothing could be more plain than the doctor’s
reflecting upon her majesty’s ministers; and that he had so well marked
out a noble peer there present, by an ugly and scurrilous epithet which
he would not repeat, that it was not possible to mistake his meaning.
Some of the younger peers could not help laughing at this undesigned
sarcasm upon the lord-treasurer, whom Sacheverel had reviled under
the name of Volpone; they exclaimed, “Name him, name him;” and in all
probability the zealous bishop, who was remarkable for absence of mind
and unguarded expressions, would have gratified their request, had not
the chancellor, interposing, declared that no peer Was obliged to say
more than he should think proper.

After obstinate disputes, and much virulent altercation, Sacheverel
was found guilty by a majority of seventeen voices; and four-and-thirty
peers entered a protest against this decision. He was prohibited from
preaching for the term of three years: his two sermons were ordered to
be burnt by the hands of the common hangman, in presence of the lord
mayor and the two sheriffs of London and Middlesex. The lords likewise
voted that the executioner should commit to the same fire the famous
decree passed in the convocation of the university of Oxford, asserting
the absolute authority and indefeasible right of princes. A like
sentence was denounced by the commons upon a book intituled,
“Collections of Passages referred to by Dr. Sacheverel, in his Answer to
the Articles of Impeachment.” These he had selected from impious books
lately published, and they were read by his counsel, as proofs that the
church was in danger. The lenity of the sentence passed upon Sacheverel,
which was in a great measure owing to the dread of popular resentment,
his friends considered as a victory obtained over a whig faction, and
they celebrated their triumph with bonfires and illuminations.

{1710}

On the fifth day of April, the queen ordered the parliament to be
prorogued, after having, in her speech to both houses, expressed her
concern for the necessary occasion which had taken up great part of
their time towards the latter end of the session. She declared that no
prince could have a more true and tender concern for the welfare and
prosperity of the church than she had, and should always have; and she
said it was very injurious to take a pretence from wicked and
malicious libels, to insinuate that the church was in danger by her
administration.




CONFERENCES AT GERTRUYDENBURGH.

The French king, seeing the misery of his people daily increase, and all
his resources fail, humbled himself again before the allies, and by the
means of Petkum, who still corresponded with his ministers, implored
the states-general that the negotiation might be resumed. In order to
facilitate their consent, he despatched a new project of pacification,
in which he promised to renounce his grandson, and to comply with all
their other demands, provided the electors of Cologn and Bavaria should
be re-established in their estates and dignities. These overtures
being rejected, another plan was offered, and communicated to the
plenipotentiaries of the emperor and queen of Great Britain. Then Petkum
wrote a letter to the marquis de Torcy, intimating, that the allies
required his most christian majesty should declare, in plain and
expressive terms, that he consented to all the preliminaries, except the
thirty-seventh article, which stipulated a cessation of arms, in case
the Spanish monarchy should be delivered to king Charles in the space
of two months. He said the allies would send passports to the French
ministers, to treat of an equivalent for that article. Louis was even
forced to swallow this bitter draught. He signified his consent,
and appointed the mareschal D’Uxelles and the abbé Polignac his
plenipotentiaries. They were not suffered, however, to enter Holland,
but were met by the deputies Buys and Vanderdussen, at Gertruydenburgh.
Meanwhile, the states desired the queen of England to send over the duke
of Marlborough to assist them with his advice in these conferences. The
two houses of parliament seconded their request in a joint address to
her majesty, who told them she had already given directions for his
departure; and said she was glad to find they concurred with her in
a just sense of the duke’s eminent services. Both the letter and the
addresses were procured by the interest of Marlborough, to let the queen
see how much that nobleman was considered both at home and abroad.
But she was already wholly alienated from him in her heart, and these
expedients served only to increase her disgust.




PRIDE AND OBSTINACY OF THE DUTCH.

The French ministers were subjected to every species of mortification.
They were in a manner confined to a small fortified town, and all their
conduct narrowly watched. Their accommodation was mean: their letters
were opened; and they were daily insulted by injurious libels. The Dutch
deputies would hear of no relaxation, and no expedient for removing
the difficulties that retarded the negotiation. In vain the
plenipotentiaries declared, that the French king could not with decency,
or the least regard to his honour, wage war against his own grandson:
the deputies insisted upon his effecting the cession of Spain and the
Indies to the house of Austria; and submitting to every other article
specified in the preliminaries. Nay, they even reserved to them selves
a power of making ulterior demands after the preliminaries should be
adjusted. Louis proposed that some small provision should be made for
the duke of Anjou, which might induce him to relinquish Spain the
more easily. He mentioned the kingdom of Arragon; and this hint being
disagreeable to the allies, he demanded Naples and Sicily. When they
urged that Naples was already in possession of the house of Austria, he
restricted the provision to Sicily and Sardinia. He offered to deliver
up four cautionary towns in Flanders, as a security for Philip’s
evacuating Spain; and even promised to supply the confederates with a
monthly sum of money, to defray the expense of expelling that prince
from his dominions, should he refuse to resign them with a good grace.
The substance of all the conferences was communicated to lord Townshend,
and count Kinzendorf, the Imperial plenipotentiary; but the conduct of
the deputies was regulated by the pensionary Heinsius, who was firmly
attached to prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough, more averse than
ever to a pacification. The negotiation lasted from the nineteenth day
of March to the twenty-fifth of July, during which term the conferences
were several times interrupted, and a great many despatches and new
proposals arrived from Versailles. At length the plenipotentiaries
returned to France, after having sent a letter to the pensionary, in
which they declared that the proposals made by the deputies were unjust
and impracticable; and complained of the unworthy treatment to which
they had been exposed. Louis resolved to hazard another campaign, not
without hope that there might be some lucky incident in the events of
war, and that the approaching revolution in the English ministry, of
which he was well apprized, would be productive of a more reasonable
pacification. The states-general resolved, that the enemy had departed
from the foundation on which the negotiation had begun, and studied
pretences to evade the execution of the capital points, the restitution
of Spain and the Indies: and, in short, that France had no other view
than to sow and create jealousy and disunion among the allies. Lord
Townshend, in a memorial, assured them that the queen entirely approved
their resolution, and all the steps they had taken in the course of the
negotiation; and that she was firmly resolved to prosecute the war with
all possible vigour, until the enemy should accept such terms of peace
as might secure the tranquillity of the christian world.




DOUAY, BETHUNE, AIRE, &c. TAKEN BY THE CONFEDERATES.

The conferences did not retard the operation of the campaign. Prince
Eugene and the duke of Marlborough set out from the Hague on the
fifteenth day of March for Tournay, in order to assemble the forces
which were quartered on the Maese, in Flanders, and Brabant. On the
twentieth of April, they suddenly advanced to Pont-a-Vendin, in order to
attack the lines upon which the French had been at work all the winter,
hoping by these to cover Douay and other frontier towns, which were
threatened by the confederates. The troops left for the defence of the
lines retired without opposition. The allies having laid bridges over
the scarp, the duke of Marlborough with his division passed the river
and encamped at Vitri. Prince Eugene remained on the other side and
invested Douay, the enemy retiring towards Cambray. Mareschal Villars
still commanded the French army, which was extremely numerous and well
appointed, considering the distress of that kingdom. Indeed, the number
was augmented by that distress; for many thousands saved themselves from
dying of hunger, by carrying arms in the service. The mareschal having
assembled all his forces, passed the Schelde, and encamped at Boucham,
declaring that he would give battle to the confederates: an alteration
was immediately made in the disposition of the allies, and proper
precautions taken for his reception. He advanced in order of battle; but
having viewed the situation of the confederates, he marched back to
the heights of St. Lawrence, where he fixed his camp. His aim was, by
continual alarms, to interrupt the siege of Douay, which was vigorously
defended by a numerous garrison, under the command of monsieur
Albergotti, who made a number of successful sallies, in which the
besiegers lost a great number of men. They were likewise repulsed in
several assaults; but still proceeded with unremitted vigour until
the besieged, being reduced to the last extremity, were obliged to
capitulate on the twenty-sixth of June, fifty days after the trenches
had been opened. The generals finding it impracticable to attack the
enemy, who were posted within strong lines from Arras towards Miramont,
resolved to besiege Bethune, which was invested on the fifteenth day of
July, and surrendered on the twenty-ninth of August. Villars marched
out of his intrenchments with a view to raise the siege; but he did not
think proper to hazard an engagement: some warm skirmishes, however,
happened between the foragers of the two armies. After the reduction
of Bethune, the allies besieged at one time the towns of Aire and St.
Venant, which were taken without much difficulty. Then the armies broke
up, and marched into winter quarters.




KING CHARLES, OBTAINING A VICTORY AT SARAGOSSA, ENTERS MADRID.

The campaign on the Rhine was productive of no military event; nor was
anything of consequence transacted in Piedmont. The duke of Savoy being
indisposed and out of humour, the command of the forces still continued
vested in count Thaun, who endeavoured to pass the Alps, and penetrated
into Dauphiné; but the duke of Berwick had cast up intrenchments in the
mountains, and taken such precautions to guard them, as baffled all
the attempts of the Imperial general. Spain was much more fruitful of
military incidents. The horse and dragoons in the army of king Charles,
headed by general Stanhope, attacked the whole cavalry of the enemy
at Almennara. Stanhope charged in person, and with his own hand slew
general Amessaga, who commanded the guards of Philip. The Spanish horse
were entirely routed, together with nine battalions that escaped by
favour of the darkness; and the main body of the army retired with
precipitation to Lerida. General Starem-berg pursued them to Saragossa,
where he found them drawn up in order of battle; and an engagement
ensuing on the ninth day of August, the enemy were totally defeated:
five thousand of their men were killed, seven thousand taken, together
with all their artillery, and a great number of colours and standards.
King Charles entered Saragossa in triumph, while Philip with the wreck
of his army retreated to Madrid. Having sent his queen and son to
Vittoria, he retired to Valladolid, in order to collect his scattered
forces so as to form another army. The good fortune of Charles was of
short duration. Stanhope proposed that he should immediately secure
Pampeluna, the only pass by which the French king could send troops to
Spain; but this salutary scheme was rejected. King Charles proceeded
to Madrid, which was deserted by all the grandees; and he had the
mortification to see that the Castilians were universally attached to
his competitor.




BATTLE OF VILLAVICIOSA.

While his forces continued cantoned in the neighbourhood of Toleda, the
king of France, at the request of Philip, sent the duke de Vendôme
to take the command of the Spanish army, which was at the same time
reinforced by detachments of French troops. Vendôme’s reputation was so
high, and his person so beloved by the soldiery, that his presence was
almost equivalent to an army. A great number of volunteers immediately
assembled to signalize themselves under the eye of this renowned
general. The Castilians were inspired with fresh courage, and made
surprising efforts in favour of their sovereign; so that in less than
three months after his defeat at Saragossa, he was in a condition to go
in quest of his rival. Charles, on the other hand, was totally neglected
by the courts of Vienna and Great Britain, which took no steps to supply
his wants, or enable him to prosecute the advantages he had gained. In
the beginning of November his army marched back to Saragossa, and
was cantoned in the neighbourhood of Cifuentes, where Staremberg
established his head-quarters. General Stanhope, with the British
forces, was quartered in the little town of Brihuega, where, on the
twenty-seventh day of the month, he found himself suddenly surrounded
by the whole Spanish army. As the place was not tenable, and he had
very little ammunition, he was obliged, after a short but vigorous
resistance, to capitulate and surrender himself and all his forces
prisoners of war, to the amount of two thousand men, including three
lieutenant-generals, one major-general, one brigadier, with all the
colonels and officers of the respective regiments. He was greatly
censured for having allowed himself to be surprised; for if he had
placed a guard upon the neighbouring hills, according to the advice of
general Carpenter, he might have received notice of the enemy’s approach
in time enough to retire to Cifuentes. Thither he had detached his
aide-camp with an account of his situation on the appearance of the
Spanish army; and Staremberg immediately assembled his forces. About
eleven in the forenoon, they began to march towards Brihuega; but the
roads were so bad that night overtook them before they, reached the
heights in the neighbourhood of that place. Staremberg is said to
have loitered away his time unnecessarily, from motives of envy to the
English general, who had surrendered before his arrival. The troops lay
all night on their arms near Villaviciosa, and on the twenty-ninth were
attacked by the enemy, who doubled their number. Staremberg’s left wing
was utterly defeated, all the infantry that composed it having been
either cut in pieces or taken; but the victors instead of following up
the blow began to plunder the baggage; and Staremberg with his right
wing fought their left with surprising valour and perseverance till
night. Then they retired in disorder, leaving him master of the field of
battle and of all their artillery. Six thousand of the enemy were killed
on the spot; but the allies had suffered so severely that the general
could not maintain his ground. He ordered the cannon to be nailed up,
and marched to Saragossa, from whence he retired to Catalonia. Thither
he was pursued by the duke de Vendôme, who reduced Belaguer, in which he
had left a garrison, and compelled him to take shelter under the walls
of Barcelona. At this period the duke de Noailles invested Gironne,
which he reduced notwithstanding the severity of the weather; so that
Philip, from a fugitive, became in three months absolute master of the
whole Spanish monarchy, except the province of Catalonia, and even that
lay open to his incursions. Nothing of consequence was achieved on the
side of Portugal, from whence the earl of Galway returned to England by
the queen’s permission. The operations of the British fleet, during this
summer, were so inconsiderable as scarce to deserve notice. Sir John
Norris commanded in the Mediterranean, and with a view to support the
Camisars, who were in arms in the Cevennois, sailed to Port Cette,
within a league of Marseilles, and at the distance of fifteen from the
insurgents. The place surrendered, without opposition, to about seven
hundred men that landed under the command of major-general Suissan, a
native of Languedoc. He likewise made himself master of the town and
castle of Eyde; but the duke de Noailles advancing with a body of
forces to join the duke de Roquelaire, who commanded in those parts, the
English abandoned their conquests, and re-embarked with precipitation.
After the battle of Poultowa the czar of Muscovy reduced all Livonia;
but he and king Augustus agreed to a neutrality for Pomerania. The king
of Sweden continued at Bender, and the grand seignor interested himself
so much in favour of that prince, as to declare war against the emperor
of Russia. Hostilities were carried on between the Swedish and Danish
fleets with various success. The malcontents in Hungary sustained
repeated losses during the summer; but they were encouraged to maintain
the war by the rupture between the Ottoman Porte and Russia. They
were flattered with hopes of auxiliaries from the Turks; and expected
engineers and money from the French monarch.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE WHIG MINISTRY DISGRACED.

In England, the effects of those intrigues which had been formed against
the whig ministers began to appear. The trial of Sacheverel had excited
a popular spirit of aversion to those who favoured the dissenters.
From all parts of the kingdom addresses were presented to the queen,
censuring all resistance as a rebellious doctrine, founded upon
anti-monarchial and republican principles. At the same time
counter-addresses were procured by the whigs, extolling the revolution
and magnifying the conduct of the present parliament. The queen began
to express her attachment to the tories, by mortifying the duke of
Marlborough. Upon the death of the earl of Essex, she wrote to the
general desiring that the regiment which had been commanded by that
nobleman should be given to Mr. Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham, who had
supplanted the duchess of Marlborough in the queen’s friendship, and
was, in effect, the source of this political revolution. The duke
represented to her majesty in person, the prejudice that would redound
to the service from the promotion of such a young officer over the heads
of a great many brave men, who had exhibited repeated proofs of valour
and capacity. He expostulated with his sovereign on this extraordinary
mark of partial regard to the brother of Mrs. Masham, which he could not
help considering as a declaration against himself and his family, who
had so much cause to complain of that lady’s malice and ingratitude. To
this remonstrance the queen made no other reply, but that he would do
well to consult his friends. The earl of Godolphin enforced his friend’s
arguments, though without effect; and the duke retired in disgust to
Windsor. The queen appeared at council without taking the least notice
of his absence, which did not fail to alarm the whole whig faction.
Several noblemen ventured to speak to her majesty on the subject, and
explain the bad consequences of disobliging a man who had done such
eminent services to the nation. She told them his services were still
fresh in her memory; and that she retained all her former kindness for
his person. Hearing, however, that a popular clamour was raised, and
that the house of commons intended to pass some votes that would be
disagreeable to her and her new counsellors, she ordered the earl of
Godolphin to write to the duke to dispose of the regiment as he should
think proper, and return to town immediately. Before he received this
intimation, he had sent a letter to the queen desiring she would permit
him to retire from business. In answer to this petition, she assured him
his suspicions were groundless, and insisted upon his coming to
council. The duchess demanded an audience of her majesty, on pretence
of vindicating her own character from some aspersions. She hoped to work
upon the queen’s tenderness, and retrieve the influence she had lost.
She protested, argued, wept, and supplicated; but the queen was too
well pleased with her own deliverance from the tyranny of the other’s
friendship, to incur such slavery for the future. All the humiliation
of the duchess served only to render herself the more contemptible. The
queen heard her without exhibiting the least sign of emotion, and all
she would vouchsafe, was a repetition of these words--“You desired no
answer, and you shall have none;” alluding to an expression in a letter
she had received from the duchess. As an additional mortification to the
ministry, the office of lord chamberlain was transferred from the duke
of Kent to the duke of Shrewsbury, who had lately voted with the tories,
and maintained an intimacy of correspondence with Mr. Harley. The
interest of the duke of Marlborough was not even sufficient to prevent
the dismissal of his own son-in-law, the earl of Sunderland, from the
post of secretary of state, in which he was succeeded by lord Dartmouth.

The queen was generally applauded for thus asserting her just
prerogative, and setting herself free from an arbitrary cabal, by which
she had been so long kept in dependence. The duke of Beaufort went to
court on this occasion, and told her majesty he was extremely glad that
he could now salute her queen in reality. The whole whig party
were justly alarmed at these alterations. The directors of the bank
represented to her majesty the prejudice that would undoubtedly accrue
to public credit from a change of the ministry. The emperor and the
states-general interposed in this domestic revolution. Their ministers
at London presented memorials, explaining in what manner foreign affairs
would be influenced by an alteration in the British ministry. The
queen assured them, that, whatever changes might be made, the duke of
Marlborough should be continued in his employments. In the month
of August the earl of Godolphin was divested of his office, and the
treasury put in commission, subjected to the direction of Harley,
appointed chancellor of the exchequer and under-treasurer. The earl
of Rochester was declared president of the council in the room of
lord Somers; the staff of lord steward being taken from the duke of
Devonshire, was given to the duke of Buckingham; and Mr. Boyle was
removed from the secretary’s office to make way for Mr. Henry St. John.
The lord chancellor having resigned the great seal, it was first put
in commission, and afterwards given to sir Simon Harcourt. The earl of
Wharton surrendered his commission of lord-lieutenant of Ireland, which
the queen conferred on the duke of Ormond. The earl of Orford withdrew
himself from the board of admiralty; and Mr. George Granville was
appointed secretary of war in the room of Mr. Eobert Walpole. The
command of the forces in Portugal was bestowed upon the earl of
Portmore; the duke of Hamilton was appointed lord-lieutenant of the
county palatine of Lancaster. In a word, there was not one whig left
in any office of state, except the duke of Marlborough, who would
have renounced his command, had not he been earnestly dissuaded by
his particular friends from taking such a step as might have been
prejudicial to the interests of the nation. That the triumph of the
tories might be complete, the queen dissolved the whig parliament,
after such precautions were taken as could not fail to influence the new
election in favour of the other party.

To this end nothing so effectually contributed as did the trial of
Sacheverel, who was used as an instrument and tool to wind and turn the
passions of the vulgar. Having been presented to a benefice in North
Wales, he went in procession to that country with all the pomp and
magnificence of a sovereign prince. He was sumptuously entertained
by the university of Oxford, and different noblemen, who, while they
worshipped him as the idol of their faction, could not help despising
the object of their adoration. He was received in several towns by the
magistrates of the corporation in their formalities, and often attended
by a body of a thousand horse. At Bridgenorth he was met by Mr.
Creswell, at the head of four thousand horse, and the like number of
persons on foot, wearing white knots edged with gold, and three leaves
of gilt laurel in their hats. The hedges were for two miles dressed with
garlands of flowers, and lined with people; and the steeples covered
with streamers, flags, and colours. Nothing was heard but the cry of
“The church and Dr. Sacheverel.” The clergy were actuated by a spirit
of enthusiasm, which seemed to spread like a contagion through all ranks
and degrees of people, and had such an effect upon the elections for the
new parliament, that very few were returned as members but such as had
distinguished themselves by their zeal against the whig administration.
Now the queen had the pleasure to see all the offices of state, the
lieutenancy of London, the management of corporations, and the direction
of both houses of parliament, in the hands of the tories. When these
met on the twenty-fifth day of November, Mr. Bromley was chosen
speaker without opposition. The queen, in her speech, recommended the
prosecution of the war with vigour, especially in Spain. She declared
herself resolved to support the church of England; to preserve the
British constitution according to the union; to maintain the indulgence
by law allowed to scrupulous consciences; and to employ none but such
as were heartily attached to the protestant succession in the house
of Hanover. The lords, in their address, promised to concur in all
reasonable measures towards procuring an honourable peace. The commons
were more warm and hearty in their assurances, exhorting her majesty to
discountenance all such principles and measures as had lately threatened
her royal crown and dignity--measures which, whenever they might
prevail, would prove fatal to the whole constitution, both in church and
state. After this declaration they proceeded to consider the estimates,
and cheerfully granted the supplies for the ensuing year, part of
which was raised by two lotteries. In the house of peers, the earl of
Scarborough moved that the thanks of the house should be returned to the
duke of Marlborough; but the duke of Argyle made some objections to* the
motion, and the general’s friends, dreading the consequence of putting
the question, postponed the consideration of this proposal until the
duke should return from the continent. The earl of Peterborough was
appointed ambassador-extraordinary to the Imperial court; the earl of
Rivers was sent in the same quality to Hanover; Mr. Richard Hill was
nominated envoy-extraordinary to the United Provinces, as well as to
the council of state appointed for the government of the Spanish
Netherlands, in the room of lieutenant-general Cadogan. Meredith,
Macartney, and Honey wood, were deprived of their regiments, because
in their cups they had drank confusion to the enemies of the duke of
Marlborough.




DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH INSULTED.

This nobleman arrived in England towards the latter end of December. He
conferred about half an hour in private with the queen, and next morning
assisted at a committee of the privy-council. Her majesty give him to
understand that he needed not expect the thanks of the parliament as
formerly; and told him she hoped he would live well with her ministers.
He expressed no resentment at the alterations which had been made; but
resolved to acquiesce in the queen’s pleasure, and retain the command of
the army on her own terms. On the second day of January, the queen sent
a message to both houses, intimating that there had been an action in
Spain to the disadvantage of king Charles; that the damage having fallen
particularly on the English forces, she had given directions for sending
and procuring troops to repair their loss, and hoped the parliament
would approve her conduct. Both houses seized this opportunity of
venting their spleen against the old ministry. The history of England
is disgraced by the violent conduct of two turbulent factions, which,
in their turn, engrossed the administration and legislative power. The
parliamentary strain was quite altered. One can hardly conceive how
resolutions so widely different could be taken on the same subject,
with any shadow of reason and decorum. Marlborough, who but a few months
before had been so highly extolled and caressed by the representatives
of the people, was now become the object of parliamentary hatred and
censure, though no sensible alteration had happened in his conduct or
success. That hero, who had retrieved the glory of the British arms, won
so many battles, subdued such a number of towns and districts, humbled
the pride and checked the ambition of France, secured the liberty of
Europe, and, as it were, chained victory to his chariot wheels, was in
a few weeks dwindled into an object of contempt and derision. He
was ridiculed in public libels, and reviled in private conversation.
Instances were every where repeated of his fraud, warice, and extortion;
his insolence, cruelty, ambition, and misconduct; even his courage was
called in question; and this consummate general was represented as the
lowest of mankind. So unstable is the popularity of every character that
fluctuates between two opposite tides of faction.




INQUIRY INTO THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR IN SPAIN.

The lords, in their answer to the queen’s message, declared, that as
the misfortune in Spain might have been occasioned by some preceding
mismanagement, they would use their utmost endeavours to discover it,
so as to prevent the like for the future. They set on foot an inquiry
concerning the affairs of Spain; and the earl of Peterborough being
examined before the committee, imputed all the miscarriages in
the course of that war to the earl of Galway and general Stanhope.
Notwithstanding the defence of Galway, which was clear and convincing,
the house resolved, that the earl of Peterborough had given a faithful
and honourable account of the councils of war in Valencia: that the earl
of Galway, lord Tyrawley, and general Stanhope, in advising an offensive
war, had been the unhappy occasion of the battle of Almanza, the source
of our misfortunes in Spain, and one great cause of the disappointment
of the expedition to Toulon, concerted with her majesty. They voted that
the prosecution of an offensive war in Spain was approved and directed
by the ministers, who were therefore justly blameable, as having
contributed to all our misfortunes in Spain, and to the disappointment
of the expedition against Toulon; that the earl of Peterborough, during
his command in Spain, had performed many great and eminent services;
and if his opinion had been followed, it might have prevented the
misfortunes that ensued. Then the duke of Buckingham moved, that the
thanks of the house should be given to the earl for his remarkable and
eminent services; and these he actually received from the mouth of the
lord-keeper Harcourt, who took this opportunity to drop some oblique
reflections upon the mercenary disposition of the duke of Marlborough.
The house, proceeding in the inquiry, passed another vote, importing,
that the late ministry had been negligent in managing the Spanish war,
to the great prejudice of the nation. Finding that the Portuguese troops
were posted on the right of the English at the battle of Almanza, they
re solved, that the earl of Galway, in yielding this point, had acted
contrary to the honour of the imperial crown of Great Britain. These
resolutions they included in an address to the queen, who had been
present during the debates, which were extremely violent; and to
every separate vote was attached a severe protest. These were not the
proceedings of candour and national justice, but the ebullitions of
party zeal and rancorous animosity.

While the lords were employed in this inquiry, the commons examined
certain abuses which had crept into the management of the navy; and some
censures were passed upon certain persons concerned in contracts
for victualling the seamen. The inhabitants of St. Olave’s and other
parishes presented a petition, complaining that a great number of
Palatines, inhabiting one house, might produce among them a contagious
distemper; and in time become a charge to the public, as they were
destitute of all visible means of subsistence. This petition had been
procured by the tories, that the house of commons might have another
handle for attacking the late ministry. A committee was appointed to
inquire upon what invitation or encouragement those Palatines had come
to England. The papers relating to this affair being laid before them
by the queen’s order, and perused, the house resolved, that the inviting
and bringing over the poor Palatines of all religions, at the public
expense, was an extravagant and unreasonable charge to the kingdom, and
a scandalous misapplication of the public money, tending to the
increase and oppression of the poor, and of dangerous consequence to the
constitution in church and state; and that whoever advised their being
brought over was an enemy to the queen and kingdom. Animated by the heat
of this inquiry, they passed the bill to repeal the act for a general
naturalization of all protestants; but this was rejected in the house
of lords. Another bill was enacted into a law, importing, that no person
should be deemed qualified for representing a county in parliament,
unless he possessed an estate of six hundred pounds a-year; and
restricting the qualification of burgess to half that sum. The design of
this bill was to exclude trading people from the house of commons,
and to lodge the legislative power with the land-holders. A third act
passed, permitting the importation of French wine in neutral bottoms: a
bill against which the whigs loudly exclaimed, as a national evil, and a
scandalous compliment to the enemy.




HARLEY STABBED AT THE COUNCIL BOARD.

A violent party in the house of commons began to look upon Harley as a
lukewarm tory, because he would not enter precipitately into all their
factious measures; they even began to suspect his principles, when his
credit was re-established by a very singular accident. Guiscard, the
French partisan, of whom mention hath already been made, thought himself
very ill rewarded for his services, with a precarious pension of four
hundred pounds, which he enjoyed from the queen’s bounty. He had been
renounced by St. John, the former companion of his pleasures; he had
in vain endeavoured to obtain an audience of the queen, with a view to
demand more considerable appointments. Harley was his enemy, and all
access to her majesty was denied. Enraged at these disappointments, he
attempted to make his peace with the court of France, and offered his
services, in a letter to one Moreau, a banker in Paris. This
packet, which he endeavoured to transmit by the way of Portugal, was
intercepted, and a warrant issued out to apprehend him for high-treason.
When the messenger disarmed him in St. James’s Park, he exhibited marks
of guilty confusion and despair, and begged that he would kill him
directly. Being conveyed to the cockpit, in a sort of frenzy, he
perceived a penknife lying upon a table, and took it up without being
perceived by the attendants. A committee of council was immediately
summoned, and Guiscard brought before them to be examined. Finding that
his correspondence with Moreau was discovered, he desired to speak in
private with secretary St. John, whom in all probability he had resolved
to assassinate. His request being refused, he said, “That’s hard! not
one word!” St. John being out of his reach, he stepped up to Mr. Harley,
and exclaiming, “Have at thee, then!” stabbed him in the breast with
the penknife which he had concealed. The instrument broke upon the bone,
without penetrating into the cavity; nevertheless he repeated the blow
with such force that the chancellor of the exchequer fell to the ground.
Secretary St. John, seeing him fall, cried out, “The villain has killed
Mr. Harley!” and drew his sword. Several other members followed his
example, and wounded Guiscard in several places. Yet he made a desperate
defence, until he was overpowered by the messengers and servants, and
conveyed from the council-chamber, which he had filled with terror,
tumult, and confusion. His wounds, though dangerous, were not mortal;
but he died of a gangrene occasioned by the bruises he had sustained.
This attempt upon the life of Harley, by a person who wanted to
establish a traitorous correspondence with France, extinguished the
suspicions of those who began to doubt that minister’s integrity. The
two houses of parliament, in an address to the queen, declared their
belief that Mr. Harley’s fidelity to her majesty, and zeal for her
service, had drawn upon him the hatred of all the abettors of popery
and faction. They besought her majesty to take all possible care of her
sacred person; and, for that purpose, to give directions for causing
papists to be removed from the cities of London and Westminster. A
proclamation was published, ordering the laws to be strictly put in
execution against papists. When Harley appeared in the house of commons
after his recovery, he was congratulated upon it by the speaker, in a
florid and fulsome premeditated speech. An act was passed, decreeing,
that an attempt upon the life of a privy-counsellor should be felony
without benefit of clergy. The earl of Rochester dying, Harley became
sole minister, was created baron of Wigmore, and raised to the rank of
earl by the noble and ancient title of Oxford and Mortimer: to crown his
prosperity, he was appointed lord-treasurer, and vested with the supreme
administration of affairs.




DEATH OF THE EMPEROR JOSEPH.

The commons empowered certain persons to examine all the grants made
by king William, and report the value of them, as well as the
considerations upon which they were made. Upon their report a bill was
formed and passed that house; but the lords rejected it at the first
reading. Their next step was to examine the public accounts, with a
view to fix an imputation on the earl of Godolphin. They voted that
above five-and-thirty millions of the money granted by parliament
remained unaccounted for. This sum, however, included some accounts in
the reigns of king Charles and king William. One half of the whole was
charged to Mr. Bridges, the pay-master, who had actually accounted for
all the money he had received, except about three millions, though
these accounts had not passed through the auditor’s office. The commons
afterwards proceeded to inquire into the debts of the navy, that
exceeded five millions, which, with many other debts, were thrown into
one stock, amounting to nine millions four hundred and seventy-one
thousand three hundred and twenty-five pounds. A fund was formed for
paying an interest or annuity of six per cent, until the principal
should be discharged; and with this was granted a monopoly of a
projected trade in the South Sea, vested in the proprietors of
navy-bills, debentures, and other public securities, which were
incorporated for this purpose. Such was the origin of the South Sea
Company, founded upon a chimerical supposition that the English would
be permitted to trade upon the coast of Peru in the West Indies. Perhaps
the new ministry hoped to obtain this permission, as an equivalent
for their abandoning the interest of king Charles, with respect to his
pretensions upon Spain. By this time the emperor Joseph had died of the
small-pox without male issue; so that his brother’s immediate aim was to
succeed him on the Imperial throne. This event was, on the twentieth day
of April, communicated by a message from the queen to both houses. She
told them that the states-general had concurred with her in a resolution
to support the house of Austria; and that they had already taken such
measures as would secure the election of Charles as head of the empire.

The house of commons, in order to demonstrate their attachment to
the church, in consequence of an address from the lower house of
convocation, and a quickening message from the queen, passed a bill for
building fifty new churches in the suburbs of London and Westminster,
and appropriated for this purpose the duty upon coals, which had been
granted for the building of St. Paul’s, now finished. This imposition
was continued until it should raise the sum of three hundred and fifty
thousand pounds. At the close of the session, the commons presented a
remonstrance or representation to the queen, in which they told her that
they had not only raised the necessary supplies, but also discharged the
heavy debts of which the nation had so long and justly complained.
They said that, in tracing the causes of this debt, they had discovered
fraud, embezzlement, and misapplication of the public money; that they
who of late years had the management of the treasury, were guilty of a
notorious breach of trust and injustice to the nation, in allowing above
thirty millions to remain unaccounted for; a purposed omission that
looked like a design to conceal embezzlements. They begged her majesty
would give immediate directions for compelling the several imprest
accountants speedily to pass their accounts. They expressed their hope
that such of the accountants as had neglected their duty in prosecuting
their accounts, ought no longer to be intrusted with the public money.
They affirmed, that from all these evil practices and worse designs of
some persons, who had, by false professions of love to their country,
insinuated themselves into her royal favour, irreparable mischief would
have accrued to the public, had not her majesty, in her great wisdom,
seasonably discovered the fatal tendency of such measures, and removed
from the administration those who had so ill answered her majesty’s
favourable opinion, and in so many instances grossly abused the trust
reposed in them. They observed, that her people could with greater
patience have suffered the manifold injuries done to themselves, by the
frauds and depredations of such evil ministers, had not the same men
proceeded to treat her sacred person with undutifulness and disregard.
This representation being circulated through the kingdom, produced the
desired effect of inflaming the minds of the people against the late
ministry. Such expedients were become necessary for the execution
of Oxford’s project, which was to put a speedy end to a war that
had already subjected the people to grievous oppression, and even
accumulated heavy burdens to be transmitted to their posterity. The
nation was inspired by extravagant ideas of glory and conquest, even
to a rage of war-making; so that the new ministers, in order to dispel
those dangerous chimeras, were obliged to take measures for exciting
their indignation and contempt against those persons whom they had
formerly idolized as their heroes and patriots. On the twelfth day of
June, the queen, having given the royal assent to several public and
private bills, made an affectionate speech to both houses. She thanked
the commons, in the warmest expressions, for having complied with all
her desires; for having baffled the expectations of her enemies in
finding supplies for the service of the ensuing year; in having granted
greater sums than were ever given to any prince in one session; and in
having settled funds for the payment of the public debts, so that the
credit of the nation was restored. She expressed her earnest concern
for the succession of the house of Hanover; and her fixed resolution to
support and encourage the church of England as by law established. Then
the parliament was prorogued.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVOCATION.

Of the convocation which was assembled with the new parliament, the
lower house chose Dr. Atterbury their prolocutor. He was an enterprising
ecclesiastic, of extensive learning, acute talents, violently attached
to tory principles, and intimately connected with the prime minister
Oxford; so that he directed all the proceedings in the lower house of
convocation in concert with that minister. The queen, in a letter to
the archbishop, signified her hope that the consultations of the clergy
might be of use to repress the attempts of loose and profane persons.
She sent a license under the broad seal, empowering them to sit and
do business in as ample a manner as ever had been granted since the
reformation. They were ordered to lay before the queen an account of the
excessive growth of infidelity and heresy, as well as of other abuses,
that necessary measures might be taken for a reformation. The bishops
were purposely slighted and overlooked, because they had lived in
harmony with the late ministers. A committee being appointed to draw
up a representation of the present state of the church and religion,
Atterbury undertook the task, and composed a remonstrance that contained
the most keen and severe strictures upon the administration, as it had
been exercised since the time of the revolution. Another was penned by
the bishops in more moderate terms; and several regulations were made,
but in none of these did the two houses agree. They concurred, however,
in censuring some tenets favouring Arianism, broached and supported by
Mr. Whiston, mathematical professor in Cambridge. He had been expelled
the university, and wrote a vindication of himself, dedicated to the
convocation. The archbishop doubted whether this assembly could proceed
against a man for heresy: the judges were consulted, and the majority of
them gave in their opinion that the convocation had a jurisdiction. Four
of them professed the contrary sentiment, which they maintained from the
statutes made at the reformation. The queen, in a letter to the bishops,
said, that as there was now no doubt of their jurisdiction, she expected
that they would proceed in the matter before them. Fresh scruples
arising, they determined to examine the book, without proceeding
against the author, and this was censured accordingly. An extract of the
sentence was sent to the queen; but she did not signify her pleasure on
this subject, and the affair remained in suspense. Whiston published a
work in four volumes, justifying his doctrine, and maintaining that the
apostolical constitutions were not only canonical, but also preferable
in point of authority to the epistles and the gospels.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH CONTINUES TO COMMAND THE ALLIED ARMY.

The new ministry had not yet determined to supersede the duke of
Marlborough in the command of the army. This was a step which could
not be taken without giving umbrage to the Dutch and other allies. He
therefore set out for Holland in the month of February, after the queen
had assured him that he might depend upon the punctual payment of the
forces. Having conferred with the deputies of the states about the
operations of the campaign, he, about the middle of April, assembled
the army at Orchies, between Lisle and Douay; while mareschal de Villars
drew together the French troops in the neighbourhood of Cambray and
Arras. Louis had by this time depopulated as well as impoverished his
kingdom; yet his subjects still flocked to his standard with surprising
spirit and attachment. Under the pressure of extreme misery they uttered
not one complaint of their sovereign; but imputed all their calamities
to the pride and obstinacy of the allies. Exclusive of all the other
impositions that were laid upon that people, they consented to pay the
tenth penny of their whole substance; but all their efforts of loyalty
and affection to their prince would have been ineffectual, had not
the merchants of the kingdom, by the permission of Philip, undertaken
repeated voyages to the South Sea, from whence they brought home
immense treasures; while the allies took no steps for intercepting these
supplies, though nothing could have been more easy for the English than
to deprive the enemy of this great resource, and convert it to their
own advantage. Had a squadron of ships been annually employed for this
purpose, the subjects of France and Spain must have been literally
starved, and Louis obliged to submit to such terms as the confederates
might have thought proper to impose. Villars had found means to assemble
a very numerous army, with which he encamped behind the river Sanset, in
such an advantageous post as could not be attacked with any prospect of
success. Meanwhile the duke of Marlborough passed the Scarpe, and formed
his camp between Douay and Bouchain, where he was joined by prince
Eugene on the twenty-third day of May. This general, however, did not
long remain in the Netherlands. Understanding that detachments had been
made from the army of Villars to the Rhine, and that the elector of
Bavaria intended to act in the empire, the prince, by order from the
court of Vienna, marched towards the upper Rhine with the Imperial and
Palatine troops, to secure Germany. The Duke of Marlborough repassing
the Scarpe, encamped in the plains of Lens, from whence he advanced
towards Aire, as if he had intended to attack the French lines in
that quarter. These lines beginning at Bouchain on the Schelde, were
continued along the Sanset and the Scarpe to Arras, and thence along the
Upper Scarpe to Canché. They were defended by redoubts and other works
in such a manner, that Villars judged they were impregnable, and called
them the _Ne plus ultra_ of Marlborough.

This nobleman advancing within two leagues of the French lines, ordered
a great number of fascines to be made, declaring he would attack them
the next morning; so that Villars drew all his forces on that side, in
full expectations of an engagement. The duke, on the supposition that
the passage of the Sanset by Arleux would be left unguarded, had ordered
the generals Cadogan and Hompesch to assemble twenty battalions and
seventeen squadrons from Douay and the neighbouring garrisons, to march
to Arleux, where they should endeavour to pass the Sanset. Brigadier
Sutton was detached with the artillery and pontoons, to lay bridges over
the canal near Groulezen and over the Scarpe at Vitry, while the duke
with the whole confederate army began his march for the same place about
nine in the evening. He proceeded with such expedition, that by five in
the morning he passed the river at Vitry. There he received intelligence
that Hompesch had taken possession of the passes on the Sanset and
Schelde without opposition, the enemy having withdrawn their detachments
from that side just as he had imagined. He himself, with his vanguard of
fifty squadrons, hastened his march towards Arleux, and before eight of
the clock arrived at Bacá-Bachuel, where in two hours he was joined
by the heads of the columns into which he hadj divided his infantry.
Villars being certified of his intention, about two in the morning
decamped with his whole army, and putting himself at the head of the
king’s household troops, marched all night with such expedition, that
about eleven in the forenoon he was in sight of the duke of Marlborough,
who had by this time joined count Hompesch. The French general
immediately retreated to the main body of his army, which had advanced
to the high road between Arras and Cambray, while the allies encamped
upon the Schelde, between Oisy and Estrun, after a march of ten leagues
without halting, scarce to be paralleled in history. By this plan, so
happily executed, the duke of Marlborough fairly outwitted Villars, and,
without the loss of one man, entered the lines which he had pronounced
impregnable. This stroke of the English general was extolled as a
masterpiece of military skill, while Villars was exposed to the ridicule
even of his own officers. The field-deputies of the states-general
proposed that he should give battle to the enemy, who passed the Schelde
at Crevecoeur in order to cover Bouchain; but the duke would not hazard
an engagement, considering how much the army was fatigued by the long
march; and that any misfortune, while they continued within the French
lines, might be fatal. His intention was to besiege Bouchain; an
enterprise that was deemed impracticable, inasmuch as the place was
situated in a morass, strongly fortified, and defended by a numerous
garrison, in the neighbourhood of an army superior in number to that of
the allies. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, and the dissuasions
of his own friends, he resolved to undertake the siege; and, in the
meantime, despatched brigadier Sutton to England with an account of his
having passed the French lines; which was not at all agreeable to his
enemies. They had prognosticated that nothing would be done during this
campaign, and began to insinuate that the duke could strike no stroke of
importance without the assistance of prince Eugene. They now endeavoured
to lessen the glory of his success; and even taxed him with having
removed his camp from a convenient situation to a place where the troops
were in danger of starving. Nothing could be more provoking than this
scandalous malevolence to a great man who had done so much honour to his
country, and was then actually exposing his life in her service.




BOUCHAIN REDUCED.

On the tenth day of August Bouchain was invested, and the duke of
Marlborough exerted himself to the utmost extent of his vigilance and
capacity, well knowing the difficulties of the undertaking, and how much
his reputation would depend upon his success. Villars had taken every
precaution that his skill and experience could suggest, to baffle the
endeavours of the English general. He had reinforced the garrison to
the number of six thousand chosen men, commanded by officers of known
courage and ability. He made some efforts to raise the siege; but they
were rendered ineffectual by the consummate prudence and activity of the
duke of Marlborough. Then he laid a scheme for surprising Douay, which
likewise miscarried. If we consider that the English general, in the
execution of his plan, was obliged to form lines, erect regular forts,
raise batteries, throw bridges over a river, make a causeway through a
deep morass, provide for the security of convoys against a numerous
army on the one side, and the garrisons of Condé and Valenciennes on the
other, we must allow this was the boldest enterprise of the whole war;
that it required all the fortitude, skill, and resolution of a great
general, and all the valour and intrepidity of the confederate troops,
who had scarce ever exhibited such amazing proofs of courage upon any
other occasion as they now displayed at the siege of Bouchain. In
twenty days after the trenches were opened, the garrison were obliged
to surrender themselves prisoners of war; and this conquest was the last
military exploit performed by the duke of Marlborough: the breaches
of Bouchain were no sooner repaired than the opposite armies began to
separate, and the allied forces were quartered in the frontier towns,
that they might be at hand to take the field early in the spring. They
were now in possession of the Maese, almost as far as the Sambre; of the
Schelde from Tournay; and of the Lys as far as it is navigable. They
had reduced Spanish Guelderland, Limburg, Brabant, Flanders, and the
greatest part of Hainault; they were masters of the Scarpe; and by the
conquest of Bouchain, they had opened to themselves a way into the very
bowels of France. All these acquisitions were owing to the valour and
conduct of the duke of Marlborough, who now returned to the Hague, and
arrived in England about the middle of November.




DUKE OF ARGYLE COMMANDS THE BRITISH TROOPS IN SPAIN.

The queen had conferred the command of her forces in Spain upon the
duke of Argyle, who was recalled from the service in Flanders for that
purpose. He had long been at variance with the duke of Marlborough; a
circumstance which recommended him the more strongly to the ministry.
He landed at Barcelona on the twenty-ninth of May, and found the British
troops in the utmost distress for want of subsistence. The treasurer had
promised to supply him liberally; the commons had granted one million
five hundred thousand pounds for that service. All their hopes of
success were fixed on the campaign in that kingdom; and indeed the army
commanded by the duke de Vendôme was in such a wretched condition, that
if Staremberg had been properly supported by the allies, he might have
obtained signal advantages. The duke of Argyle, having waited in vain
for the promised remittances, was obliged, to borrow money on his
own credit, before the British troops could take the field. At length
Staremberg advanced towards the enemy, who attacked him at the pass of
Prato del Key, where they were repulsed with considerable damage. After
this action the duke of Argyle was seized with a violent fever, and
conveyed back to Barcelona. Vendôme invested the castle of Cardona,
which was vigorously defended till the end of December, when a
detachment being sent to the relief of the place, defeated the
besiegers, killed two thousand on the spot, and took all their
artillery, ammunition, and baggage. Staremberg was unable to follow the
blow; the duke of Argyle wrote pressing letters to the ministry, and
loudly complained that he was altogether unsupported; but all his
remonstrances were ineffectual: no remittances arrived; and he returned
to England without having been able to attempt any thing of importance.
In September, king Charles, leaving his queen at Barcelona, set sail for
Italy, and at Milan had an interview with the duke of Savoy, where all
disputes were compromised. That prince had forced his way into Savoy and
penetrated as far as the Rhine; but he suddenly halted in the middle of
his career, and after a short campaign repassed the mountains. Prince
Eugene, at the head of the German forces, protected the electors at
Frankfort from the designs of the enemy, and Charles was unanimously
chosen emperor; the electors of Cologn and Bavaria having been excluded
from voting, because they lay under the ban of the empire. The war
between the Ottoman Porte and the Muscovites was of short duration.
The czar advanced so far into Moldavia, that he was cut off from all
supplies, and altogether in the power of his enemy. In this emergency,
he found means to corrupt the grand vizier in private, while in public
he proposed articles of peace that were accepted. The king of Sweden,
who was in the Turkish army, charged the vizier with treachery, and that
minister was actually disgraced. The grand seignor threatened to renew
the war; but he was appeased by the czar’s surrendering Azoph.




EXPEDITION TO CANADA.

The English ministry had conceived great expectations from an expedition
against Quebec and Placentia, in North America, planned by colonel
Nicholson, who had taken possession of Nova Scotia, and garrisoned Porte
Royal, to which he gave the name of Anapolis. He had brought four Indian
chiefs to England, and represented the advantages that would redound
to the nation in point of commerce, should the French be expelled from
North America. The ministers relished the proposal. A body of five
thousand men was embarked in transports, under the command of brigadier
Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham; and they sailed from Plymouth in the
beginning of May, with a strong squadron of ships commanded by sir
Hovenden Walker. At Boston in New England, they were joined by two
regiments of provincials; and about four thousand men, consisting of
American planters, Palatines, and Indians, rendezvoused at Albany, in
order to march by land into Canada, while the fleet sailed up the river
of that name. On the twenty-first day of August they were exposed to a
violent storm, and driven among rocks, where eight transports perished,
with about eight hundred men. The admiral immediately sailed back to
Spanish-river bay, where it was determined, in a council of war, that as
the fleet and forces were victualled for ten weeks only, and they could
not depend upon a supply of provisions from New England, they should
return home without making any further attempt. Such was the issue of
this paltry expedition, intrusted to the direction of an officer without
talents and experience.

In the Irish parliament held during the summer, the duke of Ormond and
the majority of the peers supported the tory interest, while the commons
expressed the warmest attachment to revolution principles. The two
houses made strenuous representations, and passed severe resolutions
against each other. After the session, sir Constantine Phipps, the
chancellor, and general Ingoldsby, were appointed justices in the
absence of the duke of Ormond, who returned to England in the month of
November. In Scotland the Jacobites made no scruple of professing their
principles and attachments to the pretender. The duchess of Gordon
presented the faculty of advocates with a silver medal, representing the
chevalier de St. George; and on the reverse the British islands, with
the motto “_Redditte._” After some debate, it was voted, by a majority
of sixty-three voices against twelve, that the duchess should be thanked
for this token of her regard. This task was performed by Dundas of
Arnistoun, who thanked her grace for having presented them with a medal
of their sovereign lord the king; hoping, and being confident, that her
grace would very soon have an opportunity to compliment the faculty
with a second medal, struck upon the restoration of the king and royal
family, upon the finishing rebellion, usurping tyranny, and whiggery.
An account of this transaction being laid before the queen, the
lord-advocate was ordered to inquire into the particulars. Then the
faculty were so intimidated that they disowned Dundas, and Home his
accomplice. They pretended that the affair of the medal had been
transacted by a party at an occasional meeting, and not by general
consent; and, by a solemn act, they declared their attachment to the
queen and the protestant succession. The court was satisfied with this
atonement; but the resident from Hanover having presented a memorial to
the queen, desiring that Dundas and his associates might be prosecuted,
the government removed sir David Dalrymple from his office of
lord-advocate, on pretence of his having been too remiss in prosecuting
those delinquents; and no further inquiry was made into the affair.




NEGOTIATION BETWEEN THE COURTS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

For some time the negotiation for peace had been carried on between
the court of France and the new ministers, who had a double aim in this
measure; namely, to mortify the whigs and the Dutch, whom they detested,
and to free their country from a ruinous war, which had all the
appearance of becoming habitual to the constitution. They foresaw the
risk they would run by entering into such measures, should ever the
opposite faction regain the ascendency; they knew the whigs would employ
all their art and influence, which was very powerful, in obstructing the
peace, and in raising of popular clamour against the treaty. But their
motives for treating were such as prompted them to undervalue all those
difficulties and dangers. They hoped to obtain such advantages in point
of commerce for the subject of Great Britain, as would silence all
detraction. They did not doubt of being able to maintain the superiority
which they had acquired in parliament; and perhaps some of them
cherished views in favour of the pretender, whose succession to the
crown would have effectually established their dominion over the
opposite party. The earl of Jersey, who acted in concert with Oxford,
sent a private message to the court of France, importing the
queen’s desire of peace, representing the impossibility of a private
negotiation, as the ministry was obliged to act with the utmost
circumspection, and desiring that Louis would propose to the Dutch a
renewal of the conferences, in which case the English plenipotentiaries
should have such instructions that it would be impossible for the
states-general to prevent the conclusion of the treaty. This intimation
was delivered by one Gualtier, an obscure priest, who acted as chaplain
to count Gallas the Imperial ambassador, and had been employed as a
spy by the French ministry, since the commencement of hostilities. His
connexion with lord Jersey was by means of that nobleman’s lady,
who professed the Roman catholic religion. His message was extremely
agreeable to the court of Versailles. He returned to London with a
letter of compliment from the marquis de Torcy to the earl of Jersey, in
which that minister assured him of his master’s sincere inclination for
peace, though he was averse to a renewal of the conferences with the
states-general. Gualtier wrote a letter to Versailles, desiring, in
the name of the English ministry, that his most christain majesty would
communicate to them his proposals for a general peace, which they would
communicate to the states-general, that they might negotiate in concert
with their allies. A general answer being made to this intimation,
Gualtier made a second journey to Versailles, and brought over a
memorial, which was immediately transmitted to Holland. In the meantime,
the pensionary endeavoured to renew the conferences in Holland. Petkum
wrote to the French ministry, that if his majesty would resume the
negotiation, in concert with the queen of Great Britain, he should
certainly have reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the Dutch
deputies. This proposal Louis declined, at the desire of the English
ministers.

The states-general having perused the memorial, assured queen Anne that
they were ready to join with her in contributing to the conclusion of
a durable peace; but they expressed a desire that the French king would
communicate a more particular plan for securing the interest of the
allied powers, and for settling the repose of Europe. Gualtier was once
more sent to Versailles, accompanied by Mr. Prior, who had resided
in France as secretary to the embassies of the earls of Portland and
Jersey. This gentleman had acquired some reputation by his poetical
talents; was a man of uncommon ability, and insinuating address, and
perfectly devoted to the tory interest. He was empowered to communicate
the preliminary demands of the English; to receive the answer of the
French king; and demand whether or not king Philip had transmitted
a power of treating to his grandfather. He arrived incognito at
Fontainbleau, and presented the queen’s memorial, in which she demanded
a barrier for the Dutch in the Netherlands, and another on the Rhine
for the empire; a security for the Dutch commerce, and a general
satisfaction to all her allies. She required that the strong places
taken from the duke of Savoy should be restored; and that he should
possess such towns and districts in Italy as had been ceded to him in
treaties between him and his allies: that Louis should acknowledge
queen Anne and the protestant succession; demolish the fortifications of
Dunkirk; and agree to a new treaty of commerce; that Gibraltar and Port
Mahon should be yielded to the crown of England; that the negro trade in
America, at that time carried on by the French, should be ceded to the
English, together with some towns on that continent, where the slaves
might be refreshed. She expected security that her subjects trading
to Spain should enjoy all advantages granted by that crown to the most
favoured nation; that she should be put in possession of Newfoundland
and Hudson’s Bay, either by way of restitution or cession; and that
both nations should continue to enjoy whatever territories they might be
possessed of in North America at the ratification of the treaties. She
likewise insisted upon a security that the crowns of France and Spain
should never be united on the same head. Her majesty no longer insisted
upon Philip’s being expelled from the throne of Spain by the arms of
his own grandfather. She now perceived that the exorbitant power of the
house of Austria would be as dangerous to the liberty of Europe as ever
that of the family of Bourbon had been, in the zenith of its glory. She
might have remembered the excessive power, the insolence, the ambition
of Charles V. and Philip II. who had enslaved so many countries, and
embroiled all Europe. She was sincerely desirous of peace, from motives
of humanity and compassion to her subjects and fellow-creatures; she
was eagerly bent upon procuring such advantages to her people as
would enable them to discharge the heavy load of debt under which they
laboured, and recompense them in some measure for the blood and treasure
they had so lavishly expended in the prosecution of the war. These
were the sentiments of a christian princess; of an amiable and pious
sovereign, who bore a share in the grievances of her subjects, and
looked upon them with the eyes of maternal affection. She thought she
had the better title to insist upon those advantages, as they had been
already granted to her subjects in a private treaty with king Charles.




MENAGER ARRIVES PRIVATELY in ENGLAND.

As Prior’s powers were limited in such a manner that he could not
negotiate, Mr. Ménager, deputy from the city of Rouen to the board of
trade, accompanied the English minister to London, with full powers to
settle the preliminaries of the treaty. On his arrival in London, the
queen immediately commissioned the duke of Shrewsbury, the earls of
Jersey, Dartmouth, Oxford, and Mr. St. John, to treat with him; and the
conferences were immediately begun. After long and various disputes,
they agreed upon certain preliminary articles, which, on the eighth day
of October, were signed by the French minister, and by the two
secretaries of state, in consequence of a written order from her majesty.
Then Ménager was privately introduced to the queen at Windsor. She told
him she was averse to war; that she would exert all her power to
conclude a speedy peace; that she should be glad to live upon good terms
with the king of France, to whom she was so nearly allied in blood; she
expressed her hope that there would be a closer union after the peace
between them, and between their subjects, cemented by a perfect
correspondence and friendship. The earl of Strafford, who had been
lately recalled from the Hague where he resided as ambassador, was now
sent back to Holland, with orders to communicate to the pensionary the
proposals of peace which France had made; to signify the queen’s
approbation of them, and propose a place where the plenipotentiaries
should assemble. The English ministers now engaged in an intimate
correspondence with the court of Versailles; and mareschal Tallard being
released from his confinement at Nottingham, was allowed to return to
his own country on his parole. After the departure of Ménager, the
preliminaries were communicated to count Gallas the emperor’s minister,
who, in order to inflame the minds of the people, caused them to be
translated, and inserted in one of the daily papers. This step was so
much resented by the queen, that she sent a message desiring he would
come no more to court; but that he might leave the kingdom as soon as he
should think proper. He took the hint, and retired accordingly; but the
queen gave the emperor to understand, that any other minister he should
appoint would be admitted by her without hesitation.




THE FRENCH KING’S PROPOSALS DISAGREEABLE TO THE ALLIES.

The states of Holland, alarmed at the preliminaries, sent over Buys, as
envoy-extraordinary, to intercede with the queen that she would alter
her resolutions: but she continued steady to her purpose; and the
earl of Strafford demanded the immediate concurrence of the states,
declaring, in the queen’s name, that she would look upon any delay, on
their part, as a refusal to comply with her propositions. Intimidated by
this declaration, they agreed to open the general conferences at Utrecht
on the first day of January. They granted passports to the French
ministers; while the queen appointed Robinson, bishop of Bristol, and
the earl of Strafford, her plenipotentiaries at the congress. Charles,
the new emperor, being at Milan, when he received a copy of the
preliminaries, wrote circular letters to the electors and the princes of
the empire, exhorting them to persist in their engagements to the grand
alliance. He likewise desired the states-general to join councils
with him in persuading the queen of England to reject the proposals
of France, and prosecute the war; or at least to negotiate on the
foundation of the first preliminaries, which had been signed by the
marquis de Torcy. He wrote a letter to the same purpose to the queen of
Great Britain, who received it with the most mortifying indifference.
No wonder that he should zealously contend for the continuance of a
war, the expense of which she and the Dutch had hitherto almost wholly
defrayed. The new preliminaries were severely attacked by the whigs,
who ridiculed and reviled the ministry in word and writing. Pamphlets,
libels, and lampoons, were today published by one faction, and to-morrow
answered by the other. They contained all the insinuations of malice
and contempt, all the bitterness of reproach, and all the rancour of
recrimination. In the midst of this contention, the queen despatched
the earl of Rivers to Hanover, with an assurance to the elector that his
succession to the crown should be effectually ascertained in the treaty.
The earl brought back an answer in writing; but, at the same time, his
electoral highness ordered baron de Bothmar, his envoy in England,
to present a memorial to the queen, representing the pernicious
consequences of Philip’s remaining in possession of Spain and the West
Indies. This remonstrance the baron published, by way of appeal to the
people, and the whigs extolled it with the highest encomiums; but
the queen and her ministers resented this step as an officious and
inflammatory interposition.

The proposals of peace made by the French king were disagreeable even to
some individuals of the tory party; and certain peers, who had hitherto
adhered to that interest, agreed with the whigs to make a remonstrance
against the preliminary articles. The court being apprised of their
intention, prorogued the parliament till the seventh day of December, in
expectation of the Scottish peers, who would cast the balance in favour
of the ministry. In her speech, at the opening of the session, she told
them that notwithstanding the arts of those who delighted in war,
the place and time were appointed for a congress; and that the
states-general had expressed their entire confidence in her conduct.
She declared her chief concern should be to secure the succession of
the crown in the house of Hanover; to procure all the advantages to the
nation which a tender and affectionate sovereign could procure for a
dutiful and loyal people; and to obtain satisfaction for all her allies.
She observed, that the most effectual way to procure an advantageous
peace, would be to make preparations for carrying on war with
vigour. She recommended unanimity, and prayed God would direct their
consultations. In the house of lords, the earl of Nottingham, who
had now associated himself with the whigs, inveighed against the
preliminaries as captious and insufficient, and offered a clause to be
inserted in the address of thanks, representing to her majesty that, in
the opinion of the house, no peace could be safe or honourable to Great
Britain or Europe, if Spain and the West Indies should be allotted to
any branch of the house of Bourbon. A violent debate ensued, in the
course of which the earl of Anglesea represented the necessity of easing
the nation of the burdens incurred by an expensive war. He affirmed that
a good peace might have been procured immediately after the battle of
Ramillies, if it had not been prevented by some persons who prolonged
the war for their own private interest. This insinuation was levelled at
the duke of Marlborough, who made a long speech in his own vindication.
He bowed to the place where the queen sat incognito; and appealed to
her, whether, while he had the honour to serve her majesty as a general
and plenipotentiary, he had not constantly informed her and her council
of all the proposals of peace which had been made; and had not desired
instructions for his conduct on that subject. He declared, upon his
conscience, and in presence of the Supreme Being, before whom
he expected soon to appear, that he was ever desirous of a safe,
honourable, and lasting peace; and that he was always very far from
entertaining any design of prolonging the war for his own private
advantage, as his enemies had most falsely insinuated. At last the
question being put, whether the earl of Nottingham’s advice should
be part of the address; it was carried in the affirmative by a small
majority. The address was accordingly presented, and the queen, in her
answer, said she should be very sorry any one could think she would not
do her utmost to recover Spain and the West Indies from the house of
Bourbon. Against this advice, however, several peers protested, because
there was no precedent for inserting a clause of advice in an address
of thanks; and because they looked upon it as an invasion of the royal
prerogative. In the address of the commons there was no such article;
and, therefore, the answer they received was warm and cordial.

The duke of Hamilton claiming a seat in the house of peers, as duke
of Brandon, a title he had lately received, was opposed by the
anti-courtiers, who pretended to foresee great danger to the
constitution from admitting into the house a greater number of Scottish
peers than the act of union allowed. Counsel was heard upon the
validity of his patent. They observed that no objection could be made to
the queen’s prerogative in conferring honours; and that all the subjects
of the united kingdom were equally capable of receiving honour. The
house of lords had already decided the matter, in admitting the duke of
Queensberry upon his being created duke of Dover. The debate was managed
with great ability on both sides; the Scottish peers united in defence
of the duke’s claim; and the court exerted its whole strength to support
the patent. Nevertheless, the question being put, whether Scottish
peers, created peers of Great Britain since the union, had a right to
sit in that house; it was carried in the negative by a majority of
five voices; though not without a protest signed by the lords in the
opposition. The Scottish peers were so incensed at this decision, that
they drew up a representation to the queen, complaining of it as an
infringement of the union, and a mark of disgrace put upon the whole
peerage of Scotland. The bill against occasional conformity was revived
by the earl of Nottingham, in more moderate terms than those that had
been formerly rejected; and it passed both houses by the connivance of
the whigs, upon the earl’s promise, that if they would consent to this
measure, he would bring over many friends to join them in matters of
greater consequence. On the twenty-second day of December, the queen,
being indisposed, granted a commission to the lord-keeper and some
other peers to give the royal assent to this bill, and another for the
land-tax. The duke of Devonshire obtained leave to bring in a bill for
giving precedence over all peers to the electoral prince of Hanover, as
the duke of Cambridge. An address was presented to the queen, desiring
she would give instructions to her plenipotentiaries to consult with the
ministers of the allies in Holland before the opening of the congress,
that they might concert the necessary measures for proceeding with
unanimity, the better to obtain the great ends proposed by her majesty.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH DISMISSED FROM ALL HIS EMPLOYMENTS.

The commissioners for examining the public accounts having discovered
that the duke of Marlborough had received an annual present of five or
six thousand pounds from the contractors of bread to the army, the queen
declared in council that she thought fit to dismiss him from all
his employments, that the matter might be impartially examined. This
declaration was imparted to him in a letter under her own hand, in which
she took occasion to complain of the treatment she had received. She
probably alluded to the insolence of his duchess; the subjection in
which she had been kept by the late ministry; and the pains lately taken
by the whigs to depreciate her conduct, and thwart her measures
with respect to the peace. The duke wrote an answer to her majesty,
vindicating himself from the charge which had been brought against his
character; and his two daughters, the countess of Sunderland and the
lady Railton, resigned their places of ladies in the bed-chamber.
The ministry, in order to ascertain a majority in the house of lords,
persuaded the queen to take a measure which nothing but necessity could
justify. She created twelve peers at once, [173] _[See note 2 F, at the
end of this Vol.]_ and on the second of January they were introduced
into the upper house without opposition. The lord-keeper delivered to
the house a message from the queen, desiring they would adjourn to the
fourteenth day of the month. The anti-courtiers alleged, that the queen
could not send a message to any one house to adjourn, but ought to have
directed it to both houses. This objection produced a debate, which was
terminated in favour of the court by the weight of the twelve new peers.




PRINCE EUGENE ARRIVES IN ENGLAND.

At this period prince Eugene arrived in England with a letter to the
queen from the emperor, and instructions to propose a new scheme for
prosecuting the war. His errand was far from being agreeable to the
ministry; and they suspected that his real aim was to manage intrigues
among the discontented party who opposed the peace. Nevertheless, he
was treated with that respect which was due to his quality and eminent
talents. The ministers, the nobility, and officers of distinction,
visited him at his arrival. He was admitted to an audience of the queen,
who received him with great complacency. Having perused the letter which
he delivered, she expressed her concern that her health did not permit
her to speak with his highness as often as she could wish; but that
she had ordered the treasurer and secretary St. John to receive his
proposals, and confer with him as frequently as he should think
proper. He expressed extraordinary respect for the duke of Marlborough,
notwithstanding his disgrace. The lord-treasurer, while he entertained
him at dinner, declared that he looked upon that day as the happiest
in the whole course of his life, since he had the honour to see in
his house the greatest captain of the age. The prince is said to have
replied, “If I am, it is owing to your lordship.” Alluding to the
disgrace of Marlborough, whom the earl’s intrigues had deprived of
all military command. When bishop Burnet conversed with him about the
scandalous libels that were every day published against the duke, and in
particular mentioned one paragraph, in which the author allowed he
had been once fortunate, the prince observed, it was the greatest
commendation that could be bestowed upon him, as it implied that all
his other successes were owing to his courage and conduct. While the
nobility of both parties vied with each other in demonstrations of
respect for this noble stranger; while he was adored by the whigs, and
admired by the people, who gazed at him in crowds when he appeared
in public; even in the midst of all these caresses, party riots were
excited to insult his person, and some scandalous reflections upon his
mother were inserted in one of the public papers. The queen treated him
with distinguished marks of regard; and, on her birth-day, presented him
with a sword worth five thousand pounds. Nevertheless, she looked upon
him as a patron and friend of that turbulent faction to which she owed
so much disquiet. She knew he had been pressed to come over by the
whig noblemen, who hoped his presence would inflame the people to some
desperate attempt upon the new ministry; she was not ignorant that
he held private conferences with the duke of Marlborough, the earl of
Sunderland, the lord Somers, Halifax, and all the chiefs of that party;
and that he entered into a close connexion with the baron de Bothmar,
the Hanoverian envoy, who had been very active in fomenting the
disturbances of the people.




WALPOLE EXPELLED.

Her majesty, who had been for some time afflicted with the gout, sent
a message to both houses on the seventeenth day of January, signifying
that the plenipotentiaries were arrived at Utrecht; and that she was
employed in making preparations for an early campaign; she hoped,
therefore, that the commons would proceed in giving the necessary
despatch to the supplies. The lord-treasurer, in order to demonstrate
his attachment to the protestant succession, brought in a bill which had
been proposed by the duke of Devonshire, giving precedence to the whole
electoral family, as children and nephews of the crown; and, when it was
passed into an act, he sent it over to Hanover by Mr. Thomas Harley.
The sixteen peers for Scotland were prevailed upon, by promise of
satisfaction, to resume their seats in the upper house, from which they
had absented themselves since the decision against the patent of the
duke of Hamilton; but whatever pecuniary recompence they might have
obtained from the court, on which they were meanly dependent, they
received no satisfaction from the parliament. The commons, finding Mr.
Walpole very troublesome in their house, by his talents, activity, and
zealous attachment to the whig interest, found means to discover some
clandestine practices in which he was concerned as secretary at war,
with regard to the forage-contract in Scotland. The contractors, rather
than admit into their partnership a person whom he had recommended for
that purpose, chose to present his friend with five hundred pounds.
Their bill was addressed to Mr. Walpole, who endorsed it, and his friend
touched the money. [174] _[See note 2 G, at the end of this Vol.]_ This
transaction was interpreted into a bribe. Mr. Walpole was voted guilty
of corruption, imprisoned in the Tower, and expelled the house. Being
afterwards re-chosen by the same borough of Lynn-Begis, which he had
before represented, a petition was lodged against him, and the commons
voted him incapable of being elected a member to serve in the present
parliament.

Their next attack was upon the duke of Marlborough, who was found to
have received a yearly sum from sir Solomon Medina, a Jew, concerned in
the contract for furnishing the army with bread; to have been gratified
by the queen with ten thousand pounds a-year to defray the expenses of
intelligence; and to have pocketed a deduction of two and a half per
cent, from the pay of the foreign troops maintained by England. It
was alleged, in his justification, that the present from the Jew was a
customary perquisite, which had always been enjoyed by the general
of the Dutch army; that the deduction of two and a half per cent, was
granted to him by an express warrant from her majesty; that all the
articles of the charge joined together did not exceed thirty thousand
pounds, a sum much inferior to that which had been allowed to king
William for contingencies; that the money was expended in procuring
intelligence, which was so exact that the duke was never surprised;
that none of his parties were ever intercepted or cut off; and all
the designs were by these means so well concerted, that he never once
miscarried. Notwithstanding these representations, the majority voted
that his practices had been unwarrantable and illegal; and that the
deduction was to be accounted for as public money. These resolutions
were communicated to the queen, who ordered the attorney-general to
prosecute the duke for the money he had deducted by virtue of her own
warrant. Such practices were certainly mean and mercenary, and greatly
tarnished the glory which the duke had acquired by his military talents,
and other shining qualities.




RESOLUTIONS AGAINST THE BARRIER-TREATY AND THE DUTCH.

The commons now directed the stream of their resentment against the
Dutch, who had certainly exerted all their endeavours to overwhelm the
new ministry, and retard the negotiations for peace. They maintained
an intimate correspondence with the whigs of England. They diffused
the most invidious reports against Oxford and secretary St. John. Buys,
their envoy at London, acted the part of an incendiary, in suggesting
violent measures to the malcontents, and caballing against the
government. The ministers, by way of reprisal, influenced the house of
commons to pass some acrimonious resolutions against the states-general.
They alleged that the states had been deficient in their proportion of
troops, both in Spain and in the Netherlands, during the whole course of
the war; and that the queen had paid above three millions of crowns in
subsidies, above what she was obliged to advance by her engagements.
They attacked the barrier-treaty, which had been concluded with the
states by lord Townshend after the conferences at Gertruydenburgh. By
this agreement, England guaranteed a barrier in the Netherlands to the
Dutch; and the states bound themselves to maintain, with their whole
force, the queen’s title and the protestant succession. The tories
affirmed that England was disgraced by engaging any other state to
defend a succession which the nation might see cause to alter; that,
by this treaty, the states were authorized to interpose in British
councils; that, being possessed of all those strong towns, they might
exclude the English from trading to them, and interfere with the
manufactures of Great Britain. The house of commons voted, that in the
barrier-treaty there were several articles destructive to the trade and
interest of Great Britain, and therefore highly dishonourable to her
majesty; that the lord viscount Townshend was not authorized to conclude
several articles in that treaty; that he and all those who had advised
its being ratified were enemies to the queen and kingdom. All their
votes were digested into a long representation presented to the queen,
in which they averred that England, during the war, had been overcharged
nineteen millions; a circumstance that implied mismanagement or fraud
in the old ministry. The states, alarmed at these resolutions, wrote a
respectful letter to the queen, representing the necessity of a barrier
for the mutual security of England and the United Provinces. They
afterwards drew up a large memorial in vindication of their proceedings
during the war; and it was published in one of the English papers. The
commons immediately voted it a false, scandalous, and malicious libel,
reflecting upon the resolutions of the house; and the printer and
publisher were taken into custody, as guilty of a breach of privilege.




ACTS UNFAVOURABLE TO THE PRESBYTERIAN DISCIPLINE IN SCOTLAND.

They now repealed the naturalization act. They passed a bill granting a
toleration to the episcopal clergy in Scotland, without paying the
least regard to a representation from the general assembly to the queen,
declaring that the act for securing the presbyterian government was an
essential and fundamental condition of the treaty of union. The house,
notwithstanding this remonstrance, proceeded with the bill, and inserted
a clause prohibiting civil magistrates from executing the sentences
of the kirk-judicatories. The episcopal, as well as the presbyterian
clergy, were required to take the oaths of abjuration, that they might
be upon an equal footing in case of disobedience; for the commons well
knew that this condition would be rejected by both from very different
motives. In order to exasperate the presbyterians with further
provocations, another act was passed for discontinuing the courts of
judicature during the Christmas holidays, which had never been kept by
persons of that persuasion. When this bill was read for the third
time, sir David Dalrymple said, “Since the house is resolved to make no
toleration on the body of this bill, I acquiesce; and only desire it may
be intituled, A bill for establishing jacobitism and immorality.” The
chagrin of the Scottish presbyterians was completed by a third bill,
restoring the right of patronage, which had been taken away when the
discipline of the kirk was last established. Prince Eugene having
presented a memorial to the queen touching the conduct of the emperor
during the war, and containing a proposal with relation to the affairs
of Spain, the queen communicated the scheme to the house of commons, who
treated it with the most contemptuous neglect. The prince, finding all
his efforts ineffectual, retired to the continent, as much displeased
with the ministry, as he had reason to be satisfied with the people of
England. The commons having settled the funds for the supplies of the
year, amounting to six millions, the treasurer formed the plan of a bill
appointing commissioners to examine the value and consideration of all
the grants made since the revolution. His design was to make a general
resumption; but, as the interest of so many noblemen was concerned, the
bill met with a very warm opposition; notwithstanding which it would
have certainly passed, had not the duke of Buckingham and the earl of
Strafford absented themselves from the house during the debate.




CHAPTER XI.

     _The Conferences opened at Utrecht..... The Queen’s Measures
     obstructed by the Allies..... Death of the Dauphin and his
     Son..... The Queen demands Philip’s Renunciation of the
     Crown of France..... The Duke of Ormond takes the Command of
     the British Forces in Flanders..... He is restricted from
     acting against the Enemy..... Debate in the House of Lords
     on this Subject..... A loyal Address of the Commons.....
     Philip promises to renounce the Crown of France..... The
     Queen communicates the Plan of the Peace in a Speech to both
     Houses of Parliament..... Exceptions taken to some of the
     Articles in the House of Lords..... A motion for a Guaranty
     of the Protestant Succession by the Allies rejected in the
     House of Commons..... The Duke of Ormond declares to Prince
     Eugene, that he can no longer cover the siege of
     Quesnoy..... Irruption into France by General
     Grovestein..... The Foreign Troops in British pay refuse to
     march with the Duke of Ormond, who proclaims a Cessation of
     Arms, and seizes Ghent and Bruges..... The Allies defeated
     at Denain..... Progress of the Conferences at Utrecht.....
     The Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun are killed in a
     Duel..... The Duke of Marlborough retires to the
     Continent..... The States-general sign the Barrier-
     treaty..... The other Allies become more tractable..... The
     Peace with France signed at Utrecht..... Both Houses of
     Parliament congratulate the Queen on the Peace.....
     Substance of the Treaty with France..... Objections to the
     Treaty of Commerce..... Debates in the House of Lords on the
     Malt-tax for Scotland..... The Scottish Lords move for a
     Bill to dissolve the Union..... Address of the Commons about
     Dunkirk..... Violence of Parties in England..... Proceedings
     of the Parliament of Ireland..... New Parliament in
     England..... Writers employed by both Parties..... Treaty of
     Rastadt between the Emperor and France--Principal Articles
     in the Treaty between Great Britain and Spain..... Meeting
     of the Parliament..... The House of Lords takes Cognizance
     of a Libel against the Scots..... Mr. Steel expelled the
     House of Commons..... Precautions by the Whigs for the
     Security of the Protestant Succession..... Debates in the
     House of Lords concerning the Pretender and the
     Catalans..... They Address the Queen to set a Price on the
     Head of the Pretender..... A Writ demanded for the Electoral
     Prince of Hanover, as Duke of Cambridge..... Death of the
     Princess Sophia..... Bill to prevent the growth of
     Schism..... Another against all who should list, or be
     enlisted, in a Foreign Service..... The Parliament
     prorogued..... The Treasurer disgraced..... Precautions
     taken for securing the Peace of the Kingdom..... Death and
     Character of Queen Anne._

In the month of January the conferences for peace began at Utrecht.
The earl of Jersey would have been appointed the plenipotentiary for
England, but he dying after the correspondence with the court of France
was established, the queen conferred that charge upon Robinson, bishop
of Bristol, lord privy-seal, and the earl of Strafford. The chief of the
Dutch deputies named for the congress, were Buys and Vanderdussen; the
French king granted his powers to the mareschal D’Uxelles, the abbot
(afterwards cardinal) de Polignac, and Menager, who had been in
England. The ministers of the emperor and Savoy likewise assisted at
the conferences, to which the empire and the other allies likewise sent
their plenipotentiaries, though not without reluctance. As all these
powers, except France, entertained sentiments very different from those
of her Britannic majesty, the conferences seemed calculated rather to
retard than accelerate a pacification. The queen of England had foreseen
and provided against these difficulties. Her great end was to free her
subjects from the miseries attending an unprofitable war, and to restore
peace to Europe; and this aim she was resolved to accomplish in spite of
all opposition. She had also determined to procure reasonable terms of
accommodation for her allies, without, however, continuing to lavish
the blood and treasure of her people in supporting their extravagant
demands. The emperor obstinately insisted upon his claim to the
whole Spanish monarchy, refusing to give up the least tittle of his
pretensions; and the Dutch adhered to the old preliminaries which Louis
had formerly rejected. The queen saw that the liberties of Europe would
be exposed to much greater danger from an actual union of the Imperial
and Spanish crowns in one head of the house of Austria, than from a bare
possibility of Spain’s being united with France in one branch of the
house of Bourbon. She knew by experience the difficulty of dethroning
Philip, rooted as he was in the affections of a brave and loyal people;
and that a prosecution of this design would serve no purpose but to
protract the war, and augment the grievances of the British nation.
She was well acquainted with the distresses of the French, which she
considered as pledges of their monarch’s sincerity. She sought not the
total ruin of that people, already reduced to the brink of despair. The
dictates of true policy dissuaded her from contributing to her further
conquest in that kingdom, which would have proved the source of
contention among the allies, depressed the house of Bourbon below the
standard of importance which the balance of Europe required it should
maintain, and aggrandize the states-general at the expense of Great
Britain. As she had borne the chief burden of the war, she had a right
to take the lead, and dictate a plan of pacification; at least, she had
a right to consult the welfare of her own kingdom, in delivering, by a
separate peace, her subjects from those enormous loads which they could
no longer sustain; and she was well enough aware of her own consequence,
to think she could not obtain advantageous conditions.




THE QUEEN’S MEASURES OBSTRUCTED.

Such were the sentiments of the queen; and her ministers seem to have
acted on the same principles, though perhaps party motives may have
helped to influence their conduct. The allies concurred in opposing with
all their might any treaty which could not gratify their different views
of avarice, interest, and ambition. They practised a thousand little
artifices to intimidate the queen, to excite a jealousy of Louis,
to blacken the characters of her ministers, to raise and keep up a
dangerous ferment among the people, by which her life and government
were endangered. She could not fail to resent these efforts, which
greatly perplexed her measures, and obstructed her design. Her ministers
were sensible of the dangerous predicament in which they stood. The
queen’s health was much impaired; and the successor countenanced the
opposite faction. In case of their sovereign’s death, they had nothing
to expect but prosecution and ruin for obeying her commands; they
saw no hope of safety, except in renouncing their principles, and
submitting to their adversaries; or else in taking such measures as
would hasten the pacification, that the troubles of the kingdom might be
appeased, and the people be satisfied with their conduct, before death
should deprive them of their sovereign’s protection. With this view
they advised her to set on foot a private negotiation with Louis, to
stipulate certain advantages for her own subjects in a concerted plan of
peace; to enter into such mutual confidence with that monarch, as would
anticipate all clandestine transactions to her prejudice, and in some
measure enable her to prescribe terms for her allies. The plan was
judiciously formed; but executed with too much precipitation. The
stipulated advantages were not such as she had a right to demand and
insist upon; and without all doubt better might have been obtained, had
not the obstinacy of the allies abroad, and the violent conduct of the
whig faction at home, obliged the ministers to relax in some material
points, and hasten the conclusion of the treaty.




DEATH OF THE DAUPHIN AND HIS SON.

The articles being privately regulated between the two courts of London
and Versailles, the English plenipotentiaries at Utrecht were furnished
with general powers and instructions, being ignorant of the agreement
which the queen had made with the French monarch touching the kingdom
of Spain, which was indeed the basis of the treaty. This secret plan of
negotiation, however, had well nigh been destroyed by some unforeseen
events that were doubly afflicting to Louis. The dauphin died of the
small-pox in the course of the preceding year, and his title had been
conferred upon his son the duke of Burgundy, who now expired on the last
day of February, six days after the death of his wife, Mary Adelaide
of Savoy. The parents were soon followed to the grave by their eldest
offspring the duke of Bretagne, in the sixth year of his age; so that
of the duke of Burgundy’s children, none remained alive but the duke of
Anjou, the late French king, who was at that time a sickly infant. Such
a series of calamities could not fail of being extremely shocking to
Louis in his old age; but they were still more alarming to the queen of
England, who saw that nothing but the precarious life of an unhealthy
child divided the two monarchies of France and Spain, the union of which
she resolved by all possible means to prevent. She therefore sent the
abbé Gualtier to Paris, with a memorial representing the danger to which
the liberty of Europe would be exposed, should Philip ascend the throne
of France; and demanding that his title should be transferred to his
brother the duke of Berry, in consequence of his pure, simple, and
voluntary renunciation.




THE QUEEN DEMANDS PHILIP’S RENUNCIATION OF THE CROWN.

Meanwhile the French plenipotentiaries at Utrecht were prevailed upon to
deliver their proposals in writing, under the name of specific offers,
which the allies received with indignation. They were treated in England
with universal scorn. Lord Halifax, in the house of peers, termed them
trifling, arrogant, and injurious to her majesty and her allies. An
address was presented to the queen, in which they expressed their
resentment against the insolence of France, and promised to assist her
with all their power in prosecuting the war until a safe and honourable
peace should be obtained. The plenipotentiaries of the allies were not
less extravagant in their specific demands, than the French had been
arrogant in their offers. In a word, the ministers seemed to have been
assembled at Utrecht rather to start new difficulties, and widen the
breach, than to heal animosities and concert a plan of pacification.
They amused one another with fruitless conferences, while the queen of
Great Britain endeavoured to engage the states-general in her measures,
that they might treat with France upon moderate terms, and give law to
the rest of the allies. She departed from some of her own pretensions,
in order to gratify them with the possession of some towns in Flanders
She consented to their being admitted into a participation of some
advantages in commerce; and ordered the English ministers at the
congress to tell them, that she would take her measures according to the
return they should make on this occasion. Finding them still obstinately
attached to their first chimerical preliminaries, she gave them to
understand that all her offers for adjusting the differences were
founded upon the express condition, that they should come into her
measures, and co-operate with her openly and sincerely; but they had
made such bad returns to all her condescension towards them, that she
looked upon herself as released from all engagements. The ministers of
the allies had insisted upon a written answer to their specific demands;
and this the French plenipotentiaries declined, until they should
receive fresh instructions from their master. Such was the pretence
for suspending the conferences; but the real bar to a final agreement
between England and France, was the delay of Philip’s renunciation,
which at length however arrived, and produced a cessation of arms.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE DUKE OF ORMOND TAKES THE COMMAND OF THE BRITISH FORCES.

In the meantime the duke of Ormond, who was now invested with the
supreme command of the British forces, received a particular order that
he should not hazard an engagement. Louis had already undertaken for
the compliance of his grandson. Reflecting on his own great age, he was
shocked at the prospect of leaving his kingdom involved in a pernicious
war during a minority; and determined to procure a peace at all
events. The queen, knowing his motives, could not help believing his
protestations, and resolved to avoid a battle, the issue of which might
have considerably altered the situation of affairs, and consequently
retarded the conclusion of the treaty. Preparations had been made for an
early campaign. In the beginning of March the earl of Albemarle, having
assembled a body of thirty-six battalions, marched towards Arras,
which he reduced to a heap of ashes by a most terrible cannonading and
bombardment. In May the duke of Ormond conferred with the deputies of
the states-general at the Hague, and assured them that he had orders to
act vigorously in the prosecution of the war. He joined prince Eugene at
Tournay; and on the twenty-sixth day of May, the allied army passing the
Schelde, encamped at Haspre and Solemnes. The Imperial general proposed
that they should attack the French army under Villars; but by this time
the duke was restrained from hazarding a siege or battle; a circumstance
well known to the French commander, who therefore abated of his usual
vigilance. It could not be long concealed from prince Eugene and the
deputies, who forthwith despatched an express to their principals on
this subject, and afterwards presented a long memorial to the duke,
representing the injury which the grand alliance would sustain from
his obedience of such an order. He seemed to be extremely uneasy at his
situation; and in a letter to secretary St. John, expressed a desire
that the queen would permit him to return to England.

Prince Eugene, notwithstanding the queen’s order, which Ormond had
not yet formally declared, invested the town of Quesnoy, and the duke
furnished towards this enterprise seven battalions and nine squadrons
of the foreign troops maintained by Great Britain. The Dutch deputies
at Utrecht expostulating with the bishop of Bristol upon the duke’s
refusing to act against the enemy, that prelate told them that he had
lately received an express, with a letter from her majesty, in which she
complained, that, as the states-general had not properly answered her
advances, they ought not to be surprised if she thought herself at
liberty to enter into separate measures in order to obtain a peace for
her own conveniency. When they remonstrated against such conduct as
contradictory to all the alliances subsisting between the queen and the
states-general, the bishop declared his instructions further imported,
that considering the conduct of the states towards her majesty, she
thought herself disengaged from all alliances and engagements with
their high mightinesses. The states and the ministers of the allies were
instantly in commotion. Private measures were concerted with the elector
of Hanover, the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, and some other princes of the
empire, concerning the troops belonging to those powers in the pay of
Great Britain. The states-general wrote a long letter to the queen, and
ordered their envoy at London to deliver it into her own hand. Count
Zinzendorf, the emperor’s plenipotentiary, despatched expresses to his
master, to prince Eugene, and to the Imperial ambassador at London. The
queen held a council at Kensington upon the subject of the letter; and a
fresh order was sent to the duke of Ormond, directing him to concur with
the general of the allies in a siege.

On the twenty-eighth day of May, lord Halifax, in the house of peers,
descanted upon the ill consequences of the duke’s refusing to co-operate
with prince Eugene, and moved for an address, desiring her majesty would
order the general to act offensively in concert with her allies. The
treasurer observed, it was prudent to avoid a battle on the eve of a
peace, especially considering they had to do with an enemy so apt to
break his word. The earl of Wharton replied, this was a strong reason
for keeping no measures with such an enemy. When Oxford declared that
the duke of Ormond had received orders to join the allies in a siege,
the duke of Marlborough affirmed it was impossible to carry on a siege
without either hazarding a battle, in case the enemy should attempt to
relieve the place, or shamefully abandoning the enterprise. The duke of
Argyle having declared his opinion, that since the time of Julius
Caesar there had not been a greater captain than prince Eugene of Savoy,
observed, that, considering the different interests of the house of
Austria and of Great Britain, it might not consist with prudence to
trust him with the management of the war, because a battle won or
lost might entirely break off a negociation of peace, which in all
probability was near being concluded. He added, that two years before,
the confederates might have taken Arras and Cambray, instead of amusing
themselves with the insignificant conquests of Aire, Bethune, and St.
Venant. The duke of Devonshire said he was, by proximity of blood, more
concerned than any other in the reputation of the duke of Ormond; and
therefore could not help expressing his surprise, that any one would
dare to make a nobleman of the first rank, and so distinguished a
character, the instrument of such proceedings. Earl Paulet answered,
that nobody could doubt the duke of Ormond’s courage; but he was not
like a certain general, who led troops to the slaughter to cause a great
number of officers to be knocked on the head, that he might fill his
pockets by disposing of their commissions. The duke of Marlborough was
so deeply affected by this reflection, that though he suppressed his
resentment in the house, he took the first opportunity to send lord
Mohun to the earl with a message, importing, that he should be glad to
come to an explanation with his lordship about some expressions he had
used in that clay’s debate; and desiring his company to take the air in
the country. The earl understood his meaning; but could not conceal his
emotion from the observation of his lady, by whose means the affair was
communicated to the earl of Dartmouth, secretary of state. Two sentinels
were immediately placed at his lordship’s gate: the queen, by the canal
of lord Dartmouth, desired the duke of Marlborough would proceed no
farther in the quarrel; and he assured her he would punctually obey
her majesty’s commands. The earl of Oxford assured the house, that a
separate peace was never intended; that such a peace would be so base,
so knavish, and so villanous, that every one who served the queen knew
they must answer it with their heads to the nation; but that it would
appear to be a safe and glorious peace, much more to the honour and
interest of the nation, than the first preliminaries insisted upon by
the allies. The question being put for adjourning, was, after a long
debate, carried in the affirmative; but twenty lords entered a protest.
The earl of Strafford, who had returned from Holland, proposed that
they should examine the negotiations of the Hague and Gertruyden-burgh,
before they considered that of Utrecht. He observed, that in the
former negotiations the French ministers had conferred only with the
pensionary, who communicated no more of it to the ministers of the
allies than what was judged proper to let them know; so that the Dutch
were absolute masters of the secret. He asserted that the states-general
had consented to give Naples and Sicily to king Philip; a circumstance
which proved that the recovery of the whole Spanish monarchy was looked
upon as impracticable. He concluded with a motion for an address to her
majesty, desiring that the papers relating to the negotiations of the
Hague and Gertruydenburgh should be laid before the house. This was
carried without a division.

In the house of commons Mr. Pulteney moved for an address, acquainting
her majesty that her faithful commons were justly alarmed at the
intelligence received from abroad, that her general in Flanders had
declined acting offensively against France in concurrence with her
allies; and beseeching her majesty that he might receive speedy
instructions to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. This motion
was rejected by a great majority. A certain member having insinuated
that the present negotiation had been carried on in a clandestine and
treacherous manner, Mr. secretary St. John said, he hoped it would
not be accounted treachery to act for the good and advantage of Great
Britain; that he gloried in the small share he had in the transaction;
and whatever censure he might undergo for it, the bare satisfaction of
acting in that view would be a sufficient recompence and comfort to
him during the whole course of his life. The house resolved, that
the commons had an entire confidence in her majesty’s promise, to
communicate to her parliament the terms of the peace before it should
be concluded; and that they would support her against all such
persons, either at home or abroad, as should endeavour to obstruct the
pacification. The queen thanked them heartily for this resolution, as
being dutiful to her, honest to their country, and very seasonable at
a time when so many artifices were used to obstruct a good peace, or
to force one disadantageous to Britain. They likewise presented an
address, desiring they might have an account of the negotiations and
transactions at the Hague and Gertruydenburgh, and know who were then
employed as her majesty’s plenipotentiaries.




PHILIP PROMISES TO RENOUNCE THE CROWN OF FRANCE.

The ministry, foreseeing that Philip would not willingly resign his
hopes of succeeding to the crown of France, proposed an alternative,
that, in case of his preferring his expectation of the crown of France
to the present possession of Spain, this kingdom, with the Indies,
should be forthwith ceded to the duke of Savoy; that Philip, in the
meantime, should possess the duke’s hereditary dominions, and the
kingdom of Sicily, together with Montserrat and Mantua; all which
territories should be annexed to France at Philip’s succession to that
crown, except Sicily, which should revert to the house of Austria. Louis
seemed to relish this expedient, which, however, was rejected by Philip,
who chose to make the renunciation rather than quit the throne upon
which he was established. The queen demanded that the renunciation
should be ratified in the most solemn manner by the states of France;
but she afterwards waived this demand, in consideration of its being
registered in the different parliaments. Such forms are but slender
securities against the power, ambition, and interest of princes. The
marquis de Torcy frankly owned, that Philip’s renunciation was of itself
void, as being contrary to the fundamental laws and constitution of the
French monarchy; but it was found necessary for the satisfaction of the
English people. Every material article being now adjusted between
the two courts, particularly those relating to the king of Spain, the
commerce of Great Britain, and the delivery of Dunkirk, a suspension
of arms prevailed in the Netherlands, and the duke of Ormond acted in
concert with mareschal de Villars.




THE QUEEN COMMUNICATES THE PLAN OF THE PEACE TO PARLIAMENT.

On the sixth day of June, the queen going to the house of peers
communicated the plan of peace to her parliament, according to the
promise she had made. After having premised that the making peace
and war was the undoubted prerogative of the crown, and hinted at the
difficulties which had arisen both from the nature of the affair, and
numberless obstructions contrived by the enemies of peace, she proceeded
to enumerate the chief articles to which both crowns had agreed,
without, however, concluding the treaty. She told them she had secured
the protestant succession, which France had acknowledged in the
strongest terms; and that the pretender would be removed from the French
dominions; that the duke of Anjou should renounce for himself and his
descendants all claim to the crown of France; so that the two monarchies
would be for ever divided. She observed, that the nature of this
proposal was such as would execute itself; that it would be the
interest of Spain to support the renunciation; and in France, the
persons entitled to the succession of that crown upon the death of the
dauphin, were powerful enough to vindicate their own right. She gave
them to understand that a treaty of commerce between England and France
had been begun, though not yet adjusted; but provision was made, that
England should enjoy the same privileges that France granted to the most
favoured nation; that the French king had agreed to make an absolute
cession of the island of St. Christopher’s, which had hitherto been
divided between the two nations, that he had also consented to
restore the whole bay and straits of Hudson; to deliver the island
of Newfoundland, with Placentia; to cede Annapolis, with the rest of
Arcadia or Nova Scotia; to demolish the fortifications of Dunkirk; to
leave England in possession of Gibraltar, Port-Mahon, and the whole
island of Minorca; to let the trade of Spain in the West Indies be
settled as it was in the reign of his late catholic majesty; she
signified that she had obtained for her subjects the assiento, or
contract, for furnishing the Spanish West Indies with negroes for the
term of thirty years, in the same manner as it had been enjoyed by the
French. With respect to the allies, they declared, that France offered
to make the Rhine the barrier of the empire; to yield Brisac, Fort Kehl,
and Landau, and raze all the fortresses both on the other side of the
Rhine, and in the islands of that river; that the protestant interest in
Germany would be re-settled on the footing of the treaty of Westphalia;
that the Spanish Netherlands, the kingdoms of Naples and Sardinia,
the duchy of Milan, and the places belonging to Spain on the coast of
Tuscany, might be yielded to his Imperial majesty; but the disposition
of Sicily was not yet determined; that the demands of the states-general
with relation to commerce, and the barrier in the Low Countries, would
be granted with a few exceptions, which might be compensated by
other expedients; that no great progress had yet been made upon the
pretensions of Portugal; but that those of Prussia would be admitted by
France without much difficulty; that the difference between the barrier
demanded by the duke of Savoy in the year one thousand seven hundred
and nine, and that which France now offered, was very inconsiderable;
that the elector palatine should maintain his present rank among the
electors; and that France would acknowledge the electoral dignity in the
house of Hanover. Such, were the conditions which the queen hoped would
make some amends to her subjects, for the great and unequal burden they
had borne during the whole course of the war. She concluded with saying,
she made no doubt but they were fully persuaded that nothing would be
neglected on her part, in the progress of this negotiation, to bring the
peace to a happy and speedy issue; and she expressed her dependence upon
the entire confidence and cheerful concurrence of her parliament. An
address of thanks and approbation was immediately voted, drawn up, and
presented to the queen by the commons in a body. When the house of lords
took the speech into consideration, the duke of Marlborough asserted,
that the measures pursued for a year past were directly contrary to her
majesty’s engagements with the allies; that they sullied the triumphs
and glories of her reign, and would render the English name odious to
all nations. The earl of Strafford said, that some of the allies would
not have shown such backwardness to a peace, had they not been persuaded
and encouraged to carry on the war by a member of that illustrious
assembly, who maintained a secret correspondence with them, and fed them
with hopes that they would be supported by a strong party in England.
In answer to this insinuation against Marlborough, lord Cowper observed,
that it could never be suggested as a crime in the meanest subject, much
less in any member of that august assembly, to hold correspondence with
the allies of the nation; stich allies especially whose interest her
majesty had declared to be inseparable from her own, in her speech at
the opening of the session; whereas it would be a hard matter to justify
and reconcile either with our laws, or with laws of honour and justice,
the conduct of some persons in treating clandestinely with the common
enemy without the participation of the allies. This was a frivolous
argument. A correspondence with any persons whatsoever becomes criminal,
when it tends to foment the divisions of one’s country, and arm the
people against their sovereign. If England had it not in her power,
without infringing the laws of justice and honour, to withdraw herself
from a confederacy which she could no longer support, and treat for
peace on her own bottom, then was she not an associate but a slave to
the alliance. The earl of Godolphin affirmed, that the trade to Spain
was such a trifle as deserved no consideration; and that it would
continually diminish until it should be entirely engrossed by the French
merchants. Notwithstanding these remonstrances against the plan of
peace, the majority agreed to an address, in which they thanked the
queen for her extraordinary condescension in communicating those
conditions to her parliament; and expressed an entire satisfaction with
her conduct. A motion was made for a clause in the address, desiring her
majesty would take such measures in concert with her allies, as might
induce them to join with her in a mutual guarantee. A debate ensued: the
question was put, and the clause rejected. Several noblemen entered
a protest, which was expunged from the journals of the house by the
decision of the majority.

In the house of commons, a complaint was exhibited against bishop
Fleetwood, who, in a preface to four sermons which he had published,
took occasion to extol the last ministry at the expense of the present
administration. This piece was voted malicious and factious, tending
to create discord and sedition amongst her majesty’s subjects, and
condemned to be burned by the hands of the common hangman. They
presented an address to the queen, assuring her of the just sense they
had of the indignity offered to her, by printing and publishing a letter
from the states-general to her majesty; and desiring she would so far
resent such insults, as to give no answer for the future to any letters
or memorials that should be thus ushered into the world as inflammatory
appeals to the public. Mr. Hampden moved for an address to her majesty,
that she would give particular instructions to her plenipotentiaries,
that in the conclusion of the treaty of peace, the several powers
in alliance with her majesty might be guarantees for the protestant
succession in the illustrious house of Hanover. The question being put,
was carried in the negative. Then the house resolved, that they had
such confidence in the repeated declarations her majesty had made of her
concern for assuring to these kingdoms the protestant succession, as by
law established, that they could never doubt of her taking the proper
measures for the security thereof; that the house would support her
against faction at home and her enemies abroad; and did humbly beseech
her, that she would be pleased to discountenance all those who should
endeavour to raise jealousies between her majesty and her subjects,
especially by misrepresenting her good intentions for the welfare of her
people. The queen was extremely pleased with this resolution. When
it was presented, she told them that they had shown themselves honest
asserters of the monarchy, zealous defenders of the constitution, and
real friends to the protestant succession. She thought she had very
little reason to countenance a compliment of supererogation to a
prince who had caballed with the enemies of her administration. On the
twenty-first day of June the queen closed the session with a speech,
expressing her satisfaction at the addresses and supplies she had
received; she observed, that should the treaty be broke off, their
burdens would be at least continued, if not increased; that Britain
would lose the present opportunity of improving her own commerce, and
establishing a real balance of power in Europe; and that though some of
the allies might be gainers by a continuance of the war, the rest
would suffer in the common calamity. Notwithstanding the ferment of
the people, which was now risen to a very dangerous pitch, addresses
approving the queen’s conduct, were presented by the city of London and
all the corporations in the kingdom that espoused the tory interest. At
this juncture the nation was so wholly possessed by the spirit of party,
that no appearance of neutrality or moderation remained.

During these transactions the trenches were opened before Quesnoy, and
the siege carried on with uncommon vigour under cover of the forces
commanded by the duke of Ormond. This nobleman, however, having received
a copy of the articles signed by the marquis de Torcy, and fresh
instructions from the queen, signified to the prince Eugene and the
Dutch deputies, that the French king had agreed to several articles
demanded by the queen, as the foundation of an armistice; and among
others to put the English troops in immediate possession of Dunkirk;
that he could therefore no longer cover the siege of Quesnoy, as he was
obliged by his instructions to march with the British troops, and those
in the queen’s pay, and declare a suspension of arms as soon as he
should be possessed of Dunkirk. He expressed his hope that they would
readily acquiesce in these instructions, seeing their concurrence would
act as the most powerful motive to induce the queen to take all
possible care of their interests at the congress; and he endeavoured to
demonstrate that Dunkirk, as a cautionary town, was a place of greater
consequence to the allies than Quesnoy. The deputies desired he would
delay his march for five days, that they might have time to consult
their principals, and he granted three days without hesitation. Prince
Eugene observed, that his marching off with the British troops, and the
foreigners in the queen’s pay, would leave the allies at the mercy of
the enemy; but he hoped these last would not obey the duke’s order. He
and the deputies had already tampered with their commanding officers,
who absolutely refused to obey the duke of Ormond, alleging, that they
could not separate from the confederacy without express directions from
their masters, to whom they had despatched couriers. An extraordinary
assembly of states was immediately summoned to meet at the Hague. The
ministers of the allies were invited to the conferences. At length the
princes, whose troops were in the pay of Britain, assured them that they
would maintain them under the command of Prince Eugene for one month at
their own expense, and afterwards sustain half the charge, provided the
other half should be defrayed by the emperor and states-general.




IRRUPTION INTO FRANCE BY GENERAL GROVESTEIN.

The bishop of Bristol imparted to the other plenipotentiaries at Utrecht
the concessions which France would make to the allies; and proposed a
suspension of arms for two months, that they might treat in a friendly
manner, and adjust the demands of all the confederates. To this proposal
they made no other answer but that they had no instructions on the
subject. Count Zinzendorf, the first Imperial plenipotentiary,
presented a memorial to the states-general, explaining the danger that
would result to the common cause from a cessation of arms; and exhorting
them to persevere in their generous and vigorous resolutions. He
proposed a renewal of the alliance for recovering the Spanish monarchy
to the house of Austria, and a certain plan for prosecuting the war with
redoubled ardour. Prince Eugene, in order to dazzle the confederates
with some bold enterprise, detached major-general Grovestein with
fifteen hundred cavalry to penetrate into the heart of France. This
officer, about the middle of June, advanced into Champaigne, passed the
Noire, the Maese, the Moselle, and the Saar, and retired to Traerbach
with a rich booty and a great number of hostages, after having extorted
contributions as far as the gates of Metz, ravaged the country, and
reduced a great number of villages and towns to ashes. The consternation
produced by this irruption reached the city of Paris; the king of France
did not think himself safe at Versailles with his ordinary guards; all
the troops in the neighbourhood of the capital were assembled about
the palace. Villars sent a detachment after Grovestein, as soon as he
understood his destination; but the other had gained a day’s march of
the French troops, which had the mortification to follow him so
close, that they found the flames still burning in the villages he
had destroyed. By way of retaliation, major-general Pasteur, a French
partisan, made an excursion beyond Bergen-op-zoom, and ravaged the
island of Tortola belonging to Zealand.




FOREIGN TROOPS IN BRITISH PAY REFUSE TO MARCH WITH ORMOND.

The earl of Strafford having returned to Holland, proposed a cessation
of arms to the states-general, by whom it was rejected. Then he
proceeded to the army of the duke of Ormond, where he arrived in a few
days after the reduction of Quesnoy, the garrison of which were made
prisoners of war on the fourth day of July. The officers of the foreign
troops had a second time refused to obey a written order of the duke;
and such a spirit of animosity began to prevail between the English and
allies, that it was absolutely necessary to effect a speedy separation.
Prince Eugene resolved to undertake the siege of Landresy: a design is
said to have been formed by the German generals, to confine the duke on
pretence of the arrears that were due to them, and to disarm the
British troops lest they should join the French army. In the meantime,
a literary correspondence was maintained between the English general and
the mareschal de Villars. France having consented to deliver up Dunkirk,
a body of troops was transported from England under the command of
brigadier Hill, who took possession of the place on the seventh day of
July; the French garrison retired to Winoxberg. On the sixteenth of
the same month prince Eugene marched from his camp at Haspre, and
was followed by all the auxiliaries in the British pay, except a few
battalions of the troops of Holstein-Gottorp, and Walef’s regiment of
dragoons, belonging to the state of Liege.

Landresy was immediately invested; while the duke of Ormond, with
the English forces, removed from Chateau-Cambresis, and encamped at
wensne-le-Secq, proclaimed by sound of trumpet a cessation of arms
for two months. On the same day the like armistice was declared in
the French army. The Dutch were so exasperated at the secession of the
English troops, that the governors would not allow the earl of Strafford
to enter Bouchain, nor the British army to pass through Douay, though in
that town they had left a great quantity of stores, together with their
general hospital. Prince Eugene and the Dutch deputies, understanding
that the duke of Ormond had begun his march towards Ghent, began to be
in pain for that city, and sent count Nassau Woodenburgh to him with a
written apology, condemning and disavowing the conduct and commandants
of Bouchain and Douay; but, notwithstanding these excuses, the English
troops afterwards met with the same treatment at Tournay, Oudenarde,
and Lisle: insults which were resented by the whole British nation.
The duke, however, pursued his march, and took possession of Ghent and
Bruges for the queen of England; then he reinforced the garrison of
Dunkirk, which he likewise supplied with artillery and ammunition. His
conduct was no less agreeable to his sovereign, than mortifying to the
Dutch, who never dreamed of leaving Ghent and Bruges in the hands of the
English, and were now fairly outwitted and anticipated by the motions
and expedition of the British general.




THE ALLIES DEFEATED AT DENAIN.

The loss of the British forces was soon severely felt in the allied
army. Villars attacked a separate body of their troops, encamped at
Denain, under the command of the earl of Albemarle. Their intrenchments
were forced, and seventeen battalions either killed or taken. The earl
himself and all the surviving officers were made prisoners. Five hundred
waggons loaded with bread, twelve pieces of brass cannon, a large
quantity of ammunition and provisions, a great number of horses, and
considerable booty fell into the hands of the enemy. This advantage they
gained in sight of prince Eugene, who advanced on the other side of the
Schelde to sustain Albemarle; but the bridge over that river was broke
down by accident, so that he was prevented from lending the least
assistance. Villars immediately invested Marchiennes, where the
principal stores of the allies were lodged. The place was surrendered on
the last day of July; and the garrison, consisting of five thousand men,
were conducted prisoners to Valenciennes. He afterwards undertook the
siege of Douay; an enterprise, in consequence of which prince Eugene
abandoned his design on Landresy, and marched towards the French in
order to hazard an engagement. The states, however, would not run the
risk; and the prince had the mortification to see Douay reduced by the
enemy. He could not even prevent their retaking Quesnoy and Bouchain,
of which places they were in possession before the tenth day of October.
The allies enjoyed no other compensation for their great losses, but the
conquest of Fort Knocque, which was surprised by one of their partisans.




PROGRESS OF THE CONFERENCES AT UTRECHT.

The British ministers at the congress continued to press the Dutch
and other allies to join in the armistice; but they were deaf to the
proposal, and concerted measures for a vigorous prosecution of the war.
Then the earl of Strafford insisted upon their admitting to the congress
the plenipotentiaries of king Philip; but he found them equally averse
to this expedient. In the beginning of August, secretary St. John, now
created lord viscount Bolingbroke, was sent to the court of Versailles
incognito, to remove all obstructions to the treaty between England and
France. He was accompanied by Mr. Prior and the Abbé Gualtier, treated
with the most distinguished marks of respect, caressed by the French
king and the marquis de Torcy, with whom he adjusted the principal
interests of the duke of Savoy and the elector of Bavaria. He settled
the time and manner of the renunciation, and agreed to a suspension of
arms by sea and land for four months between the crowns of France
and England; this was accordingly proclaimed at Paris and London.
The negotiation being finished in a few days, Bolingbroke returned to
England, and Prior remained as resident at the court of France. The
states-general breathed nothing but war; the pensionary Heinsius
pronounced an oration in their assembly, representing the impossibility
of concluding a peace without losing the fruits of all the blood and
treasure they had expended. The conferences at Utrecht were interrupted
by a quarrel between the domestics of Ménager and those of the count de
Rechteren, one of the Dutch plenipotentiaries. The populace insulted the
earl of Strafford and the marquis del Borgo, minister of Savoy, whose
master was reported to have agreed to the armistice. These obstructions
being removed, the conferences were renewed, and the British
plenipotentiaries exerted all their rhetoric, both in public and
private, to engage the allies! in the queen’s measures. At length the
duke of Savoy was prevailed upon to acquiesce in the offers of France.
Mr. Thomas Harley had been sent ambassador to Hanover, with a view to
persuade the elector that it would be for his interest to co-operate
with her majesty; but that prince’s resolution was already taken.
“Whenever it shall please God,” said he, “to call me to the throne of
Britain, I hope to act as becomes me for the advantage of my people;
in the meantime, speak to me as to a German prince, and a prince of the
empire.” Nor was she more successful in her endeavours to bring over the
king of Prussia to her sentiments. In the meantime, lord Lexington was
appointed ambassador to Madrid, where king Philip solemnly swore to
observe the renunciation, which was approved and confirmed by the
Cortez. The like renunciation to the crown of Spain was afterwards
made by the princes of France; and Philip was declared incapable of
succeeding to the crown of that realm. The court of Portugal held out
against the remonstrances of England, until the Marquis de Bay invaded
that kingdom at the head of twenty thousand men, and undertook the siege
of Campo-Major, and they found they had no longer any hope of being
assisted by her Britannic majesty. The Portuguese minister at Utrecht
signed the suspension of arms on the seventh day of November, and
excused this step to the allies as the pure effect of necessity. The
English troops in Spain were ordered to separate from the army of count
Starem-berg, and march to the neighbourhood of Barcelona, where they
were embarked on board an English squadron commanded by sir John
Jennings, and transported to Minorca.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND LORD MOHUN ARE KILLED IN A DUEL.

The campaign being at an end in the Netherlands, the duke of Ormond
returned to England, where the party disputes were become more violent
than ever. The whigs affected to celebrate the anniversary of the late
king’s birth-day, in London, with extraordinary rejoicings. Mobs were
hired by both factions; and the whole city was filled with riot and
uproar. A ridiculous scheme was contrived to frighten the lord-treasurer
with some squibs in a band-box, which the ministers magnified into
a conspiracy. The duke of Hamilton having been appointed
ambassador-extraordinary to the court of France, the whigs were alarmed
on the supposition that this nobleman favoured the pretender. Some
dispute arising between the duke and lord Mohun, on the subject of a
lawsuit, furnished a pretence for a quarrel. Mohun, who had been twice
tried for murder, and was counted a mean tool, as well as the hector
of the whig party, sent a message by general Macartney to the duke,
challenging him to single combat. The principals met by appointment in
Hyde Park, attended by Macartney and colonel Hamilton. They fought with
such fury, that Mohun was killed upon the spot, and the duke expired
before he could be conveyed to his own house. Macartney disappeared,
and escaped in disguise to the continent. Colonel Hamilton declared upon
oath before the privy-council, that when the principals engaged, he
and Macartney followed their example; that Macartney was immediately
disarmed; but the colonel seeing the duke fall upon his antagonist,
threw away the swords, and ran to lift him up; that while he was
employed in raising the duke, Macartney, having taken up one of
the swords, stabbed his grace over Hamilton’s shoulder and retired
immediately. A proclamation was issued, promising a reward of five
hundred pounds to those who should apprehend or discover Macartney,
and the duchess of Hamilton offered three hundred pounds for the same
purpose. The tories exclaimed against this event as a party-duel; they
treated Macartney as a cowardly assassin; and affirmed that the whigs
had posted others of the same stamp all round Hyde Park, to murder the
duke of Hamilton, in case he had triumphed over his antagonist, and
escaped the treachery of Macartney. The whigs, on the other hand,
affirmed that it was altogether a private quarrel; that Macartney was
entirely innocent of the perfidy laid to his charge; that he afterwards
submitted to a fair trial, at which colonel Hamilton prevaricated in
giving his evidence, and was contradicted by the testimony of divers
persons who saw the combat at a distance. The duke of Marlborough,
hearing himself accused as the author of those party mischiefs, and
seeing his enemies grow every day more and more implacable, thought
proper to retire to the continent, where he was followed by his duchess.
His friend Godolphin had died in September, with the general character
of an able, cool, dispassionate minister, who had rendered himself
necessary to four successive sovereigns, and managed the finances
with equal skill and integrity. The duke of Shrewsbury was nominated
ambassador to France in the room of the duke of Hamilton; the duke
d’Aumont arrived at London in the same quality from the court of
Versailles; and about the same time the queen granted an audience to
the marquis de Monte-leone, whom Philip had appointed one of his
plenipotentiaries at the congress.




THE STATES-GENERAL SIGN THE BARRIER-TREATY.

In vain had the British ministers in Holland endeavoured to overcome
the obstinacy of the states-general, by alternate threats, promises,
and arguments. In vain did they represent that the confederacy against
France could be no longer supported with any prospect of success; that
the queen’s aim had been to procure reasonable terms for her allies; but
that their opposition to her measures prevented her from obtaining such
conditions as she would have a right to demand in their favour,
were they unanimous in their consultations. In November, the earl of
Strafford presented a new plan of peace, in which the queen promised to
insist upon France’s ceding to the states the city of Tournay, and some
other places which they could not expect to possess should she conclude
a separate treaty. They now began to waiver in their councils. The first
transports of their resentment having subsided, they plainly perceived
that the continuation of the war would entail upon them a burden which
they could not bear, especially since the duke of Savoy and the king of
Portugal had deserted the alliance; besides, they were staggered by the
affair of the new barrier, so much more advantageous than that which
France had proposed in the beginning of the conferences. They were
influenced by another motive, namely, the apprehension of new mischiefs
to the empire from the king of Sweden, whose affairs seemed to take a
favourable turn at the Ottoman Porte, through the intercession of
the French monarch. The czar and king Augustus had penetrated into
Pomerania; the king of Denmark had taken Staden, reduced Bremen, and
laid Hamburgh under contribution; but count Steenbock, the Swedish
general, defeated the Danish army in Mecklenburg, ravaged Holstein with
great barbarity, and reduced the town of Altena to ashes. The grand
seignor threatened to declare war against the czar, on pretence that
he had not performed some essential articles of the late peace; but
his real motive was an inclination to support the king of Sweden. This
disposition, however, was defeated by a powerful party at the Porte, who
were averse to war. Charles, who still remained at Bender, was desired
to return to his own kingdom, and given to understand that the sultan
would procure him a safe passage. He treated the person who brought this
intimation with the most outrageous insolence, rejected the proposal,
fortified his house, and resolved to defend himself to the last
extremity. Being attacked by a considerable body of Turkish forces, he
and his attendants fought with the most frantic valour. They slew some
hundreds of the assailants; but at last the Turks set fire to the house,
so that he was obliged to surrender himself and his followers, who were
generally sold for slaves. He himself was conveyed under a strong guard
to Adrianople. Meanwhile the czar landed with an army in Finland, which
he totally reduced. Steenbock maintained himself in Tonningen until all
his supplies were cut off; and then he was obliged to deliver himself
and his troops prisoners of war. But this reverse was not foreseen when
the Dutch dreaded a rupture between the Porte and the Muscovites, and
were given to understand that the Turks would revive the troubles in
Hungary. In that case, they knew the emperor would recall great part of
his troops from the Netherlands, where the burden of the war must lie
upon their shoulders. After various consultations in their different
assemblies, they came into the queen’s measures, and signed the
barrier-treaty.

Then the plenipotentiaries of the four associated circles presented a
remonstrance to the British ministers at Utrecht, imploring the queen’s
interposition in their favour, that they might not be left in the
miserable condition to which they had been reduced by former treaties.
They were given to understand, that if they should not obtain what they
desired, they themselves would be justly blamed as the authors of their
own disappointment; that they had been deficient in furnishing their
proportion of troops and other necessaries, and left the whole burden of
the war to fall upon the queen and the states in the Netherlands; that
when a cessation was judged necessary, they had deserted her majesty
to follow the chimerical projects of prince Eugene; that while she
prosecuted the war with the utmost vigour, they had acted with coldness
and indifference; but when she inclined to peace they began to exert
themselves in prosecuting hostilities with uncommon eagerness; that,
nevertheless, she would not abandon their interests, but endeavour to
procure for them as good conditions as their preposterous conduct would
allow her to demand. Even the emperor’s plenipotentiaries began to talk
in more moderate terms. Zinzendorf declared that his master was very
well disposed to promote a general peace, and no longer insisted on
a cession of the Spanish monarchy to the house of Austria. Philip’s
ministers, together with those of Bavaria and Cologn, were admitted
to the congress; and now the plenipotentiaries of Britain acted as
mediators for the rest of the allies.

{1713}




PEACE WITH FRANCE.

The pacification between France and England was retarded, however, by
some unforeseen difficulties that arose in adjusting the commerce and
the limits of the countries possessed by both nations in North America.
A long dispute ensued; and the duke of Shrewsbury and Prior held many
conferences with the French ministry; at length it was compromised,
though not much to the advantage of Great Britain; and the English
plenipotentiaries received an order to sign a separate treaty. They
declared to the ministers of the other powers, that they and some other
plenipotentiaries were ready to sign their respective treaties on the
eleventh day of April. Count Zinzendorf endeavoured to postpone this
transaction until he should be furnished with fresh instructions from
Vienna; and even threatened that if the states should sign the peace
contrary to his desire, the emperor would immediately withdraw his
troops from the Netherlands. The ministers of Great Britain agreed with
those of France, that his Imperial majesty should have time to consider
whither he would or would not accept the proposals; but this time was
extended no farther than the first day of June; nor would they agree
to a cessation of arms during that interval. Meanwhile the peace with
France was signed in different treaties by the plenipotentiaries of
Great Britain, Savoy, Prussia, Portugal, and the states-general. On the
fourteenth day of the month, the British plenipotentiaries delivered to
count Zinzendorf, in writing, “Offers and demands of the French king for
making peace with the house of Austria and the empire.” The count and
the ministers of the German princes exclaimed against the insolence of
France, which had not even bestowed the title of emperor on Joseph; but
wanted to impose terms upon them with relation to the electors of Cologn
and Bavaria.

The treaties of peace and commerce between England and France being
ratified by the queen of England, the parliament was assembled on the
ninth day of April. The queen told them the treaty was signed, and that
in a few days the ratifications would be exchanged. She said, what
she had done for the protestant succession, and the perfect friendship
subsisting between her and the house of Hanover, would convince those
who wished well to both, and desired the quiet and safety of their
country, how vain all attempts were to divide them. She left it entirely
to the house of commons to determine what force might be necessary
for the security of trade by sea, and for guards and garrisons. “Make
yourselves safe,” said she, “and I shall be satisfied. Next to the
protection of the Divine Providence, I depend upon the loyalty and
affection of my people. I want no other guarantee.” She recommended
to their protection those brave men who had exposed their lives in the
service of their country, and could not be employed in time of peace.
She desired they would concert proper measures for easing the foreign
trade of the kingdom, for improving and encouraging manufactures and the
fishery, and for employing the hands of idle people. She expressed her
displeasure at the scandalous and seditious libels which had been lately
published.

She exhorted them to consider of new laws to prevent this
licentiousness, as well as for putting a stop to the impious practice of
duelling. She conjured them to use their utmost endeavours to calm the
minds of men at home, that the arts of peace might be cultivated; and
that groundless jealousies, contrived by a faction, and fomented by
party rage, might not effect that which their foreign enemies could not
accomplish. This was the language of a pious, candid, and benevolent
sovereign, who loved her subjects with a truly parental affection. The
parliament considered her in that light. Each house presented her with
a warm address of thanks and congratulation, expressing, in particular,
their inviolable attachment to the protestant succession in the
illustrious house of Hanover. The ratifications of the treaty being
exchanged, the peace was proclaimed on the fifth of May, with the usual
ceremonies, to the inexpressible joy of the nation in general. It was
about this period that the chevalier de St. George conveyed a printed
remonstrance to the ministers at Utrecht, solemnly protesting against
all that might be stipulated to his prejudice. The commons, in a second
address, had besought her majesty to communicate to the house in due
time the treaties of peace and commerce with France; and now they were
produced by Mr. Benson, chancellor of the exchequer.




THE TREATY WITH FRANCE.

By the treaty of peace the French king obliged himself to abandon
the pretender, and acknowledge the queen’s title and the protestant
succession; to raze the fortifications of Dunkirk within a limited time,
on condition of receiving an equivalent; to cede Newfoundland, Hudson’s
Bay, and St. Christopher’s to England; but the French were left
in possession of Cape Breton, and at liberty to dry their fish in
Newfoundland. By the treaty of commerce a free trade was established,
according to the tariff of the year one thousand six hundred and
sixty-four, except in some commodities that were subjected to new
regulations in the year sixteen hundred and ninety-nine. It was agreed
that no other duties should be imposed on the productions of France
imported into England than those that were laid on the same commodities
from other countries; and that commissaries should meet at London to
adjust all matters relating to commerce; as for the tariff with Spain,
it was not yet finished. It was stipulated, that the emperor should
possess the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and the Spanish
Netherlands; that the duke of Savoy should enjoy Sicily, with the title
of king; that the same title, with the island of Sardinia, should
be allotted to the elector of Bavaria, as an indemnification for
his losses; that the states-general should restore Lisle and its
dependencies; that Namur, Charleroy, Luxembourg, Ypres, and Newport,
should be added to the other places they already possessed in Flanders;
and that the king of Prussia should have Upper Gueldre, in lieu of
Orange and the other states belonging to that family in Franche Compté.
The king of Portugal was satisfied; and the first day of June was fixed
as the period of time granted to the emperor for consideration.

A day being appointed by the commons to deliberate upon the treaty of
commerce, very just and weighty objections were made to the eighth and
ninth articles, importing, that Great Britain and France should mutually
enjoy all the privileges in trading with each other that either granted
to the most favoured nation; and that no higher customs should be
exacted from the commodities of France, than those that were drawn from
the same productions of any other people. The balance of trade having
long inclined to the side of France, severe duties had been laid on all
the productions and manufactures of that kingdom, so as almost to
amount to a total prohibition. Some members observed, that by the treaty
between England and Portugal, the duties charged upon the wines of that
country were lower than those laid upon the wines of France; that should
they now be reduced to an equality, the difference of freight was so
great, that the French wines would be found much cheaper than those of
Portugal; and, as they were more agreeable to the taste of the nation in
general, there would be no market for the Portuguese wines in England;
that should this be the case, the English would lose their trade with
Portugal, the most advantageous of any traffic which they now carried
on; for it consumed a great quantity of their manufactures, and
returned a yearly sum of six hundred thousand pounds in gold. Mr.
Nathaniel Gould, formerly governor of the bank, affirmed, that as France
had since the revolution encouraged woollen manufactures, and prepared
at home several commodities which formerly they drew from England; so
the English had learned to make silk stuffs, paper, and all manner of
toys, formerly imported from France; by which means an infinite number
of artificers were employed, and a vast sum annually saved to the
nation; but these people would now be reduced to beggary, and that money
lost again to the kingdom, should French commodities of the same kind
be imported under ordinary duties, because labour was much cheaper in
France than in England, consequently the British manufactures would be
undersold and ruined. He urged, that the ruin of the silk manufacture
would be attended with another disadvantage. Great quantities of woollen
cloths were vended in Italy and Turkey, in consequence of the raw silk
which the English merchants bought up in those countries; and, should
the silk manufacture at home be lost, those markets for British
commodities would fail of course. Others alleged, that if the articles
of commerce had been settled before the English troops separated from
those of the confederates, the French king would not have presumed to
insist upon such terms, but have been glad to comply with more moderate
conditions. Sir William Wyndham reflected on the late ministry, for
having neglected to make an advantageous peace when it was in their
power. He said that Portugal would always have occasion for the woollen
manufactures and the corn of England, and be obliged to buy them at all
events. After a violent debate, the house resolved, by a great majority,
that a bill should be brought in to make good the eighth and ninth
articles of the treaty of commerce with France. Against these articles,
however, the Portuguese minister presented a memorial, declaring, that
should the duties on French wines be lowered to the same level with
those that were laid on the wines of Portugal, his master would renew
the prohibition of the woollen manufactures and other products of Great
Britain. Indeed, all the trading part of the nation exclaimed against
the treaty of commerce, which seems to have been concluded in a hurry,
before the ministers fully understood the nature of the subject. This
precipitation was owing to the fears that their endeavours after
peace would miscarry, from the intrigues of the whig faction, and the
obstinate opposition of the confederates.




THE SCOTTISH LORDS MOVE FOR A BILL TO DISSOLVE THE UNION.

The commons having granted an aid of two shillings in the pound,
proceeded to renew the duty on malt for another year, and extended this
tax to the whole island, notwithstanding the warm remonstrances of the
Scottish members, who represented it as a burden which their country
could not bear. They insisted upon an express article of the union,
stipulating, that no duty should be laid on the malt in Scotland during
the war which they affirmed was not yet finished, inasmuch as the
peace with Spain had not been proclaimed. During the adjournment of
the parliament, on account of the Whit-sun-holidays, the Scots of both
houses, laying aside all party distinctions, met and deliberated on this
subject. They deputed the duke of Argyle, the earl of Mar, Mr. Lockhart,
and Mr. Cockburn, to lay their grievances before the queen. They
represented that their countrymen bore with great impatience the
violation of some articles of the union; and that the imposition of such
an insupportable burden as the malt-tax would in all probability
prompt them to declare the union dissolved. The queen, alarmed at this
remonstrance, answered, that she wished they might not have cause to
repent of such a precipitate resolution; but she would endeavour to make
all things easy. On the first day of June, the earl of Findlater, in the
house of peers, represented that the Scottish nation was aggrieved
in many instances: that they were deprived of a privy-council, and
subjected to the English laws in cases of treason: that their nobles
were rendered incapable of being created British peers; and that now
they were oppressed with the insupportable burden of a malt-tax, when
they had reason to expect they should reap the benefit of peace: he
therefore moved, that leave might be given to bring in a bill for
dissolving the union, and securing the protestant succession to the
house of Hanover. Lord North and Grey affirmed, that the complaints
of the Scots were groundless; that the dissolution of the union was
impracticable; and he made some sarcastic reflections on the poverty of
that nation. He was answered by the earl of Eglinton, who admitted the
Scots were poor, and therefore unable to pay the malt-tax. The earl of
Hay, among other pertinent remarks upon the union, observed, that when
the treaty was made, the Scots took it for granted that the parliament
of Great Britain would never load them with any imposition that they had
reason to believe grievous. The earl of Peterborough compared the union
to a marriage. He said that though England, who must be supposed the
husband, might in some instances prove unkind to the lady, she ought not
immediately to sue for a divorce, the rather because she had very much
mended her fortune by the match. Hay replied, that marriage was an
ordinance of God, and the union no more than a political expedient.
The other affirmed, that the contract could not have been more solemn,
unless, like the ten commandments, it had come from heaven: he inveighed
against the Scots, as a people that would never be satisfied; that would
have all the advantages resulting from the union, but would pay nothing
by their good will, although they had received more money from England
than the amount of all their estates. To these animadversions the duke
of Argyle made a very warm reply. “I have been reflected on by some
people,” said he, “as if I was disgusted, and had changed sides; but
I despise their persons, as much as I undervalue their judgment.” He
urged, that the malt-tax in Scotland was like taxing land by the acre
throughout England, because land was worth five pounds an acre in the
neighbourhood of London, and would not fetch so many shillings in the
remote countries. In like manner, the English malt was valued at four
times the price of that which was made in Scotland; therefore, the tax
in this country must be levied by a regiment of dragoons. He owned
he had a great share in making the union, with a view to secure the
protestant succession; but he was now satisfied this end might be
answered as effectually if the union was dissolved; and, if this step
should not be taken, he did not expect long to have either property left
in Scotland, or liberty in England. All the whig members voted for the
dissolution of that treaty which they had so eagerly promoted; while
the tories strenuously supported the measure against which they had
once argued with such vehemence. In the course of the debate, the
lord-treasurer observed, that although the malt-tax were imposed,
it might be afterwards remitted by the crown. The earl of Sunderland
expressed surprise at hearing that noble lord broach a doctrine
which tended to establish a despotic dispensing power and arbitrary
government. Oxford replied, his family had never been famous, as
some others had been, for promoting and advising arbitrary measures.
Sunderland, considering this expression as a sarcasm levelled at the
memory of his father, took occasion to vindicate his conduct, adding,
that in those days the other lord’s family was hardly known. Much
violent altercation was discharged At length the motion for the bill was
rejected by a small majority, and the malt-bill afterwards passed with
great difficulty.

Another bill being brought into the house of commons for rendering the
treaty of commerce effectual, such a number of petitions were delivered
against it, and so many solid arguments advanced by the merchants who
were examined on the subject, that even a great number of tory members
were convinced of the bad consequences it would produce to trade,
and voted against the ministry on this occasion; so that the bill was
rejected by a majority of nine voices. At the same time, however, the
house agreed to an address thanking her majesty for the great care she
had taken of the security and honour of her kingdoms in the treaty of
peace; as also for having laid so good a foundation for the interest of
her people in trade. They likewise besought her to appoint commissioners
to treat with those of France, for adjusting such matters as should
be necessary to be settled on the subject of commerce, that the treaty
might be explained and perfected for the good and welfare of her people.
The queen interpreted this address into a full approbation of the
treaties of peace and commerce, and thanked them accordingly in the
warmest terms of satisfaction and acknowledgment. The commons afterwards
desired to know what equivalent should be given for the demolition of
Dunkirk; and she gave them to understand that this was already in the
hands of his most christian majesty: then they besought her that she
would not evacuate the towns of Flanders that were in her possession,
until those who were entitled to the sovereignty of the Spanish
Netherlands should agree to such articles for regulating trade as might
place the subjects of Great Britain upon an equal footing with those
of any other nation. The queen made a favourable answer to all their
remonstrances. Such were the steps taken by the parliament during this
session with relation to the famous treaty of Utrecht, against which the
whigs exclaimed so violently, that many well-meaning people believed it
would be attended with the immediate ruin of the kingdom; yet under the
shadow of this very treaty, Great Britain enjoyed a long term of peace
and tranquillity. Bishop Burnet was heated with an enthusiastic terror
of the house of Bourbon. He declared to the queen in private, that any
treaty by which Spain and the West Indies were left in the hands of
king Philip, must in a little time deliver all Europe into the hands of
France: that, if any such peace was made, the queen was betrayed, and
the people ruined: that in less than three years she would be murdered,
and the fires would blaze again in Smithfield. This prelate lived to
see his prognostic disappointed; therefore he might have suppressed this
anecdote of his own conduct.




VIOLENCE OF PARTIES IN ENGLAND.

On the twenty-fifth day of June the queen signified, in a message to
the house of commons, that her civil list was burdened with some debts
incurred by several articles of extraordinary expense; and that she
hoped they would empower her to raise such a sum of money upon the funds
for that provision as would be sufficient to discharge the incumbrances,
which amounted to five hundred thousand pounds. A bill was immediately
prepared for raising this sum on the civil list revenue, and passed
through both houses with some difficulty. Both lords and commons
addressed the queen concerning the chevalier de St. George, who had
repaired to Lorraine. They desired she would press the duke of that
name, and all the princes and states in amity with her, to exclude from
their dominions the pretender to the imperial crown of Great Britain.
A public thanksgiving for the peace was appointed and celebrated with
great solemnity; and on the sixteenth day of July the queen closed the
session with a speech which was not at all agreeable to the violent
whigs, because it did not contain one word about the pretender and the
protestant succession. From these omissions, they concluded that the
dictates of natural affection had biassed her in favour of the chevalier
de St. George. Whatever sentiments of tenderness and compassion she
might feel for that unfortunate exile, the acknowledged son of her
own father, it does not appear that she ever entertained a thought of
altering the succession as by law established. The term of Sacheverel’s
suspension being expired, extraordinary rejoicings were made upon the
occasion. He was desired to preach before the house of commons, who
thanked him for his sermon; and the queen promoted him to the rich
benefice of St. Andrew’s, Holborn. On the other hand the duke d’Aumont,
ambassador from France, was insulted by the populace. Scurrilous ballads
were published against him both in the English and French languages. He
received divers anonymous letters, containing threats of setting fire to
his house, which was accordingly burned to the ground, though whether
by accident or design he could not well determine. The magistracy of
Dunkirk, having sent a deputation with an address to the queen, humbly
imploring her majesty to spare the port and harbour of that town,
and representing that they might be useful to her own subjects, the
memorial was printed and dispersed, and the arguments it contained were
answered and refuted by Addison, Steele, and Maynwaring. Commissioners
were sent to see the fortifications of Dunkirk demolished. They were
accordingly razed to the ground; the harbour was filled up; and the duke
d’Aumont returned to Paris in the month of November. The queen, by her
remonstrances to the court of Versailles, had procured the enlargement
of one hundred and thirty-six protestants from the galleys:
understanding afterwards that as many more were detained on the same
account, she made such application to the French ministry that they too
were released. Then she appointed general Ross her envoy-extraordinary
to the king of France.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The duke of Shrewsbury being nominated lord-lieutenant of Ireland,
assembled the parliament of that kingdom on the twenty-fifth day of
November, and found the two houses still at variance, on the opposite
principles of whig and tory. Allan Broderick being chosen speaker of the
commons, they ordered a bill to be brought in to attaint the pretender
and all his adherents. They prosecuted Edward Lloyd for publishing a
book entitled, “Memoirs of the chevalier de St. George;” and they agreed
upon an address to the queen, to remove from the chancellorship sir
Constantine Phipps, who had countenanced the tories of that kingdom.
The lords, however, resolved that chancellor Phipps had, in his several
stations, acquitted himself with honour and integrity. The two houses
of convocation presented an address to the same purpose. They likewise
complained of Mr. Molesworth for having insulted them, by saying, when
they appeared in the castle of Dublin, “They that have turned the
world upside down are come hither also:” and he was removed from the
privy-council. The duke of Shrewsbury received orders to prorogue this
parliament, which was divided against itself, and portended nothing but
domestic broils. Then he obtained leave to return to England, leaving
chancellor Phipps, with the archbishop of Armagh and Tuam, justices of
the kingdom.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




NEW PARLIAMENT IN ENGLAND.

The parliament of England had been dissolved; and the elections were
managed in such a manner as to retain the legislative power in the hands
of the tories; but the meeting of the new parliament was delayed by
repeated prorogations to the tenth day of December; a delay partly
owing to the queen’s indisposition; and partly to the contests among her
ministers. Oxford and Bolingbroke were competitors for power, and rivals
in reputation for ability. The treasurer’s parts were deemed the more
solid; the secretary’s more shining; but both ministers were aspiring
and ambitious. The first was bent upon maintaining the first rank in
the administration, which he had possessed since the revolution in the
ministry; the other disdained to act as a subaltern to the man whom he
thought he excelled in genius, and equalled in importance. They began
to form separate cabals, and adopt different principles. Bolingbroke
insinuated himself into the confidence of lady Masham, to whom Oxford
had given some cause of disgust. By this communication he gained ground
in the good opinion of his sovereign, while the treasurer lost it in the
same proportion. Thus she who had been the author of his elevation,
was now used as the instrument of his disgrace. The queen was sensibly
affected with these dissensions, which she interposed her advice and
authority, by turns, to appease; but their mutual animosity continued to
rankle under an exterior accommodation. The interest of Bolingbroke was
powerfully supported by sir Simon Harcourt, the chancellor, sir William
Wyndham, and Mr. Secretary Bromley. Oxford perceived his own influence
was on the wane, and began to think of retirement. Meanwhile the earl of
Peterborough was appointed ambassador to the king of Sicily, and set
out for Turin. The queen retired to Windsor, where she was seized with
a very dangerous inflammatory fever. The hopes of the Jacobites visibly
rose; the public funds immediately fell; a great run was made upon the
bank, the directors of which were overwhelmed with consternation, which
was not a little increased by the reports of an armament equipped in
the ports of France. They sent one of their members to represent to the
treasurer the danger that threatened the public credit. The queen being
made acquainted with these occurrences, signed a letter to sir Samuel
Stancer, lord-mayor of London, declaring, that now she was recovered
of her late indisposition, she would return to the place of her usual
residence, and open the parliament on the sixteenth day of February.
This intimation she sent to her loving subjects of the city of London,
to the intent that all of them, in their several stations, might
discountenance those malicious rumours, spread by evil-minded persons,
to the prejudice of credit, and the eminent hazard of the public
peace and tranquillity. The queen’s recovery, together with certain
intelligence that the armament was a phantom, and the pretender still
in Lorraine, helped to assuage the ferment of the nation, which had been
industriously raised by party-writings. Mr. Richard Steele published a
performance, intituled, “The Crisis,” in defence of the revolution and
the protestant establishment, and enlarging upon the danger of a popish
successor. On the other hand, the hereditary right to the crown of
England was asserted in a large volume, supposed to be written with
a view to pave the way for the pretender’s accession. One Bedford was
apprehended, tried, convicted, and severely punished, as the publisher
of this treatise.




TREATY OF RASTADT BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND FRANCE.

While England was harrassed by these intestine commotions, the emperor,
rejecting the terms of peace proposed by France, resolved to maintain
the war at his own expense, with the assistance of the empire.
His forces on the Rhine commanded by prince Eugene, were so much
out-numbered by the French under Villars, that they could not prevent
the enemy from reducing the two important fortresses of Landau and
Fribourg. His imperial majesty hoped that the death of Queen Anne, or
that of Louis XIV. would produce an alteration in Europe that might be
favourable to his interest; and he depended on the conduct and fortune
of prince Eugene for some lucky event in war. But finding himself
disappointed in all these expectations, and absolutely unable to support
the expense of another campaign, he hearkened to overtures of peace that
were made by the electors of Cologn and Palatine; and conferences were
opened at the castle of Al-Rastadt, between prince Eugene and mareschal
de Villars, on the twenty-sixth day of November. In the beginning of
February these ministers separated, without seeming to have come to any
conclusion; but all the articles being settled between the two courts
of Vienna and Versailles, they met again in the latter end of the month:
the treaty was signed on the third day of March, and orders were sent
to the governors and commanders on both sides to desist from all
hostilities. By this treaty, the French king yielded to the emperor old
Brisac, with all its dependencies, Fribourg, the forts in the Brisgau
and Black Forest, together with Fort Khel. He engaged to demolish the
fortifications opposite to Huningen, the fort of Sellingen, and all
between that and Fort Louis. The town and fortress of Landau were ceded
to the king of France, who acknowledged the elector of Hanover. The
electors of Bavaria and Cologn were restored to all their dignities and
dominions. The emperor was put in immediate possession of the Spanish
Netherlands; and the king of Prussia was permitted to retain the high
quarters of Guelders. Finally, the contracting parties agreed that a
congress should be opened on the first of May, at Baden in Switzerland,
for terminating all differences; and prince Eugene and mareschal de
Villars were appointed their first plenipotentiaries.

The ratifications of the treaty between Great Britain and Spain being
exchanged, the peace was proclaimed on the first day of March, in
London; and the articles were not disagreeable to the English nation.
The kingdoms of France and Spain were separated for ever. Philip
acknowledged the protestant succession, and renounced the pretender. He
agreed to a renewal of the treaty of navigation and commerce concluded
in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty seven. He granted an
exclusive privilege to the English for furnishing the Spanish West
Indies with negroes, according to the assiento contract.*

     * The assiento contract stipulated that from the first day
     of May, 1713, to the first of May, 1743, the company should
     transport into the West Indies one hundred forty-four
     thousand negroes, at the rate of four thousand eight hundred
     negroes a year; and pay for each negro thirty-three pieces
     of eight and one third, in full for all royal duties.

He ceded Gibraltar to England, as well as the island of Minorca, on
condition that the Spanish inhabitants should enjoy their estates and
religion. He obliged himself to grant a full pardon to the Catalans,
with the possession of all their estates, honours, and privileges, and
to yield the kingdom of Sicily to the duke of Savoy. The new parliament
was opened by commission in February, and sir Thomas Hanmer was chosen
speaker of the house of commons. On the second day of March, the queen
being carried in a sedan to the house of lords, signified to both houses
that she had obtained an honourable and advantageous peace for her
own people, and for the greatest part of her allies; and she hoped
her interposition might prove effectual to complete the settlement of
Europe. She observed, that some persons had been so malicious as to
insinuate that the protestant succession, in the house of Hanover,
was in danger under her government; but that those who endeavoured to
distract the minds of men with imaginary dangers, could only mean to
disturb the public tranquillity. She said, that after all she had
done to secure the religion and liberties of her people, she could not
mention such proceedings without some degree of warmth; and she hoped
her parliament would agree with her, that attempts to weaken her
authority, or to render the possession of the crown uneasy to her,
could never be proper means to strengthen the protestant succession.
Affectionate addresses were presented by the lords, the commons, and the
convocation; but the ill-humour of party still subsisted, and was daily
inflamed by new pamphlets and papers. Steele, supported by Addison and
Halifax, appeared in the front of those who drew their pens in defence
of whig principles; and Swift was the champion of the ministry.




THE LORDS TAKE COGNIZANCE OF A LIBEL AGAINST THE SCOTS.

The earl of Wharton complained in the house of lords of a libel,
intitled, “The public spirit of the whigs set forth in their generous
encouragement of the author of the Crisis.” It was a sarcastic
performance, imputed to lord Bolingbroke and Swift, interspersed with
severe reflections upon the union, the Scottish nation, and the Duke of
Argyle in particular. The lord-treasurer disclaimed all knowledge of the
author, and readily concurred in an order for taking into custody John
Mor-phew the publisher, as well as John Barber, printer of the gazette,
from whose house the copies were brought to Morphew. The earl of Wharton
said it highly concerned the honour of that august assembly, to find
out the villain who was author of that false and scandalous libel, that
justice might be done to the Scottish nation. He moved, that Barber and
his servants might be examined; but next clay the earl of Mar, one of
the secretaries of state, declared, that, in pursuance to her majesty’s
command, he had directed John Barber to be prosecuted. Notwithstanding
this interposition, which was calculated to screen the offenders, the
lords presented an address, beseeching her majesty to issue out her
royal proclamation, promising a reward to any person who should discover
the author of the libel, which they conceived to be false, malicious,
and factious, highly dishonourable and scandalous to her majesty’s
subjects of Scotland, most injurious to her majesty, and tending to the
ruin of the constitution. In compliance with their request, a reward of
three hundred pounds was offered; but the offender remained safe from
all detection.




MR. STEELE EXPELLED THE HOUSE.

The commons having granted the supplies, ordered a bill to be brought
in for securing the freedom of parliaments, by limiting the number of
officers in the house of commons, and it passed through both houses with
little difficulty. In March, a complaint was made of several scandalous
papers, lately published under the name of Richard Steele, esquire, a
member of the house. Sir William Wyndham observed, that some of that
author’s writings contained insolent injurious reflections on the
queen herself, and were dictated by the spirit of rebellion. Steele was
ordered to attend in his place; some paragraphs of his works were
read; and he answered them with an affected air of self-confidence and
unconcern. A day being appointed for his trial, he acknowledged the
writings, and entered into a more circumstantial defence. He was
assisted by Mr. Addison, general Stanhope, and Mr. Walpole; and attacked
by sir William Wyndham, Mr. Foley, and the attorney-general. Whatever
could be urged in his favour was but little regarded by the majority,
which voted, that two pamphlets, entitled, “The Englishman, and the
Crisis,” written by Richard Steele, esquire, were scandalous and
seditious libels; and that he should be expelled the house of commons.




WHIGS’ PRECAUTION FOR SECURING THE PROTESTANT SUCCESSION.

The lords taking into consideration the state of the nation, resolved
upon addresses to the queen, desiring they might know what steps had
been taken for removing the pretender from the dominions of the duke of
Lorraine; that she would impart to them a detail of the negotiations for
peace, a recital of the instances which had been made in favour of the
Catalans, and an account of the monies granted by parliament since the
year one thousand seven hundred and ten, to carry on the war in Spain
and Portugal. They afterwards agreed to other addresses, beseeching
her majesty to lay before them the debts and state of the navy, the
particular writs of Noli Prosequi granted since her accession to the
throne, and a list of such persons as, notwithstanding sentence of
outlawry or attainder, had obtained licenses to return into Great
Britain, or other of her majesty’s dominions, since the revolution.
Having voted an application to the queen in behalf of the distressed
Catalans, the house adjourned itself to the last day of March. As the
minds of men had been artfully irritated by false reports of a design
undertaken by France in behalf of the pretender, the ambassador of that
crown at the Hague disowned it in a public paper, by command of his most
christian majesty. The suspicions of many people, however, had been too
deeply planted, by the arts and insinuations of the whig leaders, to be
eradicated by this or any other declaration; and what served to rivet
their apprehensions, was a total removal of the whigs from all the
employments, civil and military, which they had hitherto retained. These
were now bestowed upon professed tories, some of whom were attached at
bottom to the supposed heir of blood. At a time when the queen’s views
were maliciously misrepresented; when the wheels of her government were
actually impeded, and her servants threatened with proscription by
a powerful, turbulent, and implacable faction; no wonder that she
discharged the partisans of that faction from her service, and filled
their places with those who were distinguished by a warm affection
to the house of Stuart, and by a submissive respect for the regal
authority. Those were steps which her own sagacity must have suggested;
and which her ministers would naturally advise, as necessary for their
own preservation. The whigs were all in commotion, either apprehending
or affecting to apprehend that a design was formed to secure the
pretender’s succession to the throne of Great Britain.

{1714.}

Their chiefs held secret consultations with baron Schutz, the resident
from Hanover. They communicated their observations to the elector; they
received his instructions; they maintained a correspondence with the
duke of Marlborough; and they concerted measures for opposing all
efforts that might be made against the protestant succession upon the
death of the queen, whose health was by this time so much impaired, that
every week was believed to be the last of her life. This conduct of the
whigs was resolute, active, and would have been laudable, had their
zeal been confined within the bounds of truth and moderation; but they,
moreover, employed all their arts to excite and encourage the fears and
jealousies of the people.

The house of peers resounded with debates upon the Catalans, the
pretender, and the danger that threatened the protestant succession.
With respect to the Catalans, they represented, that Great Britain had
prevailed upon them to declare for the house of Austria, with promise of
support; and that these engagements ought to have been made good. Lord
Bolingbroke declared that the queen had used all her endeavours in their
behalf; and that the engagements with them subsisted no longer than
king Charles resided in Spain. They agreed, however, to an address,
acknowledging her majesty’s endeavours in favour of the Catalans, and
requesting she would continue her interposition in their behalf. With
respect to the pretender, the whig lords expressed such a spirit of
persecution and rancorous hate, as would have disgraced the members of
any, even the lowest assembly of christians. Not contented with
hunting him from one country to another, they seemed eagerly bent upon
extirpating him from the face of the earth, as if they had thought it
was a crime in him to be born. The earl of Sunderland declared, from
the information of the minister of Lorraine, that, notwithstanding
the application of both houses to her majesty during the last session,
concerning the pretender’s being removed from Lorraine, no instances had
yet been made to the duke for that purpose. Lord Bolingbroke affirmed
that he himself had made those instances, in the queen’s name, to that
very minister before his departure from England. The earl of Wharton
proposed a question: “Whether the protestant succession was in danger
under the present administration?” A warm debate ensued, in which the
archbishop of York and the earl of Anglesea joined in the opposition to
the ministry. The earl pretended to be convinced and converted by the
arguments used in the course of the debate. He owned he had given his
assent to the cessation of arms, for which he took shame to himself,
asking pardon of God, his country, and his conscience. He affirmed, that
the honour of his sovereign, and the good of his country, were the rules
of his actions; but that, without respect of persons, should he find
himself imposed upon, he durst pursue an evil minister from the
queen’s closet to the Tower, and from the Tower to the scaffold. This
conversion, however, was much more owing to a full persuasion that a
ministry divided against itself could not long subsist, and that the
protestant succession was firmly secured. He therefore resolved to
make a merit of withdrawing himself from the interests of a tottering
administration, in whose ruin he might be involved. The duke of Argyle
charged the ministers with mal-administration, both within those walls
and without: he offered to prove that the lord-treasurer had yearly
remitted a sum of money to the Highland clans of Scotland, who were
known to be entirely devoted to the pretender. He affirmed that the
new-modelling of the army, the practice of disbanding some regiments out
of their turn, and removing a great number of officers, on account of
their affection to the house of Hanover, were clear indications of the
ministry’s designs: that it was a disgrace to the nation to see men, who
had never looked an enemy in the face, advanced to the posts of several
brave officers, who, after they had often exposed their lives for their
country, were now starving in prison for debt, on account of their pay
being detained. The treasurer, laying his hand upon his breast, said he
had on so many occasions given such signal proofs of affection to
the protestant succession, that he was sure no member of that august
assembly did call it in question. He owned he had remitted, for two or
three years past, between three and four thousand pounds to the Highland
clans; and he hoped the house would give him an opportunity to clear his
conduct in that particular: with respect to the reformed officers,
he declared he had given orders for their being immediately paid. The
protestant succession was voted out of danger by a small majority.

Lord Halifax proposed an address to the queen, that she would renew her
instances for the speedy removing the pretender out of Lorraine; and
that she would, in conjunction with the states-general, enter into a
guarantee of the protestant succession in the house of Hanover. The earl
of Wharton moved, that in the address her majesty should be desired
to issue a proclamation, promising a reward to any person who should
apprehend the pretender dead or alive. He was seconded by the duke of
Bolton, and the house agreed that an address should be presented. When
it was reported by the committee, lord North and Grey expatiated upon
the barbarity of setting a price on any one’s head: he proved it was
an encouragement to murder and assassination; contrary to the
precepts of Christianity; repugnant to the law of nature and nations;
inconsistent with the dignity of such an august assembly, and with the
honour of a nation famed for lenity and mercy. He was supported by lord
Trevor, who moved that the reward should be promised for apprehending
and bringing the pretender to justice, in case he should land or attempt
to land in Great Britain or Ireland. The cruelty of the first clause was
zealously supported and vindicated by the lords Cowper and Halifax; but
by this time the earl of Anglesea and some others, who had abandoned
the ministry, were brought back to their former principles by promise of
profitable employments, and the mitigation was adopted by a majority of
ten voices. To this address, which was delivered by the chancellor and
the whig lords only, the queen replied in these words: “My lords, it
would be a real strengthening to the succession in the house of Hanover,
as well as a support to my government, that an end were put to those
groundless fears and jealousies which have been so industriously
promoted. I do not at this time see any occasion for such a
proclamation. Whenever I judge it to be necessary, I shall give my
orders for having it issued. As to the other particulars of this
address, I will give proper directions therein.” She was likewise
importuned, by another address, to issue out a proclamation against all
Jesuits, popish priests, and bishops, as well as against all such as
were outlawed for adhering to the late king James and the pretender. The
house resolved that no person, not included in the articles of Limerick,
and who had borne arms in France and Spain, should be capable of any
employment, civil or military: and that no person, a natural born
subject of her majesty, should be capable of sustaining the character
of a public minister from any foreign potentate. These resolutions were
aimed at sir Patrick Lawless, an Irish papist, who had come to England
with a credential letter from king Philip, but now thought proper to
quit the kingdom.




A WRIT DEMANDED FOR THE ELECTORAL PRINCE OF HANOVER.

Then the lords in the opposition made an attack upon the treasurer,
concerning the money he had remitted to the Highlanders; but Oxford
silenced his opposers, by asserting, that in so doing he had followed
the example of king William, who, after he had reduced that people,
thought fit to allow yearly pensions to the heads of clans, in order to
keep them quiet. His conduct was approved by the house; and lord North
and Grey moved that a day might be appointed for considering the state
of the nation, with regard to the treaties of peace and commerce. The
motion was seconded by the earl of Clarendon, and the thirteenth day of
April fixed for this purpose. In the meantime, baron Schutz demanded of
the chancellor a writ for the electoral prince of Hanover, to sit in the
house of peers as duke of Cambridge, intimating that his design was
to reside in England. The writ was granted with reluctance; but the
prince’s design of coming to England was so disagreeable to the queen,
that she signified her disapprobation of such a step in a letter to the
princess Sophia. She observed, that such a method of proceeding would be
dangerous to the succession itself, which was not secure any other way,
than as the prince who was in actual possession of the throne maintained
her authority and prerogative: she said a great many people in England
were seditiously disposed; so she left her highness to judge what
tumults they might be able to raise, should they have a pretext to begin
a commotion; she, therefore, persuaded herself that her aunt would
not consent to any thing which might disturb the repose of her and her
subjects. At the same time she wrote a letter to the electoral prince,
complaining that he had formed such a resolution without first knowing
her sentiments on the subject; and telling him plainly that nothing
could be more dangerous to the tranquillity of her dominions, to the
right of succession in the Hanoverian line, or more disagreeable to her,
than such conduct at this juncture. A third letter was written to the
elector, his father; and the treasurer took this opportunity to assure
that prince of his inviolable attachment to the family of Hanover.

The whig lords were dissatisfied with the queen’s answer to their
address concerning the pretender, and they moved for another address
on the same subject, which was resolved upon, but never presented. They
took into consideration the treaties of peace and commerce, to which
many exceptions were taken; and much sarcasm was expended on both sides
of the dispute; but at length the majority carried the question in
favour of an address, acknowledging her majesty’s goodness in delivering
them, by a safe, honourable, and advantageous peace with France, from
the burden of a consuming land war, unequally carried on, and become
at last impracticable. The house of commons concurred in this address,
after having voted that the protestant succession was out of danger; but
these resolutions were not taken without violent opposition, in which
general Stanhope, Mr. Lechmere, and Mr. Walpole, chiefly distinguished
themselves. The letters which the queen had written to the electoral
house of Hanover were printed and published in England, with a view to
inform the friends of that family of the reasons which prevented
the duke of Cambridge from executing his design of residing in Great
Britain. The queen considered this step as a personal insult, as well
as an attempt to prejudice her in the opinion of her subjects: she
therefore ordered the publisher to be taken into custody. At this period
the princess Sophia died, in the eighty-fourth year of her age; and
her death was intimated to the queen by baron Bothmar, who arrived in
England with the character of envoy-extraordinary from the elector
of Hanover. This princess was the fourth and youngest daughter of
Frederick, elector Palatine, king of Bohemia, and Elizabeth daughter of
king James I. of England. She enjoyed from nature an excellent capacity,
which was finely cultivated; and was in all respects one of the most
accomplished princesses of the age in which she lived. At her death the
court of England appeared in mourning; and the elector of Brunswick
was prayed for by name in the liturgy of the church of England. On the
twelfth day of May, sir William Wyndham made a motion for a bill to
prevent the growth of schism, and for the further security of the church
of England as by law established. The design of it was to prohibit
dissenters from teaching in schools and academies. It was accordingly
prepared, and eagerly opposed in each house as a species of persecution.
Nevertheless, it made its way through both, and received the royal
assent; but the queen dying before it took place, this law was rendered
ineffectual.

Her majesty’s constitution was now quite broken; one fit of sickness
succeeded another; what completed the ruin of her health was the anxiety
of her mind, occasioned partly by the discontents which had been
raised and fomented by the enemies of her government; and partly by the
dissensions among her ministers, which were now become intolerable. The
council chamber was turned into a scene of obstinate dispute and bitter
altercation. Even in the queen’s presence the treasurer and secretary
did not restrain from mutual obliquy and reproach. Oxford advised
moderate measures, and is said to have made advances towards a
reconciliation with the leaders of the whig party. As he foresaw it
would soon be their turn to domineer, such precautions were necessary
for his own safety. Bolingbroke affected to set the whigs at defiance;
he professed a warm zeal for the church; he soothed the queen’s
inclinations with the most assiduous attention. He and his coadjutrix
insinuated, that the treasurer was biassed in favour of the dissenters,
and even that he acted as a spy for the house of Hanover. In the midst
of these disputes and commotions the Jacobites were not idle. They
flattered themselves that the queen in secret favoured the pretensions
of her brother; and they depended upon Bolingbroke’s attachment to the
same interest. They believed the same sentiments were cherished by the
nation in general. They held private assemblies both in Great Britain
and in Ireland. They concerted measures for turning the dissensions of
the kingdom to the advantage of their cause. They even proceeded so
far as to enlist men for the service of the pretender. Some of these
practices were discovered by the earl of Wharton, who did not fail to
sound the alarm. A proclamation was immediately published, promising a
reward of five thousand pounds for apprehending the pretender, whenever
he should land or attempt to land in Great Britain. The commons voted
an address of thanks for the proclamation; and assured her majesty,
that they would cheerfully aid and assist her, by granting the sum of a
hundred thousand pounds, as a further reward to any who should perform
so great a service to her majesty and her kingdom. The lords likewise
presented an address on the same subject. Lord Bolingbroke proposed a
bill, decreeing the penalties of high treason against those who should
list or be enlisted in the pretender’s service. The motion was approved,
and the penalty extended to all those who should list or be enlisted in
the service of any foreign prince or state, without a license under the
sign manual of her majesty, her heirs, or successors.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}




THE PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

On the second day of July, the lords took into consideration the
treaty of commerce with Spain; and a great number of merchants being
examined at the bar of tha house, declared that unless the explanation
of the third, fifth, and eighth articles, as made at Madrid after
the treaty was signed, were rescinded, they could not carry on their
commerce without losing five and twenty per cent. After a long debate,
the house resolved to address the queen for all the papers relating to
the negotiation of the treaty of commerce with Spain, with the names of
the persons who advised her majesty to that treaty. To this address she
replied, that understanding the three explanatory articles of the treaty
were not detrimental to the trade of her subjects, she had consented to
their being ratified with the treaty. The earl of Wharton represented,
that if so little regard was shown to the addresses of that august
assembly to the sovereign, they had no business in that house. He
moved for a remonstrance, to lay before her majesty the insuperable
difficulties that attended the Spanish trade on the footing of the late
treaty; and the house agreed to his motion. Another member moved, that
the house should insist on her majesty’s naming the person who advised
her to ratify the three explanatory articles. This was a blow aimed at
Arthur Moore, a member of the lower house, whom lord Bolingbroke had
consulted on the subject of the treaty. He was screened by the majority
in parliament; but a general court of the South Sea company resolved,
upon a complaint exhibited by captain Johnson, that Arthur Moore, while
a director, was privy to and encouraged the design of carrying on a
clandestine trade, to the prejudice of the corporation, contrary to
his oath, and in breach of the trust reposed in him; that therefore,
he should be declared incapable of being a director of, or having any
employment in, this company. The queen had reserved to herself the
quarter-part of the assiento contract, which she now gave up to the
company, and received the thanks of the upper house; but she would not
discover the names of those who advised her to ratify the explanatory
articles. On the ninth day of July, she thought proper to put an end to
the session with a speech on the usual subjects. After having assured
them that her chief concern was to preserve the protestant religion, the
liberty of her subjects, and to secure the tranquillity of her kingdom,
she concluded in these words--“But I must tell you plainly, that
these desirable ends can never be obtained, unless you bring the same
dispositions on your parts; unless all groundless jealousies, which
create and foment divisions among you, be laid aside; and, unless you
show the same regard for my just prerogative, and for the honour of my
government, as I have always expressed for the rights of my people.”

After the peace had thus received the sanction of the parliament, the
ministers, being no longer restrained by the tie of common danger, gave
a loose to their mutual animosity. Oxford wrote a letter to the queen
containing a detail of the public transactions; in the course of which
he endeavoured to justify his own conduct, and expose the turbulent and
ambitious spirit of his rival. On the other hand, Bolingbroke charged
the treasurer with having invited the duke of Marlborough to return from
his voluntary exile, and maintained a private correspondence with the
house of Hanover. The duke of Shrewsbury likewise complained of his
having presumed to send orders to him in Ireland, without the privity of
her majesty and the council. In all probability his greatest crime was
his having given umbrage to the favourite, lady Masham. Certain it is,
on the twenty-seventh day of July, a very acrimonious dialogue passed
between that lady, the chancellor, and Oxford, in the queen’s presence.
The treasurer affirmed he had been wronged and abused by lies and
misrepresentations, but he threatened vengeance, declaring that he would
leave some people as low as he had found them when they first attracted
his notice. In the meantime he was removed from his employment; and
Bolingbroke seemed to triumph in the victory he had obtained. He
laid his account with being admitted as chief minister into the
administration of affairs; and is said to have formed a design of a
coalition with the duke of Marlborough, who at this very time embarked
at Ostend for England. Probably, Oxford had tried to play the same
game, but met with a repulse from the duke, on account of the implacable
resentment which the duchess had conceived against that minister.




PRECAUTIONS TAKEN FOR SECURING THE PEACE OF THE KINGDOM.

Whatever schemes might have been formed, the fall of the treasurer
was so sudden, that no plan was established for supplying the vacancy
occasioned by his disgrace. The confusion that incessantly ensued at
court, and the fatigue of attending a long cabinet-council on this
event, had such an effect upon the queen’s spirits and constitution,
that she declared she should not outlive it, and was immediately seized
with a lethargic disorder. Notwithstanding all the medicines which the
physicians could prescribe, the distemper gained ground so fast, that
next day, which was the thirtieth of July, they despaired of her life.
Then the committee of the council assembled at the Cockpit adjourned to
Kensington. The dukes of Somerset and Argyle, informed of the desperate
situation in which she lay, repaired to the palace; and, without being
summoned, entered the council-chamber. The members were surprised at
their appearance; but the duke of Shrewsbury thanked them for their
readiness to give their assistance at such a critical juncture, and
desired they would take their places. The physicians having declared
that the queen was still sensible, the council unanimously agreed to
recommend the duke of Shrewsbury as the fittest person to fill the place
of lord-treasurer. When this opinion was intimated to the queen, she
said they could not have recommended a person she liked better than the
duke of Shrewsbury. She delivered to him the white staff, bidding
him use it for the good of her people. He would have returned the
lord-chamberlain’s staff, but she desired he would keep them both; so
that he was at one time possessed of the three greatest posts in the
kingdom, under the titles of lord-treasurer, lord-chamberlain, and
lord-lieutenant of Ireland. No nobleman in England better deserved such
distinguishing marks of his sovereign’s favour. He was modest, liberal,
disinterested, and a warm friend to his country. Bolingbroke’s ambition
was defeated by the vigour which the dukes of Somerset and Argyle
exerted on this occasion. They proposed that all privy-counsellors in or
about London should be invited to attend, without distinction of party.
The motion was approved; and lord Somers, with many other whig members,
repaired to Kensington. The council being thus reinforced, began
to provide for the security of the kingdom. Orders were immediately
despatched to four regiments of horse and dragoons quartered in remote
counties, to march up to the neighbourhood of London and Westminster.
Seven of the ten British battalions in the Netherlands were directed to
embark at Ostend for England with all possible expedition; an embargo
was laid upon all shipping; and directions given for equipping all the
ships of war that could be soonest in a condition for service. They sent
a letter to the elector of Brunswick, signifying that the physicians had
despaired of the queen’s life; informing him of the measures they had
taken; and desiring he would, with all convenient speed, repair to
Holland, where he should be attended by a British squadron to convey
him to England, in case of her majesty’s decease. At the same time
they despatched instructions to the earl of Strafford, to desire the
states-general would be ready to perform the guarantee of the protestant
succession. The heralds-at-arms were kept in waiting with a troop of
horse guards, to proclaim the new king as soon as the throne should
become vacant. Precautions were taken to secure the sea-ports; to
overawe the Jacobites in Scotland; and the command of the fleet was
bestowed upon the earl of Berkeley.




DEATH AND CHARACTER OF ANNE.

The queen continued to doze in a lethargic insensibility, with very
short intervals, till the first day of August in the morning, when she
expired in the fiftieth year of her age, and in the thirteenth of her
reign. Anne Stuart, queen of Great Britain, was in her person of the
middle size, well proportioned. Her hair was of the dark brown colour,
her complexion ruddy; her features were regular, her countenance was
rather round than oval, and her aspect more comely than majestic. Her
voice was clear and melodious, and her presence engaging. Her capacity
was naturally good, but not much cultivated by learning; nor did she
exhibit any marks of extraordinary genius or personal ambition. She was
certainly deficient in that vigour of mind by which a prince ought
to preserve his independence, and avoid the snares and fetters of
sycophants and favourites; but whatever her weakness in this particular
might have been, the virtues of her heart were never called in question.
She was a pattern of conjugal affection and fidelity, a tender mother,
a warm friend, an indulgent mistress, a munificent patron, a mild and
merciful princess, during whose reign no subject’s blood was shed
for treason. She was zealously attached to the church of England from
conviction rather than from prepossession, unaffectedly pious, just,
charitable, and compassionate. She felt a mother’s fondness for her
people, by whom she was universally beloved with a warmth of affection
which even the prejudice of party could not abate. In a word, if she was
not the greatest, she was certainly one of the best and most unblemished
sovereigns that ever sat upon the throne of England, and well deserved
the expressive, though simple epithet, of “The good queen Anne.”




NOTES:


[Footnote 107: Note P, p. 107. In their hours of debauch, they drank to
the health of Sorrel, meaning the horse that fell with the king; and,
under the appellation of the little gentleman in velvet, toasted the
mole that raised the hill over which the horse had stumbled. As the
beast had formerly belonged to sir John Fenwick, they insinuated
that William’s fate was a judgment upon him for his cruelty to that
gentleman; and a Latin epigram was written on the occasion.]


[Footnote 108: Note Q, p. 107. Doctor Binkes, in a sermon preached
before the convocation, on the thirtieth day of January, drew a parallel
between the sufferings of Christ and those of king Charles, to which
last he gave the preference, in point of right, character, and station.]


[Footnote 109: Note R, p. 107. During this short session, the queen
gave her assent to an act for laying a duty upon land; to another
for encouraging the Greenland trade; to a third for making good the
deficiencies and the public credit; to a fourth for continuing the
imprisonment of Counter, and other conspirators against king William; to
a fifth for the relief of protestant purchasers of the forfeited estates
of Ireland; to a sixth, enlarging the time for taking the oath of
abjuration; to a seventh, obliging the Jews to maintain and provide for
their protestant children.]


[Footnote 112: Note S, p. 112. When one of his lieutenants expressed
his sorrow for the loss of the admiral’s leg, “I am sorry for it too
(replied the gallant Benbow), but I had rather have lost them both than
have seen this dishonour brought upon the English nation. But, do you
hear? If another shot should take me off, behave like brave men, and
fight it out.” When Du Casse arrived at Carthagena, he wrote a letter to
Benbow to this effect:

“Sir, I had little hope on Monday last but to have supped in your
cabin; but it pleased God to order it otherwise. I am thankful for it.
As for those cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up; for, by
God they deserve it.--Yours, “Du Casse.”]


[Footnote 114: Note T p. 114. While this bill was depending, Daniel
De Foe published a pamphlet, intituled, “The Shortest Way with the
Dissenters; or, Proposals for the Establishment of the Church.” The
piece was a severe satire on the violence of the church party. The
commons ordered it to be burned by the hands of the common hangman, and
the author to be prosecuted. He was accordingly committed to Newgate,
tried, condemned to pay a fine of two hundred pounds, and stand in the
pillory.]


[Footnote 115: Note U, p. 115. These were John Granville, created baron
Granville of Potheridge, in the county of Devon; Heneage Finch, baron
of Guernsey, in the county of Southampton; sir John Leveson Gower, baron
Gower of Sittenham, in Yorkshire; and Francis Seymour Conway, youngest
son of sir Edward Seymour, made baron Conway of Bagley, in the county
of Warwick. At the same time, however, John Harvey, of the opposite
faction, was created baron of Ickworth, in the county of Suffolk;
and the marquis of Normanby was honoured with the title of duke of
Buckinghamshire.]


[Footnote 117: Note X, p. 117. Though the queen refused to pass the act
of security, the royal assent was granted to an act of limitation on the
successor, in which it was declared, that no king or queen of Scotland
should have power to make war or peace without consent of parliament.
Another law was enacted, allowing French wines and other liquors to be
imported in neutral bottoms. Without this expedient, it was alleged that
the revenue would have been insufficient to maintain the government. An
act passed in favour of the company trading to Africa and the Indies;
another for a commission concerning the public accounts; a third for
punishing slanderous speeches and writings. The commission for treating
of a union with England was vacated, with a prohibition to grant any
other commission for that purpose without consent of parliament; and no
supply having been provided before the adjournment, the army and expense
of government were maintained upon credit.]


[Footnote 118: Note Y, p. 117. The marquis of Athol, and the marquis of
Douglas, though this last was a minor, were created dukes. Lord Tarbat
was invested with the title of earl of Cromarty; the viscount Stair and
Roseberry were promoted to the same dignity; lord Boyle was created
earl of Glasgow; James Stuart of Bute, earl of Bute; Charles Hope
of Hopetoun, earl of Hopetoun; John Crawford of Kilbirnie, viscount
Garnock; and sir James Primrose of Carrington, viscount Primrose.]


[Footnote 119: Note Z, p.118. They had, besides the bills already
mentioned, passed an act for an additional excise on beer, ale, and
other liquors; another encouraging the importation of iron and staves;
a third for preventing popish priests from coming into the kingdom;
a fourth securing the liberty of the subject, and for prevention of
imprisonment beyond seas; and a fifth for naturalizing all protestant
strangers.]


[Footnote 136: Note K, p. 136 Voltaire, upon what authority we know not,
tells us, that during the capitulation the German and Catalonian troops
found means to climb over the ramparts into the city, and began
to commit the most barbarous excesses. The viceroy complained to
Peterborough that his soldiers had taken an unfair advantage of the
treaty, and were actually employed in burning, plundering, murdering,
and violating the inhabitants. The earl replied, “They must then be
the troops of the prince of Hesse: allow me to enter the city with my
English forces; I will save it from ruin, oblige the Germans to retire,
and march back again to our present situation.” The viceroy trusted his
honour, and forthwith admitted the earl with his troops. He soon drove
out the Germans and Catalonians, after having obliged them to quit the
plunder they had taken; and by accident he rescued the duchess of Popoli
from the hands of two brutal soldiers, and delivered her to her husband.
Having thus appeased the tumult, and dispelled the horrors of the
citizens, he returned to his former station, leaving the inhabitants of
Barcelona amazed at such an instance of magnanimity and moderation in
a people whom they had been taught to consider as the most savage
barbarians.]


[Footnote 139: Note 2 A, p. 139. The English commissioners were, Thomas
lord archbishop of Canterbury; William Cowper, lord-keeper of the
great seal; John lord archbishop of York; Sidney lord Godolphin,
lord-high-treasurer of England; Thomas earl of Pembroke and Montgomery,
president of the council; John duke of Newcastle, keeper of the
privy-seal; William duke of Devonshire, steward of the household;
Charles duke of Somerset, master of the horse; Charles duke of Bolton,
Charles earl of Sunderland, Evelyn earl of Kingston, Charles earl of
Carlisle, Edward earl of Orford, charles viscount Townshend, Thomas lord
Wharton, Ralph lord Grey, John lord Powlet, John lord Somers, Charles
lord Halifax, William Cavendish marquis of Harrington, John Manners
marquis of Grandby; sir Charles Hedges and Robert Harley, principal
secretaries of state; John Smith; Henry Boyle, chancellor of the
exchequer; sir John Holt, chief justice of the Queen’s Bench; sir
Thomas Trevor, chief justice of the Common Pleas; sir Edward Northey,
attorney-general; sir Simon Harcourt, solicitor-general; sir John Cook;
and Stephen Waller, doctor of laws.--The Scottish commissioners were,
James earl of Seafield, lord-chancellor of Scotland; James duke of
Queensberry, lord-privy-seal; John earl of Mar, and Hugh earl of Loudon,
principal secretaries of state; John earl of Sutherland, John earl of
Morton, David earl of Wemys, David earl of Leven, John earl of Stair,
Archibald earl of Eoseberry, David earl of Glasgow, lord Archibald
Campbell, Thomas viscount Duplin, lord William Eoss, sir Hugh Dalrymple,
president of the session; Adam Cockbum of Ormistoun, lord-justice-clerk;
sir Eobert Dundas, of Arnistoun, Eobert Stuart of Tillieultrie, lords
of the session; Mr. Francis Montgomery, one of the commissioners of
the treasury; sir David Dalrymple, one of her majesty’s solicitors; sir
Alexander Ogilvie, receiver-general; sir Patrick Johnston, provost of
Edinburgh; sir James Smollet of Bonhill; George Lock-hart of Carwath;
William Morrison of Petgongrange; Alexander Grant; William Seton of
Pitmidden, John Clerk of Pennycook, Hugh Montgomery, Daniel Stuart, and
Daniel Campbell.]


[Footnote 149: Note 2 B, p. 149 This passage was effected to the
astonishment of the French, who thought the works they had raised on
that river were impregnable. The honour of the enterprise was in a
great measure owing to the gallantry of sir John Norris and the English
seamen. That brave officer, embarking in boats with six hundred sailors
and marines, entered the river, and were rowed within musket shot of the
enemy’s works, where they made such a vigorous and unexpected attack,
that the French were immediately driven from that part of their
in-trenchments; then sir John landed with his men, clambered over the
works that were deemed inaccessible, and attacking the defendants sword
in hand, compelled them to fly with the utmost precipitation. This
detachment was sustained by sir Cloudesly Shovel in person. The duke of
Savoy, taking advantage of the enemy’s consternation, passed the river
almost without opposition.]


[Footnote 150: Note 2C, p. 149. In the month of May, three ships of the
line, namely, the Royal Oak, of seventy-six guns, commanded by commodore
baron Wyldo; the Grafton, of seventy guns, captain Edward Acton; and
the Hampton-Court, of seventy guns, captain George Clements, sailed as
convoy to the West India and Portugal fleet of merchant-ships, amounting
to five-and-forty sail. They fell in with the Dunkirk squadron,
consisting of ten ships of war, one frigate, and four privateers, under
the command of M. de Forbin. A furious action immediately ensued,
and notwithstanding the vast disproportion in point of number, was
maintained by the English commodore with great gallantry, until captain
Acton was killed, captain Clements mortally wounded, and the Grafton and
Hampton-Court were taken, after having sunk the Salisbury, at that time
in the hands of the French; then the commodore, having eleven feet water
in his hold, disengaged himself from the enemy, by whom he had been
surrounded, and ran his ship aground near Dungenness; but she afterwards
floated, and he brought her safe into the Downs. In the meantime,
the French frigate and privateers made prize of twenty-one
English merchant-ships of great value, which, with the Grafton and
Hampton-Court, Forbin conveyed in triumph to Dunkirk. In July, the same
active officer took fifteen ships belonging to the Eussian company, off
the coast of Lapland; in September, he joined another squadron fitted
out at Brest, under the command of the celebrated M. du Guai Tronin,
and these attacked, off the Lizard, the convoy of the Portugal fleet,
consisting of the Cumberland, captain Richard Edwards, of eighty guns;
the Devonshire, of eighty; the Royal Oak, of seventy-six; the Chester
and Ruby, of fifty guns each. Though the French squadron did not fall
short of twelve sail of the line, the English captains maintained the
action for many hours with surprising valour. At length the Devonshire
was obliged to yield to superior numbers; the Cumberland blew up; the
Chester and Ruby were taken; the Royal Oak fought her way through the
midst of her enemies, and arrived safe in the harbour of Kinsale; and
the Lisbon fleet saved themselves, by making the best of their way
during the engagement. Since the battle off Malaga, the French king had
never dared to keep the sea with a large fleet, but carried on a kind of
piratical war of this sort, in order to distress the trade of
England. He was the more encouraged to pursue these measures, by
the correspondence which his ministers carried on with some wretches
belonging to the admiralty, and other officers, who basely betrayed
their country in transmitting to France such intelligence concerning the
convoys appointed for the protection of commerce, as enabled the enemy
to attack them at advantage. In the course of this year the French
fishery, stages, ships, and vessels in Newfoundland were taken, burned,
and destroyed, by captain John Underdown, of the Falkland.]


[Footnote 153: Note 2 D, p. 153. Three Camisars, or protestants,
from the Cevennois, having made their escape, and repaired to London,
acquired about this time the appellation of French prophets, from their
enthusiastic gesticulations, effusions, and convulsions; and even formed
a sect of their countrymen. The French refugees, scandalized at their
behaviour, and authorized by the bishop of London, as superior of the
French congregations, resolved to inquire into the mission of these
pretended prophets, whose names were Elias Marion, John Cavalier,
and Durand Rage. They were declared impostors and counterfeits.
Notwithstanding this decision, which was confirmed by the bishops, they
continued their assemblies in Soho, under the countenance of sir Richard
Bulkeley and John Lacy. They reviled the ministers of the established
church; they denounced judgments against the city of London, and the
whole British nation; and published their predictions, composed of
unintelligible jargon. Then they were prosecuted at the expense of the
French churches, as disturbers of the public peace, and false prophets.
They were sentenced to pay a fine of twenty marks each, and stand twice
on a scaffold, with papers on their breasts, denoting their offence; a
sentence which was executed accordingly at Charing-Cross, and the Royal
Exchange.

In the course of this year, Mr. Stanhope, who was resident from the
queen at the court of Charles, concluded a treaty of commerce with
this monarch, which would have proved extremely advantageous to Great
Britain, had he been firmly established on the throne of Spain. It was
stipulated that the English merchants should enjoy the privilege of
importing all kinds of merchandise from the coast of Barbary into the
maritime places of Spain, without paying any higher duty than if that
merchandise had been the produce of Great Britain; and that even these
duties should not be paid till six months after the merchandise should
be landed and sold, and merchants giving security for the customs. It
was agreed that the whole commerce of the Spanish West Indies should be
carried on by a joint company of Spanish and British merchants; and in
the interim, as the greater part of that country was in the hands of
Philip, his competitor consented that the British subjects should
trade freely in all the ports of the West Indies with ten ships of five
hundred tons each, under such convoy as her Britannic majesty should
think fit to appoint.]


[Footnote 154: Note 2 E, p. 154. Before the opening of the campaign, a
very daring enterprise was formed by one colonel Queintern, a partisan
in the Imperial army. This man laid a scheme for carrying off the
dauphin of France from the court of Versailles. He selected thirty men
of approved valour for this undertaking. He procured passes for
them, and they rendezvoused in the neighbourhood of Paris. On the
twenty-fourth day of March, in the evening, he and his accomplices
stopped a coach and six, with the king’s liveries, and arrested the
person who was in it, on the supposition of his being a prince of the
blood. It was, however, M. de Barringhen, the king’s first equerry.
This officer they mounted on a spare horse, and set out for the Low
Countries; but, being little acquainted with the roads, they did not
reach Chantilly till next morning, when they heard the tocsin, or
alarm-bell, and thence concluded that detachments were sent out
in pursuit of them. Nevertheless, they proceeded boldly, and would
certainly have carried the point, had not Queintern halted three
hours for the refreshment of his prisoner, who complained of his being
indisposed. He likewise procured a chaise, and ordered the back of it to
be lowered for his convenience. These acts of humanity retarded him
so much, that he was overtaken by a detachment of horse at Ham, within
three hours’ ride of a place of safety. Finding himself surrounded, he
thought proper to surrender, and M. de Berringhen treated him with
great generosity, for the civilities he had experienced at his hands.
He carried him back to Versailles, and lodged him in his own apartments.
Madame de Berringhen made him a considerable present; and the king
ordered him and his companions to be discharged, on account of the
courage and humanity they had displayed.]


[Footnote 173: Note 2 F, p. 173. Lord Compton and lord Bruce, sons of
the earls of Northampton and Aylesbury, were called up by writ to the
house of peers. The other ten were these: lord Duplin of the kingdom of
Scotland, created baron Hay of Bed warden, in the county of Hereford;
lord viscount Windsor of Ireland, made baron Mountjoy, in the Isle of
Wight; Henry Paget, son of lord Paget, created baron Burton, in the
county of Stafford; sir Thomas Mansel, baron Mansel of Margam, in
the county of Glamorgan; sir Thomas Willoughby, baron Middleton, of
Mittleton, in the county of Warwick; sir Thomas Trevor, baron Trevor of
Bronham, in the county of Bedford; George Granville, baron Lansdown of
Bidde-ford, in the county of Devon; Samuel Masham, baron Masham of Oats,
in the county of Essex; Thomas Foley, baron Foley of Kidderminster,
in the county of Worcester; and Allen Bathurst, baron Bathurst of
Bathels-den, in the county of Bedford. On the first day of their being
introduced, when the question was put about adjourning, the earl of
Wharton asked one of them, “Whether they voted by their foreman?”]


[Footnote 174: Note 2 G, p. 174. The commissioners appointed for taking,
stating, and examining the public accounts, having made their report
touching the conduct of Mr. Walpole, the house, after a long debate,
came to the following resolutions: 1. That Robert Walpole, esq., a
member of this house, in receiving the sum of five hundred guineas, and
in taking a note for five hundred more, on account of two contracts for
forage of her majesty’s troops, quartered in North Britain, made by him
when secretary at war, pursuant to a power granted to him by the late
lord-treasurer, is guilty of a high breach of trust and notorious
corruption. 2. That the said Robert Walpole, esq., be, for the said
offence, committed prisoner to the Tower of London, during the pleasure
of this house; and that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant accordingly.
3. That the said Robert Walpole, esq., be, for the said offence, also
expelled the house, and that the report of the commissioners of public
accounts be taken into further consideration this day se’nnight. It
appeared from the depositions of witnesses, that the public had been
defrauded considerably by these contracts. Very severe speech was made
in the house, and next day published, reflecting upon Mr. Walpole, as
guilty of the worst kind of corruption; and sir Peter King declared in
the house, that he deserved hanging as well as he deserved imprisonment
and expulsion.]




CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT, M.D.


Volume IIc, GEORGE I.




MAPS:

[Illustration: map1.jpg MAP OF ENGLAND AND WALES]

[Illustration: map2.jpg MAP OF EUROPE]

[Illustration: map3.jpg MAP OF AUSTRALIA]

[Illustration: map4.jpg MAP OF BRITISH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA]




GEORGE I.

[Illustration: 189.jpg  GEORGE I.]




CHAPTER I.

GEORGE I.

     _State of Parties in Great Britain..... King George
     proclaimed..... The Civil List presennted to his Majesty by
     the Parliament..... The Electoral Prince created Prince of
     Wales..... The King arrives in England..... The Tories
     totally excluded from the Royal Favour..... Pretender’s
     Manifesto..... New Parliament..... Substance of the King’s
     first Speech..... Lord Bolingbroke withdraws himself to
     France..... Sir William Wyndham reprimanded by the
     Speaker..... Committee of Secrecy..... Sir John Norris sent
     with a Fleet to the Baltic..... Discontent of the
     Nation..... Report of the Secret Committee..... Resolutions
     to impeach Lord Bolingbroke, the Earl of Oxford, the Duke of
     Or-mond, and the Earl of Strafford..... The Earl of Oxford
     sent to the Tower..... The Proclamation Act..... The King
     declares to both Houses that a Rebellion is begun..... The
     Duke of Ormond and Lord Bolingbroke attainted..... Intrigues
     of the Jacobites..... Death of Louis XIV..... The Earl of
     Marsets up the Pretender’s Standard in Scotland..... Divers
     Members of the Lower House taken into custody..... The
     Pretender proclaimed in the North of England by the Earl of
     Derwentwater and Mr. Forster..... Mackintosh crosses the
     Frith of Forth into Lothian and joins the English
     Insurgents..... who are attacked at Preston, and surrender
     at Discretion..... Battle at Dunblane..... The Pretender
     arrives in Scotland..... He retires again to France.....
     Proceedings of the Irish Parliament..... The Rebel Lords are
     impeached, and plead Guilty..... The Earl of Derwentwater
     and Lord Kenmuir are beheaded..... Trials of Rebels..... Act
     for Septennial Parliaments..... Duke of Argyle
     disgraced..... Triple Alliance between England, France, and
     Holland..... Count Gyllenburgh, the Swedish Minister in
     London, arrested..... Account of the Oxford Riot..... The
     King demands an extraordinary Supply off the Commons.....
     Division in the Ministry..... The Commons pass the South Sea
     Act, the Bank Act, and the General Fund Act..... Trial of
     the Earl of Oxford..... Act of Indemnity..... Proceedings in
     the Convocation with regard to Dr. Hoadley, Bishop of
     Bangor._

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




STATE OF PARTIES.

It may be necessary to remind the reader of the state of parties at this
important juncture. The Jacobites had been fed with hopes of seeing the
succession altered by the earl of Oxford. These hopes he had conveyed
to them in a distant, undeterminate, and mysterious manner, without any
other view than that of preventing them from taking violent measures to
embarrass his administration. At least, if he actually entertained at
one time any other design, he had, long before his disgrace, laid it
wholly aside, probably from an apprehension of the danger with which it
must have been attended, and seemed bent upon making a merit of his zeal
for the house of Hanover; but his conduct was so equivocal and unsteady,
that he ruined himself in the opinion of one party without acquiring
the confidence of the other. The friends of the pretender derived fresh
hopes from the ministry of Bolingbroke. Though he had never explained
himself on this subject, he was supposed to favour the heir of blood,
and known to be an implacable enemy to the whigs, who were the most
zealous advocates for the protestant succession. The Jacobites promised
themselves much from his affection, but more from his resentment; and
they believed the majority of the tories would join them on the
same maxims. All Bolingbroke’s schemes of power were defeated by the
promotion of the duke of Shrewsbury to the office of treasurer; and all
his hopes blasted by the death of the queen, on whose personal favour
he depended. The resolute behaviour of the dukes of Somerset and Argyle,
together with the diligence and activity of a council in which the
whig interest had gained the ascendancy, completed the confusion of the
tories, who found themselves without a head, divided, distracted, and
irresolute. Upon recollection, they saw nothing so eligible as silence
and submission to those measures which they could not oppose with any
prospect of success. They had no other objection to the succession in
the house of Hanover but the fear of seeing the whig faction once more
predominant; yet they were not without hope that their new sovereign,
who was reputed a prince of sagacity and experience, would cultivate
and conciliate the affection of the tories, who were the landholders and
proprietors of the kingdom, rather than declare himself the head of a
faction which leaned for support on those who were enemies to the church
and monarchy, on the bank and the monied interest, raised upon usury
and maintained by corruption. In a word, the whigs were elated and
overbearing; the tories abashed and humble; the Jacobites eager,
impatient, and alarmed at a juncture which, with respect to them, was
truly critical.




KING GEORGE PROCLAIMED.

The queen had no sooner resigned her last breath than the privy-council
met, and the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord-chancellor, and the
Hanoverian resident, Kreyenburgh, produced the three instruments in
which the elector of Brunswick had nominated the persons * to be added
as lords-justices to the seven great officers of the realm.

     * These were the dukes of Shrewsbury, Somerset, Bolton,
     Devonshire, Kent, Argyle, Montrose, and Roxburgh; the earls
     of Pomfret, Anglesea, Carlisle, Nottingham, Abingdon,
     Scarborough, and Or-ford; lord viscount Townshend, and lords
     Halifax and Cowper.

Orders were immediately issued for proclaiming king George in England,
Scotland, and Ireland. The regency appointed the earl of Dorset to carry
to Hanover the intimation of his majesty’s accession, and attend him
in his journey to England. They sent the general officers in whom they
could confide to their respective posts; they reinforced the garrison
of Portsmouth; they appointed Mr. Addison their secretary; while
Bolingbroke was obliged to stand at the door of the council-chamber with
his bag and papers, and underwent every species of mortification. On
the whole, king George ascended the throne of Great Britain in the
fifty-fifth year of his age, without the least opposition, tumult, or
sign of popular discontent; and the unprejudiced part of the nation was
now fully persuaded that no design had ever been concerted by Queen
Anne and her ministry in favour of the pretender. The mayor of Oxford
received a letter, requiring him to proclaim the pretender. This being
communicated to the vice-chancellor, a copy of it was immediately
transmitted to Mr. secretary Bromley, member of Parliament for the
university; and the vice-chancellor offered a reward of one hundred
pounds to any person who should discover the author. It was either the
production of some lunatic, or a weak contrivance to fix an odium on
that venerable body.




THE CIVIL LIST GRANTED TO THE KING.

The parliament having assembled pursuant to the act which regulated
the succession, the lord chancellor, on the fifth day of August, made a
speech to both houses in the name of the regency. He told them that the
privy-council appointed by the elector of Brunswick had proclaimed
that prince under the name of king George, as the lawful and rightful
sovereign of these kingdoms; and that they had taken the necessary care
to maintain the public peace. He observed, that the several branches of
the public revenue were expired by the demise of her late majesty; and
recommended to the commons the making such provision, in that respect,
as might be requisite to support the honour and dignity of the crown. He
likewise expressed his hope that they would not be wanting in anything
that might conduce to the establishing and advancing of the public
credit. Both houses immediately agreed to addresses, containing the
warmest expressions of duty and affection to their new sovereign,
who did not fail to return such answers as were very agreeable to the
parliament of Great Britain. In the meantime the lower house prepared
and passed a bill, granting to his majesty the same civil list which the
queen had enjoyed, with additional clauses for the payment of arrears
due to the troops of Hanover which had been in the service of Great
Britain; and for a reward of one hundred thousand pounds, to be paid
by the treasury to any person who should apprehend the pretender in
landing, or attempting to land, in any part of the British dominions.
Mr. Craggs, who had been despatched to Hanover before the queen died,
returning on the thirteenth day of August with letters from the king to
the regency, they went to the house of peers; then the chancellor,
in another speech to both houses, intimated his majesty’s great
satisfaction in the loyalty and affection which his people had
universally expressed at his accession. Other addresses were voted on
this occasion. The commons finished the bill for the civil list, and
one for making some alterations in an act for a state-lottery, which
received the royal assent from the lords-justices. Then the parliament
was prorogued.




THE ELECTORAL PRINCE CREATED PRINCE OF WALES.

Mr. Prior having notified the queen’s death to the court of Versailles,
Louis declared that he would inviolably maintain the treaty of peace
concluded at Utrecht, particularly with relation to the settlement of
the British crown in the house of Hanover. The earl of Strafford having
signified the same event to the states of Holland, and the resident of
Hanover having presented them with a letter, in which his master claimed
the performance of their guarantee, they resolved to perform their
engagements, and congratulated his electoral highness on his succession
to the throne of Great Britain. They invited him to pass through their
dominions, and assured him that his interests were as dear to them as
their own. The chevalier de St. George no sooner received the news of
the queen’s death, than he posted to Versailles, where he was given
to understand that the king of France expected he should quit his
territories immediately; and he was accordingly obliged to return to
Lorraine. By this time Mr. Murray had arrived in England from Hanover,
with notice that the king had deferred his departure for some days.
He brought orders to the regency to prepare a patent for creating the
prince-royal prince of Wales; and for removing lord Bolingbroke from his
post of secretary. The seals were taken from this minister by the dukes
of Shrewsbury and Somerset, and lord Cowper, who at the same time sealed
up all the doors of his office.




THE KING ARRIVES IN ENGLAND.

King George having vested the government of his German dominions in a
council, headed by his brother prince Ernest, set out with the electoral
prince from Herenhausen on the thirty-first day of August; and in fire
days arrived at the Hague, where he conferred with the states-general.
On the sixteenth day of September he embarked at Orange Polder, under
convoy of an English and Dutch squadron, commanded by the earl of
Berkeley, and next day arrived at the Hope. In the afternoon the yacht
sailed up the river; and his majesty, with the prince, were landed from
a barge at Greenwich about six in the evening. There he was received by
the duke of Northumberland, captain of the life-guards, and the lords of
the regency. From the landing place he walked to his house in the park,
accompanied by a great number of the nobility and other persons of
distinction, who had the honour to kiss his hand as they approached.
When he retired to his bed-chamber, he sent for those of the nobility
who had distinguished themselves by their zeal for his succession; but
the duke of Ormond, the lord-chancellor, and lord Trevor, were not of
the number. Next morning the earl of Oxford presented himself with an
air of confidence, as if he had expected to receive some particular
mark of his majesty’s favour; but he had the mortification to remain
a considerable time undistinguished among the crowd, and then was
permitted to kiss the king’s hand without being honoured with any other
notice. On the other hand, his majesty expressed uncommon regard for the
duke of Marlborough, who had lately arrived in England, as well as for
all the leaders of the whig party.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




THE TORIES TOTALLY EXCLUDED FROM THE ROYAL FAVOUR.

It was the misfortune of this prince, as well as a very great prejudice
to the nation, that he had been misled into strong prepossessions
against the tories, who constituted such a considerable part of his
subjects. They were now excluded from all share of the royal favour,
which was wholly engrossed by their enemies; these early marks of
aversion, which he was at no pains to conceal, alienated the minds of
many from his person and government, who would otherwise have served
him with fidelity and affection. An instantaneous and total change was
effected in all offices of honour and advantage. The duke of Ormond
was dismissed from his command, which the king restored to the duke of
Marlborough, whom he likewise appointed colonel of the first regiment
of foot guards, and master of the ordnance. The great seal was given to
lord Cowper; the privy seal to the earl of Wharton; the government
of Ireland to the earl of Sunderland. The duke of Devonshire was made
steward of the household; lord Townshend and Mr. Stanhope were appointed
secretaries of state; the post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed
upon the duke of Montrose. The duke of Somerset was constituted master
of the horse; the duke of St. Alban’s captain of the band of pensioners;
and the duke of Argyle commander-in-chief of the forces in Scotland.
Mr. Pulteney became secretary at war; and Mr. Walpole, who had already
undertaken to manage the house of commons, was gratified with the
double place of paymaster to the army and to Chelsea-hospital. A
new privy-council was appointed, and the earl of Nottingham declared
president; but all affairs of consequence were concerted by a
cabinet-council, or junto, composed of the duke of Marlborough, the
earls of Nottingham and Sunderland, the lords Halifax, Townshend,
and Somers, and general Stanhope. The regency had already removed sir
Constantine Phipps and the archbishop of Armagh from the office of
lords-justices in Ireland, and filled their places in the regency of
that kingdom with the archbishop of Dublin and tire earl of Kildare.
Allan Broderick was appointed chancellor; another privy-council was
formed, and the duke of Ormond was named as one of the members. The
treasury and admiralty were put into commission; all the governments
were changed; and, in a word, the whole nation was delivered into the
hands of the whigs. At the same time the prince-royal was declared
prince of Wales, and took his place in council. The king was
congratulated on his accession in addresses from the two universities,
and from all the cities and corporations in the kingdom. He expressed
particular satisfaction at these expressions of loyalty and affection.
He declared in council his firm purpose to support and maintain the
churches of England and Scotland as they were by law established; an aim
which he imagined might be effectually accomplished, without impairing
the toleration allowed by law to protestant dissenters, and so necessary
to the trade and riches of the kingdom; he, moreover, assured them he
would earnestly endeavour to render property secure; the good effects of
which were no where so clearly seen as in this happy nation. Before the
coronation he created some new peers, and others were promoted to higher
titles.* On the twentieth day of October he was crowned in Westminster
with the usual solemnity, at which the earl of Oxford and lord
Bolingbroke assisted.**

     * James lord Chandos, was created earl of Carnarvon; Lewis
     lord Kockingham, earl of that name; Charles lord Ossulton,
     earl of Tankerville; Charles lord Halifax, earl of Halifax;
     Heneage lord Guernsey, earl of Aylesford; John lord Hervey,
     earl of Bristol; Thomas lord Pelham, earl of Clare; Henry
     earl of Thommond, in Ireland, viscount Tadcaster; James
     viscount Castleton, in Ireland, baron Sanderson; Bennet lord
     Sherrard, in Ireland, baron of Har-borough; Gervase lord
     Pierrepont, in Ireland, baron Pierrepont in the county of
     Bucks; Henry Boyle, baron of Carleton in the county of
     York; sir Richard Temple, baron of Cobham; Henry lord Paget,
     earl of Uxbridge.

     ** In the month of October the princess of Wales arrived in
     England with her two eldest daughters, the princesses Anne
     and Amelia.

On that very day the university of Oxford, in full convocation,
unanimously conferred the degree of doctor of civil law on sir
Constantine Phipps, with particular marks of honour and esteem. As the
French king was said to protract the demolition of Dunkirk, Mr. Prior
received orders to present a memorial to hasten this work, and to
prevent the canal of Mardyke from being finished. The answer which he
received being deemed equivocal, this minister was recalled, and the
earl of Stair appointed ambassador to the court of France, where he
prosecuted this affair with uncommon vigour. About the same time
general Cadogan was sent as plenipotentiary to Antwerp, to assist at
the barrier-treaty, negotiated there between the emperor and the
states-general.




PRETENDER’S MANIFESTO.

Meanwhile the number of malcontents in England was considerably
increased by the king’s attachment to the whig faction. The clamour
of the church’s being in danger was revived; jealousies were excited;
seditious libels dispersed; and dangerous tumults raised in different
parts of the kingdom. Birmingham, Bristol, Chippenham, Norwich, and
Reading, were filled with licentious riot. The party cry was, “Down with
the whigs! Sacheverel for ever!” Many gentlemen of the whig faction were
abused; magistrates in towns, and justices in the country, were reviled
and insulted by the populace in the execution of their office. The
pretender took this opportunity to transmit, by the French mail, copies
of a printed manifesto to the dukes of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, Argyle,
and other noblemen of the first distinction. In this declaration he
mentioned the good intentions of his sister towards him, which were
prevented by her deplorable death. He observed that his people, instead
of doing him and themselves justice, had proclaimed for their king a
foreign prince, contrary to the fundamental and incontestable laws of
hereditary right, which their pretended acts of settlement could never
abrogate. These papers being delivered to the secretaries of state, the
king refused an audience to the marquis de Lamberti, minister from the
duke of Lorraine, on the supposition that this manifesto could not have
been prepared or transmitted without the knowledge and countenance of
his master. The marquis having communicated this circumstance to
the duke, that prince absolutely denied his having been privy to the
transaction, and declared that the chevalier de St. George came into
Lorraine by the directions of the French king, whom the duke could not
disoblige without exposing his territories to invasion. Notwithstanding
this apology, the marquis was given to understand that he could not be
admitted to an audience until the pretender should be removed from
the dominions of his master; he therefore quitted the kingdom without
further hesitation. Religion was still mingled in all political
disputes. The high churchmen complained that impiety and heresy daily
gained ground from the connivance, or at least the supine negligence,
of the whig prelates. The lower house of convocation had, before the
queen’s death, declared that a book published by Dr. Samuel Clarke,
under the title of “The Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity,” contained
assertions contrary to the catholic faith. They sent up extracts from
this performance to the bishops, and the doctor wrote an answer to
their objections. He was prevailed upon to write an apology, which he
presented to the upper house; but apprehending it might be published
separately, and misunderstood, he afterwards delivered an explanation
to the bishop of London. This was satisfactory to the bishops; but
the lower house resolved that it was no recantation of his heretical
assertions. The disputes about the Trinity increasing, the archbishops
and bishops received directions, which were published, for preserving
unity in the church, the purity of the christian faith concerning the
holy Trinity, and for maintaining the peace and quiet of the state. By
these every preacher was restricted from delivering any other doctrine
than what is contained in the holy scriptures with respect to the
Trinity, and from intermeddling in any affairs of state or government.
The like prohibition was extended to those who should write, harangue,
or dispute on the same subjects.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




NEW PARLIAMENT.

The parliament being dissolved, another was called by a very
extraordinary proclamation, in which the king complained of the evil
designs of men disaffected to his succession; and of their having
misrepresented his conduct and principles. He mentioned the perplexity
of public affairs, the interruption of commerce, and the heavy debts of
the nation. He expressed his hope that his loving subjects would send up
to parliament the fittest persons to redress the present disorders; and
that in the elections, they would have a particular regard to such as
had expressed a firm attachment to the protestant succession when it was
in danger. It does not appear that the protestant succession was ever
in danger. How then was this declaration to be interpreted? People in
general construed it into a design to maintain party distinctions,
and encourage the whigs to the full exertion of their influence in the
elections; into a renunciation of the tories; and as the first flash of
that vengeance which afterwards was seen to burst upon the heads of the
late ministry. When the earl of Strafford returned from Holland, all his
papers were seized by an order from the secretary’s office. Mr. Prior
was recalled from France, and promised to discover all he knew relating
to the conduct of Oxford’s administration. Uncommon vigour was exerted
on both sides in the elections; but, by dint of the monied interest,
which prevailed in most of the corporations through the kingdom, and the
countenance of the ministry, which will always have weight with needy
and venal electors, a great majority of whigs was returned both in
England and Scotland.




THE KING’S FIRST SPEECH.

When this new parliament assembled on the seventeenth day of March, at
Westminster, Mr. Spencer Compton was chosen speaker of the commons. On
the twenty-first day of the month, the king appeared in the house of
lords and delivered to the chancellor a written speech, which was read
in presence of both houses. His majesty thanked his faithful and loving
subjects for that zeal and firmness they had shown in defence of the
protestant succession, against all the open and secret practices which
had been used to defeat it. He told them that some conditions of the
peace, essential to the security and trade of Great Britain, were not
yet duly executed; and that the performance of the whole might be
looked upon as precarious, until defensive alliances should be formed to
guarantee the present treaties. He observed, that the pretender
boasted of the assistance he expected in England, to repair his former
disappointment; that great part of the national trade was rendered
impracticable; and that the public debts were surprisingly increased
ever since the fatal cessation of arms. He gave the commons to
understand that the branches of the revenue, formerly granted for the
support of the civil government, were so far encumbered and alienated,
that the produce of the funds which remained, and had been granted to
him, would fall short of what was at first designed for maintaining the
honour and dignity of the crown; that as it was his and their happiness
to see a prince of Wales who might in due time succeed him on the
throne, and to see him blessed with many children, these circumstances
would naturally occasion an expense to which the nation had not been for
many years accustomed; and, therefore, he did not doubt but they would
think of it with that affection which he had reason to hope from his
commons. He desired that no unhappy divisions of parties might divert
them from pursuing the common interests of their country. He declared
that the established constitution in church and state should be the rule
of his government; and that the happiness, ease, and prosperity of
his people should be the chief care of his life. He concluded with
expressing his confidence, that with their assistance he should
disappoint the designs of those who wanted to deprive him of that
blessing which he most valued--the affection of his people.

Speeches suggested by a vindictive ministry better became the leader of
an incensed party, than the father and sovereign of a divided people.
This declaration portended measures which it was the interest of the
crown to avoid, and suited the temper of the majority in both houses,
which breathed nothing but destruction to their political adversaries.
The lords, in their address of thanks, professed their hope that his
majesty, assisted by the parliament, would be able to recover the
reputation of the kingdom in foreign parts, the loss of which they hoped
to convince the world by their actions was by no means to be imputed to
the nation in general. The tories said this was an invidious reflection,
calculated to mislead and inflame the people, for the reputation of the
kingdom had never been so high as at this very juncture. The commons
pretended astonishment to find that any conditions of the late peace
should not yet be duly executed; and that care was not taken to form
such alliances as might have rendered the peace not precarious. They
declared their resolution to inquire into these fatal miscarriages; to
trace out those measures whereon the pretender placed his hopes, and
bring the authors of them to condign punishment. These addresses were
not voted without opposition. In the house of lords, the dukes of
Buckingham and Shrewsbury, the earl of Anglesea, the archbishop of York,
and other peers both secular and ecclesiastical, observed, that their
address was injurious to the late queen’s memory, and would serve only
to increase those unhappy divisions that distracted the kingdom. In the
lower house, sir William Wyndham, Mr. Bromley, Mr. Ship-pen, general
Ross, sir William Whitelock, and other members, took exceptions to
passages of the same nature in the address which the commons had
prepared. They were answered by Mr. Walpole, Mr. Pulteney, and Mr.
secretary Stanhope. These gentlemen took occasion to declare, that
notwithstanding the endeavours which had been used to prevent a
discovery of the late mismanagements, by conveying away several papers
from the secretary’s office, yet the government had sufficient evidence
left to prove the late ministry the most corrupt that ever sat at the
helm; that those matters would soon be laid before the house, when it
would appear that a certain English general had acted in concert with,
if not received orders from, mareschal de Villars. Lord Bolingbroke, who
had hitherto appeared in public, as usual, with remarkable serenity, and
spoke in the house of lords with great freedom and confidence, thought
it was now high time to consult his personal safety. He accordingly
withdrew to the continent, leaving a letter which was afterwards printed
in his justification. In this paper, he declared he had received certain
and repeated informations, that a resolution was taken to pursue him to
the scaffold; that if there had been the least reason to hope for a fair
and open trial, after having been already prejudged, unheard, by the
two houses of parliament, he should not have declined the strictest
examination. He challenged the most inveterate of his enemies to produce
any one instance of criminal correspondence, or the least corruption in
any part of the administration in which he was concerned. He said, if
his zeal for the honour and dignity of his royal mistress, and the true
interest of his country, had any where transported him to let slip
a warm and unguarded expression, he hoped the most favourable
interpretation would be put upon it. He affirmed that he had served her
majesty faithfully and dutifully in that especially which she had most
at heart, relieving her people from a bloody and expensive war; and that
he had always been too much an Englishman to sacrifice the interest of
his country to any foreign ally whatsoever.

{1715}

In the midst of all this violence against the late ministers, friends
were not wanting to espouse their cause in the face of opposition; and
even in some addresses to the king their conduct was justified.
Nay, some individuals had courage enough to attack the present
administration. When a motion was made in the house of commons to
consider the king’s proclamation for calling a new parliament, sir
William Whitelock, member for the university of Oxford, boldly declared
it was unprecedented and unwarrantable. Being called upon to explain
himself, he made an apology. Nevertheless, sir William Wyndham rising up
said, the proclamation was not only unprecedented and unwarrantable,
but even of dangerous consequence to the very being of parliaments. When
challenged to justify his charge, he observed, that every member was
free to speak his thoughts. Some exclaimed, “The Tower! the Tower!”
 A warm debate ensued; sir William being ordered to withdraw, was
accompanied by one hundred and twenty-nine members; and those who
remained in the house resolved, that he should be reprimanded by the
speaker. He was accordingly rebuked, for having presumed to reflect on
his majesty’s proclamation, and having made an unwarrantable use of the
freedom of speech granted by his majesty. Sir William said he was not
conscious of having offered any indignity to his majesty, or of
having been guilty of a breach of privilege; that he acquiesced in the
determination of the house; but had no thanks to give to those gentlemen
who, under pretence of lenity, had subjected him to this censure.




COMMITTEE OF SECRECY.

On the ninth day of April, general Stanhope delivered to the house of
commons fourteen volumes, consisting of all the papers relating to the
late negotiations of peace and commerce, as well as to the cessation
of arms; and moved that they might be referred to a select committee
of twenty persons, who should digest the substance of them under proper
heads, and report them, with their observations, to the house. One more
was added to the number of this secret committee, which was chosen
by ballot, and met that same evening. Mr. Eobert Wal-pole, original
chairman, being taken ill, was succeeded in that place by Mr. Stanhope.
The whole number was subdivided into three committees. To each a certain
number of books was allotted; and they carried on the inquiry with great
eagerness and expedition. Before this measure was taken, Dr.
Gilbert Burnet, bishop of Sarum, died of a pleuritic fever, in the
seventy-second year of his age. Immediately after the committee had
begun to act, the whig party lost one of their warmest champions, by the
death of the marquis of Wharton, a nobleman possessed of happy talents
for the cabinet, the senate, and the common scenes of life; talents
which a life of pleasure and libertinism did not prevent him from
employing with surprising vigour and application. The committee of the
lower house taking the civil list into consideration, examined several
papers relating to that revenue. The tories observed, that from the
seven hundred thousand pounds granted annually to king William, fifty
thousand pounds were allotted to the late queen, when princess of
Denmark; twenty thousand pounds to the duke of Gloucester; and twice
that sum, as a dowry, to James’ queen; that nearly two hundred thousand
pounds had been yearly deducted from the revenues of the late queen’s
civil list, and applied to other uses; notwithstanding which deduction,
she had honourably maintained her family, and supported the dignity of
the crown. In the course of the debate, some warm altercation passed
between lord Guernsey and one of the members, who affirmed that the
late ministry had used the whigs, and indeed the whole nation, in such
a manner, that nothing they should suffer could be deemed a hardship.
At length the house agreed that the sum of seven hundred thousand pounds
clear should be granted for the civil list during his majesty’s life. A
motion being made for an address against pensions, it was opposed by Mr.
Walpole, and over-ruled by the majority. The lords passed the bill for
regulating the land forces, with some amendments.




SIR JOHN NORRIS SENT WITH A FLEET TO THE BALTIC.

On the eighteenth day of May, sir John Norris sailed with a strong
squadron to the Baltic, in order to protect the commerce of the nation,
which had suffered from the king of Sweden, who caused all ships trading
to those parts to be seized and confiscated. That prince had rejected
the treaty of neutrality concerted by the allies for the security of
the empire; and considered the English and Dutch as his enemies. The
ministers of England and the states-general had presented memorials to
the regency of Sweden; but finding no redress, they resolved to protect
their trade by force of arms. After the Swedish general, Steenbock, and
his army were made prisoners, count Wellen concluded a treaty with the
administrator of Holstein-Gottorp, by which the towns of Stetin and
Wisma were sequestered into the hands of the king of Prussia; the
administrator engaged to secure them, and all the rest of Swedish
Pomerania, from the Poles and Muscovites; but as the governor of
Pomerania refused to comply with this treaty, those allies marched
into the province, subdued the island of Eugen, and obliged Stetin to
surrender. Then the governor consented to the sequestration, and paid to
the Poles and Muscovites four hundred thousand rix dollars, to indemnify
them for the expense of the siege. The king of Sweden returning from
Turkey, rejected the treaty of sequestration, and insisted upon Stetin’s
being restored, without his repaying the money. As this monarch likewise
threatened to invade the electorate of Saxony, and chastise his false
friend; king George, for the security of his German dominions, concluded
a treaty with the king of Denmark, by which the duchies of Bremen and
Verden, which had been taken from the Swedes in his absence, were made
over to his Britannic majesty, on condition that he should immediately
declare war against Sweden. Accordingly he took possession of the
duchies in October, published a declaration of war against Charles in
his German dominions; and detached six thousand Hanoverians to join the
Danes and Prussians in Pomerania. These allies reduced the islands of
Rugen and Uledon, and attacked the towns of Wismar and Stralsund, from
which last place Charles was obliged to retire in a vessel to Schohen.
He assembled a body of troops with which he proposed to pass the Sound
upon the ice, and attack Copenhagen; but was disappointed by a sudden
thaw. Nevertheless he refused to return to Stockholm, which he had not
seen for sixteen years; but remained at Carlscroon, in order to hasten
his fleet for the relief of Wismar.




DISCONTENT OF THE NATION.

The spirit of discontent and disaffection seemed to gain ground every
day in England. Notwithstanding proclamations against riots, and orders
of the justices for maintaining the peace, repeated tumults were raised
by the malcontents in the cities of London and Westminster. Those who
celebrated the anniversary of the king’s birth-day with the usual marks
of joy and festivity, were insulted by the populace; but next day, which
was the anniversary of the restoration, the whole city was lighted up
with bonfires and illuminations, and echoed with the sound of mirth
and tumultuous rejoicing. The people even obliged the life-guards, who
patroled through the streets, to join in the cry of “High-church and
Ormond!” and in Smithfield they burned the picture of king William.
Thirty persons were imprisoned for being concerned in these riots. One
Bournois, a schoolmaster, who affirmed that king George had no right to
the crown, was tried and scourged through the city, with such severity
that in a few days he expired in the utmost torture. A frivolous
incident served to increase the popular ferment. The shirts allowed to
the first regiment of guards, commanded by the duke of Marlborough, were
so coarse that the soldiers could hardly be persuaded to wear them. Some
were thrown into the garden of the king’s palace, and into that which
belonged to the duke of Marlborough. A detachment, in marching through
the city, produced them to the view of the shop-keepers and passengers,
exclaiming, “These are the Hanover shirts.” The court being informed
of this clamour, ordered those new shirts to be burned immediately;
but even this sacrifice, and an advertisement published by the duke
of Marlborough in his own vindication, did not acquit that general of
suspicion that he was concerned in this mean species of peculation. A
reward of fifty pounds was offered by the government to any person
that would discover one captain Wight, who, by an intercepted letter,
appeared to be disaffected to king George; and Mr. George Jefferies was
seized at Dublin with a packet directed to Dr. Jonathan Swift, dean of
St. Patrick’s. Several treasonable papers being found in this packet,
were transmitted to England; Jefferies was obliged to give bail for his
appearance; and Swift thought proper to abscond.




REPORT OF THE SECRET COMMITTEE.

The house of lords, to demonstrate their abhorrence of all who
should engage in conspiracies against their sovereign, rejected with
indignation a petition presented to them in behalf of Blackburne,
Casils, Barnarde, Meldrum, and Chambers, who had hitherto continued
prisoners, for having conspired against the life of king William. On
the ninth day of June, Mr. Walpole, as chairman of the secret committee,
declared to the house of commons that the report was ready; and in
the meantime moved, that a warrant might be issued by Mr. Speaker, for
apprehending several persons, particularly Mr. Matthew Prior and Mr.
Thomas Harley, who being in the house, were immediately taken into
custody. Then he recited the report, ranged under these different heads:
the clandestine negotiation with monsieur Ménager; the extraordinary
measures pursued to form the congress at Utrecht; the trifling of the
French plenipotentiaries, by the connivance of the British ministers;
the negotiation about the renunciation of the Spanish monarchy; the
fatal suspension of arms; the seizure of Ghent and Bruges, in order to
distress the allies and favour the French; the duke of Ormond’s acting
in concert with the French general; the lord Bolingbroke’s journey to
France to negotiate a separate peace; Mr. Prior’s and the duke of
Shrewsbury’s negotiation in France; the precipitate conclusion of the
peace at Utrecht. The report being read, sir Thomas Hanmer moved that
the consideration of it should be adjourned to a certain day; and that
in the meantime the report should be printed for the perusal of the
members: he was seconded by the tories: a debate ensued; and the motion
was rejected by a great majority.

This point being gained, Mr. Walpole impeached Henry lord viscount
Bolingbroke of high treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors. Mr.
Hungerford declared his opinion, that nothing mentioned in the report,
in relation to lord Bolingbroke, amounted to high treason; and general
Eoss expressed the same sentiment. Then lord Coningsby standing up, “The
worthy chairman,” said he, “has impeached the hand, but I impeach the
head: he has impeached the clerk, and I the justice; he has impeached
the scholar, and I the master. I impeach Eobert earl of Oxford and earl
Mortimer of high treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors.”
 Mr. Auditor Harley, the earl’s brother, spoke in vindication of that
minister. He affirmed he had done nothing but by the immediate command
of his sovereign; that the peace was a good peace, and approved as such
by two parliaments; and that the facts charged to him in the report
amounted only to misdemeanors; if the sanction of a parliament, which is
the representative and legislature of the nation, be not sufficient to
protect a minister from the vengeance of his enemies, he can have no
security. Mr. Atiditor Foley, the earl’s brother-in-law, made a speech
to the same purpose; sir Joseph Jekyll, a staunch whig, and member of
the secret committee, expressed his doubt whether they had sufficient
matter or evidence to impeach the earl of high treason. Nevertheless the
house resolved to impeach him without a division. When he appeared in
the house of lords next day, he found himself deserted by his brother
peers as infectious; and retired with signs of confusion. Prior and
Harley having been examined by such of the committee as were justices of
the peace for Middlesex, Mr. Walpole informed the house that matters of
such importance appeared in Prior’s examination, that he was directed
to move them for that member’s being closely confined. Prior was
accordingly imprisoned, and cut off from all communication. On the
twenty-first day of June, Mr. Secretary Stanhope impeached James duke
of Ormond of high treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors. Mr.
Archibald Hutchinson, one of the commissioners of trade, spoke in favour
of the duke. He expatiated on his noble birth and qualifications; he
enumerated the great services performed to the crown and nation by his
grace and his ancestors; he observed, that in the whole course of his
late conduct, he had only obeyed the queen’s commands; and he affirmed
that all allegations against him could not in the rigour of the law be
construed into high treason. Mr. Hutchinson was seconded by general
Lumley, who urged that the duke of Ormond had on all occasions given
signal proofs of his affection for his country, as well as of personal
courage; and that he had generously expended the best part of his
estate, by living abroad in a most noble and splendid manner, for the
honour of his sovereign. Sir Joseph Jekyll said, if there was room
for mercy, he hoped it would be shown to that noble, generous, and
courageous peer, who had in a course of many years exerted those great
accomplishments for the good and honour of his country; that, as the
statute of Edward III., on which the charge of high treason against him
was to be grounded, had been mitigated by subsequent acts, the house
ought not, in his opinion, to take advantage of that act against the
duke, but only impeach him of high crimes and misdemeanors. General
Ross, sir William Wyndham, and the speakers of that party, did not
abandon the duke in this emergency; but all their arguments and
eloquence were lost upon the other faction, by which they were greatly
out-numbered The question being put, was carried for the impeachment of
the duke of Ormond, who perceiving every thing conducted by a furious
spirit of revenge, and that he could not expect the benefit of an
impartial trial, consulted his own safety by withdrawing himself from
the kingdom. On the twenty-second day of June, the earl of Strafford
was likewise impeached by Mr. Aislaby, for having advised the fatal
suspension of arms, and the seizing of Ghent and Bruges; as well as
for having treated the most serene house of Hanover with insolence and
contempt. He was also defended by his friends, but overpowered by his
enemies.




EARL OF OXFORD SENT TO THE TOWER.

When the articles against the earl of Oxford were read in the house, a
warm debate arose upon the eleventh, by which he was charged with having
advised the French king in what manner Tournay might be gained from the
states-general. The question being put, whether this article amounted to
high-treason; sir Robert Raymond, formerly solicitor-general, maintained
the negative, and was supported not only by sir William Wyndham and the
tories, but also by sir Joseph Jekyll. This honest patriot said it was
ever his principle to do justice to every body, from the highest to
the lowest; and that it was the duty of an honest man never to act by a
spirit of party; that he hoped he might pretend to have some knowledge
of the laws of the kingdom; and would not scruple to declare, that in
his judgment the charge in question did not amount to high-treason. Mr.
Walpole answered with great warmth, that there were several persons
both in and out of the committee, who did not in the least yield to
that member in point of honesty, and who were superior to him in the
knowledge of the laws, yet were satisfied that the charge specified in
the eleventh article amounted to high-treason. This point being decided
against the earl, and the other articles approved by the house, lord
Conningsby, attended by the whig members, impeached the earl of Oxford
at the bar of the house of lords, demanding at the same time that he
might be sequestered from parliament, and committed to safe custody.
A motion was made, that the consideration of the articles might be
adjourned. After a short debate the articles were read; then the
tory lords moved that the judges might be consulted. The motion being
rejected, another was made, that the earl should be committed to safe
custody. This occasioned another debate, in which he himself spoke to
the following purpose: that the whole charge might be reduced to the
negotiations and conclusions of the peace; that the nation wanted a
peace, he said, nobody would deny; that the conditions of the peace
were as good as could be expected, considering the backwardness and
reluctancy which some of the allies showed to come into the queen’s
measures; that the peace was approved by two successive parliaments;
that he had no share in the affair of Tournay, which was wholly
transacted by that unfortunate nobleman who has thought fit to
step aside; that for his own part, he always acted by the immediate
directions and commands of the late queen, without offending against any
known law; and, being justified by his own conscience, was unconcerned
for the life of an insignificant old man; that, if ministers of state,
acting by the immediate commands of their sovereign, are afterwards to
be made accountable for their proceedings, it might one day or other be
the case with all the members of that august assembly; that he did not
doubt their lordships, out of regard to themselves, would give him an
equitable hearing; and that in the prosecution of the inquiry it would
appear he had merited not only the indulgence, but even the favour of
his government. “My lords,” said he, “I am now to take my leave of your
lordships, and of this honourable house, perhaps for ever; I shall lay
down my life with pleasure in a cause favoured by my late dear royal
mistress. When I consider that I am to be judged by the justice,
honour, and virtue of my peers, I shall acquiesce, and retire with great
content; and, my lords, God’s will be done.” The duke of Shrewsbury
having acquainted the house that the earl was very much indisposed with
the gravel, he was suffered to remain at his own house in custody of the
black-rod; in his way thither he was attended by a great multitude of
people crying, “High-church, Ormond and Oxford for ever!” Next day he
was brought to the bar; where he received a copy of the articles, and
was allowed a month to prepare his answer. Though Dr. Mead declared that
if the earl should be sent to the Tower his life would be in danger, it
was carried, on a division, that he should be conveyed thither on the
sixteenth day of July. During the debate, the earl of Anglesea observed,
that these impeachments were disagreeable to the nation, and that it was
to be feared such violent measures would make the sceptre shake in the
king’s hands. This expression kindled the whole house into a flame. Some
members cried, “To the Tower!” some, “To order!” The earl of Sunderland
declared, that if these words had been spoken in another place, he
would have called the person that had spoken them to an account; in the
meantime he moved that the noble lord should explain himself. Anglesea,
dreading the resentment of the house, was glad to make an apology;
which was accepted. The earl of Oxford was attended to the Tower by a
prodigious concourse of people, who did not scruple to exclaim against
his persecutors. Tumults were raised in Staffordshire, and other parts
of the kingdom, against the whig party, which had depressed the friends
of the church and embroiled the nation. The house of commons presented
an address to the king, desiring that the laws might be vigorously
executed against the rioters. They prepared the proclamation-act,
decreeing, that if any persons to the number of twelve, unlawfully
assembled, should continue together one hour after having been required
to disperse by a justice of peace or other officer, and heard the
proclamation against riots read in public, they should be deemed guilty
of felony without benefit of clergy.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




THE KING DECLARES TO BOTH HOUSES THAT A REBELLION IS BEGUN.

When the king went to the house of peers on the twentieth day of July,
to give the royal assent to this and some other bills, he told both
houses that a rebellion was actually begun at home; and that the nation
was threatened with an invasion from abroad. He therefore expected that
the commons would not leave the kingdom in a defenceless condition, but
enable him to take such measures as should be necessary for the public
safety. Addresses in the usual style were immediately presented by
the parliament, the convocation, the common-council and lieutenancy of
London, and the two universities; but that of Oxford was received in the
most contemptuous manner; and the deputies were charged with disloyalty,
on account of a fray which had happened between some recruiting officers
and the scholars of the university. The addresses from the kirk of
Scotland, and the dissenting ministers of London and Westminster, met
with a much more gracious reception. The parliament forthwith passed a
bill, empowering the king to secure suspected persons, and to suspend
the _habeas-corpus_ act in that time of danger. A clause was added to a
money-bill, offering the reward of one hundred thousand pounds to such
as should seize the pretender dead or alive. Sir George Byng was sent to
take the command of the fleet. General Earle repaired to his government
of Portsmouth; the guards were encamped in Hyde-park; lord Irwin was
appointed governor of Hull, in the room of brigadier Sutton, who,
together with lord Windsor, the generals Ross, Webb, and Stuart, were
dismissed from the service. Orders were given for raising thirteen
regiments of dragoons, and eight of infantry; and the trained bands
were kept in readiness to suppress tumults. In the midst of these
transactions, the commons added six articles to those exhibited against
the earl of Oxford. Lord Bolingbroke was impeached at the bar of the
house of lords by Mr. Walpole. Bills being brought in to summon him and
the duke of Ormond to surrender themselves by the tenth of September,
or, in default thereof, to attaint them of high treason, they passed
both houses and received the royal assent. On the last day of August,
the commons agreed to the articles against the earl of Strafford, which
being presented to the house of lords, the earl made a speech in his
own vindication. He complained that his papers had been seized in an
unprecedented manner. He said, if he had in his letters or discourse
dropped any unguarded expressions against some foreign ministers, while
he had the honour to represent the crown of Great Britain, he hoped they
would not be accounted criminal by a British house of peers; he desired
he might be allowed a competent time to answer the articles brought
against him, and have duplicates of all the papers which had either
been laid before the committee of secrecy, or remained in the hands of
government, to be used occasionally in his justification. This request
was vehemently opposed by the leaders of the other party, until the
earl of Hay represented that, in all civilized nations, all courts of
judicature, except the inquisition, allowed the persons arraigned all
that was necessary for their justification; and that the house of peers
of Great Britain ought not, in this case, to do any thing contrary to
that honour and equity for which they were so justly renowned throughout
all Europe. This observation made an impression on the house, which
resolved that the earl should be indulged with copies of such papers as
he might have occasion to use in his defence.




DUKE OF ORMOND AND LORD BOLINGBROKE ATTAINTED.

On the third day of September, Oxford’s answer was delivered to the
house of lords, who transmitted it to the commons. Mr. Walpole, having
heard it read, said it contained little more than a repetition of what
had been suggested in some pamphlets and papers which had been published
in vindication of the late ministry; that it was a false and malicious
libel, laying upon his royal mistress the blame of all the pernicious
measures he had led her into, against her own honour, and the good of
his country; that it was likewise a libel on the proceedings of the
commons, since he endeavoured to clear those persons who had already
confessed their guilt by flight. After some debate, the house resolved,
that the answer of Robert earl of Oxford should be referred to the
committee appointed to draw up articles of impeachment, and prepare
evidence against the impeached lords; and that the committee should
prepare a replication to the answer. This was accordingly prepared and
sent up to the lords. Then the committee reported, that Mr. Prior had
grossly prevaricated on his examination, and behaved with great contempt
of their authority. The duke of Ormond and lord viscount Bolingbroke
having omitted to surrender themselves within the limited time, the
house of lords ordered the earl-marshal to raze out of the list of
peers their names and armorial bearings. Inventories were taken of their
personal estates; and the duke’s achievements, as knight of the garter,
were taken down from St. George’s chapel at Windsor. A man of candour
cannot, without an emotion of grief and indignation, reflect upon the
ruin of the noble family of Ormond, in the person of a brave, generous,
and humane nobleman, to whom no crime was imputed but that of having
obeyed the commands of his sovereign. About this period the royal assent
was given to an act for encouraging loyalty in Scotland. By this law the
tenant who continued peaceable while his lord took arms in favour of the
pretender, was invested with the property of the lands he rented; on the
other hand, it was decreed that the lands possessed by any person guilty
of high treason should revert to the superior of whom they were held,
and be consolidated with the superiority; and that all entails and
settlements of estates, since the first day of August, in favour of
children, with a fraudulent intent to avoid the punishment of the law
due to the offence of high treason, should be null and void. It likewise
contained a clause for summoning suspected persons to find bail for
their good behaviour, on pain of being denounced rebels. By virtue of
this clause all the heads of the jacobite clans, and other suspected
persons, were summoned to Edinburgh; and those who did not appear were
declared rebels.




INTRIGUES OF THE JACOBITES.

By this time the rebellion was actually begun in Scotland. The
dissensions occasioned in that country by the union had never been
wholly appeased. Ever since the queen’s death, addresses were prepared
in different parts of Scotland against the union, which was deemed a
national grievance; and the Jacobites did not fail to encourage this
aversion. Though the hopes of dissolving that treaty were baffled by the
industry and other arts of the revolutioners, who secured a majority of
whigs in parliament, they did not lay aside their designs of attempting
something of consequence in favour of the pretender; but maintained a
correspondence with the malcontents of England, a great number of whom
were driven by apprehension, hard usage, and resentment, into a system
of politics which otherwise they would not have espoused. The tories
finding themselves totally excluded from any share in the government and
legislature, and exposed to the insolence and fury of a faction which
they despised, began to wish in earnest for a revolution. Some of them
held private consultations, and communicated with the Jacobites, who
conveyed their sentiments to the chevalier de St. George, with such
exaggerations as were dictated by their own eagerness and extravagance.
They assured the pretender that the nation was wholly disaffected to the
new government; and indeed the clamours, tumults, and conversation of
the people in general countenanced this assertion. They promised to take
arms, without further delay, in his favour; and engaged that the tories
should join them at his first landing in Great Britain. They therefore
besought him to come over with all possible expedition, declaring that
his appearance would produce an immediate revolution. The chevalier
resolved to take the advantage of this favourable disposition. He had
recourse to the French king, who had always been the refuge of his
family. Louis favoured him in secret; and, notwithstanding his late
engagements with England, cherished the ambition of raising him to the
throne of Great Britain. He supplied him privately with sums of money to
prepare a small armament in the port of Havre, which was equipped in
the name of Depine d’Anicaut; and, without all doubt, his design was to
assist him more effectually in proportion as the English should manifest
their attachment to the house of Stuart. The duke of Ormond and lord
Bolingbroke, who had retired to France, finding themselves condemned
unheard, and attainted, engaged in the service of the chevalier, and
corresponded with the tories of England.




DEATH OF LOUIS XIV.

All these intrigues and machinations were discovered and communicated
to the court of London by the earl of Stair, who then resided as English
ambassador at Paris. He was a nobleman of unquestioned honour and
integrity, generous, humane, discerning, and resolute. He had signalized
himself by his valour, intrepidity, and other military talents, during
the war in the Netherlands; and he now acted in another sphere with
uncommon vigour, vigilance, and address. He detected the chevalier’s
scheme while it was yet in embryo, and gave such early notice of it
as enabled the king of Great Britain to take effectual measures for
defeating the design. All the pretender’s interest in France expired
with Louis XIV., that ostentatious tyrant, who had for above half a
century sacrificed the repose of Christendom to his insatiate vanity and
ambition. At his death, which happened on the first day of September,
the regency of the kingdom devolved to the duke of Orleans, who adopted
a new system of politics, and had already entered into engagements with
the king of Great Britain. Instead of assisting the pretender, he amused
his agents with mysterious and equivocal expressions, calculated to
frustrate the design of the expedition. Nevertheless, the more violent
part of the Jacobites in Great Britain believed he was at bottom a
friend to their cause, and depended upon him for succour. They even
extorted from him a sum of money by dint of importunities, and some
arms; but the vessel was shipwrecked, and the cargo lost upon the coast
of Scotland.




THE EARL OF MAR SETS UP THE PRETENDER’S STANDARD.

The partisans of the pretender had proceeded too far to retreat with
safety, and therefore resolved to try their fortune in the field. The
earl of Mar repaired to the Highlands, where he held consultations with
the marquasses of Huntley and Tullibardine, the earls Marischal and
Southesk, the generals Hamilton and Gordon, with the chiefs of the
Jacobite clans. Then he assembled three hundred of his own vassals,
proclaimed the pretender at Castletown, and set up his standard at
Brae-Mar, on the sixth day of September. By this time the earls of Home,
Winton, and Kinnoul, lord Deskford, and Lockhart of Carnwath, with
other persons suspected of disaffection to the present government,
were committed prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh; and major-general
Whetham marched with the regular troops which were in that kingdom to
secure the bridge at Stirling. Before these precautions were taken, two
vessels had arrived at Arbroath from Havre, with arms, ammunition, and a
great number of officers, who assured the earl of Mar that the pretender
would soon be with them in person. The death of Louis the XIV. struck a
general damp upon their spirits; but they laid their account with being
joined by a powerful body in England. The earl of Mar, by letters and
messages, pressed the chevalier to come over without further delay.
He, in the meantime, assumed the title of lieutenant-general of the
pretender’s forces, and published a declaration, exhorting the people
to take arms for their lawful sovereign. This was followed by a shrewd
manifesto, explaining the national grievances, and assuring the people
of redress. Some of his partisans attempted to surprise the castle of
Edinburgh; but were prevented by the vigilance and activity of colonel
Stuart, lieutenant-governor of that fortress. The duke of Argyle set out
for Scotland, as commander-in-chief of the forces in North Britain: the
earl of Sutherland set sail in the Queen-borough ship-of-war for
the North, where he proposed to raise his vassals for the service of
government; and many other Scottish peers returned to their own country
in order to signalize their loyalty to king George.

In England the practices of the Jacobites did not escape the notice of
the ministry. Lieutenant-colonel Paul was imprisoned in the gate-house
for enlisting men in the service of the pretender. The titular duke of
Powis was committed to the Tower; lords Lansdown-e and Duplin were taken
into custody; and a warrant was issued for apprehending the earl of
Jersey. The king desired the consent of the lower house to seize and
detain sir William Wyndham, sir John Packington, Mr. Edward Harvey of
Combe, Mr. Thos. Forster, Mr. John Anstis, and Mr. Corbet Kynaston, who
were members of the house, and suspected of favouring the invasion. The
commons unanimously agreed to the proposal, and presented an address
signifying their approbation. Harvey and Anstis were immediately
secured. Forster, with the assistance of some popish lords, assembled a
body of men in Northumberland’ sir John Packington being examined before
the council, was dismissed for want of evidence: Mr. Kynaston absconded;
sir William Wyndham was seized at his own house in Somersetshire, by
colonel Huske and a messenger, who secured his papers: he found means,
however, to escape from them; but afterwards surrendered himself: and,
having been examined at the council-board, was committed to the Tower.
His father-in-law, the duke of Somerset, offered to become bound for
his appearance; and being rejected as bail, expressed his resentment
so warmly that the king thought proper to remove him from the office of
master of the horse. On the twenty-first day of September, the king went
to the house of lords and passed the bills that were ready for the royal
assent. Then the chancellor read his majesty’s speech, expressing his
acknowledgment and satisfaction, in consequence of the uncommon marks
of their affection he had received; and the parliament adjourned to the
sixth day of October.

The friends of the house of Stuart were very numerous in the western
counties, and began to make preparations for an insurrection. They
had concealed some arms and artillery at Bath, and formed a design
to surprise Bristol; but they were betrayed and discovered by the
emissaries of the government, which baffled all their schemes, and
apprehended every person of consequence suspected of attachment to that
cause. The university of Oxford felt the rod of power on that occasion.
Major-general Pepper, with a strong detachment of dragoons, took
possession of the city at day-break, declaring he would use military
execution on all students who should presume to appear without the
limits of their respective colleges. He seized tenor eleven persons,
among whom was one Lloyd, a coffee-man; and made prize of some horses
and furniture belonging to colonel Owen and other gentlemen. With this
booty he retreated to Abingdon; and Handasyde’s regiment of foot was
afterwards quartered in Oxford to overawe the university. The ministry
found it more difficult to suppress the insurgents in the northern
counties. In the month of October the earl of Derwentwater and Mr.
Forster took the field with a body of horse, and being joined by some
gentlemen from the borders of Scotland, proclaimed the pretender in
Warkworth, Morpeth, and Alnwick. The first design was to seize the town
of Newcastle, in which they had many friends; but they found the gates
shut upon them, and retired to Hexham; while general Carpenter having
assembled a body of dragoons, resolved to march from Newcastle and
attack them before they should be reinforced. The rebels retiring
northward to Woller, were joined by two hundred Scottish horse under the
lord viscount Kenmuir, and the earls of Carnwath and Winton, who had set
up the pretender’s standard at Moffat, and proclaimed him in different
parts of Scotland. The rebels thus reinforced advanced to Kelso, having
received advice that they would be joined by Mackintosh, who had crossed
the Forth with a body of Highlanders.




MACKINTOSH JOINS THE ENGLISH INSURGENTS.

By this time the earl of Mar was at the head of ten thousand men
well armed. He had secured the pass of the Tay at Perth, where his
head-quarters were established, and made himself master of the whole
fruitful province of Fife, and all the sea-coast on that side of the
Frith of Edinburgh. He selected two thousand five hundred men, commanded
by brigadier Mackintosh, to make a descent upon the Lothian side, and
join the Jacobites in that county, or such as should take arms on
the borders of England. Boats were assembled for this purpose; and
notwithstanding all the precautions that could be taken by the king’s
ships in the Frith to prevent the design, about fifteen hundred chosen
men made good their passage in the night, and landed on the coast of
Lothian, having crossed an arm of the sea about sixteen miles broad, in
open boats that passed through the midst of the king’s cruisers. Nothing
could be better concerted, or executed with more conduct and courage,
than was this hazardous enterprise. They amused the king’s ships with
marches and counter-marches along the coast, in such a manner that they
could not possibly know where they intended to embark. The earl of Mar,
in the meantime, marched from Perth to Dumblane as if he had intended
to cross the Forth at Stirling bridge; but his real design was to divert
the duke of Argyle from attacking his detachment which had landed in
Lothian. So far the scheme succeeded. The duke, who had assembled some
troops in Lothian, returned to Stirling with the utmost expedition,
after having secured Edinburgh and obliged Mackintosh to abandon his
design on that city. This partisan had actually taken possession of
Leith, from whence he retired to Seaton-house, near Prestonpans, which
he fortified in such a manner that he could not be forced without
artillery. Here he remained until he received an order across the Frith
from the earl of Mar to join lord Kenmuir and the English at Kelso,
for which place he immediately began his march, and reached it on
the twenty-second day of October, though a good number of his men had
deserted on the route.

The lord Kenmuir, with the earls of Winton, Nithsdale, and Carnwath,
the earl of Derwentwater, and Mr. Forster with the English insurgents,
arriving at the same time, a council of war was immediately called.
Winton proposed that they should march immediately into the western
parts of Scotland and join general Gordon, who commanded a strong body
of Highlanders in Argyleshire. The English insisted upon crossing the
Tweed and attacking general Carpenter, whose troops did not exceed nine
hundred dragoons. Neither scheme was executed. They took the route
to Jedburgh, where they resolved to leave Carpenter on one side and
penetrate into England by the western border. The Highlanders declared
they would not quit their own country, but were ready to execute the
scheme proposed by the earl of Winton. Means however were found to
prevail upon one half of them to advance, while the rest returned to the
Highlands. At Brampton, Forster opened his commission of general, which
had been sent to him by the earl of Mar, and proclaimed the pretender.
They continued their march to Penrith, where the sheriff, assisted
by lord Lonsdale and the bishop of Carlisle, had assembled the whole
posse-comitatus of Cumberland, amounting to twelve thousand men, who
dispersed with the utmost precipitation at the approach of the rebels.
From Penrith, Forster proceeded by way of Kendal and Lancaster to
Preston, from whence Stanhope’s regiment of dragoons and another of
militia immediately retired, so that he took possession of the place
without resistance. General Willis marched against the enemy with six
regiments of horse and dragoons, and one battalion of foot commanded
by colonel Preston. They had advanced to the bridge of Ribble before
Forster received intelligence of their approach. He forthwith began to
raise barricadoes, and put the place in a posture of defence. On the
twelfth day of November the town was briskly attacked in two different
places; but the king’s troops met with a very warm reception, and were
repulsed with considerable loss. Next day general Carpenter arrived
with a reinforcement of three regiments of dragoons, and the rebels were
invested on all sides. The Highlanders declared they would make a sally
sword in hand, and either cut their way through the king’s troops or
perish in the attempt, but they were over-ruled. Forster sent colonel
Oxburgh with a trumpet to general Willis, to propose a capitulation. He
was given to understand that the general would not treat with rebels;
but in case of their surrendering at discretion, he would prevent his
soldiers from putting them to the sword until he should receive further
orders. He granted them time to consider till next morning, upon
their delivering the earl of Derwentwater and Mackintosh as hostages.
When Forster submitted, this Highlander declared he could not promise
the Scots would surrender in that manner. The general desired him to
return to his people, and he would forthwith attack the town, in which
case every man of them should be cut to pieces. The Scottish noblemen
did not choose to run the risk, and persuaded the Highlanders to accept
the terms that were offered. They accordingly laid down their arms,
and were put under a strong guard. All the noblemen and leaders were
secured. Major Nairn, captain Lockhart, captain Shaftoe, and ensign
Erskine, were tried by a court-martial as deserters, and executed. Lord
Charles Murray, son of the duke of Athol, was likewise condemned for the
same crime, but reprieved. The common men were imprisoned at Chester and
Liverpool, the noblemen and considerable officers were sent to London,
conveyed through the streets pinioned like malefactors, and committed
to the Tower and to Newgate.




BATTLE AT DUMBLANE.

The day on which the rebels surrendered at Preston was remarkable for
the battle of Dumblane, fought between the duke of Argyle and the
earl of Mar, who commanded the pretender’s forces. This nobleman had
retreated to his camp at Perth, when he understood the duke was returned
from Lothian to Stirling. But being now joined by the northern clans
under the earl of Sea-forth, and those of the west commanded by general
Gordon, who had signalized himself in the service of the czar of
Muscovy, he resolved to pass the Forth in order to join his southern
friends, that they might march together into England. With this view he
advanced to Auchterarder, where he reviewed his army, and rested on the
eleventh day of November. The duke of Argyle, apprised of his intention,
and being joined by some regiments of dragoons from Ireland, determined
to give him battle in the neighbourhood of Dumblane. On the twelfth day
of the month, Argyle passed the Forth at Stirling, and encamped with his
left at the village of Dumblane, and his right towards Sheriffmuir. The
earl of Mar advanced within two miles of his camp, and remained till
day-break in order of battle; his army consisted of nine thousand
effective men, cavalry as well as infantry. In the morning the duke,
understanding they were in motion, drew up his forces, which did not
exceed three thousand five hundred men, on the heights to the north-east
of Dumblane; but he was outflanked both on the right and left. The
clans that formed part of the centre and right wing of the enemy, with
Glengary and Clanronald at their head, charged the left of the king’s
army sword in hand, with such impetuosity that in seven minutes both
horse and foot were totally routed with great slaughter; and general
Whetham, who commanded them, fled at full gallop to Stirling, where he
declared that the royal army was totally defeated. In the meantime the
duke of Argyle, who commanded in person on the right, attacked the left
of the enemy, at the head of Stair’s and Evan’s dragoons, and drove them
two miles before him, as far as the water of Allan; yet in that space
they wheeled about and attempted to rally ten times; so that he was
obliged to press them hard that they might not recover from their
confusion. Brigadier Wightman followed in order to sustain him with
three battalions of infantry; while the victorious right wing of the
rebels having pursued Whetham a considerable way, returned to the field
and formed in the rear of Wightman to the amount of five thousand men.
The duke of Argyle returning from the pursuit, joined Wightman, who had
faced about and taken possession of some enclosures and mud wails in
expectation of being attacked. In this posture both armies fronted each
other till the evening, when the duke drew off towards Dumblane, and the
rebels retired to Ardoch, without mutual molestation. Next day the duke
marching back to the field of battle, carried off the wounded, with
four pieces of cannon left by the army, and retreated to Stirling. Few
prisoners were taken on either side: the number of the slain might be
about five hundred of each army, and both generals claimed the
victory. This battle was not so fatal to the Highlanders as the loss
of Inverness, from which sir John Mackenzie was driven by Simon Fraser,
lord Lovat, who, contrary to the principles he hitherto professed,
secured this important post for the government; by which means a free
communication was opened with the north of Scotland, where the earl of
Sutherland had raised a considerable body of vassals. The marquis of
Huntley and the earl of Seaforth were obliged to quit the rebel army, in
order to defend their own territories; and in a little time submitted
to king George: a good number of the Frasers declared with their chief
against the pretender: the marquis of Tullibardine withdrew from the
army to cover his own country; and the clans, seeing no likelihood of
another action, began to disperse according to custom.




THE PRETENDER ARRIVES IN SCOTLAND.

The government was now in a condition to send strong reinforcements to
Scotland. Six thousand men that were claimed of the states-general,
by virtue of the treaty, landed in England, and began their march for
Edinburgh: general Cadogan set out for the same place, together with
brigadier Petit, and six other engineers; and a train of artillery was
shipped at the Tower for that country, the duke of Argyle resolving to
drive the earl of Mar out of Perth, to which town he retired with the
remains of his forces. The pretender having been amused with the hope
of seeing the whole kingdom of England rise up as one man in his behalf;
and the duke of Ormond having made a fruitless voyage to the western
coast, to try the disposition of the people, he was now convinced of
the vanity of his expectation in that quarter; and, as he knew not what
other course to take, he resolved to hazard his person among his friends
in Scotland, at a time when his affairs in that kingdom were absolutely
desperate. From Bretagne he posted through part of France in disguise,
and embarking in a small vessel at Dunkirk, hired for that purpose,
arrived on the twenty-second day of December at Peterhead with six
gentlemen in his retinue, one of whom was the marquis of Tynemouth,
son to the duke of Berwick. He passed through Aberdeen incognito, to
Fetterosse, where he was met by the earls of Mar and Marischal, and
about thirty noblemen and gentlemen of the first quality. Here he was
solemnly proclaimed: his declaration, dated at Com-mercy, was printed
and circulated through all the parts in that neighbourhood; and he
received addresses from the episcopal clergy, and the laity of that
communion in the diocese of Aberdeen. On the fifth day of January he
made his public entry into Dundee; and on the seventh arrived at Scone,
where he seemed determined to stay until the ceremony of his coronation
should be performed. From thence he made an excursion to Perth, where he
reviewed his forces. Then he formed a regular council; and published
six proclamations: one for a general thanksgiving on account of his
safe arrival; another enjoining the ministers to pray for him in the
churches; a third establishing the currency of foreign coins; a fourth
summoning the meeting of the convention of estates; a fifth ordering
all sensible men to repair to his standard; and a sixth, fixing the
twenty-third day of January for his coronation. He made a pathetic
speech in a grand council, at which all the chiefs of his party
assisted. They determined, however, to abandon the enterprise, as the
king’s army was reinforced by the Dutch auxiliaries, and they themselves
were not only reduced to a small number, but likewise destitute of
money, arms, ammunition, forage, and provision; for the duke of Argyle
had taken possession of Burntisland, and transported a detachment to
Fife, so as to cut off Mar’s communication with that fertile country.

Notwithstanding the severity of the weather, and a prodigious fall
of snow which rendered the roads almost impassable, the duke, on the
twenty-ninth of January began his march for Dumblane, and next day
reached Tullibardine, where he received intelligence that the pretender
and his forces had, on the preceding day, retired towards Dundee.
He forthwith took possession of Perth; and then began his march to
Aberbrothick, in pursuit of the enemy. The chevalier de St. George being
thus hotly pursued, was prevailed upon to embark on board a small French
ship that lay in the harbour of Montrose. He was accompanied by the
earls of Mar and Melfort, the lord Drummond, lieutenant-general Bulkley,
and other persons of distinction, to the number of seventeen. In order
to avoid the English cruisers, they stretched over to Norway, and
coasting along the German and Dutch shores, arrived in five days
at Grave-line. General Gordon, whom the pretender had left
commander-in-chief of the forces, assisted by the earl Marischal,
proceeded with them to Aberdeen, where he secured three vessels to sail
northward, and take on board the persons who intended to make their
escape to the continent. Then they continued their march through
Strathspey and Strathdown, to the hills of Badenoch, where the
common people were quietly dismissed. This retreat was made with such
expedition, that the duke of Argyle, with all his activity, could never
overtake their rear-guard, which consisted of a thousand horse commanded
by the earl Marischal. Such was the issue of a rebellion that proved
fatal to many noble families; a rebellion which in all probability would
never have happened, had not the violent measures of a whig ministry
kindled such a flame of discontent in the nation, as encouraged the
partisans of the pretender to hazard a revolt.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The parliament of Ireland, which met at Dublin on the twelfth day of
November, seemed even more zealous, if possible, than that of England,
for the present administration. They passed bills for recognizing the
king’s title; for the security of his person and government; for setting
a price on the pretender’s head; and for attainting the duke of
Ormond. They granted the supplies without opposition. All those who had
addressed the late queen in favour of sir Constantine Phipps, then lord
chancellor of Ireland, were now brought upon their knees, and censured
as guilty of a breach of privilege. They desired the lords-justices
would issue a proclamation against the popish inhabitants of Limerick
and Gal-way, who, presuming upon the capitulation signed by king
William, claimed an exemption from the penalties imposed upon other
papists. They engaged in an association against the pretender, and all
his abettors. They voted the earl of Anglesea an enemy to the king and
kingdom, because he advised the queen to break the army, and prorogue
the late parliament; and they addressed the king to remove him from his
council and service. The lords-justices granted orders for apprehending
the earls of Antrim and Westmeath, the lords Natterville, Cahir, and
Dillon, as persons suspected of disaffection to the government. Then
they adjourned the two houses.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




THE REBEL LORDS ARE IMPEACHED.

The king in his speech to the English parliament, which met on the ninth
of January, told them he had reason to believe the pretender was
landed in Scotland; he congratulated them on the success of his arms
in suppressing the rebellion; on the conclusion of the barrier-treaty
between the emperor and the states-general, under his guarantee; on a
convention with Spain that would deliver the trade of England to
that kingdom, from the new impositions and hardships to which it was
subjected in consequence of the late treaties. He likewise gave them to
understand, that a treaty for renewing all former alliances between the
crown of Great Britain and the states-general was almost concluded;
and he assured the commons he would freely give up all the estates that
should become forfeited to the crown by this rebellion, to be applied
towards defraying the extraordinary expense incurred on this occasion.
The commons, in their address of thanks, declared that they would
prosecute, in the most vigorous and impartial manner, the authors of
those destructive councils which had drawn down such miseries upon the
nation. Their resolutions were speedy, and exactly conformable to this
declaration. They expelled Mr. Forster from the house. They forthwith
impeached the earls of Derwentwater, Nithsdale, Carnwath, and Winton;
lords Widdrington, Kenmuir, and Nairn. These noblemen being brought to
the bar of the house of lords, heard the articles of impeachment read
on the tenth day of January, and were ordered to put in their answers on
the sixteenth. The impeachments being lodged, the lower house ordered
a bill to be brought in for continuing the suspension of the
_habeas-corpus_ act; then they prepared another to attaint the marquis
of Tullibardine, the earls of Mar and Linlithgow, and lord John
Drummond. On the twenty-first day of January, the king gave the royal
assent to the bill for continuing the suspension of the _habeas-corpus_
act. He told the parliament that the pretender was actually in Scotland
heading the rebellion, and assuming the style and title of king of these
realms; he demanded of the commons such supply as might discourage any
foreign power from assisting the rebels. On Thursday the nineteenth
day of January, all the impeached lords pleaded guilty to the articles
exhibited against them, except the earl of Winton, who petitioned for a
longer time on various pretences. The rest received sentence of death
on the ninth day of February, in the court erected in Westminster-hall,
where the lord-chancellor Cowper presided as lord high-steward on that
occasion. The countess of Nithsdale and lady Nairn threw themselves at
the king’s feet, as he passed through the apartments of the palace,
and implored his mercy in behalf of their husbands; but their tears and
entreaties produced no effect. The council resolved that the sentence
should be executed, and orders were given for that purpose to the
lieutenant of the Tower, and the sheriffs of London and Middlesex.




EARL OF DEEWENTWATER AND LORD KENMUIR ARE BEHEADED.

The countess of Derwentwater, with her sister, accompanied by the
duchesses of Cleveland and Bolton, and several other ladies of the first
distinction, was introduced by the dukes of Richmond and St. Alban’s
into the king’s bed-chamber, where she invoked his majesty’s clemency
for her unfortunate consort. She afterwards repaired to the lobby of the
house of peers, attended by the ladies of the other condemned lords, and
above twenty others of the same quality, and begged the intercession
of the house; but no regard was paid to their petition. Next day they
petitioned both houses of parliament. The commons rejected their suit.
In the upper house, the duke of Richmond delivered a petition from the
earl of Derwentwater, to whom he was nearly related, at the same time
declaring that he himself should oppose his solicitation. The earl of
Derby expressed some compassion for the numerous family of lord Nairn.
Petitions from the rest were presented by other lords, moved with pity
and humanity. Lord Town-shend and others vehemently opposed their being
read. The earl of Nottingham thought this indulgence might be granted;
the house assented to his opinion, and agreed to an address, praying
his majesty would reprieve such of the condemned lords as should seem to
deserve his mercy. To this petition the king answered, that on this and
all other occasions, he would do what he thought most consistent with
the dignity of his crown and the safety of his people. The earl of
Nottingham, president of the council, his brother the earl of Aylesbury,
chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, his son lord Finch, one of
the lords of the treasury, his kinsman lord Guernsey, master of the
jewel-office, were altogether dismissed from his majesty’s service.
Orders were despatched for executing the earls of Derwentwater and
Nithsdale, and the viscount of Kennruir, immediately; the others were
respited to the seventh day of March. Nithsdale made his escape in
woman’s apparel, furnished and conveyed to him by his own mother. On the
twenty-fourth day of February, Derwentwater and Kenmuir were beheaded
on Tower-hill. The former was an amiable youth, brave, open, generous,
hospitable, and humane. His fate drew tears from the spectators, and was
a great misfortune to the country in which he lived. He gave bread
to multitudes of people whom he employed on his estate; the poor, the
widow, and the orphan rejoiced in his bounty. Kenmuir was a virtuous
nobleman, calm, sensible, resolute, and resigned. He was a devout member
of the English church; but the other died in the faith of Rome: both
adhered to their political principles. On the fifteenth day of March,
Winton was brought to trial, and being convicted, received sentence of
death.

{1716}




TRIALS OF REBELS.

When the king passed the land-tax bill, which was ushered in with a
very extraordinary preamble, he informed both houses of the pretender’s
flight from Scotland. In the beginning of April a commission for trying
the rebels met in the court of common-pleas, when bills of high
treason were found against Mr. Forster, Mackintosh, and twenty of their
confederates. Forster escaped from Newgate, and reached the continent
in safety; the rest pleaded not guilty, and were indulged with time
to prepare for their trials. The judges appointed to try the rebels
at Liverpool, found a considerable number guilty of high treason.
Two-and-twenty were executed at Preston and Manchester; about a
thousand prisoners submitted to the king’s mercy, and petitioned for
transportation. Pitts, the keeper of Newgate, being suspected of having
connived at Forster’s escape, was tried for his life at the Old-Bailey,
and acquitted. Notwithstanding this prosecution, which ought to have
redoubled the vigilance of the jailors, brigadier Mackintosh, and
several other prisoners, broke from Newgate, after having mastered the
keeper and turnkey, and disarmed the sentinel. The court proceeded with
the trials of those that remained, and a great number were found guilty;
four or five were hanged, drawn, and quartered, at Tyburn; and among
these was one William Paul, a clergyman, who, in his last speech,
professed himself a true and sincere member of the church of England,
but not of the revolution schismatical church, whose bishops had
abandoned the king, and shamefully given up their ecclesiastical rights,
by submitting to the unlawful, invalid, lay-deprivations authorized by
the prince of Orange.




ACT FOR SEPTENNIAL PARLIAMENTS.

Though the rebellion was extinguished, the flame of national
dissatisfaction still continued to rage: the severities exercised
against the rebels increased the general discontent; for now the danger
was blown over, their humane passions began to prevail. The courage
and fortitude with which the condemned persons encountered the pains of
death in its most dreadful force, prepossessed many spectators in favour
of the cause by which those unhappy victims were animated. In a word,
persecution, as usual, extended the heresy. The ministry, perceiving
this universal dissatisfaction, and dreading the revolution of a new
parliament, which might wrest the power from their faction, and retort
upon them the violence of their own measures, formed a resolution
equally odious and effectual to establish their administration. This was
no other than a scheme to repeal the triennial act, and by a new law
to extend the term of parliaments to seven years. On the tenth day of
April, the duke of Devonshire represented, in the house of lords, that
triennial elections served to keep up party divisions; to raise and
foment feuds in private families; to produce ruinous expenses, and give
occasion to the cabals and intrigues of foreign princes; that it became
the wisdom of such an august assembly to apply proper remedies to
an evil that might be attended with the most dangerous consequences,
especially in the present temper of the nation, as the spirit of
rebellion still remained unconquered. He therefore proposed a bill for
enlarging the continuance of parliaments. He was seconded by the earls
of Dorset and Rockingham, the duke of Argyle, Lord Townshend, and the
other chiefs of that party. The motion was opposed by the earls
of Nottingham, Abingdon, and Paulet. They observed, that frequent
parliaments were required by the fundamental constitution of the
kingdom, ascertained in the practice of many ages; that the members of
the lower house were chosen by the body of the nation, for a certain
term of years, at the expiration of which they could be no longer
representatives of the people, who, by the parliament’s protracting
its own authority, would be deprived of the only remedy which they have
against those who, through ignorance or corruption, betrayed the trust
reposed in them; that the reasons in favour of such a bill were weak and
frivolous; that, with respect to foreign alliances, no prince or state
could reasonably depend upon a people to defend their liberties and
interests, who should be thought to have given up so great a part of
their own; nor would it be prudent in them to wish for a change in
that constitution under which Europe had of late been so powerfully
supported; on the contrary, they might be deterred from entering into
any engagements with Great Britain, when informed by the preamble of
the bill, that the popish faction was so dangerous as to threaten
destruction to the government; they would apprehend that the
administration was so weak as to want so extraordinary a provision for
its safety; that the gentlemen of Britain were not to be trusted; and
that the good affections of the people were restrained within the
limits of the house of commons. They affirmed that this bill, far from
preventing the expense of elections, would rather increase it, and
encourage every species of corruption; for the value of a seat would
always be in proportion to the duration of a parliament, and the
purchase would rise accordingly; that a long parliament would yield
a greater temptation, as well as a better opportunity to a vicious
ministry, to corrupt the members, than they could possibly have when
the parliaments were short and frequent; that the same reasons urged for
passing the bill to continue this parliament for seven years, would be
at least as strong, and, by the conduct of the ministry, might be made
much stronger before the end of that term, for continuing and even
perpetuating their legislative power, to the absolute subversion of the
third estate of the realm. These arguments served only to form a decent
debate, after which the bill for septennial parliaments passed by a
great majority, though twenty peers entered a protest. It met with the
same fate in the lower house, where many strong objections were stated
to no purpose. They were represented as the effects of party spleen;
and, indeed, this was the great spring of action on both sides. The
question for the bill was carried in the affirmative; and in a little
time it received the royal sanction.




DUKE OF ARGYLE DISGRACED.

The rebellion being utterly quelled, and all the suspected persons of
consequence detained in safe custody, the king resolved to visit his
German dominions, where he foresaw a storm gathering from the quarter
of Sweden. Charles XII. was extremely exasperated against the elector
of Hanover, for having entered into the confederacy against him in his
absence, particularly for his having purchased the duchies of Bremen and
Verden, which constituted part of his dominions; and he breathed nothing
but revenge against the king of Great Britain. It was with a view to
avert this danger, or prepare against it, that the king now determined
upon a voyage to the continent. But as he was restricted from leaving
his British dominions by the act for the further limitation of the
crown, this clause was repealed in a new bill that passed through both
houses without the least difficulty. On the twenty-sixth day of June,
the king closed the session with a speech upon the usual tonics, in
which, however, he observed, that the numerous instances of mercy he
had shown served only to encourage the faction of the pretender, whose
partisans acted with such insolence and folly, as if they intended to
convince the world that they were not to be reclaimed by gentle methods.
He intimated his purpose of visiting his dominions in Germany; and gave
them to understand, that he had constituted his beloved son, the prince
of Wales, guardian of the kingdom in his absence. About this period
general Macartney, who had returned to England at the accession of
king George, presented himself to trial for the murder of the duke of
Hamilton. The deposition of colonel Hamilton was contradicted by two
park-keepers; the general was acquitted of the charge, restored to his
rank in the army, and gratified with the command of a regiment. The
king’s brother, prince Ernest, bishop of Osnabruck, was created duke of
York and Albany, and earl of Ulster. The duke of Argyle, and his brother
the earl of Hay, to whom his majesty owed, in a great measure, his
peaceable accession to the throne, as well as the extinction of the
rebellion in Scotland, were now dismissed from all their employments.
General Carpenter succeeded the duke in the chief command of the forces
in North Britain, and in the government of Port Mahon; and the duke of
Montrose was appointed lord-register of Scotland in the room of the earl
of Hay.




THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

On the seventh day of July, the king embarked at Gravesend, landed on
the ninth in Holland, through which he passed incognito to Hanover,
and from thence set out for Pyrmont. His aim was to secure his German
dominions from the Swede, and Great Britain from the pretender. These
two princes had already begun to form a design, in conjunction, of
invading his kingdom. He knew the duke of Orleans was resolved to ascend
the throne of France, in case the young king, who was a sickly child,
should die without male issue. The regent was not ignorant that Philip
of Spain would powerfully contest that succession, notwithstanding
his renunciation; and he was glad of an opportunity to strengthen his
interest by an alliance with the maritime powers of England and Holland.
The king of England sounded him on this subject, and found him eager to
engage in such an association. The negotiation was carried on by general
Cadogan for England, the abbé du Bois for France, and the pensionary
Heinsius for the states-general. The regent readily complied with all
their demands. He engaged that the pretender should immediately depart
from Wignon to the other side of the Alps, and never return to Lorraine
or France on any pretence whatsoever; that no rebellious subjects of
Great Britain should be allowed to reside in that kingdom; and that the
treaty of Utrecht, with respect to the demolition of Dunkirk, should be
fully executed to the satisfaction of his Britannic majesty. The
treaty contained a mutual guarantee of all the places possessed by
the contracting powers; of the protestant succession on the throne
of England, as well as of that of the duke of Orleans to the crown of
France, and a defensive alliance, stipulating the proportion of ships
and forces to be furnished to that power which should be disturbed at
home or invaded from abroad. The English people murmured at this treaty.
They said an unnecessary umbrage was given to Spain, with which the
nation had great commercial connexions; and that on pretence of an
invasion, a body of foreign troops might be introduced to enslave the
kingdom.




COUNT GYLLENBURGH ARRESTED.

His majesty was not so successful in his endeavours to appease the
king of Sweden, who refused to listen to any overtures until Bremen and
Verden should be restored. These the elector of Hanover resolved to keep
as a fair purchase; and he engaged in a confederacy with the enemies of
Charles, for the maintenance of this acquisition. Meanwhile his rupture
with Sweden was extremely prejudicial to the commerce of England, and
had well nigh entailed upon the kingdom another invasion, much more
formidable than that which had so lately miscarried. The ministers
of Sweden resident at London, Paris, and the Hague, maintained a
correspondence with the disaffected subjects of Great Britain. A
scheme was formed for the Swedish king’s landing on this island with
a considerable body of forces, where he should be joined by the
malcontents of the united kingdom. Charles relished the enterprise,
which flattered his ambition and revenge; nor was it disagreeable to the
czar of Muscovy, who resented the elector’s offer of joining the Swede
against the Russians, provided he would ratify the cession of Bremen
and Verden. King George having received intimation of these intrigues,
returned to England towards the end of January, and ordered a detachment
of foot-guards to secure count Gyllenburgh, the Swedish minister, with
all his papers. At the same time, sir Jacob Bancks and Mr. Charles
Caesar were apprehended. The other foreign ministers took the alarm, and
remonstrated to the ministry upon this outrage committed against the law
of nations. The two secretaries, Stanhope and Methuen, wrote circular
letters to them, assuring them that in a clay or two they should be
acquainted with the reasons that induced the king to take such an
extraordinary step. They were generally satisfied with this intimation;
but the marquis de Monteleone, ambassador from Spain, expressed his
concern that no other way could be found to preserve the peace of the
kingdom, without arresting the person of a public minister, and seizing
all his papers, which were the sacred repositories of his masters’s
secrets; he observed, that in whatever manner these two facts might seem
to be understood, they very sensibly wounded the law of nations. About
the same time baron Gortz, the Swedish residentiary in Holland, was
seized with his papers at Arnheim, at the desire of king George,
communicated to the states by Mr. Loathes, his minister at the Hague.
The baron owned he had projected the invasion, a design that was
justified by the conduct of king George, who had joined the princes
in confederacy against the king of Sweden, without having received the
least provocation; who had assisted the king of Denmark in subduing the
duchies of Bremen and Verden, and then purchased them of the usurper;
and who had, in the course of this very summer, sent a strong squadron
of ships to the Baltic, where it joined the Danes and Russians against
the Swedish fleet.




ACCOUNT OF THE OXFORD RIOT.

When the parliament of Great Britain met on the twentieth day of
February, the king informed them of the triple alliance he had concluded
with France and Holland. He mentioned the projected invasion; told them
he had given orders for laying before them copies of the letters which
had passed between the Scottish ministers on that subject; and he
demanded of the commons such supplies as should be found necessary for
the defence of the kingdom. By those papers it appeared that the
scheme projected by baron Gortz was very plausible, and even ripe
for execution; which, however, was postponed until the army should be
reduced, and the Dutch auxiliaries sent back to their own country. The
letters being read in parliament, both houses presented addresses, in
which they extolled the king’s prudence in establishing such conventions
with foreign potentates as might repair the gross defects, and prevent
the pernicious consequences, of the treaty of Utrecht, which they termed
a treacherous and dishonourable peace; and they expressed their
horror and indignation at the malice and ingratitude of those who had
encouraged an invasion of their country. He likewise received an address
of the same kind from the convention; another from the dissenting
ministers; a third from the university of Cambridge; but Oxford was not
so lavish of her compliments. At a meeting of the vice-chancellor and
heads of that university, a motion was made for an address to the king,
on the suppression of the late unnatural rebellion, his majesty’s safe
return, and the favour lately shown to the university, in omitting, at
their request, the ceremony of burning in effigy the devil, the
pope, the pretender, the duke of Ormond, and the earl of Mar, on the
anniversary of his majesty’s accession. Dr. Smallridge, bishop of
Bristol, observed, that the rebellion had been long suppressed; that
there would be no end of addresses should one be presented every time
that his majesty returned from his German dominions; that the late
favour they had received was overbalanced by a whole regiment now
quartered upon them; and that there was no precedent for addressing a
king upon his return from his German dominions. The university
thought they had reason to complain of the little regard paid to their
remonstrances, touching a riot raised in that city by the soldiers there
quartered, on pretence that the anniversary of the prince’s birthday had
not been celebrated with the usual rejoicings. Affidavits had been sent
up to the council, which seemed to favour the officers of the regiment.
When the house of lords deliberated upon the mutiny-bill, by which the
soldiers were exempted from arrests for debts, complaint was made of
their licentious behaviour at Oxford; and a motion was made that they
should inquire into the riot. The lords presented an address to the
king, desiring that the papers relating to that affair might be laid
before the house. These being perused, were found to be recriminations
between the Oxonians and the officers of the regiment. A warm debate
ensued, during which the earl of Abingdon offered a petition from the
vice-chancellor of the university, the mayor and magistrates of Oxford,
praying to be heard. One of the court members observing that it would
be irregular to receive a petition while the house was in a grand
committee, a motion was made that the chairman should leave the chair;
but this being carried in the negative, the debate was resumed, and the
majority agreed to the following resolutions:--That the heads of the
university, and mayor of the city, neglected to make public rejoicings
on the prince’s birth-day; that the officers having met to celebrate
that day, the house in which they had assembled was assaulted, and the
windows were broken by the rabble; that this assault was the beginning
and occasion of the riots that ensued. That the conduct of the mayor
seemed well justified by the affidavits produced on his part; that
the printing and publishing the depositions upon which the complaints
relating to the riots at Oxford were founded, while that matter was
under the examination of the lords of the committee of the council,
before they had time to come to any resolution touching the same, was
irregular, disrespectful to his royal highness, and tending to sedition.
An inquiry of this nature, so managed, did not much redound to the
honour of such an august assembly.

{1717}

The commons passed a bill prohibiting all commerce with Sweden, a branch
of trade which was of the utmost consequence to the English merchants.
They voted ten thousand seamen for the ensuing year; granted about a
million for the maintenance of guards, garrisons, and land-forces; and
passed the bill relating to mutiny and desertion. The house likewise
voted four-and-twenty thousand pounds for the payment of four battalions
of Munster, and two of Saxe-Gotha, which the king had taken into his
service, to supply the place of such as might be, during the rebellion,
drawn from the garrisons of the states-general to the assistance of
England. This vote, however, was not carried without a violent debate.
The demand was inveighed against as an imposition, seeing no troops
had ever served. A motion was made for an address, desiring that the
instructions of those who concluded the treaties might be laid before
the house; but this was over-ruled by the majority. The supplies were
raised by a land-tax of three shillings in the pound, and a malt-tax.
What the commons had given was not thought sufficient for the expense
of the year; therefore Mr. secretary Stanhope brought a message from his
majesty, demanding an extraordinary supply, that he might be the better
enabled to secure his kingdoms against the danger with which they were
threatened from Sweden; and he moved that a supply should be granted
to his majesty for this purpose. Mr. Shippen observed it was a great
misfortune that the king was as little acquainted with the parliamentary
proceedings as with the language of the country: that the message was
unparliamentary and unprecedented; and, in his opinion, penned by some
foreign minister: he said he had been often told that his majesty
had retrieved the honour and reputation of the nation; a truth which
appeared in the flourishing condition of trade; but that the supply
demanded seemed to be inconsistent with the glorious advantages
which his majesty had obtained for the people. He was seconded by Mr.
Hungerford, who declared that for his part he could not understand what
occasion there was for new alliances; much less that they should be
purchased with money. He expressed his surprise that a nation so lately
the terror of France and Spain should now seem to fear so inconsiderable
an enemy as the king of Sweden. The motion was supported by Mr.
Boscawen, sir Gilbert Heathcote, and others; but some of the whigs spoke
against it; and Mr. Robert Walpole was silent. The speaker, and Mr.
Smith, one of the tellers of the exchequer, opposed this unparliamentary
way of demanding the supply: the former proposed that part of the army
should be disbanded, and the money applied towards the making good
such new engagements as were deemed necessary. After several successive
debates, the resolution for a supply was carried by a majority of four
voices.

     * This year was rendered famous by a complete victory which,
     prince Eugene obtained over the Turks at Peterwaradin upon
     the Danube. The battle was fought upon the fifth day of
     August. The Imperial army did not exceed sixty thousand men;
     that of the infidels amounted to one hundred and fifty
     thousand, commanded by the grand vizier, who was mortally
     wounded in the engagement. The infidels were totally
     defeated, with the loss of all their tents, artillery, and
     baggage, so that the victors obtained an immense booty.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




DIVISION IN THE MINISTRY.

The ministry was now divided within itself. Lord Townshend had been
removed from the office of secretary of state, by the intrigues of the
earl of Sunderland; and he was now likewise dismissed from the place
of lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Mr. Robert Walpole resigned his posts of
first commissioner of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer: his
example was followed by Mr. Pulteney, secretary at war, and Mr. Methuen,
secretary of state. When the affair of the supply was resumed in the
house of commons, Mr. Stanhope made a motion for granting two hundred
and fifty thousand pounds for that purpose. Mr. Pulteney observed, that
having resigned his place, he might no w act with the freedom becoming
an Englishman: he declared against the manner of granting the supply, as
unparliamentary and unprecedented. He said he could not persuade himself
that any Englishman advised his majesty to send such a message; but he
doubted not the resolution of a British parliament would make a German
ministry tremble. Mr. Stanhope having harangued the house in vindication
of the ministry, Mr. Smith answered every article of his speech: he
affirmed, that if an estimate of the conduct of the ministry in relation
to affairs abroad was to be made from a comparison of their conduct
at home, they would not appear altogether so faultless as they were
represented. “Was it not a mistake,” said he, “not to preserve the
peace at home, after the king had ascended the throne with the universal
applause and joyful acclamations of all his subjects? Was it not
a mistake, upon the breaking out of the rebellion, not to issue a
proclamation, to offer pardon to such as should return home peaceably,
according to the custom on former occasions of the same nature? Was it
not a mistake, after the suppression of the rebellion and the trial and
execution of the principal authors of it, to keep up animosities, and
drive people to despair, by not passing an act of indemnity, by keeping
so many persons under hard and tedious confinement; and by granting
pardons to some, without leaving them any means to subsist? Is it not
a mistake, not to trust a vote of parliament for making good such
engagements as his majesty should think proper to enter into; and
instead of that, to insist on the granting this supply in such an
extraordinary manner? Is it not a mistake, to take this opportunity to
create divisions, and render some of the king’s best friends suspected
and obnoxious? Is it not a mistake, in short, to form parties and cabals
in order to bring in a bill to repeal the act of occasional conformity?”
 A great number of members had agreed to this measure in private, though
at this period it was not brought into the house of commons. After
a long debate the sum was granted. These were the first-fruits of
Britain’s being wedded to the interests of the continent. The elector
of Hanover quarrelled with the king of Sweden; and England was not only
deprived of a necessary branch of commerce, but even obliged to support
him in the prosecution of the war. The ministry now underwent a new
revolution. The earl of Sunderland and Mr. Addison were appointed
secretaries of state; Mr. Stanhope became first commission of the
treasury and chancellor of the exchequer.




THE COMMONS PASS THE SOUTH-SEA ACT, &c.

On the sixth day of May, the king, going to the house of peers, gave the
parliament to understand that the fleet under sir George Byng, which had
sailed to the Baltic to observe the motions of the Swedes, was safely
arrived in the Sound. He said he had given orders for the immediate
reduction of ten thousand soldiers, as well as directions to prepare
an act of indemnity. He desired they would take proper measures for
reducing the public debts with a just regard to parliamentary credit;
and that they would go through the public business with all possible
despatch and unanimity. Some progress had already been made in
deliberations upon the debt of the nation, which was comprehended under
the two heads of redeemable and irredeemable incumbrances. The first had
been contracted with a redeemable interest; and these the public had
a right to discharge: the others consisted of long and short annuities
granted for a greater or less number of years, which could not be
altered without the consent of the proprietors. Mr. Robert Walpole had
projected a scheme for lessening the interest and paying the capital of
those debts, before he resigned his place in the exchequer. He proposed,
in the house of commons, to reduce the interest of redeemable funds,
and offer an alternative to the proprietors of annuities. His plan was
approved; but, when he resigned his places, the ministers made some
small alterations in it, which furnished him with a pretence for
opposing the execution of the scheme. In the course of the debate,
some warm altercation passed between him and Mr. Stanhope, by which it
appeared they had made a practice of selling places and reversions. Mr.
Hungerford, standing up, said he was sorry to see two such great men
running foul of one another; that, however, they ought to be looked
upon as patriots and fathers of their country; and since they had by
mischance discovered their nakedness, the other members ought, according
to the custom of the East, to turn their backs upon them, that they
might not be seen in such a shameful condition. Mr. Boscawen moved that
the house would lay their commands upon them, that no further notice
should be taken of what had passed. He was seconded by Mr. Methuen: tha
house approved of the motion; and the speaker took their word and honour
that they should not prosecute their resentment. The money corporations
having agreed to provide cash for such creditors as should be willing to
receive their principal, the house came to certain resolutions, on which
were founded the three bills that passed into laws, under the names
of “The South-Sea act, the Bank act, and the General Fund act.” The
original stock of the South-Sea company did not exceed nine millions
four hundred and seventy-one thousand three hundred and twenty-five
pounds; but the funds granted being sufficient to answer the interest
of ten millions at six per cent., the company made up that sum to the
government, for which they received six hundred thousand pounds yearly,
and eight thousand pounds a-year for management. By this act they
declared themselves willing to receive five hundred thousand pounds,
and the eight thousand for management. It was enacted, that the company
should continue a corporation until the redemption of their annuity,
towards which not less than a million should be paid at a time. They
were likewise required to advance a sum not exceeding two millions,
towards discharging the principal and interest due on the four lottery
funds of the ninth and tenth years of queen Anne. By the Bank act the
governors and company declared themselves willing to accept an annuity
of eighty-eight thousand seven hundred and fifty-one pounds, seven
shillings and tenpence halfpenny, or the principal of one million seven
hundred and seventy-five thousand and twenty-seven pounds, seventeen
shillings and tenpence halfpenny, in lieu of the present annuity,
amounting to one hundred and six thousand five hundred and one pounds,
thirteen shillings and fivepence. They also declared themselves willing
to discharge, and deliver up to be cancelled, as many exchequer-bills
as amounted to two millions, and to accept of an annuity of one hundred
thousand pounds, being after the rate of five per cent, redeemable after
one year’s notice; to circulate the remaining exchequer-bills at
three per cent, and one penny per day. It was enacted, that the former
allowances should be continued to Christmas, and then the bank should
have for circulating the two millions five hundred and sixty-one
thousand and twenty-five pounds remaining exchequer-bills, an annuity of
seventy-six thousand eight hundred and thirty pounds, fifteen shillings,
at the rate of three pounds per cent, till redeemed, over and above the
one penny a-day for interest. By the same acts the bank was required to
advance a sum not exceeding two millions five hundred thousand pounds,
towards discharging the national debt, if wanted, on condition that they
should have five pounds per cent, for as much as they might advance,
redeemable by parliament. The General Fund act recited several acts of
parliament, for establishing the four lotteries in the ninth and tenth
years of the late queen, and stated the annual produce of the several
funds, amounting in all to seven hundred and twenty-four thousand eight
hundred and forty-nine pounds, six shillings and tenpence one-fifth.
This was the General Fund; the deficiency of which was to be made good
annually out of the first aids granted by parliament. For the regular
payment of all such annuities as should be made payable by this act, it
was enacted, that all the duties and revenues mentioned therein should
continue for ever, with the proviso, however, that the revenues
rendered by this act perpetual should be subject to redemption. This
act contained a clause by which the sinking fund was established. The
reduction of interest to five per cent, producing a surplus or excess
upon the appropriated funds, it was enacted, that all the monies arising
from time to time, as well for the surplus, by virtue of the acts for
redeeming the funds of the hank and of the South-Sea Company, as also
for the surplus of the duties and revenues by this act appropriated to
make good the general fund, should be appropriated and employed for
the discharging the principal and interest of such national debt as was
incurred before the twenty-fifth of December of the preceding year, in
such a manner as should be directed and appointed by any future act
of parliament, to be discharged out of the game, and for no other use,
intent, or purpose whatsoever.




TRIAL OF THE EARL OF OXFORD.

The earl of Oxford, who had now remained almost two years a prisoner in
the Tower, presented a petition to the house of lords, praying that his
imprisonment might not be indefinite. Some of the tory lords affirmed
that the impeachment was destroyed and determined by the prorogation of
parliament, which superseded the whole proceedings; but the contrary was
voted by a considerable majority. The thirteenth day of June was fixed
for the trial; and the house of commons made acquainted with this
determination. The commons appointed a committee to inquire into the
state of the earl’s impeachment; and, in consequence of their report,
sent a message to the lords demanding longer time to prepare for trial.
Accordingly the day was prolonged to the twenty-fourth of June; and the
commons appointed the committee, with four other members, to be managers
for making good the articles of impeachment. At the appointed time
the peers repaired to the court in Westminster-hall, where lord Cowper
presided as lord steward. The commons were assembled as a committee of
the whole house; the king, the rest of the royal family, and the foreign
ministers, assisted at the solemnity; the earl of Oxford was brought
from the Tower; the articles of impeachment were read, with his answers,
and the replication of the commons. Sir Joseph Jekyll standing up to
make good the first article, lord Har-court signified to their lordships
that he had a motion to make, and they adjourned to their own house.
There he represented that a great deal of time would be unnecessarily
consumed in going through all the articles of the impeachment; that if
the commons would make good the two articles for high treason, the earl
of Oxford would forfeit both life and estate, and there would be an end
of the matter; whereas to proceed on the method proposed by the commons,
would draw the trial on to a prodigious length. He therefore moved that
the commons might not be permitted to proceed until judgment should be
first given upon the articles of high treason. He was supported by the
earls of Anglesea and Nottingham, the lord Trevor, and a considerable
number of both parties; and though opposed by the earl of Sunderland,
the lords Coningsby and Parker, the motion was carried in the
affirmative. It produced a dispute between the two houses. The commons,
at a conference, delivered a paper containing their reasons for
asserting it as their undoubted right to impeach a peer either for
treason, or for high crimes and misdemeanors; or, should they see
occasion, to mix both in the same accusation. The house of lords
insisted on their former resolution; and, in another conference,
delivered a paper wherein they asserted it to be a right inherent in
every court of justice, to order and direct such methods of proceeding
as it should think fit to be observed in all causes that fell under its
cognizance. The commons demanded a free conference, which was refused.
The dispute grew more and more warm. The lords sent a message to the
lower house, importing that they intended presently to proceed on
the trial of the earl of Oxford. The commons paid no regard to this
intimation; but adjourned to the third day of July. The lords, repairing
to Westminster-hall, took their places, ordered the earl to be brought
to the bar, and made proclamation for his accusers to appear. Having
waited a quarter of an hour, they adjourned to their own house,
where, after some debate, the earl was acquitted upon a division; then
returning to the hall, they voted that he should be set at liberty.
Oxford owed his safety to the dissensions among the ministers, and to
the late change in the administration. In consequence of this, he
was delivered from the persecution of Walpole; and numbered among his
friends the dukes of Devonshire and Argyle, the earls of Nottingham and
Hay, and lord Townshend. The commons, in order to express their sense
of his demerit, presented an address to the king, desiring he might be
excepted out of the intended act of grace. The king promised to comply
with their request; and in the meantime forbade the earl to appear at
court. On the fifteenth day of July, the earl of Sunderland delivered
in the house of peers the act of grace, which passed through both houses
with great expedition. From this indulgence were excepted the earl of
Oxford, Mr. Prior, Mr. Thomas Harley, Mr. Arthur Moore; Crisp, Nodes,
O’Bryan, Redmarne the printer, and Thompson; as also the assassinators
in Newgate, and the clan of Macgregor in Scotland. By virtue of this
act, the earl of Carnwath, the lords Widrington and Nairn, were
immediately discharged; together with all the gentlemen under sentence
of death in Newgate, and those that were confined on account of the
rebellion in the Fleet, the Marshalsea, and other prisons of the
kingdom. The act of grace being prepared for the royal assent, the king
went to the house of peers on the fifteenth day of July, and having
given his sanction to all the bills that were ready, closed the session
with a speech on the usual topics.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVOCATION WITH REGARD TO DR. HOADLEY.

The proceedings in the convocation turned chiefly upon two performances
of Dr. Hoadley, bishop of Bangor. One was intituled, “A Preservative
against the Principles and Practices of the Nonjurors;” the other was a
sermon preached before the king, under the title of “The Nature of the
Kingdom of Christ.” An answer to this discourse was published by
Dr. Snape, master of Eton college, and this convocation appointed a
committee to examine the bishop’s two performances. They drew up a
representation in which the Preservative and the Sermon were censured,
as tending to subvert all government and discipline in the church of
Christ; to reduce his kingdom to a state of anarchy and confusion; to
impugn and impeach the royal supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, and the
authority of the legislature to enforce obedience in matters of religion
by civil sanctions. The government thought proper to put a stop to these
proceedings by a prorogation; which, however, inflamed the controversy.
A great number of pens were drawn against the bishop, but his chief
antagonists were Dr. Snape and Dr. Sherlock, whom the king removed from
the office of his chaplains; and the convocation has not been permitted
to sit and do business since that period.




CHAPTER II.

     _Difference between King George and the Czar of Muscovy.....
     The King of Sweden is killed at Frederickstadt.....
     Negotiation for a Quadruple Alliance..... Proceedings in
     Parliament..... James Shepherd executed for a Design against
     the King’s Life..... Parliament prorogued..... Nature of the
     quadruple Alliance..... Admiral Byng sails to the
     Mediterranean..... He destroys the Spanish Fleet off Cape
     Passaro..... Remonstrances of the Spanish Ministry.....
     Disputes in Parliament touching the Admiral’s attacking the
     Spanish Fleet..... Act for strengthening the Protestant
     Interest----War declared against Spain..... Conspiracy
     against the Regent of France..... Intended Invasion by the
     Duke of Ormond..... Three hundred Spaniards land and are
     taken in Scotland..... Account of the Peerage Bill.....
     Count Merci assumes the Command of the Imperial Army in
     Sicily..... Activity of Admiral Byng..... The Spanish Troops
     evacuate Sicily..... Philip obliged to accede to the
     quadruple Alliance..... Bill for securing the Dependency of
     Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain..... South Sea
     Act..... Charters granted to the Royal and London Assurance
     Offices..... Treaty of Alliance with Sweden..... The Prince of
     Hesse elected King of Sweden..... Effects of the South Sea
     Scheme..... The Bubble breaks..... A Secret Committee
     appointed by the House of Commons..... Inquiry carried on by
     both Houses..... Death of Earl Stanhope and Mr. Craggs, both
     Secretaries of State..... The Estates of the Directors of
     the South Sea Company are confiscated..... Proceedings of the
     Commons with respect to the Stock of the South Sea Company._

{1717}




DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY.

During these transactions, the negotiations of the north were continued
against the king of Sweden, who had penetrated into Norway, and advanced
towards Christianstadt, the capital of that kingdom. The czar had sent
five-and-twenty thousand Russians to assist the allies in the reduction
of Wismar, which he intended to bestow upon his niece, lately married
to the duke of Mecklenburgh-Schwerin: but before his troops arrived
the place had surrendered, and the Russians were not admitted into the
garrison; a circumstance which increased the misunderstanding between
him and the king of Great Britain. Nevertheless, he consented to a
project for making a descent upon Schonen, and actually took upon him
the command of the allied fleet; though he was not at all pleased to
see sir John Norris in the Baltic, because he had formed designs against
Denmark, which he knew the English squadron would protect. He suddenly
desisted from the expedition against Schonen, on pretence that the
season was too far advanced; and the king of Denmark published a
manifesto, remonstrating against his conduct on this occasion. By this
time baron Gortz had planned a pacification between his master and the
czar, who was discontented with all his German allies, because they
opposed his having any footing in the empire. This monarch arrived at
Amsterdam in December, whether he was followed by the czarina; and he
actually resided at the Hague when king George passed through it, in
returning to his British dominions, but he declined an interview with
the king of England. When Gyllenburgh’s letters were published in
London, some passages seemed to favour the supposition of the czar’s
being privy to the conspiracy. His minister at the English court
presented a long memorial, complaining that the king had caused to be
printed the malicious insinuations of his enemies. He denied his having
the least concern in the design of the Swedish king. He charged the
court of England with having privately treated of a separate peace with
Charles, and even with having promised to assist him against the czar,
on condition that he would relinquish his pretensions to Bremen and
Verden. Nevertheless, he expressed an inclination to re-establish the
ancient good understanding, and to engage in vigorous measures for
prosecuting the war against the common enemy. The memorial was answered
by the king of Great Britain, who assured the czar he should have reason
to be fully satisfied, if he would remove the only obstacle to their
mutual good understanding; in other words, withdraw the Russian troops
from the empire. Notwithstanding these professions, the two monarchs
were never perfectly reconciled.




THE KING OF SWEDEN IS KILLED.

The czar made an excursion to the court of France, where he concluded
a treaty of friendship with the regent, at whose earnest desire he
promised to recall his troops from Mecklenburgh. At his return to
Amsterdam, he had a private interview with Gortz, who, as well as
Gyllenburgh, had been set at liberty. Gortz undertook to adjust all
difference between the czar and the king of Sweden within three months;
and Peter engaged to suspend all operations against Sweden until that
term should be expired. A congress was opened at Abo, between the
Swedish and Russian ministers, but the conferences were afterwards
removed to Aland. By this convention, the czar obliged himself to assist
Charles in the conquest of Norway; and they promised to unite all their
forces against the king of Great Britain should he presume to interpose.
Both were incensed against that prince; and one part of their design
was to raise the pretender to the throne of England. Baron Gortz set out
from Aland for Frederickstadt in Norway, with the plan of peace: but,
before he arrived, Charles was killed by a cannon ball from the town, as
he visited the trenches, on the thirtieth of November. Baron Gortz
was immediately arrested, and brought to the scaffold by the nobles of
Sweden, whose hatred he had incurred by his insolence of behaviour. The
death of Charles was fortunate for king George. Sweden was now obliged
to submit; while the czar, the king of Denmark, and the elector of
Hanover, kept possession of what they had acquired in the course of the
war.




NEGOTIATION FOR A QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE.

Thus Bremen and Verden were secured in the house of Hanover; an
acquisition towards which the English nation contributed by her money,
as well as by her arms; an acquisition made in contradiction to
the engagements into which England entered when king William became
guarantee for the treaty of Travendahl; an acquisition that may be
considered as the first link of a political chain by which the English
nation were dragged back into expensive connexions with the continent.
The king had not yet received the investiture of the duchies; and, until
that should be procured, it was necessary to espouse with warmth the
interests of the emperor. This was another source of misunderstanding
between Great Britain and Spain. Prince Eugene gained another complete
victory over a prodigious army of the Turks at Belgrade, which was
surrendered to him after the battle. The emperor had engaged in this war
as an ally of the Venetians, whom the Turks had attacked and driven
from the Morea. The pope considered it as a religious war against the
infidels, and obtained repeated assurances from the king of Spain
that he would not undertake any thing against the emperor while he was
engaged in such a laudable quarrel. Philip had even sent a squadron of
ships and galleys to the assistance of the Venetians. In the course of
this year, however, he equipped a strong armament, the command of which
was bestowed on the marquis de Lede, who sailed from Barcelona in July,
and landing at Cagliari in Sardinia, which belonged to the emperor,
made a conquest of the whole island. At the same time, the king of Spain
endeavoured to justify these proceedings by a manifesto, in which he
alleged that the archduke, contrary to the faith of treaties, encouraged
and supported the rebellion of his subjects in Catalonia, by frequent
succours from Naples and other places; and that the great inquisitor
of Spain had been seized, though furnished with a passport from his
holiness. He promised however to proceed no further, and suspend all
operations, that the powers of Europe might have time and opportunity
to contrive expedients for reconciling all differences, and securing
the peace and balance of power in Italy; nay, he consented that this
important affair should be left to the arbitration of king George and
the states-general. These powers undertook the office. Conferences
were begun between the ministers of the emperor, France, England, and
Holland; and these produced, in the course of the following year, the
famous quadruple alliance. In this treaty it was stipulated, that the
emperor should renounce all pretensions to the crown of Spain, and
exchange Sardinia for Sicily with the duke of Savoy; that the succession
to the duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, which the queen of
Spain claimed by inheritance as princess of the house of Farnese, should
be settled on her eldest son, in case the present possessors should die
without male issue. Philip, dissatisfied with this partition, continued
to make formidable preparations by sea and land. The king of England
and the regent of France interposed their admonitions to no purpose. At
length his Britannic majesty had recourse to more substantial arguments,
and ordered a strong squadron to be equipped with all possible
expedition. [206] _[See note 2 H, at the end of this Vol.]_




PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

On the third day of November, the princess of Wales was delivered of
a prince, the ceremony of whose baptism was productive of a difference
between the grandfather and the father. The prince of Wales intended
that his uncle, the duke of York, should stand godfather. The king
ordered the duke of Newcastle to stand for himself. After the ceremony,
the prince expressed his resentment against this nobleman in very warm
terms. The king ordered the prince to confine himself within his own
apartment; and afterwards signified his pleasure that he should quit the
palace of St. James’. He retired with the princess to a house belonging
to the earl of Grantham; but the children were detained at the palace.
All peers and peeresses, and all privy-counsellors and their wives, were
given to understand, that in case they visited the prince and princess
they should have no access to his majesty’s presence; and all who
enjoyed posts and places under both king and prince, were obliged to
quit the service of one or other at their option. When the parliament
met on the twenty-first day of November, the king, in his speech, told
both houses that he had reduced the army to very near one half, since
the beginning of the last session: he expressed his desire that all
those who were friends to the present happy establishment, might
unanimously concur in some proper method for the greater strengthening
the protestant interest, of which, as the church of England was
unquestionably the main support and bulwark, so would she reap the
principal benefit of every advantage accruing from the union and mutual
charity of all protestants. After the addresses of thanks, which
were couched in the usual style, the commons proceeded to take into
consideration the estimates and accounts, in order to settle the
establishment of the army, navy, and ordnance. Ten thousand men were
voted for the sea service. When the supply for the army fell under
deliberation, a very warm debate ensued upon the number of troops
necessary to be maintained. Sir William Wyndham, Mr. Shippen, and Mr.
Walpole, in a long elaborate harangue, insisted upon its being reduced
to twelve thousand. They were answered by Mr. Craggs, secretary at war,
and sir David Dalrymple. Mr. Shippen, in the course of the debate, said
the second paragraph of the king’s speech seemed rather to be calculated
for the meridian of Germany than for Great Britain; and it was a
great misfortune that the king was a stranger to our language and
constitution. Mr. Lechmere affirmed this was a scandalous invective
against the king’s person and government; and moved that he who uttered
it should be sent to the Tower. Mr. Shippen, refusing to retract or
excuse what he had said, was voted to the Tower by a great majority;
and the number of standing forces was fixed at sixteen thousand three
hundred and forty-seven effective men.

On account of the great scarcity of silver coin, occasioned by the
exportation of silver and the importation of gold, a motion was made to
put a stop to this growing evil, by lowering the value of gold specie.
The commons examined a representation which had been made to the
treasury by sir Isaac Newton, master of the mint, on this subject. Mr.
Caswel explained the nature of a clandestine trade carried on by the
Dutch and Ham-burghers, in concert with the Jews of England and other
traders, for exporting the silver coin and importing gold, which being
coined at the mint yielded a profit of fifteen pence upon every guinea.
The house, in an address to the king, desired that a proclamation might
be issued, forbidding all persons to utter or receive guineas at a
higher rate than one-and-twenty shillings each. His majesty complied
with that request: but people hoarding up their silver in hopes that the
price of it would be raised, or in apprehension that the gold would be
lowered still farther, the two houses resolved that the standard of the
gold and silver coins of the kingdom should not be altered in fineness,
weight, or denomination, and they ordered a bill to be brought in to
prevent the melting down of the silver coin. At this period, one James
Shepherd, a youth of eighteen, apprentice to a coachmaker, and an
enthusiast in jacobitism, sent a letter to a nonjuring clergyman,
proposing a scheme for assassinating king George. He was immediately
apprehended, owned the design, was tried, condemned, and executed at
Tyburn. This was likewise the fate of the marquis de Palleotti, an
Italian nobleman, brother to the duchess of Shrewsbury. He had, in a
transport of passion, killed his own servant; and seemed indeed to be
disordered in his brain. After he had received sentence of death, the
king’s pardon was earnestly solicited by his sister the duchess, and
many other persons of the first distinction; but the common people
became so clamorous, that it was thought dangerous to rescue him from
the penalties of the law, which he accordingly underwent in the most
ignominious manner. No subject produced so much heat and altercation
in parliament during this session, as did the bill for regulating the
land-forces, and punishing mutiny and desertion: a bill which was looked
upon as an encroachment upon the liberties and constitution of England,
inasmuch as it established martial law, which wrested from the civil
magistrate the cognizance of crimes and misdemeanors committed by the
soldiers and officers of the army; a jurisdiction inconsistent with the
genius and disposition of the people. The dangers that might accrue from
such a power were explained in the lower house by Mr. Hutchinson, Mr.
Harley, and Mr. Robert Walpole, which last, however, voted afterwards
for the bill. In the house of lords, it was strenuously opposed by the
earls of Oxford, Strafford, and lord Harcourt. Their objections were
answered by lord Carteret. The bill passed by a great majority; but
divers lords entered a protest. This affair being discussed, a bill was
brought in for vesting in trustees the forfeited estates in Britain
and Ireland, to be sold for the use of the public; for giving relief to
lawful creditors by determining the claims, and for the more effectual
bringing into the respective exchequers the rents and profits of the
estates till sold. The time of claiming was prolonged; the sum of twenty
thousand pounds was reserved out of the sale of the estates in Scotland,
for erecting schools; and eight thousand pounds for building barracks
in that kingdom. The king having signified, by a message to the house
of commons, that he had lately received such information from abroad,
as gave reason to believe that a naval force employed where it should be
necessary, would give weight to his endeavours; he therefore thought fit
to acquaint the house with this circumstance, not doubting but that
in case he should be obliged, at this critical juncture, to exceed the
number of men granted this year for the sea-service, the house would
provide for such exceeding. The commons immediately drew up and
presented an address, assuring his majesty that they would make good
such exceedings of seamen as he should find necessary to preserve the
tranquillity of Europe. On the twenty-first day of March, the king went
to the house of peers, and having passed the bills that were ready for
the royal assent, ordered the parliament to be prorogued.*

     * Earl Cowper, lord chancellor, resigned the great seal,
     which was at first put in commission, but afterwards given
     to lord Parker, as high chancellor. The earl of Sunderland
     was made president of the council, and first commissioner of
     the treasury. Lord Stanhope and Mr. Craggs were appointed
     secretaries of state. Lord Stanhope and lord Cadogan were
     afterwards created earls.

{1718}




NATURE OF THE QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE.

The king of Spain, by the care and indefatigable diligence of his prime
minister, cardinal Alberoni, equipped a very formidable armament, which,
in the beginning of June, set sail from Barcelona towards Italy; but the
destination of it was not known. A strong squadron having been fitted
out in England, the marquis de Monteleone, ambassador from Spain,
presented a memorial to the British ministry, importing that so powerful
an armament in time of peace could not but give umbrage to the king his
master, and alter the good intelligence that subsisted between the two
crowns. In answer to this representation, the ministers declared that
the king intended to send admiral Byng with a powerful squadron into
the Mediterranean, to maintain the neutrality in Italy. Meanwhile,
the negotiations between the English and French ministers produced the
quadruple alliance, by which king George and the regent prescribed a
peace between the emperor, the king of Spain, and the king of Sicily,
and undertook to compel Philip and the Savoyard to submit to such
conditions as they had concerted with his Imperial majesty. These powers
were allowed only three months to consider the articles, and declare
whether they would reject them, or acquiesce in the partition. Nothing
could be more contradictory to the true interests of Great Britain than
this treaty, which destroyed the balance in Italy, by throwing such
an accession of power into the hands of the house of Austria. It
interrupted the commerce with Spain; involved the kingdom in an
immediate war with that monarchy; and gave rise to all the quarrels and
disputes which have arisen between England and Spain in the sequel. The
states-general did not approve of such violent measures, and for some
time kept aloof; but at length they acceded to the quadruple alliance,
which indeed was no other than a very expensive compliment to the
emperor, who was desirous of adding Sicily to his other Italian
dominions.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




ADMIRAL BYNG SAILS.

The king of England had used some endeavours to compromise the
difference between his Imperial majesty and the Spanish branch of the
house of Bourbon. Lord Stanhope had been sent to Madrid with a plan of
pacification, which being rejected by Philip as partial and iniquitous,
the king determined to support his mediation by force of arms. Sir
George Byng sailed from Spithead on the fourth day of June, with
twenty ships of the line, two fire-ships, two bomb-vessels, and ample
instructions how to act on all emergencies. He arrived off Cape St.
Vincent on the thirtieth day of the month, and despatched his secretary
to Cadiz, with a letter to colonel Stanhope, the British minister
at Madrid, desiring him to inform his most catholic majesty of the
admiral’s arrival in those parts, and lay before him this article of his
instructions: “You are to make instances with both parties to cease from
using any further acts of hostility: but in case the Spaniards do still
insist, with their ships of war and forces, to attack the kingdom of
Naples, or other the territories of the emperor in Italy, or to land
in any part of Italy, which can only be with a design to invade the
emperor’s dominions, against whom only they have declared war by
invading Sardinia; or, if they should endeavour to make themselves
masters of the kingdom of Sicily, which must be with a design to invade
the kingdom of Naples; in which case you are, with all your power,
to hinder and obstruct the same. If it should so happen that at your
arrival with our fleet under your command, in the Mediterranean, the
Spaniards should already have landed any troops in Italy in order
to invade the emperor’s territories, you shall endeavour amicably to
dissuade them from persevering in such an attempt, and offer them your
assistance to help them to withdraw their troops, and put an end to all
further acts of hostility. But in case these your friendly endeavours
should prove ineffectual, you shall, by keeping company with, or
intercepting their ships or convoy; or if it be necessary, by openly
opposing them, defend the emperor’s territories from any further
attempt.” When cardinal Alberoni perused these instructions, he told
colonel Stanhope, with some warmth, that his master would run all
hazards, and even suffer himself to be driven out of Spain, rather
than recall his troops, or consent to a suspension of arms. He said the
Spaniards were not to be frightened; and he was so well convinced that
the fleet would do their duty, that in case of their being attacked
by Admiral Byng, he should be in no pain for the success. Mr. Stanhope
presenting him with a list of the British squadron, he threw it upon the
ground with great emotion. He promised, however, to lay the admiral’s
letter before the king, and to let the envoy know his majesty’s
resolution. Such an interposition could not but be very provoking to the
Spanish minister, who had laid his account with the conquest of
Sicily, and for that purpose prepared an armament which was altogether
surprising, considering the late shattered condition of the Spanish
affairs. But he seems to have put too much confidence in the strength
of the Spanish fleet. In a few days he sent back the admiral’s letter
to Mr. Stanhope, with a note under it, importing that the chevalier Byng
might execute the orders he had received from the king his master.




HE DESTROYS THE SPANISH FLEET.

The admiral, in passing by Gibraltar, was joined by vice-admiral
Cornwall with two ships. He proceeded to Minorca, where he relieved the
garrison of Port-Mahon. Then he sailed for Naples, where he arrived
on the first day of August, and was received as a deliverer; for the
Neapolitans had been under the utmost terror of an invasion from the
Spaniards. Sir George Byng received intelligence from the viceroy, count
Daun, who treated him with the most distinguishing marks of respect,
that the Spanish army, amounting to thirty thousand men, commanded by
the marquis de Lede, had landed in Sicily, reduced Palermo and Messina,
and were then employed in the siege of the citadel belonging to this
last city; that the Piedmontese garrison would be obliged to surrender
if not speedily relieved; that an alliance was upon the carpet
between the emperor and the king of Sicily, which last had desired the
assistance of the Imperial troops, and agreed to receive them into the
citadel of Messina. The admiral immediately resolved to sail thither,
and took under his convoy a reinforcement of two thousand Germans for
the citadel, under the command of general Wetzel. He forthwith sailed
from Naples, and on the ninth day of August was in sight of the Faro
of Messina. He despatched his own captain with a polite message to the
marquis de Lede, proposing a cessation of arms in Sicily for two months,
that the powers of Europe might have time to concert measures for
restoring a lasting peace; and declaring, that should this proposal be
rejected, he would, in pursuance of his instructions, use all his force
to prevent further attempts to disturb the dominions his master had
engaged to defend. The Spanish general answered, that he had no powers
to treat, and consequently could not agree to an armistice, but should
obey his orders, which directed him to reduce Sicily for his master the
king of Spain. The Spanish fleet had sailed from the harbour of Messina
on the day before the English squadron appeared. Admiral Byng supposed
they had retired to Malta, and directed his course towards Messina,
in order to encourage and support the garrison in the citadel. But in
doubling the point of Faro, he descried two Spanish scouts, and learned
from the people of a felucca from the Calabrian shore, that they had
seen from the hills the Spanish fleet lying to in order of battle. The
admiral immediately detached the German troops to Reggio, under the
convoy of two ships of war. Then he stood through the Faro after the
Spanish scouts that led him to their main fleet, which before noon he
descried in line of battle, amounting to seven-and-twenty sail large
and small, besides two fire-ships, four bomb-vessels, and seven galleys.
They were commanded in chief by don Antonio de Castanita, under whom
were the four rear-admirals Chacon, Mari, Guevara, and Cammock. At
sight of the English squadron they stood away large, and Byng gave
chase all the rest of the day. In the morning, which was the eleventh
of August, rear-admiral de Mari, with six ships of war, the galleys,
fire-ships, and bomb-ketches, separated from the main fleet, and stood
in for the Sicilian shore. The English admiral detached captain Walton
with five ships in pursuit of them; and they were soon engaged. He
himself continued to chase their main fleet; and about ten o’clock the
battle began. The Spaniards seemed to be distracted in their councils,
and acted in confusion. They made a running fight; yet the admirals
behaved with courage and activity, in spite of which they were all
taken, except Cammock, who made his escape with three ships of war and
three frigates. In this engagement, which happened off Cape
Passaro, captain Haddock of the Grafton signalized his courage in an
extraordinary manner. On the eighteenth the admiral received a letter*
from captain Walton, dated off Syracuse, intimating that he had taken
four Spanish ships of war, together with a bomb-ketch, and a vessel
laden with arms: and that he had burned four ships of the line, a
fire-ship, and a bomb vessel.

     * This letter is justly deemed a curious specimen of the
     laconic style. “Sir,--_We have taken and destroyed all the
     Spanish ships and vessels which were upon the coast; the
     number as per margin. I am, &c._
     G. WALTON.”

Had the Spaniards followed the advice of rear-admiral Cammock, who was a
native of Ireland, sir George Byng would not have obtained such an easy
victory. That officer proposed that they should remain at anchor in the
road of Paradise, with their broadsides to the sea; in which case the
English admiral would have found it a very difficult task to attack
them; for the coast is so bold, that the largest ships could ride with a
cable ashore; whereas farther out the currents are so various and rapid,
that the English squadron could not have come to anchor, or lie
near them in order of battle; besides the Spaniards might have been
reinforced from the army on shore, which would have raised batteries to
annoy the assailants. Before king George had received an account of this
engagement from the admiral, he wrote him a letter with his own hand,
approving his conduct. When sir George’s eldest son arrived in England
with a circumstantial account of the action, he was graciously received,
and sent back with plenipotentiary powers to his father, that he might
negotiate with the several princes and states of Italy, as he should
see occasion. The son likewise carried the king’s royal grant to
the officers and seamen, of all the prizes they had taken from the
Spaniards. Notwithstanding this victory, the Spanish army carried on
the siege of the citadel of Messina with such vigour, that the governor
surrendered the place by capitulation on the twenty-ninth day of
September. A treaty was now concluded at Vienna between the emperor
and the duke of Savoy. They agreed to form an army for the conquest of
Sardinia in behalf of the duke; and in the meantime this prince engaged
to evacuate Sicily; but until his troops could be conveyed from that
island, he consented that they should co-operate with the Germans
against the common enemy. Admiral Byng continued to assist the
Imperialists in Sicily during the best part of the winter, by scouring
the seas of the Spaniards, and keeping the communication open between
the German forces and the Calabrian shore, from whence they were
supplied with provisions. He acted in this service with equal conduct,
courage, resolution, and activity. He conferred with the viceroy of
Naples and the other Imperial generals, about the operations of the
ensuing campaign, and count Hamilton was despatched to Vienna to lay
before the emperor the result of their deliberations; then the admiral
set sail for Mahon, where the ships might be refitted and put in a
condition to take the sea in the spring.




REMONSTRANCES OF THE SPANISH MINISTRY.

The destruction of the Spanish fleet was a subject that employed the
deliberations and conjectures of all the politicians in Europe. Spain
exclaimed against the conduct of England, as inconsistent with the
rules of good faith, for the observation of which she had always been
so famous. The marquis de Monteleone wrote a letter to Mr. secretary
Craggs, in which he expostulated with him upon such an unprecedented
outrage. Cardinal Alberoni, in a letter to that minister, inveighed
against it as a base unworthy action. He said the neutrality of Italy
was a weak pretence, since every body knew that neutrality had long been
at an end; and that the prince’s guarantees of the treaty of Utrecht
were entirely discharged from their engagements, not only by the
scandalous infringements committed by the Austrians in the evacuation
of Catalonia and Majorca; but also because the guarantee was no longer
binding than till a peace was concluded with France. He taxed the
British ministry with having revived and supported this neutrality, not
by an amicable mediation, but by open violence, and artfully abusing
the confidence and security of the Spaniards. This was the language of
disappointed ambition. Nevertheless it must be owned that the conduct of
England, on this occasion, was irregular, partial, and precipitate.

The parliament meeting on the eleventh day of November, the king in his
speech declared that the court of Spain had rejected all his amicable
proposals, and broke through their most solemn engagements for the
security of the British commerce. To vindicate, therefore, the faith of
his former treaties, as well as to maintain those he had lately made,
and to protect and defend the trade of his subjects, which had in every
branch been violently and unjustly oppressed, it became necessary for
his naval forces to check their progress; that notwithstanding the
success of his arms, that court had lately given orders at all the
ports of Spain and of the West Indies to fit out privateers against the
English. He said he was persuaded that a British parliament would enable
him to resent such treatment; and he assured them that his good brother,
the regent of France, was ready to concur with him in the most vigorous
measures. A strong opposition was made in both houses to the motion
for an address of thanks and congratulation proposed by lord Carteret.
Several peers observed that such an address was, in effect, to approve
a sea-fight, which might be attended with dangerous consequences, and
to give the sanction of that august assembly to measures which, upon
examination, might appear either to clash with the law of nations or
former treaties, or to be prejudicial to the trade of Great Britain;
that they ought to proceed with the utmost caution and maturest
deliberation, in an affair wherein the honour as well as the interest
of the nation were so highly concerned. Lord Strafford moved for an
address, that sir George Byng’s instructions might be laid before the
house. Earl Stanhope replied, that there was no occasion for such an
address, since by his majesty’s command he had already laid before
the house the treaties of which the late sea-fight was a consequence;
particularly the treaty for a defensive alliance between the emperor and
his majesty, concluded at Westminster on the twenty-fifth day of May,
in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixteen; and the treaty of
alliance for restoring and settling the public peace, signed at London
on the twenty-second day of July. He affirmed that the court of Spain
had violated the treaty of Utrecht, and acted against the public faith
in attacking the emperor’s dominions, while he was engaged in a war
against the enemies of Christendom; that they had rejected his majesty’s
friendly offices and offers for mediating an accommodation. He explained
the cause of his own journey to Spain, and his negotiations at Madrid.
He added, it was high time to check the growth of the naval power of
Spain, in order to protect and secure the trade of the British subjects
which had been violently oppressed by the Spaniards. After a long
debate, the motion was carried by a considerable majority. The same
subject excited disputes of the same nature in the house of commons,
where lord Hinchinbroke moved that, in their address of thanks, they
should declare their entire satisfaction in those measures which the
king had already taken for strengthening the protestant succession,
and establishing a lasting tranquillity in Europe. The members in the
opposition urged that it was unparliamentary and unprecedented, on the
first day of the session, to enter upon particulars; that the business
in question was of the highest importance, and deserved the most mature
deliberation; that, before they approved the measures which had been
taken, they ought to examine the reasons on which those measures were
founded. Mr. Robert Walpole affirmed that the giving sanction, in the
manner proposed, to the late measures, could have no other view than
that of screening ministers, who were conscious of having begun a
war against Spain, and now wanted to make it the parliament’s war. He
observed, that instead of an entire satisfaction, they ought to express
their entire dissatisfaction with such conduct as was contrary to the
law of nations, and a breach of the most solemn treaties. Mr. secretary
Craggs, in a long speech, explained the nature of the quadruple
alliance, and justified all the measures which had been taken. The
address, as moved by lord Hinchinbroke, was at length carried, and
presented to his majesty. Then the commons proceeded to consider the
supply. They voted thirteen thousand five hundred sailors; and twelve
thousand four hundred and thirty-five men for the land service. The
whole estimate amounted to two millions two hundred and fifty-seven
thousand five hundred eighty-one pounds, nineteen shillings. The money
was raised by a land-tax, malt-tax, and lottery.




ACT FOR STRENGTHENING THE PROTESTANT INTEREST.

On the thirteenth day of December, earl Stanhope declared, in the house
of lords, that in order to unite the hearts of the well affected to the
present establishment, he had a bill to offer under the title of “An
act for strengthening the protestant interest in these kingdoms.” It was
accordingly read, and appeared to be a bill repealing the acts against
occasional conformity, the growth of schism, and some clauses in the
corporation and test acts. This had been concerted by the ministry in
private meetings with the most eminent dissenters. The tory lords were
astonished at this motion, for which they were altogether unprepared.
Nevertheless they were strenuous in their opposition. They alleged that
the bill, instead of strengthening, would certainly weaken the church of
England, by plucking off her best feathers, investing her enemies with
power, and sharing with churchmen the civil and military employments
of which they were then wholly possessed. Earl Cowper declared himself
against that part of the bill by which some clauses of the test and
corporation acts were repealed; because he looked upon those acts as the
main bulwark of our excellent constitution in church and state, which
ought to be inviolably preserved. The earl of Hay opposed the bill,
because, in his opinion, it infringed the _pacta conventa_ of the treaty
of union, by which the bonds both of the church of England and of the
church of Scotland were fixed and settled; and he was apprehensive,
if the articles of the union were broke with respect to one church, it
might afterwards be a precedent to break them with respect to the other.
The archbishop of Canterbury said the acts which by this bill would be
repealed, were the main bulwark and supporters of the English church;
he expressed all imaginable tenderness for well-meaning conscientious
dissenters; but he could not forbear saying, some among that sect made a
wrong use of the favour and indulgence shown to them at the revolution,
though they had the least share in that happy event; it was therefore
thought necessary for the legislature to interpose, and put a stop to
the scandalous practice of occasional conformity. He added, that it
would be needless to repeal the act against schism, since no advantage
had been taken of it to the prejudice of the dissenters. Dr. Hoadley,
bishop of Bangor, endeavoured to prove that the occasional and schism
acts were in effect persecuting laws; and that by admitting the
principle of self-defence and self-preservation in matters of religion,
all the persecutions maintained by the heathens against the professors
of Christianity, and even the popish inquisition, might be justified.
With respect to the power of which many clergymen appeared so fond and
so zealous, he owned the desire of power and riches was natural to all
men; but that he had learned both from reason and from the gospel, that
this desire must be kept within due bounds, and not intrench upon the
rights and liberties of their fellow-creatures and countrymen. After a
long debate, the house agreed to leave out some clauses concerning the
test and corporation acts: then the bill was committed, and afterwards
passed. In the lower house it met with violent opposition, in spite of
which it was carried by the majority.




WAR DECLARED AGAINST SPAIN.

The king on the seventeenth day of December, sent a message to the
commons, importing that all his endeavours to procure redress for
the injuries done to his subjects by the king of Spain having proved
ineffectual, he had found it necessary to declare war against that
monarch. When a motion was made for an address, to assure the king they
would cheerfully support him in the prosecution of the war, Mr. Shippen
and some other members said, they did not see the necessity of involving
the nation in a war on account of some grievances of which the merchants
complained, as these might be amicably redressed. Mr. Stanhope assured
the house that he had presented five-and-twenty memorials to the
ministry of Spain on that subject without success. Mr. Methuen accounted
for the dilatory proceeds of the Spanish court in commercial affairs, by
explaining the great variety of regulations in the several provinces
and ports of that kingdom. It was suggested that the ministry paid very
little regard to the trade and interest of the nation, inasmuch as it
appeared by the answer from the secretary of state to the letter of the
marquis de Monteleone, that they would have overlooked the violation
of the treaties of commerce, provided Spain had accepted the conditions
stipulated in the quadruple alliance; for it was there expressly said,
that his majesty the king of Great Britain did not seek to aggrandize
himself by any new acquisitions, but was rather inclined to sacrifice
something of his own to procure the general quiet and tranquillity of
Europe. A member observed, that nobody could tell how far that sacrifice
would have extended, but certainly it was a very uncommon stretch of
condescension. This sacrifice was said to be the cession of Gibraltar
and Port Mahon, which the regent of France had offered to the king
of Spain, provided he would accede to the quadruple alliance. Horatio
Walpole observed, that the disposition of Sicily in favour of the
emperor was an infraction of the treaty of Utrecht; and his brother
exclaimed against the injustice of attacking the Spanish fleet before a
declaration of war. Notwithstanding all these arguments and objections,
the majority agreed to the address; and such another was carried in the
upper house without a division. The declaration of war against Spain was
published with the usual solemnities; but this war was not a favourite
of the people, and therefore did not produce those acclamations that
were usual on such occasions.




CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE REGENT OF FRANCE.

Meanwhile cardinal Alberoni employed all his intrigues, power, and
industry, for the gratification of his revenge. He caused new ships to
be built, the sea ports to be put in a posture of defence, succours to
be sent to Sicily, and the proper measures to be taken for the security
of Sardinia. He, by means of the prince de Cellamare, the Spanish
ambassador at Paris, caballed with the malcontents of that kingdom, who
were numerous and powerful. A scheme was actually formed for seizing the
regent, and securing the person of the king. The duke of Orleans owed
the first intimation of this plot to king George, who gave him
to understand that a conspiracy was formed against his person and
government. The regent immediately took measures for watching the
conduct of all suspected persons; but the whole intrigue was discovered
by accident. The prince de Cellamare intrusted his despatches to the
abbé Portocarrero, and to a son of the marquis de Monteleone. These
emissaries set out from Paris in a post-chaise, and were overturned.
The postillion overheard Portocarrero say, he would not have lost his
portmanteau for a hundred thousand pistoles. The man, at his return
to Paris, gave notice to the government of what he had observed. The
Spaniards, being pursued, were overtaken and seized at Poictiers, with
the portmanteau, in which the regent found two letters that made
him acquainted with the particulars of the conspiracy. The prince de
Cellamare was immediately conducted to the frontiers: the duke of Maine,
the marquis de Pompadore, the cardinal de Polignac, and many other
persons of distinction, were committed to different prisons. The regent
declared war against Spain on the twenty-ninth day of December; and an
army of six-and-thirty thousand men began its march towards that kingdom
in January, under the command of the duke of Berwick.




INTENDED INVASION BY ORMOND.

Cardinal Alberoni had likewise formed a scheme in favour of the
pretender. The duke of Ormond repairing to Madrid, held conferences
with his eminence; and measures were concerted for exciting another
insurrection in Great Britain. The chevalier de St. George quitted
Urbino by stealth; and embarking at Netteno, landed at Cagliari in
March. From thence he took his passage to Roses in Catalonia, and
proceeded to Madrid, where he was received with great cordiality, and
treated as king of Great Britain. An armament had been equipped of
ten ships of war and transports, having on board six thousand regular
troops, with arms for twelve thousand men. The command of this fleet was
bestowed on the duke of Ormond, with the title of captain-general of his
most catholic majesty. He was provided with declarations in the name of
that king, importing, that for many good reasons he had sent part of his
land and sea forces into England and Scotland, to act as auxiliaries to
king James. His Britannic majesty, having received from the regent
of France timely notice of this intended invasion, offered, by
proclamations, rewards to those that should apprehend the duke of
Ormond, or any gentleman embarked in that expedition. Troops were
ordered to assemble in the north, and in the west of England: two
thousand men were demanded of the states-general: a strong squadron was
equipped to oppose the Spanish armament; and the duke of Orleans made a
proffer to king George of twenty battalions for his service.




THREE HUNDRED SPANIARDS LAND AND ARE TAKEN IN SCOTLAND.

His majesty having communicated to both houses of parliament the
repeated advices he had received touching this projected descent, they
promised to support him against all his enemies. They desired he would
augment his forces by sea and land, and assured him they would make good
the extraordinary expense. Two thousand men were landed from Holland,
and six battalions of Imperialists from the Austrian Netherlands.
The duke of Ormond sailed from Cadiz, and proceeded as far as Cape
Finisterre, where his fleet was dispersed and disabled by a violent
storm, which entirely defeated the purposed expedition. Two frigates,
however, arrived in Scotland, with the earls Marischal and Seaforth, the
marquis of Tullibardine, some field-officers, three hundred Spaniards,
and arms for two thousand men. They were joined by a small body of
Highlanders, and possessed themselves of Donan castle. Against these
adventurers general Wightman marched with a body of regular troops from
Inverness. They had taken possession of the pass at Glenshiel; but, at
the approach of the king’s forces, retired to the pass at Strachell,
which they resolved to defend. They were attacked and driven from one
eminence to another till night, when the Highlanders dispersed; and next
day the Spaniards surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Marischal,
Seaforth, and Tullibardine, with some officers, retired to one of the
western isles, in order to wait an opportunity of being conveyed to the
continent.




ACCOUNT OF THE PEERAGE BILL.

On the last day of February the duke of Somerset represented, in the
house of lords, that the number of peers being very much increased,
especially since the union of the two kingdoms, it seemed absolutely
necessary to take effectual measures for preventing the inconveniences
that might attend the creation of a great number of peers to serve a
present purpose; an expedient which had been actually taken in the late
reign. He therefore moved that a bill should be brought in to settle
and limit the peerage, in such a manner that the number of English peers
should not be enlarged beyond six above the present number, which, upon
failure of male issue, might be supplied by new creations: that instead
of the sixteen elective peers from Scotland, twenty-five should be
made hereditary on the part of that kingdom; and that this number, upon
failure of heirs-male, should be supplied from the other members of the
Scottish peerage. This bill was intended as a restraint upon the prince
of Wales, who happened to be at variance with the present ministry.
The motion was supported by the duke of Argyle, now lord-steward of the
household, the earls of Sunderland and Carlisle. It was opposed by the
earl of Oxford, who said, that although he expected nothing from the
crown, he would never give his vote for lopping off so valuable a branch
of the prerogative, which enabled the king to reward merit and virtuous
actions. The debate was adjourned to the second day of March, when earl
Stanhope delivered a message from the king, intimating, that as they had
under consideration the state of the British peerage, he had so much at
heart the settling it upon such a foundation as might secure the freedom
and constitution of parliaments in till future ages, that he was willing
his prerogative should not stand in the way of so great and necessary
a work. Another violent debate ensued between the two factions. The
question here, as in almost every other dispute, was not whether the
measure proposed was advantageous to the nation? but, whether the tory
or the whig interest should predominate in parliament? Earl Cowper
affirmed, that the part of the bill relating to the Scottish peerage,
was a manifest violation of the treaty of union, as well as a flagrant
piece of injustice, as it would deprive persons of their right, without
being heard, and without any pretence or forfeiture on their part.
He observed, that the Scottish peers excluded from the number of the
twenty-five, would be in a worse condition than any other subjects in
the kingdom; for they would be neither electing nor elected, neither
representing nor represented. These objections were overruled; several
resolutions were taken agreeably to the motion, and the judges were
ordered to prepare and bring in the bill. This measure alarmed the
generality of Scottish peers, as well as many English commoners, who saw
in the bill the avenues of dignity and title shut up against them; and
they did not fail to exclaim against it as an encroachment upon the
fundamental maxims of the constitution. Treaties were written and
published on both sides of the question; and a national clamour began to
arise, when earl Stanhope observed, in the house, that as the bill had
raised strange apprehensions, he thought it advisable to postpone the
further consideration of it till a more proper opportunity. It was
accordingly dropped, and the parliament prorogued on the eighteenth
day of April, on which occasion his majesty told both houses that the
Spanish king had acknowledged the pretender.

{1719}




COUNT MERCI ASSUMES THE COMMAND OF THE IMPERIAL ARMY

The king having appointed lords-justices to rule the kingdom in his
absence, embarked in May for Holland, from whence he proceeded to
Hanover, where he concluded a peace with Ulrica, the new queen of
Sweden. By this treaty Sweden yielded for ever to the royal and
electoral house of Brunswick the duchies of Bremen and Verden, with
all their dependencies; king George obliged himself to pay a million
of rix-dollars to the queen of Sweden; and to renew, as king of Great
Britain and elector of Hanover, the alliances formerly subsisting
between his predecessors and that kingdom. He likewise mediated a peace
between Sweden and his former allies, the Danes, the Prussians, and the
Poles. The czar, however, refused to give up his schemes of conquest. He
sent his fleet to the Scheuron, or Bates of Sweden, where his troops
landing to the number of fifteen thousand, committed dreadful outrages:
but sir John Norris, who commanded an English squadron in those seas,
having orders to support the negotiations, and oppose any hostilities
that might be committed, the czar, dreading the fate of the Spanish
navy, thought proper to recall his fleet. In the Mediterranean, admiral
Byng acted with unwearied vigour in assisting the Imperialists to finish
the conquest of Sicily. The court of Vienna had agreed to send a strong
body of forces to finish the reduction of that island; and the command
in this expedition was bestowed upon the count de Merci, with whom sir
George Byng conferred at Naples. This admiral supplied them with
ammunition and artillery from the Spanish prizes. He took the whole
reinforcement under his convoy, and saw them safely landed in the bay of
Patti, to the number of three thousand five hundred horse, and ten
thousand infantry. Count Merci thinking himself more than a match for
the Spanish forces commanded by the marquis de Lede, attacked him in a
strong camp at Franca-Villa, and was repulsed with the loss of five
thousand men, himself being dangerously wounded in the action. Here his
army must have perished for want of provisions, had they not been
supplied by the English navy.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




ACTIVITY OF ADMIRAL BYNG.

Admiral Byng no sooner learned the bad success of the attack at
Franca-Villa, than he embarked two battalions from the garrison of
Melazzo, and about a thousand recruits, whom he sent under a convoy
through the Baro to Scheso-bay, in order to reinforce the Imperial army.
He afterwards assisted at the council ol war with the German generals,
who, in consequence of his advice, undertook the siege of Messina.
Then he repaired to Naples, where he proposed to count Gallas, the new
viceroy, that the troops destined for the conquest of Sardinia should
be first landed in Sicily, and co-operate towards the conquest of that
island. The proposal was immediately despatched to the court of Vienna.
In the meantime, the admiral returned to Sicily, and assisted at the
siege of Messina. The town surrendered; the garrison retired into the
citadel; and the remains of the Spanish navy, which had escaped at
Passaro, were now destroyed in the Mole. The emperor approved of the
scheme proposed by the English admiral, to whom he wrote a very gracious
letter, intimating that he had despatched orders to the governor of
Milan to detach the troops designed for Sardinia to Vado, in order to be
transported into Italy. The admiral charged himself with the performance
of this service. Having furnished the Imperial army before Messina with
another supply of cannon, powder, and shot, upon his own credit, he set
sail for Vado, where he surmounted numberless difficulties started by
the jealousy of count Bonneval, who was unwilling to see his troops,
destined for Sardinia, now diverted to another expedition, in which he
could not enjoy the chief command. At length admiral Byng saw the forces
embarked, and convoyed them to Messina, the citadel of which surrendered
in a few days after their arrival. By this time the marquis de Lede had
fortified a strong post at Castro-Giovanne, in the centre of the
island; and cantoned his troops about Aderno, Palermo, and Catenea.
The Imperialists could not pretend to attack him in this situation,
nor could they remain in the neighbourhood of Messina on account of the
scarcity of provisions. They would, therefore, have been obliged to
quit the island during the winter, had not the admiral undertaken to
transport them by sea to Trapani, where they could extend themselves
in a plentiful country. He not only executed this enterprise, but even
supplied them with corn from Tunis, as the harvests of Sicily had been
gathered into the Spanish magazines. It was the second day of March
before the last embarkation of the Imperial troops were landed at
Trapani.




THE SPANISH TROOPS EVACUATE SICILY.

The marquis de Lede immediately retired with his army to Alcamo, from
whence he sent his mareschal de camp to count Merci and the English
admiral, with overtures for evacuating Sicily. The proposals were not
disagreeable to the Germans: but sir George Byng declared that the
Spaniards should not quit the island while the war continued, as he
foresaw that these troops would be employed against France or England.
He agreed however with count Merci, in proposing that if the marquis
would surrender Palermo and retire into the middle part of the island,
they would consent to an armistice for six weeks, until the sentiments
of their different courts should be known. The marquis offered to
surrender Palermo, in consideration of a suspension of arms for three
months; but, while this negotiation was depending, he received advice
from Madrid that a general peace was concluded. Nevertheless, he broke
off the treaty in obedience to a secret order for that purpose. The king
of Spain hoped to obtain the restitution of St. Sebastian’s, Fontarabia,
and other places taken in the course of the war, in exchange for the
evacuation of Sicily, Hostilities were continued until the admiral
received advice from the earl of Stair, at Paris, that the Spanish
ambassador at the Hague had signed the quadruple alliance. By the same
courier packets were delivered to the count de Merci and the marquis
de Lede, which last gave the admiral and Imperial general to understand
that he looked upon the peace as a thing concluded, and was ready to
treat for a cessation of hostilities. They insisted on his delivering
up Palermo; on the other hand he urged, that, as their masters were in
treaty for settling the terms of evacuating Sicily and Sardinia, he
did not think himself authorised to agree to a cessation, except on
condition that each party should remain on the ground they occupied, and
expect further orders from their principals. After a fruitless interview
between the three chiefs at the Cassine de Rossignola, the Imperial
general resolved to undertake the siege of Palermo; with this view he
decamped from Alcamo on the eighteenth day of April, and followed the
marquis de Lede, who retreated before him and took possession of the
advantageous posts that commanded the passes into the plain of Palermo;
but count Merci, with indefatigable diligence, marched over the
mountains, while the admiral coasted along shore, attending the motions
of the army. The Spanish general perceiving the Germans advancing into
the plain, retired under the cannon of Palermo, and fortified his camp
with strong entrenchments. On the second day of May the Germans took one
of the enemy’s redoubts by surprise, and the marquis de Lede ordered
all his forces to be drawn out to retake this fortification: both armies
were on the point of engaging, when a courier arrived in a felucca with
a packet for the marquis, containing full powers to treat and agree
about the evacuation of the island, and the transportation of the army
to Spain. He forthwith drew off his army; and sent a trumpet to the
general and admiral, with letters, informing them of the orders he had
received: commissioners were appointed on each side, the negotiations
begun, and the convention signed in a very few days. The Germans
were put in possession of Palermo, and the Spanish army marched to
Tauromini, from whence they were transported to Barcelona.




PHILIP OBLIGED TO ACCEDE TO THE QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE.

The admiral continued in the Mediterranean until he had seen the islands
of Sicily and Sardinia evacuated by the Spaniards, and the mutual
cessions executed between the emperor and the duke of Savoy, in
consequence of which four battalions of Piedmontese troops were
transported from Palermo to Sardinia, and took possession of Cagliari
in the name of their master. In a word, admiral Byng bore such a
considerable share in this war of Sicily, that the fate of the island
depended wholly on his courage, vigilance, and conduct. When he waited
on his majesty at Hanover, he met with a very gracious reception. The
king told him he had found out the secret of obliging his enemies as
well as his friends; for the court of Spain had mentioned him in
the most honourable terms, with respect to his candid and friendly
deportment in providing transports and other necessaries for the
embarkation of their troops, and in protecting them from oppression. He
was appointed treasurer of the navy, and rear-admiral of Great Britain:
in a little time the king ennobled him, by the title of viscount
Torrington: he was declared a privy-counsellor, and afterwards
made knight of the bath at the revival of that order. During these
occurrences in the Mediterranean, the duke of Berwick advanced with the
French army to the frontiers of Spain, where he took Port-Passage and
destroyed six ships of war that were on the stocks; then he reduced
Fontarabia and St. Sebastian’s, together with Port Antonio in the bottom
of the bay of Biscay. In this last exploit the French were assisted by a
detachment of English seamen, who burned two large ships unfinished, and
a great quantity of naval stores. The king of England, with a view to
indemnify himself for the expense of the war, projected the conquest
of Corunna in Biscay, and of Peru in South America. Four thousand men,
commanded by lord Cobham, were embarked at the Isle of Wight, and sailed
on the twenty-first day of September, under convoy of five ships of war
conducted by admiral Mighels. Instead of making an attempt upon Corunna,
they reduced Vigo with very little difficulty; and Point-a-Vedra
submitted without resistance: here they found some brass artillery,
small arms, and military stores, with which they returned to England. In
the meantime captain Johnson, with two English ships of war, destroyed
the same number of Spanish ships in the port of Ribadeo, to the eastward
of Cape Ortegas, so that the naval power of Spain was totally ruined.
The expedition to the West Indies was prevented by the peace. Spain
being oppressed on all sides, and utterly exhausted, Philip saw the
necessity of a speedy pacification. He now perceived the madness of
Alberoni’s ambitious projects. That minister was personally disagreeable
to the emperor, the king of England, and the regent of France, who had
declared they would hearken to no proposals while he should continue in
office: the Spanish monarch, therefore, divested him of his employment,
and ordered him to quit the kingdom in three weeks. The marquis de
Beretti Landi, minister from the court of Madrid at the Hague, delivered
a plan of pacification to the states; hat it was rejected by the allies;
and Philip was obliged at last to accede to the quadruple alliance.




BILL FOR SECURING THE DEPENDENCY OF IRELAND UPON THE CROWN.

On the fourteenth day of November, king George returned to England, and
on the twenty-third opened the session of parliament with a speech, in
which he told them that all Europe, as well as Great Britain, was on the
point of being delivered from the calamities of war by the influence
of British arms and councils. He exhorted the commons to concert proper
means for lessening the debts of the nation, and concluded with a
panegyric upon his own government. It must be owned he had acted with
equal vigour and deliberation in all the troubles he had encountered
since his accession to the throne. The addresses of both houses were
as warm as he could desire. They in particular extolled him for having
interposed in behalf of the protestants of Hungary, Poland, and Germany,
who had been oppressed by the practices of the popish clergy, and
presented to him memorials containing a detail of their grievances. He
and all the other protestant powers warmly interceded in their favour,
but the grievances were not redressed. The peerage bill was now revived
by the duke of Buckingham; and, in spite of all opposition, passed
through the house of lords. It had been projected by earl Stanhope,
and eagerly supported by the earl of Sunderland; therefore, Mr.
Robert Walpole attacked it in the house of commons with extraordinary
vehemence. Here too it was opposed by a considerable number of whig
members; and, after warm debates, rejected by a large majority. The next
object that engrossed the attention of the parliament was a bill for
better securing the dependency of Ireland upon the crown of Great
Britain. Maurice Annesley had appealed to the house of peers in England,
from a decree of the house of peers in Ireland, which was reversed. The
British peers ordered the barons of the exchequer in Ireland to put Mr.
Annesley in possession of the lands he had lost by the decree in that
kingdom. The barons obeyed this order; and the Irish house of peers
passed a vote against them, as having acted in derogation to the king’s
prerogative in his high court of parliament in Ireland, as also of the
rights and privileges of that kingdom, and of the parliament thereof;
they likewise ordered them to be taken into custody of the usher of
the black rod: they transmitted a long representation to the king,
demonstrating their right to the final judicature of causes: and the
duke of Leeds, in the upper house, urged fifteen reasons to support the
claim of the Irish peers. Notwithstanding these arguments, the house of
lords in England resolved that the barons of the exchequer in Ireland
had acted with courage, according to law, in support of his majesty’s
prerogative, and with fidelity to the crown of Great Britain. They
addressed the king to confer on them some marks of his royal favour,
as a recompence for the ill usage they had undergone. Finally, they
prepared the bill, by which the Irish house of lords was deprived of all
right to pass sentence, affirm, or reverse any judgment or decree, given
or made in any court within that kingdom. In the house of commons it was
opposed by Mr. Pitt, Mr. Hungerford, lords Molesworth and Tyr-connel;
but was carried by the majority, and received the royal assent.




SOUTH-SEA ACT

The king having recommended to the commons the consideration of proper
means for lessening the national debt, was a prelude to the famous
South-Sea act, which became productive of so much mischief and
infatuation The scheme was projected by sir John Blunt, who had been
bred a scrivener, and was possessed of all the cunning, plausibility,
and boldness requisite for such an undertaking. He communicated his plan
to Mr. Aislaby, the chancellor of the exchequer, as well as to one of
the secretaries of state. He answered all their objections; and the
project was adopted. They foresaw their own private advantage in
the execution of their design, which was imparted in the name of the
South-Sea company, of which Blunt was a director, who influenced all
their proceedings. The pretence for the scheme was to discharge
the national debt, by reducing all the funds into one. The bank and
South-Sea company outbid each other. The South-Sea company altered
their original plan, and offered such high terms to government, that
the proposals of the bank were rejected; and a bill was ordered to be
brought into the house of commons, formed on the plan presented by the
South-Sea company. While this affair was in agitation, the stock of
that company rose from one hundred and thirty to near four hundred, in
consequence of the conduct of the commons, who had rejected a motion
for a clause in the bill, to fix what share in the capital stock of the
company should be vested in those proprietors of the annuities who might
voluntarily subscribe; or how many year’s purchase in money they should
receive in subscribing, at the choice of the proprietors.

{1720}

In the house of lords, the bill was opposed by lord North and Grey, earl
Cowper, the dukes of Wharton, Buckingham, and other peers; they affirmed
it was calculated for enriching a few and impoverishing a great
number: that it countenanced the fraudulent and pernicious practice of
stock-jobbing, which diverted the genius of the people from trade and
industry: that it would give foreigners the opportunity to double and
treble the vast sums they had in the public funds; and they would be
tempted to realize and withdraw their capital and immense gains to other
countries; so that Great Britain would be drained of all its gold and
silver; that the artificial and prodigious rise of the South-Sea stock
was a dangerous bait, which might decoy many unwary people to their
ruin, alluring them by a false prospect of gain to part with the fruits
of their industry, to purchase imaginary riches; that the addition of
above thirty millions capital would give such power to the South-Sea
company, as might endanger the liberties of the nation; for by their
extensive interest they would be able to influence most, if not all the
elections of the members; and, consequently, over-rule the resolutions
of the house of commons. Earl Cowper urged, that in all public bargains
the individuals of the administration ought to take care, that thay
shall be more advantageous to the state than to private persons; but
that a contrary method had been followed in the contract made with the
South-Sea company; for, should the stocks be kept at the advanced price
to which they had been raised by the oblique arts of stock-jobbing,
either that company or its principal members would gain above thirty
millions, of which no more than one-fourth part would be given towards
the discharge of the national debts. He apprehended that the re-purchase
of annuities would meet with insuperable difficulties; and, in such
case, none but a few persons who were in the secret, who had bought
stocks at a low rate, and afterwards sold them at a high price, would in
the end be gainers by the project. The earl of Sunderland answered their
objections. He declared that those who countenanced the scheme of the
South-Sea company, had nothing in view but the advantage of the nation.
He owned that the managers for that company had undoubtedly a prospect
of private gain, either to themselves or to their corporation; but, he
said, when the scheme was accepted, neither the one nor the other could
foresee that the stocks would have risen to such a height; that if they
had continued as they were, the public would have had the far greater
share of the advantage accruing from the scheme; and should they be kept
up to the present high price, it was but reasonable that the South-Sea
company should enjoy the profits procured to it by the wise management
and industry of the directors, which would enable it to make large
dividends, and thereby accomplish the purpose of the scheme. The bill
passed without amendment or division; and on the seventh day of April
received the royal assent. By this act the South-Sea company was
authorised to take in, by purchase or subscription, the irredeemable
debts of the nation, stated at sixteen millions five hundred forty-six
thousand four hundred and eighty-two pounds, seven shillings and one
penny farthing, at such times as they should find convenient before the
first day of March of the ensuing year, and without any compulsion on
any of the proprietors, at such rates and prices as should be agreed
upon between the company and the respective proprietors. They were
likewise authorised to take in all the redeemable debts, amounting to
the same sum as that of the irredeemables, either by purchase, by taking
subscriptions, or by paying off the creditors. For the liberty of taking
in the national debts, and increasing their capital stock accordingly,
the company consented that their present, and to be increased annuity,
should be continued at five per cent, till Midsummer, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven; from thence to be reduced to
four per cent, and be redeemable by parliament. In consideration of
this, and other advantages expressed in the act, the company declared
themselves willing to make such payments into the receipt of the
exchequer as were specified for the use of the public, to be applied to
the discharge of the public debts incurred before Christmas, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and sixteen. The sums they were obliged to
pay for the liberty of taking in the redeemable debts, four years and
a half’s purchase for all long and short annuities that should be
subscribed, and one year’s purchase for such long annuities as should
not be subscribed, amounted on the execution of the act to about
seven millions. For enabling the company to raise this sum, they were
empowered to make calls for money from their members; to open books of
subscription; to grant annuities redeemable by the company; to borrow
money upon any contract or bill under their common seal, or on the
credit of their capital stock; to convert the money demanded of their
members into additional stock, without, however, making any addition
to the company’s annuities, payable out of the public duties. It was
enacted, that out of the first monies arising from the sums paid by the
company into the exchequer, such public debts, carrying interest at five
per cent, incurred before the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, founded upon any former act
of parliament, as were now redeemable, or might be redeemed by the
twenty-fifth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and
twenty-two, should be discharged in the first place: that then all the
remainder should be applied towards paying off so much of the capital
stock of the company as should then carry an interest of five per cent.
It was likewise provided, that, after Midsummer in the year one thousand
seven hundred and twenty-seven, the company should not be paid off in
any sums being less than one million at a time.




CHARTERS GRANTED TO THE ROYAL AND LONDON ASSURANCE OFFICES.

The heads of the Royal-Assurance and London-Assurance companies,
understanding that the civil-list was considerably in arrears, offered
to the ministry six hundred thousand pounds towards the discharge of
that debt, on condition of their obtaining the king’s charter, with
a parliamentary sanction, for the establishment of their respective
companies. The proposal was embraced; and the king communicated it in a
message to the house of commons, desiring their concurrence. A bill
was immediately passed, enabling his majesty to grant letters of
incorporation to the two companies. It soon obtained the royal assent;
and, on the eleventh day of June, an end was put to the session. This
was the age of interested projects, inspired by a venal spirit
of adventure, the natural consequence of that warice, fraud, and
profligacy, which the monied corporations had introduced. This of
all others is the most unfavourable era for an historian. A reader of
sentiment and imagination cannot be entertained or interested by a dry
detail of such transactions as admit of no warmth, no colouring, no
embellishment, a detail which serves only to exhibit an inanimate
picture of tasteless vice and mean degeneracy.




TREATY OF ALLIANCE WITH SWEDEN.

By this time an alliance offensive and defensive was concluded at
Stockholm between king George and the queen of Sweden, by which his
majesty engaged to send a fleet into the Baltic to act against the czar
of Muscovy, in case that monarch should reject reasonable proposals of
peace. Peter loudly complained of the insolent interposition of king
George, alleging that he had failed in his engagements, both as elector
of Hanover and king of Great Britain. His resident at London presented
a long memorial on this subject, which was answered by the British and
Hanoverian ministry. These recriminations served only to inflame the
difference. The czar continued to prosecute the war, and at length
concluded a peace without a mediator. At the instances, however of king
George and the regent of France, a treaty of peace was signed between
the queen of Sweden and the king of Prussia, to whom that princess ceded
the city of Stetin, the district between the rivers Oder and Pehnne,
with the isles of Wollin and Usedom. On the other hand, he engaged
to join the king of Great Britain in his endeavours to effect a peace
between Sweden and Denmark, on condition that the Danish king should
restore to queen Ulrica that part of Pomerania which he had seized; he
likewise promised to pay to that queen two millions of rix-dollars in
consideration of the cessions she had made. The treaty between Sweden
and Denmark was signed at Frederickstadt in the month of June, through
the mediation of the king of Great Britain, who became guarantee for the
Dane’s keeping possession of Sleswick. He consented, however, to restore
the Upper Pomerania, the isle of Rugen, the city of Wismar, and whatever
he had taken from Sweden during the war, in consideration of Sweden’s
renouncing the exemption from toll in the Sound and the two Belts, and
paying to Denmark six hundred thousand rix-dollars.




THE PRINCE OF HESSE ELECTED KING OF SWEDEN.

Sir John Norris had again sailed to the Baltic with a strong squadron
to give weight to the king’s mediation. When he arrived at Copenhagen he
wrote a letter to prince Dolgorouki, the czar’s ambassador at the court
of Denmark, signifying that he and the king’s envoy at Stockholm were
vested with full powers to act jointly or separately in quality of
plenipotentiaries, in order to effect a peace between Sweden and
Muscovy, in the way of mediation. The prince answered that the czar
had nothing more at heart than peace and tranquillity; and in case his
Britannic majesty had any proposals to make to that prince, he hoped the
admiral would excuse him from receiving them, as they might be delivered
in a much more compendious way. The English fleet immediately joined
that of Sweden as auxiliaries; but they had no opportunity of acting
against the Russian squadron, which secured itself in Revel. Ulrica,
queen of Sweden, and sister to Charles XII., had married the prince of
Hesse, and was extremely desirous that he should be joined with her in
the administration of the regal power. She wrote a separate letter
to each of the four States, desiring they would confer on him the
sovereignty; and after some opposition from the nobles, he was actually
elected king of Sweden. He sent one of his general officers to notify
his elevation to the czar, who congratulated him upon his accession
to the throne: this was the beginning of a negotiation which ended in
peace, and established the tranquillity of the North. In the midst of
these transactions, king George set out from England for his Hanoverian
dominions; but before he departed from Great Britain, he was reconciled
to the prince of Wales, through the endeavours of the duke of Devonshire
and Mr. Walpole, who, with earl Cowper, lord Townshend, Mr. Methuen,
and Mr. Pulteney, were received into favour, and re-united with the
ministry. The earls of Dorset and Bridgewater were promoted to the title
of dukes; lord viscount Castleton was made an earl; Hugh Boscawen was
created a baron, and viscount Falmouth; and John Wallop baron, and
viscount Lymington.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




EFFECTS OF THE SOUTH-SEA SCHEME.

While the king was involved at Hanover in a labyrinth of negotiations,
the South-Sea scheme produced a kind of national delirium in his English
dominions. Blunt, the projector, had taken the hint of his plan from the
famous Mississippi scheme formed by Law, which in the preceding year had
raised such a ferment in France, and entailed rain upon many thousand
families of that kingdom. In the scheme of Law there was something
substantial. An exclusive trade to Louisiana promised some advantage;
though the design was defeated by the frantic eagerness of the people.
Law himself became the dupe of the regent, who transferred the burden
of fifteen hundred millions of the king’s debts to the shoulders of the
subjects, while the projector was sacrificed as the scape-goat of
the political iniquity. The South-Sea scheme promised no commercial
advantage of any consequence. It was buoyed up by nothing but the folly
and rapaciousness of individuals, which became so blind and extravagant,
that Blunt, with moderate talents, was able to impose upon the whole
nation, and make tools of the other directors, to serve his own purposes
and those of a few associates. When this projector found that the
South-Sea stock did not rise according to his expectation upon
the bill’s being passed, he circulated a report that Gibraltar and
Port-Mahon would be exchanged for some places in Teru; by which means
the English trade to the South-Sea would be protected and enlarged. This
rumour, diffused by his emissaries, acted like a contagion. In five days
the directors opened their books for a subscription of one million,
at the rate of three hundred pounds for every hundred pounds capital.
Persons of all ranks crowded to the house in such a manner that the
first subscription exceeded two millions of original stock. In a few
days this stock advanced to three hundred and forty pounds; and the
subscriptions were sold for double the price of the first payment.
Without entering into a detail of the proceedings, or explaining the
scandalous arts that were practised to enhance the value of the stock,
and decoy the unwary, we shall only observe, that by the promise of
prodigious dividends and other infamous arts, the stock was raised
to one thousand; and the whole nation infected with the spirit of
stock-jobbing to an astonishing degree. All distinction of party,
religion, sex, character, and circumstances, were swallowed up in this
universal concern, or in some such pecuniary project. Exchange-Alley was
filled with a strange concourse of statesmen and clergymen, churchmen
and dissenters, whigs and tories, physicians, lawyers, tradesmen, and
even with multitudes of females. All other professions and employments
were utterly neglected; and the people’s attention wholly engrossed by
this and other chimerical schemes, which were known by the denomination
of bubbles. New companies started up every day under the countenance of
the prime nobility. The prince of Wales was constituted governor of the
Welsh copper company; the duke of Chandos appeared at the head of the
York-buildings company; the duke of Bridgewater formed a third, for
building houses in London and Westminster. About an hundred such schemes
were projected and put in execution, to the ruin of many thousands. The
sums proposed to be raised by these expedients amounted to three hundred
millions sterling, which exceeded the value of all the lands in England.
The nation was so intoxicated with the spirit of adventure, that people
became a prey to the grossest delusion. An obscure projector, pretending
to have formed a very advantageous scheme, which, however, he did not
explain, published proposals for a subscription, in which he promised
that in one month the particulars of his project should be disclosed. In
the meantime he declared that every person paying two guineas should be
entitled to a subscription for one hundred pounds, which would produce
that sum yearly. In one forenoon this adventurer received a thousand of
these subscriptions; and in the evening set out for another kingdom.
The king, before his departure, had issued a proclamation against these
unlawful projects; the lords-justices afterwards dismissed all the
petitions that had been presented for charters and patents; and the
prince of Wales renounced the company of which he had been elected
governor. The South-Sea scheme raised such a flood of eager avidity and
extravagant hope, that the majority of the directors were swept along
with it, even contrary to their own sense and inclination; but Blunt and
his accomplices still directed the stream.

The infatuation prevailed till the eighth day of September, when the
stock began to fall. Then did some of the adventurers awake from their
delirium. The number of the sellers daily increased. On the twenty-ninth
day of the month the stock had sunk to one hundred and fifty; several
eminent goldsmiths and bankers, who had lent great sums upon it, were
obliged to stop payment and abscond. The ebb of this portentous tide
was so violent, that it bore down everything in its way; and an infinite
number of families were overwhelmed with ruin. Public credit sustained
a terrible shock; the nation was thrown into a dangerous ferment; and
nothing was heard but the ravings of grief, disappointment, and despair.
Some principal members of the ministry were deeply concerned in these
fradulent transactions; when they saw the price of stock sinking daily,
they employed all their influence with the bank to support the credit of
the South-Sea company. That corporation agreed, though with reluctance,
to subscribe into the stock of the South-Sea company, valued at four
hundred per cent., three millions five hundred thousand pounds, which
the company was to repay to the bank on Lady-day and Michaelmas of the
ensuing year. This transaction was managed by Mr. Robert Walpole, who,
with his own hand, wrote the minute of agreement, afterwards known by
the name of the bank contract. Books were opened at the bank to take in
a subscription for the support of public credit; and considerable sums
of money were brought in. By this expedient the stock was raised at
first, and those who contrived it seized the opportunity to realize. But
the bankruptcy of goldsmiths and the sword-blade company, from the fall
of South-Sea stock, occasioned such a run upon the bank, that the money
was paid away faster than it could be received from the subscription.
Then the South-Sea stock sunk again; and the directors of the bank,
finding themselves in danger of being involved in that company’s ruin,
renounced the agreement; which indeed they were under no obligation to
perform, for it was drawn up in such a manner as to be no more than the
rough draft of a subsequent agreement, without due form, penalty, or
clause of obligation. All expedients having failed, and the clamours
of the people daily increasing, expresses were despatched to Hanover,
representing the state of the nation, and pressing the king to return.
He accordingly shortened his intended stay in Germany, and arrived in
England on the eleventh day of November.




A SECRET COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The parliament being assembled on the eighth day of December, his
majesty expressed his concern for the unhappy turn of affairs, which had
so deeply affected the public credit at home: he earnestly desired the
commons to consider of the most effectual and speedy methods to restore
the national credit, and fix it upon a lasting establishment. The
lower house was too much interested in the calamity to postpone the
consideration of that subject. The members seemed to lay aside all party
distinctions, and vie with each other in promoting an inquiry, by which
justice might be done to the injured nation. They ordered the directors
to produce an account of all their proceedings. Sir Joseph Jekyll moved
that a select committee might be appointed to examine the particulars
of this transaction. Mr. Walpole, now paymaster of the forces, observed,
that such a method would protract the inquiry, while the public credit
lay in a bleeding condition. He told the house he had formed a scheme
for restoring public credit; but, before he would communicate this
plan, desired to know whether the subscriptions of public debts and
incumbrances, money-subscriptions and other contracts made with the
South-Sea company, should remain in the present state. After a warm
debate, the question was carried in the affirmative, with this addition,
“Unless altered for the ease and relief of the proprietors, by a general
court of the South-Sea company, or set aside in due course of law.” Next
day Walpole produced his scheme,--to ingraft nine millions of South-Sea
stock into the bank of England, and the like sum into the East India
company, on certain conditions. The house voted, that proposals should
be received from the bank, and those two companies on this subject.
These being delivered the commons resolved, that an engrossment of nine
millions of the capital stock of the South-Sea company into the
capital stock of the bank and East-India company, as proposed by these
companies, would contribute very much to the restoring public credit.
A bill upon this resolution was brought in, passed through both houses,
and received the royal assent. Another bill was enacted into a law, for
restraining the sub-governor, deputy-governor, directors, treasurer,
under-treasurer, cashier, secretary, and accountants, of the South-Sea
company, from quitting the kingdom till the end of the next session
of parliament; and for discovering their estates and effects, so as to
prevent them from being transported or alienated. A committee of secrecy
was chosen by ballot, to examine all the books, papers, and proceedings
relating to the execution of the South-Sea act.

The lords were not less eager than the commons to prosecute this
inquiry, though divers members in both houses were deeply involved in
the guilt and infamy of the transaction. Earl Stanhope said the estates
of the criminals, whether directors or not directors, ought to be
confiscated, to repair the public losses. He was seconded by lord
Carteret, and even by the earl of Sunderland. The duke of Wharton
declared he would give up the best friend he had should he be found
guilty. He observed, that the nation had been plundered in a most
flagrant and notorious manner; therefore, they ought to find out and
punish the offenders severely, without respect to persons. The sub and
deputy-governors, the directors and officers of the South-Sea company,
were examined at the bar of the house. Then a bill was brought in,
disabling them to enjoy any office in that company, or in the East-India
company, or in the bank of England. Three brokers were likewise
examined, and made great discoveries. Knight, the treasurer of the
South-Sea company, who had been entrusted with the secrets of the
whole affair, thought proper to withdraw himself from the kingdom. A
proclamation was issued to apprehend him; and another for preventing any
of the directors from escaping out of the kingdom. At this period, the
secret committee informed the house of commons that they had already
discovered a train of the deepest villany and fraud that hell ever
contrived to ruin a nation, which in due time they would lay before the
house; in the meanwhile, they thought it highly necessary to secure the
persons of some of the directors and principal officers of the South-Sea
company, as well as to seize their papers. An order was made to secure
the books and papers of Knight, Surman, and Turner. The persons of sir
George Caswell, sir John Blunt, sir John Lambert, sir John Fellows,
and Mr. Grigsby, were taken into custody; sir Theodore Janssen, Mr.
Sawbridge, sir Robert Chaplain, and Mr. Eyles, were expelled the house
and apprehended. Mr. Aislaby resigned his employments of chancellor of
the exchequer and lord of the treasury; and orders were given to remove
all directors of the South-Sea company from the places they possessed
under the government.

The lords, in the course of their examination, discovered that large
portions of South-Sea stock had been given to several persons in the
administration and house of commons, for promoting the passing of the
South-Sea act. The house immediately resolved, that this practice was a
notorious and most dangerous species of corruption: that the directors
of the South-Sea company having ordered great quantities of their stock
to be bought for the service of the company, when it was at a very high
price, and on pretence of keeping up the price of stock; and at the
same time several of the directors, and other officers belonging to the
company, having, in a clandestine manner, sold their own stock to the
company, such directors and officers were guilty of a notorious fraud
and breach of trust, and their so doing was one great cause of the
unhappy turn of affairs that had so much affected public credit. Many
other resolutions were taken against that infamous confederacy, in
which, however, the innocent were confounded with the guilty. Sir John
Blunt refusing to answer certain interrogations, a violent debate arose
about the manner in which he should be treated. The duke of Wharton
observed, that the government of the best princes was sometimes rendered
intolerable to their subjects by bad ministers: he mentioned the example
of Sejanus, who had made a division in the imperial family, and rendered
the reign of Cladius hateful to the Romans. Earl Stanhope conceiving
this reflection was aimed at him, was seized with a transport of anger.
He undertook to vindicate the ministry; and spoke with such vehemence as
produced a violent headache, which obliged him to retire. He underwent
proper evacuations, and seemed to recover; but next day, in the evening,
became lethargic, and being seized with a suffocation, instantly
expired. The king deeply regretted the death of this favourite minister,
which was the more unfortunate as it happened at such a critical
conjuncture; and he appointed lord Town-shend to fill his place of
secretary. Earl Stanhope was survived but a few days by the other
secretary Mr. Craggs, who died of the small-pox on the sixteenth day of
February. Knight, the cashier of the South-Sea company, being seized at
Tirlemont by the vigilance of Mr. Gandot, secretary to Mr. Loathes the
British resident at Brussels, was confined in the citadel of Antwerp.
Application was made to the court of Vienna, that he should be delivered
to such persons as might be appointed to receive him; but he had found
means to interest the states of Brabant in his behalf. They insisted
upon their privilege granted by charter, that no person apprehended for
any crime in Brabant should be tried in any other country. The house
of commons expressed their indignation at this frivolous pretence;
instances were renewed to the emperor; and in the meantime Knight
escaped from the citadel of Antwerp.




SEVERE RESOLUTIONS AGAINST THE SOUTH-SEA COMPANY.

The committee of secrecy found, that, before any subscription could
be made, a fictitious stock of five hundred and seventy-four thousand
pounds had been disposed of by the directors, to facilitate the
passing the bill. Great part of this was distributed among the earl of
Sunderland, Mr. Craggs, senior, the duchess of Kendal, the countess
of Platen and her two nieces, Mr. Secretary Craggs, and Mr. Aislaby
chancellor of the exchequer. In consequence of the committee’s report,
the house came to several severe, though just, resolutions against the
directors and officers of the South-Sea company; and a bill was prepared
for the relief of the unhappy sufferers. Mr. Stanhope, one of the
secretaries of the treasury, charged in the report with having large
quantities of stock and subscriptions, desired that he might have an
opportunity to clear himself. His request was granted; and the affair
being discussed, he was cleared by a majority of three voices. Fifty
thousand pounds in stock had been taken by Knight for the use of the
earl of Sunderland. Great part of the house entered eagerly into
this inquiry; and a violent dispute ensued. The whole strength of
the ministry was mustered in his defence. The majority declared him
innocent: the nation in general was of another opinion. He resigned his
place of first commissioner in the treasury, which was bestowed upon Mr.
Robert Walpole; but he still retained the confidence of his master. With
respect to Mr. Aislaby, the evidence appeared so strong against him,
that the commons resolved, he had promoted the distinctive execution
of the South-Sea scheme, with a view to his own exorbitant profit, and
combined with the directors in their pernicious practices to the ruin
of public credit. He was expelled the house, and committed to the Tower.
Mr. Craggs, senior, died of a lethargy, before he underwent the censure
of the house. Nevertheless they resolved that he was a notorious
accomplice with Robert Knight, and some of the directors, in carrying on
their scandalous practices; and therefore, that all the estate of which
he was possessed, from the first day of December in the preceding year,
should be applied towards the relief of the unhappy sufferers in the
South-Sea company. The directors, in obedience to the orders of the
house, delivered in inventories of their estates, which were confiscated
by act of parliament, towards making good the damages sustained by the
company, after a certain allowance was deducted for each according to
his conduct and circumstances.

{1721}

The delinquents being thus punished by the forfeiture of their fortunes,
the house converted their attention to means for repairing the
mischiefs which the scheme had produced. This was a very difficult task,
on account of the contending interests of those engaged in the South-Sea
company, which rendered it impossible to relieve some but at the expense
of others. Several wholesome resolutions were taken, and presented with
an address to the king, explaining the motives of their proceedings. On
the twenty-ninth day of July, the parliament was prorogued for two days
only. Then his majesty going to the house of peers, declared that he
had called them together again so suddenly, that they might resume the
consideration of the state of public credit. The commons immediately
prepared a bill upon the resolutions they had taken. The whole capital
stock, at the end of the year one thousand seven hundred and twenty,
amounted to about thirty-seven millions eight hundred thousand pounds.
The stock allotted to all the proprietors did not exceed twenty-four
millions five hundred thousand pounds; the remaining capital stock
belonged to the company in their corporate capacity. It was the profit
arising from the execution of the South-Sea scheme; and out of this
the bill enacted, that seven millions should be paid to the public. The
present act likewise directed several additions to be made to the stock
of the proprietors, out of that possessed by the company in their own
right; it made a particular distribution of stock, amounting to two
millions two hun dred thousand pounds; and upon remitting five millions
of the seven to be paid to the public, annihilated two millions of their
capital. It was enacted, that, after these distributions, the remaining
capital stock should be divided among all the proprietors. This dividend
amounted to thirty-three pounds six shillings and eight-pence per cent,
and deprived the company of eight millions nine hundred thousand pounds.
They had lent above eleven millions on stock unredeemed; of which the
parliament discharged all the debtors, upon their paying ten per cent.
Upon this article the company’s loss exceeded six millions nine hundred
thousand pounds, for many debtors refused to make any payment. The
proprietors of the stock loudly complained of their being deprived of
two millions; and the parliament in the sequel revived that sum which
had been annihilated. While this affair was in agitation, petitions
from counties, cities, and boroughs, in all parts of the kingdom, were
presented to the house, crying for justice against the villany of
the directors. Pamphlets and papers were daily published on the same
subject; so that the whole nation was exasperated to the highest pitch
of resentment. Nevertheless, by the wise and vigorous resolutions of
the parliament, the South-Sea company was soon in a condition to fulfil
their engagements with the public; the ferment of the people subsided;
and the credit of the nation was restored.




CHAPTER III.

     _Bill against Atheism and Immorality postponed..... Session
     closed..... Alliances between Great Britain, France, and
     Spain..... Plague at Marseilles..... Debates in the House of
     Lords about Mr. Law the Projector..... Sentiments of some
     Lords touching the War with Spain..... Petition of the
     Quakers..... The Parliament dissolved..... Rumours of a
     Conspiracy..... The Bishop of Rochester is committed to the
     Tower..... New Parliament..... Declaration of the
     Pretender..... Report of the Secret Committee..... Bill of
     Pains and Penalties against the Bishop of Rochester..... Who
     is deprived and driven into perpetual Exile..... Proceedings
     against those concerned in the Lottery at Hamburgh.....
     Affairs of the Continent..... Clamour in Ireland on account
     of Wood’s Coinage..... Death of the Duke of Orleans..... An
     Act for lessening the Public Debts..... Philip King of Spain
     abdicates the Throne..... Abuses in Chancery..... Trial of
     the Earl of Macclesfield..... Debates about the Debts of the
     Civil List..... A Bill in favour of the late Lord
     Bolingbroke..... Treaty of Alliance between the Courts of
     Vienna and Madrid..... Treaty of Hanover..... Approved in
     Parliament..... Riots in Scotland on account of the Malt-
     tax..... A small Squadron sent to the Baltic..... Admiral
     Hosier’s Expedition to the West Indies..... Disgrace of the
     Duke de Ripperda..... Substance of the King’s Speech to
     Parliament..... Debate in the House of Lords upon the
     approaching Rupture with the Emperor and Spain..... Memorial
     of Mr. Palms, the Imperial Resident at London.....
     Conventions with Sweden and Hesse-Cassel..... Vote of
     Credit..... Siege of Gibraltar by the Spaniards.....
     Preliminaries of Peace..... Death and Character of George I.
     King of Great Britain._

{GEORGE I., 1714-1727}




BILL AGAINST ATHEISM.

During the infatuation produced by this infamous scheme, luxury, vice,
and profligacy, increased to a shocking degree of extravagance. The
adventurers, intoxicated by their imaginary wealth, pampered themselves
with the rarest dainties, and the most expensive wines that could be
imported; they purchased the most sumptuous furniture, equipage, and
apparel, though without taste or discernment; they indulged their
criminal passions to the most scandalous excess; their discourse was the
language of pride, insolence, and the most ridiculous ostentation; they
affected to scoff at religion and morality, and even to set heaven at
defiance. The earl of Nottingham complained in the house of lords of the
growth of atheism, profaneness, and immorality; and a bill was brought
in for suppressing blasphemy and profaneness. It contained several
articles seemingly calculated to restrain the liberty granted to
nonconformists by the laws of the last session: for that reason it
met with violent opposition. It was supported by the archbishop of
Canterbury, the earl of Nottingham, lords Bathurst and Trevor, the
bishops of London, Winchester, and Litchfield and Coventry. One of
these said, he verily believed the present calamity occasioned by
the South-Sea project, was a judgment of God on the blasphemy and
profaneness of the nation. Lord Onslow replied, “That noble peer must
then be a great sinner, for he has lost considerably by the South-Sea
scheme.” The duke of Wharton, who had rendered himself famous by his wit
and profligacy, said he was not insensible of the common opinion of
the town concerning himself, and gladly seized this opportunity of
vindicating his character, by declaring he was far from being a patron
of blasphemy, or an enemy to religion. On the other hand, he could not
but oppose the bill, because he conceived it to be repugnant to the holy
scripture. Then pulling an old family bible from his pocket, he quoted
several passages from the epistles of St. Peter and St. Paul;
concluding with a desire that the bill might be thrown out. The earl of
Peterborough declared, that though he was for a parliamentary king,
yet he did not desire to have a parliamentary God, or a parliamentary
religion; and, should the house declare for one of this kind, he would
go to Rome and endeavour to be chosen a cardinal; for he had rather
sit in a conclave than with their lordships upon those terms. After a
vehement debate, the bill was postponed to a long day, by a considerable
majority. The season was far advanced before the supplies were granted;
and at length they were not voted with that cheerfulness and good humour
which the majority had hitherto manifested on such occasions. On the
sixteenth day of June, the king sent a message to the house of commons,
importing, that he had agreed to pay a subsidy to the crown of Sweden,
and he hoped they would enable him to make good his engagements. The
leaders of the opposition took fire at this intimation. They desired to
know whether this subsidy, amounting to seventy-two thousand pounds, was
to be paid to Sweden over and above the expense of maintaining a strong
squadron in the Baltic? Lord Molesworth observed, that, by our late
conduct, we were become the allies of the whole world, and the bubbles
of all our allies: for we were obliged to pay them well for their
assistance. He affirmed that the treaties which had been made with
Sweden at different times, were inconsistent and contradictory; that
our late engagements with that crown were contrary to the treaties
subsisting with Denmark, and directly opposite to the measures formerly
concerted with the czar of Muscovy. He said, that in order to engage the
czar to yield what he had gained in the course of the war, the king
of Prussia ought to give up Stetin, and the elector of Hanover
restore Bremen and Verden; that, after all, England had no business to
intermeddle with the affairs of the empire; that we reaped little or
no advantage by our trade to the Baltic, but that of procuring naval
stores; he owned that hemp was a very necessary commodity, particularly
at this juncture; but he insisted that if due encouragement were given
to some of our plantations in America, we might be supplied from thence
at a much cheaper rate than from Sweden and Norway. Notwithstanding
these arguments, the Swedish supply was granted; and, in about three
weeks, their complaisance was put to another proof. They were given
to understand, by a second message, that the debts of the civil list
amounted to five hundred and fifty thousand pounds; and his majesty
hoped they would empower him to raise that sum upon the revenue, as he
proposed it should be replaced in the civil list, and reimbursed by a
deduction from the salaries and wages of all officers, as well as from
the pensions and other payments from the crown. A bill was prepared for
this purpose, though not without warm opposition; and, at the same time,
an act passed for a general pardon. On the tenth day of August, the king
closed the session with a speech, in which he expressed his concern
for the sufferings of the innocent, and a just indignation against the
guilty, with respect to the South-Sea scheme. These professions were
judged necessary to clear his own character, which had incurred the
suspicion of some people, who whispered that he was not altogether free
from connexions with the projectors of that design; that the emperor
had, at his desire, refused to deliver up Knight; and that he favoured
the directors and their accomplices.




ALLIANCE BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND SPAIN.

Lords Townshend and Carteret were now appointed Secretaries of state;
and the earl of Hay was vested with the office of lord privy-seal of
Scotland. In June the treaty of peace between Great Britain and Spain
was signed at Madrid. The contracting parties engaged to restore
mutually all the effects seized and confiscated on both sides. In
particular, the king of England promised to restore all the ships of the
Spanish fleet which had been taken in the Mediterranean, or the value of
them, if they were sold. He likewise promised, in a secret article, that
he would no longer interfere in the affairs of Italy: and the king of
Spain made an absolute cession of Gibraltar and Port Mahon. At the same
time a defensive alliance was concluded between Great Britain, France,
and Spain. All remaining difficulties were referred to a congress at
Cambray, where they hoped to consolidate a general peace, by determining
all differences between the emperor and his catholic majesty. In the
meantime the powers of Great Britain, France, and Spain, engaged, by
virtue of the present treaty, to grant to the duke of Parma a particular
protection for the preservation of his territories and rights, and
for the support of his dignity. It was also stipulated that the
states-general should be invited to accede to this alliance. The
congress at Cambray was opened; but the demands on both sides were so
high, that it proved ineffectual. In the meantime, the peace between
Russia and Sweden was concluded, on condition that the czar should
retain Livonia, Ingria, Estonia, part of Carelia, and of the territory
of Wyburg, Riga, Revel, and Nerva, in consideration of his restoring
part of Finland, and paying two millions of rix-dollars to the king of
Sweden. The personal animosity subsisting between king George and the
czar seemed to increase. Bastagif, the Russian resident at London,
having presented a memorial that contained some unguarded expressions,
was ordered to quit the kingdom in a fortnight. The czar published a
declaration at Petersburgh, complaining of this outrage, which, he
said, ought naturally to have engaged him to use reprisals; but as he
perceived it was done without any regard to the concerns of England,
and only in favour of the Hanoverian interest, he was unwilling that the
English nation should suffer for a piece of injustice in which they had
no share. He, therefore, granted to them all manner of security, and
free liberty to trade in all his dominions. To finish this strange
tissue of negotiations, king George concluded a treaty with the Moors of
Africa, against which the Spaniards loudly exclaimed.




PLAGUE AT MARSEILLES.

In the course of this year pope Clement XI. died; and the princess
of Wales was delivered of a prince, baptized by the name of
William-Augustus, the late duke of Cumberland. A dreadful plague raging
at Marseilles, a proclamation was published, forbidding any person to
come into England, from any part of France between the Bay of Biscay and
Dunkirk, without certificates of health. Other precautions were taken
to guard against contagion. An act of parliament had passed in the
preceding session, for the prevention of infection, by building
pest-houses, to which all infected persons, and all persons of an
infected family, should be conveyed; and by drawing trenches and lines
round any city, town, or place infected. The king, in his speech at
opening the session of parliament on the nineteenth day of October,
intimated the pacification of the north, by the conclusion of the treaty
between Muscovy and Sweden. He desired the house of commons to consider
of means for easing the duties upon the imported commodities used in
the manufactures of the kingdom. He observed, that the nation might be
supplied with naval stores from our own colonies in North America; and
that their being employed in this useful and advantageous branch of
commerce, would divert them from setting up manufactures which directly
interfered with those of Great Britain. He expressed a desire that, with
respect to the supplies, his people might reap some immediate benefit
from the present circumstances of affairs abroad; and he earnestly
recommended to their consideration, means for preventing the plague,
particularly by providing against the practice of smuggling.




DEBATES IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ABOUT MR. LAW.

One of the first objects that attracted the attention of the upper house
was the case of John Law, the famous projector. The resentment of the
people on account of his Mississippi scheme had obliged him to leave
France. He retired to Italy; and was said to have visited the pretender
at Rome. From thence he repaired to Hanover; and returned to England
from the Baltic, in the fleet commanded by sir John Norris. The king
favoured him with a private audience; he kept open house, and was
visited by great numbers of persons of the first quality. Earl Coningsby
represented in the house of lords that he could not but entertain some
jealousy of a person who had done so much mischief in a neighbouring
kingdom; who, being immensely rich, might do a great deal more hurt
here, by tampering with those who were grown desperate, in consequence
of being involved in the calamity occasioned by the fatal imitation
of his pernicious projects. He observed, that this person was the more
dangerous, as he had renounced his natural affection to his country, his
allegiance to his lawful sovereign, and his religion, by turning Roman
catholic. Lord Carteret replied, that Mr. Law had, many years ago, the
misfortune to kill a gentleman in a duel; but, having at last received
the benefit of the king’s clemency, and the appeal lodged by the
relations of the deceased being taken off, he was come over to plead his
majesty’s pardon. He said there was no law to keep an Englishman out of
his country; and, as Mr. Law was a subject of Great Britain, it was
not even in the king’s power to hinder him from coming over. After some
dispute, the subject was dropped, and this great projector pleaded his
pardon in the king’s bench according to the usual form.




SENTIMENTS OF SOME LORDS TOUCHING THE WAR.

The ministry had by this time secured such a majority in both houses,
as enabled them to carry any point without the least difficulty. Some
chiefs of the opposition they had brought over to their measures, and
among the rest lord Harcourt, who was created a viscount, and gratified
with a pension of four thousand pounds. Nevertheless they could not
shut the mouths of the minority, who still preserved the privilege of
complaining. Great debates were occasioned by the navy debt, which was
increased to one million seven hundred thousand pounds. Some members in
both houses affirmed, that such extraordinary expense could not be for
the immediate service of Great Britain; but, in all probability, for the
preservation of foreign acquisitions. The ministers answered, that near
two-thirds of the navy debts were contracted in the late reign; and the
parliament acquiesced in this declaration; but in reality the navy debt
had been unnecessarily increased, by keeping seamen in pay during the
winter, and sending fleets to the Mediterranean and Baltic in order to
support the interests of Germany. The duke of Wharton moved that the
treaty with Spain might be laid before the house. The earl of Sunderland
said it contained a secret article which the king of Spain desired
might not be made public until after the treaty of Cambray should be
discussed. The question was put, and the duke’s motion rejected.
The earl of Strafford asserted, that as the war with Spain had been
undertaken without necessity or just provocation, so the peace was
concluded without any benefit or advantage; that, contrary to the law of
nations, the Spanish fleet had been attacked without any declaration
of war; even while a British minister and a secretary of state were
treating amicably at Madrid; that the war was neither just nor politic,
since it interrupted one of the most valuable branches of the English
commerce, at a time when the nation groaned under the pressure of heavy
debts, incurred by the former long expensive war. He therefore moved for
an address to his majesty, desiring that the instructions given to sir
George Byng, now lord Torrington, should be laid before the house.
This motion being likewise, upon the question, rejected, a protest was
entered. They voted an address, however, to know in what manner the king
had disposed of the ships taken from the Spaniards. Disputes arose from
the bill to prevent infection. Earl Cowper represented, that the removal
of persons to a lazaret, or pest-house, by order of the government,
and the drawing lines and trenches round places infected, were powers
unknown to the British constitution; inconsistent with the lenity of
a free government, such as could never be wisely or usefully put in
practice; the more odious, because copied from the arbitrary government
of France; and impracticable, except by military compulsion. Those
obnoxious clauses were accordingly repealed, though not without great
opposition. Indeed, nothing can be more absurd than a constitution that
will not admit of just and necessary laws and regulations to prevent
the dire consequences of the worst of all calamities. Such restrictions,
instead of favouring the lenity of a free government, would be the most
cruel imposition that could be laid on a free people, as it would act in
diametrical opposition to the great principles of society, which is the
preservation of the individual.




PETITION OF THE QUAKERS..

The quakers having presented a petition to the house of commons, praying
that a bill might be brought in for omitting in their solemn affirmation
the words “In the presence of Almighty God,” the house complied with
their request: but the bill gave rise to a warm debate among the peers.
Dr. Atterbury, bishop of Rochester, said he did not know why such a
distinguishing mark of indulgence should be allowed to a set of people
who were hardly christians. He was supported by the archbishop of York,
the earl of Strafford, and lord North and Grey. A petition was presented
against the bill by the London clergy, who expressed a serious concern
lest the minds of good men should be grieved and wounded, and the
enemies of Christianity triumph, when they should see such condescension
made by a christian legislature to a set of men who renounce the divine
institutions of Christ; particularly that by which the faithful are
initiated into his religion, and denominated christians. The petition,
though presented by the archbishop of York, was branded by the ministry
as a seditious libel, and rejected by the majority. Then, upon a motion
by the earl of Sunderland, the house resolved that such lords as might
enter protestations with reasons, should do it before two o’clock on
the next sitting day, and sign them before the house rises. The supplies
being granted, and the business of the session despatched as the court
was pleased to dictate, on the seventh day of March the parliament
was prorogued. In a few days it was dissolved, and another convoked by
proclamation. In the election of members for the new parliament, the
ministry exerted itself with such success as returned a great majority
in the house of commons, extremely well adapted for all the purposes of
an administration. *

     * The earl of Sunderland died in April, after having
     incurred a great load of popular odium, from his supposed
     connexions with the directors of the South-Sea company. He
     was a minister of abilities, but violent, impetuous, and
     headstrong. His death was soon followed by that of his
     father-in-law, the great duke of Marlborough, whose
     faculties had been for some time greatly impaired. He was
     interred in Westminster-abbey, with such profusion of
     funeral pomp, as evinced the pride and ostentation, much
     more than the taste and concern, of those who directed his
     obsequies. He was succeeded as master of the ordnance, and
     colonel of the first regiment of foot guards, by earl
     Cadogan.

{1722}

In the beginning of May, the king is said to have received from the duke
of Orleans full and certain information of a fresh conspiracy formed
against his person and government. A camp was immediately formed
in Hyde-Park. All military officers were ordered to repair to their
respective commands. Lieutenant-general Macartney was despatched to
Ireland, to bring over some troops from that kingdom. Some suspected
persons were apprehended in Scotland: the states of Holland were desired
to have their auxiliary or guarantee troops in readiness to be embarked;
and colonel Churchill was sent to the court of France with a private
commission. The apprehension raised by this supposed plot affected
the public credit. South-Sea stock began to fall, and crowds of people
called in their money from the bank. Lord Townshend wrote a letter to
the mayor of London, by the king’s command, signifying his majesty’s
having received unquestionable advices that several of his subjects had
entered into a wicked conspiracy, in concert with traitors abroad, for
raising a rebellion in favour of a popish pretender; but that he was
firmly assured the authors of it neither were nor would be supported
by any foreign power. This letter was immediately answered by an
affectionate address from the court of aldermen; and the example of
London was followed by many other cities and boroughs. The king had
determined to visit Hanover, and actually settled a regency, in which
the prince of Wales was not included: but now this intended journey was
laid aside; the court was removed to Kensington, and the prince retired
to Richmond. The bishop of Rochester having been seized with his
papers, was examined before a committee of the council, who committed
him to the Tower for high-treason. The earl of Orrery, lord North and
Grey, and Mr. Cockran and Mr. Smith from Scotland, and Mr. Christopher
Layer, a young gentleman of the Temple, were confined in the same
place. Mr. George Kelly, an Irish clergyman, Mr. Robert Cotton of
Huntingdonshire, Mr. Bingly, Mr. Fleetwood, Neynoe, an Irish priest, and
several persons, were taken into custody; and Mr. Shippen’s house was
searched. After bishop Atterbury had remained a fortnight in the Tower,
sir Constantine Phipps presented a petition to the court at the Old
Bailey, in the name of Mrs. Morris, that prelate’s daughter, praying
that, in consideration of the bishop’s ill state of health, he might be
either brought to a speedy trial, bailed, or discharged: but this was
over-ruled. The churchmen through the whole kingdom were filled with
indignation at the confinement of a bishop, which they said was an
outrage upon the church of England, and the episcopal order. Far from
concealing their sentiments on this subject, the clergy ventured to
offer up public prayers for his health, in almost all the churches and
chapels of London and Westminster. In the meantime, the king, attended
by the prince of Wales, made a summer progress through the western
counties.




NEW PARLIAMENT.

The new parliament being assembled on the ninth day of October, his
majesty made them acquainted with the nature of the conspiracy. He said
the conspirators had, by their emissaries, made the strongest instances
for succours from foreign powers, but were disappointed in their
expectations. That nevertheless, confiding in their numbers, they had
resolved once more, upon their own strength, to attempt the subversion
of his government. He said they had provided considerable sums of money,
engaged great numbers of officers from abroad, secured large quantities
of arms and ammunition; and, had not the plot been timely discovered,
the whole nation, and particularly the city of London, would have been
involved in blood and confusion. He expatiated upon the mildness and
integrity of his own government; and inveighed against the ingratitude,
the implacability, and madness of the disaffected, concluding with an
assurance that he would steadily adhere to the constitution in church
and state, and continue to make the laws of the realm the rule and
measure of all his actions. Such addresses were presented by both
houses, as the fears and attachment of the majority may be supposed to
have dictated on such an occasion. A bill was brought into the house of
lords for suspending the _habeas-corpus_ act for a whole year, but they
were far from being unanimous in agreeing to such an unusual length of
time. By this suspension they, in effect, vested the ministry with a
dictatorial power over the liberties of the people.




DECLARATION OF THE PRETENDER.

The opposition in the house of commons was so violent, that Mr. Robert
Walpole found it necessary to alarm their apprehensions by a dreadful
story of a design to seize the bank and exchequer, and to proclaim the
pretender on the Royal Exchange. Their passions being inflamed by this
ridiculous artifice, they passed the bill, which immediately received
the royal assent. The duke of Norfolk being brought from Bath, was
examined before the council, and committed to the Tower on suspicion
of high-treason. On the sixteenth day of November, the king sent to the
house of peers the original and printed copy of a declaration signed by
the pretender. It was dated at Lucca, on the twentieth day of September,
in the present year, and appeared to be a proposal addressed to the
subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, as well as to all foreign princes
and states. In this paper, the chevalier de St. George having mentioned
the late violation of the freedom of elections, conspiracies invented to
give a colour to new oppressions, infamous informers, and the state of
proscription in which he supposed every honest man to be, very gravely
proposed, that if king George would relinquish to him the throne of
Great Britain, he would, in return, bestow upon him the title of king
in his native dominions, and invite all Other states to confirm it; he
likewise promised to leave to king George his succession to the British
dominions secure, whenever, in due course, his natural right should take
place. The lords unanimously resolved that this declaration was a false,
insolent, and traitorous libel; and ordered it to be burned at the Royal
Exchange. The commons concurred in these resolutions. Both houses joined
in an address, expressing their utmost astonishment and indignation at
the surprising insolence of the pretender; and assuring his majesty they
were determined to support his title to the crown with their lives and
fortunes. The commons prepared a bill for raising one hundred thousand
pounds upon the real and personal estates of all papists, or persons
educated in the popish religion, towards defraying the expenses
occasioned by the late rebellion and disorders. This bill, though
strenuously opposed by some moderate members as a species of
persecution, was sent up to the house of lords; together with another
obliging all persons being papists in Scotland, and all persons in Great
Britain, refusing or neglecting to take the oaths appointed for the
security of the king’s person and government, to register their names
and real estates. Both these bills passed through the upper house
without amendment, and received the royal sanction.




REPORT OF THE SECRET COMMITTEE.

Mr. Layer being brought to his trial at the king’s bench, on the
twenty-first day of November, was convicted for having enlisted men for
the pretender’s service, in order to stir up a rebellion, and received
sentence of death. He was reprieved for some time, and examined by a
committee of the house of commons: but he either could not, or would
not, discover the particulars of the conspiracy, so that he suffered
death at Tyburn, and his head was fixed up at Temple-bar. Mr. Pulteney,
chairman of the committee, reported to the house, that, from the
examination of Layer and others, a design had been formed by persons of
figure and distinction at home, in conjunction with traitors abroad, for
placing the pretender on the throne of these realms: that their first
intention was to procure a body of foreign troops to invade the kingdom
at the time of the late elections; but that the conspirators being
disappointed in this expectation, resolved to make an attempt at the
time that it was generally believed the king intended to go to Hanover,
by the help of such officers and soldiers as could pass into England
unobserved, from abroad, under the command of the late duke of Ormond,
who was to have landed in the river with a great quantity of arms
provided in Spain for that purpose; at which time the Tower was to have
been seized. That this scheme being also defeated by the vigilance of
the government, they deferred their enterprise till the breaking up of
the camp; and, in the meantime, employed their agents to corrupt and
seduce the officers and soldiers of the army: that it appeared from
several letters and circumstances, that the late duke of Ormond, the
duke of Norfolk, the earl of Orrery, lord North and Grey, and the bishop
of Rochester, were concerned in this conspiracy; that their acting
agents were Christopher Layer and John Plunket, who travelled together
to Rome; Dennis Kelly, George Kelly, and Thomas Carte, nonjuring
clergymen; Neynoe the Irish priest, who by this time was drowned in
the river Thames in attempting to make his escape from the messenger’s
house; Mrs. Spilman, alias Yallop, and John Sample.




BILL OF PAINS AND PENALTIES AGAINST THE BISHOP OF ROCHESTER.

This pretended conspiracy, in all likelihood, extended no farther than
the first rudiments of a design that was never digested into any regular
form; otherwise the persons said to be concerned in it must have been
infatuated to a degree of frenzy: for they were charged with having made
application to the regent of France, who was well known to be intimately
connected with the king of Great Britain. The house of commons, however,
resolved, that it was a detestable and horrid conspiracy for raising
a rebellion, seizing the Tower and the city of London, laying violent
hands upon the persons of his most sacred majesty and the prince of
Wales, in order to subvert our present happy establishment in church and
state, by placing a popish pretender upon the throne: that it was formed
and carried on by persons of figure and distinction, and their agents
and instruments, in conjunction with traitors abroad. Bills were brought
in and passed, for inflicting pains and penalties against John Plunket
and George Kelly, who were by these acts to be kept in close custody
during his majesty’s pleasure, in any prison in Great Britain; and that
they should not attempt to escape on pain of death, to be inflicted upon
them and their assistants. Mr. Yonge made a motion for a bill of the
same nature against the bishop of Rochester. This was immediately
brought into the house, though sir William Wyndham affirmed that there
was no evidence against him but conjectures and hearsay. The bishop
wrote a letter to the speaker, importing, that, though conscious of his
own innocence, he should decline giving the house any trouble that day,
contenting himself with the opportunity of making his defence before
another, of which he had the honour to be a member. Counsel being heard
for the bill, it was committed to a grand committee on the sixth day of
April, when the majority of the tory members quitted the house. It
was then moved, that the bishop should be deprived of his office
and benefice, and banished the kingdom for ever. Mr. Lawson and Mr.
Oglethorpe spoke in his favour.

{1723}

The bill being passed, and sent up to the lords, the bishop was brought
to his trial before them on the ninth of May. Himself and his counsel
having been heard, the lords proceeded to consider the articles of the
bill. When they read it a third time, a motion was made to pass it, and
then a long and warm debate ensued. Earl Paulet demonstrated the danger
and injustice of swerving in such an extraordinary manner from the fixed
rules of evidence. The duke of Wharton having summed up the depositions,
and proved the insufficiency of them, concluded with saying, that, let
the consequences be what they would, he hoped such a hellish stain
would never sully the lustre and glory of that illustrious house, as to
condemn a man without the least evidence. Lord Bathurst spoke
against the bill with equal strength and eloquence. He said, if such
extraordinary proceedings were countenanced, he saw nothing remaining
for him and others to do, but to retire to their country houses,
and there, if possible, quietly enjoy their estates within their own
families, since the least correspondence, the least intercepted letter,
might be made criminal. He observed, that cardinal Mazarin boasted, that
if he had but two lines of any man’s writing, he could, by means of a
few circumstances, attested by witnesses, deprive him of his life at
his pleasure. Turning to the bench of bishops, who had been generally
unfavourable to Dr. Atterbury, he said he could hardly account for the
inveterate hatred and malice some persons bore the learned and ingenuous
bishop of Rochester, unless they were intoxicated with the infatuation
of some savage Indians, who believe they inherited not only the spoils,
but even the abilities of any great enemy whom they had killed in
battle. The bill was supported by the duke of Argyle, the earl of
Seafield, and Lord Lechmere, which last was answered by earl Cowper.
This nobleman observed, that the strongest argument urged in behalf of
the bill was necessity; but that, for his part, he saw no necessity that
could justify such unprecedented and such dangerous proceedings, as the
conspiracy had above twelve months before been happily discovered, and
the effects of it prevented: that, besides the intrinsic weight and
strength of the government, the hands of those at the helm had been
still further fortified by the suspension of the _habeas-corpus_ act,
and the additional troops which had been raised. He said the known rules
of evidence, as laid down at first and established by the law of the
land, were the birth-right of every subject in the nation, and ought to
be constantly observed, not only in the inferior courts of judicature,
but also in both houses of parliament, till altered by the legislature;
that the admitting of the precarious and uncertain evidence of the
clerks of the post-office, was a very dangerous precedent. In former
times, said he, it was thought very grievous that in capital cases a
man should be affected by similitude of hands; but here the case is much
worse, since it is allowed that the clerks of the post-office should
carry the similitude of hands four months in their minds. He applauded
the bishop’s noble deportment in declining to answer before the house of
commons, whose proceedings in this unprecedented manner, against a
lord of parliament, was such an encroachment on the prerogative of the
peerage, that if they submitted to it, by passing the bill, they
might be termed the last of British peers, for giving up their ancient
privileges. The other party were not so solicitous about answering
reasons, as eager to put the question, when the bill passed, and a
protest was entered. By this act the bishop was deprived of all offices,
benefices, and dignities, and rendered incapable of enjoying any for the
future: he was banished the realm, and subjected to the pains of death
in case he should return, as were all persons who should correspond with
him during his exile. Dr. Friend, the celebrated physician, who was a
member of the house of commons, and had exerted himself strenuously
in behalf of the bishop, was now taken into custody on suspicion of
treasonable practices.




PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THOSE CONCERNED IN THE LOTTERY AT HAMBURGH.

The next object that excited the resentment of the commons was the
scheme of a lottery to be drawn at Hamburgh in the king’s German
dominions. The house appointed a committee to inquire into this
and other lotteries at that time on foot in London. The scheme was
published, on pretence of raising a subscription for maintaining a trade
between Great Britain and the king’s territories on the Elbe; but it
was a mysterious scene of iniquity, which the committee, with all their
penetration, could not fully discover. They reported, however, that it
was an infamous fraudulent undertaking, whereby many unwary persons had
been drawn in, to their great loss: that the manner of carrying it
on had been a manifest violation of the laws of the kingdom: that the
managers and agents of this lottery had, without any authority for so
doing, made use of his majesty’s royal name, thereby to give countenance
to the infamous project, and induce his majesty’s subjects to engage or
be concerned therein. A bill was brought in to suppress this lottery;
and to oblige the managers of it to make restitution of the money they
had received from the contributors. At the same time the house resolved,
That John lord viscount Barrington had been notoriously guilty of
promoting, abetting, and carrying on their fraudulent undertaking;
for which offence he should be expelled the house. The court of Vienna
having erected an East-India company at Os-tend, upon a scheme formed by
one Colebrooke an English merchant, sir Nathaniel Gould represented to
the house of commons the great detriment which the English East-India
company had already received, and were likely further to sustain,
by this Ostend company. The house immediately resolved, That for the
subjects of this kingdom to subscribe, or be concerned in encouraging
any subscription, to promote an East-India company now erecting in the
Austrian Netherlands, was a high crime and misdemeanor; and a law
was enacted for preventing British subjects from engaging in that
enterprise. By another act, relating to the South-Sea company, the two
millions of stock which had been annihilated were revived, added to the
capital, and divided among the proprietors. A third law passed, for the
more effectual execution of justice in a part of Southwark called
the Mint, where a great number of debtors had taken sanctuary, on the
supposition that it was a privileged place. On the twenty-seventh clay
of May the session was closed, with a speech that breathed nothing
but panegyric, acknowledgment, and affection to a parliament which had
complied with all his majesty’s wishes.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




AFFAIRS OF THE CONTINENT.

His majesty having ennobled the son of Mr. Robert Walpole, in
consideration of the father’s services, made a good number of church
promotions. He admitted the imprisoned lords and gentlemen to bail;
granted a pardon to lord Bolingbroke; and ordered the bishop of
Rochester to be conveyed to the continent. Then he himself set out for
Hanover, leaving the administration of his kingdoms in the hands of a
regency, lord Har-court being one of the justices. The king was attended
by the two secretaries, lords Townshend and Carteret, who were counted
able negotiators. The affairs of the continent had begun to take a new
turn. The interests and connexions of the different princes were become
perplexed and embarrassed; and king George resolved to unravel them
by dint of negotiation. Understanding that a treaty was on the carpet
between the czar and the king of Sweden, favourable to the duke of
Holstein’s pretensions to Sleswick, the possession of which the elector
of Hanover had guaranteed to Denmark, his majesty began to be in pain
for Bremen and Verden. The regent of France and the king of Spain had
now compromised all differences; and their reconciliation was cemented
by a double marriage between Philip’s sons and the regent’s daughters.
The former proposed new treaties to England; but insisted upon the
restitution of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, as well as upon the king’s
openly declaring against the Ostend company. His Britannic majesty was
apprehensive, that, should the emperor be hard pressed on that subject,
he might join the czar and the king of Sweden, and promote their designs
in favour of the duke of Holstein. On the other hand, all the Italian
powers exclaimed against the treaty of London. The pope had protested
against any thing that might have been decided at Cambray to the
prejudice of his right. Memorials to the same effect had been presented
by the king of Sardinia, the dukes of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena. France
and Spain were inclined to support these potentates against the house
of Austria. Europe seemed to be on the eve of a new war. King George was
entangled in such a variety of treaties and interests, that he knew not
well how to extricate himself from the troublesome engagements he had
contracted. By declaring for the emperor, he must have countenanced the
new establishment at Ostend, which was so prejudicial to his British
subjects, and incurred the resentment of France, Spain, and their allies
of Italy. In renouncing the interest of the emperor, he would have
exposed his German dominions. In vain he exhorted the emperor to relax
in his disputes with Spain, and give up the Ostend company, which was so
detrimental and disagreeable to his faithful allies; the court of Vienna
promised in general to observe the treaties which it had concluded,
but declined entering into any particular discussion; so that all his
majesty’s endeavours ended in contracting closer connexions with Prussia
and Denmark. All those negotiations carried on, all those treaties
concluded by king George, with almost every prince and state in
Christendom, which succeeded one another so fast, and appear at first
view so intricate and unaccountable, were founded upon two simple and
natural principles, namely, the desire of ascertaining his acquisitions
as elector of Hanover, and his resolution to secure himself against
the disaffection of his British subjects, as well as the efforts of the
pretender.




CLAMOUR IN IRELAND ON ACCOUNT OF WOOD’S COINAGE.

Great Britain at this period enjoyed profound tranquillity. Ireland was
a little ruffled by an incident which seemed to have been misrepresented
to the people of that kingdom. William Wood had obtained a patent for
furnishing Ireland with copper currency, in which it was deficient.
A great clamour was raised against this coin. The parliament of that
kingdom, which met in September, resolved, that it would be prejudicial
to the revenue, destructive of trade, and of dangerous consequence
to the rights of the subject; that the patent had been obtained by
misrepresentation; that the halfpence wanted weight; that, even if the
terms of the patent had been complied with, there would have been
a great loss to the nation; that granting the power of coinage to a
private person had ever been highly prejudicial to the kingdom, and
would at all times be of dangerous consequence. Addresses from both
houses were presented to the king on this subject. The affair was
referred to the lords of the privy-council of England. They justified
the conduct of the patentee, upon the report of Sir Isaac Newton and
other officers of the Mint, who had made an assay and trial of Wood’s
halfpence, and found he had complied with the terms of the patent. They
declared that this currency exceeded in goodness, fineness, and value
of metal, all the copper money which had been coined for Ireland, in the
reigns of king Charles II., king James II., king William and queen Mary.
The privy-council likewise demonstrated, that his majesty’s predecessors
had always exercised the undoubted prerogative of granting patents for
copper coinage in Ireland to private persons: that none of these patents
had been so beneficial to the kingdom as this granted to William
Wood, who had not obtained it in an unprecedented manner, but after a
reference to the attorney and solicitor-general, and after Sir Isaac
Newton had been consulted in every particular: finally, they proved, by
a great number of witnesses, that there was a real want of such money in
Ireland. Notwithstanding this decision, the ferment of the Irish nation
was industriously kept up by clamour, pamphlets, papers, and lampoons,
written by dean Swift and other authors; so that Wood voluntarily
reduced his coinage from the value of one hundred thousand to forty
thousand pounds. Thus the noise was silenced. The commons of Ireland
passed an act for accepting the affirmation of the quakers instead of
an oath; and voted three hundred and forty thousand pounds towards
discharging the debt of the nation, which amounted to about double that
sum.




DEATH OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.

In the month of October, England lost a worthy nobleman in the death
of earl Cowper, who had twice discharged the office of lord-chancellor,
with equal discernment and integrity. He was profoundly skilled in the
laws of his country; in his apprehension quick and penetrating; in his
judgment clear and determinate. He possessed a manly eloquence; his
manner was agreeable, and his deportment graceful. This year was
likewise remarkable for the death of the duke of Orleans, regent of
France, who, since the decease of Louis XIV., had ruled that nation
with the most absolute authority. He was a prince of taste and spirit,
endowed with shining talents for empire, which he did not fail to
display, even in the midst of effeminate pursuits and idle debauchery.
From the infirm constitution of the infant king, he had conceived hopes
of ascending the throne, and taken his measures accordingly; but the
young monarch’s health began to be established, and all the duke’s
schemes were defeated by an apoplexy, of which he died, in the
fiftieth year of his age, after having nominated the duke of Bourbon as
prime-minister. King George immediately received assurances of the good
disposition of the French court, to cultivate and even improve the good
understanding so happily established between France and Great Britain.
The king arrived in England on the eighteenth day of December; and on
the ninth day of January the parliament was assembled. His majesty, in
his speech, recommended to the commons the care of the public debts; and
he expressed his satisfaction at seeing the sinking fund improved and
augmented, so as to put the debt of the nation into a method of being
speedily and gradually discharged.




AN ACT FOR LESSENING THE PUBLIC DEBTS.

This was the repeated theory of patriotism, which unhappily for the
subjects, was never reduced to practice; not but that a beginning
of such a laudable work was made in this very session, by an act for
lessening the public debts. This law provided that the annuities at five
per cent, charged on the general fund by a former act, except such as
had been subscribed into the South-Sea, together with the unsubscribed
blanks of the lottery in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fourteen, should be paid off at Lady-day of the year next ensuing, with
the money arising from the sinking fund. The ministry, however, did not
persevere in this path of prudent economy. The commons granted all the
supplies that were demanded. They voted ten thousand seamen; and the
majority, though not without violent opposition, agreed to maintain four
thousand additional troops, which had been raised in the preceding
year; so that the establishment of the land-forces amounted to eighteen
thousand two hundred and sixty-four. The expense of the year was
defrayed by a land-tax and malt-tax. The commons having despatched the
supply, took into consideration a grievance arising from protections
granted by foreign ministers, peers and members of parliament, under
which profligate persons used to screen themselves from the prosecution
of their just creditors. The commons resolved, That all protections
granted by members of that house should be declared void, and
immediately withdrawn. The lords made a declaration to the same purpose,
with an exception to menial servants, and those necessarily employed
about the estates of peers.*

     * The duke of Newcastle was now appointed secretary of
     state; the duke of Grafton, lord-chamberlain; and lord
     Carteret, lord-lieutenant of Ireland.--The king instituted a
     professorship for the modern languages in each university.--
     In the month of May died Robert Harley, earl of Oxford and
     earl Mortimer, who had been a munificent patron of genius
     and literature; and completed a very valuable collection of
     manuscripts.--The practice of inoculation for the small-pox
     was by this time introduced into England from Turkey. Prince
     Frederic, the two princesses Amelia and Carolina, the duke
     of Bedford and his sister, with many other persons of
     distinction, underwent the operation with success.--Dr.
     Henry Sacheverel died in June, after having bequeathed five
     hundred pounds to the late bishop of Rochester.

{1724}

On the twenty-fourth day of April, his majesty closed the session in
the usual manner, made some alterations in the disposition of the
great officers of state, and sent Mr. Horatio Walpole as
ambassador-extraordinary to the court of France.




PHILIP, KING OF SPAIN, ABDICATES THE THRONE.

In the beginning of this year, Philip king of Spain, retiring with his
queen to the monastery of St. Ildefonso, sent the marquis of Grimaldi,
his principal secretary of state, to his son Louis prince of Asturias,
with a solemn renunciation of the crown, and a letter of advice in
which he exhorted him to cultivate the Blessed Virgin with the warmest
devotion, and put himself and his kingdoms under her protection. The
renunciation was published through the whole monarchy of Spain; and
the council of Castile resolved, That Louis might assume the reins of
government without assembling the Cortez. The English minister at Paris
was instructed to interpose in behalf of the French protestants, against
whom a severe edict had been lately published; but his remonstrances
produced no effect. England, in the meantime, was quite barren of such
events as deserve a place in history. The government was now firmly
established on the neck of opposition; and commerce flourished even
under the load of grievous impositions.




ABUSES IN CHANCERY.

The next parliament, which met on the twelfth day of November, seemed
to be assembled for no other purpose than that of establishing funds for
the expense of the ensuing year; yet the session was distinguished by
a remarkable incident--namely, the trial of the earl of Macclesfield,
lord-chancellor of England. This nobleman had connived at certain
venal practices touching the sale of places, and the money of suitors
deposited with the masters of chancery, so as to incur the general
reproach of the nation. He found it necessary to resign the great seal
in the beginning of January, 1725. On the ninth day of the ensuing
month, the king sent a message to the commons, importing, That his
majesty having reason to apprehend that the suitors in the court of
chancery were in danger of losing a considerable sum of money, from
the insufficiency of some of the masters, thought himself obliged, in
justice and compassion to the said sufferers, to take the most speedy
and proper method the law would allow for inquiring into the state of
the master’s accounts, and securing their effects for the benefit of the
suitors; and his majesty having had several reports laid before him, in
pursuance of the directions he had given, had ordered the reports to be
communicated to the house, that they might have as full and as perfect
a view of this important affair as the shortness of the time, and the
circumstances and nature of the proceedings, would admit.




TRIAL OF THE EARL OF MACCLESFIELD.

These papers being taken into consideration, sir George Oxenden
observed, that enormous abuses had crept into the high court of
chancery; that the crimes and misdemeanors of the late lord-chancellor
were many and various, but might be reduced to the following heads
--that he had embezzled the estates and effects of many widows, orphans,
and lunatics; that he had raised the offices of masters in chancery
to an exorbitant price; trusting in their hands large sums of money
belonging to suitors, that they might be enabled to comply with his
exorbitant demands, and that in several cases he had made divers
irregular orders. He therefore moved, That Thomas earl of Macclesfield
should be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. Mr. Pulteney
moved, That this affair might be left to the consideration of a select
committee. Sir William Wyndham asserted, That in proceeding by way
of impeachment upon reports from above, they would make a dangerous
precedent; and seem to give up the most valuable of their privileges,
the inquest after state criminals. The question being put, it was
carried for the impeachment. The earl was accordingly impeached at the
bar of the upper house; a committee was appointed to prepare articles;
and a bill was brought in, to indemnify the masters in chancery from the
penalties of the law, upon discovering what consideration they had paid
for their admission to their respective offices. The trial lasted twenty
days; the earl was convicted of fradulent practices; and condemned in a
fine of thirty thousand pounds, with imprisonment until that sum should
be paid. He was immediately committed to the Tower, where he continued
about six weeks; but upon producing the money he was discharged; and sir
Peter King, now created baron of Oakham, succeeded him in the office of
chancellor.




DEBATES ABOUT THE DEBTS OF THE CIVIL LIST.

His majesty, on the eighth day of April, gave the house of commons to
understand, that having been engaged in some extraordinary expenses, he
hoped he should be enabled to raise a sum of money, by making use of the
funds lately established for the payment of the civil list annuities,
in order to discharge the debts contracted in the civil government.
Mr. Pulteney, cofferer of the household, moved for an address, That an
account should be laid before the house of all monies paid for secret
service, pensions, and bounties, from the twenty-fifth day of March, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and one, to the twenty-fifth of the
same month in the present year. This address being voted, a motion
was made to consider the king’s message. Mr. Pulteney urged, that this
consideration should be postponed until the house should have examined
the papers that were the subject of the address. He expressed his
surprise that a debt amounting to above five hundred thousand pounds
should be contracted in three years; he said, he did not wonder that
some persons should be so eager to make good the deficiencies of the
civil-list, since they and their friends enjoyed such a share of that
revenue; and he desired to know whether this was all that was due, or
whether they should expect another reckoning? This gentleman began to
be dissatisfied with the measures of the ministry; and his sarcasms
were aimed at Mr. Walpole, who undertook to answer his objections. The
commons took the message into consideration, and passed a bill, enabling
his majesty to raise a sum, not exceeding one million, by exchequer
bills, loans, or otherwise, on the credit of the deductions of sixpence
per pound, directed by an act of parliament of the seventh year of his
majesty, and of the civil-list revenues, at an interest not exceeding
three pounds per cent, till repayment of the principal.




BILL IN FAVOUR OF THE LATE LORD BOLINGBROKE.

On the twentieth day of April, a petition was presented to the house
by lord Finch in behalf of Henry St. John, late viscount Bolingbroke,
praying that the execution of the law with respect to his forfeitures
might be suspended, as a pardon had suspended it with respect to his
life. Mr. Walpole signified to the house, by his majesty’s command,
that, seven years before, the petitioner had made humble application
and submission to the king, with assurances of duty, allegiance, and
fidelity; that, from his behaviour since that time, his majesty was
convinced of his being a fit object of his mercy, and consented to his
petitioning the house. The petition being read, Mr. Walpole declared
himself fully satisfied that the petitioner had sufficiently atoned for
his past offences; and therefore deserved the favour of that house, so
far as to enable him to enjoy the family inheritance that was settled
upon him, which he could not do by virtue of his majesty’s pardon,
without an act of parliament. Lord Finch moved, That a bill might be
brought in for this purpose, and was warmly opposed by Mr. Methuen,
comptroller of the household, who represented Bolingbroke as a monster
of iniquity. His remonstrance was supported by lord William Paulet and
Mr. Onslow; nevertheless, the bill was prepared, passed through both
houses, and received the royal assent. An act being passed for disarming
the highlanders of Scotland, another for regulating elections within
the city of London, a third for reducing the interest of several bank
annuities, together with some bills of a private nature, the parliament
was prorogued in May, after the king had, in the warmest terms of
acknowledgment, expressed his approbation of their conduct. Then he
appointed lords-justices to govern the nation in his absence; and set
out in June for his German dominions.*

     * On the fifth day of December the princess of Wales was
     delivered of a princess, christened by the name of Lotvisa,
     and afterwards married to the king of Denmark. She died
     December the nineteenth, one thousand seven hundred and
     fifty-one.--Immediately after the session of parliament, the
     king revived the order of the Bath, thirty-eight in number,
     including the sovereign.--William Bateman was created baron
     of Calmore in Ireland, and viscount Bateman; and sir Kobert
     Walpole, who had been one of the revived knights of the
     Bath, was now honoured with the order of the Garter.




TREATY OF ALLIANCE.

The tide of political interest on the continent had begun to flow in a
new channel, so as to render ineffectual the mounds which his Britannic
majesty had raised by his multiplicity of negotiations. Louis, the
Spanish monarch, dying soon after his elevation to the throne, his
father Philip resumed the crown which he had resigned, and gave himself
up implicitly to the conduct of his queen, who was a princess of
indefatigable intrigue and insatiate ambition. The infanta, who had been
married to Louis XV. of France, was so disagreeable to her husband,
that the whole French nation began to be apprehensive of a civil war in
consequence of his dying without male issue; he therefore determined,
with the advice of his council, to send back the infanta, as the
nuptials had not been consummated; and she was attended to Madrid by the
marquis de. Monteleone. The queen of Spain resented this insult offered
to her daughter; and, in revenge, dismissed mademoiselle de Beaujolois,
one of the regent’s daughters, who had been betrothed to her son don
Carlos. As the congress at Cambray had proved ineffectual, she offered
to adjust her differences with the emperor, under the sole mediation
of Great Britain. This was an honour which king George declined. He was
averse to any undertaking that might interrupt the harmony subsisting
between him and the court of Versailles; and he had taken umbrage at the
emperor’s refusing to grant the investiture of Bremen and Verden except
upon terms which he did not choose to embrace. The peace between the
courts of Vienna and Madrid, which he refused to mediate, was effected
by a private negotiation, under the management of the duke de Ripperda,
a native of the states-general, who had renounced the protestant
religion, and entered into the service of his catholic majesty. By
two treaties, signed at Vienna in the month of April, the emperor
acknowledged Philip as king of Spain and the Indies, promised that he
would not molest him in the possession of those dominions that
were secured to him by the treaty of Utrecht. Philip renounced all
pretensions to the dominions in Italy and the Netherlands, adjudged to
the emperor by the treaty of London; Charles granted the investiture of
the dukedoms of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, to the eldest son of
the queen of Spain, in default of heirs in the present possessors, as
masculine fiefs of the empire. Spain became guarantee of the Austrian
succession, according to the pragmatic sanction, by which the dominions
of that house were settled on the emperors’s heirs general, and declared
to be a perpetual, indivisible, and inseparable feoffment of the
primogeniture. By the commercial treaty of Vienna, the Austrian subjects
were entitled to advantages in trade with Spain, which no other nation
enjoyed. His catholic majesty guaranteed the Ostend East India company;
and agreed to pay an annual subsidy of four millions of piastres to the
emperor. Great sums were remitted to Vienna; the Imperial forces were
augmented to a formidable number; and other powers were solicited to
engage in this alliance, to which the court of Petersburgh actually
acceded.




TREATY OF HANOVER.

The kind of Great Britain took the alarm. The emperor and he had for
some time treated each other with manifest coolness. He had reason to
fear some attempts upon his German dominions, and projected a defensive
treaty with France and Prussia. This alliance, limited to the term of
fifteen years, was negotiated and concluded at Hanover in the month of
September. It implied a mutual guarantee of the dominions possessed by
the contracting parties, their rights and privileges, those of commerce
in particular, and an engagement to procure satisfaction to the
protestants of Thorn, who had lately been oppressed by the catholics,
contrary to the treaty of Oliva. The king having taken these precautions
at Hanover, set out on his return for England; embarked at Helvoetsluys
in the middle of December; and after having been exposed to the fury of
a dreadful storm, was landed with great difficulty at Rye, from whence
he proceeded by land to London. The parliament meeting on the twentieth
day of the next month, he gave them to understand that the distressed
condition of some of their protestant brethren abroad, and the
negotiations and engagements contracted by some foreign powers, which
seemed to have laid the foundation of new troubles and disturbances in
Europe, and to threaten his subjects with the loss of several of the
most advantageous branches of their trade, had obliged him to concert
with other powers such measures as might give a check to the ambitious
views of those who were endeavouring to render themselves formidable,
and put a stop to the further progress of such dangerous designs. He
told them that the enemies of his government were already very busy, by
their instruments and emissaries in those courts whose measures seemed
most to favour their purposes, in soliciting and promoting the cause of
the pretender. One sees, at first sight, that the interests of Germany
dictated the treaty of Hanover; but, in order to secure the approbation
of Great Britain, upon which the support of this alliance chiefly
depended, it was judged necessary to insert the articles relating to
commerce and the protestant religion, as if the engagement had been
contracted purely for the advantage and glory of England. In a word, the
ministry began now to ring the changes upon a few words that have been
repeated ever since, like cabalistical sounds, by which the nation has
been enchanted into a very dangerous connexion with the concerns of the
continent. They harangued, they insisted upon the machinations of the
disaffected, the designs of a popish pretender, the protestant interest,
and the balance of power, until these expressions became absolutely
terms of ridicule with every person of common sense and reflection. The
people were told that the emperor and the king of Spain, exclusive
of the public treaties concluded at Vienna, had entered into private
engagements, importing that the Imperialists should join the Spaniards
in recovering Gibraltar and Port-Mahon by force of arms, in case the
king of England should refuse to restore them amicably, according to
a solemn promise he had made: that a double marriage should take place
between the two infants of Spain, and the two archduchesses of Austria;
and that means should be taken to place the pretender on the throne of
Great Britain.

When the treaties of Vienna and Hanover fell under consideration of the
house of commons, Horatio Walpole, afterwards termed in derision,
“the balance master,” opened the debate with a long unanimated oration,
giving a detail of the affairs of Europe since the treaty of Utrecht. He
enumerated the barrier-treaty, the convention for executing that
treaty, the defensive alliance with the emperor, the other with the most
christian king and the states-general, another convention, the quadruple
alliance, the congress at Cambray, the treaty of Hanover, and that of
Vienna. He explained the nature of each engagement. He said the main
design of the treaty of commerce concluded between the emperor and the
king of Spain, was to countenance and support the East-India company
established at Ostend, which interfered so essentially with the
East-India companies of England and Holland, and was directly contrary
to several solemn treaties still in force. He enlarged upon the danger
to which the balance of power would be exposed, should the issue male
of this projected marriage between the houses of Austria and Spain ever
possess the imperial dignity and the kingdom of Spain together.
The reader will take notice that this very man was one of those who
exclaimed against that article of the treaty of Utrecht, which prevented
the power of those two houses from being immediately united in the
person of the emperor. He did not forget to expatiate upon the pretended
secret engagement concerning Gibraltar and Minorca, and the king’s pious
concern for the distressed protestants of Thorn in Poland. In vain did
Mr. Shippen urge that the treaty of Hanover would engage the British
nation in a war for the defence of the king’s German dominions, contrary
to an express provision made in the act of limitation. These arguments
had lost all weight. The opposition was so inconsiderable, that the
ministry had no reason to be in pain about any measure they should
propose. An address was voted and delivered to his majesty, approving
the alliance he had concluded at Hanover, in order to obviate and
disappoint the dangerous views and consequences of the treaty of peace
betwixt the emperor and the king of Spain: and promising to support his
majesty against all insults and attacks that should be made upon any of
his territories, though not belonging to the crown of Great Britain. An
address of the same kind was presented by the house of lords in a body.
A bill was brought in, empowering the commissioners of the treasury
to compound with Mr. Richard Hampden, late treasurer of the navy, for a
debt he owed to the crown, amounting to eight-and-forty thousand pounds.
This deficiency was occasioned by his embarking in the South-Sea scheme.
The king recommended his petition; and the house complied with his
request, in consideration of his great-grandfather, the famous John
Hampden, who made such a noble stand against the arbitrary measures of
the first Charles.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




RIOTS IN SCOTLAND.

The malt-tax was found so grievous to Scotland, that the people refused
to pay it, and riots were excited in different parts of the kingdom. At
Glasgow, the populace, armed with clubs and staves, rifled the house of
Daniel Campbell, their representative in parliament, who had voted for
the bill, and maltreated some excisemen who attempted to take an account
of the malt. General Wade, who commanded the forces in Scotland, had
sent two companies of soldiers, under the command of captain Bushel,
to prevent or appease a disturbance of this nature. That officer drew
up his men in the street, where they were pelted with stones by the
multitude, which he endeavoured to disperse by firing among them without
shot. This expedient failing, he ordered his men to load their pieces
with ball, and at a time when the magistrates were advancing towards him
in a body, to assist him with their advice and influence, he commanded
the soldiers to fire four different ways, without the sanction of the
civil authority. About twenty persons were killed or wounded on this
occasion. The people seeing so many victims fall, were exasperated
beyond all sense of danger. They began to procure arms, and breathed
nothing but defiance and revenge. Bushel thought proper to retreat to
the castle of Dumbarton, and was pursued above five miles hy the enraged
multitude. General Wade being informed of this transaction, assembled a
body of forces; and being accompanied by Duncan Forbes, lord-advocate,
took possession of Glasgow. The magistrates were apprehended and
conveyed prisoners to Edinburgh, where the lords justiciary having taken
cognizance of the affair, declared them innocent; so that they were
immediately discharged. Bushel was tried for murder, convicted, and
condemned; but instead of undergoing the penalties of the law, he was
indulged with a pardon, and promoted in the service. Daniel Campbell
having petitioned the house of commons, that he might be indemnified
for the damage he had sustained from the rioters, a bill passed in his
favour, granting him a certain sum to be raised from an imposition laid
upon all the beer and ale brewed in the city of Glasgow. The malt-tax
was so sensibly felt in Scotland, that the convention of the royal
burghs presented a remonstrance against it, as a grievous burden,
which their country could not bear: petitions to the same purpose were
delivered to the commons from different shires in that kingdom.

{1726}

On the twenty-fourth day of March, the king sent a message to the house
by sir Paul Methuen, desiring an extraordinary supply, that he might be
able to augment his maritime force, and concert such other measures as
should be necessary in the present conjuncture. A debate ensued, but
the majority complied with the demand. Some members in the upper house
complained that the message was not sent to both houses of parliament,
and this suggestion gave rise to another debate, in which lord
Bathurst and others made some melancholy reflections upon the state of
insignificance to which the peers of England were reduced. Such remarks,
however, were very little minded by the ministry, who had obtained
a complete victory over all opposition. The supplies, ordinary and
extraordinary, being granted, with every thing else which the court
thought proper to ask, and several bills passed for the regulation of
civil economy, the king dismissed the parliament on the twenty-fourth
day of May.




A SQUADRON SENT TO THE BALTIC.

By this time Peter the czar of Muscovy was dead, and his empress
Catharine had succeeded him on the Russian throne. This princess had
begun to assemble forces in the neighbourhood of Petersburgh, and to
prepare a formidable armament for a naval expedition. King George,
concluding that her design was against Sweden, sent a strong squadron
into the Baltic, under the command of sir Charles Wager, in order to
anticipate her views upon his allies. The English fleet being joined
at Copenhagen by a Danish squadron, alarmed the court of Russia, which
immediately issued orders for reinforcing the garrisons of Wilbourg,
Cronstadt, Revel, and Riga. The English admiral, having had an audience
with his Swedish majesty, steered towards Revel, and sent thither a
lieutenant, with a letter from the king of Great Britain to the czarina.
This was an expostulation, in which his majesty observed, that he and
his allies could not fail of being alarmed at her great preparations by
sea and land. He complained that measures had been taken at her court in
favour of the pretender; that his repeated instances for establishing
a lasting friendship with the crown of Russia had been treated with
neglect; and he gave her to understand, that he had ordered his admiral
to prevent her ships from coming out of her harbours, should she persist
in her resolution to execute the designs she had projected. The czarina,
in her answer to the king, expressed her surprise that she had not
received his majesty’s letter until his fleet was at anchor before
Revel, since it would have been more agreeable to the custom established
among sovereigns, and to the amity which had so long subsisted between
her kingdoms and the crown of Great Britain, to expostulate with her on
her armament, and expected her answer before he had proceeded to such
an offensive measure. She assured him that nothing was farther from her
thoughts than any design to disturb the peace of the North; and with
regard to the pretender, it was a frivolous and stale accusation, which
had been frequently used as a pretext to cover all the unkind steps
lately undertaken against the Russian empire. Sir Charles Wager
continued in his station until he received certain intelligence that the
Russian galleys were laid up in their winter harbour; then he set sail
for the coast of Denmark, from whence he returned to England in the
month of November.




ADMIRAL HOSIER’S EXPEDITION.

King George, that he might not seem to convert all his attention to the
affairs of the North, had equipped two other squadrons, one of which was
destined for the West Indies, under the command of admiral Hosier:
the other, conducted by sir John Jennings, having on board a body of
land-forces, sailed from St. Helen’s on the twentieth day of July,
entered the bay of St. Antonio, then visited Lisbon, from whence he
directed his course to the bay of Bulls near Cadiz, and cruised off
Cape St. Mary’s, so as to alarm the coast of Spain and fill Madrid with
consternation. Yet he committed no act of hostility: but was treated
with great civility by the Spanish governor of Cadiz, who supplied him
with refreshments. Rear-admiral Hosier, with seven ships of war, had
sailed in April for the Spanish West-Indies, with instructions to block
up the galleons in the port of that country; or should they presume to
come out, to seize and bring them to England. Before his arrival at the
Bastimentos, near Porto-Bello, the treasure, consisting of above six
millions sterling, had been unloaded and carried back to Panama, in
pursuance of an order sent by an advice-boat which had the start of
Hosier. This admiral lay inactive on that station, until he became the
jest of the Spaniards. He returned to Jamaica, where he found means to
reinforce his crews; then he stood over to Carthagena. The Spaniards
had by this time seized the English South-Sea ship at La Vera Cruz,
together with all the vessels and effects belonging to that company.
Hosier in vain demanded restitution: he took some Spanish ships by way
of reprisal, and continued cruising in those seas until the greater
part of his men perished deplorably by the diseases of that unhealthy
climate, and his ships were totally rained by the worms. This brave
officer, being restricted by his orders from obeying the dictates of
his courage, seeing his best officers and men daily swept off by an
outrageous distemper, and his ships exposed to inevitable destruction,
is said to have died of a broken heart; while the people of England
loudly clamoured against this unfortunate expedition, in which so many
lives were thrown away, and so much money expended, without the least
advantage to the nation. It seems to have been a mean piratical scheme
to rob the court of Spain of its expected treasure, even while a peace
subsisted between the two nations. The ministry of Great Britain indeed
alleged, that the Spanish king had entered into engagements in favour of
the pretender.




DISGRACE OF THE DUKE DE RIPPERDA.

The dukes of Ormond and Wharton,* and the earl Marischal, were certainly
at Madrid; and the duke de Ripperda, now prime-minister of Spain,
dropped some expressions to the English envoy that implied some such
design, which however the court of Madrid positively denied.

     * The duke of Wharton having consumed his fortune in riot
     and extravagance, repaired to the court of Vienna, from
     whence he proceeded to Rome, and offered his service to the
     pretender. There he received the order of the garter, and
     the title of duke of Northumberland. He was sent by the
     chevalier de St. George with credentials to the court of
     Madrid, where he abjured the protestant religion, married a
     lady of the queen of Spain’s bed-chamber, and obtained the
     rank and appointment of a lieutenant-colonel in the Spanish
     service.

Ripperda, as a foreigner, fell a sacrifice to the jealousy of the
Spanish ministers. He was suddenly dismissed from his employments, with
a pension of three thousand pistoles. He forthwith took refuge in
the house of Vandermeer the Dutch ambassador, who was unwilling to be
troubled with such a guest. He therefore conveyed the duke in his coach
to the house of colonel Stanhope, the British minister, whose protection
he craved and obtained. Nevertheless, he was dragged from thence by
force, and committed prisoner to the castle of Segovia. He afterwards
made his escape, and sheltered himself in England from the resentment of
his catholic majesty. Colonel Stanhope complained of this violation of
the law of nations, which the Spanish ministers endeavoured to excuse.
Memorials and letters passed between the two courts, and every thing
tended to a rupture. The king of Spain purchased ships of war; began to
make preparations for some important undertaking; and assembled an army
of twenty thousand men at St. Roch, on pretence of rebuilding the old
castle of Gibraltar. Meanwhile the states-general and the king of Sweden
acceded to the treaty of Hanover: but the king of Prussia, though his
majesty’s son-in-law, was detached from the alliance by the emperor,
with whom he contracted new engagements.




SUBSTANCE OF THE KING’S SPEECH.

On the seventeenth day of January, the British parliament was opened
with a long elaborate speech, importing that the proceedings and
transactions of the emperor and king of Spain, and the secret offensive
alliance concluded between them, had laid the foundation of a most
exorbitant and formidable power; that they were directly levelled
against the most valuable and darling interests and privileges of
the British nation, which must either give up Gibraltar to Spain, and
acquiesce in the emperor’s usurped exercise of commerce, or resolve
vigorously to defend their undoubted rights against those reciprocal
engagements, contracted in defiance and violation of all national faith,
and the most solemn treaties. He assured them, that one of those secret
articles was the placing the pretender on the throne of Great Britain;
and another the conquest of Gibraltar and Port Mahon. He affirmed that
those combinations extended themselves into Russia; and that the English
fleet seasonably prevented such designs as would have opened a way to
the invasion of these kingdoms. He exhorted the commons to grant such
supplies as should be necessary for the defence of then-country, and for
making good his engagements with the allies of Great Britain. He told
them that the king of Spain had ordered his minister residing in England
to quit the kingdom; and that he had left a memorial little short of a
declaration, in which he insisted upon the restitution of Gibraltar.
He did not fail to touch the energetic strings which always moved their
passions: the balance of power in Europe, the security of the British
commerce, the designs of a popish pretender, the present happy
establishment, the religion, liberties, and properties of a protestant
people. Such addresses of thanks were penned in both houses as the
ministers were pleased to dictate; yet not without opposition from a
minority, which was far from being formidable, though headed by chiefs
of uncommon talents and resolution. The commons voted twenty thousand
seamen, besides six-and-twenty thousand three hundred and eighty-three
men for the land service; and, to defray the extraordinary expense, a
land-tax of four shillings in the pound was granted.

{GEORGE I, 1714--1727}




DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

The house of lords having taken into consideration the letters and
memorials between the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain, and
the papers relating to the accession of the states-general to the treaty
of Hanover, a warm debate ensued. Lord Bathurst took notice that the
accession of the states-general to the treaty was upon condition that
this their act should be approved and ratified by the king of Great
Britain, the most christian king, and the king of Prussia; but that
the minister of his Prussian majesty had refused to sign the act of
accession, which was therefore of no effect: that if the court of France
should, for the same reason, think itself disengaged from the Hanover
alliance, Britain alone would be obliged to bear the burden of an
expensive war against two of the greatest potentates of Europe. He said
he could not see any just reason for a rupture with Spain; that indeed
the duke de Ripperda might have dropped some indiscreet expressions;
he was known to be a man of violent temper; and he had been solemnly
disavowed by his catholic majesty; that, in the memorial left by the
Spanish ambassador, he imputed the violent state of affairs between the
two crowns to the ministers of England; and mentioned a positive promise
made by the king of Great Britain for the restitution of Gibraltar; that
methods of accommodation might be tried before the kingdom engaged in a
war which must be attended with dangerous consequences; that the nation
was loaded with a debt of fifty millions; and, in order to maintain such
a war, would be obliged to raise seven millions yearly; an annual sum
by which the people would soon be exhausted. He observed, that in some
papers laid before the house, mention was made of great sums distributed
in divers places, to bring certain measures to bear. He declared, that
for his own part, he had touched neither Spanish nor English gold; he
was neither a Spaniard nor a Frenchman, but a true Englishman, and so
long as he had the honour to sit in that house, he would speak and
act for the good of his country. He therefore desired their lordships
seriously to consider the matter before them, which was of the last
consequence and importance to the whole nation. He said nothing could be
gained by the war, should it prove successful: and every thing would be
lost should it be unprosperous. He was answered by lord Town-shend, Who
affirmed that his majesty had received positive and certain information
with respect to the secret article of alliance between the courts of
Vienna and Madrid, in favour of the pretender, though the safety of the
state did not permit him to lay these advices before the parliament.
After much altercation, the majority resolved, that the measures his
majesty had thought fit to take were honourable, just, and necessary
for preventing the execution of the dangerous engagement entered into in
favour of the pretender; for preserving the dominions belonging to the
crown of Great Britain by solemn treaties, and particularly those of
Gibraltar and the island of Minorca; and for maintaining to his people
their most valuable rights and privileges of commerce, and the peace and
tranquillity of Europe. Seventeen lords entered a protest against this
resolution. Disputes of the same nature arose from the same subject in
the lower house. Lord Townshend had affirmed in the house of peers,
that no promise of restoring Gibraltar bad been made: sir Kobert Walpole
owned such a promise in the house of commons: a motion was made for
an address, desiring these engagements might be laid before the house;
another member moved for a copy of the memorial presented by Mr. Pointz
to the king of Sweden, and for the secret offensive article between the
courts of Vienna and Madrid; a third motion was made to address the king
for such memorials and representations from the courts of Sweden and
Denmark, as induced him, in the course of the preceding year, to send
a squadron to the Baltic. In the account of the money granted for
the service of the last year, there was an article of one hundred and
twenty-five thousand pounds charged in general terms as issued out for
other engagements and expenses, over and above such as were specified.
Mr. Pulteney moved for an address on this subject; but each of these
motions was rejected on a division: and the majority concurred in an
address of thanks to his majesty, for the great wisdom of his conduct.
They expressed the most implicit confidence in his goodness and
discretion: they promised to support him in all such further measures as
he should find necessary and expedient for preventing a rupture, as well
as for consulting the honour and advantage of these kingdoms.

His majesty’s speech gave such umbrage to the court of Vienna, that Mr.
Palms, the Imperial resident at London, was ordered to present a warm
memorial to the king, and afterwards to publish it to the whole nation.
In this bold remonstrance, the king was charged with having declared
from the throne, as certain and undoubted facts, several things that
were either wrested, misrepresented, or void of all foundation. The
memorialist affirmed, that the treaty of Vienna was built on the
quadruple alliance; that the treaty of commerce was calculated to
promote the mutual and lawful advantages of the subjects of both
parties, agreeably to the law of nations; and in no respect prejudicial
to the British nation. He declared that there was no offensive alliance
concluded between the two crowns; that the supposed article relating
to the pretender was an absolute falsehood; that the insinuation with
respect to the siege of Gibraltar was equally untrue, his master having
made no engagements with the king of Spain, but such as were specified
in the treaty communicated to his Britannic majesty. He said, however,
the hostilities notoriously committed in the West Indies, and elsewhere,
against the king of Spain, in violation of treaties, seemed to justify
that prince’s undertaking the siege of Gibraltar. Finally, he demanded,
in the name of his Imperial majesty, suitable reparation for the injury
his honour had sustained from such calumnious imputations. Both houses
of parliament expressed their indignation at the insolence of this
memorial, in an address to his majesty; and Mr. Palms was ordered
to depart the kingdom. Virulent declarations were presented by the
ministers of the emperor and the king of Great Britain to the diet of
the empire at Ratisbon; and such personal reflections retorted between
these two potentates, that all hope of reconciliation vanished.




CONVENTIONS WITH SWEDEN AND HESSE-CASSEL.

King George, in order to secure himself against the impending storm,
entered into more strict engagements with the French king; and agreed
to pay fifty thousand pounds for three years to the king of Sweden,
in consideration of that prince’s holding in readiness a body of ten
thousand troops for the occasions of the alliance. He concluded a fresh
treaty with the king of Denmark, who promised to furnish a certain
number of auxiliaries, on account of a large subsidy granted by the king
of France. The proportions of troops to be sent into the field in
case of a rupture were ascertained. His Britannic majesty engaged for
four-and-twenty thousand men, and a strong squadron to be sent into
the Baltic. He made a convention with the prince of Hesse-Cassel, who
undertook to provide eight thousand infantry, and four thousand horse,
in consideration of seventy-four thousand pounds, to be paid by Great
Britain immediately, and fifty thousand pounds more in case the troops
should be required, besides their pay and subsistence. Such was the
fruit of all the alliances so industriously planned since the accession
of king George to the throne of Great Britain. In the day of his
trouble the king of Prussia, who had espoused his daughter, deserted his
interest; and the states-general stood aloof. For the security of his
German dominions, he had recourse to the king of France, who was
a precarious ally; to the kings of Sweden and Denmark, and the
principality of Hesse-Cassel: but none of these powers would contribute
their assistance without being gratified with exorbitant subsidies,
though the danger was common, and the efforts ought to have been equal.
Instead of allies, they professed themselves mercenaries. Great Britain
paid them for the defence of their own dominions: she, moreover,
undertook to maintain a powerful fleet for their safety. Is there any
Britain so weak as to think, or so fool-hardy as to affirm, that this
was a British quarrel?

{1727}




VOTE OF CREDIT.

For the support of those expensive treaties, Mr. Scroope, secretary of
the treasury, moved in the house of commons, that in the malt-tax bill
they should insert a clause of appropriation, empowering the king to
apply such sums as should be necessary for defraying the expenses and
engagements which had been, or should be made before the twenty-fifth
day of September, in concerting such measures as he should think most
conducive to the security of trade, and restoring the peace of Europe.
To little purpose did the members in the opposition urge that this
method of asking and granting supplies was unparliamentary; that such a
clause would render ineffectual that appropriation of the public money,
which the wisdom of all parliaments had thought a necessary security
against misapplication, which was the more to be feared as no provision
was made to call any person to account for the money that should be
disposed of by virtue of this clause; that great sums had already been
granted; that such an unlimited power ought never to be given in a
free government; that such confidence in the crown might, through
the influence of evil ministers, be attended with the most dangerous
consequences; that the constitution could not be preserved, but by a
strict adherence to those essential parliamentary forms of granting
supplies upon estimates, and of appropriating these supplies to services
and occasions publicly avowed and judged necessary; that such clauses,
if not seasonably checked, would become so frequent as in time to lodge
in the crown and in the ministers an absolute and uncontrollable power
of raising money upon the people, which by the constitution is, and
with safety can only be, lodged in the whole legislature. The motion was
carried, the clause added, and the bill passed through the other house
without amendment, though not without opposition. Notwithstanding this
vote of credit, sir William Yonge moved, that towards the supply granted
to the king, the sum of three hundred and seventy thousand pounds should
be raised by loans on exchequer bills, to be charged on the surplus of
the duties on coal and culm, which was reserved for the parliament’s
disposal. Though this motion was vigorously opposed by sir Joseph Jekyll
and Mr. Pulteney, as a dangerous deviation from several votes and
acts of parliament, by which the exceed-ings of the public funds were
appropriated to the discharge of the national debt, or to the increase
of the sinking fund, it was carried by the majority.




SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR

On the fifteenth day of May the parliament was prorogued, after the king
had acknowledged their zeal, liberality, and despatch; and given them to
understand that the siege of Gibraltar was actually begun. The trenches
were opened before this fortress on the eleventh day of February, by the
Conde de las Torres, at the head of twenty thousand men. The place
was well provided for a defence; and the old earl of Portmore, who was
governor, embarked with a reinforcement from England, under convoy of
a fleet commanded by sir Charles Wager. He arrived at Gibraltar in the
beginning of April, where he landed the troops, with a great quantity of
ammunition, warlike stores, and four-and-twenty pieces of cannon. At the
same time, five hundred men arrived from Minorca; so that the garrison
amounted to six thousand, plentifully supplied with fresh provisions
from the coast of Barbary, and treated the efforts of the besiegers with
great contempt. The states-general, being apprehensive of an attempt
upon their barrier in the Netherlands, desired the king would hold in
readiness the ten thousand auxiliaries stipulated in the treaty. These
were immediately prepared for embarkation, and the forces of England
were augmented with thirty new raised companies. Sir John Norris set
sail with a powerful fleet for the Baltic, and was joined by a Danish
squadron; but the czarina dying on the seventeenth day of May, he had no
occasion to commit hostilities, as the Russian armament was laid aside.




PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE.

Meanwhile the powers at variance, though extremely irritated against
each other, were all equally averse to a war that might again embroil
all Europe. The king of France interposed his mediation, which was
conducted by the duke de Richlieu, his ambassador at Vienna. Plans and
counterplans of pacification were proposed between the two crowns and
the allies. At length all parties agreed to twelve preliminary articles
which were signed in May at Paris, by the ministers of the Hanoverian
alliance, and afterwards at Vienna, by the Imperial and Spanish
ambassadors. These imported, that hostilities should immediately cease;
that the charter of the Ostend company should be suspended for
seven years; and that a congress should in four months be opened at
Aix-la-Chapelle, for adjusting all differences, and consolidating the
peace of Europe. This congress was afterwards transferred to Soissons,
for the conveniency of the French minister, whose presence was
necessary at court. The siege of Gibraltar was raised, after it had
lasted four months, during which the Spaniards lost a great number of
men by sickness, while the garrison sustained very little damage. The
court of Madrid, however, started some new difficulties, and for some
time would not consent to the restitution of the South-Sea ship, which
had been detained at La Vera-Cruz, in the West Indies; so that sir
Charles Wager continued to cruise on the coast of Spain: but these
objections were removed in the sequel.




DEATH AND CHARACTER OF GEORGE I.

King George, having appointed a regency, embarked at Greenwich on the
third day of June, and landing in Holland on the seventh, set out on his
journey to Hanover. He was suddenly seized with a paralytic disorder on
the road: he forthwith lost the faculty of speech, became lethargic, and
was conveyed in a state of insensibility to Osnabruck. There he expired
on Sunday the eleventh day of June, in the sixty-eighth year of his age,
and in the thirteenth of his reign.--George I. was plain and simple in
his person and address, grave and composed in his deportment, though
easy, familiar, and facetious in his hours of relaxation. Before he
ascended the throne of Great Britain, he had acquired the character of a
circumspect general, a just and merciful prince, a wise politician, who
perfectly understood, and steadily pursued, his own interest. With these
qualities, it cannot be doubted but that he came to England extremely
well disposed to govern his new subjects according to the maxims of
the British constitution, and the genius of the people; and if ever he
seemed to deviate from these principles, we may take it for granted that
he was misled by the venal suggestions of a ministry whose power and
influence were founded on corruption. [229] _[See note 2 I, at the end of
this Vol.]_




NOTES:

[Footnote 206: Note 2 H, p. 206. The pretender, who resided at Urbino,
having received intelligence from Paris, that there was a design formed
against his life, pope Clement XL gave directions that all foreigners in
that neighbourhood, especially English, should be arrested. The earl of
Peterborough arriving at Bologna, with a few armed followers, was seized
with all his papers. Being interrogated, he said he came to pass some
time in Italy for the benefit of the air. He was close confined for
a whole month in fort Urbino, and his attendants were sent to prison.
Nothing appearing to justify the suspicion, he was dismissed with
uncommon civility. The king demanding reparation for this insult, the
pope wrote with his own hand a letter to an ally of Great Britain,
declaring that the legate of Bologna had violently and unjustly, without
the knowledge of his holiness, caused the earl of Peterborough to be
seized upon suspicions which proved to be ill-grounded. The cardinal
legate sent a declaration to the English admiral in the Mediterranean,
that he had asked forgiveness of his holiness, and now begged pardon of
his Britannic majesty, for having unadvisedly arrested a peer of Great
Britain on his travels.]


[Footnote 229: Note 2 I, p. 229. George I. married the princess Sophia
Dorothy, daughter and heiress of the duke of Zell, by whom he had king
George II. and the late queen of Prussia. The king’s body was conveyed
to Hanover, and interred among his ancestors. From the death of Charles
II. to this period, England had made a considerable figure in every
branch of literature. Dr. Atterbury and Dr. Clarke distinguished
themselves in divinity--Mr. Whiston wrote in defence of Arianism--John
Locke shone forth the great restorer of human reason--the earl
of Shaftesbury raised an elegant, though feeble, system of moral
philosophy--Berkeley, afterwards bishop of Cloyne in Ireland, surpassed
all his contemporaries in subtle and variety of metaphysical arguments,
as well as in the art of deduction--lord Bolingbroke’s talents as
a metaphysician have been questioned since his posthumous works
appeared--great progress was made in mathematics and astronomy, by
Wallis, Halley, and Flamstead--the art of medicine owed some valuable
improvements to the classical Dr. Friend, and the elegant Dr. Mead.
Among the poets of this era, we number John Philips, author of a
didactic poem, called Cyder, a performance of real merit; he lived and
died in obscurity--William Congreve, celebrated for his comedies, which
are not so famous for strength of character and power of humour, as for
wit, elegance, and regularity--Vanburgh, who wrote with more nature and
fire, though with less art and precision--Steele, who in his comedies
successfully engrafted modern characters on the ancient drama--Farquhar,
who drew his pictures from fancy rather than from nature, and whose
chief merit consists in the agreeable pertness and vivacity of his
dialogue--Addison, whose fame as a poet greatly exceeded his genius,
which was cold and enervate; though he yielded to none in the character
of an essayist, either for style or matter--Swift, whose muse seems to
have been mere misanthropy; he was a cynic rather than a poet, and his
natural dryness and sarcastic severity would have been unpleasing, had
not he qualified them, by adopting the extravagant humour of Lueian and
Rabelais--Prior, lively, familiar, and amusing--Rowe, solemn, florid,
and declamatory--Pope, the prince of lyric poetry; unrivalled in
satire, ethics, and polished versification--the agreeable Parnel--the
wild, the witty, and the whimsical Garth--Gay, whose fables may vie with
those of La Fontaine, in native humour, ease, and simplicity, and whose
genius for pastoral was truly original. Dr. Bentley stood foremost in
the list of critics and commentators. Sir Christopher Wren raised some
noble monuments of architecture. The most remarkable political
writers were Davenant, Hare, Swift, Steele, Addison, Bolingbroke, and
Trenchard.]




CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT, M.D.




[Illustration: 229.jpg  GEORGE II.]




GEORGE II.

{1727}




CHAPTER I.

     _George II. ascends the Throne of Great Britain.....
     Characters of the principal Persons concerned in the
     ministry..... Debates in Parliament concerning the Civil-
     list..... Changes and Promotions..... New Parliament.....
     Violent Dispute concerning the National Debt..... Vote of
     Credit..... A double Marriage between the Houses of Spain
     and Portugal..... liberality of the Commons..... Debates on
     the Subsidies of Hesse-Cassel and Wolfenbuttle.....
     Committee for inspecting the Gaols----Address touching the
     Spanish Depredations..... A Sum voted to the King on account
     of Arrears due on the Civil-list Revenue..... Proceedings in
     the House of Lords..... Wise conduct of the Irish
     Parliament..... Abdication of the King of Sardinia.....
     Death of Pope Benedict XIII..... Substance of the King’s
     Speech to both Houses..... Objections to the Treaty of
     Seville in the House of Lords..... Opposition in the Lower
     House to a standing Army..... Bill prohibiting Loans to
     Foreign Princes or States..... Charter of the East-India
     Company prolonged..... The Emperor resents the Treaty of
     Seville..... Seven Indian Chiefs arrive in England.....
     Revolution at Constantinople..... England infested with
     Robbers, Assassins, and Incendiaries..... Bill against
     Pensioners sitting as Members in the House of Commons.....
     Treaty of Vienna..... Death of the Duke of Parma..... Don
     Carlos takes Possession of his Territories--France
     distracted by religious Disputes..... The Ministry violently
     opposed in Parliament..... Debate on a standing Army.....
     Account of the Charitable Corporation..... Revival of the
     Salt-tax..... Mr. Pulteney’s name struck out of the List of
     Privy-counsellors..... The King sets out for Hanover_

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




GEORGE II. ASCENDS THE THRONE.

At the accession of George II. the nation had great reason to wish for
an alteration of measures. The public debt, notwithstanding the boasted
economy and management of the ministers; notwithstanding the sinking
fund, which had been extolled as a growing treasure sacred to the
discharge of national incumbrances, was now increased to fifty millions
two hundred and sixty-one thousand two hundred and six pounds, nineteen
shillings and eightpence three farthings. The kingdom was bewildered in
a labyrinth of treaties and conventions, by which it stood engaged in
pecuniary subsidies to many powers upon the continent, with whom its
real interests could never be connected. The wealth of the nation had
been lavished upon those foreign connexions, upon unnecessary wars, and
fruitless expeditions. Dangerous encroachments had been made upon the
constitution, by the repeal of the act for triennial parliaments;
by frequent suspensions of the _habeas-corpus_ act upon frivolous
occasions; by repealing clauses in the act of settlement; by votes of
credit; by habituating the people to a standing army; and, above all, by
establishing a system of corruption, which at all times would secure
a majority in parliament. The nature of prerogative, by which the
liberties of the nation had formerly been often endangered, was now so
well understood, and so securely restrained, that it could no longer be
used for the same oppressive purposes; besides, an avowed extension of
the prerogative required more ability, courage, and resolution, than the
present ministry could exert. They understood their own strength, and
had recourse to a more safe and effectual expedient. The vice, luxury,
and prostitution of the age, the almost total extinction of sentiment,
honour, and public spirit, had prepared the minds of men for slavery
and corruption. The means were in the hands of the ministry; the public
treasure was at their devotion; they multiplied places and pensions, to
increase the number of their dependants; they squandered away the money
of the nation without taste, discernment, decency, or remorse; they
enlisted an army of the most abandoned emissaries, whom they employed
to vindicate the worst measures, in the face of truth, common sense, and
common honesty; and they did not fail to stigmatize as Jacobites, and
enemies to the government, all those who presumed to question the merit
of their administration.




CHARACTERS OF THE PRINCIPAL PERSONS CONCERNED IN THE MINISTRY.

The supreme direction of affairs was not yet engrossed by a single
minister. Lord Townshend had the reputation of conducting the external
transactions relating to treaties and negotiations. He is said to have
understood that province, though he did not always follow the dictates
of his own understanding. He possessed an extensive fund of knowledge;
and was well acquainted with the functions of his office. The duke
of Newcastle, his colleague, was not remarkable for any of these
qualifications; he owed his promotion to his uncommon zeal for the
illustrious house of Hanover, and to the strength of his interest
in parliament, rather than to his judgment, precision, or any other
intellectual merit. Lord Carteret, who may be counted an auxiliary,
though not immediately concerned in the administration, had
distinguished himself in the character of envoy at several courts in
Europe. He had attained an intimate knowledge of all the different
interests and connexions subsisting among the powers of the continent;
and he infinitely surpassed all the ministers in learning and capacity.
He was indeed the only man of genius employed under this government. He
spoke with ease and propriety, his conceptions were just and lively; his
inferences bold; his counsels vigorous and warm. Yet he depreciated his
talents, by acting in a subordinate character to those whom he despised;
and seemed to look upon the pernicious measures of a bad ministry with
silent contempt, rather than with avowed detestation. The interior
government of Great Britain was chiefly managed by sir Robert Walpole, a
man of extraordinary talents, who had from low beginnings raised himself
to the head of the treasury. Having obtained a seat in the lower house,
he declared himself one of the most forward partisans of the whig
faction. He was endued with a species of eloquence, which, though
neither nervous nor elegant, flowed with great facility, and was so
plausible on all subjects, that even when he misrepresented the truth,
whether from ignorance or design, he seldom failed to persuade that part
of his audience for whose hearing his harangue was chiefly intended. He
was well acquainted with the nature of the public funds, and understood
the whole mystery of stock-jobbing. This knowledge produced a connexion
between him and the money-corporations, which served to enhance his
importance. He perceived the bulk of mankind were actuated by a sordid
thirst of lucre; he had sagacity enough to convert the degeneracy of the
times to his own advantage; and on this, and this alone, he founded the
whole superstructure of his subsequent administration. In the late
reign he had by dint of speaking decisively to every question, by
boldly impeaching the conduct of the tory ministers, by his activity
in elections, and engaging as a projector in the schemes of the monied
interest, become a leading member in the house of commons. By his
sufferings under the tory parliament, he attained the rank of a martyr
to his party. His interest, his reputation, and his presumption daily
increased; he opposed Sunderland as his rival in power, and headed a
dangerous defection from the ministry, which evinced the greatness
of his influence and authority. He had the glory of being principally
concerned in effecting a reconciliation between the late king and the
prince of Wales; then he was re-associated in the administration with
additional credit; and, from the death of the earls of Sunderland and
Stanhope, he had been making long strides towards the office of prime
minister. He knew the maxims he had adopted would subject him to the
hatred, the ridicule, and reproach of some individuals, who had not yet
resigned all sentiments of patriotism, nor all views of opposition;
but the number of these was inconsiderable, when compared to that which
constituted the body of the community; and he would not suffer the
consideration of such antagonists to come in competition with his schemes
of power, affluence, and authority. Nevertheless, low as he had humbled
anti-ministerial association, it required all his artifice to elude,
all his patience and natural phlegm to bear, the powerful arguments that
were urged, and the keen satire that was exercised against his measures
and management, by a few members in the opposition. Sir William Wyndham
possessed all the energy of elocution; Mr. Shippen was calm, intrepid,
shrewd and sarcastic; Mr. Pulteney inherited from nature a good
understanding, which he had studiously cultivated. He was one of the
most learned members in the house of commons, extremely well qualified
to judge of literary productions; well read in history and politics;
deeply skilled in the British constitution, the detail of government,
and the nature of the finances. He spoke with freedom, fluency, and
uncommon warmth of declamation, which was said to be the effect of
personal animosity to sir Robert Walpole, with whom he had been formerly
connected.




DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT CONCERNING THE CIVIL LIST.

An express arriving on the fourteenth day of June, with an account
of the king’s death, his late majesty king George II. repaired from
Richmond, where he received this intelligence, to Leicester-house; and
the members of the privy-council being assembled, were sworn a-new. The
king declared his firm purpose to preserve the constitution in church
and state, and to cultivate those alliances which his father had made
with foreign princes. At the same time, he took and subscribed the oath
for the security of the church of Scotland, as required by the act of
union. Next day he was proclaimed king of Great Britain. The parliament
assembled in pursuance of the act made for that purpose; but was
immediately prorogued by commission to the twenty-seventh day of the
month. All the great officers of state continued in their places;
sir Robert Walpole kept possession of the treasury; and the system
of politics which the late king had established underwent no sort of
alteration. The king, in his speech to both houses at the opening of the
session, professed a fixed resolution to merit the love and affection of
his people, by maintaining them in the full enjoyment of their religious
and civil rights. He promised to lessen the public expense as soon as
the circumstances of affairs would permit: he observed to the commons,
that the grant of the greatest part of the civil list revenues was
now determined; and that it would be necessary for them to make a new
provision for the support of him and his family: lastly, he recommended
it to both houses to dispatch the business that should be necessarily
brought before them, as the season of the year and the circumstances of
time required their presence in the country. Addresses of condolence and
congratulation being drawn up and presented, the commons, in a committee
of the whole house, took into consideration a motion for a supply to
his majesty. Sir Robert Walpole having observed, that the annual sum of
seven hundred thousand pounds granted to, and settled on, the late king,
had fallen short every year; and that his present majesty’s expenses
were likely to increase, by reason of the largeness of his family,
moved, that the entire revenues of the civil list, which produced about
eight hundred thousand pounds per annum, should be settled on the king
during his life. Mr. Shippen opposed this motion, as inconsistent with
the trust reposed in them as representatives of the people, who ought to
be very frugal in exercising the right of giving away the public money.
He said, the sum of seven hundred thousand pounds was not obtained for
his late majesty without a long and solemn debate; and every member who
contended for it at that time, allowed it to be an ample royal revenue:
that, although his majesty’s family should be enlarged, a circumstance
which had been urged as one reason for the motion, he presumed the
appointments of prince Frederick would not be much inferior to those
settled on his present majesty when he was prince of Wales: besides, it
was to be hoped that many personal, many particular expenses in the
late reign, especially those for frequent journeys to Hanover, would
be discontinued, and entirely cease. He observed, that the civil list
branches in the queen’s reign did not often exceed the sum of five
hundred and fifty thousand pounds; nevertheless, she called upon her
parliament but once, in a reign of thirteen years, to pay the debts
contracted in her civil government; and these were occasioned by
the unparalleled instances of her piety and generosity. She gave the
first-fruits and tenths, arising to nineteen thousand pounds a-year, as
an augmentation of the maintenance of the poor clergy. She bestowed
five thousand pounds per annum, out of the post-office, on the duke of
Marlborough: she suffered seven hundred pounds to be charged weekly on
the same office, for the service of the public: she expended several
hundred thousand pounds in building the castle of Blenheim: she
allowed four thousand pounds annually to prince Charles of Denmark:
she sustained great loses by the tin contract: she supported the
poor Palatines: she exhibited many other proofs of royal bounty: and
immediately before her death she had formed a plan of retrenchment,
which would have reduced her yearly expenses to four hundred and
fifty-nine thousand nine hundred and forty-one pounds. He affirmed,
that a million a-year would not be sufficient to carry on the exorbitant
expenses, so often and so justly complained of in the house of commons:
that over and above the yearly allowance of seven hundred thousand
pounds, many occasional taxes, many excessive sums were raised, and all
sunk in the bottomless gulf of secret service. Two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds were raised in defiance of the ancient parliamentary
methods, to secure the kingdom from a Swedish invasion; then the two
insurance offices were erected, and paid near three hundred thousand
pounds for their charters: our enmity with Sweden being changed into
an alliance, a subsidy of seventy-two thousand pounds was implicitly
granted, to fulfil some secret engagements with that crown: four and
twenty thousand pounds were given for burning merchant ships arrived
from infected places, though the goods which ought to have been
destroyed for the public safety were afterwards privately sold: a sum of
five hundred thousand pounds was demanded, and granted, for paying the
debts of the civil list; and his majesty declared by message, he was
resolved to retrench his expenses for the future. Notwithstanding this
resolution, in less than four years, a new demand of the like sum was
made and granted to discharge new incumbrances: the Spanish ships of
war which admiral Byng took in the Mediterranean, were sold for a
considerable sum of money: one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds
were granted in the last session, to be secretly disposed of for the
public utility; and there was still a debt in the civil government,
amounting to above six hundred thousand pounds. He took notice,
that this amazing extravagance happened under the conduct of persons
pretending to surpass all their predecessors in the knowledge and care
of the public revenue: that as none of these sums had been accounted
for, they were, in all probability, employed in services not fit to be
owned. He said, he heartily wished that Time, the great discoverer of
hidden truths and concealed iniquities, might produce a list of all such
as had been perverted from their public duty by private pensions: who
had been the hired slaves and the corrupt instruments of a profuse and
vain-glorious administration. He proposed, that instead of granting
an addition to the civil list, they should restrict that revenue to
a certain sum, by concluding the question with these words, “in like
manner as they were granted and continued to his late majesty, so as to
make up the clear yearly sum of seven hundred thousand pounds.” To these
particulars, which were indeed unanswerable, no reply was made. Even
this mark of decency was laid aside, as idle and superfluous. The house
agreed to the motion; and a bill was brought in for the better support
of his majesty’s household. The commons having received a message from
the king, desiring they would make further provision for the queen his
consort, resolved, That in case she should survive his majesty, the
sum of one hundred thousand pounds should be settled upon her for life,
charged upon the revenues of the civil list, together with his majesty’s
palace of Somerset-house, and Richmond Old-park. A bill was formed on
this resolution, which, as well as the other, passed both bouses, and
received the royal assent on the seventeenth day of July, when the
king, in a speech to both houses, expressed his satisfaction with their
conduct, and congratulated them on the wealth and glory of the nation,
by which they had acquired such weight in holding the balance of Europe.
Then the lord-chancellor prorogued the parliament to the twenty-ninth
day of August; but on the seventh day of that month a proclamation was
issued for dissolving this, and convoking another.

In the interim some changes were made in different departments of
civil economy. Lord viscount Torrington was placed at the head of
the admiralty; the earl of Westmoreland was appointed first lord
commissioner of trade and plantations. Philip Dormer Stanhope, earl of
Chesterfield, a nobleman remarkable for his wit, eloquence, and polished
manners, was nominated ambassador to the Hague. The privy-council being
dissolved, another was appointed of the members then present. The duke
of Devonshire was dignified with the place of president; and the duke
of St. Alban’s was appointed master of the horse. On the eleventh day
of October, the coronation of the king and queen was performed at
Westminster-Abbey, with the usual solemnity.* By this time the courts
of France and Spain were perfectly reconciled; all Europe was freed
from the calamities of war; and the peace of Great Britain suffered no
interruption, except from some transient tumults among the tinners of
Cornwall, who, being provoked by a scarcity of corn, rose in arms and
plundered the granaries of that county.

     * King George II. ascended the throne in the forty-fourth
     year of his age. On the second day of September, 1705, he
     espoused the princess Wilhelmina Charlotte Caroline,
     daughter to John Frederick, marquis of Brandenburgh Anspach,
     by whom he had two sons, Frederick Louis, prince of Wales,
     born at Hanover on the thirty-first day of January, 1707,
     and William Augustus, born at London on the fifteenth day of
     April, 1721. She had likewise borne four princesses, namely,
     Anne, Amelia, Caroline, Mary, and was afterwards delivered
     of Louisa, married in the sequel to the king of Denmark.




NEW PARLIAMENT.

The elections in England and Scotland for the parliament having
succeeded on the new system, according to the wishes of the ministry,
the two houses met on the twenty-third day of January, when the commons
unanimously chose for their speaker Arthur Onslow, esquire, knight of
the shire for Surrey, a gentleman of extensive knowledge, worth, and
probity; grave, eloquent, venerable, and every way qualified for the
discharge of that honourable and important office. The king, in his
speech to this new parliament, declared, that by the last advices
from abroad, he had reason to hope the difficulties which had hitherto
retarded the execution of the preliminaries, and the opening of
the congress, would soon be entirely removed; in the meantime, he
represented the absolute necessity of continuing the preparation which
had hitherto secured the nation, and prevented an open rupture in
Europe. He promised, that his first care should be to reduce, from
time to time, the expense of the public, as often, and as soon as
the interest and safety of his people would permit such reduction.
He expressed an earnest desire of seeing the foundation laid of an
effectual scheme for the increase and encouragement of seamen in
general, that they might be invited rather than compelled into the
service of their country. Finally, he recommended unanimity, zeal, and
despatch of the public business. Those speeches, penned by the minister,
were composed with a view to soothe the minds of the people into an
immediate concurrence with the measures of the government; but without
any intention of performing those promises of economy, reformation,
and national advantage. The two houses seemed to vie with each other
in expressions of applause and affection to his majesty. The lords, in
their address, hailed him as the best of kings, and the true father of
his country. The commons expressed the warmest sense of gratitude for
the blessings they enjoyed in his reign, though it was not yet eight
months old. They approved of all his transactions; they promised to
support him in all his undertakings; and declared they would cheerfully
grant whatever supplies should be wanted for the public service. Having
considered the estimates which were laid before them by order of his
majesty, they voted two-and-twenty thousand nine hundred and fifty-five
men for guards and garrisons; and fifteen thousand seamen for the
service of the ensuing year. They granted two hundred and thirty
thousand nine hundred and twenty-three pounds, for the maintenance of
twelve thousand Hessian troops; a subsidy of fifty thousand pounds
to the king of Sweden; and half that sum to the duke of Brunswick
Wolfenbuttle.* The expense of the year amounted to four millions,
raised by a land-tax of three shillings in the pound, a malt-tax, and
by borrowing of the bank one million seven hundred and fifty thousand
pounds, for which annuities to the amount of seventy thousand pounds,
to be raised by duties on coals imported into the city of London, were
granted to that corporation.

     * Nothing could be a greater burlesque upon the negotiation
     than this treaty of alliance concluded with the petty duke
     of Wolfenbuttle, who very gravely guarantees to his
     Britannic majesty the possession of his three kingdoms, and
     obliges himself to supply his majesty with five thousand
     men, in consideration of an annual subsidy of five-and-
     twenty thousand pounds for four years.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




VIOLENT DISPUTE CONCERNING THE NATIONAL DEBT.

All these sums, however, were not granted without question. The number
of land-forces occasioned a debate; and the Hessian auxiliaries were
not allowed without dispute and opposition. When they deliberated on the
loan of the bank, Mr. Pulteney observed, that the shifting of funds
was but perpetuating taxes, and putting off the evil day; that
notwithstanding the great merit which some persons had built on the
sinking fund, it appeared that the national debt had been increased
since the setting up of that pompous project. Some warm altercation
passed between him and sir Robert Walpole on this subject. The
lord-mayor, aldermen, and common-council of London, presented a
petition, setting forth, that the duties already laid upon coals and
culm imported into London, affected the trade of that city only;
that the inequality of the burden was a great discouragement to their
manufactures, and a hardship upon all the trading inhabitants. The
petition was rejected, and the tax imposed. The house having addressed
the king for a particular and distinct account of the distribution of
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, charged to have been issued for
securing the trade and navigation of the kingdom, and preserving and
restoring the peace of Europe, he declined granting their request,
but signified in general that part of the money had been issued and
disbursed by his late majesty, and the remainder by himself, for
carrying on the same necessary services, which required the greatest
secrecy. Such a message in the reign of King William would have raised a
dangerous flame in the house of commons.

{1728}

Mr. W. Pulteney inveighed against such a vague and general way of
accounting for the public money, as tending to render parliaments
altogether insignificant, to cover embezzlements, and to screen corrupt
and rapacious ministers. The commons having taken into consideration the
state of the national debt, examined the accounts, and interrogated the
proper officers. A motion was made by a court member, that it appeared
the monies already issued and applied towards discharging the national
debts, together with a sum to be issued at Lady-day, amounted to six
millions six hundred and forty-eight thousand seven hundred and sixty
two pounds, five shillings and one penny one farthing. In vain did the
leaders of the opposition expose the fallacious tendency of this motion.
In vain did they demonstrate the fraudulent artifice used in drawing up
the accounts; the motion was carried; and several resolutions were taken
on the state of the national debts. In the particular account of these
debts, upon which the house resolved to form a representation to his
majesty, an article of three hundred thousand pounds relating to the
duty upon wrought plate was totally omitted. This extraordinary omission
being discovered, gave rise to a very warm debate, and to very severe
reflection against those who superintended the public accounts. This
error being rectified, a committee appointed for the purpose drew up
the representation, containing a particular detail of the national debts
discharged and incurred since the twenty-fifth day of December, in the
year one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, with a state of the sinking
fund and of the public credit. The draft being approved by the house,
was presented to the king-, who received it graciously. He took this
opportunity of saying, that the provision made for gradually discharging
the national debts was now become so certain and considerable, that
nothing but some unforeseen event could alter or diminish it; a
circumstance that afforded the fairest prospect of seeing the old debts
discharged without any necessity of incurring new incumbrances.

This answer, fraught with many other expressions of fatherly tenderness
for his people, paved the way for a message to the house, demanding
a vote of credit to fulfil certain engagements entered into, and
concerted, with the advice and concurrence of the last parliament, for
securing the trade and navigation of the kingdom, and for restoring
and preserving the peace of Europe. Though a debate ensued upon this
message, the majority resolved that an address should be presented
to his majesty, declaring the duty and fidelity of the commons, their
entire confidence in his royal care and goodness, and their readiness
to enable his majesty to fulfil his engagements, A vote of credit passed
accordingly. During this session, the peers were chiefly employed
in examining copies of several treaties and alliances which the king
submitted to their perusal; they likewise prepared a bill for amending
the statute of limitation, which, however, did not pass into a law;
they considered the state of the national debt, a subject fruitful of
debates; they passed the mutiny bill, and those that were sent up from
the commons touching the supplies; together with an act obliging ships
arriving from infected places, to perform quarantine; and some others of
a more private nature. These bills having received the royal assent, the
king closed the session on the twenty-eighth day of May, when he
thanked the commons for the effectual supplies they had raised, and,
in particular, for having empowered him to borrow five hundred thousand
pounds for the discharge of wages due to the seamen employed in the
navy.




A DOUBLE MARRIAGE BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.

England was at this period quite barren of remarkable events. The king’s
uncle, Ernest Augustus, prince of Brunswick, duke of York, and bishop
of Osnabruck, died on the third day of August, and was succeeded in
the bishopric by the elector Cologn, according to the pactum by which
Osnabruck is alternately possessed by the house of Brunswick and that
elector. In the beginning of December, his majesty’s eldest son prince
Frederick arrived in England from Hanover, where he had hitherto
resided, was introduced into the privy-council, and created prince of
Wales. Signior Como, resident from the duke of Parma, was ordered to
quit the kingdom, because his master paid to the pretender the honours
due to the king of Great Britain. The congress opened at Soissons, for
determining all disputes among the powers of Europe, proved ineffectual.
Such difficulties occurred in settling and reconciling so many different
pretensions and interests, that the contracting parties in the alliance
of Hanover proposed a provisional treaty, concerning which no definitive
answer was given as yet by the courts of Vienna and Madrid. The fate of
Europe, therefore, continued in suspense; the English fleet lay inactive
and rotting in the West-Indies; the sailors perished miserably, without
daring to avenge their country’s wrongs; while the Spanish cruisers
committed depredations with impunity on the commerce of Great Britain.
The court of Spain, at this juncture, seemed cold and indifferent
with regard to a pacification with England. It had renewed a good
understanding with France, and now strengthened its interests by a
double alliance of marriage with the royal family of Portugal. The
infanta of this house was betrothed to the prince of Asturias; while the
Spanish infanta, formerly affianced to the French king, was now matched
with the prince of Brazil, eldest son of his Portuguese majesty. In the
month of January, the two courts met in a wooden house built over
the little river Coya, that separates the two kingdoms, and there the
princesses were exchanged.




LIBERALITY OF THE COMMONS.

The parliament of Great Britain meeting according to their last
prorogation on the twenty-first day of January, the king in his speech
communicated the nature of the negotiation at the congress. Pie demanded
such supplies as might enable him to act vigorously in concert with
his allies, provided his endeavours to establish an advantageous peace
should miscarry; and he hinted that the dilatory conduct of the courts
of Vienna and Madrid proceeded in a great measure from the hopes that
were given of creating discontents and divisions among the subjects of
Great Britain. This suggestion was a ministerial artifice to inflame
the zeal and resentment of the nation, and intimidate the members in the
opposition. Accordingly the hint was pursued, and in the addresses from
both houses, that could not fail of being agreeable, considering the
manner in which they were dictated, particular notice was taken of
this article; both peers and commons expressed their detestation
and abhorrence of those, who, by such base and unnatural artifices,
suggested the means of distressing their country, and clamoured at
the inconveniencies which they themselves had occasioned. In these
addresses, likewise, the parliament congratulated his majesty on the
arrival of the prince of Wales in his British dominions; and the commons
sent a particular compliment to his royal highness on that occasion,
The estimates having been examined in the usual form, the house voted
fifteen thousand seamen for the ensuing year; but the motion for
continuing the same number of land-forces which had been allowed in
the preceding year, was not carried without dispute. All the arguments
against a standing army in time of peace, as inconsistent with the
British constitution, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, were
repeated with great vivacity by Mr. Shippen and Mr. W. Pulteney. These,
however, were answered, and represented as absurd, by Mr. Horatio
Walpole and Mr. D., two staunch adherents of the minister. The first
had, in despite of nature, been employed in different negotiations;
he was blunt, awkward, and slovenly, an orator without eloquence, an
ambassador without dignity, and a plenipotentiary without address. The
other had natural parts and acquired knowledge; spoke with confidence;
and in dispute was vain, sarcastic, petulant, and verbose.




DEBATES ON THE SUBSIDIES OF HESSE-CASSEL AND WOLFENBUTTLE.

The subsidies to Sweden, Hesse-Cassel, and Wolfen-buttle were continued,
notwithstanding the remonstrances of sir Joseph Jekyll, Mr. Lutwyche,
and Mr. Pulteney; which last observed, that as the landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel, and the duke of Brunswick-Wolfen-buttle, usually
maintained a certain number of troops in their pay, it was but
reasonable that Great Britain should defray no more than the expense of
the additional forces which those powers had raised, in consequence
of their conventions with the king of England. Sir Robert Walpole
perceiving that this remark made an impression on the house, thought it
necessary to vindicate his measure. He expatiated upon the wisdom of
the late king, in concluding the Hanover alliance. He affirmed, that
the convention with Hesse-Cassel had prevented a war in the empire, for
which the court of Vienna had made great preparations; that the emperor
had not only augmented his own forces by the help of Spanish subsidies,
but also retained the troops of three electors; and if he had not
been overawed by the Hessians, would certainly have rejected the
preliminaries, and all other advances towards a pacification; that,
therefore, they ought not to grudge an expense which had already proved
so beneficial to the tranquillity of Europe. Sir Joseph Jekyll replied,
that whatever gloss might be put upon such measures, they were repugnant
to the maxims by which England in former times had steered and squared
its conduct with relation to its interest abroad; that the navy was the
natural strength of Great Britain--its best defence and security; but
if, in order to avoid a war, they should be so free-hearted as to buy
and maintain the forces of foreign princes, they were never like to see
an end of such extravagant expenses. This gentleman, who exercised the
office of master of the rolls, had approved himself a zealous defender
of whig principles, was an able lawyer, a sensible speaker, and a
conscientious patriot. The supplies were raised by a continuation of
the land-tax, the duties upon malt, cyder, and perry, an additional
imposition on unmalted corn used in distilling, and by sale of annuities
to the bank not exceeding fifty thousand pounds per annum.




COMMITTEE FOR INSPECTING THE GAOLS.

Petitions were delivered to the house of commons from the merchants of
London, Liverpool, and Bristol, complaining of the interruptions they
had suffered in their trade for several years, by the depredations of
the Spaniards in the West Indies. These being considered, the house
ordered the lords of the admiralty to produce the other memorials of the
same kind which they had received, that they might be laid before the
congress at Soissons: then they addressed his majesty for copies of all
the letters and instructions which had been sent to admiral Hosier, and
those who succeeded him in the command of the West-India squadron. Mr.
Oglethorpe, having been informed of shocking cruelties and oppressions
exercised by gaolers upon their prisoners, moved for an examination into
these practices, and was chosen chairman of a committee appointed to
inquire into the state of the gaols in the kingdom. They began with the
Fleet-prison, which they visited in a body; there they found sir William
Rich, baronet, loaded with irons, by order of Bambridge the warden, to
whom he had given some slight cause of offence. They made a discovery of
many inhuman barbarities which had been committed by that ruffian, and
detected the most iniquitous scenes of fraud, villany, and extortion.
When the report was made by the committee, the house unanimously
resolved, That Thomas Bambridge, acting warden of the Fleet, had
wilfully permitted several debtors to escape; had been guilty of the
most notorious breaches of trust, great extortions, and the highest
crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his office; that he had
arbitrarily and unlawfully loaded with irons, put into dungeons, and
destroyed prisoners for debt, under his charge, treating them in the
most barbarous and cruel manner, in high violation and contempt of the
laws of the kingdom. John Huggins, esquire, who had been warden of the
Fleet-prison, was subjected to a resolution of the same nature. The
house presented an address to the king, desiring he would direct
his attorney-general forthwith to prosecute these persons and their
accomplices, who were committed prisoners to Newgate. A bill was brought
in, disabling Bambridge to execute the office of warden; another for
the better regulating the prison of the Fleet, and for more effectually
preventing and punishing arbitrary and illegal practices of the warden
of the said prison.*

     * It afterwards appeared that some of the members of this
     inquest were actuated by other motives than those they
     professed; and the committee was suffered to sink into
     oblivion.




ADDRESS TOUCHING THE SPANISH DEPREDATIONS.

Other merchants complained by petition of the losses they sustained
by the Spaniards. The house, in a grand committee, deliberated on this
subject, inquired into the particulars, examined evidence, and drew up
an address to the king, desiring his majesty would be graciously pleased
to use his utmost endeavours for preventing such depredations; for
procuring just and reasonable satisfaction; and for securing to his
subjects the free exercise of commerce and navigation to and from the
British colonies in America. The king assured them he would use his best
endeavours to answer the desires and expectations of his people, in an
affair of so much importance; and they, in another address, thanked
him for his gracious answer. They did not, however, receive such a
satisfactory reply to a former address, touching the sum of sixty
thousand pounds that had been stated in the public account, without
specification of the particular uses to which it was applied. His
majesty gave them to understand that the money had been issued and
disbursed for secret services; and that a distinct and particular
account of the distribution of it could not be given without a manifest
prejudice to the public. A bill was prepared for the more effectual
preventing bribery and corruption in elections for members of
parliament; and it passed through the house without opposition; but
their attention was chiefly employed upon the Spanish depredations,
which had raised a great clamour through the whole kingdom, and excited
very warm disputes in parliament; for they were generally reputed the
fruits of negligence, incapacity, or want of vigour in the ministers..
The commons having made further progress in the inquiry, and received
fresh petitions from the merchants, passed some resolutions, in which
the Spaniards were accused of having violated the treaties subsisting
between the two crowns; and with having treated inhumanly the masters
and crews of ships belonging to Great Britain. They justified the
instructions given to admiral Hosier, to seize and detain the flota and
galleons of Spain, until justice and satisfaction should be rendered to
his majesty and his allies; nay, even declared that such seizure would
have been just, prudent, and necessary, tending to prevent an open
rupture, and to preserve the peace and tranquillity of Europe. They
again addressed the king to use his endeavours to procure satisfaction;
and he promised to comply with their request.

Mr. Scroope, member for Bristol, moved for an address entreating his
majesty to order an account of the produce of the civil list revenues
for one year to be laid before the house. The address was presented, the
account produced, and the house, in a grand committee, took this affair
into consideration. The courtiers affirmed that they fell short of the
eight hundred thousand pounds settled upon his majesty; and Mr. Scroope
proposed that the sum of one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds should
be granted to the king, on account of those deficiencies and arrears.
The motion was vigorously opposed by Mr. Pulteney and other members.
They expressed their surprise that it should be made so late in the
session, when no further demand of money could be reasonably expected;
and they said it was the more extraordinary, because it appeared in the
former session, from the examination of the accounts then before the
house, that the revenues of the civil list produced yearly a much
greater sum than that for which they were given. Mr. Pulteney moved,
that the accounts and papers should be referred to the examination of
a select committee, properly empowered to investigate the truth. The
ministers opposed this motion; and the question being put, it passed
in the negative. The majority voted the sum demanded; and in a bill for
settling the price of imported corn, they inserted the resolution for
granting to his majesty the sum of one hundred and fifteen thousand
pounds, on account of arrears due on the civil list revenues.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

The house of lords having prepared a bill for the more effectual
punishment of forgery, which was passed into a law, and ordered the
judges to bring in another on the report of a committee appointed to
consider the case of imprisoned debtors, at length deliberated upon the
state of the nation, particularly the positive demand made by the court
of Spain for the restitution of Gibraltar, grounded in a letter written
by the late king to his catholic majesty. From a copy of the letter laid
before the house, it plainly appeared that king George I. had consented
to this restitution. A motion being made for a resolution, importing,
that for the honour of his majesty, and the preservation and security of
the trade and commerce of the kingdom, effectual care should be taken in
the present treaty that the king of Spain should renounce all claim and
pretension to Gibraltar and Minorca, in plain and strong terms; a debate
ensued, and the question being put, passed in the negative, though
not without a protest. Then the majority resolved, that the house did
entirely rely upon his majesty, that he would, for maintaining the
honour and securing the trade of this kingdom, take effectual care in
the present treaty to preserve his undoubted right to Gibraltar and
Minorca. When the house examined the papers relating to the Spanish
depreciations, many severe reflections were uttered against the conduct
of the ministry; and a motion was made, to resolve that Hosier’s
expedition was an unreasonable burden on the nation; but this too was
rejected, and occasioned another protest. Nor did the clause in the
corn-bill, for granting one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds to his
majesty, pass through the house of peers without warm opposition. Divers
lords alleged, that, instead of a deficiency in the civil list revenues,
there was a considerable surplus; that this was a new grant, and a new
burden on the people; that the nation was loaded, not to complete but
to augment the surplus designed for the civil list; and this at a time
when the public debts were increased; when the taxes were heavily felt
in all parts of the country; when the foreign trade of Britain was
encumbered and diminished; when her manufactures were decayed, her poor
multiplied, and she was surrounded by many other national calamities.
They observed, that if the produce of the civil list revenue should not
amount to the yearly sum of eight hundred thousand pounds, the
deficiency must be made good to his majesty by the public; whereas no
provision was made, by which, if the produce of these revenues should
exceed that sum, the surplus could accrue to the benefit of the public;
that, by this precedent, not only real deficiencies were to be made
good, but also supplies were to be given for arrears standing out at the
end of the year, which should come on before the supplies could be
granted, though the supply given to make good arrears in one year would
certainly increase the surplusages in another; that the revenues of the
civil list were variable in their own nature, and even when there is a
deficiency in the produce, there might be arrears in the receipt; these
might be easily increased by the management of designing ministers, by
private directions to receivers, and by artful methods of stating
accounts. All these arguments, and other objections equally strong and
plausible, against this unconsionable and unparliamentary motion, served
only to evince the triumph of the ministry over shame and sentiment,
their contempt of public spirit, and their defiance of the national
reproach.*

     * The peers that distinguished themselves in the opposition
     were Beaufort, Strafford, Craven, Foley, Litchfield,
     Scarsdale, Grower, Mountjoy, Plymouth, Bathurst,
     Northampton, Coventry, Oxford and Mortimer, Willoughby de
     Broke, Boyle, and Warrington.

{1729}




WISE CONDUCT OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The king had, on the twenty-fourth day of March, given the royal assent
to five bills; and on the fourteenth day of May the same sanction was
given to thirty other bills, including an act enabling the queen to be
regent in the kingdom during his majesty’s absence without taking the
oaths, and another for the relief of insolvent debtors. At the same time
two-and-thirty private bills were passed: then the king expressed his
approbation of the parliament, signified his intention to visit his
German dominions, and ordered the chancellor to prorogue both houses.
His majesty having appointed the queen regent of the realm, set out
for Hanover on the seventeenth day of May, in order to remove a petty
misunderstanding which had happened between that electorate and the
court of Berlin. Some Hanoverian subjects had been pressed or decoyed
into the service of Prussia; and the regents of Hanover had seized
certain Prussian officers by way of reprisal. The whole united kingdom
of Great Britain at this juncture enjoyed uninterrupted repose;
and commerce continued to increase, in spite of all restriction and
discouragement. The people of Ireland found themselves happy under the
government of lord Carteret; and their parliament, assembling in the
month of September, approved themselves the fathers of their country.
They established funds for the discharge of their national debt, and for
maintaining the expense of government: they enacted wholesome laws for
the encouragement of manufactures, trade, and agriculture; and they
formed wise regulations in different branches of civil economy. Some
time after this session, which was conducted with so much harmony and
patriotism, lord Carteret returned to England; and was succeeded by the
duke of Dorset in the government of that kingdom. In the month of May,
Charles lord Townshend resigned the seals, which were given to colonel
Stanhope, now created earl of Harrington; so that sir Robert Walpole
now reigned without a rival. James earl of Waldegrave was appointed
ambassador to the court of France, which about that time was filled with
joy by the birth of a dauphin.




ABDICATION OF THE KING OF SARDINIA.

In the month of September, Victor Amadeus king of Sardinia, resigned
his crown to his son Charles Emanuel, prince of Piedmont. The father
reserved to himself a revenue of one hundred thousand pistoles per
annum, retired to the castle of Chamberry, and espoused the countess
dowager of St. Sebastian, who declined the title of queen, but assumed
that of marchioness of Somerive. Though the congress at Soissons
proved abortive, conferences were begun at Seville between the
plenipotentiaries of England, France, and Spain; and a treaty was
concluded on the ninth day of November, not only without the concurrence
of the emperor, but even contrary to his right, as established by
the quadruple alliance. On this subject he communicated an imperial
commissorial decree to the states of the empire assembled in the diet
at Eatisbon, which was answered by the French minister de Chavigny. In
October, Peter II., czar of Muscovy and grandson of Peter I., died
in the fifteenth year of his age, at Muscow, and was succeeded on the
Russian throne by the princess Anne Ivanowna, second daughter of John
Alexowitz, elder brother of the first Peter, and widow of Frederic
William duke of Courland. The following month was rendered remarkable
by the death of pope Benedict XIII., in whose room cardinal Laurence
Corsini was raised to the pontificate, and assumed the name of Clement
XII.




SUBSTANCE OF THE KING’S SPEECH.

The British parliament assembling on the thirteenth day of January,
the king gave them to understand that the peace of Europe was now
established by the treaty of Seville, built upon the foundation
of former treaties, and tending to render more effectual what the
contracting powers in the quadruple alliance were before engaged to see
performed. He assured them that all former conventions made with
Spain in favour of the British trade and navigation were renewed and
confirmed: that the free uninterrupted exercise of their commerce was
restored: that the court of Spain had agreed to an ample restitution
and reparation for unlawful seizures and depredations: that all rights,
privileges, and possessions, belonging to him and his allies, were
solemnly re-established, confirmed, and guaranteed; and that not one
concession was made to the prejudice of his subjects. He told them he
had given orders for reducing a great number of his land-forces, and for
laying up great part of the fleet; and observed ‘that there would be
a considerable saving in the expense of the current year. After both
houses had presented their addresses of thanks and congratulation to
the king on the peace of Seville, the lords took that treaty into
consideration, and it did not pass inquiry without severe animadversion.




OBJECTIONS TO THE TREATY OF SEVILLE.

The lords in the opposition excepted to the article by which the
merchants of Great Britain were obliged to make proof of their losses
at the court of Spain. They said this stipulation was a hardship upon
British subjects, and dishonourable to the nation: that few would care
to undertake such a troublesome and expensive journey, especially as
they had reason to apprehend their claims would be counterbalanced by
the Spaniards; and after all they would have no more than the slender
comfort of hoping to obtain that redress by commissaries which they
had not been able to procure by plenipotentiaries. They thought it very
extraordinary that Great Britain should be bound to ratify and guarantee
whatever agreement should be made between the king of Spain and the duke
of Parma and Tuscany, concerning the garrisons once established in their
countries; that the English should be obliged to assist in effectuating
the introduction of six thousand Spanish troops into the towns of
Tuscany and Parma, without any specification of the methods to be taken,
or the charge to be incurred, in giving that assistance: that they
should guarantee for ever, not only to Don Carlos, but even to all
his successors, the possession of the estates of Tuscany and Parma;
a stipulation which in all probability would involve Great Britain in
endless quarrels and disputes about a country with which they had no
concern. They affirmed that the treaty of Seville, instead of
confirming other treaties, was contradictory to the quadruple alliance,
particularly in the article of introducing Spanish troops into Tuscany
and Parma in the room of neutral forces stipulated by the former
alliance; and agreeing that they should there remain until Don Carlos
and his successors should be secure and exempt from all events. They
complained that these alterations from the tenor of the quadruple
alliance, were made without the concurrence of the emperor, and even
without inviting him to accede; an affront which might alienate his
friendship from England, and hazard the loss of such an ancient,
powerful, and faithful ally; they declared that throughout the whole
treaty there seemed to be an artful omission of any express stipulation
to secure Great Britain in her right to Gibraltar and Minorca. Such was
the substance of the objections made to the peace: then lord Bathurst
moved for a resolution that the agreement on the treaty of Seville, to
secure the succession of Don Carlos to the duchies of Tuscany, Parma,
and Placentia, with Spanish troops, was a manifest violation of the
fifth article of the quadruple alliance, tending to involve the nation
in a dangerous and expensive war, and to destroy the balance of power in
Europe. The question was put, and the motion rejected. Such too was
the fate of two other motions, to resolve that Great Britain’s right of
sovereignty, dominion, possession, and claim to Gibraltar and Minorca,
were not ascertained by the treaty of Seville: and that the stipulations
in that treaty for repairing the losses of the British merchants were
insufficient and precarious. The majority, far from stigmatizing
this transaction, resolved, that the treaty did contain all necessary
stipulations for maintaining and securing the honour, dignity, rights,
and possessions of the crown: that all due care was taken therein for
the support of the trade of the king dom, and for repairing the losses
sustained by the British merchants. On these resolutions an address of
approbation was founded: but when a motion was made for an address to
his majesty, that he would order to be laid before the house a list of
all pensions payable to the crown, it was immediately resolved in the
negative. Divers contests of the same kind arose upon the mutiny-bill,
the pension-bill, and the maintenance of twelve thousand Hessians;
but the ministry bore down all opposition, though their triumphs were
clogged with vigorous protests, which did not fail to make impression
upon the body of the people.




OPPOSITION TO A STANDING ARMY.

Nor was the success of the court interest in the house of commons
altogether pure, and free from exception and dispute. When the charge
of the land forces fell under the consideration of the commons, and Mr.
Henry Pelham, secretary at war, moved that the number of effective men
for the land service of the ensuing year should be fixed at seventeen
thousand seven hundred and nine, Mr. Pulteney insisted upon its being
reduced to twelve thousand. Mr. Shippen affirmed that Mr. Pelham’s
motion was a flat negative to the address for which he voted on the
first day of the session, as it plainly implied a distrust of the
validity of the late treaty, which he then assured the house would
immediately produce all the blessings of an absolute peace, and deliver
the kingdom from the apprehensions and inconveniences of a war. He said
the motion tended directly towards the establishment of an army in Great
Britain, which he hoped would never be so far germanized as tamely to
submit to a military government. He observed, that the nation could
have no occasion for all the troops that were demanded, considering the
glorious scene of affairs which was now opened to all Europe. “They are
not necessary,” said he, “to awe Spain into a firm adherence to its own
treaty; they are not necessary to force the emperor into an immediate
accession, nor are they in any sort necessary for the safety of his
majesty’s person and government. Force and violence are the resort
of usurpers and tyrants only; because they are, with good reason,
distrustful of the people whom they oppress; and because they have
no other security for the continuance of their unlawful and unnatural
dominion, than what depends entirely on the strength of their armies.”
 The motion, however, was carried in the affirmative.




BILL PROHIBITING LOANS.

Another warm debate was excited by a bill which the courtiers brought
in, to prevent any subjects of Great Britain from advancing sums of
money to foreign princes or states, without having obtained license from
his majesty, under his privy-seal or some great authority. The minister
pretended that this law was proposed to disable the emperor, who
wanted to borrow a great sum of the English merchants, from raising
and maintaining troops to disturb the tranquillity of Europe. The bill
contained a clause empowering the king to prohibit by proclamation
all such loans of money, jewels, or bullion: the attorney-general was
empowered to compel, by English bill, in the court of exchequer, the
effectual discovery, on oath, of any such loans; and it was enacted,
that in default of an answer to any such bill, the court should decree a
limited sum against the person refusing to answer. Mr. Daniel Pulteney,
a gentleman of uncommon talents and ability, and particularly acquainted
with every branch of commerce, argued strenuously against this bill, as
a restraint upon trade that would render Holland the market of Europe,
and the mart of money to the nations of the continent. He said that
by this general prohibition, extending to all princes, states, or
potentates, the English were totally disabled from assisting their best
allies: that, among others, the king of Portugal frequently borrowed
money of the English merchants residing within his dominions; that while
the licensing power remained in the crown, the licenses would be issued
through the hands of the minister, who by this new trade might gain
twenty, thirty, or forty thousand a-year: that the bill would render
the exchequer a court of inquisition: and that whilst it restrained our
merchants from assisting the princes and powers of Europe, it permitted
our stockjobbers to trade in their funds without interruption. Other
arguments of equal weight were enforced by Mr. Barnard, a merchant of
London, who perfectly understood trade in all its branches, spoke with
judgment and precision, and upon all occasions steadily adhered to
the interest and liberties of his country. After having explained his
reasons, he declared he should never consent to a bill which he deemed
a violation of our fundamental laws, a breach of our dearest
liberties, and a very terrible hardship on mankind. Sir William Wyndham
distinguished himself on the same side of the question: the bill was
vindicated by sir Robert Walpole, Mr. Pelham, and sir Philip Yorke,
attorney-general; and being supported by the whole weight of ministerial
influence, not only passed through the house, but was afterwards enacted
into a law.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




CHARTER OF THE EAST-INDIA COMPANY.

The subsidies were continued to the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel and the
duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttle, in spite of all that could be urged
against these extraneous incumbrances; and the supply for the ensuing
year was granted according to the estimates which the ministry thought
proper to produce, amounting to about two millions two hundred and
eighty thousand pounds. It must be owned, however, for the credit of the
session, that the house appropriated one million of the surplusses
arising from the sinking fund towards the discharge of the national
debt; and by another act extinguished the duties upon salt, by which
expedient the subject was eased of a heavy burden, not only in being
freed from the duty, but also from a considerable charge of salaries
given to a great number of officers employed to collect this imposition.
They likewise encouraged the colony of Carolina with an act, allowing
the planters and traders of that province to export rice directly to any
part of Europe southward of Cape Finisterre; and they permitted salt
from Europe to be imported into the colony of New York. The term of the
exclusive trade granted by act of parliament to the East India company
drawing towards a period, many considerable merchants and others made
application forbeing incorporated and vested with the privilege of
trading to those countries, proposing to lay that branch of trade open
to all the subjects of Great Britain on certain conditions. In
consideration of an act of parliament for this purpose, they offered to
advance three millions two hundred thousand pounds, for redeeming the
fund and trade of the present East India company. This proposal was
rejected; and the exclusive privilege vested in the company was, by act
of parliament, protracted to the year one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-six, upon the following conditions: That they should pay into the
exchequer the sum of two hundred thousand pounds towards the supplies of
the year, without interest or addition to their capital stock: that the
annuity or yearly fund of one hundred and sixty thousand pounds, payable
to them from the public, should be reduced to one hundred and
twenty-eight thousand: that after the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-six, their right to the exclusive trade should be liable to be
taken away by parliament, on three years’ notice, and repayment of their
capital.

{1730}




THE EMPEROR RESENTS THE TREATY OF SEVILLE.

On the fifteenth day of May, the king went to the house of peers
and closed the session. In his speech he expressed his joy, that,
notwithstanding all the clamours which were raised, the parliament had
approved of those matters which, he said, could not fail to inspire
all mankind with a just detestation of those incendiaries, who, by
scandalous libels, laboured to alienate the affections of his people;
to fill their minds with groundless jealousies and unjust complaints,
in dishonour of him and his government, and in defiance of the sense of
both houses of parliament.*

     * In the course of the session the commons passed a bill for
     making more effectual the laws in being, for disabling
     persons from being chosen members of parliament who enjoyed
     any pension during pleasure, or for any number of years, or
     any offices holden in trust for them, by obliging all
     persons hereafter to be chosen to serve the commons in
     parliament to take the oath therein mentioned. In all
     probability this bill would not have made its way through
     the house of commons, had not the minister been well assured
     it would stick with the upper house, where it was rejected
     at the second reading, though not without violent
     opposition.

The emperor was so much incensed at the insult offered him in the treaty
of Seville, with respect to the garrisons of Tuscany and Parma, that he
prohibited the subjects of Great Britain from trading in his dominions:
he began to make preparations for war, and actually detached bodies of
troops to Italy with such despatch as had been very seldom exerted by
the house of Austria. Yet the article of which he complained was not so
much a real injury as an affront put upon the head of the empire; for
eventual succession to those Italian duchies had been secured to the
infant, Don Carlos, by the quadruple alliance; and all that the emperor
required was, that this prince should receive the investiture of them as
fiefs of the empire.




ARRIVAL OF SEVEN INDIAN CHIEFS.

In Great Britain, this year was not distinguished by any transaction of
great moment. Seven chiefs of the Cherokee nations of Indians in America
were brought to England by sir Alexander Cumin. Being introduced to the
king, they laid their crown and regalia at his feet; and by an authentic
deed acknowledged themselves subjects to his dominion, in the name of
all their compatriots, who had vested them with full powers for this
purpose. They were amazed and confounded at the riches and magnificence
of the British court: they compared the king and queen to the sun and
moon, the princes to the stars of heaven, and themselves to nothing.
They gave their assent in the most solemn manner to articles of
friendship and commerce, proposed by the lords commissioners of trade
and plantations; and being loaded with presents of necessaries, arms,
and ammunition, were re-conveyed to their own country, which borders on
the province of South Carolina. In the month of September, a surprising
revolution was effected at Constantinople, without bloodshed or
confusion. A few mean Janissaries displayed a flag in the streets,
exclaiming that all true Mussulmen ought to follow them, and assist
in reforming the government. They soon increased to the number of
one hundred thousand, marched to the seraglio, and demanded the grand
vizier, the kiaja, and captain pacha. These unhappy ministers were
immediately strangled. Their bodies being delivered to the insurgents,
were dragged through the streets, and afterwards thrown to the dogs to
be devoured. Not content with this sacrifice, the revolters deposed the
grand seignor Achmet, who was confined to the same prison from whence
they brought his nephew Machmut, and raised this last to the throne,
after he had lived seven-and-twenty years in confinement.

England was at this period, infested with robbers, assassins, and
incendiaries, the natural consequences of degeneracy, corruption, and
the want of police in the interior government of the kingdom. This
defect, in a great measure, arose from an absurd notion, that laws
necessary to prevent those acts of cruelty, violence, and rapine, would
be incompatible with the liberty of British subjects; a notion that
confounds all distinctions between liberty and brutal licentiousness, as
if that freedom was desirable, in the enjoyment of which people find no
security for their lives or effects. The peculiar depravity of the
times was visible even in the conduct of those who preyed upon the
commonwealth. Thieves and robbers were now become more desperate and
savage than ever they had appeared since mankind was civilized. In the
exercise of their rapine, they wounded, maimed, and even murdered the
unhappy sufferers, through a wantonness of barbarity. They circulated
letters demanding sums of money from certain individuals, on pain of
reducing their houses to ashes, and their families to ruin; and even
set fire to the house of a rich merchant in Bristol, who had refused to
comply with their demand. The same species of villany was practised in
different parts of the kingdom; so that the government was obliged to
interpose, and offer a considerable reward for discovering the ruffians
concerned in such execrable designs.




BILL AGAINST PENSIONERS SITTING AS MEMBERS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

In the speech with which the king opened the session of parliament on
the twenty-first day of January, he told them that the present critical
conjuncture seemed in a very particular manner to deserve their
attention; that as the transactions then depending in the several courts
of Europe were upon the point of being determined, the great event of
peace or war might be very much affected by their first resolutions,
which were expected by different powers with great impatience. He said,
the continuance of that zeal and vigour with which they had hitherto
supported him and his engagements, must at this time be of the greatest
weight and importance, both with regard to his allies, and to those
who might be disposed before the season of action to prevent, by an
accommodation, the fatal consequences of a general rupture. The former
scene was repeated. Both houses, in their addresses, promised to support
his majesty in all his engagements; yet the members of the opposition
demonstrated the absurdity of promising to fulfil engagements before
they could possibly know whether or not they were for the service of
Great Britain. Another bill was brought into the house of commons, to
prevent pensioners from sitting as members of parliament; and, after a
third reading, carried up to the lords for their concurrence. When
the supply fell under consideration, the debates were renewed upon the
subsidies to the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel and the duke of Wolfenbuttle,
which, however, were continued; and every article was granted according
to the estimates given in for the expense of the ensuing year. Two
petitions being presented to the commons, representing the delays of
justice occasioned by the use of the Latin tongue in proceedings at law,
a bill was brought in for changing this practice, and enacting, that all
those processes and pleadings should be entered in the English language.
Though one would imagine that very little could be advanced against
such a regulation the bill met with warm opposition, on pretence that
it would render useless the ancient records which were written in that
language, and introduce confusion and delay of justice, by altering the
established form and method of pleading: in spite of these objections
it passed through both houses, and obtained the royal assent. A great
number of merchants from different parts of the kingdom having repeated
their complaints of depredations and cruelties committed by the
Spaniards in the West Indies, their petitions were referred to the
consideration of a grand committee. Their complaints upon examination
appeared to be well founded. The house presented an address to the
king, desiring his majesty would be graciously pleased to continue his
endeavours to prevent such depredations for the future; to procure full
satisfaction for the damages already sustained; and to secure to the
British subjects the full and uninterrupted exercise of their trade and
navigation to and from the British colonies in America. The hill against
pensions produced a warm debate in the house of lords, where it was
violently opposed by the dukes of Newcastle and Argyle; the earl of
Hay, and Dr. Sherlock, bishop of Bangor. This prelate, in a remarkable
speech, represented it as a scheme to enlarge the power of the house of
commons, and to break the balance between the powers essential to the
constitution, so as sooner or later to prove the ruin of the whole.
The great barrier provided against bribery and corruption by this bill,
consisted in an oath to be imposed on all members of the lower house,
by which they must have solemnly sworn and declared, that they had not
directly, nor indirectly, any pension during pleasure, or for any number
of years, or any office in part, or in the whole, held for them, or for
their benefit, by any persons whatsoever; and that they would not accept
any such pensions or offices, without signifying the same to the house
within fourteen days after they should be received or accepted. The
bill was vindicated as just and necessary by the earls of Winchelsea and
Strafford, lord Bathurst, and lord Carteret, who had by this time joined
as an auxiliary in the opposition. [237] _[See note 2 K, at the end of
this Vol.]_

{1731}




TREATY OF VIENNA.

The house of peers proceeded to consider the state of the national debt:
they read a bill for the free importation of wool from Ireland into
England, which was fiercely opposed, and laid aside, contrary to all the
rules of sound policy. They passed the bill for carrying on proceedings
at law in the English language; and a fruitless motion was made by lord
Bathurst for an address, to desire his majesty would give directions for
discharging the Hessian troops that were in the pay of Great Britain. On
the seventh day of May the parliament was prorogued, after the king had
given them to understand that all apprehensions of war were now happily
removed, by a treaty signed at Vienna between him and the emperor. He
said it was communicated to the courts of France and Spain, as parties
to the treaty of Seville, the execution of which it principally
regarded; and that it likewise was submitted to the consideration of the
states-general. He observed, that the conditions and engagements into
which he had entered on this occasion were agreeable to that necessary
concern which the British nation must always have for the security and
preservation of the balance of power in Europe; and that this happy
turn, duly improved with a just regard to former alliances, yielded a
favourable prospect of seeing the public tranquillity re-established.




DEATH OF THE DUKE OF PARMA.

In the month of January the duke of Parma died, after having made a
will, in which he declared his duchess was three months advanced in her
pregnancy; entreating the allied powers of Europe to have compassion
upon his people, and defer the execution of their projects until his
consort should be delivered. In case the child should be still-born, or
die after the birth, he bequeathed his dominions and allodial estates to
the infant Don Carlos of Spain; and appointed five regents to govern
the duchy. Notwithstanding this disposition, a body of Imperial troops
immediately took possession of Parma and Placentia, under the command
of general Stampa, who declared they should conduct themselves with
all possible regularity and moderation, and leave the administration
entirely to the regents whom the duke had appointed. They publicly
proclaimed in the market-place, that they took possession of these
duchies for the infant Don Carlos; and that if the duchess dowager
should not be delivered of a prince, the said infant might receive the
investiture from the emperor whenever he would, provided he should come
without an army. Though these steps seemed to threaten an immediate
war, the king of Great Britain and the states-general interposed their
mediation so effectually with the court of Vienna, that the emperor
desisted from the prosecution of his design; and on the sixteenth day of
March concluded at Vienna a treaty with his Britannic majesty, by which
he consented to withdraw his troops from Parma and Placentia. He agreed,
that the king of Spain might take possession of these places in favour
of his son Don Carlos, according to the treaty of Seville. He likewise
agreed that the Ostend company, which had given such umbrage to the
maritime powers, should be totally dissolved, on condition that the
contracting powers concerned in the treaty of Seville should guarantee
the pragmatic sanction, or succession of the Austrian hereditary
dominion to the heirs female of the emperor, in case he should die
without male issue. The Dutch minister residing at the Imperial court
did not subscribe this treaty, because, by the maxims received in that
republic, and the nature of her government, he could not be vested with
full powers so soon as it would have been necessary: nevertheless
the states-general were, by a separate article, expressly named as a
principal contracting party.




DON CARLOS TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS TERRITORIES.

On the twenty-second day of July, a new treaty was signed at Vienna
between the emperor and the kings of Great Britain and Spain, tending to
confirm the former. In August, a treaty of union and defensive alliance
between the electorates of Saxony and Hanover was executed at Dresden.
The court of Spain expressing some doubts with regard to the pregnancy
of the duchess of Parma, she underwent a formal examination by five
midwives of different nations, in presence of the elder duchess dowager,
several ladies of quality, three physicians and a surgeon; and was
declared with child: nevertheless, after having kept all Europe in
suspense for six months, she owned she had been deceived; and general
Stampa, with the Imperial forces, took formal possession of the duchies
of Parma and Placenta. Spain and the great duke of Tuscany having
acceded to the last treaty of Vienna, the crown of Great Britain engaged
to equip an armament that should convoy Don Carlos to his new dominions.
Accordingly, sir Charles Wager sailed with a strong squadron from
Portsmouth on the twenty-sixth day of August; and in September arrived
at Barcelona, where-, being joined by the Spanish fleet and transports,
they sailed together to Leghorn; from whence the admiral returned to
England. Don Carlos passed through part of France, and embarking
at Anti-bes on board of the Spanish galleys, arrived at Leghorn in
December. Then the Imperial general withdrew his forces into the
Milanese; and the infant took possession of his new territories.




FRANCE DISTRACTED BY RELIGIOUS DISPUTES.

During these transactions France was distracted by religious disputes,
occasioned by the bull Unigenitus thundered against the doctrines of
Jansenius; a bull which had produced a schism in the Gallican church,
and well nigh involved that country in civil war and confusion. It was
opposed by the parliaments and lay tribunals of the kingdom; but many
bishops, and the Jesuits in general, were its most strenuous assertors.
All the artifices of priestcraft were practised on both sides to inflame
the enthusiasm, and manage the superstition of the people. Pretended
miracles were wrought at the tomb of abbé Paris, who had died without
accepting the bull, consequently was declared damned by the abettors
of that constitution. On the other hand, the Jesuites exerted all
their abilities and industry in preaching against the Jansenists; in
establishing an opinion of their superior sanctity; and inspiring a
spirit of quietism among their votaries, who were transported into the
delirium of possession, illumination, and supernatural converse. These
arts were often used for the most infamous purposes. Female enthusiasts
were wrought up to such a violence of agitation, that nature fainted
under the struggle, and the pseudo saint seized this opportunity of
violating the chastity of his penitent. Such was said to be the case of
mademoiselle la Cadiere, a young gentlewoman of Toulon, abused in this
manner by the lust and villany of Père Girard, a noted Jesuit, who
underwent a trial before the parliament of Aix, and very narrowly
escaped the stake.




THE MINISTRY VIOLENTLY OPPOSED.

The parliament of Great Britain meeting on the thirteenth day of
January, the king in his speech declared, that the general tranquillity
of Europe was restored and established by the last treaty of Vienna;
and Don Carlos was actually possessed of Parma and Placentia; that six
thousand Spaniards were quietly admitted and quartered in the duchy of
Tuscany, to secure, by the express consent and agreement of the great
duke, the reversion of his dominions; and that a family convention was
made between the courts of Spain and Tuscany for preserving mutual
peace and friendship in the two houses. He told the commons, that the
estimates for the service of the current year would be considerably less
than those of former years. He recommended unanimity; he observed that
his government had no security but what was equally conducive to their
happiness, and to the protection of his people: that their prosperity
had no foundation but in the defence and support of his government. “Our
safety,” said he, “is mutual, and our interests are inseparable.”
 The opposition to the court measures appears to have been uncommonly
spirited during the course of this session. The minister’s motions were
attacked with all the artillery of elocution. His principal emissaries
were obliged to task their faculties to their full exertion, to
puzzle and perplex where they could not demonstrate and convince, to
misrepresent what they could not vindicate, and to elude the arguments
which they could not refute. In the house of commons, lord Hervey,
lately appointed vice-chamberlain of his majesty’s household, made a
motion for an address of thanks, in which they should declare their
entire approbation of the king’s conduct, acknowledge the blessings they
enjoyed tinder his government, express their confidence in the wisdom
of his councils, and declare their readiness to grant the necessary
supplies. This member, son to the earl of Bristol, was a nobleman
of some parts, which, however, were more specious than solid. He
condescended to act as a subaltern to the minister, and approved himself
extremely active in forwarding all his designs, whether as a secret
emissary or public orator; in which last capacity he appears to have
been pert, frivolous, and frothy. His motion was seconded by Mr.
Clutterbuck, and opposed by sir Wilfred Lawson, Mr. Shippen, Mr. W.
Pulteney, sir William Wyndham, and Mr. Oglethorpe. They did not argue
against a general address of thanks; but exposed the absurdity and bad
tendency of expressions which implied a blind approbation of all
the measures of the ministry. Sir Wilfred Lawson observed, that
notwithstanding the great things we had done for the crown of Spain, and
the favours we had procured for the royal family of that kingdom,
little or no satisfaction had as yet been received for the injuries our
merchants had sustained from that nation. Mr. Pulteney took notice, that
the nation, by becoming guarantee to the pragmatic sanction, laid itself
under an obligation to assist the Austrian family when attacked by
any potentate whatever, except the grand seignor; that they might be
attacked when it would be much against the interest of the kingdom to
engage itself in a war upon any foreign account; that it might one day
be for the interest of the nation to join against them, in order to
preserve the balance of Europe, the establishing of which had already
cost England such immense sums of money. He insisted upon the absurdity
of concluding such a number of inconsistent treaties; and concluded
with saying, that if affairs abroad were now happily established, the
ministry which conducted them might be compared to a pilot, who, though
there was a clear, safe, and straight channel into port, yet took it in
his head to carry the ship a great way about, through sands, rocks, and
shallows; who, after having lost a great number of seamen, destroyed
a great deal of tackle and rigging, and subjected the owners to an
enormous expense, at last by chance hits the port, and triumphs in
his good conduct. Sir William Wyndham spoke to the same purpose. Mr.
Oglethorpe, a gentlemen of unblemished character, brave, generous,
and humane, affirmed that many other things related more nearly to
the honour and interest of the nation, than did the guarantee of the
pragmatic sanction. He said he wished to have heard that the new works
at Dunkirk had been entirely razed and destroyed; that the nation had
received full and complete satisfaction for the depredations committed
by the natives of Spain; that more care was taken in disciplining the
militia, on whose valour the nation must chiefly depend in case
of invasion; and that some regard had been shown to the oppressed
protestants in Germany. He expressed his satisfaction to find that the
English were not so closely united to France as formerly; for he had
generally observed that when two dogs were in a leash together, the
stronger generally ran away with the weaker; and this he was afraid
had been the case between France and Great Britain. The motion was
vigorously defended by Mr. Pelham, paymaster of the forces, and brother
to the duke of Newcastle, a man whose greatest fault was his being
concerned in supporting the measures of a corrupt ministry. In other
respects he was liberal, candid, benevolent, and even attached to the
interest of his country, though egregiously mistaken in his notions
of government. On this occasion, he insisted that it was no way
inconsistent with the honour or dignity of that house to thank his
majesty in the most particular terms, for every thing he had been
pleased to communicate in his speech from the throne; that no
expressions of approbation in the address could be any way made use of
to prevent an inquiry into the measures which had been pursued, when the
treaties should be laid before the house. He said, at the opening of a
session the eyes of all Europe were turned towards Great Britain, and
from the parliament’s first resolves all the neighbouring powers
judged of the unanimity that would ensue between his majesty and the
representatives of his people; that their appearing jealous or diffident
of his majesty’s conduct, would weaken his influence upon the councils
of foreign states and potentates, and perhaps put it out of his power to
rectify any false step that might have been made by his ministers. His
arguments were reinforced by a long speech from Mr. H. Walpole. The
question was put, the motion carried, and the address presented.




DEBATE ON A STANDING ARMY.

The next subject of debate was the number of land-forces. When the
supply fell under consideration, sir W. Strickland, secretary at war,
moved that the same number which had been maintained in the preceding
year should be continued in pay. On the other hand, lord Morpeth having
demonstrated the danger to which the liberties of the nation might be
exposed, by maintaining a numerous standing army in time of peace, made
a motion that the number should be reduced to twelve thousand. A warm
debate ensuing, was managed in favour of the first motion by lord
Hervey, sir Robert Walpole and his brother, Mr. Pelham, and sir Philip
Yorke, attorney-general. This gentleman was counted a better lawyer than
a politician, and shone more as an advocate at the bar than as an orator
in the house of commons. The last partisan of the ministry was sir
William Yonge, one of the lords commissioners in the treasury; a man
who rendered himself serviceable and necessary by stooping to all
compliances, running upon every scent, and haranguing on every subject,
with an even uninterrupted tedious flow of full declamation, composed
of assertions without veracity, conclusions from false premises, words
without meaning, and language without propriety. Lord Morpeth’s motion
was espoused by Mr. Watkin Williams Wynne, a gentleman of an ancient
family and opulent fortune in Wales, brave, open, hospitable, and warmly
attached to the ancient constitution and hierarchy; he was supported by
Mr. Walter Plummer, who spoke with weight, precision, and severity;
by sir W, Wyndham, Mr. Shippen, Mr. W. Pulteney, and Mr. Barnard. The
courtiers argued that it was necessary to maintain such a number of
land-forces as might defeat the designs of malcontents, secure the
interior tranquillity of the kingdom, defend it from external assaults,
overawe its neighbours, and enable it to take vigorous measures in case
the peace of Europe should be re-embroiled. They affirmed, the science
of war was so much altered, and acquired so much attention, that no
dependance was to be placed upon a militia; that all nations were
obliged to maintain standing armies, for their security against the
encroachments of neighbouring powers; that the number of troops in Great
Britain was too inconsiderable to excite the jealousy of the people,
even under an ambitious monarch; that his majesty never entertained the
least thought of infringing the liberties of his subjects; that it could
not be supposed that the officers, among whom were many gentlemen of
family and fortune, would ever concur in a design to enslave their
country; and that the forces now in pay could not be properly deemed a
standing army, inasmuch as they were voted and maintained from year to
year by the parliament, which was the representative of the people. To
these arguments the members in the opposition replied, that a standing
force in time of peace was unconstitutional, and had been always thought
dangerous; that a militia was as capable of discipline as a standing
army, and would have more incentives to courage and perseverance; that
the civil magistrate was able to preserve the peace of the country; that
the number of the malcontents was altogether contemptible, though it
might be considerably augmented by maintaining a standing army, and
other such arbitrary measures; that other nations had been enslaved by
standing armies; and howsoever they might find themselves necessitated
to depend upon a military force for security against encroaching
neighbours, the case was very different with regard to Great Britain,
for the defence of which nature had provided in a peculiar manner; that
this provision was strengthened and improved by a numerous navy, which
secured her dominion of the sea; and, if properly disposed, would render
all invasion impracticable, or at least ineffectual; that the land-army
of Great Britain, though sufficient to endanger the liberties of an
unarmed people, could not possibly secure such an extent of coast, and
therefore could be of very little service in preventing an invasion;
that though they had all imaginable confidence in his majesty’s regard
to the liberty of the subjects, they could not help apprehending, that
should a standing army become part of the constitution, another prince
of more dangerous talents, and more fatal designs, might arise, and
employ it for the worst purposes of ambition; that though many officers
were gentlemen of honour and probity, these might be easily discarded,
and the army gradually moulded into quite a different temper. By these
means, practised in former times, an army had been new modelled to such
a degree, that they turned their swords against the parliament for whose
defence they had been raised, and destroyed the constitution both in
church and state; that with respect to its being wholly dependent on the
parliament, the people of England would have reason to complain of
the same hardship, whether a standing army should be declared at once
indispensable, or regularly voted from year to year, according to the
direction of the ministry; that the sanction of the legislature granted
to measures which in themselves are unconstitutional, burdensome,
odious, and repugnant to the genius of the nation, instead of yielding
consolation, would serve only to demonstrate that the most effectual
method of forging the chains of national slavery, would be that of
ministerial influence operating upon a venal parliament. Such were the
reasons urged against a standing army, of what number soever it might be
composed; but the expediency of reducing the number from about
eighteen thousand to twelve thousand, was insisted upon as the natural
consequence of his majesty’s declaration, by which they were given to
understand that the peace of Europe was established; and that he had
nothing so much at heart as the ease and prosperity of his people. It
was suggested, that if eighteen thousand men were sufficient on the
supposed eve of a general war in Europe, it was surely reasonable
to think that a less number would suffice when peace was perfectly
re-established. Whatever effect these reasons had upon the body of the
nation, they made no converts in the house, where the majority resolved
that the standing army should be maintained without reduction. Mr.
Plummer complained that the country was oppressed by an arbitrary method
of quartering soldiers, in an undue proportion, upon those publicans who
refused to vote in elections according to the direction of the ministry.
Mr. Pulteney asserted, that the money raised for the subsistence of
eighteen thousand men in England, would maintain sixty thousand French
or Germans, or the same number of almost any other people on the
continent. Sir William Wyndham declared, that eighteen thousand of the
English troops in the late war were maintained on less than two-thirds
of the sum demanded for the like number; but no regard was paid to these
allegations.




THE CHARITABLE CORPORATION.

The next object of importance that attracted the notice of the house,
was the state of the charitable corporation. This company was first
erected in the year one thousand seven hundred and seven. Their
professed intention was to lend money at legal interest to the poor
upon small pledges; and to persons of better rank upon an indubitable
security of goods impawned. Their capital was at first limited to thirty
thousand pounds, but, by licenses from the crown, they increased it to
six hundred thousand pounds, though their charter was never confirmed
by act of parliament. In the month of October, George Robinson, esquire,
member for Mar-low, the cashier, and John Thompson, warehouse-keeper
of the corporation, disappeared in one day. The proprietors, alarmed at
this incident, held several general courts, and appointed a committee to
inspect the state of their affairs. They reported, that for a capital of
above five hundred thousand pounds no equivalent was found; inasmuch
as their effects did not amount to the value of thirty thousand, the
remainder having been embezzled by means which they could not discover.
The proprietors, in a petition to the house of commons, represented that
by the most notorious breach of trust in several persons to whom the
care and management of their affairs were committed, the corporation had
been defrauded of the greatest part of their capital; and that many
of the petitioners were reduced to the utmost degree of misery and
distress; they therefore prayed, that as they were unable to detect the
combinations of those who had ruined them, or to bring the delinquents
to justice, without the aid of the power and authority of parliament,
the house would vouchsafe to inquire into the state of the corporation,
and the conduct of their managers; and give such relief to the
petitioners as to the house should seem meet. The petition was
graciously received, and a secret committee appointed to proceed on the
inquiry. They soon discovered a most iniquitous scene of fraud, which
had been acted by Robinson and Thompson, in concert with some of the
directors, for embezzling the capital, and cheating the proprietors.
Many persons of rank and quality were concerned in this infamous
conspiracy; some of the first characters in the nation did not escape
suspicion and censure. Sir Robert Sutton and sir Archibald Grant were
expelled the house of commons, as having had a considerable share in
those fraudulent practices; a bill was brought in to restrain them and
other delinquents from leaving the kingdom, or alienating their effects.
In the meantime, the committee received a letter from signior John
Angelo Belloni, an eminent banker at Rome, giving them to understand,
that Thompson was secured in that city, with all his papers, and
confined to the castle of St. Angelo; and that the papers were
transmitted to his correspondent at Paris, who would deliver them up, on
certain conditions stipulated in favour of the prisoner. This letter
was considered as an artifice to insinuate a favourable opinion of the
pretender, as if he had taken measures for securing Thompson, from
his zeal for justice and affection for the English people. On this
supposition, the proposals were rejected with disdain; and both houses
concurred in an order that the letter should be burned at the Royal
Exchange, by the hands of the common hangman. The lower house resolved,
that it was an insolent and audacious libel, absurd and contradictory;
that the whole transaction was a scandalous artifice, calculated to
delude the unhappy, and to disguise and conceal the wicked practices of
the professed enemies to his majesty’s person, crown, and dignity.




REVIVAL OF THE SALT-TAX.

No motion during this session produced such a warm contest, as did that
of sir Robert Walpole, when, after a long preamble, he proposed that the
duties on salt, which about two years before had been abolished, should
now be revived and given to his majesty, his heirs and successors, for
the term of three years. In order to sweeten this proposal, he declared
that the land-tax for the ensuing year should be reduced to one shilling
in the pound. All the members of the country party were immediately
in commotion. They expressed their surprise at the grossness of the
imposition. They observed, that two years had scarcely elapsed since the
king, in a speech from the throne, had exhorted them to abolish some of
the taxes that were the most burdensome to the poor: the house was then
of opinion, that the tax upon salt was the most burdensome and the most
pernicious to the trade of the kingdom, of all the impositions to which
the poor was subjected, and therefore it was taken off; but that no good
reason could be produced for altering their opinion so suddenly, and
resolving to grind the faces of the poor, in order to ease a few rich
men of the landed interest. They affirmed, that the most general taxes
are not always the least burdensome: that after a nation is obliged to
extend their taxes farther than the luxuries of their country, those
taxes that can be raised with the least charge to the public are the
most convenient and easiest to the people: but they ought carefully to
avoid taxing those things which are necessary for the subsistence of the
poor. The price of all necessaries being thus enhanced, the wages of the
tradesman and manufacturer must be increased; and where these are high
the manufacturers will be undersold by those of cheaper countries. The
trade must of consequence be ruined; and it is not to be supposed that
the landed gentlemen would choose to save a shilling in the pound from
the land-tax, by means of an expedient that would ruin the manufactures
of his country, and decrease the value of his own fortune. They alleged
that the salt-tax particularly affected the poor, who could not afford
to eat fresh provisions; and that, as it formerly occasioned murmurs and
discontents among the lower class of people, the revival of it would, in
all probability, exasperate them into open sedition. They observed, that
while it was exacted in England, a great number of merchants sent their
ships to Ireland, to be victualled for their respective voyages; that
since it had been abolished, many experiments had been successfully
tried with salt for the improvement of agriculture, which would be
entirely defeated by the revival of this imposition. They suggested
that the land-tax was raised at a very small expense, and subject to no
fraud, whereas that upon salt would employ a great number of additional
officers in the revenue, wholly depending upon the ministry, whose
influence in elections they would proportionably increase. They even
hinted, that this consideration was one powerful motive for proposing
the revival of an odious tax, which was in effect an excise, and would
be deemed a step towards a general excise upon all sorts of provisions.
Finally, they demonstrated that the salt-tax introduced numberless
frauds and perjuries in different articles of traffic. Sir Robert
Walpole endeavoured to obviate all these objections in a long speech,
which was minutely answered and refuted in every article by Mr.
Pulteney. Nevertheless, the question being put, the minister’s motion
was carried in the affirmative, and the duty revived; yet, before the
bill passed, divers motions were made, and additional clauses proposed
by the members in the opposition. New debates were raised on every new
objection, and the courtiers were obliged to dispute their ground by
inches.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MR. PULTENEY’S NAME STRUCK OUT OF THE LIST OF PRIVY-COUNSELLORS.

The pension-bill was revived, and for the third time rejected in the
house of lords. A bill for the encouragement of the sugar colonies
passed through the lower house with great difficulty, but was lost among
the peers: another, for the better securing the freedom of parliaments,
by further qualifying members to sit in the house of commons, was read
the third time, and thrown out upon the question. A committee had been
appointed to inquire into a sale of the estate which had belonged to the
late earl of Denventwater. It appeared by the report, that the sale
had been fraudulent; a bill was prepared to make it void; Dennis Bond,
esquire, and Serjeant Birch, commissioners for the sale of the forfeited
estates, were declared guilty of notorious breach of trust, and expelled
the house, of which they were members: George Robinson, esquire,
underwent the same sentence on account of the part he acted in the
charitable corporation, as he and Thompson had neglected to surrender
themselves, according to the terms of a bill which had passed for that
purpose. During this session, five members of parliament were expelled
for the most sordid acts of knavery; a sure sign of national degeneracy
and dishonour. All the supplies were granted, and among other articles,
the sum of two-and-twenty thousand six hundred and ninety-four pounds,
seven shillings and sixpence, for the agio or difference of the
subsidies payable to the crown of Denmark, in pursuance of the treaty
subsisting between the late king and that monarch; but this was
not obtained without a violent dispute. Mr. Pulteney, who bore a
considerable share in all these debates, became in a little time so
remarkable as to be thought worthy of a very particular mark of his
majesty’s displeasure. The king, on the first day of July, called for
the council-book, and with his own hand struck the name of William
Pulteney, esquire, out of the list of privy-counsellors; his majesty
further ordered him to be put out of all the commissions of the peace.
The several lord-lieutenants, from whom he had received deputations,
were commanded to revoke them; and the lord-chancellor and secretaries
of state were directed to give the necessary orders for that purpose.




THE KING SETS OUT FOR HANOVER.

Nor did the house of peers tamely and unanimously submit to the measures
of the ministry. The pension-bill being read, was again rejected, and a
protest entered. A debate arose about the number of standing forces; and
the earl of Chesterfield argued for the court motion. The earl of Oxford
moved that they might be reduced to twelve thousand effective men. The
earl of Winchelsea observed, that a standing army rendered ministers
of state more daring than otherwise they would be, in contriving and
executing projects that were grievous to the people; schemes that could
never enter into the heads of any but those who were drunk with excess
of power. The marquis of Tweedale, in reasoning against such a number as
the ministry proposed, took occasion to observe, that not one shilling
of the forfeited estates was ever applied to the use of the public;
he likewise took notice, that the eighteen thousand men demanded as
a standing force, were modelled in such a manner, that they might be
speedily augmented to forty thousand men on any emergency. The duke of
Argyle endeavoured to demonstrate the danger of depending for the safety
of the kingdom upon an undisciplined militia, a fleet, or an army of
auxiliaries. Then he represented the necessity of having recourse to a
regular army in case of invasion; and, after all, acknowledged that
the number proposed was no way sufficient for that purpose. All his
arguments were answered and refuted in an excellent speech by lord
Carteret; nevertheless, victory declared for the minister. The
parliament having granted every branch of the supply, towards the
payment of which they borrowed a sum from the sinking fund, and passed
divers other acts for the encouragement of commerce and agriculture, the
king, on the first day of June, gave the royal assent to the bills that
were prepared, and closed the session, after having informed both houses
that the states-general had acceded to the treaty of Vienna; that he had
determined to visit his German dominions, and to leave the queen regent
in his absence. He accordingly set out for Hanover in the beginning of
June. By this time the pragmatic sanction was confirmed by the diet
of the empire, though not without a formal protest by the electors
Palatine, Bavaria, and Saxony.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




CHAPTER II.

     _Remarkable Instance of Suicide..... Affairs of the
     Continent..... Meeting of the Parliament..... Address to the
     King touching the Spanish Depredations..... The Excise
     Scheme proposed by Sir Robert Walpole..... Opposition to the
     Scheme..... Bill for a Dower to the Princess Royal----Debate
     in the House of Lords concerning the Estates of the late
     Directors of the South-Sea Company..... Double Election of a
     King in Poland..... The Kings of France, Spain, and
     Sardinia, join against the Emperor..... The Prince of Orange
     arrives in England..... Altercation in the House of
     Commons..... Debate about the Removal of the Duke of Bolton
     and Lord Viscount Cobham from their respective
     Regiments..... Motion for the Repeal of the Septennial
     Act..... Conclusion of a remarkable Speech by Sir W.
     Wyndham...... Message from the King for Powers to augment
     the Forces in the Intervals between the two Parliaments.....
     Opposition in the House of Peers..... Parliament
     dissolved..... Dantzic besieged by the Russians.....
     Philipsburgh taken by the French..... Don Carlos takes
     possession of Naples..... Battle of Parma..... The
     Imperialists are again worsted at Gustalla..... An Edict in
     France, compelling the British Subjects in that Kingdom to
     enlist in the French Army..... New Parliament in Great
     Britain..... Debate on a Subsidy to Denmark..... Petition of
     some Scottish Noblemen to the House of Peers..... Bill
     explaining an Act of the Scottish Parliament touching
     wrongous Imprisonment..... Misunderstanding between the
     Courts of Spain and Portugal..... Sir John Norris sails with
     a strong Squadron to Lisbon..... Preliminaries signed by the
     Emperor and the King of France..... Proceedings in
     Parliament..... Bill for preventing the Retail of Spiritous
     Liquors..... Another for the Relief of Quakers in the
     Article of Tithes..... Mortmain Act..... Remarkable Riot at
     Edinburgh..... Rupture between the Czarina and the Ottoman
     Porte..... The Session of Parliament opened by
     Commission..... Motion in both Houses for a Settlement on
     the Prince of Wales..... Fierce Debate on this Subject.....
     Scheme by Sir John Barnard for reducing the Interest of the
     National Debt..... Bill against the City of Edinburgh.....
     Play-house Bill._

{1732}




REMARKABLE INSTANCE OF SUICIDE.

The most remarkable incident that distinguished this year in England was
a very uncommon instance of suicide; an act of despair so frequent
among the English, that in other countries it is objected to them as
a national reproach. Though it may be generally termed the effect of
lunacy proceeding from natural causes operating on the human body,
in some few instances it seems to have been the result of cool
deliberation. Richard Smith, a bookbinder, and prisoner for debt within
the liberties of the king’s bench, persuaded his wife to follow his
example in making away with herself, after they had murdered their
little infant. This wretched pair were, in the month of April, found
hanging in their bed-chamber, at about a yard’s distance from each
other; and in a separate apartment the child lay dead in a cradle. They
left two papers enclosed in a short letter to their landlord, whose
kindness they implored in favour of their dog and cat. They even left
money to pay the porter who should carry the enclosed papers to the
person for whom they were addressed. In one of these the husband thanked
that person for the marks of friendship he had received at his hands;
and complained of the ill offices he had undergone from a different
quarter. The other paper, subscribed by the husband and wife, contained
the reasons which induced them to act such a tragedy on themselves and
their offspring. This letter was altogether surprising for the calm
resolution, the good humour, and the propriety with which it was
written. They declared, that they withdrew themselves from poverty and
rags--evils that, through a train of unlucky accidents, were become
inevitable. They appealed to their neighbours for the industry with
which they had endeavoured to earn a livelihood. They justified the
murder of their child, by saying, it was less cruelty to take her with
them, than to leave her friendless in the world, exposed to ignorance
and misery. They professed their belief and confidence in Almighty God,
the fountain of goodness and beneficence, who could not possibly take
delight in the misery of his creatures; they therefore resigned up their
lives to him without any terrible apprehensions; submitting themselves
to those ways which, in his goodness, he should appoint after death.
These unfortunate suicides had been always industrious and frugal,
invincibly honest, and remarkable for conjugal affection.




AFFAIRS OF THE CONTINENT.

Trustees having been appointed by charter to superintend a new
settlement in Georgia, situated to the southward of Carolina in America,
Mr. Oglethorpe, as general and governor of the province, embarked at
Gravesend, with a number of poor families, to plant that colony. The
king of Spain having equipped a very powerful armament, the fleet sailed
on the fourth of June from the road of Alicant, under the command of
the count de Montemar, and arrived on the coast of Barbary in the
neighbourhood of Oran, where a considerable body of troops was landed
without much opposition. Next day, however, they were attacked by a
numerous army of Moors, over whom they obtained a complete victory. The
bey or governor of Oran immediately retired with his garrison, and the
Spaniards took possession of the place, from which they had been driven
in the year one thousand seven hundred and eight. The strong fort
of Mazalaquivir was likewise surrendered to the victors at the first
summons; so that this expedition answered all the views with which it
had been projected. Victor Amadasus, the abdicated king of Sardinia,
having, at the instigation of his wife, engaged in some intrigues in
order to reascend the throne, his son, the reigning king, ordered his
person to be seized at Montcalier, and conveyed to Rivoli, under a
strong escort. His wife, the marchioness de Spigno, was conducted to
Seva. The old king’s confessor, his physician, and eight-and-forty
persons of distinction, were imprisoned. The citadel of Turin was
secured with a strong garrison; and new instructions were given to the
governor and senate of Chamberri. The dispute which had long subsisted
between the king of Prussia and the young prince of Orange, touching the
succession to the estates possessed by king William III. as head of the
house of Orange, was at last accommodated by a formal treaty signed at
Berlin and Dieren. The Dutch were greatly alarmed about this time with
an apprehension of being overwhelmed by an inundation, occasioned by
worms, which were said to have consumed the piles and timber-work that
supported their dykes. They prayed and fasted with uncommon zeal, in
terror of this calamity, which they did not know how to avert in any
other manner. At length they were delivered from their fears by a hard
frost, which effectually destroyed those dangerous animals. About this
time, Mr. Dieden, plenipotentiary from the elector of Hanover, received,
in the name of his master, the investiture of Bremen and Verden from the
hands of the emperor.




MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENT.

The history of England at this period cannot be very interesting, as
it chiefly consists in an annual revolution of debates in
parliament,--debates, in which the same arguments perpetually recur on
the same subjects. When the session was opened on the sixteenth day of
January, the king declared that the situation of affairs, both at home
and abroad, rendered it unnecessary for him to lay before the two houses
any other reasons for calling them together, but the ordinary dispatch
of the public business, and his desire of receiving their advice in such
affairs as should require the care and consideration of parliament. The
motion made in the house of commons for an address of thanks, implied,
that they should express their satisfaction at the present situation of
affairs both at home and abroad. The motion was carried, notwithstanding
the opposition of those who observed, that the nation had very little
reason to be pleased with the present posture of affairs; that the
French were employed in fortifying and restoring the harbour of Dunkirk,
contrary to the faith of the most solemn treaties; that the British
merchants had received no redress for the depredations committed by the
Spaniards; that the commerce of England daily decreased; that no sort of
trade throve but the traffic of Change-alley, where the most abominable
frauds were practised; and that every session of parliament opened a new
scene of villany and imposition.




ADDRESS TO THE KING.

The pension-bill was once more revived, and lost again in the house of
peers. All the reasons formerly advanced against a standing army were
now repeated; and a reduction of the number insisted upon with such
warmth, that the ministerial party were obliged to have recourse to the
old phantom of the pretender. Sir Archer Croft said, a continuation
of the same number of forces was the more necessary, because, to his
knowledge, popery was increasing very fast in the country; for in one
parish which he knew, there were seven popish priests; and that the
danger from the pretender was the more to be feared, because they did
not know but he was then breeding his son a protestant. Sir Robert
Walpole observed, that a reduction of the army was the chief thing
wished for and desired by all the Jacobites in the kingdom; that no
reduction had ever been made but what gave fresh hopes to that party,
and encouraged them to raise tumults against the government; and he did
not doubt but that, if they should resolve to reduce any part of the
army, there would be post-horses employed that very night to carry the
good news beyond sea to the pretender. His brother Horatio added, that
the number of troops then proposed was absolutely necessary to support
his majesty’s government, and would be necessary as long as the nation
enjoyed the happiness of having the present illustrious family on
the throne. The futility, the self-contradiction, and the ridiculous
absurdity of these suggestions, were properly exposed; nevertheless, the
army was voted without any reduction. Sir Wilfred Lawson having made a
motion for an address to the king, to know what satisfaction had been
made by Spain for the depredations committed on the British merchants,
it was, after a violent debate, approved and the address presented. The
king in answer to this remonstrance gave them to understand, that the
commissaries of the two crowns had been so long delayed by unforeseen
accidents, that the conferences were not opened till the latter end of
the preceding February; and that as the courts of London and Madrid
had agreed that the term of three years stipulated for finishing the
commission should be computed from their first meeting, a perfect
account of their proceedings could not as yet be laid before the house
of commons. A bill had been long depending for granting encouragement
to the sugar colonies in the West Indies; but, as it was founded upon
a prohibition that would have put a stop to all commerce between the
French islands and the British settlements in North America, it met
with a very warm opposition from those who had the prosperity of those
northern colonies at heart. But the bill being patronised and supported
by the court interest, surmounted all objections, and afterwards passed
into a law. While the commons deliberated upon the supply, sir Robert
Walpole moved, that five hundred thousand pounds should be issued out
of the sinking fund for the service of the ensuing year. Sir William
Wyndham, Mr. Pulteney, and sir John Barnard, expatiated upon the
iniquity of pillaging a sacred deposit, solemnly appropriated to
the discharge of the national debt. They might have demonstrated
the egregious folly of a measure, by which the public, for a little
temporary ease, lost the advantage of the accumulating interest which
would have arisen from the sinking fund, if properly managed and
reserved. All objections vanished before the powers of ministerial
influence, which nothing now could check but the immediate danger of
popular commotion. Such hazardous interposition actually defeated a
scheme which had been adopted by the minister, and even before its
appearance alarmed all the trading part of the nation.




THE EXCISE SCHEME PROPOSED.

The house having resolved itself into a committee, to deliberate upon
the most proper methods for the better security and improvement of
the duties and revenues charged upon tobacco and wines, all the papers
relating to these duties were submitted to the perusal of the members;
the commissioners of the customs and excise were ordered to attend the
house, the avenues of which were crowded with multitudes of people;
and the members in the opposition waited impatiently for a proposal, in
which they thought the liberties of their country so deeply interested.
In a word, there had been a call of the house on the preceding day. The
session was frequent and full; and both sides appeared ready and eager
for the contest when sir Robert Walpole broached his design. He took
notice of the arts which had been used to prejudice the people against
his plan before it was known. He affirmed that the clamours occasioned
by these prejudices had originally risen from smugglers and fradulent
dealers, who had enriched themselves by cheating the public; and that
these had been strenuously assisted and supported by another set of
men, fond of every opportunity to stir up the people of Great Britain to
mutiny and sedition. He expatiated on the frauds that were committed in
that branch of the revenue arising from the duties on tobacco; upon the
hardships to which the American planters were subjected by the heavy
duties payable on importation, as well as by the ill usage they had met
with from their factors and correspondents in England, who, from being
their servants, were now become their masters; upon the injury done to
the fair trader; and the loss sustained by the public with respect to
the revenue. He asserted that the scheme he was about to propose would
remove all these inconveniencies, prevent numberless frauds, perjuries,
and false entries, and add two or three hundred thousand pounds per
annum to the public revenue. He entered into a long detail of frauds
practised by the knavish dealers in those commodities; he recited
the several acts of parliament that related to the duties on wine and
tobacco; he declared he had no intention to promote a general excise; he
endeavoured to obviate some objections that might be made to his plan,
the nature of which he at length explained. He proposed to join the laws
of excise to those of the customs; that the further subsidy of three
farthings per pound charged upon imported tobacco, should be still
levied at the custom-house, and payable to his majesty’s civil list as
heretofore; that then the tobacco should be lodged in warehouses, to be
appointed for that purpose by the commissioners of the excise; that
the keeper of each warehouse, appointed likewise hy the commissioners,
should have one lock and key, and the merchant-importer have another;
and that the tobacco should be thus secured until the merchant should
find vent for it, either by exportation or home consumption; that the
part designed for exportation should be weighed at the customhouse,
discharged of the three farthings per pound which had been paid at its
first importation, and then exported without further trouble; that
the portion destined for home consumption should, in presence of the
warehouse-keeper, be delivered to the purchaser, upon his paying
the inland duty of fourpence per pound weight, to the proper officer
appointed to receive it; by which means the merchant would be eased of
the inconvenience of paying the duty upon importation, or of granting
bonds and finding sureties for the payment, before he had found a market
for the commodity; that all penalties and forfeitures, so far as they
formerly belonged to the crown, should for the future be applied to the
use of the public; that appeals in this, as well as in all other cases
relating to the excise, should be heard and determined by two or three
of the judges, to be named by his majesty; and in the country, by the
judge of assize upon the next circuit, who should hear and determine
such appeals in the most summary manner, without the formality of
proceedings in courts of law or equity.

Such was the substance of the famous excise scheme, in favour of which
sir Robert Walpole moved that tha duties and subsidies on tobacco
should, from and after the twenty-fourth day of June, cease and
determine. The debate which ensued was managed and maintained by all
the able speakers on both sides of the question. Sir Robert Walpole was
answered by Mr. Perry, member for the city of London. Sir Paul Methuen
joined in the opposition. Sir John Barnard, another representative of
London, distinguished himself in the same cause.

He was supported by Mr. Pulteney, sir William Wyndham, and other
patriots. The scheme was espoused by sir Philip Yorke, appointed
lord-chief-justice of the king’s-bench, and ennobled in the course of
the ensuing year. Sir Joseph Jekyll approved of the project, which was
likewise strenuously defended by lord Hervey, sir Thomas Robinson, sir
William Yonge, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Wilmington, which last excelled all
his contemporaries of the ministry in talents and address. Those who
argued against the scheme, accused the minister of having misrepresented
the frauds and made false calculations. With respect to the supposed
hardships under which the planters were said to labour, they affirmed
that no planter had ever dreamed of complaining, until instigated
by letters and applications from London: that this scheme, far from
relieving the planters, would expose the factors to such grievous
oppression, that they would not be able to continue the trade,
consequently the planters would be entirely ruined; and, after all, it
would not prevent those frauds against which it was said to be provided:
that from the examination of the commissioners of the customs, it
appeared that those frauds did not exceed forty thousand pounds per
annum, and might in a great measure be abolished, by a due execution of
the laws in being; consequently this scheme was unnecessary, would
be ineffectual in augmenting the revenue, destructive to trade, and
dangerous to the liberties of the subject, as it tended to promote a
general excise, which was in all countries considered as a grievous
oppression. They suggested that it would produce an additional swarm
of excise officers and warehouse-keepers, appointed and paid by the
treasury, so as to multiply the dependents on the crown, and enable it
still further to influence the freedom of elections: that the traders
would become slaves to excisemen and warehouse-keepers, as they would be
debarred all access to their commodities, except at certain hours, when
attended by those officers: that the merchant, for every quantity of
tobacco he could sell, would be obliged to make a journey, or send
a messenger to the office for a permit, which could not be obtained
without trouble, expense, and delay: and that should a law be enacted in
consequence of this motion, it would in all probability be some time or
other used as a precedent for introducing excise laws into every branch
of the revenue; in which case the liberty of Great Britain would be no
more. In the course of this debate, sir Robert Walpole took notice of
the multitudes which had beset all the approaches to the house. He said
it would be an easy task for a designing seditious person to raise a
tumult and disorder among them: that gentlemen might give them what name
they should think fit, and affirm they were come as humble suppliants;
but he knew whom the law called sturdy beggars: and those who brought
them to that place could not be certain but that they might behave in
the same manner. This insinuation was resented by sir John Barnard, who
observed that merchants of character had a right to come down to the
court of requests, and lobby of the house of commons, in order to
solicit their friends and acquaintance against any scheme or project
which they might think prejudicial to their commerce: that when he came
into the house, he saw none but such as deserved the appellation of
sturdy beggars as little as the honourable gentleman himself, or any
gentleman whatever.

{1733}

After a warm dispute, the motion was carried by a majority of sixty-one
voices. Several resolutions were founded on the proposal: and to these
the house agreed, though not without another violent contest. The
resolutions produced a bill, against which petitions were preferred
by the lord-mayor, aldermen, and common-council of London, the city of
Coventry and Nottingham. A motion was made that counsel should be heard
for the city of London; but it was rejected by the majority, and
the petitions were ordered to lie upon the table. Had the minister
encountered no opposition but that which appeared within doors, his
project would have certainly been carried into execution; but the whole
nation was alarmed, and clamoured loudly against the excise-bill. The
populace still crowded around Westminster-hall, blocking up all the
avenues to the house of commons. They even insulted the persons of those
members who had voted for the ministry on this occasion; and sir Robert
Walpole began to be in fear of his life. He therefore thought proper to
drop the design, by moving that the second reading of the bill might be
postponed till the twelfth day of June. Then complaint being made of the
insolence of the populace, who had maltreated several members, divers
resolutions were taken against those tumultuous crowds and their
abettors; these resolves were communicated to the lord-mayor of London,
the sheriff of Middlesex, and the high-bailiff of Westminster. Some
individuals were apprehended in the court of requests, as having
fomented the disturbances; but they were soon released. The miscarriage
of the bill was celebrated with public rejoicings in London and
Westminster, and the minister was burned in effigy by the populace.
After the miscarriage of the excise scheme, the house unanimously
resolved to inquire into the frauds and abuses in the customs; and a
committee of twenty-one persons was chosen by ballot for this purpose.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BILL FOR A DOWER TO THE PRINCESS ROYAL.

The subsequent debates of this session were occasioned by a bill
to prevent the infamous practice of stock-jobbing, which with great
difficulty made its way to the house of lords, who proposed some
amendments, in consequence of which it was laid aside; and succeeded
by another bill establishing a lottery, to raise five hundred thousand
pounds for the relief of those who had suffered by the charitable
corporation. After having undergone some alteration, it passed through
both houses and obtained the royal assent. The king, by message to
parliament, had signified his intention to give the princess royal in
marriage to the prince of Orange, promising himself their concurrence
and assistance, that he might be enabled to bestow such a portion with
his eldest daughter as should be suitable to the occasion. The commons
immediately resolved, that but of the monies arising from the sale
of lands in the island of St. Christopher’s, his majesty should be
empowered to apply fourscore thousand pounds as a marriage dower for his
daughter; and a clause for this purpose was inserted in the bill, for
enabling his majesty to apply five hundred thousand pounds out of the
sinking fund for the service of the current year.

The opposition in the house of lords was still more animated, though
ineffectual. The debates chiefly turned upon the pension bill, the
number of land forces, and a motion made by lord Bathurst for an account
of the produce of the forfeited estates which had belonged to the
directors of the South-Sea company. The trustees for these estates
had charged themselves with a great sum of money, and the lords in the
opposition thought they had a right to know how it had been disposed.
The ministry had reasons to stifle this inquiry, and therefore opposed
it with all their vigour. Nevertheless, the motion was carried after a
warm dispute, and the directors of the South-Sea company were ordered
to lay the accounts before the house. From this it appeared that
the large sums of money arising from the forfeited estates had been
distributed among the proprietors, by way of dividend, even before
recourse was had to parliament for directions in what manner that
produce should be applied: lord Bathurst, therefore, moved for a
resolution of the house that the disposal of this money, by way of
dividend, without any order or direction of a general court for that
purpose, was a violation of the act of parliament made for the disposal
thereof, and a manifest injustice done to the proprietors of that stock.
The duke of Newcastle, in order to gain time, moved, that as the account
was confused, and almost unintelligible, the present directors of the
company might be ordered to lay before the house a further and more
distinct account of the manner in which the money had been disposed. A
violent contest ensued, in the course of which the house divided, and
of fifty-seven peers who voted for the delay, forty-six were such as
enjoyed preferment in the church, commissions in the army, or civil
employments under the government. At length lord Bathurst waived his
motion for that time; then the house ordered that the present and former
directors of the South-Sea company, together with the late inspectors
of their accounts, should attend and be examined. They were accordingly
interrogated, and gave so little satisfaction, that lord Bathurst moved
for a committee of inquiry; but the question being put, was carried in
the negative: yet a very strong protest was entered by the lords in the
opposition. The next subject of altercation was the bill for misapplying
part of the produce of the sinking fund. It was attacked with all the
force of argument, wit, and declamation, by the earl of Strafford, lords
Bathurst and Carteret, and particularly by the earl of Chesterfield, who
had by this time resigned his staff of lord-steward of the household,
and renounced all connexion with the ministry. Lord Bathurst moved for
a resolution, importing that, in the opinion of the house, the sinking
fund ought for the future to be applied, in time of peace and public
tranquillity, to the redemption of those taxes which were most
prejudicial to the trade, most burdensome on the manufactures, and most
oppressive on the poor of the nation. This motion was overruled, and the
bill adopted by the majority. On the eleventh of June, the king gave
the royal assent to the bills that were prepared, and closed the session
with a speech, in which he took notice of the wicked endeavours that had
been lately used to inflame the minds of the people by the most unjust
misrepresentations.




DOUBLE ELECTION OF A KING OF POLAND.

Europe was now reinvolved in fresh troubles by a vacancy on the throne
of Poland. Augustus died at Warsaw in the end of January, and the
neighbouring powers were immediately in commotion. The elector of
Saxony, son to the late king, and Stanislaus, whose daughter was married
to the French monarch, declared themselves candidates for the Polish
throne. The emperor, the czarina, and the king of Prussia, espoused the
interests of the Saxon: the king of France supported the pretensions of
his father-in-law. The foreign ministers at Warsaw forthwith began to
form intrigues among the electors: the marquis de Monti, ambassador from
France, exerted himself so successfully, that he soon gained over the
primate, and a majority of the catholic dietines, to the interests
of Stanislaus; while the Imperial and Russian troops hovered on the
frontiers of Poland. The French king no sooner understood that a body of
the emperor’s forces was encamped at Silesia, than he ordered the duke
of Berwick to assemble an army on the Rhine, and take measures for
entering Germany in case the Imperialists should march into Poland. A
French fleet set sail for Dantzic, while Stanislaus travelled through
Germany in disguise to Poland, and concealed himself in the house of
the French ambassador at Warsaw. As the day of election approached, the
Imperial, Russian, and Prussian ministers delivered in their several
declarations, by way of protest, against the contingent election of
Stanislaus, as a person proscribed, disqualified, depending upon a
foreign power, and connected with the Turks and other infidels. The
Russian general Lasci entered Poland at the head of fifty thousand
men: the diet of the election was opened with the usual ceremony on
the twenty-fifth day of August. Prince Viesazowski, chief of the Saxon
interest, retired to the other side of the Vistula, with three
thousand men, including some of the nobility who adhered to that party.
Nevertheless, the primate proceeded to the election: Stanislaus was
unanimously chosen king; and appeared in the electoral field, where he
was received with loud acclamations. The opposite party soon increased
to ten thousand men; protested against the election, and joined the
Russian army, which advanced by speedy marches. King Stanislaus finding
himself unable to cope with such adversaries, retired with the primate
and French ambassador to Dantzic, leaving the palatine of Kiow at
Warsaw. This general attacked the Saxon palace, which was surrendered
upon terms: then the soldiers and inhabitants plundered the houses
belonging to the grandees who had declared for Augustus, as well as
the hotel of the Russian minister. In the meantime, the Poles, who had
joined the Muscovites, finding it impracticable to pass the Vistula
before the expiration of the time fixed for the session of the diet,
erected a kelo at Cracow, where the elector of Saxony was chosen and
proclaimed by the bishop of Cracow, king of Poland, under the name of
Augustus III., on the sixth day of October. They afterwards passed
the river, and the palatine of Kiow retiring towards Cracow, they took
possession of Warsaw, where in their turn they plundered the palaces and
houses belonging to the opposite party.




CONFEDERACY AGAINST THE EMPEROR.

During these transactions, the French king concluded a treaty with Spain
and Sardinia, by which those powers agreed to declare war against the
emperor. Manifestoes were published reciprocally by all the contracting
powers. The duke of Berwick passed the Rhine in October, and undertook
the seige of fort Kehl, which in a few days was surrendered on
capitulation: then he repassed the river and returned to Versailles. The
king of Sardinia having declared war against the emperor, joined a
body of French forces commanded by mareschal de Villars, and drove the
Imperialists out of the Milanese. His Imperial majesty, dreading
the effects of such a powerful confederacy against him, offered to
compromise all differences with the crown of Spain, under the mediation
of the king of Great Britain; and Mr. Keene, the British minister at
Madrid, proposed an accommodation. Philip expressed his acknowledgments
to the king of England, declaring, however, that the emperor’s advances
were too late, and that his own resolutions were already taken.
Nevertheless, he sent orders to the count de Montijo, his ambassador at
London, to communicate to his Britannic majesty the motives which had
induced him to take these resolutions. In the meantime he detached a
powerful armament to Italy, where they invested the Imperial fortress
of Aula, the garrison of which was obliged to surrender themselves
prisoners of war. The republic of Venice declared she would take no
share in the disputes of Italy; the states-general signed a neutrality
with the French king for the Austrian Netherlands, without consulting
the emperor or the king of Great Britain; and the English councils
seemed to be altogether pacific.




ARRIVAL OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.

In November the prince of Orange arrived at Greenwich, in order to
espouse the princess royal; but the marriage was postponed on account of
his being taken ill: and he repaired to Bath, in Somersetshire, to drink
the water for the recovery of his strength. Henrietta, the young
duchess of Marlborough, dying about this time, the title devolved to her
sister’s son, the earl of Sunderland. Lord King resigning his office
of chancellor, it was conferred upon Mr. Talbot, solicitor-general,
together with the title of baron; a promotion that reflected honour
upon those by whom it was advised. He possessed the spirit of a Roman
senator, the elegance of an Atticus, and the integrity of a Cato. At the
meeting of the parliament in January, the king told them, in his speech,
that though he was no way engaged in the war which had begun to rage in
Europe, except by the good offices he had employed among the contending
powers, he could not sit regardless of the present events, or be
unconcerned for the consequences of a war undertaken and supported by
such a powerful alliance. He said, he had thought proper to take time to
examine the facts alleged on both sides, and to wait the result of the
councils of those powers that were more immediately interested in the
consequences of the rupture. He declared he would concert with his
allies, more particularly with the states-general of the United
Provinces, such measures as should be thought most advisable for their
common safety, and for restoring the peace of Europe. In the meantime,
he expressed his hope that they would make such provision as should
secure his kingdom, rights, and possessions from all dangers and
insults, and maintain the respect due to the British nation. He said,
that whatever part it might in the end be most reasonable for him to
act, it would in all views be necessary, when all Europe was preparing
for arms, to put his kingdom in a posture of defence. The motion for an
address of thanks produced as usual a debate in both houses, which, it
must be owned, appears to have proceeded from a spirit of cavilling,
rather than from any reasonable cause of objection.




ALTERCATION IN THE COMMONS.

The house of commons resolved to address his majesty for a copy of the
treaty of Vienna. Sir John Rushout moved for another, desiring that
the letters and instructions relating to the execution of the treaty
of Seville, should be submitted to the inspection of the commons; but,
after a hard struggle, it was over-ruled. The next motion was made by
Mr. Sandys, a gentleman who had for some time appeared strenuous in
the opposition, and wrangled with great perseverance. He proposed that
the house should examine the instructions which had been given to
the British minister in Poland, some years before the death of king
Augustus, that they might be the better able to judge of the causes
which produced this new rupture among the powers of Europe. The motion
being opposed by all the court members, a contest ensued, in the course
of which Mr. Pulteney compared the ministry to an empyric, and the
constitution of England to his patient. This pretender in physic, said
he, being consulted, tells the distempered person there were but two or
three ways of treating his disease; and he was afraid that none of
them would succeed. A vomit might throw him into convulsions that would
occasion immediate death; a purge might bring on a diarrhoea that would
carry him off in a short time; and he had been already bled so much,
and so often, that he could bear it no longer. The unfortunate patient,
shocked at this declaration, replies, “Sir, you have always pretended
to be a regular doctor; but now I find you are an arrant quack. I had an
excellent constitution when I first fell into your hands, but you have
quite destroyed it; and now I find I have no other chance for saving
my life, but by calling for the help of some regular physician.” In the
debate, the members on both sides seemed to wander from the question,
and indulge themselves in ludicrous personalities. Mr. H. Walpole took
occasion to say, that the opposition treated the ministry as he himself
was treated by some of his acquaintances with respect to his dress. “If
I am in plain clothes,” said he, “then they call me a slovenly dirty
fellow; and if by chance I wear a laced suit, they cry, What, shall such
an awkward fellow wear fine clothes?” He continued to sport in this kind
of idle buffoonery. He compared the present administration to a ship
at sea. As long as the wind was fair, and proper for carrying us to our
designed port, the word was, “Steady! steady!” but when the wind began
to shift and change, the word was necessarily altered to “Thus, thus,
and no nearer.” The motion was overpowered by the majority; and this
was the fate of several other proposals made by the members in the
opposition. Sir John Barnard presented a petition from the druggists,
and other dealers in tea, complaining of the insults and oppression to
which they were subjected by the excise laws, and imploring relief. Sir
John and Mr. Perry, another of the city members, explained the grievous
hardships which those traders sustained, and moved that the petition
might be referred to the consideration of the whole house. They were
opposed by Mr. Winnington, sir W. Yonge, and other partisans of the
ministry; and these skirmishes brought on a general engagement of the
two parties, in which every weapon of satire, argument, reason, and
truth, was wielded against that odious, arbitrary, and oppressive method
of collecting the public revenue. Nevertheless, the motion in favour
of the sufferers was rejected. When the commons deliberated upon the
supply, Mr. Andrews, deputy-paymaster of the army, moved for an addition
of eighteen hundred men to the number of land forces which had been
continued since the preceding year. The members in the opposition
disputed this small augmentation with too much heat and eagerness.
It must be acknowledged, they were by this time irritated into such
personal animosity against the minister, that they resolved to oppose
all his measures, whether they might or might not be necessary for the
safety and advantage of the kingdom. Nor indeed were they altogether
blameable for acting on this maxim, if their sole aim was to remove from
the confidence and councils of their sovereign, a man whose conduct they
thought prejudicial to the interests and liberties of their country.
They could not, however, prevent the augmentation proposed; but they
resolved, if they could not wholly stop the career of the ministry, to
throw in such a number of rubs as should at least retard their progress.
The duke of Bolton and lord Cobham had been deprived of the regiments
they commanded, because they refused to concur in every project of the
administration. It was in consequence of their dismission, that lord
Morpeth moved for a bill to prevent any commissioned officer, not above
the rank of a colonel, from being removed, unless by a court-martial,
or by address of either house of parliament. Such an attack on the
prerogative might have succeeded in the latter part of the reign of the
first Charles; but at this juncture could not fail to miscarry; yet it
was sustained with great vigour and address. When the proposal was set
aside by the majority, Mr. Sandys moved for an address to the king,
desiring to know who advised his majesty to remove the duke of Bolton
and lord Cob-ham from their respective regiments. He was seconded by Mr.
Pulteney and sir William Wyndham; but the ministry foreseeing another
tedious dispute, called for the question, and the motion was carried in
the negative. The next source of contention was a bill for securing the
freedom of parliament, by limiting the number of officers in the house
of commons. It was read a first and second time; but when a motion was
made for its being committed, it met with a powerful opposition, and
produced a warm debate that issued in a question which, like the former,
passed in the negative. A clergyman having insinuated in conversation
that sir William Milner, baronet, member for York, received a pension
from the ministry, the house took cognizance of this report; the
clergyman acknowledged at the bar that he might have dropped such a hint
from hearsay. The accused member protested, upon his honour, that he
never did nor ever would receive place, pension, gratuity, or reward
from the court, either directly or indirectly, for voting in parliament,
or upon any other account whatever. The accusation was voted false and
scandalous, and the accuser taken into custody; but in a few days he
was discharged upon his humble petition, and his begging pardon of the
member whom he had calumniated. The duty upon salt was prolonged for
eight years; and a bill passed against stock-jobbing.




MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.

But the subject which of all others employed the eloquence and abilities
on both sides to the most vigorous exertion, was a motion made by Mr.
Bromley, who proposed that a bill should be brought in for repealing
the septenntal act, and for the more frequent meeting and calling of
parliaments. The arguments for and against septennial parliaments have
already been stated. The ministry now insisted upon the increase of
papists and Jacobites, which rendered it dangerous to weaken the
hands of the government; they challenged the opposition to produce one
instance in which the least encroachment had been made on the liberties
of the people since the septennial act took place; and they defied
the most ingenious malice to prove that his present majesty had ever
endeavoured to extend any branch of the prerogative beyond its legal
bounds. Sir John Hinde Cotton affirmed, that in many parts of England
the papists had already begun to use all their influence in favour of
those candidates who were recommended by the ministers as members in the
ensuing parliament. With respect to his majesty’s conduct, he said he
would not answer one word; but as to the grievances introduced since the
law was enacted for septennial parliaments, he thought himself more at
liberty to declare his sentiments. He asserted, that the septennial law
itself was an encroachment on the rights of the people; a law passed by
a parliament that made itself septennial. He observed, that the laws of
treason with regard to trials were altered since that period; that in
former times a man was tried by a jury of his neighbours, within the
county where the crimes alleged against him were said to be committed;
but by an act of a septennial parliament he might be removed and tried
in any place where the crown, or rather the ministry, could find a
jury proper for their purpose; where the prisoner could not bring any
witnesses in his justification, without an expense which perhaps his
circumstances would not bear. He asked, if the riot act was not an
encroachment on the rights of the people? An act by which a little dirty
justice of the peace, the meanest and vilest tool a minister can
use, who, perhaps subsists by his being in the commission, and may be
deprived of that subsistence at the pleasure of his patron, had it in
his power to put twenty or thirty of the best subjects in England
to immediate death, without any trial or form but that of reading
a proclamation. “Was not the fatal South-Sea scheme,” said he,
“established by the act of a septennial parliament? And can any man ask,
whether that law was attended with any inconvenience; to the glorious
catalogue I might have added the late excise bill, if it had passed into
a law; but, thank heaven, the septennial parliament was near expiring
before that famous measure was introduced.”




CONCLUSION OF A REMARKABLE SPEECH BY SIR W. WYNDHAM.

Sir William Wyndham concluded an excellent speech, that spoke him the
unrivalled orator, the uncorrupted Briton, and the unshaken patriot, in
words to this effect:--“Let us suppose a man abandoned to all notions of
virtue and honour, of no great family, and but a mean fortune, raised to
be chief minister of state, by the concurrence of many whimsical events;
afraid or unwilling to trust any but creatures of his own making; lost
to all sense of shame and reputation; ignorant of his country’s true
interest; pursuing no aim but that of aggrandizing himself and his
favourites; in foreign affairs trusting none but those who, from the
nature of their education, cannot possibly be qualified for the service
of their country, or give weight and credit to their negotiations. Let
us suppose the true interest of the nation by such means neglected,
or misunderstood, her honour tarnished, her importance lost, her trade
insulted, her merchants plundered, and her sailors murdered; and
all these circumstances overlooked, lest his administration should be
endangered. Suppose him next possessed of immense wealth, the plunder
of the nation, with a parliament chiefly composed of members whose seats
are purchased, and whose votes are bought at the expense of the public
treasure. In such a parliament suppose all attempts made to inquire into
his conduct, or to relieve the nation from the distress which has
been entailed upon it by his administration. Suppose him screened by
a corrupt majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or
engages in his particular interest, by distributing among them those
posts and places which ought never to be bestowed upon any but for the
good of the public. Let him plume himself upon his scandalous victory,
because he has obtained a parliament like a packed jury ready to acquit
him at all adventures. Let us suppose him domineering with insolence
over all the men of ancient families, over all the men of sense, figure,
or fortune in the nation; as he has no virtue of his own, ridiculing it
in others, and endeavouring to destroy and corrupt it in all. With such
a minister, and such a parliament, let us suppose a case which I hope
will never happen: a prince upon the throne, uninformed, ignorant, and
unacquainted with the inclinations and true interest of his people,
weak, capricious, transported with unbounded ambition, and possessed
with insatiable warice. I hope such a case will never occur; but, as
it possibly may, could any greater curse happen to a nation than such
a prince on the throne, advised, and solely advised by such a minister,
and that minister supported by such a parliament? The nature of mankind
cannot be altered by human laws; the existence of such a prince or such
a minister we cannot prevent by act of parliament; but the existence of
such a parliament I think we may prevent; as it is much more likely to
exist, and may do more mischief, while the septennial law remains in
force than if it were repealed; therefore, I am heartily for its being
repealed.” Notwithstanding the most warm, the most nervous, the most
pathetic remonstrances in favour of the motion, the question was put,
and it was suppressed by mere dint of number.

{1734}

The triumph of the ministry was still more complete in the success of a
message delivered from the crown in the latter end of the session, when
a great many members of the other party had retired to their respective
habitations in the country. Sir Robert Wal-pole delivered this
commission to the house, importing that his majesty might be enabled
to augment his forces, if occasion should require such an augmentation,
between the dissolution of this parliament and the election of another.
Such an important point, that was said to strike at the foundation of
our liberties, was not tamely yielded; but, on the contrary,
contested with uncommon ardour. The motion for taking the message into
consideration was carried in the affirmative; and an address presented
to the king, signifying their compliance with his desire. In consequence
of a subsequent message, they prepared and passed a bill, enabling his
majesty to settle an annuity of five thousand pounds for life on the
princess royal, as a mark of his paternal favour and affection.




PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED.

The opposition in the house of peers kept pace with that in the house of
commons, and was supported with equal abilities, under the auspices of
the lords Bathurst and Carteret, the earls of Chesterfield and Abingdon.
The duke of Marlborough made a motion for a bill to regulate the army,
equivalent to that which had been rejected in the lower house; and it
met with the same fate after a warm dispute. Then lord Carteret moved
for an address to the king, that he would be graciously pleased to
acquaint the house who advised his majesty to remove the duke of Bolton
and lord viscount Cobham from their respective regiments, and what
crimes were laid to their charge. This proposal was likewise rejected,
at the end of a debate in which the duke of Argyle observed, that two
lords had been removed, but only one soldier lost his commission. Such a
great majority of the Scottish representatives had always voted for
the ministry since the accession of the late king, and so many of these
enjoyed places and preferments in the gift of the crown, that several
attempts were made by the lords in the opposition to prevent for the
future the ministerial influence from extending itself to the elections
of North Britain. Accordingly, two motions for this purpose were made
by the carl of Marchmont and the duke of Bedford; and sustained by the
earls of Chesterfield, Winchelsea, and Stair, lords Willoughby de Broke,
Bathurst, and Carteret. They were opposed by the dukes of Newcastle and
Argyle, the earl of Cholmondeley, earl Paulet, lord Hervey, now called
up by a writ to the house of peers, and lord Talbot. The question being
put on both, they were of course defeated; and the earl of Stair was
deprived of his regiment of dragoons, after having performed the most
signal services to the royal family, and exhausted his fortune in
supporting the interest and dignity of the crown. Strenuous protests
were entered against the decision of the majority concerning the king’s
message, demanding a power to augment his forces during the recess of
parliament; as also against a bill for enabling his majesty to apply the
sum of one million two hundred thousand pounds out of the sinking fund
for the service of the current year. The business of the session being
despatched, the king repaired to the house of lords on the sixteenth day
of April, and having passed all the bills that were ready for the royal
assent, took leave of this parliament, with the warmest acknowledgment
of their zeal, duty, and affection. It was at first prorogued, then
dissolved, and another convoked by the same proclamation. On the
fourteenth day of March, the nuptials of the prince of Orange and the
princess royal were solemnized with great magnificence; and this match
was attended with addresses of congratulation to his majesty from
different parts of the kingdom.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DANTZIC BESIEGED BY THE RUSSIANS.

The powers at war upon the continent acted with surprising vigour.
The Russian and Saxon army invested the city of Dantzic, in hopes
of securing the person of king Stanislaus. The town was strong, the
garrison numerous, and animated by the examples of the French and Poles,
made a very obstinate defence. For some time they were supplied by
sea with recruits, arms, and ammunition. On the eleventh day of May a
reinforcement of fifteen hundred men was landed from two French ships of
war and some transports, under fort Wechselmunde, which was so much
in want of provisions, that they were not admitted; they therefore
re-embarked, and sailed back to Copenhagen. But afterwards a larger
number was landed in the same place, and attacked the Russian
intrenchments, in order to force their way into the city. They were
repulsed in this attempt, but retired in good order. At length the
Russian fleet arrived, under the command of Admiral Gordon, and now the
siege was carried on with great fury. Fort Wechselmunde was surrendered;
the French troops capitulated, and were embarked in the Russian ships,
to be conveyed to some port in the Baltic. Stanislaus escaped in the
disguise of a peasant to Marienwarder in the Prussian territories. The
city of Dantzic submitted to the dominion of Augustus III., king of
Poland, and was obliged to defray the expense of the war to the Russian
general count de Munich, who had assumed the command after the siege was
begun. The Polish lords at Dantzic signed an act of submission to king
Augustus, who, on the tenth day of July, arrived at the convent of
Oliva. There a council was held in his presence. The recusant noblemen
took the oath which he proposed. Then a general amnesty was proclaimed;
and the king set out on his return to Dresden.




PHILIPSBURGH TAKEN BY THE FRENCH.

On the Rhine the French arms bore down all resistance. The count de
Belleisle besieged and took Traerbach. The duke of Berwick, at the head
of sixty thousand men, invested Philipsburgh, while prince Eugene was
obliged to remain on the defensive, in the strong camp at Heilbron,
waiting for the troops of the empire. On the twelfth day of June, the
duke of Berwick, in visiting the trenches, was killed by a cannon-ball,
and the command devolved upon the marquis d’Asfeldt who carried on the
operations of the siege with equal vigour and capacity. Prince Eugene
being joined by the different reinforcements he expected, marched
towards the French lines; but found them so strong that he would not
hazard an attack; and such precautions taken, that with all his military
talents he could not relieve the besieged. At length general Watgenau,
the governor, capitulated, after having made a noble defence, and
obtained the most honourable conditions. Prince Eugene retired to
Heidelberg; and the campaign ended about the beginning of October. The
Imperial arms were not more successful in Italy. The infant Don Carlos
had received so many invitations from the Neapolitan nobility, that
he resolved to take possession of that kingdom. He began his march in
February, at the head of the Spanish forces; published a manifesto,
declaring he was sent by his father to relieve the kingdom of Naples
from the oppression under which it groaned; and entered the capital
amidst the acclamations of the people; while the count de Visconti,
the German viceroy, finding himself unable to cope with the invaders,
thought proper to retire, after having thrown succours into Gaeta and
Capua. When he arrived at Nocera, he began to assemble the militia, with
intent to form a camp at Barletta. The count de Montemar marched with
a body of forces against this general, and obtained over him a complete
victory at Bitonto in Apuglia, on the twenty-fifth of May, when the
Imperialists were entirely routed, and a great number of principal
officers taken prisoners. Don Carlos being proclaimed, and acknowledged
king of Naples, created the count de Montemar duke of Bitonto; reduced
Gaeta, and all other parts of the kingdom which were garrisoned with
Imperial troops; and resolved to subdue the island of Sicily. About
twenty thousand troops being destined for this expedition, were landed
in the road of Solanto in August, under the command of the new duke of
Bitonto, who being favoured by the natives, proceeded in his conquests
with great rapidity. The people acknowledged Don Carlos as their
sovereign, and took arms in support of his government; so that the
Imperial troops were driven before them, and the Spaniards possessed the
whole kingdom, except Messina, Syracuse, and Trepani, when the infant
determined to visit the island in person.




BATTLE OF PARMA.

While Don Carlos was thus employed in the conquest of Naples and Sicily,
the Imperialists were hard pressed in Lombardy by the united forces
of France and Piedmont, commanded by the king of Sardinia and the old
mareschal duke de Villars. In the month of January they undertook the
siege of Tortona, which they reduced; while the troops of the emperor
began to pour in great numbers into the Mantuan. In the beginning of
May, count Merci, who commanded them, passed the Po in the face of the
allies, notwithstanding all the skill of Villars, obliged him to retreat
from the banks of that river, and took the castle of Colorno. The old
French general being taken ill, quitted the army, and retired to Turin,
where in a little time he died; and the king of Sardinia retiring to the
same place, the command of the allied forces devolved upon the
mareschal de Coigny. The confederates were posted at Sanguina, and the
Imperialists at Sorbola, when the count de Merci made a motion to
San Prospero, as if he intended either to attack the enemy, or
take possession of Parma. The mareschal de Coigny forthwith made a
disposition for an engagement; and, on the twenty-ninth day of June, the
Imperial general having passed the Parma, began the attack with great
impetuosity. He charged in person at the head of his troops, and
was killed soon after the battle began. Nevertheless, the prince
of Wirtem-berg assuming the command, both armies fought with great
obstinacy from eleven in the forenoon till four in the afternoon, when
the Imperialists retired towards Monte Cirugalo, leaving five thousand
men dead on the field of battle, and among these many officers of
distinction. The loss of the allies was very considerable, and they
reaped no solid fruits from their victory.




THE IMPERIALISTS ARE AGAIN WORSTED.

The Imperial forces retreated to Reggio, and from thence moved to the
plains of Carpi, on the right of the Secchia, where they received some
reinforcements; then general count Konigsegg arriving in the camp, took
upon himself the command of the army. His first step was to take post at
Quingentolo, by which motion he secured Mirandola, that was threatened
with a siege. On the fifteenth of February he forded the river Secchia,
and surprised the quarters of mareschal de Broglio, who escaped in his
shirt with great difficulty. The French retired with such precipitation,
that they left all their baggage behind, and above two thousand were
taken prisoners. They posted themselves under Gustalla, where, on
the nineteenth day of the month, they were vigorously attacked by the
Imperialists, and a general engagement ensued. Konigsegg made several
desperate efforts to break the French cavalry, upon which, however,
he could make no impression. The infantry on both sides fought with
uncommon ardour for six hours, and the field was covered with carnage.
At length the Imperial general retreated to Lazara, after having lost
above five thousand men, including the prince of Wirtemberg,
the generals Valpareze and Colminero, with many other officers of
distinction; nor was the damage sustained by the French greatly inferior
to that of the Germans, who repassed the Po, and took post on the banks
of the Oglio. The allies crossed the same river, and the marquis de
Maillibois was sent with a detachment to attack Mirandola; but the
Imperialists marching to the relief of the place, compelled him to
abandon the enterprise; then he rejoined his army, which retired under
the walls of Cremona, to wait for succours from Don Carlos. So little
respect did the French court pay to the British nation at this juncture,
that in the month of November, an edict was published at Paris,
commanding all the British subjects in France, who were not actually in
employment, from the age of eighteen to fifty, to quit the kingdom in
fifteen days, or enlist in some of the Irish regiments, on pain of being
treated as vagabonds, and sent to the galleys. This edict was executed
with the utmost rigour. The prisons of Paris were crowded with the
subjects of Great Britain, who were surprised and cut off from all
communication with their friends, and must have perished by cold
and hunger, had not they been relieved by the active charity of the
Jansenists. The earl of Waldegrave, who then resided at Paris,
as ambassador from the king of Great Britain, made such vigorous
remonstrances to the French ministry upon this unheard of outrage
against a nation with which they had been so long in alliance, that
they thought proper to set the prisoners at liberty, and publish another
edict, by which the meaning of the former was explained away.




NEW PARLIAMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN.

While these transactions occurred on the continent, the king of Great
Britain augmented his land-forces; and warm contests were maintained
through the whole united kingdom in electing representatives for the
new parliament. But in all these struggles the ministerial power
predominated; and the new members appeared with the old complexion. The
two houses assembled on the fourteenth day of January, and Mr. Onslow
was re-elected speaker. The leaders of both parties in all debates, were
the self-same persons who had conducted those of the former parliament;
and the same measure were pursued in the same manner. The king in his
speech at the opening of the session, gave them to understand, that
he had concerted with the states-general of the United Provinces such
measures as were thought most advisable for their common safety, and for
restoring the peace of Europe; that they had considered on one side the
pressing applications made by the Imperial court both in England and
Holland, for obtaining succours against the powers at war with the house
of Austria; and, on the other side, the repeated professions made by
the allies of their sincere disposition to put an end to the
present troubles upon honourable and solid terms; that he and the
states-general had concurred in a resolution to employ their joint and
earnest instances to bring matters to a speedy and happy accommodation;
that their good offices were at length accepted; and in a short time a
plan would be offered to the consideration of all parties engaged in the
war, as a basis for a general negotiation of peace. He told them he
had used the power vested in him by the last parliament with great
moderation; and concluded a treaty with the crown of Denmark of great
importance in the present conjuncture. He observed, that whilst many
of the principal powers of Europe were actually engaged in a war, Great
Britain must be more or less affected with the consequences; and as the
best concerted measures are liable to uncertainty, the nation ought to
be prepared against all events. He therefore expressed his hope, that
his good subjects would not repine at the necessary means of procuring
the blessings of peace and universal tranquillity, or of putting him in
a condition to act that part which it might be necessary and incumbent
upon him to take. The address of thanks produced a dispute as usual,
which ended with an acquiescence in the motion The house, in a grand
committee on the supply, resolved, That thirty thousand seamen should be
employed for the service of the ensuing year; and that the land-forces
should be augmented to the number of twenty-five thousand seven hundred
and forty-four effective men. But these resolutions were not taken
without dispute and division. The minister’s opponents not only
reproduced all the reasons which had been formerly advanced against a
standing army, but they opposed this augmentation with extraordinary
ardour, as a huge stride towards the establishment of arbitrary power.
They refuted those fears of eternal broils on which the ministry
pretended to ground the necessity of such an augmentation; and they
exposed the weak conduct of the administration, in having contributed to
destroy the balance of power, by assisting Spain against the emperor in
Italy, so as to aggrandize the house of Bourbon.




DEBATE ON A SUBSIDY TO DENMARK.

Sir William Wyndham moved, that the estimate of the navy for the ensuing
year might be referred to a select committee. He expressed his surprise,
that notwithstanding the vast sums which had been yearly raised, and the
long continuance of the peace, the people had not been quite delivered
of any one tax incurred in the preceding war. He said, he could not
comprehend how it was possible to find pretences for exposing the nation
to such exorbitant charges; and he took notice of some unconsionable
articles in the accounts of the navy-debt that lay upon the table.
He was seconded by Mr. Sandys, and supported by sir J. Jekyll and Mr.
Pulteney; but after some debate, the motion was carried in the negative.
When the new treaty with Denmark fell under consideration in a grand
committee, Mr. H. Walpole moved, that the sum of fifty-six thousand two
hundred and fifty pounds, should be granted to his majesty as a subsidy
to the Dane, pursuant to the said treaty, for the service of the ensuing
year. The demand did not meet with immediate compliance. All the leaders
in the opposition exclaimed against the subsidy as unnecessary and
unreasonable. They observed, that as the English had no particular
interest of their own for inducing them to engage in the present war,
but only the danger to which the balance of power might be exposed by
that event; and as all the powers of Europe were as much, if not more,
interested than the English in the preservation of that balance,
should it ever be really endangered, they would certainly engage in
its defence, without receiving any valuable consideration from Great
Britain; but should the English be always the first to take the alarm
upon any rupture, and offer bribes and pensions to all the princes in
Europe, the whole charge of preserving that balance would fall upon
Great Britain; every state would expect a gratification from her,
for doing that which it would otherwise be obliged to do for its own
preservation; even the Dutch might at last refuse to assist in trimming
this balance, unless Britain should submit to make the grand pensionary
of Holland a pensionary of England, and take a number of their forces
into English pay. The debate having had its free course, the question
was put, and the motion approved by the majority. The ministry allowed
a bill to be brought in for limiting the number of officers in the house
of commons; but at the second reading it was rejected upon a division,
after a learned debate, in which it appeared that the opposition had
gained a valuable auxiliary in the person of lord Pol-worth, son to the
earl of Marchmont, a nobleman of elegant parts, keen penetration,
and uncommon vivacity, who spoke with all the fluency and fervour of
elocution.




PETITION OF SOME SCOTTISH NOBLEMEN.

The minority in the house of lords were not less vigilant and resolute
in detecting and opposing every measure which they thought would redound
to the prejudice of their country. But the most remarkable object that
employed their attention during this session, was a very extraordinary
petition subscribed by the dukes of Hamilton, Queensberry, and Montrose,
the earls of Dundonald, Marchmont, and Stair, representing that undue
influence had been used for carrying on the election of the sixteen
peers of Scotland. The duke of Bedford, who delivered their petition to
the house, proposed a day for taking it into consideration; and to
this they agreed. It was afterwards moved, that the consideration of it
should be adjourned to a short day, before which the petitioners should
be ordered to declare whether they intended to controvert the last
election of all the sixteen peers, or the election of any, and which of
them. This affair was of such an unprecedented nature, that the house
seemed to be divided in opinion about the manner in which they ought to
proceed. The partisans of the ministry would have willingly stifled
the inquiry in the beginning; but the petitioners were so strenuously
supported in their claim to some notice, by the earls of Chesterfield,
Abingdon, and Strafford, the lords Bathurst and Carteret, that they
could not dismiss it at once with any regard to decorum. The order of
the house, according to the motion explained above, being communicated
by the lord-chancellor to the petitioners, they waited on him with
a declaration, importing, that they did not intend to controvert the
election or return of the sixteen peers for Scotland; but they thought
it their duty to lay before their lordships the evidence of such
facts and undue methods as appeared to them to be dangerous to the
constitution; and might in future elections equally affect the right of
the present sixteen peers, as that of the other peers of Scotland, if
not prevented by a proper remedy. This declaration being repeated to the
house, the duke of Devonshire made a motion, that the petitioners might
be ordered to lay before the house in writing, instances of those undue
methods and illegal practices upon which they intended to proceed, and
the names of the persons they suspected to be guilty. He was warmly
opposed by the country party; and a long debate ensued, after which the
question was carried in favour of the motion, and the order signified
to the petitioners. Next day their answer was read to the house to this
effect: That as they had no intention to state themselves accusers, they
could not take upon them to name particular persons who might have
been concerned in those illegal practices; but who they were would
undoubtedly appear to their lordships upon their taking the proper
examinations: nevertheless, they did humbly acquaint their lordships,
that the petition was laid before them upon information that the list of
the sixteen peers for Scotland had been framed previous to the election,
by persons in high trust under the crown; that this list was shown to
peers, as a list approved by the crown; and was called the king’s list,
from which there was to be no variation, unless to make way for one or
two particular peers, on condition they should conform to measures;
that peers were solicited to vote for this list, without the liberty of
making any alteration; that endeavours were used to engage peers to vote
for this list by promise of pensions, and offices civil and military to
themselves and relations, as well as by offers of money: that sums were
given for this purpose; that pensions, offices, and releases of debts
owing to the crown, were actually granted to peers who concurred
in voting for this list, and to their relations; that on the day of
election a battalion of his majesty’s troops were drawn up in the
Abbey-court of Edinburgh, contrary to custom, and without any apparent
cause but that of over-awing the electors. This answer gave rise to
another violent dispute; but the majority voted it unsatisfactory, and
the petition was rejected, though the resolution was clogged with a
vigorous protest.

{1735}

Notwithstanding this discouragement, the earl of Abingdon moved, that
although the petition was dismissed, an inquiry might be set on foot
touching an affair of such consequence to the liberties of the kingdom.
The earl of Hay declaring his belief that no such illegal methods had
been practised, the other produced a pamphlet, intituled, The Protests
of a great Number of Noble Lords, entered by them at the last Election
of Peers for Scotland. Exceptions being taken to a pamphlet, as an
object unworthy of their notice, lord Bathurst exhibited an authentic
copy of those protests, extracted from the journal of that election,
signed by the two principal clerks, and witnessed by two gentlemen
then attending in the lobby. These were accordingly read, and plainly
demonstrated the truth of the allegations contained in the petition.
Nothing could be more scandalous, arrogant, and shamefully flagrant,
than the conduct and deportment of those who acted the part of
understrappers to the ministry on this occasion. But all this
demonstration, adorned and enforced by the charms and energy of
eloquence, was like preaching in a desert. A motion was made for
adjourning, and carried in the affirmative: a protest was entered, and
the whole affair consigned to oblivion. Divers other motions were
made successively by the lords in the opposition, and rejected by
the invincible power of a majority. The uninterrupted success of the
ministry did not, however, prevent them from renewing the struggle as
often as an opportunity offered. They disputed the continuation of the
salt-tax, and the bill for enabling the king to apply the sum of one
million out of the sinking fund for the service of the current year,
though success did not attend their endeavours. They supported with all
their might a bill sent up from the commons, explaining and amending an
act of the Scottish parliament, for preventing wrongous imprisonment,
and against undue delays in trials. This was all the natives of Scotland
had in lieu of the _habeas-corpus_ act; though it did not screen them
from oppression. Yet the earl of Hay undertook to prove they were on a
footing with their neighbours of England in this respect; and the bill
was thrown out on a division. The session was closed on the fifteenth
of May, when the king in his speech to both houses declared that the
plan of pacification, concerted between him and the states-general, had
not produced the desired effect. He thanked the commons for the supplies
they had granted with such cheerfulness and despatch. He signified
his intention to visit his German dominions; and told them he should
constitute the queen regent of the realm in his absence. Immediately
after the prorogation his majesty embarked for Holland, in his way to
Hanover.




MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE COURTS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.

By this time the good understanding between the courts of Madrid and
Lisbon was destroyed by a remarkable incident. The Portuguese ambassador
at Madrid having allowed his servants to rescue a criminal from the
officers of justice, all the servants concerned in that rescue were
dragged from his house to prison, by the Spanish king’s order, with
circumstances of rigour and disgrace. His Portuguese majesty being
informed of this outrage, ordered reprisals to be made upon the servants
of the Spanish ambassador in Lisbon. The two ministers withdrew abruptly
to their respective courts. The two monarchs expressed their mutual
resentment. The king of Spain assembled a body of troops on the
frontiers of Portugal; and his Portuguese majesty had recourse to the
assistance of king George. Don Marcos Antonio d’Alzeveda was despatched
to London with the character of envoy-extraordinary; and succeeded in
his commission according to his wish. In a little time after the king’s
departure from England, sir John Norris sailed from Spithead with
a powerful squadron, in order to protect the Portuguese against the
Spaniards; and on the ninth day of June arrived at Lisbon, where he was
welcomed as a deliverer. Mr. Keene, the British envoy at the court of
Spain, had communicated to his catholic majesty the resolution of his
master to send a powerful squadron to Lisbon, with orders to guard that
coast from insults, and secure the Brazil fleet, in which the merchants
of Great Britain were deeply interested. Don Joseph Patinho, minister
of his catholic majesty, delivered a memorial to Mr. Keene, representing
that such an expedition would affect the commerce of Spain, by
intimidating foreign merchants from embarking their merchandise in the
flota. But, in all probability, it prevented a rupture between the
two crowns, and disposed the king of Spain to listen to terms of
accommodation.




PRELIMINARIES SIGNED BY THE EMPEROR AND THE KING OF FRANCE.

The powers in alliance against the house of Austria having rejected
the plan of pacification concerted by the king of Great Britain and
the states-general, Mr. Wal-pole, ambassador at the Hague, presented a
memorial to their high mightinesses, desiring they would, without loss
of time, put themselves in a posture of defence by an augmentation of
their forces by sea and land; that they might take such vigorous steps
in concert with Great Britain, as the future conjuncture of affairs
might require. But before they would subject themselves to such expense,
they resolved to make further trial of their influence with the powers
in alliance against the emperor; and conferences were renewed with the
ministers of those allies. The affairs of Poland became more and more
unfavourable to the interest of Stanislaus; for though a great number of
the Polish nobility engaged in a confederacy to support his claim, and
made repeated efforts in his behalf, the palatine of Kiow submitted to
Augustus; and even his brother the primate, after having sustained a
long imprisonment, and many extraordinary hardships, was obliged to
acknowledge that prince his sovereign. In Italy, the arms of the allies
still continued to prosper. Don Carlos landed in Sicily, and reduced
the whole island almost without opposition; while the Imperialists were
forced to abandon all the territories they possessed in Italy, except
the Mantuan. The emperor being equally unable to cope with the French
armies on the Rhine, implored succours of the czarina, who sent thirty
thousand men to his assistance. This vigorous interposition, and the
success of Augustus in Poland, disposed the court of Versailles to a
pacification. A secret negotiation was begun between France and
the house of Austria; and the preliminaries were signed without the
concurrence or knowledge of Spain, Sardinia, and the maritime powers.
In these articles it was stipulated that France should restore all the
conquests she had made in Germany; that the reversion of the dukedom of
Tuscany should be vested in the duke of Lorraine; that Lorraine should
be allotted to king Stanislaus, and after his death be united to the
crown of France; that the emperor should possess the Milanese, the
Mantuan, and Parma; that the king of Sardinia should enjoy Vigevano
and Novara; that Don Carlos should be acknowledged king of Naples and
Sicily, and retain the island of Elba, with all the Spanish territories
on the coast of Tuscany; and that France should guarantee the pragmatic
sanction.




PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

The king of Great Britain returned from Hanover to England in the month
of November; and on the fifteenth day of January opened the session of
parliament. On this occasion he congratulated them on the near prospect
of a general peace in Europe in consequence of the preliminary articles
which the emperor and the king of France had agreed; and of which he had
expressed his approbation, as they did not differ in any essential
point from the plan of pacification which he and the states-general
had offered to the belligerent powers. He told them that he had already
ordered a considerable reduction to be made in his forces both by
sea and land; but at the same time observed it would be necessary to
continue some extraordinary expense, until a more perfect reconciliation
should be established among the several powers of Europe. An address of
thanks was unanimously voted, presented, and graciously received. After
the house had received several petitions from different counties and
gentlemen, complaining of undue influence in elections for members of
parliament, it proceeded to consider of the supply, and sir Charles
Wager moving that fifteen thousand seaman should be employed for
the service of the ensuing year, the proposal was approved without
opposition. But this was not the case with a motion made by Mr.
Pulteney, “That the ordinary estimates of the navy should be referred to
a select committee.” The ministry discouraged all such prying measures:
a debate was produced, the house divided, and the motion was rejected.
Such was the fate of s motion for raising the supplies within the year,
made by Mr. Sandys, and supported by sir John Barnard, Mr. Willimot, and
other patriots, who demonstrated that this was a speedy and practicable
expedient for discharging the national debt, lowering the interest
of money, reducing the price of labour, and encouraging a spirit of
commerce.




BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF QUAKERS IN THE ARTICLE OF TITHES.

The bill for limiting the number of officers in the house of commons
was again revived. The king was empowered to borrow six hundred thousand
pounds, chargeable on the sinking fund, for the service of the ensuing
year, though this power was not easily granted; and the house resolved
to lay a duty of twenty shillings per gallon on all spirituous liquors,
after it had appeared to the committee appointed for that purpose, that
those spirits were pernicious to the health and morals of the people.
To this resolution was added another, which amounted to a total
prohibition, namely, that fifty pounds should be yearly paid to his
majesty for a license to be annually taken out by every person who
should vend, barter, or utter any such spirituous liquors. Mr. Walter
Plummer, in a well concerted speech, moved for the repeal of some
clauses in the Test act: these he represented as a species of
persecution, in which protestant dissenters were confounded with the
Roman catholics and enemies to the establishment. He was sustained by
lord Polworth and Mr. Heathcote; but sir Robert Walpole was joined by
Mr. Shippen against the motion, as dangerous to the established church;
and the question being put, it was carried in the negative.

{1736}

When sir Joseph Jekyll presented to the house, according to order,
a bill founded on the resolutions they had taken against spirituous
liquors, sir Robert Walpole acquainted them, by his majesty’s command,
that as the alterations proposed to be made by that bill in the duties
charged upon all spirituous liquors might, in a great degree, affect
some part of the civil list revenues, his majesty, for the sake of
remedying so great an evil as was intended by that bill to be prevented,
did consent to accept any other revenue of equal value, to be settled
and appropriated in lieu of his interest in the said duties. The bill
was read a second time, and consigned to a committee of the whole house;
but that for limiting the number of officers in the house of commons was
thrown out at the second reading. Petitions against the bill touching
the retail of spirituous liquors, were presented by the traders to
the British sugar colonies, by the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool,
representing the hardships to which they would be exposed by a law which
amounted to a prohibition of rum and spirits distilled from molasses. In
consequence of these remonstrances, a mitigating clause was inserted,
in favour of the composition known by the name of punch, and distillers
were permitted to exercise any other employment. The sum of seventy
thousand pounds was voted for making good the deficiencies that might
happen in the civil list by this bill, which at length passed through
the house, though not without reiterated disputes and warm altercation.
Violent opposition was likewise made to a bill for the relief the people
called quakers, who offered a petition, representing, that though from
motives of conscience they refused the payment of tithes, church-rates,
oblations, and ecclesiastical dues, they were exposed to grievous
sufferings by prosecution in the exchequer, ecclesiastical, and other
courts, to the imprisonment of their persons, and the ruin of them and
their families. A bill being prepared for their relief, was read and
printed; then petitions were preferred against it by the clergy of
Middlesex, and of many other parts of the kingdom. Counsel was heard
in behalf of those petitioners, and several alterations proposed in the
bill, which after long and repeated debates surmounted all opposition,
and was sent up to the lords.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MORTMAIN ACT.

In the month of February the king had sent two members of the
privy-council to the prince of Wales, with a message, proposing a
marriage between his royal highness and the princess of Saxe-gotha. The
proposal being agreeable to the prince, the marriage was celebrated on
the twenty-seventh day of April. Upon this occasion Mr. Pulteney moved
for an address of congratulation to his majesty, and was supported by
Mr. George Lyttleton and Mr. William Pitt, who seized this opportunity
of pronouncing elegant panegyrics on the prince of Wales and’ his
amiable consort. These two young members soon distinguished themselves
in the house by their eloquence and superior talents. The attention
of the house was afterwards converted to a bill for the preventing of
smuggling; and another for explaining the act for the more effectual
preventing bribery and corruption in the election of members to serve in
parliament. Both made their way through the lower house, and were sent
up to the lords for their concurrence. The number of land forces voted
for the service of the current year was reduced to seventeen thousand
seven hundred and four effective men. The supplies were raised by the
malt-tax and land-tax at two shillings in the pound, additional duties
on mum, cider, and perry, stamped vellum, parchment, and paper; and by
an act empowering his majesty to borrow six hundred thousand pounds
of the sinking fund. In this session the parliament repealed the old
statutes of England and Scotland against conjuration, witchcraft, and
dealing with evil spirit’s. The commons likewise prepared a bill to
restrain the disposition of lands in mortmain, whereby they became
unalienable. Against this measure petitions were presented by the two
universities, the colleges of Eton, Winchester, and Westminster, and
divers hospitals that subsisted by charitable donations. In favour
of the universities and colleges a particular exempting clause was
inserted. Several other amendments were made in the bill, which passed
through both houses, and obtained the royal assent. Among the acts
passed in this session, was one for naturalizing her royal highness the
princess of Wales; and another for building a bridge across the Thames
from New Palace-yard, in the city of Westminster, to the opposite shore
in the county of Surrey. The points chiefly debated in the house of
lords were the address of thanks for his majesty’s speech, the mortmain
bill, the Quakers’ bill, which was thrown out, and that for the
prevention of smuggling, which did not pass without division and
protest. On the twentieth day of May the king closed the session with a
speech, in which he told both houses that a farther convention, touching
the execution of the preliminaries, had been made and communicated to
him by the emperor and most christian king, and that negotiations were
carrying on by the several powers engaged in the late war, in order to
settle a general pacification. He expressed great concern at seeing such
seeds of dissatisfaction sown among his people; he protested it was his
desire, and should be his care, to preserve the present constitution
in church and state, as by law established; he recommended harmony
and mutual affection among all protestants of the nation, as the great
security of that happy establishment; and signified his intention to
visit his German dominions. Accordingly, the parliament was no sooner
prorogued than he set out for Hanover, after having appointed the queen
regent in his absence.




REMARKABLE RIOT AT EDINBURGH.

Such a degree of licentiousness prevailed over the whole nation, that
the kingdom was filled with tumult and riots, which might have been
prevented by proper regulations of the civil government in a due
execution of the laws. The most remarkable of these disturbances
happened at Edinburgh, on the seventh day of September. John Porteous,
who commanded the guard paid by that city, a man of brutal disposition
and abandoned morals, had, at the execution of a smuggler, been provoked
by some insults from the populace to order his men, without using the
previous formalities of the law, to fire with shot among the crowd;
by which precipitate order several innocent persons lost their lives.
Porteous was tried for murder, convicted, and received sentence of
death; but the queen, as guardian of the realm, thought proper to
indulge him with a reprieve. The common people of Edinburgh resented
this lenity shown to a criminal, who was the object of their
detestation. They remembered that pardons had been granted to divers
military delinquents in that country, who had been condemned by legal
trial. They seemed to think those were encouragements to oppression;
they were fired by a national jealousy; they were stimulated by the
relations and friends of those who had been murdered; and they resolved
to wreak their vengeance on the author of that tragedy, by depriving him
of life on the very day which the judges had fixed for his execution.
Thus determined, they assembled in different bodies about ten o’clock at
night. They blocked up the gates of the city, to prevent the admission
of the troops that were quartered in the suburbs. They surprised and
disarmed the town guards; they broke open the prison doors; dragged
Porteous from thence to the place of execution; and, leaving him
hanging by the neck on a dyer’s pole, quietly dispersed to their
several habitations. This exploit was performed with such conduct and
deliberation as seemed to be the result of a plan formed by some persons
of consequence; it, therefore, became the object of a very severe
inquiry.




RUPTURE BETWEEN THE CZARINA AND THE OTTOMAN PORTE.

During this summer a rupture happened between the Turks and the
Russians, which last reduced the city of Azoph on the Black Sea, and
overrun the greatest part of Crim Tartary. The czarina declared war
against the Ottoman Porte, because the Tartars of the Crimea had
made incursions upon her frontiers; and, when she complained of these
disorders to the vizier, she received no satisfaction; besides, a large
body of Tartars had, by order of that minister, marched through the
Russian provinces in despite of the empress, and committed terrible
havoc in their route. The emperor was obliged to engage as a party in
this war, by a treaty offensive and defensive, which he had many years
before concluded with the czarina. Yet, before he declared himself, he
joined the maritime powers in offering his mediation to the sultan,
who was very well disposed to peace; but the czarina insisted upon her
retaining Azoph, which her forces had reduced; and this preliminary
article being rejected, as dishonourable to the Ottoman empire, the
court of Vienna began to make preparations for war. By this time all
the belligerent powers in Italy had agreed to the preliminaries of
peace concluded between the emperor and France. The duke of Lorraine had
espoused the emperor’s eldest daughter, the archduchess Maria Theresa,
and ceded Lorraine to France, even before he succeeded to Tuscany. Don
Carlos was crowned king of Sicily; Stanislaus abdicated the crown of
Poland; and Augustus was universally acknowledged sovereign of that
kingdom. The preliminaries were approved and accepted by the diet of
the empire; the king of Spain sent orders for his troops to evacuate
Tuscany; and the provinces in Italy yielded to the house of Austria.
Prince Eugene, who had managed the interest of the emperor on this
occasion, did not live to see the happy fruits of this negotiation. He
died at Vienna, in April, at the age of seventy-three, leaving behind
him the character of an invincible hero and consummate politician. He
was not long survived by count Staremberg, another Imperial general who
ranked next to the prince in military reputation. About the same time
Great Britain sustained a national loss in the death of lord chancellor
Talbot, who, by his worth, probity, and acquired accomplishments,
had dignified the great office to which he had been raised. He died
universally lamented, in the month of February, at the age of fifty-two,
and was succeeded on the bench by lord Hardwicke.




THE SESSION OF PARLIAMENT OPENED

The king being indisposed, in consequence of having been fatigued by a
very tempestuous passage from Holland, the parliament was prorogued from
the twenty-first day of January to the first of February, and then the
session was opened by commission. The lord chancellor, as one of the
peers authorised by this commission, made a speech in his majesty’s name
to both houses. With respect to foreign affairs, he told them that the
respective acts of cession being exchanged, and orders given for the
evacuation and possession of the several countries and places by the
powers concerned, according to the allotment and disposition of the
preliminary articles, the great work of re-establishing the general
tranquillity was far advanced; that, however, common prudence called
upon them to be very attentive to the final conclusion of the new
settlement. He said his majesty could not without surprise and concern
observe the many contrivances and attempts carried on, in various
shapes, and in different parts of the nation, tumultuously to resist
and obstruct the execution of the laws, and to violate the peace of
the kingdom. He observed, that the consideration of the height to which
those audacious practices might rise, if not timely suppressed, afforded
a melancholy prospect, and required particular attention, lest they
should affect private persons in the quiet enjoyment of their property,
as well as the general peace and good order of the whole. After the
commons had agreed to an address, and heard counsel on some controverted
elections, they proceeded to take the supply into consideration. They
voted ten thousand men for the sea-service. They continued for the
land-service the same number they had maintained in times of
tranquillity, amounting to seventeen thousand seven hundred and four;
but this measure was not adopted without opposition; the money was
raised by the land and malt-taxes, reinforced with one million granted
out of the sinking fund.




MOTION IN BOTH HOUSES FOR A SETTLEMENT ON THE PRINCE OF WALES.

The chief subject of contention that presented itself in the course of
this session, was a motion which Mr. Pulteney made for an address to his
majesty, that he would be pleased to settle one hundred thousand pounds
a year upon the prince of Wales. He represented that such provision was
conformable to the practice of ancient times; that what he proposed had
been enjoyed by his present majesty in the life-time of his father;
and that a settlement of this nature was reasonable and necessary to
ascertain the independency of the apparent heir to the crown. The motion
was vigorously opposed by sir Robert Walpole, as an encroachment on the
prerogative; as an officious intermeddling in the king’s family affairs;
and as an effort to set his majesty and the prince at variance. But a
misunderstanding, it seems, had already happened in the royal family.
The minister, in the midst of his harangue, told the house by his
majesty’s command, that on the preceding day the king had sent a message
to the prince by several noblemen of the first quality, importing, that
his majesty had given orders for settling a jointure upon the princess
of Wales, suitable to her high rank and dignity, which he would in a
proper time lay before parliament, in order to be rendered more certain
and effectual; that, although his royal highness had not thought fit,
by any application to his majesty, to desire that his allowance of fifty
thousand pounds might be rendered less precarious, the king, to
prevent the bad consequences which he apprehended might follow from the
undutiful measures which his majesty was informed the prince had been
advised to pursue, would grant to his royal highness, for his majesty’s
life, the said fifty thousand pounds per annum, to be issued out of the
civil list revenues, over and above the prince’s revenues arising
from the duchy of Cornwall, which his majesty thought a very competent
allowance, considering his own numerous issue, and the great expense
which did and must necessarily attend an honourable provision for the
whole royal family; that the prince, by a verbal answer, desired their
lordships to lay him with all humility at his majesty’s feet; to assure
him that he did, and ever should, retain the utmost duty for his royal
person; that he was very thankful for any instance of his majesty’s
goodness to him or to the princess, and particularly for his majesty’s
gracious intention of settling a jointure upon her royal highness;
but that, as to the message, the affair was now out of his hands,
and therefore he could give no answer to it; that his royal highness
afterwards used many dutiful expressions towards his majesty; adding,
“Indeed, my lords, it is in other hands, and I am sorry for it;”
 or words to that effect. Sir Robert Walpole then endeavoured to
demonstrate, that the annual sum of fifty thousand pounds was as much
as the king could afford to allow for the prince’s maintenance; and he
expatiated upon the bad consequences that might ensue, if the son should
be rendered altogether independent of the father.

These suggestions did not pass unanswered. Sir Robert Walpole had
asserted, that the parliament had no right to interfere in the creation
or maintenance of a prince of Wales; and that in the case of Richard
II., who, upon the death of his father, the Black Prince, was created
prince of Wales, in consequence of an address or petition from
parliament, that measure was in all probability directed by the king
himself. In answer to this assertion, it was observed, that probably the
king would not have been so forward in creating his grandson prince of
Wales, if he had not been forced into this step by his parliament; for
Edward in his old age fell into a sort of love dotage, and gave himself
entirely up to the management of his mistress, Alice Pierce, and his
second son, the duke of Lancaster; a circumstance that raised a most
reasonable jealousy in the Black Prince, at that time on his death-bed,
who could not but be anxious about the safety and right of his only son,
whom he found he was soon to leave a child in the hands of a doating
grandfather and an ambitious aspiring uncle. The supporters of the
motion observed, that the allowance of fifty thousand pounds was not
sufficient to defray the prince’s yearly expense, without alloting
one shilling for acts of charity and munificence; and that the several
deductions for land taxes and fees reduced it to forty-three thousand
pounds. They affirmed, that his whole income, including the revenues of
the duchy of Cornwall, did not exceed fifty-two thousand pounds a-year,
though, by his majesty’s own regulation, the expense of the prince’s
household amounted to sixty-three thousand. They proved that the produce
of the civil list exceeded nine hundred thousand pounds, a sum above
one hundred thousand pounds a-year more than was enjoyed by his late
majesty; and that, in the first year of the late king, the whole expense
of his household and civil government did not much exceed four hundred
and fifty thousand pounds a-year. They observed, that the parliament
added one hundred and forty thousand pounds annually for acts of charity
and bounty, together with the article of secret-service money; and
allowed one hundred thousand pounds for the maintenance of the prince
of Wales; that the article of secret-service money had prodigiously
increased in the late reign; by an account which happened to be laid
before the parliament, it appeared that vast sums of money had been
given for purposes which nobody understood, and to persons whom nobody
knew. In the beginning of the following session several members proposed
that this extraordinary account should be taken into consideration; but
the inquiry was warded off by the other party, who declared that the
parliament could not examine any account which had been presented to a
former session. The debate was fierce and long; and ended in a division,
by which the motion was rejected. A motion of the same nature was made
by lord Carteret in the house of peers, and gave rise to a very keen
dispute, maintained by the same arguments, and issuing in the same
termination.




SCHEME FOR REDUCING THE INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL DEBT.

The next remarkable contest was occasioned by a motion of sir Robert
Walpole, who proposed the sum of one million should be granted to his
majesty, towards redeeming the like sum of the increased capital of
the South-Sea company, commonly called the South-Sea annuities. Several
members argued for the expediency of applying this sum to the payment of
the debt due to the Bank, as part of that incumbrance was saddled with
an interest of six per cent., whereas the interest paid for the other
sums that constituted the public debt did not exceed four per cent. Many
plausible arguments were offered on both sides of the question; and
at length the motion was carried in the affirmative. The house having
resolved itself into a committee to consider of the national debt, sir
John Barnard made a motion, for enabling his majesty to raise money
either by the sale of annuities, or by borrowing at an interest not
exceeding three per cent., to be applied towards redeeming the South-Sea
annuities; and that such of the said annuitants as should be inclined to
subscribe their respective annuities, should be preferred to all others.
He said, that even those public securities which bore an interest of
three per cent, only, were sold at a premium in ‘Change-alley: he was
therefore persuaded, that all those who were willing to give a premium
for a three per cent, security, would gladly lend their money to the
government at the same interest, should books of subscription be opened
for that purpose, with an assurance that no part of the principal should
be paid off for fourteen years. He expatiated on the national advantages
that would accrue from a reduction of interest. From easy and obvious
calculations he inferred, that in a very little time the interest upon
all the South-Sea annuities would be reduced from four to three per
cent., without any danger to public credit, or breach of public faith;
that then the produce of the sinking fund would amount to fourteen
hundred thousand pounds per annum, to be applied only towards redeeming
the capital of the several trading companies; he proved that this
measure would bring every one of them so much within the power of
parliament, that they would be glad to accept of three per cent,
interest on any reasonable terms; in which case the sinking-fund would
rise to one million six hundred thousand pounds per annum. Then the
parliament might venture to annihilate one half of it, by freeing the
people from the taxes upon coals, candles, soap, leather, and other such
impositions as lay heavy upon the poor labourers and manufacturers;
the remaining part of the sinking-fund might be applied towards the
discharge of those annuities and public debts which bore an interest of
three per cent, only, and afterwards towards diminishing the capitals of
the several trading companies till the term of fourteen years should
be expired; then the sinking-fund would again amount to above a million
yearly, which would be sufficient for paying them off, and freeing the
nation entirely from all its incumbrances. This salutary scheme was
violently opposed by alderman Heathcote, and other partisans of the
ministry; yet all their objections were refuted; and, in order to
defeat the project, they were obliged to have recourse to artifice.
Mr. Winnington moved, that all the public creditors, as well as
the South-Sea annuitants, should be comprehended. Sir John Barnard
demonstrated that it might be easy for the government to borrow money
at three per cent, sufficient for paying off such of the proprietors of
four-and-twenty millions as were not willing to accept of that interest;
but it would be extremely difficult to borrow enough to satisfy the
proprietors of four-and-forty millions, who might choose to have their
principal rather than such an interest. Nevertheless, resolutions were
founded on this and other alterations of the original scheme; and a bill
was immediately prepared. It produced many other debates, and was at
last postponed by dint of ministerial influence. The same venerable
patriot, who projected this scheme, moved that, as soon as the interest
of all the national redeemable debt should be reduced to three per
cent., the house would take off some of the heavy taxes which oppressed
the poor and the manufacturers: but this motion was rejected by the
majority.

{1737}




BILL AGAINST THE CITY OF EDINBURGH.

The last disputes of this session were excited by a bill sent down
from the lords for punishing the magistrates and city of Edinburgh, on
account of the murder of John Porteous. In the beginning of the session,
lord Carteret recapitulated the several tumults and riots which had
lately happened in different parts of the kingdom. He particularly
insisted upon the atrocious murder of captain Porteous, as a flagrant
insult upon the government, and a violation of the public peace, so much
the more dangerous, as it seemed to have been concerted and executed
with deliberation and decency. He suspected that some citizens
of Edinburgh had been concerned in the murder; not only from this
circumstance, but likewise because, notwithstanding the reward of two
hundred pounds which had been offered by proclamation for the discovery
of any person who acted in that tragedy, not one individual had as yet
been detected. He seemed to think that the magistrates had encouraged
the riot, and that the city had forfeited its charter; and he proposed
a minute inquiry into the particulars of the affair. He was seconded
by the duke of Newcastle and the earl of Hay; though the last nobleman
differed in opinion with him in respect to the charter of the city,
which, he said, could not be justly forfeited by the fault of the
magistracy. The lords resolved, That the magistrates and other persons
from whom they might obtain the necessary information concerning
this riot, should be ordered to attend; and that an address should
be presented to his majesty, desiring that the different accounts and
papers relating to the murder of captain Porteous, might be submitted
to the perusal of the house. These documents being accordingly examined,
and all the witnesses arrived, including three Scottish judges, a debate
arose about the manner in which these last should be interrogated,
whether at the bar, at the table, or on the woolsacks. Some Scottish
lords asserted, that they had a right to be seated next to the judges of
England; but after a long debate this claim was rejected, and the judges
of Scotland appeared at the bar in their robes. A bill was brought in
to disable Alexander Wilson, esquire, lord-provost of Edinburgh, from
enjoying any office or place of magistracy in the city of Edinburgh, or
elsewhere in Great Britain; for imprisoning the said Alexander Wilson;
for abolishing the guard of that city; and for taking away the gates of
the Netherbow-port, so as to open a communication between the city
and the suburbs, in which the king’s troops are quartered. The duke
of Argyle, in arguing against this bill, said he could not think of a
proceeding more harsh or unprecedented than the present, as he believed
there was no instance of the whole weight of parliamentary indignation,
for such he called a proceeding by a bill _ex post facto_, falling upon
any single person, far less upon any community, for crimes that were
within the reach of the inferior courts of justice; for this reason
he observed, that if the lord-provost and citizens of Edinburgh should
suffer in the terms of the present bill, they would suffer by a cruel,
unjust, and fantastical proceeding; a proceeding of which the worst use
might be made, if ever the nation should have the misfortune to fall
under a partial self-interested administration. He told them he sat
in the parliament of Scotland when that part of the treaty of Union
relating to the privileges of the royal burghs, was settled on the
same footing as religion; that is, they were made unalterable by any
subsequent parliament of Great Britain. Notwithstanding the eloquence
and warmth of his remonstrance, the bill was sent down to the house of
commons, where it produced a violent contest. The commons set on foot
a severe scrutiny into the particular circumstances that preceded and
attended the murder of Porteous; from the examination of the witnesses,
it appeared that no freeman or citizen of Edinburgh was concerned in
the riot, which was chiefly composed of country people, excited by
the relations of some unhappy persons whom Porteous and his men had
slain at the execution of the smuggler; and these were assisted by
‘prentice-boys and the lowest class of vagabonds that happened to be
at Edinburgh; that the lord-provost had taken all the precautions to
prevent mischief that his reflection suggested; that he even exposed his
person to the rage of the multitude, in his endeavour to disperse them;
and that, if he had done amiss, he erred from want of judgment rather
than from want of inclination to protect the unhappy Porteous. It
likewise appeared that Mr. Lindsay, member for the city of Edinburgh,
had gone in person to general Moyle, commander of the forces in North
Britain, informed him of the riot, implored his immediate assistance,
and promised to conduct his troops into the city; and that his suit
was rejected, because he could not produce a written order from the
magistracy, which he neither could have obtained in such confusion,
nor ventured to carry about his person through the midst of an enraged
populace. The Scottish members exerted themselves with uncommon vivacity
in defence of their capital. They were joined by sir John Barnard, lord
Cornbury, Mr. Shippen, and Mr. Oglethorpe. Lord Polworth declared, that
if any gentleman would show where one argument in the charge against the
lord-provost and the city of Edinburgh had been proved, he would that
instant give his vote for the commitment of the bill. He said, if
gentlemen would lay their hands upon their hearts, and ask themselves,
whether they would have voted in this manner had the case of Edinburgh
been that of the cities of Bristol, York, or Norwich, he was persuaded
they would have required that every tittle of the charge against them
should have been fully and undeniably proved. Some amendments and
mitigations being inserted in the bill, it passed the house, was sent
back to the lords, who agreed to the alterations, and then received the
royal assent.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PLAY-HOUSE BILL.

The next effort of the minister was obliquely levelled at the liberty of
the press, which it was much for his interest to abridge. The errors of
his conduct, the mystery of that corruption which he had so successfully
reduced to a system, and all the blemishes of his administration, had
been exposed and ridiculed, not only in political periodical writings
produced by the most eminent hands, but likewise in a succession of
theatrical pieces, which met with uncommon success among the people. He
either wanted judgment to distinguish men of genius, or could find
none that would engage in his service; he therefore employed a set of
wretched authors, void of understanding and ingenuity. They undertook
the defence of his ministry, and answered the animadversions of his
antagonists. The match was so extremely unequal, that, instead of
justifying his conduct, they exposed it to additional ridicule and
contempt; and he saw himself in danger of being despised by the whole
nation. He resolved to seize the first opportunity to choke those canals
through which the torrent of censure had flowed upon his character.
The manager of a play-house communicated to him a manuscript farce,
intituled, The Golden Rump, which was fraught with treason and abuse
upon the government, and had been presented to the stage for exhibition.
This performance was produced in the house of commons. The minister
descanted upon the insolence, the malice, the immorality, and the
seditious calumny which had been of late propagated in theatrical
pieces. A bill was brought in to limit the number of playhouses; to
subject all dramatic writings to the inspection of the lord chamberlain;
and to compel them to take out a license for every production before it
could appear on the stage. Notwithstanding a vigorous opposition,
this bill passed through both houses with extraordinary despatch, and
obtained the royal sanction. In this debate the earl of Chesterfield
distinguished himself by an excellent speech, that will ever endear his
character to all the friends of genius and literature, to all those who
are warmed with zeal for the liberties of their country. “Our stage,”
 said he, “ought certainly to be kept in due bounds; but for this
purpose, our laws as they stand at present are sufficient. If our
stage-players at any time exceed those bounds, they ought to be
prosecuted; they may be punished. We have precedents, we have examples
of persons punished for things less criminal than some pieces which have
been lately represented; a new law must, therefore unnecessary; and in
the present case it cannot be unnecessary without being dangerous. Every
unnecessary restraint is a fetter upon the legs, is a shackle upon the
hands, of liberty. One of the greatest blessings we enjoy, one of the
greatest blessings a people can enjoy, is liberty. But every good in
this life has its allay of evil. Licentiousness is the allay of liberty.
It is an ebullition, an excrescence; it is a speck upon the eye of
the political body, which I can never touch but with a gentle, with a
trembling hand; lest I destroy the body, lest I injure the eye, upon
which it is apt to appear. If the stage becomes at any time licentious,
if a play appears to be a libel upon the government, or upon any
particular man, the king’s courts are open; the law is sufficient to
punish the offender. If poets and players are to be restrained, let them
be restrained as other subjects are, by the known laws of their country;
if they offend, let them be tried as every Englishman ought to be, by
God and their country. Do not let us subject them to the arbitrary will
and pleasure of any one man. A power lodged in the hands of a single man
to judge and determine without limitation, control, or appeal, is a sort
of power unknown to our laws, inconsistent with our constitution. It is
a higher, a more absolute power than we trust even to the king himself;
and, therefore, I must think we ought not to vest any such power in his
majesty’s lord-chamberlain.” His arguments had no effect, though the
house admired his elocution; and the play-house bill passed into a law.
On the twenty-first day of June the king made a short speech to both
houses, and the lord chancellor prorogued the parliament.




CHAPTER III.

     _The Russians take Oczakow..... Death of Gaston de Medeis,
     Duke of Tuscany..... Death of Caroline, Queen Consort of
     England..... Dispute in Parliament about the Standing
     Army..... Spanish Depredations..... Motives of the Minister
     for avoiding a War..... Address to the King on the Subject
     of the Depredations..... Bill for  Securing the Trade, of
     his Majesty’s Subjects in America..... Debates in the House
     of Lords..... Birth of Prince George..... Admiral Haddock
     sails with a Squadron to the Mediterranean..... Progress of
     the War against the Turks..... Dispute and Rupture between
     Hanover and Denmark..... Sir Robert Walpole extols the
     Convention in the House of Commons---Motion for an Address,
     that the Representations, Letters, &c, relating to the
     Spanish Depredations, should be laid before the House.....
     Petitions against the Convention..... Substance of that
     Agreement..... Debate in the House of Commons on the
     Convention..... Secession of the chief Members in the
     Opposition..... Debate in the House of Lords upon an Address
     to his Majesty touching the Convention..... Message from the
     Throne touching a Subsidy to Denmark, and a Power to augment
     the Forces of the Kingdom..... Parliament prorogued..... The
     King of Spain publishes a Manifesto..... The Emperor and
     Czarina conclude a Peace with the Turks..... Preparations
     for War in England..... Apology in the House of Commons for
     the seceding Members..... Pension Bill revived, and
     lost..... Porto Bello taken by Admiral Vernon..... Hard
     Frost..... Marriage of the Princess Mary to the Prince of
     Hesse..... Strong Armament sent to the West Indies.....
     Death of the Emperor and Czarina..... Proceedings in
     Parliament..... Seamen’s Bill..... Discontents against the
     Ministry..... Motion for removing Sir Robert Walpole from
     his Majesty’s Councils and Presence for ever..... Debate on
     the Mutiny Bill..... Proceedings in the House of Lords.....
     Close of the last Session of this Parliament_




THE RUSSIANS TAKE OCZAKOW.

A congress had been opened at Niemerow in Poland, to compromise the
differences between the czarina and the grand seignor; but this proving
ineffectual, the emperor declared war against the Turks, and demanded
assistance from the diet of the empire. He concerted the operations
of the campaign with the empress of Muscovy. It was agreed that the
Imperialists, under count Seckendorf, should attack Widdin in Servia;
while the Russians, commanded by count de Munich, should penetrate to
the Ukraine, and besiege Oczakow, on the Roristhenes. They accordingly
advanced against this place, which was garrisoned by twenty thousand
men, and on the side of the Roristhenes defended by eighteen galleys.
The Muscovites carried on their approaches with such impetuosity and
perseverance, that the Turks were terrified at their valour, and in a
few days capitulated. Among those who signalized themselves by uncommon
marks of prowess in these attacks, was general Keith, now field-marshal
in the Prussian service, who was dangerously wounded on this occasion.
Meanwhile count Seckendorf, finding it impossible to reduce Widdin
without a squadron of ships on the Danube, turned his arms against
Nissa, which was surrendered to him on the eight-and-twentieth day of
July; but this was the farthest verge of his good fortune. The Turks
attacked the post which the Imperialists occupied along the Danube.
They took the fort of Padudil, burned the town of Has in Wallachia, and
plundered the neighbouring villages. The prince of Saxe-Hilburghausen,
who had invested Bagnalack in Bosnia, was defeated, and obliged to
repass the Saave. Count Seckendorf was recalled to Vienna; and the
command of the army devolved upon count Philippe. Count Kevenhuller was
obliged to retreat from Servia; and Nissa was retaken by the
Mussulmen. The conferences at Niemerow were broken off; and the Turkish
plenipotentiaries returned to Constantinople.

The kingdom of Poland now enjoyed the most perfect repose under the
dominion of Augustus. Ferdinand, the old duke of Courland, dying without
issue, the succession was disputed by the Teutonic order and the
kingdom of Poland, while the states of Courland claimed a right of
election, and sent deputies to Petersburgh, imploring the protection of
the czarina. A body of Russian troops immediately entered that country;
and the states elected the count de Biron, high chamberlain to the
empress of Muscovy. The elector of Cologn, as grand-master of the
Teutonic order, protested against this election; but the king of
Poland agreed to it, on certain conditions settled at Dantzic with the
commissiaries of the new duke and those of the czarina. In the month of
July, John Gaston de Medicis, great duke of Tuscany, died at Florence;
and the prince de Craon took possession of his territories in the name
of the duke of Lorraine, to whom the emperor had already granted the
eventual investiture of that duchy.




DEATH OF CAROLINE, QUEEN CONSORT.

In England the attention of the public was attracted by an open breach
in the royal family. The princess of Wales had advanced to the very last
month of her pregnancy before the king and queen were informed of her
being with child. She was twice conveyed from Hampton-Court to the
palace of St. James’, when her labour-pains were supposed to be
approaching; and at length was delivered of a princess in about two
hours after her arrival. The king being apprised of this event, sent a
message by the earl of Essex to the prince, expressing his displeasure
at the conduct of his royal highness, as an indignity offered to himself
and the queen. The prince deprecated his majesty’s anger in several
submissive letters, and implored the queen’s mediation. The princess
joined her entreaties to those of his royal highness; but all their
humility and supplication proved ineffectual. The king, in another
message sent by the duke of Grafton, observed, that the prince had
removed the princess twice in the week immediately preceding the day of
her delivery, from the place of his majesty’s residence, in expectation
of her labour; and both times, on his return, industriously concealed
from the knowledge of the king and queen every circumstance relating to
this important affair; that at last, without giving any notice to their
majesties, he had precipitately hurried the princess from Hampton-Court
in a condition not to be named; that the whole tenor of his conduct, for
a considerable time, had been so entirely void of all real duty to the
king, that his majesty had reason to be highly offended with him. He
gave him to understand, that until he should withdraw his regard and
confidence from those by whose instigation and advice he was directed
and encouraged in his unwarrantable behaviour to his majesty and the
queen, and return to his duty, he should not reside in the palace; he
therefore signified his pleasure that he should leave St. James’, with
all his family, when it could be done without prejudice or inconvenience
to the princess. In obedience to this order the prince retired to Kew,
and made other efforts to be readmitted into his majesty’s favour,
which, however, he could not retrieve. Whatever might have been his
design in concealing so long from the king and queen the pregnancy of
the princess, and afterwards hurrying her from place to place in such a
condition, to the manifest hazard of her life, his majesty had certainly
cause to be offended at this part of his conduct; though the punishment
seems to have been severe, if not rigorous; for he was not even admitted
into the presence of the queen his mother, to express his duty to her
in her last moments, to implore her forgiveness, and receive her last
blessing. She died of a mortification in her bowels, on the twentieth
day of November, in the fifty-fifth year of her age, regretted as a
princess of uncommon sagacity, and as a pattern of conjugal virtue.




DISPUTE IN PARLIAMENT.

The king opened the session of parliament on the twenty-fourth day of
January, with a short speech recommending the despatch of the public
business with prudence and unanimity. Each house presented a warm
address of condolence on the queen’s death, with which he seemed to be
extremely affected. Though the house of commons unanimously sympathised
with the king in his affliction, the minister still met with
contradiction in some of his favourite measures. One would imagine that
all the arguments for and against a standing army in time of peace had
been already exhausted; but, when it was moved that the same number
of land forces which they had voted in the preceding year should be
continued in pay for the ensuing year, the dispute was renewed with
surprising vivacity, and produced some reasons which had not been
suggested before. The adherents of the minister fairly owned, that
if the army should be disbanded, or even considerably reduced, they
believed the tory interest would prevail; that the present number of
forces was absolutely necessary to maintain the peace of the kingdom,
which was filled with clamour and discontent, as well as to support the
whig interest; and that they would vote for keeping up four times the
number, should it be found expedient for that purpose. The members in
the opposition replied, that this declaration was a severe satire on the
ministry, whose conduct had given birth to such a spirit of discontent.
They said it was in effect a tacit acknowledgment, that what they called
the whig interest was no more than an inconsiderable party, which had
engrossed the administration by indirect methods; which acted contrary
to the sense of the nation; and depended for support upon a military
power, by which the people in general were overawed, and consequently
enslaved. They affirmed, that the discontent of which the ministry
complained, was in a great measure owing to that very standing army,
which perpetuated their taxes, and hung over their heads as the
instruments of arbitrary power and oppression. Lord Polworth explained
the nature of whig principles, and demonstrated that the party which
distinguished itself by this appellation, no longer retained the maxims
by which the whigs were originally characterised. Sir John Hinde
Cotton, who spoke with the courage and freedom of an old English baron,
declared, he never knew a member of that house who acted on true whig
principles, vote for a standing army in time of peace. “I have heard
of whigs,” said he, “who opposed all unlimited votes of credit; I have
heard of whigs who looked upon corruption as the greatest curse that
could befall any nation; I have heard of whigs who esteemed the liberty
of the press to be the most valuable privilege of a free people, and
triennial parliaments as the greatest bulwark of their liberties; and I
have heard of a whig administration which has resented injuries done
to the trade of the nation, and revenged insults offered to the British
flag.” The ministry triumphed as usual, and the same number of forces
was continued.




SPANISH DEPREDATIONS.

Ever since the treaty of Seville, the Spaniards in America had almost
incessantly insulted and distressed the commerce of Great Britain.
They disputed the right of English traders to cut logwood in the bay of
Campeachy, and gather salt in the island of Tortugas; though that right
was acknowledged by implication in all the treaties which had been
lately concluded between the two nations. The captains of their armed
vessels, known by the name of guarda-costas, had made a practice of
boarding and plundering British ships, on pretence of searching for
contraband commodities, on which occasions they had behaved with the
utmost insolence, cruelty, and rapine. Some of their ships of war had
actually attacked a fleet of English merchant ships at the island of
Tortugas, as if they had been at open enmity with England. They had
seized and detained a great number of British vessels, imprisoned their
crews, and confiscated their cargoes, in violation of treaties, in
defiance of common justice and humanity. Repeated memorials were
presented to the court of Spain, by the British ambassador at Madrid. He
was amused with evasive answers, vague promises of inquiry, and cedulas
of instructions sent to the Spanish governors in America, to which
they paid no sort of regard. Not but that the Spaniards had reason
to complain in their turn, of the illicit commerce which the English
traders from Jamaica and other islands, carried on with their subjects
on the continent of South America; though this could not justify the
depredations and cruelties which the commanders of the guarda-costas had
committed, without provocation or pretence.




MOTIVES FOR AVOIDING A WAR.

The merchants of England loudly complained of these outrages; the nation
was fired with resentment, and cried for vengeance; but the minister
appeared cold, phlegmatic, and timorous. He knew that a war would
involve him in such difficulties as must of necessity endanger his
administration. The treasure which he now employed for domestic
purposes, must in that case be expended in military armaments; the
wheels of that machine on which he had raised his influence would no
longer move; the opposition would of consequence gain ground, and the
imposition of fresh taxes, necessary for the maintenance of the war,
would fill up the measure of popular resentment against his person and
ministry. Moved by these considerations, he industriously endeavoured
to avoid a rupture, and to obtain some sort of satisfaction by dint of
memorials and negotiations, in which he betrayed his own fears to such a
degree, as animated the Spaniards to persist in their depredations, and
encouraged the court of Madrid to disregard the remonstrances of the
British ambassador. But this apprehension of war did not proceed from
Spain only; the two branches of the house of Bourbon were now united by
politics, as well as by consanguinity; and he did not doubt that in
case of a rupture with Spain, they would join their forces against
Great Britain. Petitions were delivered to the house by merchants from
different parts of the kingdom, explaining the repeated violences to
which they had been exposed, and imploring relief of the parliament.
These were referred to a committee of the whole house; and an order was
made to admit the petitioners, if they should think fit, to be heard by
themselves or by counsel. Sir John Barnard moved for an address to
the king, that all the memorials and papers relating to the Spanish
depredations should be laid before the house; and this, with some
alteration proposed by sir Robert Walpole, was actually presented.
In compliance with the request, an enormous multitude of letters and
memorials was produced.

The house, in a grand committee, proceeded to hear counsel for the
merchants, and examine evidence; by which it appeared that amazing acts
of wanton cruelty and injustice had been perpetrated by Spaniards on
the subjects of Great Britain. Mr. Pulteney expatiated upon these
circumstances of barbarity. He demonstrated, from treaties, the right
of the British traders to the logwood of Campeachy, and to the salt of
Tortugas; he exposed the pusillanimity of the minister, and the futility
of his negotiations; he moved for such resolutions as would evince the
resentment of an injured nation, and the vigour of a British parliament.
These were warmly combated by sir Robert Walpole, who affirmed, that
they would cramp the ministers in their endeavours to compromise these
differences; that they would frustrate their negotiations, intrench upon
the king’s prerogative, and precipitate the nation into an unnecessary
and expensive war. Answers produced replies, and a general debate
ensued. A resolution was reported; but the question being put for
recommitting it, was carried in the negative. The house, however, agreed
to an address, beseeching his majesty to use his endeavours to obtain
effectual relief for his injured subjects, to convince the court of
Spain that his majesty could no longer suffer such constant and repeated
insults and injuries to be carried on, to the dishonour of his crown,
and to the ruin of his trading subjects; and assuring him, that in case
his royal and friendly instances with the catholic king should miscarry,
the house would effectually support his majesty in taking such measures
as honour and justice should make it necessary for him to pursue. To
this address the king made a favourable answer.

{1738}




BILL FOR SECURING THE TRADE IN AMERICA.

The next important subject on which both sides exercised their talents,
was a bill prepared and brought in by Mr. Pulteney, for the more
effectual securing the trade of his majesty’s subjects in America. This
was no other than the revival of part of two acts passed in the reign of
queen Anne, by which the property of all prizes taken from the enemy
was vested in the captors; while the sovereign was empowered to grant
commissions or charters to any persons or societies, for taking any
ships, goods, harbours, lands, or fortifications of the nation’s enemies
in America, and for holding and enjoying the same as their own property
and estate for ever. The ministry endeavoured to evade the discussion of
this bill, by amusing the house with other business, until an end should
be put to the session. A mean artifice was practised with this view;
and some severe altercation passed between sir Robert Walpole and Mr.
Pulteney. At length the bill was read, and gave rise to a very long
and warm contest, in which the greatest orators of both sides found
opportunities to display their eloquence and satire. Mr. Pulteney
defended the bill with all the ardour of paternal affection; but,
notwithstanding his warmest endeavours, it was rejected upon a division.

When the mutiny bill was sent up to the house of lords, a long debate
arose upon the number of troops voted for the ensuing year. Lord
Carteret explained the situation of affairs, in almost every nation
of Europe, with great conciseness and precision. He demonstrated the
improbability of a rupture between Great Britain and any power against
which a land army could be of any service. He examined the domestic
circumstances of the nation; and proved that whatever discontents there
might be in the kingdom, there was little or no disaffection, and no
seeming design to overturn or disturb the government. In answer to
an argument, that such a number of regular forces were necessary for
preventing or quelling tumults, and for enabling the civil magistrate
to execute the laws of his country, he expressed his hope that he should
never see the nation reduced to such unfortunate circumstances: he said,
a law which the civil power was unable to execute, must either be in
itself oppressive, or such a one as afforded a handle for oppression.
In arguing for a reduction of the forces, he took notice of the
great increase of the national expense. He observed, that before the
revolution, the people of England did not raise above two millions for
the whole of the public charges; but now what was called the current
expense, for which the parliament annually provided, exceeded that sum;
besides the civil list, the interest due to the public creditors,
and the sinking fund, which, added together, composed a burden of
six millions yearly. The earl of Chesterfield, on the same subject,
affirmed, that slavery and arbitrary power were the certain consequences
of keeping up a standing army for any number of years. It is the machine
by which the chains of slavery are rivetted upon a free people. They
may be secretly prepared by corruption; but, unless a standing army
protected those that forged them, the people would break them asunder,
and chop off the polluted hands by which they were prepared. By degrees
a free people must be accustomed to be governed by an army; by degrees
that army must be made strong enough to hold them in subjection.
England had for many years been accustomed to a standing army, under
the pretence of its being necessary to assist the civil power; and
by degrees the number and strength of it have been increasing. At the
accession of the late king it did not exceed six thousand; it soon
amounted to double that number, which has been since augmented under
various pretences. He therefore concluded, that slavery, under the
disguise of an army for protecting the liberties of the people, was
creeping in upon them by degrees; if no reduction should be made, he
declared he should expect in a few years to hear some minister, or
favourite of a minister, terrifying the house with imaginary plots and
invasions, and making the tour of Europe in search of possible dangers,
to show the necessity of keeping up a mercenary standing army, three
times as numerous as the present. In spite of those suggestions, the
standing army maintained its ground. The same noblemen, assisted by
lord Bathurst, distinguished themselves in a debate upon the Spanish
depredations, which comprehended the same arguments that were used
in the house of commons. They met with the same success in both.
Resolutions equivalent to those of the lower house were taken; an
address was presented; and his majesty assured them he would repeat, in
the most pressing manner, his instances at the court of Spain, in order
to obtain satisfaction and security for his subjects trading to America.
This assurance was renewed in his speech at the close of the session, on
the twentieth of May, when the parliament was prorogued.




BIRTH OF PRINCE GEORGE.

At this period the princess of Wales was delivered of a son, who was
baptised by the name of George, now king of Great Britain. His birth was
celebrated with uncommon rejoicings: addresses of congratulation were
presented to the king by the two universities, and by almost all the
cities and communities of the kingdom. But the prince of Wales still
laboured under the displeasure of his majesty, who had ordered the
lord-chamberlain to signify in the gazette, that no person who visited
the prince should be admitted to the court of St. James’. His royal
highness was divested of all the external marks of royalty, and lived
like a private gentleman, cultivating the virtues of a social life, and
enjoying the best fruits of conjugal felicity. In the latter end of
this month, rear-admiral Haddock set sail with a strong squadron for the
Mediterranean, which it was hoped would give weight to the negotiation
of the British minister at the court of Madrid. The act to discourage
the retail of spirituous liquors had incensed the populace to such a
degree, as occasioned numberless tumults in the cities of London
and Westminster. They were so addicted to the use of that pernicious
compound, known by the appellation of gin or geneva, that they ran all
risks rather than forego it entirely; and so little regard was paid to
the law by which it was prohibited, that in less than two years twelve
thousand persons within the bills of mortality were convicted of having
sold it illegally. Nearly one half of that number were cast in the
penalty of one hundred pounds; and three thousand persons paid ten
pounds each, for an exemption from the disgrace of being committed to
the house of correction.




PROGRESS of the WAR AGAINST the TURKS.

The war maintained by the emperor and the czarina against the Ottoman
Porte, had not yet produced any decisive event. Count Seckendorf
was disgraced and confined on account of his ill success in the last
campaign. General Doxat was tried by a council of war at Belgrade, and
condemned to death, for having surrendered to the enemy the town of
Nissa, in which he commanded. The diet of the empire granted a subsidy
of fifty Roman months to the emperor, who began to make vigorous
preparations for the ensuing campaign; but, in the meantime, Ragotski,
vaivode of Transylvania, revolted against the house of Austria, and
brought a considerable army into the field, under the protection of the
grand seignor. He was immediately proclaimed a rebel, and a price set
upon his head by the court of Vienna. The Turks taking the field early,
reduced the forts of Usitza and Meadia, and undertook the siege of
Orsova; which however they abandoned at the approach of the Imperial
army, commanded by the grand duke of Tuscany, assisted by count
Konigsegg. The Turks, being reinforced, marched back and attacked the
Imperialists, by whom they were repulsed after an obstinate engagement.
The Germans, notwithstanding this advantage, repassed the Danube; and
then the infidels made themselves masters of Orsova, where they found
a fine train of artillery, designed for the siege of Widdin. By the
conquest of this place, the Turks laid the Danube open to their galleys
and vessels; and the Germans retired under the cannon of Belgrade. In
the Ukraine, the Russians, under general count Munich, obtained the
advantage over the Turks in two engagements; and general Lasci routed
the Tartars of the Crimea; but they returned in greater numbers,
and harassed the Muscovites in such a manner, by intercepting their
provisions, and destroying the country, that they were obliged to
abandon the lines of Precops.




DISPUTE BETWEEN HANOVER AND DENMARK.

In the month of October, an affair of very small importance produced
a rupture between the king of Denmark and the elector of Hanover. A
detachment of Hanoverians took by assault the castle of Steinhurst,
belonging to the privy-counsellor Wederkop, and defended by thirty
Danish dragoons, who had received orders to repel force by force.
Several men were killed on both sides before the Hanoverians could
enter the place, when the garrison was disarmed, and conducted to the
frontiers. This petty dispute about a small territory, which did not
yield the value of one thousand pounds a-year, had well nigh involved
Hanover in a war, which, in all probability, Great Britain must have
maintained; but this dispute was compromised by a convention between the
king of England and Denmark.

The session of parliament was opened on the first day of February, when
the king in his speech to both houses, gave them to understand that a
convention was concluded and ratified between him and the king of Spain,
who had obliged himself to make reparation to the British subjects for
their losses, by certain stipulated payments; the plenipotentiaries were
named and appointed for regulating, within a limited time, all those
grievances and abuses which had hitherto interrupted the commerce of
Great Britain in the American seas; and for settling all matters in
dispute, in such a manner as might for the future prevent and remove
all new causes and pretences of complaint. The motion for an address
of approbation was disputed as usual. Though the convention was not vet
laid before the house, the nature of it was well known to the leaders of
the opposition. I Sir William Wyndham observed, that if the ministry
had made the resolutions taken by the parliament in the last session
the foundation of their demands; if they had discovered a resolution to
break off all treating, rather than depart from the sense of parliament,
either a defensive treaty might have been obtained, or by this time the
worst would have been known; but, by what appeared from his majesty’s
speech, the convention was no other than a preliminary; and, in all
probability, a very bad preliminary. He supposed the minister had
ventured to clothe some of his creatures with full powers to give up
the rights of the nation; for they might do it if they durst. Sir Robert
Walpole, in answer to these suggestions, affirmed, that the ministry had
on this occasion obtained more than ever on like occasions was known to
be obtained; that they had reconciled the peace of their country with
her true interest; that this peace was attended with all the advantages
that the most successful arms could have procured; that future ages
would consider this as the most glorious period of our history, and
do justice to the councils that produced the happy event, which every
gentleman divested of passion and prejudice was ready to do; and which,
he believed, the present age, when rightly informed, would not refuse.
In a word, he extolled his own convention with the most extravagant
encomiums.

The house resolved to address the king, that copies of all the
memorials, representations, letters, and papers, presented to his
majesty, or his secretary of state, relating to depredations, should
be submitted to the peru sal of the house; but some members in the
opposition were not contented with this resolution. Then Mr. Sandys, who
may be termed the “motion-maker,” moved for an address, desiring that
the house might inspect all letters written, and instructions given by
the secretaries of state, or commissioners of the admiralty, to any of
the British governors in America, or any commander-in-chief, or captains
of his majesty’s ships of war, or his majesty’s minister at the court
of Spain, or any of his majesty’s consuls in Europe, since the treaty of
Seville, relating to losses which the British subjects had sustained by
means of depredations committed by the subjects of Spain in Europe and
America. This was an unreasonable proposal, suggested by the spirit of
animosity and faction. Mr. H. Walpole justly observed, that a compliance
with such an address might lay open the most private transactions of the
cabinet, and discover secrets that ought, for the good of the kingdom,
to be concealed. It would discover to the court of Spain the _ultimatum_
of the king’s demands and concessions, and the nation would thereby be
deprived of many advantages which it might reap, were no such discovery
made. He said, that as soon as the differences betwixt the two courts
should arrive at such a crisis, and not before, the consuls were
instructed to give notice to the merchants that they might retire
in time with their effects; but should such instruction come to the
knowledge of the Spaniards, it would be a kind of watch-word to put them
on their guard, and unavoidably occasion the ruin of many thousands
of British subjects. Certain it is, no government could act either
in external or domestic affairs with proper influence, dignity, and
despatch, if every letter and instruction relating to an unfinished
negotiation should be exposed to the view of such a numerous assembly,
composed of individuals actuated by motives in themselves diametrically
opposite. The motion being rejected by the majority, the same gentleman
moved again for an address, that his majesty would give directions for
laying before the house copies of such memorials or representations as
had been made, either to the king of Spain or to his ministers, since
the treaty of Seville, relating to the depredations committed in Europe
or America. A debate ensued; and, upon a division, the question passed
in the negative.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PETITIONS AGAINST THE CONVENTION.

The house, in a committee of supply, voted twelve thousand seamen for
the service of the ensuing year, and the standing army was continued
without reduction, though powerfully attacked by the whole strength of
the opposition. The commons likewise ordered an address to his majesty,
for the copies of several memorials since the treaty of Seville,
touching the rights of Great Britain, or any infraction of treaties
which had not been laid before them. These were accordingly submitted to
the inspection of the house. By this time the convention itself was not
only presented to the commons, but also published for the information of
the people. Divers merchants, planters, and others trading to America,
the cities of London and Bristol, the merchants of Liverpool, and
owners of sundry ships which had been seized by the Spaniards, offered
petitions against the convention, by which the subjects of Spain were
so far from giving up their groundless and unjustifiable practice of
visiting and searching British ships sailing to and from the British
plantations, that they appeared to have claimed the power of doing it
as a right; for they insisted that the differences which had arisen
concerning it should be referred to plenipotentiaries, to be discussed
by them without even agreeing to abstain from such visitation and search
during the time that the discussion of this affair might last. They
therefore prayed that they might have an opportunity of being heard, and
allowed to represent the great importance of the British trade to and
from the plantations in America; the clear and un disputable right which
they had to enjoy it, without being stopped, visited, or searched by
the Spaniards, on any pretence whatsoever; and the certain inevitable
destruction of all the riches and strength derived to Great Britain from
that trade, if a search of British ships sailing to and from their
own plantations should be tolerated upon any pretext, or under any
restrictions, or even if the freedom of this navigation should continue
much longer in a state of uncertainty. These petitions were referred
to the committee appointed to consider of the convention. Another
remonstrance was likewise presented by the trustees for establishing
the colony of Georgia, setting forth that the king of Spain claimed
that colony as part of his territories; and that by the convention, the
regulation of the limits of Carolina and Florida was referred to the
determination of plenipotentiaries; so that the colony of Georgia, which
undoubtedly belonged to the crown of Great Britain, was left in dispute,
while the settlers remained in the most precarious and dangerous
situation. It was moved that the merchants should be heard by their
counsel; but the proposal was strenuously opposed by the ministry, and
rejected upon a division.

This famous convention, concluded at the Pardo on the fourteenth day of
January, imported, that within six weeks to be reckoned from the day on
which the ratifications were exchanged, two ministers plenipotentiaries
should meet at Madrid, to confer, and finally regulate the respective
pretentions of the two crowns, with relation to the trade and navigation
in America and Europe, and to the limits of Florida and Carolina, as
well as concerning other points which remained likewise to be adjusted,
according to the former treaties subsisting between the two nations:
that the plenipotentiaries should finish their conferences within the
space of eight months: that in the meantime no progress should be made
in the fortifications of Florida and Carolina: that his catholic majesty
should pay to the king of Great Britain, the sum of ninety-five thousand
pounds, for a balance due to the crown and subjects of Great Britain,
after deduction made of the demands of the crown and subjects of Spain:
that this sum should be employed for the satisfaction, discharge, and
payment of the demands of the British subjects upon the crown of Spain:
that this reciprocal discharge, however, should not extend or relate
to the accounts and differences which subsisted and were to be settled
between the crown of Spain and the assiento company, nor to any
particular or private contracts that might subsist between either of
the two crowns, or their ministers, with the subjects of the other;
or between the subjects of each nation respectively: that his catholic
majesty should cause the sum of ninety-five thousand pounds to be paid
at London within four mouths, to be reckoned from the day on which the
ratifications were exchanged. Such was the substance of that convention,
which alarmed and provoked the merchants and traders of Great Britain,
excited the indignation of all those who retained any regard for the
honour of their country, and raised a general cry against the minister
who stood at the helm of administration.




DEBATE ON THE CONTENTION.

The eyes of the whole kingdom were now turned upon the house of
commons. The two contending parties summoned their whole force for
the approaching dispute; on the day appointed for considering the
convention, four hundred members had taken their seats by eight in the
morning. In a committee of the whole house, certain West India merchants
and planters were heard against the convention; so that this and
the following day were employed in reading papers, and obtaining
information. On the eighth clay of March, Mr. H. Walpole having launched
out in the praise of that agreement, moved for an address of approbation
to his majesty. He was seconded by Mr. Campbell of Pembrokeshire; and
the debate began with extraordinary ardour. He who first distinguished
himself in the lists was sir Thomas Sanderson, at that time treasurer
to the prince of Wales, afterwards earl of Scarborough. All the officers
and adherents of his royal highness had joined the opposition; and he
himself on this occasion sat in the gallery, to hear the debate on
such an important transaction. Sir Thomas Sanderson observed, that
the Spaniards by the convention, instead of giving us reparation, had
obliged us to give them a general release. They had not allowed the word
satisfaction to be so much as once mentioned in the treaty. Even the
Spanish pirate who had cut off the ear of captain Jenkins, [260]
_[See note 2 L at the end of this Vol.]_ and used the most insulting
expression towards the person of the king--an expression which no
British subject could decently repeat--an expression which no man that
had a regard for his sovereign could ever forgive--even this fellow
lived to enjoy the fruits of his rapine, and remained a living testimony
of the cowardly tameness and mean submission of Great Britain; of the
triumphant haughtiness and stubborn pride of Spain. Lord Gage, one of
the most keen spirited and sarcastic orators in the house, stated in
this manner the account of the satisfaction obtained from the court
of Spain by the convention; the losses sustained by the Spanish
depredations amounted to three hundred and forty thousand pounds; the
commissary by a stroke of his pen reduced his demand to two hundred
thousand pounds; then forty-five thousand were struck off for prompt
payment; he next allotted sixty thousand pounds as the remaining part of
a debt pretended to be due to Spain, for the destruction of her fleet
by sir George Byng, though it appeared by the instructions on the
table, that Spain had been already amply satisfied on that head; these
deductions reduced the balance to ninety-five thousand pounds; but the
king of Spain insisted upon the South-Sea company’s paying immediately
the sum of sixty-eight thousand pounds, as a debt due to him on one head
of accounts, though in other articles his catholic majesty was indebted
to the company a million over and above the demand; the remainder to
be paid by Spain did not exceed seven-and-twenty thousand pounds, from
which she insisted upon deducting whatever she might have already given
in satisfaction for any of the British ships that had been taken; and
on being allowed the value of the St. Theresa, a Spanish ship which
had been seized in the port of Dublin. Mr. W. Pitt, with an energy
of argument and diction peculiar to himself, declaimed against the
convention, as insecure, unsatisfactory, and dishonourable to Great
Britain. He said the great national objection, the searching of British
ships, was not admitted, indeed, in the preamble; but stood there as the
reproach of the whole, as the strongest evidence of the fatal submission
that followed; on the part of Spain, an usurpation, an inhuman tyranny
claimed and exercised over the American seas: on the part of England,
an undoubted right by treaties, and from God and nature, declared and
asserted in the resolutions of parliament, were now referred to the
discussion of plenipotentiaries, upon one and the same equal footing.
This undoubted right was to be discussed and regulated; and if to
regulate be to prescribe rules, as in all construction it is, that
right was, by the express words of the convention, to be given up and
sacrificed; for it must cease to be any thing from the moment it is
submitted to limitation. Mr. Lyttelton, with equal force and fluency,
answered the speech of Mr. H. Walpole. “After he had used many arguments
to persuade us to peace,” said he, “to any peace, good or bad, by
pointing out the dangers of a war, dangers I by no means allow to be
such as he represents them, he crowned all those terrors with the name
of the pretender. It would be the cause of the pretender. The pretender
would come. Is the honourable gentleman sensible what this language
imports? The people of England complain of the greatest wrongs and
indignities; they complain of the interruption, the destruction of their
trade; they think the peace has left them in a worse condition than
before; and in answer to all these complaints, what are they told? Why,
that their continuing to suffer all this, is the price they must pay to
keep the king and his family on the throne of these realms. If this
were true, it ought not to be owned; but it is far from truth; the
very reverse is true. Nothing can weaken the family; nothing shake the
establishment, but such measures as these, and such language as this.”
 He affirmed, that if the ministers had proceeded conformably to the
intentions of parliament, they would either have acted with vigour, or
have obtained a real security in an express acknowledgment of our right
not to be searched as a preliminary, _sine qua non_, to our treating at
all. Instead of this, they had referred it to plenipotentiaries. “Would
you, sir,” said he, “submit to a reference, whether you may travel
unmolested from your house in town to your house in the country? Your
right is clear and undeniable, why would you have it discussed? but much
less would you refer it, if two of your judges belonged to a gang
which has often stopped and robbed you in your way thither before.”
 The ministers, in vindication of the convention, asserted, that the
satisfaction granted by Spain was adequate to the injury received; that
it was only the preliminary of a treaty which would remove all causes
of complaint; that war was always expensive and detrimental to a trading
nation, as well as uncertain in its events; that France and Spain would
certainly join their forces in case of a rupture with Great Britain;
that there was not one power in Europe upon which the English could
depend for effectual assistance; and that war would favour the cause and
designs of a popish pretender. The house, upon a division, agreed to the
address; but when a motion was made for its being recommitted, the two
parties renewed the engagement with redoubled eagerness and impetuosity.
Sir William Wyndham and Mr. Pulteney poured all the thunder of their
eloquence against the insolence of Spain, and the concessions of the
British ministry. Sir Robert Walpole exerted all his fortitude and
dexterity in defence of himself and his measures, and the question being
put, the resolutions for the address were carried by a small majority.




SECESSION OF THE CHIEF MEMBERS IN THE OPPOSITION.

Then sir William Wyndham, standing up, made a pathetic remonstrance
upon this determination. “This address,” said he, “is intended
to convince mankind, that the treaty under our consideration is a
reasonable and an honourable treaty. But if a majority of twenty-eight
in such a full house should fail of that success; if the people should
not implicitly resign their reason to a vote of this house, what will be
the consequence? Will not the parliament lose its authority? Will it not
be thought, that even in the parliament we are governed by a faction?
and what the consequence of this may be, I leave to those gentlemen to
consider, who are now to give their vote for this address: for my own
part, I will trouble you no more, but, with these my last words, I
sincerely pray to Almighty God, who has so often wonderfully protected
these kingdoms, that he will graciously continue his protection over
them, by preserving us from that impending danger which threatens the
nation from without, and likewise from that impending danger which
threatens our constitution from within.” The minister was on this
occasion deserted by his usual temper, and even provoked into personal
abuse. He declared, that the gentleman who was now the mouth of his
opponents, had been looked upon as the head of those traitors, who,
twenty-five years before, conspired the destruction of their country and
of the royal family, in order to set a popish pretender upon the throne;
that he was seized by the vigilance of the then government, and pardoned
by its clemency; but all the use he had ungratefully made of that
clemency, was to qualify himself according to law, that he and his party
might sometime or other have an opportunity to overthrow all law.
He branded them all as traitors, and expressed his hope, that their
behaviour would unite all the true friends of the present happy
establishment. To such a degree of mutual animosity were both sides
inflamed, that the most eminent members of the minority actually retired
from parliament; and were by the nation in general revered as martyrs to
the liberty of the people.




THE HOUSE OF LORDS DEBATE UPON AN ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY.

The dispute occasioned by the convention in the house of lords, was
maintained with equal warmth, and perhaps with more abilities. After
this famous treaty had been considered, lord Carteret suggested, that
possibly one of the contracting powers had presented a protest or
declaration, importing that she acceded to such or such a measure, only
upon condition that the terms of that protest or declaration should be
made good. He said, that until his mind should be free from the most
distant suspicion that such a paper might exist in the present case,
he could not form a just opinion of the transaction himself, nor
communicate to their lordships any light which might be necessary for
that purpose. The adherents to the ministry endeavoured to evade his
curiosity in this particular, by general assertions; but he insisted
on his suspicion with such perseverance, that at length the ministry
produced the copy of a declaration made by the king of Spain before he
ratified the convention, signifying that his catholic majesty reserved
to himself, in its full force, the right of being able to suspend the
assiento of negroes, in case the company should not pay within a short
time the sum of sixty-eight thousand pounds sterling, owing to Spain on
the duty of negroes, or on the profit of the ship Caroline; that
under the validity and force of this protest, the signing of the said
convention might be proceeded on, and in no other manner. In the debate
that ensued, lord Carteret displayed a surprising extent of political
knowledge, recommended by all the graces of elocution, chaste, pure,
dignified, and delicate. Lord Bathurst argued against the articles
of convention with his usual spirit, integrity, and good sense,
particularly animated by an honest indignation which the wrongs of his
country had inspired. The earl of Chesterfield attacked this inglorious
measure with all the weight of argument, and all the poignancy of
satire. The duke of Argyle, no longer a partisan of the ministry,
inveighed against it as infamous, treacherous, and destructive, with all
the fire, impetuosity, and enthusiasm of declamation. It was defended
with unequal arms by the duke of Newcastle, the earl of Cholmondeley,
lord Hervey, the lord chancellor, the bishop of Salisbury, and in
particular by the earl of Hay, a nobleman of extensive capacity and
uncommon erudition; remarkable for his knowledge of the civil law,
and seemingly formed by nature for a politician; cool, discerning,
plausible, artful, and enterprising, staunch to the minister, and
invariably true to his own interest. The dispute was learned, long,
and obstinate; but ended as usual in the discomfiture of those who had
stigmatized the treaty. The house agreed to an address, in which they
thanked his majesty for his gracious condescension in laying before them
the convention. They acknowledged his great prudence in bringing the
demands of his subjects for their past losses, which had been so long
depending, to a final adjustment; in procuring an express stipulation
for a speedy payment; and in laying a foundation for accomplishing the
great and desirable ends of obtaining future security, and preserving
the peace between the two nations. They declared their confidence in
his royal wisdom, that in the treaty to be concluded in pursuance of
the convention, proper provisions would be made for the redress of the
grievances of which the nation had so justly complained; they assured
his majesty, that in case his just expectations should not be answered,
the house would heartily and zealously concur in all such measures as
should be necessary to vindicate his majesty’s honour, and to preserve
to his subjects the full enjoyment of all those rights to which they
were entitled by treaty and the law of nations. This was a hard won
victory. At the head of those who voted against the address we find the
prince of Wales. His example was followed by six dukes, two-and-twenty
earls, four viscounts, eighteen barons, four bishops, and their party
was reinforced by sixteen proxies. A spirited protest was entered and
subscribed by nine-and-thirty peers, comprehending all the noblemen
of the kingdom who were most eminent for their talents, integrity, and
virtue.

{1739}

A message having been delivered to the house from his majesty,
importing, that he had settled nine-and-thirty thousand pounds per
annum on the younger children of the royal family; and desiring their
lordships would bring in a bill to enable his majesty to make that
provision good out of the hereditary revenues of the crown, some lords
in the opposition observed that the next heir to the crown might look
upon this settlement as a mortgage of his revenue, which a parliament
had no power to make; that formerly no daughter of the royal family was
ever provided for by parliament, except the eldest, and that never was
by way of annuity, but an express provision of a determinate sum of
money paid by way of dowry. These objections were overruled; and the
house complied with his majesty’s request. Then the duke of Newcastle
produced a subsidy-treaty, by which his majesty obliged himself to pay
to the king of Denmark seventy thousand pounds per annum, on condition
of the Dane’s furnishing to his Britannic majesty a body of six thousand
men, when demanded. At the same time his grace delivered a message from
the king, desiring the house would enable him to fulfil this engagement;
and also to raise what money and troops the exigency of affairs, during
the approaching recess, might require. Another vehement dispute arose
from this proposal. With respect to the treaty, lord Carteret observed,
that no use could be made of the Danish troops in any expedition
undertaken against Spain, because it was stipulated in the treaty that
they should not be used either in Italy, or on board of the fleet, or
be transported in whole or in part beyond sea, after they should have
marched out of the territories of Denmark, except for the defence of the
kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland; nay, should France join against
the English, the Danes could not act against that power or Spain, except
as part of an army formed in Germany or Flanders. This body of Danes
may be said, therefore, to have been retained for the defence and
protection of Hanover; or, if the interest of Britain was at all
consulted in the treaty, it must have been in preventing the Danes from
joining their fleets to those of France or Spain. Then he argued against
the second part of the message with great vivacity. He said nothing
could be more dangerous to the constitution than a general and unlimited
vote of credit. Such a demand our ancestors would have heard with
amazement, and rejected with scorn. He affirmed that the practice was
of modern date in England; that it was never heard of before the
revolution; and never became frequent until the nation was blessed with
the present wise administration. He said, if ever a general vote of
credit and confidence should become a customary compliment from the
parliament to the crown at the end of every session, or as often as the
minister might think fit to desire it, parliaments would grow despicable
in the eyes of the people; then a proclamation might be easily
substituted in its stead, and happy would it be for the nation if that
should be sufficient; for when a parliament ceases to be a check upon
ministers, it becomes a useless and unnecessary burden on the people.
The representatives must always be paid some way or other; if their
wages are not paid openly and surely by their respective constituents,
as they were formerly, a majority of them may in future times be always
ready to accept of wages from the administration, and these must come
out of the pockets of the people. The duke of Argyle and the earl of
Chesterfield enlarged upon the same topics. Nevertheless, the house
complied with the message; and presented an address, in which they
not only approved of the treaty with Denmark, but likewise assured
his majesty they would concur with his measures, and support him
in fulfilling his engagements, as well as in making such further
augmentation of his forces by sea and land, as he should think necessary
for the honour, interest, and safety of these kingdoms.




PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

The same message being communicated to the commons, they voted seventy
thousand five hundred and eighty-three pounds for the subsidy to
Denmark, and five hundred thousand pounds for augmenting the forces on
any emergency. As Great Britain stood engaged by the convention to pay
to the crown of Spain the sum of sixty thousand pounds in consideration
of the ships taken and destroyed by sir George Byng, which sum was to be
applied to the relief of the British merchants who had suffered by the
Spanish depredations, the commons inserted in a bill a clause providing
for this sum to be paid by the parliament. When the bill was read in the
house of lords, a motion was made by lord Bathurst for an address, to
know, whether Spain had paid the money stipulated by the convention,
as the time limited for the payment of it was now expired. The duke of
Newcastle, by his majesty’s permission, acquainted the house that it was
not paid, and that Spain had as yet given no reason for the non-payment.
Then a day was appointed to consider the state of the nation, when
lord Carteret moved for a resolution, that the failure of Spain in
this particular was a breach of the convention, a high indignity to his
majesty, and an injustice to the nation; but, after a warm debate, this
motion was overruled by the majority. The minister, in order to atone
in some measure for the unpopular step he had taken in the convention,
allowed a salutary law to pass for the encouragement of the woollen
manufacture, and two bills in behalf of the sugar colonies; one
permitting them, for a limited time, to export their produce directly
to foreign parts, under proper restrictions; and the other making more
effectual provisions for securing the duties laid upon the importation
of foreign sugars, rum, and molasses, into Great Britain, and his
majesty’s plantations in America. The supplies being voted, the funds
established, and the crown gratified in every particular, the king
closed the session with a speech on the fourteenth day of June, when the
chancellor in his majesty’s name prorogued the parliament. [262] _[See
note 2 M, at the end of this Vol.]_




THE KING OF SPAIN PUBLISHES A MANIFESTO.

Letters of marque and reprisal were granted against the Spaniards; a
promotion was made of general officers; the troops were augmented;
a great fleet was assembled at Spithead; a reinforcement sent out
to admiral Haddock; and an embargo laid on all merchant ships
outward-bound. Notwithstanding these preparations of war, Mr. Keen, the
British minister at Madrid, declared to the court of Spain, that his
master, although he had permitted his subjects to make reprisals, would
not be understood to have broken the peace; and that this permission
would be recalled as soon as his catholic majesty should be disposed to
make the satisfaction which had been so justly demanded. He was given to
understand, that the king of Spain looked upon those reprisals as acts
of hostility; and that he hoped, with the assistance of heaven and
his allies, he should be able to support a good cause against his
adversaries. He published a manifesto in justification of his own
conduct, complaining that admiral Haddock had received orders to cruise
with his squadron between the capes St. Vincent and St. Mary, in
order to surprise the Assogue ships; that letters of reprisal had
been published at London in an indecent style, and even carried into
execution in different parts of the world. He excused his non-payment
of the ninety-five thousand pounds stipulated in the convention, by
affirming that the British court had first contravened the articles of
that treaty, by the orders sent to Haddock; by continuing to fortify
Georgia; by reinforcing the squadron at Jamaica; and by eluding the
payment of the sixty-eight thousand pounds due to Spain from the
South-Sea company, on the assiento for negroes. The French ambassador at
the Hague declared that the king his master was obliged by treaties
to assist his catholic majesty by sea and land, in case he should be
attacked; he dissuaded the states-general from espousing the quarrel
of Great Britain; and they assured him they would observe a strict
neutrality, though they could not avoid furnishing his Britannic
majesty with such succours as he could demand, by virtue of the treaties
subsisting between the two powers. The people of England were inspired
with uncommon alacrity at the near prospect of war, for which they had
so long clamoured; and the ministry seeing it unavoidable, began to be
earnest and effectual in their preparations.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE EMPEROR AND CZARINA CONCLUDE A PEACE WITH THE TURKS.

The events of war were still unfavourable to the emperor. He had
bestowed the command of his army upon velt-mareschal count Wallis, who
assembled his forces in the neighbourhood of Belgrade; and advanced
towards Crotska, where he was attacked by the Turks with such
impetuosity and perseverance, that he was obliged to give ground, after
a long and obstinate engagement, in which he lost above six thousand
men. The earl of Crawford, who served as a volunteer in the Imperial
army, signalised his courage in an extraordinary manner on this
occasion, and received a dangerous wound of which he never perfectly
recovered. The Turks were afterwards worsted at Jabouka; nevertheless,
their grand army invested Belgrade on the side of Servia, and carried
on the operations of the siege with extraordinary vigour. The emperor,
dreading the loss of this place, seeing his finances exhausted, and
his army considerably diminished, consented to a negotiation for peace,
which was transacted under the mediation of the French ambassador at the
Ottoman Porte. The count de Neuperg, as Imperial plenipotentiary, signed
the preliminaries on the first day of September. They were ratified by
the emperor, though he pretended to be dissatisfied with the articles;
and declared that his minister had exceeded his powers. By this treaty
the house of Austria ceded to the grand seignor, Belgrade, Sabatz,
Servia, Austrian Wallachia, the isle and fortress of Orsova, with the
fort of St. Elizabeth; and the contracting powers agreed that the Danube
and the Saave should serve as boundaries to the two empires. The emperor
published a circular letter, addressed to his ministers at all the
courts of Europe, blaming count Wallis for the bad success of the last
campaign, and disowning the negotiations of count Neuperg; nay, these
two officers were actually disgraced, and confined in different castles.
This, however, was no other than a sacrifice to the resentment of the
czarina, who loudly complained that the emperor had concluded a separate
peace, contrary to his engagements with the Russian empire. Her general,
count Munich, had obtained a victory over the Turks at Choczim in
Moldavia, and made himself master of that place, in which he found two
hundred pieces of artillery; but the country was so ruined by the
incursions of the Tartars, that the Muscovites could not subsist in it
during the winter. The czarina finding herself abandoned by the emperor,
and unable to cope with the whole power of the Ottoman empire, took the
first opportunity of putting an end to the war upon honourable terms.
After a short negotiation, the conferences ended in a treaty, by which
she was left in possession of Azoph, on condition that its
fortifications should be demolished; and the ancient limits were
re-established between the two empires.




PREPARATIONS FOR WAR IN ENGLAND.

A rupture between Great Britain and Spain was now become inevitable. The
English squadron in the Mediterranean had already made prize of two
rich Caracca ships. The king had issued orders for augmenting his land
forces, and raising a body of marines; and a great number of ships of
war were put in commission. Admiral Vernon had been sent to the West
Indies, to assume the command of the squadron in those seas, and to
annoy the trade and settlements of the Spaniards. This gentleman
had rendered himself considerable in the house of commons, by loudly
condemning all the measures of the ministry, and bluntly speaking
his sentiments, whatever they were, without respect of persons, and
sometimes without any regard to decorum. He was counted a good officer,
and this boisterous manner seemed to enhance his character. As he had
once commanded a squadron in Jamaica, he was perfectly well acquainted
with those seas; and in a debate upon the Spanish depredations, he
chanced to affirm, that Porto Bello on the Spanish main might be easily
taken; nay, he even undertook to reduce it with six ships only. This
officer was echoed from the mouths of all the members in the opposition.
Vernon was extolled as a another Drake or Raleigh; he became the idol of
a party, and his praise resounded from all corners of the kingdom.
The minister, in order to appease the clamours of the people on this
subject, sent him as commander-in-chief to the West Indies. He was
pleased with an opportunity to remove such a troublesome censor from
the house of commons; and, perhaps, he was not without hope, that Vernon
would disgrace himself and his party, by failing in the exploit he had
undertaken. His catholic majesty having ordered all the British ships in
his harbours to be seized and detained, the king of England would
keep measures with him no longer, but denounced war against him on
the twenty-third day of October. Many English merchants began to equip
privateers, and arm their trading vessels to protect their own commerce,
as well as to distress that of the enemy. The session of parliament
was opened in November, when the king, in his speech to both houses,
declared, that he had augmented his forces by sea and land, pursuant to
the power vested in him by parliament for the security of his dominions,
the protection of trade, and the annoyance of the enemy; and he
expressed his apprehension, that the heats and animosities which had
been industriously fomented throughout the kingdom, encouraged Spain to
act in such a manner as rendered it necessary for him to have recourse
to arms. In answer to this speech, affectionate addresses were presented
by both houses, without any considerable opposition.

The seceding members had again resumed their seats in the house of
commons; and Mr. Pulteney thought proper to vindicate the extraordinary
step which they had taken. He said, they thought that step was
necessary, as affairs then stood, for clearing their characters to
posterity from the imputation of sitting in an assembly, where a
determined majority gave a sanction to measures evidently to the
disgrace of his majesty and the nation. He observed, that their conduct
was so fully justified by the declaration of war against Spain, that any
further vindication would be superfluous; for every assertion contained
in it had been almost in the same words insisted upon by those who
opposed the convention: “every sentence in it,” added he, “is an echo
of what was said in our reasonings against that treaty; every positive
truth which the declaration lays down, was denied with the utmost
confidence by those who spoke for the convention; and, since that
time, there has not one event happened which was not then foreseen
and foretold.” He proposed, that in maintaining the war, the Spanish
settlements in the West Indies should be attacked; and that the ministry
should not have the power to give up the conquests that might be made.
He said he heartily wished, for his majesty’s honour and service, that
no mention had been made of heats and animosities, in the king’s speech;
and gave it as his opinion, that they should take no notice of that
clause in their address. He was answered by sir Robert Walpole, who
took occasion to say, he was in no great concern lest the service of his
majesty or the nation should suffer by the absence of those members who
had quitted the house; he affirmed, the nation was generally sensible,
that the many useful and popular acts which passed towards the end
of the last session, were greatly forwarded and facilitated by the
secession of those gentlemen; and, if they were returned only to oppose
and perplex, he should not be at all sorry to see them secede again.




PENSION-BILL REVIVED AND LOST.

Mr. Pulteney revived the bill which he had formerly prepared for the
encouragement of seamen. After a long dispute, and eager opposition by
the ministry, it passed both houses, and obtained the royal assent. Mr.
Sandys having observed, that there could be no immediate use for a great
number of forces in the kingdom; and explained how little service could
be expected from raw and undisciplined men; proposed an address to the
king, desiring that the body of marines should be composed of drafts
from the old regiments; that as few officers should be appointed as the
nature of the case would permit; and he expressed his hope, that the
house would recommend this method to his majesty, in tender compassion
to his people, already burdened with many heavy and grievous taxes. This
scheme was repugnant to the intention of the ministry, whose aim was to
increase the number of their dependents, and extend their parliamentary
interest, by granting a great number of commissions. The proposal was,
therefore, after a long debate, rejected by the majority. Motions
wore made for an inquiry into the conduct of those who concluded the
convention; but they were overruled. The pension-bill was revived, and
so powerfully supported by the eloquence of sir William Wyndham, Mr.
Pulteney, and Mr. Lyttelton, that it made its way through the commons to
the upper house, where it was again lost, upon a division, after a very
long debate. As the seamen of the kingdom expressed uncommon aversion to
the service of the government, and the fleet could not be manned without
great difficulty, the ministry prepared a bill, which was brought in by
sir Charles Wager, for registering all seamen, watermen, fishermen, and
lightermen, throughout his majesty’s dominions. Had this bill passed
into a law, a British sailor would have been reduced to the most abject
degree of slavery; had he removed from a certain district allotted for
the place of his residence, he would have been deemed a deserter,
and punished accordingly; he must have appeared when summoned, at all
hazards, whatever might have been the circumstances of his family, or
the state of his private affairs; had he been encumbered with debt,
he must have either incurred the penalties of this law, or lain at the
mercy of his creditors; had he acquired by industry, or received by
inheritance, an ample fortune, he would have been liable to be torn from
his possessions, and subjected to hardships which no man would endure
but from the sense of fear or indigence. The bill was so vigorously
opposed by sir John Barnard and others, as a flagrant encroachment upon
the liberties of the people, that the house rejected it on the second
reading.




PORTO BELLO TAKEN by ADMIRAL VERNON.

The king having by message communicated to the house his intention of
disposing of the princess Mary in marriage to prince Frederick of Hesse;
and expressing his hope that the commons would enable him to give a
suitable portion to his daughter, they unanimously resolved to grant
forty thousand pounds for that purpose; and presented an address of
thanks to his majesty for having communicated to the house this intended
marriage. On the thirteenth day of March a ship arrived from the West
Indies, despatched by admiral Vernon, with an account of his having
taken Porto Bello, on the isthmus of Darien, with six ships only, and
demolished all the fortifications of the place. The Spaniards acted with
such pusillanimity on this occasion, that their forts were taken almost
without bloodshed. The two houses of parliament joined in an address of
congratulation upon the success of his majesty’s arms; and the nation
in general was wonderfully elated by an exploit which was magnified
much above its merit. The commons granted every thing the crown
thought proper to demand. They provided for eight-and-twenty thousand
land-forces, besides six thousand marines. They enabled his majesty
to equip a very powerful navy; they voted the subsidy to the king
of Denmark; and they empowered their sovereign to defray certain
extraordinary expenses not specified in the estimates. To answer these
uncommon grants, they imposed a land-tax of four shillings in the pound;
and enabled his majesty to deduct twelve hundred thousand pounds from
the sinking fund; in a word, the expense of the war, during the course
of the ensuing year, amounted to about four millions. The session was
closed on the twenty-ninth day of April, when the king thanked the
commons for the supplies they had so liberally granted, and recommended
union and moderation to both houses.

{1740}

During the greatest part of this winter, the poor had been grievously
afflicted in consequence of a severe frost, which began at Christmas,
and continued till the latter end of February. The river Thames was
covered with such a crust of ice, that a multitude of people dwelt
upon it in tents, and a great number of booths were erected for the
entertainment of the populace. The navigation was entirely stopped;
the watermen and fishermen were disabled from earning a livelihood; the
fruits of the earth were destroyed by the cold, which was so extreme,
that many persons were chilled to death; and this calamity was the more
deeply felt, as the poor could not afford to supply themselves with
coals and fuel, which were advanced in proportion to the severity and
continuance of the frost. The lower class of labourers, who worked in
the open air, were now deprived of all means of subsistence; many kinds
of manufacture were laid aside, because it was found impracticable to
carry them on. The price of all sorts of provisions rose almost to a
dearth; even water was sold in the streets of London. In this season of
distress, many wretched families must have perished by cold and hunger,
had not those of opulent fortunes been inspired with a remarkable spirit
of compassion and humanity. Nothing can more redound to the honour
of the English nation, than did those instances of benevolence and
well-conducted charity which were then exhibited. The liberal hand was
not only opened to the professed beggar, and the poor that owned their
distress, but uncommon pains were taken to find out and relieve those
more unhappy objects, who, from motives of false pride or ingenuous
shame, endeavoured to conceal their misery.

These were assisted almost in their own despite. The solitary
habitations of the widow, the fatherless, and the unfortunate,
were visited by the beneficent, who felt for the woes of their
fellow-creatures; and to such as refused to receive a portion of the
public charity, the necessaries of life were privately conveyed, in such
a manner as could least shock the delicacy of their dispositions.




MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS MARY TO THE PRINCE OF HESSE.

In the beginning of May, the king of Great Britain set out for Hanover,
after having appointed a regency, and concerted vigorous measures for
distressing the enemy. In a few days after his departure, the spousals
of the princess Mary were celebrated by proxy, the duke of Cumberland
representing the prince of Hesse, and in June the princess embarked
for the continent. About the same time, a sloop arrived in England with
despatches from admiral Vernon, who, since his adventure at Porto Bello,
had bombarded Carthagena, and taken the fort of San Lorenzo, on the
river of Chagre, in the neighbourhood of his former conquest. This month
was likewise marked by the death of his Prussian majesty, a prince by no
means remarkable for great or amiable qualities. He was succeeded on the
throne by Frederick his eldest son, the late king of that realm, who
has so eminently distinguished himself as a warrior and legislator. In
August, the king of Great Britain concluded a treaty with the landgrave
of Hesse, who engaged to furnish him with a body of six thousand men
for four years, in consideration of an annual subsidy of two hundred and
fifty thousand crowns.




STRONG ARMAMENT SENT TO THE WEST INDIES.

Meanwhile, preparations of war were vigorously carried on by the
ministry in England. They had wisely resolved to annoy the Spaniards in
their American possessions. Three ships of war, cruising in the bay of
Biscay, fell in with a large Spanish ship of the line, strongly manned,
and took her after a very obstinate engagement; but the Assogue ships
arrived with the treasure in Spain, notwithstanding the vigilance of
the English commanders, who were stationed in a certain latitude to
intercept that flota. One camp was formed on Hounslow-heath; and six
thousand marines lately levied were encamped on the Isle of Wight, in
order to be embarked for the West Indies. Intelligence being received
that a strong squadron of Spanish ships of war waited at Ferrol for
orders to sail to their American settlements, sir John Norris sailed
with a powerful fleet from Spithead to dispute their voyage; and the
duke of Cumberland served in person as a volunteer in this expedition;
but, after divers fruitless efforts, he was, by contrary winds, obliged
to lie inactive for the greatest part of the summer in Torbay; and,
upon advice that the French and Spanish squadrons had sailed to the West
Indies in conjunction, the design against Ferrol was wholly laid aside.
In September, a small squadron of ships, commanded by commodore Anson,
set sail for the South-Sea, in order to act against the enemy on the
coast of Chili and Peru, and co-operate occasionally with admiral Vernon
across the isthmus of Darien. The scheme was well laid, but ruined by
unnecessary delays and unforeseen accidents. But the hopes of the nation
centered chiefly in a formidable armament designed for the northern
coast of now Spain, and his catholic majesty’s other settlements on that
side of the Atlantic. Commissions had been issued for raising a regiment
of four battalions in the English colonies of North America, that they
might be transported to Jamaica, and join the forces from England.
These, consisting of the marines and detachments from some old
regiments, were embarked in October at the Isle of Wight, under the
command of lord Cathcart, a nobleman of approved honour, and great
experience in the art of war; and they sailed under convoy of sir
Chaloner Ogle, with a fleet of seven-and-twenty ships of the line,
besides frigates, fire-ships, bomb-ketches, and tenders. They were
likewise furnished with hospital ships and store ships, laden with
provisions, ammunition, all sorts of warlike implements, and every kind
of convenience. Never was an armament more completely equipped, and
never had the nation more reason to hope for extraordinary success.




DEATH OF THE EMPEROR AND CZARINA.

On the twentieth day of October, Charles VI., emperor of Germany, the
last prince of the house of Austria, died at Vienna, and was succeeded
in his hereditary dominions by his eldest daughter’, the archduchess
Maria Theresa, married to the grand duke of Tuscany. Though this
princess succeeded as queen of Hungary, by virtue of the pragmatic
sanction guaranteed by all the powers in Europe, her succession produced
such contests as kindled a cruel war in the empire. The young king of
Prussia was no sooner informed of the emperor’s death, than he entered
Silesia at the head of twenty thousand men; seized certain fiefs to
which his family laid claim; and published a manifesto, declaring that
he had no intention to contravene the pragmatic sanction. The elector of
Bavaria refused to acknowledge the archduchess as queen of Hungary and
Bohemia; alleging, that he himself had pretensions to those countries,
as the descendant of the emperor Ferdinand I., who was head of the
German branch of the house of Austria. Charles VI. was survived but
a few days by his ally, the czarina Anne Iwanowna, who died in the
forty-fifth year of her age, after having bequeathed her crown to Iwan,
or John, the infant son of her niece, the princess Anne of
Mecklenburgh, who had been married to Anthony Ulrick, duke of Brunswick
Lunenberg-Bevern. She appointed the duke of Courland regent of the
empire, and even guardian of the young czar, though his own parents were
alive; but this disposition was not long maintained.




PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

The king of Great Britain having returned to England from his German
dominions, the session of parliament was opened in November. His majesty
assured them, on this occasion, that he was determined to prosecute the
war vigorously, even though France should espouse the cause of Spain,
as her late conduct seemed to favour this supposition. He took notice of
the emperor’s death, as an event which in all likelihood would open
a new scene of affairs in Europe; he therefore recommended to their
consideration the necessary supplies for putting the nation in such a
posture that it should have nothing to fear from any emergency. Finally,
he desired them to consider of some proper regulations for preventing
the exportation of corn, and for more effectual methods to man the
fleet at this conjuncture. The commons, after having voted an address
of thanks, brought in a bill for prohibiting the exportation of corn and
provisions, for a limited time, out of Great Britain, Ireland, and the
American plantations. This was a measure calculated to distress the
enemy, who were supposed to be in want of these necessaries. The French
had contracted for a very large quantity of beef and pork in Ireland,
for the use of their own and the Spanish navy; and an embargo had
been laid upon the ships of that kingdom. The bill met with a vigorous
opposition; yet the house unanimously resolved that his majesty should
be addressed to lay an immediate embargo upon all ships laden with corn,
grain, starch, rice, beef, pork, and other provisions, to be exported
to foreign parts. They likewise resolved that the thanks of the house
should be given to vice-admiral Vernon, for the services he had, done to
his king and country in the West Indies. One William Cooley was examined
at the bar of the house, and committed to prison, after having owned
himself author of a paper, intituled, “Considerations upon the Embargo
on Provision of Victual.” The performance contained many shrewd and
severe animadversions upon the government, for having taken a step
which, without answering the purpose of distressing the enemy, would
prove a grievous discouragement to trade, and ruin all the graziers of
Ireland. Notwithstanding the arguments used in this remonstrance, and
several petitions that were presented against the corn-hill, it passed
by mere dint of ministerial influence. The other party endeavoured, by
various motions, to set on foot an inquiry into the orders, letters, and
instructions, which had been sent to admiral Vernon and admiral Haddock;
but all such investigations were carefully avoided.

A very hot contest arose from a bill which the ministry brought in,
under the specious title of, A bill for the encouragement and increase
of seamen, and for the better and speedier manning his majesty’s fleet.
This was a revival of the oppressive scheme which had been rejected in
the former session; a scheme by which the justices of the peace were
empowered to issue warrants to constables and head-boroughs, to search
by day or night for such seafaring men as should conceal themselves
within their respective jurisdictions. These searchers were vested with
authority to force open doors in case of resistance; and encouraged to
this violence by a reward for every seaman they should discover; while
the unhappy wretches so discovered were dragged into the service,
and their names entered in a register to be kept at the navy or the
admiralty-office. Such a plan of tyranny did not pass uncensured. Every
exceptionable clause produced a warm debate, in which sir John Barnard,
Mr. Pulteney, Mr. Sandys, lord Gage, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Lyttelton,
signalized themselves nobly in defending the liberties of their
fellow-subjects. Mr. Pitt having expressed a laudable indignation at
such a large stride towards despotic power, in justification of which
nothing could be urged but the plea of necessity, Mr. Horatio Walpole
thought proper to attack him with some personal sarcasms. He reflected
upon his youth: and observed that the discovery of truth was very little
promoted by pompous diction and theatrical emotion. These insinuations
exposed him to a severe reply. Mr. Pitt standing up again, said, “He
would not undertake to determine whether youth could be justly imputed
to any man as a reproach; but he affirmed that the wretch, who, after
having seen the consequences of repeated errors, continues still to
blunder, and whose age has only added obstinacy to stupidity, is surely
the object of either abhorrence or contempt, and deserves not that
his grey head should secure him from insults; much more is he to be
abhorred, who, as he has advanced in age, has receded from virtue, and
becomes more wicked with less temptation; who prostitutes himself for
money which he cannot enjoy; and spends the remains of his life in the
ruin of his country.”--Petitions were presented from the city of London
and county of Gloucester against the bill, as detrimental to the trade
and navigation of the kingdom, by discouraging rather than encouraging
sailors, and destructive to the liberties of the subject; but they
were both rejected as insults upon the house of commons. After very long
debates, maintained on both sides with extraordinary ardour and emotion,
the severe clauses were dropped, and the bill passed with amendments.




DISCONTENTS AGAINST THE MINISTRY.

But the most remarkable incident of this session was an open and
personal attack upon the minister, who was become extremely unpopular
all over the kingdom. The people were now, more than ever, sensible of
the grievous taxes under which they groaned; and saw their burdens daily
increasing. No effectual attempts had as yet been made to annoy the
enemy. Expensive squadrons had been equipped; had made excursions, and
returned without striking a blow. The Spanish fleet had sailed first
from Cadiz, and then from Ferrol, without any interruption from admiral
Haddock, who commanded the British squadron in the Mediterranean, and
who was supposed to be restricted by the instructions he had received
from the ministry, though in fact his want of success was owing to
accident. Admiral Vernon had written from the West Indies to his private
friends, that he was neglected, and in danger of being sacrificed.
Notwithstanding the numerous navy which the nation maintained, the
Spanish privateers made prize of the British merchant ships with
impunity. In violation of treaties, and in contempt of that intimate
connexion which had been so long cultivated between the French and
English ministry, the king of France had ordered the harbour and
fortifications of Dunkirk to be repaired; his fleet had sailed to the
West Indies in conjunction with that of Spain; and the merchants of
England began to tremble for Jamaica; finally, commerce was in a manner
suspended, by the practice of pressing sailors into the service, and
by the embargo which had been laid upon ships in all the ports of Great
Britain and Ireland. These causes of popular discontent, added to
other complaints which had been so long repeated against the minister,
exaggerated and inculcated by his enemies with unwearied industry, at
length rendered him so universally odious, that his name was seldom or
never mentioned with decency, except by his own dependents.




MOTION FOR REMOVING SIR R. WALPOLE FROM HIS MAJESTY’S COUNCILS.

The country party in parliament seized this opportunity of vengeance.
Mr. Sandys went up to sir Robert Walpole in the house, and told him,
that on Friday next he should bring a charge against him in public.
The minister seemed to be surprised at this unexpected intimation; but,
after a short pause, thanked him politely for this previous notice, and
said he desired no favour, but fair play.*

     * Upon this occasion he misquoted Horace. “As I am not
     conscious of any crime,” said he, “I do not doubt of being
     able to make a proper defence, _Nil conscire sibi nulli
     pallescere culpæ_.” He was corrected by Mr. Pulteney; but
     insisted on his being in the right, and actually laid a
     wager on the justness of the quotation.

Mr. Sandys, at the time which he had appointed for this accusation,
stood up, and in a studied speech entered into a long deduction of the
minister’s misconduct. He insisted upon the discontents of the nation,
in consequence of the measures which had been for many years pursued at
home and abroad. He professed his belief that there was not a
gentleman in the house who did not know that one single person in the
administration was the chief, if not the sole adviser and promoter of
all those measures. “This,” added he, “is known without doors, as well
as within; therefore, the discontents, the reproaches, and even the
curses of the people, are all directed against that single person. They
complain of present measures; they have suffered by past measures; they
expect no redress; they expect no alteration or amendment, whilst he has
a share in directing or advising our future administration. These,
sir, are the sentiments of the people in regard to that minister; these
sentiments we are in honour and duty bound to represent to his
majesty; and the proper method for doing this, as established by
our constitution, is to address his majesty to remove him from
his councils.” He then proceeded to explain the particulars of the
minister’s misconduct in the whole series of his negotiations abroad. He
charged him with having endeavoured to support his own interest, and to
erect a kind of despotic government, by the practice of corruption; with
having betrayed the interest and honour of Great Britain in the late
convention; with having neglected to prosecute the war against Spain;
and he concluded with a motion for an address to the king, that he would
be pleased to remove sir Robert Walpole from his presence and councils
for ever. He was answered by Mr. Pelham, who undertook to defend or
excuse all the measures which the other had condemned; and acquitted
himself as a warm friend and unshaken adherent. Against this champion
sir John Barnard entered the lists, and was sustained by Mr. Pulteney,
who, with equal spirit and precision, pointed out and exposed all the
material errors and malpractices of the administration. Sir Robert
Walpole spoke with great temper and deliberation in behalf of himself.
With respect to the article of bribery and corruption, he said if any
one instance had been mentioned; if it had been shown that he ever
offered a reward to any member of either house, or ever threatened to
deprive any member of his office or employment, in order to influence
his voting in parliament, there might have been some ground for this
charge; but when it was so generally laid, he did not know what he could
say to it, unless to deny it as generally and as positively as it had
been asserted.--Such a declaration as this, in the hearing of so many
persons, who not only knew, but subsisted by his wages of corruption,
was a strong proof of the minister’s being dead to all sense of shame,
and all regard to veracity. The debate was protracted by the court
members till three o’clock in the morning, when about sixty of the
opposite party having retired, the motion was rejected by a considerable
majority.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DEBATE ON THE MUTINY BILL.

A bill was brought in for prohibiting the practice of insuring ships
belonging to the enemies of the nation; but it was vigorously opposed
by sir John Barnard and Mr. Willimot, who demonstrated that this kind
of traffic was advantageous to the kingdom; and the scheme was dropped.
Another warm contest arose upon a clause of the mutiny bill, relating to
the quartering of soldiers upon innkeepers and publicans, who complained
of their being distressed in furnishing those guests with provisions
and necessaries at the rates prescribed by law or custom. There were not
wanting advocates to expatiate upon the nature of this grievance, which,
however, was not redressed. A new trade was at this time opened with
Persia, through the dominions of the czar, and vested with an exclusive
privilege in the Russian company, by an act of parliament. The commons
voted forty thousand seamen for the service of the ensuing year, and
about thirty thousand men for the establishment of land-forces. They
provided for the subsidies granted to the king of Denmark and the
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; and took every step which was suggested for
the ease and the convenience of the government.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

The parties in the house of lords were influenced by the same motives
which actuated the commons. The duke of Argyle, who had by this time
resigned all his places, declared open war against the ministry. In the
beginning of the session, the king’s speech was no sooner reported by
the chancellor, than this nobleman stood up and moved that a general
address of thanks should be presented to his majesty, instead of a
recapitulation of every paragraph of the king’s speech, re-echoed from
the parliament to the throne, with expressions of blind approbation,
implying a general concurrence with all the measures of the minister.
He spoke on this subject with an astonishing impetuosity of eloquence,
that rolled like a river which had overflowed its banks and deluged the
whole adjacent country. The motion was supported by lord Bathurst, lord
Carteret, the earl of Chesterfield, and lord Gower, who, though they
displayed all the talents of oratory, were outvoted by the opposite
party, headed by the duke of Newcastle, the earl of Cholmondeley,
lord Hervey, and the lord-chancellor. The motion was rejected, and the
address composed in the usual strain. The same motions for an inquiry
into orders and instructions which had miscarried in the lower house,
were here repeated with the same bad success; in the debates which
ensued, the young earls of Halifax and Sandwich acquired a considerable
share of reputation, for the strength of argument and elocution with
which they contended against the adherents of the ministry. When the
house took into consideration the state of the army, the duke of Argyle
having harangued with equal skill and energy on military affairs,
proposed that the forces should be augmented by adding new levies to
the old companies, without increasing the number of officers; as such
an augmentation served only to debase the dignity of the service, by
raising the lowest of mankind to the rank of gentlemen; and to extend
the influence of the minister, by multiplying his dependents. He
therefore moved for a resolution, that the augmenting the army by
raising regiments, as it is the most unnecessary and most expensive
method of augmentation, was also the most dangerous to the liberties of
the nation. This proposal was likewise overruled, after a short though
warm contention. This was the fate of all the other motions made by the
lords in the opposition, though the victory of the courtiers was always
clogged with a nervous and spirited protest. Two days were expended in
the debate produced by lord Carteret’s motion for an address, beseeching
his majesty to remove sir Robert Walpole from his presence and councils
for ever. The speech that ushered in this memorable motion would not
have disgraced a Cicero. It contained a retrospect of all the public
measures which had been pursued since the revolution. It explained the
nature of every treaty, whether right or wrong, which had been concluded
under the present administration. It described the political connexions
subsisting between the different powers in Europe. It exposed the
weakness, the misconduct, and the iniquity of the minister, both in
his foreign and domestic transactions. It was embellished with all
the ornaments of rhetoric, and warmed with a noble spirit of patriotic
indignation. The duke of Argyle, lord Bathurst, and his other
colleagues, seemed to be animated with uncommon fervour, and even
inspired by the subject.

{1741}

A man of imagination, in reading their speeches, will think himself
transported into the Roman senate, before the ruin of that republic.
Nevertheless, the minister still triumphed by dint of numbers; though
his victory was dearly purchased. Thirty peers entered a vigorous
protest, and Walpole’s character sustained such a rude shock from this
opposition, that his authority seemed to be drawing near a period.
Immediately after this contest was decided, the duke of Marlborough
moved for a resolution, that any attempt to inflict any kind of
punishment on any person, without allowing him an opportunity to make
his defence, or without any proof of any crime or misdemeanor committed
by him, is contrary to natural justice, the fundamental laws of the
realm, and the ancient established usage of parliament; and is a high
infringement of the liberties of the subject. It was seconded by the
duke of Devonshire and lord Lovel; and opposed by lord Gower, as an
intended censure on the proceedings of the day. This sentiment was so
warmly espoused by lord Talbot, who had distinguished himself in the
former debate, that he seemed to be transported beyond the bounds of
moderation. He was interrupted by the earl of Cholmondeley, who charged
him with having violated the order and decorum which ought to be
preserved in such an assembly. His passion was inflamed by this rebuke;
he declared himself an independent lord; a character which he would not
forfeit for the smiles of a court, the profit of an employment, or the
reward of a pension; he said, when he was engaged on the side of truth,
he would trample on the insolence that should command him to suppress
his sentiments.--On a division, however, the motion was carried.

In the beginning of April, the king repairing to the house of peers,
passed some acts that were ready for the royal assent. Then, in his
speech to both houses, he gave them to understand, that the queen of
Hungary had made a requisition of the twelve thousand men stipulated
by treaty; and that he had ordered the subsidy troops of Denmark and
Hesse-Cassel to be in readiness to march to her assistance. He observed,
that in this complicated and uncertain state of affairs, many incidents
might arise, and render it necessary for him to incur extraordinary
expenses for maintaining the pragmatic sanction, at a time when he
could not possibly have recourse to the advice and assistance of his
parliament. He therefore demanded of the commons such a supply as might
be requisite for these ends; and promised to manage it with all possible
frugality. The lower house, in their address, approved of all his
measures; declared they would effectually support him against all
insults and attacks that might be made upon any of his territories,
though not belonging to the crown of Great Britain; and that they would
enable him to contribute, in the most effectual manner, to the support
of the queen of Hungary. Sir Robert Walpole moved, that an aid of two
hundred thousand pounds should be granted to that princess. Mr. Shippen
protested against any interposition in the affairs of Germany. He
expressed his dislike of the promise which had been made to defend his
majesty’s foreign dominions; a promise, in his opinion, inconsistent
with that important and inviolable law, the act of settlement; a
promise which, could it have been foreknown, would perhaps have for
ever precluded from the succession that illustrious family to which
the nation owed such numberless blessings, such continued felicity. The
motion however passed, though not without further opposition; and the
house resolved, that three hundred thousand pounds should be granted to
his majesty, to enable him effectually to support the queen of Hungary.
Towards the expense of this year, a million was deducted from the
sinking fund; and the land-tax continued at four shillings in the
pound. The preparations for this war had already cost five millions. The
session was closed on the twenty-fifth day of April, when the king took
his leave of this parliament with warm expressions of tenderness and
satisfaction. Henry Bromley, Stephen Fox, and John Howe, three members
of the lower house who had signalized themselves in defence of the
minister, were now ennobled, and created barons of Montford, Ilchester,
and Chedworth. A camp was formed near Colchester; and the king having
appointed a regency, set out in May for his German dominions.*

     * Sir William Wyndham died the preceding year, deeply
     regretted as an orator, a patriot, and a man, the constant
     assertor of British liberty, and one of the chief ornaments
     of the English nation.--In the course of the same year,
     general Oglethorpe, governor of Georgia, had, with some
     succours obtained from the colony of Carolina, and a small
     squadron of king’s ships, made an attempt upon Fort Angus-
     tine, the capital of Spanish Florida; and actually reduced
     some small forts in the neighbourhood of the place; but the
     Carolinians withdrawing in disgust, dissensions prevailing
     among the sea officers, the hurricane months approaching,
     and the enemy having received a supply and reinforcement, he
     abandoned the enterprise, and returned to Georgia.




CHAPTER IV.

     _The Army under lord Cathcart and Sir Chaloner Ogle proceeds
     to the West Indies..... Nature of the Climate on the Spanish
     Main..... Admiral Vernon sails to Carthagena..... Attack of
     Tort Lasar..... Expedition to Cuba..... Rupture between the
     Queen of Hungary and the king of Prussia..... Battle of
     Molwitz..... The king of Great Britain concludes a Treaty of
     Neutrality with Franco for the Electorate of Hanover..... A
     Body of French Forces join the Elector of Bavaria..... He is
     crowned kind of Bohemia at Prague..... Fidelity of the
     Hungarians..... War between Russia and Sweden.....
     Revolution in Russia..... The Spanish and French Squadrons
     pass unmolested by the English Admiral in the
     Mediterranean..... Inactivity of the naval Power of Great
     Britain..... Obstinate Struggle in electing Members in the
     new Parliament..... Remarkable Motion in the House of
     Commons by Lord Noel Somerset..... The Country Party obtain
     a Majority in the House of Commons..... Sir Robert Walpole
     created Earl of Orford..... Change in the Ministry.....
     Inquiry into the Administration of Sir Robert Walpole.....
     Obstructed by the new ministry..... Reports of the Secret
     Committee..... The elector of   Bavaria chosen Emperor.....
     The king of Prussia gains the battle at Czaslaw..... Treaty
     at Breslau..... The French Troops retire under the Cannon of
     Prague..... A fresh Body sent with the Mareschal de
     Mallebois to bring them off..... Extraordinary retreat of M.
     de Belleisle-The king of Great Britain forms an Army in
     Flanders..... Progress of the War between Russia and
     Sweden..... The King of Sardinia declares for the House of
     Austria..... Motions of the Spaniards in Italy and
     Savoy..... Conduct of Admiral Matthews in the
     Mediterranean..... Operations in the West Indies..... The
     Attention of the Ministry turned chiefly on the Affairs of
     the Continent..... Extraordinary Motion in the House of
     Lords by Earl Stanhope..... Warm and obstinate Debate on the
     Repeal of the Gin-Act..... Bill for quieting
     Corporations..... Convention between the Emperor and the
     Queen of Hungary..... Difference between the King of Prussia
     and the Elector of Hanover..... The King of Great Britain
     obtains a victory over the French at Dettingen..... Treaty
     of Worms..... Conclusion of the Campaign..... Affairs in the
     North..... Battle of Campo Santo..... Transactions of the
     British Fleet in the Mediterranean..... Unsuccessful
     Attempts upon the Spanish Settlements in the West Indies_




ARMY UNDER LORD CATHCART AND SIR CHALONER OGLE.

The British armament had by this time proceeded to action in the West
Indies. Sir Chaloner Ogle, who sailed from Spithead, had been overtaken
by a tempest in the Bay of Biscay, by which the fleet, consisting
of about one hundred and seventy sail, were scattered and dispersed.
Nevertheless he prosecuted his voyage, and anchored with a view to
provide wood and water, in the neutral island of Dominica, where the
intended expedition sustained a terrible shock in the death of the
gallant lord Cathcart, who was carried off by a dysentery. The loss
of this nobleman was the more severely felt, as the command of the
land-forces devolved upon general Wentworth, an officer without
experience, authority, and resolution. As the fleet sailed along the
island of Hispaniola, in its way to Jamaica, four large ships of war
were discovered; and sir Chaloner detached an equal number of his
squadron to give them chase, while he himself proceeded on his voyage.
As those strange ships refused to bring to, lord Augustus Fitz-roy,
the commodore of the four British ships, saluted one of them with a
broadside, and a smart engagement ensued. After they had fought during
the best part of the night, the enemy hoisted their colours in the
morning, and appeared to be part of the French squadron, which had
sailed from Europe tinder the command of the marquis d’Antin, with
orders to assist the Spanish admiral De Torres, in attacking and
distressing the English ships and colonies. War was not yet declared
between France and England; therefore hostilities ceased; the English
and French commanders complimented each other; excused themselves
mutually for the mistake which had happened; and parted friends, with a
considerable loss of men on both sides.




NATURE OF THE CLIMATE ON THE SPANISH MAIN.

In the meantime sir Chaloner Ogle arrived at Jamaica, where he joined
vice-admiral Vernon, who now found himself at the head of the most
formidable fleet and army that ever visited those seas, with full
power to act at discretion. The conjoined squadrons consisted of
nine-and-twenty ships of the line, with almost an equal number of
frigates, fire-ships, and bomb-ketches, well manned, and plentifully
supplied with all kinds of provisions, stores, and necessaries. The
number of seamen amounted to fifteen thousand; that of the land-forces,
including the American regiment of four battalions, and a body of
negroes enlisted at Jamaica, did not fall short of twelve thousand. Had
this armament been ready to act in the proper season of the year,
under the conduct of wise experienced officers, united in councils,
and steadily attached to the interest and honour of their country, the
Havannah, and the whole island of Cuba, might have been easily
reduced; the whole treasure of the Spanish West Indies would have been
intercepted; and Spain must have been humbled into the most abject
submission. But several unfavourable circumstances concurred to
frustrate the hopes of the public. The ministry had detained sir
Chaloner Ogle at Spithead without any visible cause, until the season
for action was almost exhausted; for, on the continent of new Spain, the
periodical rains begin about the end of April; and this change in the
atmosphere is always attended with epidemical distempers which render
the climate extremely unhealthy; besides, the rain is so excessive, that
for the space of two months no army can keep the field.




ADMIRAL VERNON SAILS TO CARTHAGENA.

Sir Chaloner Ogle arrived at Jamaica on the ninth day of January; and
admiral Vernon did not sail on his intended expedition till towards the
end of the month. Instead of directing his course towards the Havannah,
which lay to leeward, and might have been reached in less than three
days, he resolved to beat up against the wind to Hispaniola, in order
to observe the motion of the French squadron, commanded by the marquis
d’Antin. The fifteenth day of February had elapsed before he received
certain information that the French admiral had sailed for Europe,
in great distress for want of men and provisions, which he could not
procure in the West Indies. Admiral Vernon thus disappointed, called a
council of war, in which it was determined to proceed for Carthagena.
The fleet being supplied with wood and water at Hispaniola, set sail
for the continent of New Spain, and on the fourth of March, anchored
in Playa Grande, to the windward of Carthagena. Admiral de Torres had
already sailed to the Havannah; but Carthagena was strongly fortified,
and the garrison reinforced by the crews of a small squadron of large
ships, commanded by don Bias de Lesco, an officer of experience and
reputation. Here the English admiral lay inactive till the ninth, when
the troops were landed on the island of Tierra Bomba, near the mouth of
the harbour, known by the name of Boca-chica, or Little-mouth, which was
surprisingly fortified with castles, batteries, booms, chains, cables,
and ships of war. The British forces erected a battery on shore, with
which they made a breach in the principal fort, while the admiral sent
in a number of ships to divide the fire of the enemy, and co-operate
with the endeavours of the army. Lord Aubrey Beauclerc, a gallant
officer who commanded one of these ships, was slain on this occasion.
The breach being deemed practicable, the forces advanced to the attack;
but the forts and batteries were abandoned; the Spanish ships that lay
athwart the harbour’s mouth were destroyed or taken, the passage was
opened, and the fleet entered without further opposition. Then the
forces were re-embarked with the artillery, and landed within a mile of
Carthagena, where they were opposed by about seven hundred Spaniards,
whom they obliged to retire. The admiral and general had contracted a
hearty contempt for each other, and took all opportunities of expressing
their mutual dislike; far from acting vigorously in concert for the
advantage of the community, they maintained a mutual reserve, and
separate cabals; and each proved more eager for the disgrace of his
rival, than zealous for the honour of the nation.

The general complained that the fleet lay idle while his troops
were harassed and diminished by hard duty and distemper. The admiral
affirmed, that his ships could not lie near enough to batter the town
of Carthagena; he upbraided the general with inactivity and want of
resolution to attack the fort of Saint Lazar which commanded the
town, and might be taken by scalade. Wentworth, stimulated by these
reproaches, resolved to try the experiment. His forces marched up to
the attack; but the guides being slain, they mistook their route, and
advanced to the strongest part of the fortification, where they were
moreover exposed to the fire of the town. Colonel Grant, who commanded
the grenadiers, was mortally wounded; the scaling-ladders were found too
short; the officers were perplexed for want of orders and directions;
yet the soldiers sustained a severe fire for several hours with
surprising intrepidity, and at length retreated, leaving about six
hundred killed or wounded on the spot. Their number was now so much
reduced, that they could no longer maintain their footing on shore;
besides, the rainy season had begun with such violence, as rendered it
impossible for them to live in camp. They were, therefore, re-embarked;
and all hope of further success immediately vanished. The admiral,
however, in order to demonstrate the impracticability of taking the
place by sea, sent in the Gallicia, one of the Spanish ships which
had been taken at Boca-chica, to cannonade the town, with sixteen guns
mounted on one side, like a floating battery. This vessel, manned by
detachments of volunteers from different ships, and commanded by captain
Hore, was warped into the inner harbour, and moored before day, at a
considerable distance from the walls, in very shallow water. In this
position she stood the fire of several batteries for some hours, without
doing or sustaining much damage; then the admiral ordered the men to be
brought off in boats, and the cables to be cut; so that she drove with
the sea-breeze upon a shoal, where she was soon filled with water. This
exploit was absurd, and the inference which the admiral drew from it
altogether fallacious. He said it plainly proved that there was not
depth of water in the inner harbour sufficient to admit large ships near
enough to batter the town with any prospect of success. This indeed
was the case in that part of the harbour to which the Gallicia was
conducted; but a little farther to the left he might have stationed four
or five of his largest ships abreast, within pistol shot of the walls;
and if this step had been taken when the land-forces marched to the
attack of Saint Lazar, in all probability the town would have been
surrendered.




EXPEDITION TO CUBA.

After the re-embarkation of the troops, the distempers peculiar to the
climate and season began to rage with redoubled fury; and great numbers
of those who escaped the vengeance of the enemy perished by a more
painful and inglorious fate. Nothing was heard but complaints and
execrations; the groans of the dying, and the service for the dead;
nothing was seen but objects of woe, and images of dejection. The
conductors of this unfortunate expedition agreed in nothing but the
expediency of a speedy retreat from this scene of misery and disgrace.
The fortifications of the harbour were demolished, and the fleet
returned to Jamaica.--The miscarriage of this expedition, which had cost
the nation an immense sum of money, was no sooner known in England, than
the kingdom was filled with murmurs and discontent, and the people were
depressed in proportion to that sanguine hope by which they had been
elevated. Admiral Vernon, instead of undertaking any enterprise which
might have retrieved the honour of the British arms, set sail from
Jamaica with the forces in July, and anchored at the south-east part
of Cuba, in a bay, on which he bestowed the appellation of Cumberland
harbour. The troops were landed, and encamped at the distance of twenty
miles farther up the river, where they remained totally inactive, and
subsisted chiefly on salt and damaged provisions, till the month of
November, when, being considerably diminished by sickness, they were put
on board again, and re-conveyed to Jamaica. He was afterwards reinforced
from England by four ships of war, and about three thousand soldiers;
but he performed nothing worthy of the reputation he had acquired; and
the people began to perceive that they had mistaken his character.




RUPTURE BETWEEN THE QUEEN OF HUNGARY AND THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

The affairs on the continent of Europe were now more than ever
embroiled. The king of Prussia had demanded of the court of Vienna
part of Silesia, by virtue of old treaties of co-fraternity, which were
either obsolete or annulled; and promised to assist the queen with all
his forces in case she should comply with his demand; but this being
rejected with disdain, he entered Silesia at the head of an army, and
prosecuted his conquests with great rapidity. In the meantime the queen
of Hungary was crowned at Presburgh, after having signed a capitulation,
by which the liberties of that kingdom were confirmed; and the grand
duke her consort was, at her request, associated with her for ten years
in the government. At the same time the states of Hungary refused to
receive a memorial from the elector of Bavaria.

During these transactions, his Prussian majesty made his public entrance
into Breslau, and confirmed all the privileges of the inhabitants. One
of his generals surprised the town and fortress of Jablunka, on the
confines of Hungary; prince Leopold of Anhalt-Dessau, who commanded
another army which formed the blockade of Great Glogau, on the
Oder, took the place by scalade, made the generals Wallis and Reyski
prisoners, with a thousand men that were in garrison; here likewise the
victor found the military chest, fifty pieces of brass cannon, and a
great quantity of ammunition.

The queen of Hungary had solicited the maritime powers for assistance,
but found them fearful and backward. Being obliged, therefore, to exert
herself with the more vigour, she ordered count Neuperg to assemble a
body of forces, and endeavour to stop the progress of the Prussians in
Silesia. The two armies encountered each other in the neighbourhood of
Neiss, at a village called Molwitz; and, after an obstinate dispute,
the Austrians were obliged to retire with the loss of four thousand men
killed, wounded, or taken. The advantage was dearly purchased by the
king of Prussia. His kinsman Frederick, margrave of Brandenburgh, and
lieutenant-general Schuylemberg, were killed in the engagement,
together with a great number of general officers, and about two thousand
soldiers. After this action, Brieg was surrendered to the Prussian, and
he forced the important pass of Fryewalde, which was defended by
four thousand Austrian hussars. The English and Dutch ministers,
who accompanied him in his progress, spared no pains to effect an
accommodation; but the two sovereigns were too much irritated against
each other to acquiesce in any terms that could be proposed. The queen
of Hungary was incensed to find herself attacked, in the day of her
distress, by a prince to whom she had given no sort of provocation; and
his Prussian majesty charged the court of Vienna with a design either to
assassinate or carry him off by treachery; a design which was disowned
with expressions of indignation and disdain. Count Neuperg being obliged
to abandon Silesia, in order to oppose the Bavarian arms in Bohemia, the
king of Prussia sent thither a detachment to join the elector, under
the command of count Deslau, who, in his route, reduced Glatz and Neiss,
almost without opposition; then his master received the homage of the
Silesian states at Breslau, and returned to Berlin. In December, the
Prussian army was distributed in winter-quarters in Moravia, after
having taken Olmutz, the capital of that province; and in March his
Prussian majesty formed a camp of observation in the neighbourhood of
Magdeburgh.




A TREATY OF NEUTRALITY CONCLUDED WITH FRANCE FOR HANOVER.

The elector of Hanover was alarmed at the success of the king of
Prussia, in apprehension that he would become too formidable a
neighbour. A scheme was said to have been proposed to the court of
Vienna, for attacking that prince’s electoral dominions, and dividing
the conquest; but it was never put in execution. Nevertheless, the
troops of Hanover were augmented; the auxiliary Danes and Hessians in
the pay of Great Britain were ordered to be in readiness to march; and a
good number of British forces encamped and prepared for embarkation.
The subsidy of three hundred thousand pounds, granted by parliament, was
remitted to the queen of Hungary; and every thing seemed to presage the
vigorous interposition of his Britannic majesty. But in a little time
after his arrival at Hanover, that spirit of action seemed to flag,
even while her Hungarian majesty tottered on the verge of ruin. France
resolved to seize this opportunity of crushing the house of Austria.
In order to intimidate the elector of Hanover, mare-schal Mallebois was
sent with a numerous army into Westphalia; and this expedient proved
effectual. A treaty of neutrality was concluded; and the king of Great
Britain engaged to vote for the elector of Bavaria at the ensuing
election of an emperor. The design of the French court was to raise this
prince to the Imperial dignity, and furnish him with such succours as
should enable him to deprive the queen of Hungary of her hereditary
dominions.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




A BODY OF FRENCH FORCES JOIN THE ELECTOR OF BAVARIA.

While the French minister at Vienna endeavoured to amuse the queen
with the strongest assurances of his master’s friendship, a body of
five-and-thirty thousand men began their march for Germany, in order to
join the elector of Bavaria; another French army was assembled upon
the Rhine; and the count de Belleisle being provided with large sums
of money, was sent to negotiate with different electors. Having thus
secured a majority of voices, he proceeded to Munich, where he presented
the elector of Bavaria with a commission, appointing him generalissimo
of the French troops marching to his assistance; and now the treaty
of Nymphen-burgh was concluded. The French king engaged to assist
the elector with his whole power, towards raising him to the Imperial
throne: the elector promised, that after his elevation he would never
attempt to recover any of the towns or provinces of the empire which
France had conquered; that he would, in his Imperial capacity, renounce
the barrier-treaty; and agree that France should irrevocably retain
whatever places she should subdue in the Austrian Netherlands. The next
step of Belleisle was to negotiate another treaty between France and
Prussia, importing, that the elector of Bavaria should possess Bohemia,
Upper Austria, and the Tyrolese; that the king of Poland should be
gratified with Moravia and Upper Silesia; and that his Prussian majesty
should retain Lower Silesia, with the town of Neiss and the county of
Glatz. These precautions being taken, the count do Belleisle repaired to
Franck-fort, in quality of ambassador and plenipotentiary from France,
at the Imperial diet of election. It was in this city that the French
king published a declaration, signifying, that as the king of Great
Britain had assembled an army to influence the approaching election of
an emperor, his most christain majesty, as guarantee of the treaty of
Westphalia, had ordered some troops to advance towards the Rhine, with
a view to maintain the tranquillity of the Germanie body, and secure the
freedom of the Imperial election.

In July, the elector of Bavaria being joined by the French forces tinder
mareschal Broglio, surprised the Imperial city of Passau, upon the
Danube; and entering Upper Austria at the head of seventy thousand men,
took possession of Lintz, where he received the homage of the states
of that country. Understanding that the garrison of Vienna was very
numerous, and that count Palfi had assembled thirty thousand Hungarians
in the neighbourhood of this capital, he made no farther progress
in Austria, but marched into Bohemia, where he was reinforced by a
considerable body of Saxons, under the command of count Rutowski,
natural son to the late king of Poland. By this time his Polish majesty
had acceded to the treaty of Nymphenburgh, and declared war against
the queen of Hungary, on the most frivolous pretences. The elector of
Bavaria advanced to Prague, which was taken in the night by scalade; an
achievement in which Maurice count of Saxe, another natural son of the
king of Poland, distinguished himself at the head of the French forces.
In December the elector of Bavaria made his public entry into his
capital, where he was proclaimed king of Bohemia, and inaugurated with
the usual solemnities; then he set out for Franckfort, to be present at
the diet of election.

At this period the queen of Hungary saw herself abandoned by all her
allies, and seemingly voted to destruction. She was not, however,
forsaken by her courage; nor destitute of good officers, and an able
ministry. She retired to Presburgh, and in a pathetic Latin speech to
the states, expressed her confidence in the loyalty and valour of her
Hungarian subjects. The nobility of that kingdom, touched with her
presence and distress, assured her unanimously that they would sacrifice
their lives and fortunes in her defence. The ban being raised, that
brave people crowded to her standard; and the diet expressed their
sentiments against her enemy by a public edict, excluding for ever the
electoral house of Bavaria from the succession to the crown of Hungary;
yet, without the subsidy she received from Great Britain, their courage
and attachment would have proved ineffectual. By this supply she
was enabled to pay her army, erect magazines, complete her warlike
preparations, and put her strong places in a posture of defence. In
December, her generals Berenclau and Mentzel, defeated count Thoring,
who commanded eight thousand men, at the pass of Scardingen, and opening
their way to Bavaria, laid the whole country under contribution; while
count Khevenhuller retook the city of Lintz, and drove the French troops
out of Austria. The grand seignor assured the queen of Hungary,
that far from taking advantage of her troubles, he should seize all
opportunities to convince her of his friendship; the pope permitted her
to levy a tenth on the revenues of the clergy within her dominions; and
even to use all the church plate for the support of the war.




WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.

As the czarina expressed an inclination to assist this unfortunate
princess, the French court resolved to find her employment in
another quarter. They had already gained over to their interest count
Gyllenburgh, prime minister and president of the chancery in Sweden. A
dispute happening between him and Mr. Burnaby, the British resident
at Stockholm, some warm altercation passed: Mr. Burnaby was forbid the
court, and published a memorial in his own vindication; on the other
hand, the king of Sweden justified his conduct in a rescript sent to
all the foreign ministers. The king of Great Britain had proposed a
subsidy-treaty to Sweden, which, from the influence of French councils,
was rejected. The Swedes having assembled a numerous army in Finland,
and equipped a large squadron of ships, declared war against Eussia upon
the most trifling pretences; and the fleet putting to sea, commenced
hostilities by blocking up the Russian ports in Livonia. A body of
eleven thousand Swedes, commanded by general Wrangle, having advanced to
Willmenstrand, were in August attacked and defeated by general Lasci, at
the head of thirty thousand Russians. Count Lewenhaup, who commanded the
main army of the Swedes, resolved to take vengeance for this disgrace,
after the Russian troops had retired into winter quarters. In December
he marched towards Wybourg; but receiving letters from the prince of
Hesse-Hombourg, and the marquis de la Chetardie, the French ambassador
at Petersburgh, informing him of the surprising revolution which had
just happened in Russia, and proposing a suspension of hostilities, he
retreated with his army in order to wait for further instructions; and
the two courts agreed to a cessation of arms for three months.




REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA.

The Russians had been for some time discontented with their government.
The late czarina was influenced chiefly by German councils, and employed
a great number of foreigners in her service. These causes of discontent
produced factions and conspiracies; and when they were discovered, the
empress treated the authors of them with such severity as increased the
general disaffection. Besides, they were displeased at the manner in
which she had settled the succession. The prince of Brunswick Lunenberg
Bovern, father to the young czar, was not at all agreeable to the
Russian nobility; and his consort, the princess Anne of Mecklenburgh,
having assumed the reins of government during her son’s minority, seemed
to follow the maxims of her aunt the late czarina. The Russian grandees
and generals, therefore, turned their eyes upon the princess Elizabeth,
who was daughter of Peter the Great, and the darling of the empire. The
French ambassador gladly concurred in a project for deposing a princess
who was well affected to the house of Austria. General Lasci approved of
the design, which was chiefly conducted by the prince of Hesse-Hombourg,
who, in the reigns of the empress Catharine and Peter II., had been
generalissimo of the Russian army. The good will and concurrence of the
troops being secured, two regiments of guards took possession of all the
avenues of the imperial palace at Petersburgh. The princess Elizabeth,
putting herself at the head of one thousand men, on the fifth day of
December entered the winter palace, where the princess of Mecklenburgh
and the infant czar resided. She advanced into the chamber where the
princess and her consort lay, and desired them to rise and quit the
palace, adding that their persons were safe; and that they could not
justly blame her for asserting her right. At the same time, the counts
Osterman, Golofhairkin, Mingden, and Munich, were arrested; their papers
and effects were seized, and their persons conveyed to Schlisselbourgh,
a fortress on the Neva. Early in the morning the senate assembling,
declared all that had passed since the reign of Peter II. to be
usurpation; and that the imperial dignity belonged of right to the
princess Elizabeth: she was immediately proclaimed empress of all the
Russias, and recognized by the army of Finland. She forthwith published
a general act of indemnity; she created the prince of Hesse-Hombourg
generalissimo of her armies; she restored the Dolgorucky family to their
honours and estates; she recalled and rewarded all those who had been
banished for favouring her pretensions; she mitigated the exile of the
duke of Courland, by indulging him with a maintenance more suitable to
his rank; she released general Wrangle, count Wasaburgh, and the other
Swedish officers who had been taken at the battle of Willmenstrand; and
the princess Anne of Mecklenburgh, with her consort and children, were
sent under a strong guard to Riga, the capital of Livonia.

Amidst these tempests of war and revolution, the states-general wisely
determined to preserve their own tranquillity. It was doubtless their
interest to avoid the dangers and expense of a war, and to profit by
that stagnation of commerce which would necessarily happen among their
neighbours that were at open enmity with each other; besides, they were
over-awed by the declarations of the French monarch on one side; by the
power, activity, and pretensions of his Prussian majesty on the other;
and they dreaded the prospect of a stadtholder at the head of their
army. These at least were the sentiments of many Dutch patriots,
reinforced by others that acted under French influence. But the prince
of Orange numbered among his partisans and adherents many persons of
dignity and credit in the commonwealth; he was adored by the populace,
who loudly exclaimed against their governors, and clamoured for a war
without ceasing. This national spirit, joined to the remonstrances and
requisitions made by the courts of Vienna and London, obliged the states
to issue orders for an augmentation of their forces; but these were
executed so slowly, that neither France nor Prussia had much cause
to take umbrage at their preparations. In Italy, the king of Sardinia
declared for the house of Austria; the republic of Genoa was deeply
engaged in the French interest; the pope, the Venetians, and the dukedom
of Tuscany were neutral; the king of Naples resolved to support the
claim of his family to the Austrian dominions in Italy, and began to
make preparations accordingly. His mother, the queen of Spain, had
formed a plan for erecting these dominions into a monarchy for her
second son Don Philip; and a body of fifteen thousand men being embarked
at Barcelona, were transported to Orbitello, under the convoy of the
united squadrons of France and Spain. While admiral Haddock, with twelve
ships of the line, lay at anchor in the bay of Gibraltar, the Spanish
fleet passed the straits in the night, and was joined by the French
squadron from Toulon. The British admiral sailing from Gibraltar, fell
in with them in a few days, and found both squadrons drawn up in line of
battle. As he bore down upon the Spanish fleet, the French admiral sent
a flag of truce, to inform him that as the French and Spaniards were
engaged in a joint expedition, he should be obliged to act in concert
with his master’s allies. This interposition prevented an engagement.
The combined fleets amounting to double the number of the English
squadron, admiral Haddock was obliged to desist; and proceeded to
Port-Mahon, leaving the enemy to prosecute their voyage without
molestation. The people of England were incensed at this transaction,
and did not scruple to affirm that the hands of the British admiral were
tied up by the neutrality of Hanover.*

     * In the month of July, two ships of Haddock’s squadron
     falling In with three French ships of war, captain Barnet,
     the English commodore, supposing them to be Spanish register
     ships, fired a shot in order to bring them to; and they
     refusing to comply with this signal, a sharp engagement
     ensued; after they had fought several hours, the French
     commander ceased firing, and thought proper to come to an
     explanation, when he and Barnet parted with mutual
     apologies.

In the course of this year a dangerous conspiracy was discovered at New
York, in North America. One Hewson, a low publican, had engaged several
negroes in a design to destroy the town, and massacre the people.
Fire was set to several parts of the city; nine or ten negroes were
apprehended, convicted, and burned alive. Hewson, with his wife, and
a servant maid privy to the plot, were found guilty and hanged, though
they died protesting their innocence.




INACTIVITY OF THE NAVAL POWER OF GREAT BRITAIN.

The court of Madrid seemed to have shaken off that indolence and phlegm
which had formerly disgraced the councils of Spain. They no sooner
learned the destination of commodore Anson, who had sailed from Spithead
in the course of the preceding year, than they sent Don Pizzaro with a
more powerful squadron upon the same voyage, to defeat his design. He
accordingly steered the same course, and actually fell in with one or
two ships of the British armament, near the straits of Magellan; but he
could not weather a long and furious tempest, through which Mr. Anson
proceeded into the South-Sea. One of the Spanish ships perished at sea;
another was wrecked on the coast of Brazil; and Pizzaro bore away for
the Rio de la Plata, where he arrived with the three remaining ships, in
a shattered condition, after having lost twelve hundred men by sickness
and famine. The Spaniards exerted the same vigilance and activity in
Europe. Their privateers were so industrious and successful, that in
the beginning of this year they had taken, since the commencement of
the war, four hundred and seven ships belonging to the subjects of
Great Britain, valued at near four millions of piastres. The traders had
therefore too much cause to complain, considering the formidable fleets
which were maintained for the protection of commerce. In the course of
the summer, sir John Norris had twice sailed towards the coast of Spain,
at the head of a powerful squadron, without taking any effectual step
for annoying the enemy, as if the sole intention of the ministry had
been to expose the nation to the ridicule and contempt of its enemies.
The inactivity of the British arms appears the more inexcusable, when we
consider the great armaments which had been prepared. The land forces of
Great Britain, exclusive of the Danish and Hessian auxiliaries, amounted
to sixty thousand men; and the fleet consisted of above one hundred
ships of war, manned by fifty-four thousand sailors.

The general discontent of the people had a manifest influence upon the
election of members for the new parliament, which produced one of the
most violent contests between the two parties which had happened since
the revolution. All the adherents of the prince of Wales concurred with
the country party, in opposition to the minister; and the duke of
Argyle exerted himself so successfully among the shires and boroughs
of Scotland, that the partisans of the ministry could not secure six
members out of the whole number returned from North Britain. They were,
however, much more fortunate in the election of the sixteen peers, who
were chosen literally according to the list transmitted from court.
Instructions were delivered by the constituents to a great number of
members returned for cities and counties, exhorting and requiring them
to oppose a standing army in time of peace; to vote for the mitigation
of excise laws; for the repeal of septennial parliaments; and for the
limitation of placemen in the house of commons. They likewise insisted
upon their examining into the particulars of the public expense,
and endeavouring to redress the grievances of the nation. Obstinate
struggles were maintained in all parts of the united kingdoms with
uncommon ardour and perseverance; and such a national spirit of
opposition prevailed, that, notwithstanding the whole weight of
ministerial influence, the contrary interest seemed to preponderate in
the new parliament.




REMARKABLE MOTION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS BY LORD SOMERSET.

The king returned to England in the month of October; and on the first
day of December the session was opened. Mr. Onslow being re-chosen
speaker, was approved of by his majesty, who spoke in the usual style
to both houses. He observed, that the former parliament had formed
the strongest resolutions in favour of the queen of Hungary, for the
maintenance of the pragmatic sanction; for the preservation of the
balance of power, and the peace and liberties of Europe; and that if the
other powers which were under the like engagements with him had answered
the just expectations so solemnly given, the support of the common
cause would have been attended with less difficulty. He said, he had
endeavoured, by the most proper and early applications, to induce other
powers that were united with him by the ties of common interest,
to concert such measures as so important and critical a conjuncture
required; that where an accommodation seemed necessary, he had laboured
to reconcile princes whose union would have been the most effectual
means to prevent the mischiefs which had happened, and the best security
for the in terest and safety of the whole. He owned his endeavours had
not hitherto produced the desired effect; though he was not without hope
that a just sense of approaching danger would give a more favourable
turn to the councils of other nations. He represented the necessity of
putting the kingdom in such a posture of defence as would enable him to
improve all opportunities of maintaining the liberties of Europe, and
defeat any attempts that should be made against him and his dominions;
and he recommended unanimity, vigour, and despatch. The house of commons
having appointed their several committees, the speaker reported the
king’s speech; and Mr. Herbert moved for an address of thanks, including
an approbation of the means by which the war had been prosecuted. The
motion being seconded by Mr. Trevor, lord Noel Somerset stood up and
moved, that the house would in their address desire his majesty not
to engage these kingdoms in a war for the preservation of his foreign
dominions. He was supported by that incorruptible patriot Mr. Shippen,
who declared he was neither ashamed nor afraid to affirm that thirty
years had made no change in any of his political opinions. He said
he was grown old in the house of commons; that time had verified
the predictions he had formerly uttered; and that he had seen his
conjectures ripened into knowledge. “If my country,” added he, “has been
so unfortunate as once more to commit her interest to men who propose to
themselves no advantage from their trust but that of selling it, I may,
perhaps, fall once more under censure for declaring my opinion, and be
once more treated as a criminal for asserting what they who punish me
cannot deny; for maintaining that Hanoverian maxims are inconsistent
with the happiness of this nation; and for preserving the caution so
strongly inculcated by those patriots who framed the Act of Settlement,
and conferred upon the present royal family their title to the throne.”
 He particularized the instances in which the ministry had acted in
diametrical opposition to that necessary constitution; and he insisted
on the necessity of taking some step to remove the apprehensions of the
people, who began to think themselves in danger of being sacrificed to
the security of foreign dominions. Mr. Gibbon, who spoke on the same
side of the question, expatiated upon the absurdity of returning thanks
for the prosecution of a war which had been egregiously mismanaged.
“What!” said he, “are our thanks to be solemnly returned for defeats,
disgrace, and losses, the ruin of our merchants, the imprisonment of
our sailors, idle shows of armaments, and useless expenses?” Sir Robert
Walpole having made a short speech in defence of the first motion for an
address, was answered by Mr. Pulteney, who seemed to be animated with
a double proportion of patriot indignation. He asserted, that from a
review of that minister’s conduct since the beginning of the dispute
with Spain, it would appear that he had been guilty not only of single
errors, but of deliberate treachery; that he had always co-operated with
the enemies of his country, and sacrificed to his private interest the
happiness and honour of the British nation. He then entered into a
detail of that conduct against which he had so often declaimed; and
being transported by an overheated imagination, accused him of personal
attachment and affection to the enemies of the kingdom. A charge that
was doubtless the result of exaggerated animosity, and served only
to invalidate the other articles of imputation that were much better
founded. His objections were overruled; and the address, as at first
proposed, was presented to his majesty.




THE COUNTRY PARTY OBTAIN A MAJORITY IN THE COMMONS.

This small advantage, however, the minister did not consider as a proof
of his having ascertained an undoubted majority in the house of commons.
There was a great number of disputed elections; and the discussion of
these was the point on which the people had turned their eyes, as the
criterion of the minister’s power and credit. In the first which was
heard at the bar of the house, he carried his point by a majority of
six only; and this he looked upon as a defeat rather than a victory. His
enemies exulted in their strength; as they knew they should be joined,
in matters of importance, by several members who voted against them on
this occasion. The inconsiderable majority that appeared on the side of
the administration, plainly proved that the influence of the minister
was greatly diminished, and seemed to prognosticate his further decline.
This consideration induced some individuals to declare against him as a
setting sun, from whose beams they could expect no further warmth. His
adherents began to tremble; and he himself had occasion for all his art
and equanimity. The court interest was not sufficient to support the
election of their own members for Westminster. The high-bailiff had been
guilty of some illegal practices at the poll; and three justices of the
peace had, on pretence of preventing riots, sent for a military force
to overawe the election. A petition presented by the electors of
Westminster was taken into consideration by the house; and the election
was declared void by a majority of four voices. The high-bailiff was
taken into custody; the officer who ordered the soldiers to march, and
the three justices who signed the letter, in consequence of which he
acted, were reprimanded on their knees at the bar of the house.




SIR ROBERT WALPOLE CREATED EARL OF ORFORD.

The country party maintained the advantage they had gained in deciding
upon several other controverted elections; and sir Robert Walpole
tottered on the brink of ruin. He knew that the majority of a single
vote would at any time commit him prisoner to the Tower, should ever
the motion be made; and he saw that his safety could be effected by
no other expedient but that of dividing the opposition. Towards the
accomplishment of this purpose he employed all his credit and dexterity.
His emissaries did not fail to tamper with those members of the opposite
party who were the most likely to be converted by their arguments.
A message was sent by the bishop of Oxford to the prince of Wales,
importing, That if his royal highness would write a letter of
condescension to the king, he and all his counsellors should be taken
into favour; that fifty thousand pounds should be added to his revenue;
four times that sum be disbursed immediately for the payment of his
debts; and suitable provision be made in due time for all his followers.
The prince declined this proposal. He declared that he would accept no
such conditions while sir Robert Walpole continued to direct the public
affairs; that he looked upon him as a bar between his majesty and the
affections of his people; as the author of the national grievances both
at home and abroad; and as the sole cause of that contempt which Great
Britain had incurred in all the courts of Europe. His royal highness was
now chief of this formidable party, revered by the whole nation--a party
which had gained the ascendancy in the house of commons; which professed
to act upon the principles of public virtue; which demanded the fall
of an odious minister, as a sacrifice due to an injured people; and
declared that no temptation could shake their virtue; that no art could
dissolve the cement by which they were united. Sir Robert Walpole,
though repulsed in his attempt upon the prince of Wales, was more
successful in his other endeavours. He resolved to try his strength once
more in the house of commons, in another disputed election; and had
the mortification to see the majority augmented to sixteen voices. He
declared he would never more sit in that house; and next day, which was
the third of February, the king adjourned both houses of parliament to
the eighteenth day of the same month. In this interim sir Robert Walpole
was created earl of Orford, and resigned all his employments.




CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.

At no time of his life did he acquit himself with such prudential policy
as he now displayed. He found means to separate the parts that composed
the opposition, and to transfer the popular odium from himself to those
who had professed themselves his keenest adversaries. The country-party
consisted of the tories, reinforced by discontented whigs, who had
either been disappointed in their own ambitious views, or felt for
the distresses of their country, occasioned by a weak and worthless
administration. The old patriots, and the whigs whom they had joined,
acted upon very different, and, indeed, upon opposite principles
of government; and there-fore they were united only by the ties of
convenience. A coalition was projected between the discontented whigs,
and those of the same denomination who acted in the ministry. Some were
gratified with titles and offices; and all were assured, that in the
management of affairs a new system would be adopted, according to the
plan they themselves should propose. The court required nothing of them,
but that the earl of Orford should escape with impunity. His place
of chancellor of the exchequer was bestowed upon Mr. Sandys, who was
likewise appointed a lord of the treasury; and the earl of Wilmington
succeeded him as first commissioner of that board. Lord Harrington,
being dignified with the title of carl, was declared president of the
council; and in his room lord Carteret became secretary of state. The
duke of Argyle was made master-general of the ordnance, colonel of
his majesty’s royal regiment of horse guards, field-marshal and
commander-in-chief of all the forces in South-Britain; but, finding
himself disappointed in his expectations of the coalition, he, in less
than a month, renounced all these employments. The marquis of Tweedale
was appointed secretary of state for Scotland, a post which had been
long suppressed; Mr. Pulteney was sworn of the privy-council, and
afterwards created earl of Bath. The earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham
was preferred to the head of the admiralty, in the room of sir Charles
Wager; and, after the resignation of the duke of Argyle, the earl of
Stair was appointed field-marshal of all his majesty’s forces, as well
as ambassador-extraordinary to the states-general. On the seventeenth
day of February the prince of Wales, attended by a numerous retinue of
his adherents, waited on his majesty, who received him graciously, and
ordered his guards to be restored. Lord Carteret and Mr. Sandys were
the first who embraced the offers of the court, without the consent
or privity of any other leaders in the opposition, except that of Mr.
Pulteney; but they declared to their friends, they would still proceed
upon patriot principles; that they would concur in promoting an inquiry
into past measures; and in enacting necessary laws to secure the
constitution from the practices of corruption. These professions were
believed, not only by their old coadjutors in the house of commons, but
also by the nation in general. The reconciliation between the king and
the prince of Wales, together with the change in the ministry, were
celebrated with public rejoicings all over the kingdom; and immediately
after the adjournment nothing but concord appeared in the house of
commons.




INQUIRY INTO THE ADMINISTRATION OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.

But this harmony was of short duration. It soon appeared, that those who
had declaimed the loudest for the liberties of their country, had been
actuated solely by the most sordid and even the most ridiculous motives
of self-interest. Jealousy and mutual distrust ensued between them and
their former confederates. The nation complained, that, instead of a
total change of men and measures, they saw the old ministry strengthened
by this coalition; and the same interest in parliament predominating
with redoubled influence. They branded the new converts as apostates and
betrayers of their country; and in the transports of their indignation,
they entirely overlooked the old object of their resentment. That a
nobleman of pliant principles, narrow fortune, and unbounded ambition,
should forsake his party for the blandishments of affluence, power, and
authority, will not appear strange to any person acquainted with the
human heart; but the sensible part of mankind will always reflect with
amazement upon the conduct of a man, who seeing himself idolized by his
fellow-citizens, as the first and firmest patriot in the kingdom, as
one of the most shining ornaments of his country, could give up all his
popularity, and incur the contempt or detestation of mankind, for the
wretched consideration of an empty title, without office, influence,
or the least substantial appendage. One cannot, without an emotion
of grief, contemplate such an instance of infatuation--one cannot but
lament that such glory should have been so weakly forfeited; that
such talents should have been lost to the cause of liberty and virtue.
Doubtless he flattered himself with the hope of one day directing the
councils of his sovereign; but this was never accomplished, and he
remained a solitary monument of blasted ambition. Before the change in
the ministry, Mr. Pulteney moved, that the several papers relating to
the conduct of the war, which had been laid before the house, should
be referred to a select committee, who should examine strictly into
the particulars, and make a report to the house of their remarks and
objections. The motion introduced a debate; but, upon a division, was
rejected by a majority of three voices. Petitions having been presented
by the merchants of London, Bristol, Liverpool, Glasgow, and almost all
the trading towns in the kingdom, complaining of the losses they had
sustained by the bad conduct of the war, the house resolved itself into
a committee to deliberate on these remonstrances. The articles of the
London petition were explained by Mr. Glover, an eminent merchant
of that city. Six days were spent in perusing papers and examining
witnesses; then the same gentleman summed up the evidence, and in a
pathetic speech endeavoured to demonstrate, that the commerce of Great
Britain had been exposed to the insults and rapine of the Spaniards,
not by inattention or accident, but by one uniform and continued design.
This inquiry being resumed after the adjournment, copies of instructions
to admirals and captains of cruising ships were laid before the house:
the commons passed several resolutions, upon which a bill was prepared
for the better protecting and securing the trade and navigation of the
kingdom. It made its way through the lower house; but was thrown out by
the lords. The pension-bill was revived and sent up to the peers, where
it was again rejected, lord Carteret voting against that very measure
which he had so lately endeavoured to promote. On the ninth day of
March, lord Limerick made a motion for appointing a committee to inquire
into the conduct of affairs for the last twenty years; he was seconded
by sir John St. Aubyn, and supported by Mr. Velters Cornwall,
Mr. Phillips, Mr. W. Pitt, and lord Percival, the new member for
Westminster, who had already signalized himself by his eloquence and
capacity. The motion was opposed by sir Charles Wager, Mr. Pelham, and
Mr. Henry Pox, surveyor-general to his majesty’s works, and brother
to lord Ilchester. Though the opposition was faint and frivolous, the
proposal was rejected by a majority of two voices.

{1742}

Lord Limerick, not yet discouraged, made a motion on the twenty-third
day of March, for an inquiry into the conduct of Robert earl of Orford,
for the last ten years of his administration; and, after a sharp debate,
it was carried in the affirmative. The house resolved to choose a secret
committee by ballot; and in the meantime presented an address to the
king, assuring him of their fidelity, zeal, and affection.

Sir Robert Godschall having moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal
the act for septennial parliaments, he was seconded by sir John Barnard;
but warmly opposed by Mr. Pulteney and Mr. Sandys; and the question
passed in the negative. The committee of secrecy being chosen, began to
examine evidence, and Mr. Paxton, solicitor to the treasury, refusing to
answer such questions as were put to him, lord Limerick, chairman of the
committee, complained to the house of his obstinacy. He was first taken
into custody; and still persisting in his refusal, committed to Newgate.
Then his lordship moved, that leave should be given to bring in a
bill for indemnifying evidence against the earl of Orford; and it was
actually prepared by a decision of the majority. In the house of lords
it was vigorously opposed by lord Carteret, and as strenuously supported
by the duke of Argyle; but fell upon a division, by the weight of
superior numbers. Those members in the house of commons who heartily
wished the inquiry might be prosecuted, were extremely incensed at the
fate of this bill. A committee was appointed to search the journals of
the lords for precedents; their report being read, lord Strange, son to
the earl of Derby, moved for a resolution, “That the lords refusing
to concur with the commons of Great Britain, in an indemnification
necessary to the effectual carrying on the inquiry now depending in
parliament, is an obstruction to justice, and may prove fatal to the
liberties of this nation.”--This motion, which was seconded by lord
Quarendon, son of the earl of Lichfield, gave rise to a warm debate;
and Mr. Sandys declaimed against it, as a step that would bring on an
immediate dissolution of the present form of government. It is really
amazing to see with what effrontery some men can shift their maxims, and
openly contradict the whole tenor of their former conduct. Mr. Sandys
did not pass uncensured: he sustained some severe sarcasms on his
apostacy from sir John Hinde Cotton, who refuted all his objections;
nevertheless, the motion passed in the negative. Notwithstanding this
great obstruction, purposely thrown in the way of the inquiry, the
secret committee discovered many flagrant instances of fraud and
corruption in which the earl of Orford had been concerned. It appeared,
that he had granted fraudulent contracts for paying the troops in
the West Indies; that he had employed iniquitous arts to influence
elections; that for secret service, during the last ten years, he had
touched one million four hundred fifty-three thousand four hundred
pounds of public money; that above fifty thousand pounds of this sum had
been paid to authors and printers of newspapers and political tracts,
written in defence of the ministry; that on the very day which preceded
his resignation, he had signed orders on the civil list revenues for
above thirty thousand pounds; but as the cash remaining in the exchequer
did not much exceed fourteen thousand pounds, he had raised the
remaining part of the thirty thousand, by pawning the orders to a
banker. The committee proceeded to make further progress in their
scrutiny, and had almost prepared a third report, when they were
interrupted by the prorogation of parliament.

The ministry finding it was necessary to take some step for conciliating
the affection of the people, gave way to a bill for excluding certain
officers from scats in the house of commons. They passed another for
encouraging the linen manufacture; a third for regulating the trade of
the plantations; and a fourth to prevent the marriage of lunatics.
They voted forty thousand seamen, and sixty-two thousand five hundred
landmen, for the service of the current year. They provided for the
subsidies to Denmark and Hesse-Cassel, and voted five hundred thousand
pounds to the queen of Hungary. The expense of the year amounted to near
six millions, raised by the land-tax at four shillings in the pound, by
the malt-tax, by one million from the sinking-fund, by annuities granted
upon it for eight hundred thousand pounds, and a loan of one million six
hundred thousand pounds from the bank. In the month of July, John lord
Gower was appointed keeper of his majesty’s privy-seal; Allen lord
Bathurst was made captain of the band of pensioners; and on the
fifteenth day of the month, Mr. Pulteney took his seat in the house
of peers as earl of Bath. The king closed the session in the usual
way, after having given them to understand, that a treaty of peace was
concluded between the queen of Hungary and the king of Prussia, under
his mediation; and that the late successes of the Austrian arms were in
a great measure owing to the generous assistance afforded by the British
nation.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE ELECTOR OF BAVARIA CHOSEN EMPEROR.

By this time great changes had happened in the affairs of the continent.
The elector of Bavaria was chosen emperor of Germany at Franckfort on
the Maine, and crowned by the name of Charles VII. on the twelfth day
of February. Thither the imperial diet was removed from Batisbon; they
confirmed his election, and indulged him with a subsidy of fifty Roman
months, amounting to about two hundred thousand pounds sterling. In the
meantime the Austrian general, Khevenhuller, ravaged his electorate, and
made himself master of Munich the capital of Bavaria; he likewise
laid part of the palatinate under contribution, in resentment for that
elector’s having sent a body of his troops to reinforce the Imperial
army. In March, count Saxe, with a detachment of French and Bavarians,
reduced Egra; and the Austrians were obliged to evacuate Bavaria, though
they afterwards returned. Khevenhuller took post in the neighbourhood
of Passau, and detached general Beraclau to Dinglesing on the Iser,
to observe the motions of the enemy, who were now become extremely
formidable. In May, a detachment of French and Bavarians advanced to the
castle of Hilk-Ersberg on the Danube, with a view to take possession of a
bridge over the river; the Austrian garrison immediately marched out to
give them battle, and a severe action ensued, in which the Imperialists
were defeated.




THE KING OF PRUSSIA GAINS THE BATTLE AT CZASLAW.

In the beginning of the year the queen of Hungary had assembled two
considerable armies in Moravia and Bohemia. Prince Charles of Lorraine,
at the head of fifty thousand men, advanced against the Saxons and
Prussians, who thought proper to retire with precipitation from Moravia,
which they had invaded. Then the prince took the route to Bohemia; and
marshal Broglio, who commanded the French forces in that country, must
have fallen a sacrifice, had not the king of Prussia received a strong
reinforcement, and entered that kingdom before his allies could be
attacked. The two armies advanced towards each other; and on the
seventeenth of May joined battle at Czaslaw, where the Austrians at
first gained a manifest advantage, and penetrated as far as the Prussian
baggage; then the irregulars began to plunder so eagerly, that they
neglected every other consideration. The Prussian infantry took this
opportunity to rally; the battle was renewed, and after a very obstinate
contest, the victory was snatched out of the hands of the Austrians, who
were obliged to retire with the loss of five thousand men killed, and
twelve hundred taken by the enemy. The Prussians paid dear for the
honour of remaining on the field of battle; and from the circumstances
of this action, the king is said to have conceived a disgust to the
war. When the Austrians made such progress in the beginning of the
engagement, he rode off with great expedition, until he was recalled by
a message from his general, the count de Schwerin, assuring his majesty
that there was no danger of a defeat. Immediately after this battle, he
discovered an inclination to accommodate all differences with the queen
of Hungary. The earl of Hyndford, ambassador from the court of Great
Britain, who accompanied him in this campaign, and was vested with
full powers by her Hungarian majesty, did not fail to cultivate this
favourable disposition; and on the first day of June, a treaty of peace
between the two powers was concluded at Breslau. The queen ceded to his
Prussian majesty the Upper and Lower Selesia, with the county of Glatz
in Bohemia; and he charged himself with the payment of the sum lent by
the merchants of London to the late emperor, on the Silesian revenues.
He likewise engaged to observe a strict neutrality during the war,
and to withdraw his forces from Bohemia in fifteen, days after the
ratification of the treaty, in which were comprehended the king of
Great Britain elector of Hanover, the czarina, the king of Denmark,
the states-general, the house of Wolfenbuttle, and the king of Poland
elector of Saxony, on certain conditions, which were accepted.

The king of Prussia recalled his troops; while mare-schal Broglio,
who commanded the French auxiliaries in that kingdom, and the count
de Belleisle, abandoned their magazines and baggage, and retired
with precipitation under the cannon of Prague. There they intrenched
themselves in an advantageous situation; and prince Charles being joined
by the other body of Austrians, under prince Lobkowitz, encamped in
sight of them on the hills of Girinsnitz. The grand duke of Tuscany
arrived in the Austrian army, of which he took the command; and the
French generals offered to surrender Prague, Egra, and all the other
places they possessed in Bohemia, provided they might be allowed to
march off with their arms, artillery, and baggage. The proposal was
rejected, and Prague invested on all sides about the end of July. Though
the operations of the siege were carried on in an awkward and slovenly
manner, the place was so effectually blocked up, that famine must
have compelled the French to surrender at discretion, had not very
extraordinary efforts been made for their relief. The emperor had made
advances to the queen of Hungary. He promised that the French forces
should quit Bohemia, and evacuate the empire; and he offered to renounce
all pretensions to the kingdom of Bohemia, on condition that the
Austrians would restore Bavaria; but these conditions were declined by
the court of Vienna. The king of France was no sooner apprized of the
condition to which the generals Broglio and Belleisle were reduced, than
he sent orders to mareshal Maillebois, who commanded his army on the
Bhine, to march to their relief. His troops were immediately put in
motion; and when they reached Amberg in the Upper Palatinate, were
joined by the French and Imperialists from Bavaria. Prince Charles of
Lorraine having received intelligence of their junction and design,
left eighteen thousand men to maintain the blockade of Prague, under
the command of general Festititz, while he himself, with the rest of
his army, advanced to Hay-don on the frontiers of Bohemia. There he was
joined by count Khevenhuller, who from Bavaria had followed the enemy,
now commanded by count Seckendorf, and the count de Saxe. Seckendorf
however was sent back to Bavaria, while mareschal Maillebois entered
Bohemia on the twenty-fifth day of September. But he marched with such
precaution, that prince Charles could not bring him to an engagement.
Meanwhile Festititz, for want of sufficient force, was obliged to
abandon the blockade of Prague; and the French generals being now at
liberty, took post at Leutmaritz. Maillebois advanced as far as Kadan;
but seeing the Austrians possessed of all the passes of the mountains,
he marched back to the palatinate, and was miserably harassed in his
retreat by prince Charles, who had left a strong body with prince
Lobkowitz to watch the motions of Belleisle and Broglio.




EXTRAORDINARY RETREAT OF M. DE BELLEISLE.

These generals seeing themselves surrounded on all hands, returned to
Prague, from whence Broglio made his escape in the habit of a courier,
and was sent to command the army of Maillebois, who was by this time
disgraced. Prince Lobkowitz, who now directed the blockade of Prague,
had so effectually cut off all communication between that place and the
adjacent country, that in a little time the French troops were reduced
to great extremity, both from the severity of the season, and the want
of provisions. They were already reduced to the necessity of eating
horse flesh, and unclean animals; and they had no other prospect but
that of perishing by famine or war, when their commander formed the
scheme of a retreat, which was actually put in execution. Having taken
some artful precautions to deceive the enemy, he, in the middle of
December, departed from Prague at midnight, with about fourteen thousand
men, thirty pieces of artillery, and some of the principal citizens as
hostages for the safety of nine hundred soldiers whom he had left in
garrison. Notwithstanding the difficulties he must have encountered at
that season of the year, in a broken and unfrequented road, which he
purposely chose, he marched with such expedition, that he had gained the
passes of the mountains before he was overtaken by the horse and hussars
of prince Lobkowitz. The fatigue and hardships which the miserable
soldiers underwent are inexpressible. A great number perished in the
snow, and many hundreds, fainting with weariness, cold, and hunger, were
left to the mercy of the Austrian irregulars, consisting of the most
barbarous people on the face of the earth. The count de Belleisle,
though tortured with the hip-gout, behaved with surprising resolution
and activity. He caused himself to be carried on a litter to every
place where he thought his presence was necessary, and made such
dispositions, that the pursuers never could make an impression upon the
body of his troops; but all his artillery, baggage, and even his own
equipage, fell into the hands of the enemy. On the twenty-ninth day of
December, he arrived at Egra, from whence he proceeded to Alsace without
further molestation; but when he returned to Versailles, he met with a
very cold reception, notwithstanding the gallant exploit which he had
performed. After his escape, prince Lobkowitz returned to Prague, and
the small garrison which Belleisle had left in that place surrendered
upon honourable terms; so that this capital reverted to the house of
Austria.




THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN FORMS AN ARMY IN FLANDERS.

The king of Great Britain resolved to make a powerful diversion in
the Netherlands, and in the month of April, ordered sixteen thousand
effective men to be embarked for that country; but as this step was
taken without any previous concert with the states-general, the earl
of Stair, destined to the command of the forces in Flanders, was in the
meantime appointed ambassador-extraordinary and plenipotentiary to their
high mightinesses, in order to persuade them to co-operate vigorously in
the plan which his Britannic majesty had formed; a plan by which Great
Britain was engaged as a principal in a foreign dispute, and entailed
upon herself the whole burden of an expensive war, big with ruin and
disgrace. England, from being the umpire, was now become a party in all
continental quarrels; and, instead of trimming the balance of Europe,
lavished away her blood and treasure in supporting the interest and
allies of a puny electorate in the north of Germany. The king of
Prussia had been at variance with the elector of Hanover. The duchy of
Mecklenburgh was the avowed subject of dispute; but his Prussian majesty
is said to have had other more provoking causes of complaint, which
however he did not think proper to divulge. The king of Great Britain
found it convenient to accommodate these differences. In the course of
this summer the two powers concluded a convention, in consequence of
which the troops of Hanover evacuated Mecklenburgh, and three regiments
of Brandenburgh took possession of those bailiwicks that were mortgaged
to the king of Prussia. The elector of Hanover being now secured from
danger, sixteen thousand troops of that country, together with the six
thousand auxiliary Hessians, began their march for the Netherlands; and
about the middle of October arrived in the neighbourhood of Brussels,
where they encamped. The earl of Stair repaired to Ghent, where the
British forces were quartered: a body of Austrians was assembled; and
though the season was far advanced, he seemed determined upon
some expedition; but all of a sudden the troops were sent into
winter-quarters. The Austrians retired to Luxembourg; the English and
Hessians remained in Flanders; and the Hanoverians marched into the
county of Liege, without paying any regard to the bishop’s protestation.




PROGRESS OF THE WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.

The states-general had made a considerable augmentation of their forces
by sea and land; but, notwithstanding the repeated instances of the earl
of Stair, they resolved to adhere to their neutrality; they dreaded the
neighbourhood of the French; and they were far from being pleased to see
the English get footing in the Netherlands. The friends of the house
of Orange began to exert themselves; the states of Groningen and West
Friesland protested, in favour of the prince, against the promotion
of foreign generals which had lately been made; but his interest was
powerfully opposed by the provinces of Zealand and Holland, which had
the greatest weight in the republic. The revolution in Russia did not
put an end to the war with Sweden. These two powers had agreed to an
armistice of three months, during which the czarina augmented her forces
in Finland.

She likewise ordered the counts Osterman and Munich, with their
adherents, to be tried; they were condemned to death, but pardoned on
the scaffold, and sent in exile to Siberia. The Swedes, still
encouraged by the intrigues of France, refused to listen to any terms
of accommodation, unless Carelia, and the other conquests of the czar
Peter, should be restored. The French court had expected to bring over
the new empress to their measures; but they found her as well disposed
as her predecessor to assist the house of Austria. She remitted a
considerable sum of money to the queen of Hungary; and at the same time
congratulated the elector of Bavaria on his elevation to the Imperial
throne. The ceremony of her coronation was performed in May, with great
solemnity, at Moscow; and in November she declared her nephew, the duke
of Holstein-Gottorp, her successor, by the title of grand prince of all
the Russias. The cessation of arms being expired, general Lasci reduced
Fredericksheim, and obliged the Swedish army, commanded by count
Lewenhaupt, to retire before him, from one place to another, until at
length they were quite surrounded near Helsingsors. In this emergency
the Swedish general submitted to a capitulation, by which his infantry
were transported by sea to Sweden; his cavalry marched by land to Abo;
and his artillery and magazines remained in the hands of the Russians.
The king of Sweden being of an advanced age, the diet assembled in order
to settle the succession; and the duke of Holstein-Gottorp, as grandson
to the eldest sister of Charles XII., was declared next heir to the
crown. A courier was immediately despatched to Moscow, to notify to the
duke this determination of the diet; and this message was followed by a
deputation; but when they understood that he had embraced the religion
of the Greek church, and been acknowledged successor to the throne of
Russia, they annulled his election for Sweden, and resolved that
the succession should not be re-established until a peace should be
concluded with the czarina. Conferences were opened at Abo for this
purpose. In the meantime, the events of war had been so long unfortunate
for Sweden, that it was absolutely necessary to appease the indignation
of the people with some sacrifice. The generals Lewenhaupt and
Bodenbrock were tried by a court-martial for misconduct; being found
guilty and condemned to death, they applied to the diet, by which the
sentence was confirmed. The term of the subsidy-treaty between Great
Britain and Denmark expiring, his Danish majesty refused to renew it;
nor would he accede to the peace of Breslau. On the other hand, he
became subsidiary to France, with which also he concluded a new treaty
of commerce.




THE KING OF SARDINIA DECLARES FOR THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA.

The court of Versailles were now heartily tired of maintaining the war
in Germany, and had actually made equitable proposals of peace to
the queen of Hungary, by whom they were rejected. Thus repulsed, they
redoubled their preparations; and endeavoured, by advantageous offers,
to detach the king of Sardinia from the interest of the house of
Austria. This prince had espoused a sister to the grand duke, who
pressed him to declare for her brother, and the queen of Hungary
promised to gratify him with some territories in the Milanese; besides,
he thought the Spaniards had already gained too much ground in Italy;
but, at the same time, he was afraid of being crushed between France and
Spain, before he could be properly supported. He therefore temporized,
and protracted the negotiation, until he was alarmed at the progress
of the Spanish arms in Italy, and fixed in his determination by the
subsidies of Great Britain. The Spanish army assembled at Rimini
under the duke de Montemar; and being joined by the Neapolitan forces,
amounted to sixty thousand men, furnished with a large train of
artillery. About the beginning of May, they entered the Bolognese; then
the king of Sardinia declaring against them, joined the Austrian
army commanded by count Traun; marched into the duchy of Parma; and
understanding that the duke of Modena had engaged in a treaty with
the Spaniards, dispossessed that prince of his dominions. The duke
de Montemar, seeing his army diminished by sickness and desertion,
retreated to the kingdom of Naples, and was followed by the king of
Sardinia as far-as Rimini.

Here he received intelligence that Don Philip, third son of his
catholic majesty, had made an irruption into Savoy with another army of
Spaniards, and already taken possession of Chamberri, the capital. He
forthwith began his march for Piedmont. Don Philip abandoned Savoy at
his approach, and retreating into Dauphiné, took post under the cannon
of fort Barreaux. The king pursued him thither, and both armies remained
in sight of each other till the month of December, when the marquis de
Minas, an active and enterprising general, arrived from Madrid, and
took upon him the command of the forces under Don Philip. This general’s
first exploit was against the castle of Aspremont, in the neighbourhood
of the Sardinian camp. He attacked it so vigorously, that the garrison
was obliged to capitulate in four-and-forty hours. The loss of this
important post compelled the king to retire into Piedmont, and the
Spaniards marched back into Savoy, where they established their winter
quarters. In the meantime the duke de Montemar, who directed the other
Spanish army, though the duke of Modena was nominal generalissimo,
resigned his command to count Gages, who attempted to penetrate into
Tuscany; but was prevented by the vigilance of count Traun, the Austrian
general. In December he quartered his troops in the Bolognese and
Romagna; while the Austrian s and Piedmontese were distributed in the
Modenese and Parmesan. The pope was passive during the whole campaign;
the Venetians maintained their neutrality, and the king of the two
Sicilies was overawed by the British fleet in the Mediterranean.

The new ministry in England had sent out admiral Matthews to assume
the command of this squadron, which had been for some time conducted by
Lestock, an inferior officer, as Haddock had been obliged to resign his
commission on account of his ill state of health. Matthews was likewise
invested with the character of minister-plenipotentiary to the king
of Sardinia and the states of Italy. Immediately after he had taken
possession of his command, he ordered captain Norris to destroy five
Spanish galleys which had put into the bay of St. Tropez; and this
service was effectually performed. In May he detached commodore Rowley,
with eight sail, to cruise off the harbour of Toulon; and a great number
of merchant ships belonging to the enemy fell into his hands. In August
he sent commodore Martin with another squadron into the bay of Naples,
to bombard that city, unless his Sicilian majesty would immediately
recall his troops, which had joined the Spanish army, and promise to
remain neutral during the continuance of the war. Naples was immediately
filled with consternation; the king subscribed to these conditions; and
the English squadron rejoined the admiral on the road of Hieres, which
he had chosen for his winter station. Before this period he had landed
some men at St. Remo, in the territories of Genoa, and destroyed the
magazines that were erected for the use of the Spanish army. He had
likewise ordered two of his cruisers to attack a Spanish ship of the
line which lay at anchor in the port of Ajaccio, in the island of
Corsica; but the Spanish captain set his men on shore, and blew up his
ship, rather than she should fall into the hands of the English.




OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.

In the course of this year admiral Vernon and general Wentworth made
another effort in the West Indies. They had in January received a
reinforcement from England, and planned a new expedition, in concert
with the governor of Jamaica, who accompanied them in their voyage.
Their design was to disembark the troops at Porto-Bello, and march
across the isthmus of Darien to attack the rich town of Panama. They
sailed from Jamaica on the ninth day of March, and on the twenty-eighth
arrived at Porto-Bello. There they held a council of war, in which it
was resolved, that as the troops were sickly, the rainy season begun,
and several transports not yet arrived, the intended expedition was
become impracticable. In pursuance of this determination, the armament
immediately returned to Jamaica, exhibiting a ridiculous spectacle of
folly and irresolution.*

     * In May, two English frigates, commanded by captain Smith
     and captain Stuart, fell in with three Spanish ships of war,
     near the island of St. Christopher’s. They forthwith
     engaged, and the action continued till night, by the favour
     of which the enemy retired to Porto Rico in a scattered
     condition.--In the month of September, the Tilbury ship of
     war, of sixty guns, was accidentally set on fire, and
     destroyed, off the island of Hispaniola, on which occasion
     one hundred and twenty-seven men perished; the rest were
     saved by captain Hoare of the Defiance, who happened to be
     on the same cruise.

In August, a ship of war was sent from thence, with about three hundred
soldiers, to the small island of Rattan in the bay of Honduras, of which
they took possession. In September, Vernon and Wentworth received orders
to return to England with such troops as remained alive; these did not
amount to a tenth part of the number which had been sent abroad in that
inglorious service. The inferior officers fell ignobly by sickness and
despair, without an opportunity of signalizing their courage, and the
commanders lived to feel the scorn and reproach of their country. In the
month of June the new colony of Georgia was invaded by an armament from
St. Augustine, commanded by Don Marinel de Monteano, governor of that
fortress. It consisted of six-and-thirty ships, from which four thousand
men were landed at St. Simon’s; and began their march for Frederica.
General Oglethorpe, with a handful of men, took such wise precautions
for opposing their progress, and harassed them in their march with such
activity and resolution, that after two of their detachments had
been defeated, they retired to their ships and totally abandoned the
enterprise.

In England the merchants still complained that their commerce was not
properly protected, and the people clamoured against the conduct of the
war. They said, their burdens were increased to maintain quarrels with
which they had no concern; to defray the enormous expense of inactive
fleets and pacific armies. Lord Carteret had by this time insinuated
himself into the confidence of his sovereign, and engrossed the whole
direction of public affairs. The war with Spain was now become a
secondary consideration, and neglected accordingly; while the chief
attention of the new minister was turned upon the affairs of the
continent. The dispute with Spain concerned Britain only. The interests
of Hanover were connected with the troubles of the empire. By pursuing
this object he soothed the wishes of his master, and opened a more ample
field for his own ambition. He had studied the policy of the continent
with peculiar eagerness. This was the favourite subject of his
reflection, upon which he thought and spoke with a degree of enthusiasm.
The intolerable taxes, the poverty, the ruined commerce of his
country, the iniquity of standing armies, votes of credit, and foreign
connexions, upon which he had so often expatiated, were now forgotten or
overlooked. He saw nothing but glory, conquest, or acquired dominion. He
set the power of France at defiance; and as if Great Britain had felt no
distress, but teemed with treasure which she could not otherwise
employ, he poured forth her millions with a rash and desperate hand, in
purchasing beggarly allies, and maintaining mercenary armies. The earl
of Stair had arrived in England towards the end of August, and conferred
with his majesty. A privy-council was summoned; and in a few days that
nobleman returned to Holland. Lord Carteret was sent with a commission
to the Hague in September; and when he returned, the baggage of the king
and the duke of Cumberland, which had been shipped for Flanders, was
ordered to be brought on shore. The parliament met on the sixteenth
day of November, when his majesty told them, that he had augmented the
British forces in the low countries with sixteen thousand Hanoverians
and the Hessian auxiliaries, in order to form such a force, in
conjunction with the Austrian troops, as might be of service to the
common cause at all events. He extolled the magnanimity and fortitude
of the queen of Hungary, as well as the resolute conduct of the king of
Sardinia, and that prince’s strict adherence to his engagements, though
attacked in his own dominions. He mentioned the requisition made by
Sweden, of his good offices for procuring a peace between that nation
and Eussia; the defensive alliances which he had concluded with the
czarina, and with the king of Prussia; as events which could not have
been expected, if Great Britain had not manifested a seasonable spirit
and vigour in defence and assistance of her ancient allies, and in
maintaining the liberties of Europe. He said the honour and interest
of his crown and kingdoms, the success of the war with Spain, the
re-establishment of the balance and tranquillity of Europe, would
greatly depend on the prudence and vigour of their resolution. The
marquis of Tweedale moved for an address of thanks, which was opposed
by the earl of Chesterfield, for the reasons so often urged on the same
occasion; but supported by lord Carteret on his new-adopted maxims, with
those specious arguments which he could at all times produce, delivered
with amazing serenity and assurance. The motion was agreed to, and the
address presented to his majesty. About this period a treaty of mutual
defence and guarantee between his majesty and the king of Prussia, was
signed at Westminster. In the house of commons Mr. Lyttelton made a
motion for reviving the place-bill; but it was opposed by a great number
of members who had formerly been strenuous advocates for this measure,
and rejected upon a division. This was also the fate of a motion made
to renew the inquiry into the conduct of Robert earl of Orford. As many
strong presumptions of guilt had appeared against him in the reports of
the secret committee, the nation had reason to expect that this proposal
would have been embraced by a great majority; but several members, who
in the preceding session had been loud in their demands of justice,
now shamefully contributed their talents and interest in stifling the
inquiry.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




EXTRAORDINARY MOTION IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

When the house of lords took into consideration the several estimates of
the expense occasioned by the forces in the pay of Great Britain, earl
Stanhope, at the close of an elegant speech, moved for an address, to
beseech and advise his majesty, that in compassion to his people, loaded
already with such numerous and heavy taxes, such large and growing
debts, and greater annual expenses than the nation at any time before
had ever sustained, he would exonerate his subjects of the charge and
burden of those mercenaries who were taken into the service last year,
without the advice or consent of parliament. The motion was supported by
the earl of Sandwich, who took occasion to speak with great contempt
of Hanover; and, in mentioning the royal family, seemed to forget that
decorum which the subject required. He had, indeed, reason to talk with
asperity on the contract by which the Hanoverians had been taken into
the pay of Great Britain. Levy-money was charged to the account, though
they were engaged for one year only, and though not a single regiment
had been raised on this occasion; they had been levied for the security
of the electorate; and would have been maintained if England had never
engaged in the affairs of the continent. The duke of Bedford enlarged
upon the same subject. He said it had been suspected, nor was the
suspicion without foundation, that the measures of the English ministry
had long been regulated by the interest of his majesty’s electoral
territories; that these had been long considered as a gulf into which
the treasures of Great Britain had been thrown; that the state of
Hanover had been changed, without any visible cause, since the accession
of its princes to the throne of England; affluence had begun to wanton
in their towns, and gold to glitter in their cottages, without the
discovery of mines, or the increase of their commerce; and new dominions
had been purchased, of which the value was never paid from the revenues
of Hanover. The motion was hunted down by the new ministry, the patriot
lord Bathurst, and the earl of Bath, which last nobleman declared, that
he considered it as an act of cowardice and meanness, to fall passively
down the stream of popularity, to suffer his reason and integrity to be
overborne by the noise of vulgar clamours, which had been raised against
the measures of government by the low arts of exaggeration, fallacious
reasonings, and partial representations. This is the very language
which sir Robert Walpole had often used against Mr. Pulteney and
his confederates in the house of commons. The associates of the new
secretary pleaded the cause of Hanover, and insisted upon the necessity
of a land-war against France, with all the vehemence of declamation.
Their suggestions were answered; their conduct was severely stigmatized
by the earl of Chesterfield, who observed, that the assembling an army
in Flanders, without the concurrence of the states-general, or any other
power engaged by treaty, or bound by interest, to support the queen of
Hungary, was a rash and ridiculous measure; the taking sixteen thousand
Hanoverians into British pay, without consulting the parliament, seemed
highly derogatory to the rights and dignity of the great council of
the nation, and a very dangerous precedent to future times; that these
troops could not be employed against the emperor, whom they had already
recognised; that the arms and wealth of Britain alone were altogether
insufficient to raise the house of Austria to its former strength,
dominion, and influence; that the assembling an army in Flanders would
engage the nation as principals in an expensive and ruinous war, with a
power which it ought not to provoke, and could not pretend to withstand
in that manner; that while Great Britain exhausted herself almost to
ruin, in pursuance of schemes founded on engagements to the queen of
Hungary, the electorate of Hanover, though under the same engagements,
and governed by the same prince, did not appear to contribute any thing
as an ally to her assistance, but was paid by Great Britain for all
the forces it had sent into the field, at a very exorbitant price;
that nothing could be more absurd and iniquitous than to hire these
mercenaries, while a numerous army lay inactive at home, and the nation
groaned under such intolerable burdens. “It may be proper,” added he,
“to repeat what may be forgotten in the multitude of other objects, that
this nation, after having exalted the elector of Hanover from a state
of obscurity to the crown, is condemned to hire the troops of that
electorate to fight their own cause; to hire them at a rate which was
never demanded before; and to pay levy-money for them, though it is
known to all Europe that they were not raised for this occasion.” All
the partisans of the old ministry joined in the opposition to earl
Stanhope’s motion, which was rejected by the majority. Then the earl of
Scarborough moved for an address, to approve of the measures which had
been taken on the continent; and this was likewise carried by dint of
numbers. It was not, however, a very eligible victory; what they gained
in parliament they lost with the people. The new ministers became more
odious than their predecessors; and people began to think that public
virtue was an empty name.

But the most severe opposition they underwent was in their endeavours
to support a bill which they had concerted, and which had passed through
the house of commons with great precipitation; it repealed certain
duties on spirituous liquors, and licenses for retailing these liquors;
and imposed others at an easier rate. When those severe duties,
amounting almost to a prohibition, were imposed, the populace of London
were sunk into the most brutal degeneracy, by drinking to excess the
pernicious spirit called gin, which was sold so cheap that the lowest
class of the people could afford to indulge themselves in one continued
state of intoxication, to the destruction of all morals, industry,
and order. Such a shameful degree of profligacy prevailed, that the
retailers of this poisonous compound set up painted boards in public,
inviting people to be drunk at the small expense of one penny; assuring
them they might be dead drunk for two-pence, and have straw for nothing.
They accordingly provided cellars and places strewed with straw,
to which they conveyed those wretches who were overwhelmed with
intoxication. In these dismal caverns they lay until they recovered
some use of their faculties, and then they had recourse to the same
mischievous potion; thus consuming their health, and ruining their
families, in hideous receptacles of the most filthy vice, resounding
with riot, execration, and blasphemy. Such beastly practices too plainly
denoted a total want of all policy and civil regulations, and would
have reflected disgrace upon the most barbarous community. In order
to restrain this evil, which was become intolerable, the legislature
enacted that law which we have already mentioned. But the populace soon
broke through all restraint. Though no license was obtained, and no duty
paid, the liquor continued to be sold in all corners of the streets,
informers were intimidated by the threats of the people, and the
justices of the peace, either from indolence or corruption, neglected to
put the law in execution. The new ministers foresaw that a great revenue
would accrue to the crown from a repeal of this act; and this measure
they thought they might the more decently take, as the law had
proved ineffectual; for it appeared that the consumption of gin had
considerably increased every year since those heavy duties were imposed.
They therefore pretended, that should the price of the liquor be
moderately raised, and licenses granted at twenty shillings each to the
retailers, the lowest class of people would be debarred the use of it to
excess; their morals would of consequence be mended; and a considerable
sum of money might be raised for the support of the war, by mortgaging
the revenue arising from the duty and the licenses. Upon these maxims
the new bill was founded, and passed through the lower house without
opposition; but among the peers it produced the most obstinate dispute
which had happened since the beginning of this parliament. The first
assault it sustained was from lord Hervey, who had been divested of
his post of privy-seal, which was bestowed on lord Gower, and these two
noblemen exchanged principles from that instant. The first was hardened
into a sturdy patriot, the other suppled into an obsequious courtier.
Lord Hervey, on this occasion, made a florid harangue upon the
pernicious effects of that destructive spirit they were about to let
loose upon their fellow-creatures. Several prelates expatiated on the
same topics; but the earl of Chesterfield attacked the bill with
the united powers of reason, wit, and ridicule. Lord Carteret, lord
Bathurst, and the earl of Bath, were numbered among its advocates; and
shrewd arguments were advanced on both sides of the question. After very
long, warm, and repeated debates, the bill passed without amendments,
though the whole bench of bishops voted against it; and we cannot help
owning, that it has not been attended with those dismal consequences
which the lords in the opposition foretold. When the question was put
for committing this bill, and the earl of Chesterfield saw the bishops
join in his division, “I am in doubt,” said he, “whether I have not
got on the other side of the question; for I have not had the honour to
divide with so many lawn sleeves for several years.”




BILL FOR QUIETING CORPORATIONS.

By the report of the secret committee, it appeared that the then minster
had commenced prosecutions against the mayors of boroughs who
opposed his influence in the election of members of parliament. These
prosecutions were founded on ambiguities in charters, or trivial
informalities in the choice of magistrates. An appeal on such a process
was brought into the house of lords; and this evil falling under
consideration, a bill was prepared for securing the independency
of corporations; but as it tended to diminish the influence of the
ministry, they argued against it with their usual eagerness and success;
and it was rejected on a division. The mutiny bill and several others
passed through both houses. The commons granted supplies to the amount
of six millions, raised by the land-tax, the malt-tax, duties on
spirituous liquors and licenses, and a loan from the sinking fund. In
two years the national debt had suffered an increase of two millions
four hundred thousand pounds.

{1743}

On the twenty-first day of April the session was closed in the usual
manner. The king, in his speech to both houses, told them, that, at
the requisition of the queen of Hungary, he had ordered his army, in
conjunction with the Austrians, to pass the Rhine for her support
and assistance; that he continued one squadron of ships in the
Mediterranean, and another in the West Indies. He thanked the commons
for the ample supplies they had granted; and declared it was the fixed
purpose of his heart to promote the true interest and happiness of his
kingdoms. Immediately after the prorogation of parliament he embarked
for Germany, accompanied by the duke of Cumberland, lord Carteret, and
other persons of distinction.




CONVENTION BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE QUEEN OF HUNGARY.

At this period the queen of Hungary seemed to triumph over all her
enemies. The French were driven out of Bohemia and part of the Upper
Palatinate; and their forces under mareschal Broglio were posted on the
Danube. Prince Charles of Lorraine, at the head of the Austrian
army, entered Bavaria; and in April obtained a victory over a body
of Bavarians at Braunau; at the same time, three bodies of Croatians
penetrating through the passes of the Tyrolese, ravaged the whole
country to the very gates of Munich. The emperor pressed the French
general to hazard a battle; but he refused to run the risk, though he
had received a strong reinforcement from France. His Imperial majesty
thinking himself unsafe in Munich, retired to Augsburgh; mareschal
Seckendorf retreated with the Bavarian troops to Ingoldstadt, where he
was afterwards joined by mareschal Broglio, whose troops had in this
retreat been pursued and terribly harassed by the Austrian cavalry and
hussars. Prince Charles had opened a free communication with Munich,
which now for the third time fell into the hands of the queen of
Hungary. Her arms likewise reduced Friedberg and Landsperg, while prince
Charles continued to pursue the French to Dona-wert, where they were
joined by twelve thousand men from the Bhine. Broglio still avoided
an engagement, and retreated before the enemy to Hailbron. The emperor
being thus abandoned by his allies, and stripped of all his dominions,
repaired to Franckfort, where he lived in indigence and obscurity. He
now made advances towards an accommodation with the queen of Hungary.
His general, Seckendorf, had an interview with count Khevenhuller at the
convent of Lowerscon-field, where a convention was signed. This treaty
imported, that the emperor should remain neuter during the continuance
of the present war, and that his troops should be quartered in
Franconia; that the queen of Hungary should keep possession of Bavaria
till the peace; that Braunau and Scarding should be delivered up to the
Austrians; that the French garrison of Ingoldstadt should be permitted
to withdraw, and be replaced by Bavarians; but that the Austrian
generals should be put in possession of all the artillery, magazines,
and warlike stores belonging to the French, which should be found in the
place. The governors of Egra and Ingoldstadt refusing to acquiesce in
the capitulation, the Austrians had recourse to the operations of
war; and both places were reduced. In Ingoldstadt they found all the
emperor’s domestic treasure, jewels, plate, pictures, cabinets, and
curiosities, with the archives of the house of Bavaria, the most
valuable effects belonging to the nobility of that electorate, a
prodigious train of artillery, and a vast quantity of provisions, arms,
and ammunition.




DIFFERENCE BETWEEN PRUSSIA AND THE ELECTOR OF HANOVER.

The French king, baffled in all the efforts he had hitherto made for the
support of the emperor, ordered his minister at Franckfort to deliver
a declaration to the diet, professing himself extremely well pleased to
hear they intended to interpose their mediation for terminating the war.
He said, he was no less satisfied with the treaty of neutrality which
the emperor had concluded with the queen of Hungary; an event of which
he was no sooner informed, than he had ordered his troops to return
to the frontiers of his dominions, that the Germanic body might be
convinced of his equity and moderation. To this declaration the queen
of Hungary answered in a rescript, that the design of France was to
embarrass her affairs, and deprive her of the assistance of her allies;
that the elector of Bavaria could not be considered as a neutral party
in his own cause; that the mediation of the empire could only produce
a peace either with or without the concurrence of France; that in the
former case no solid peace could be expected; in the latter, it was
easy to foresee, that France would pay no regard to a peace in which she
should have no concern. She affirmed, that the aim of the French king
was solely to gain time to repair his losses, that he might afterwards
revive the troubles of the empire. The elector of Mentz, who had
favoured the emperor, was now dead, and his successor inclined to the
Austrian interest. He allowed this rescript to be entered in the journal
of the diet, together with the protests which had been made when
the vote of Bohemia was suppressed in the late election. The emperor
complained in a circular letter of this transaction, as a stroke
levelled at his imperial dignity; and it gave rise to a warm dispute
among the members of the Germanic body. Several princes resented the
haughty conduct, and began to be alarmed at the success of the house of
Austria; while others pitied the deplorable situation of the emperor.
The kings of Great Britain and Prussia, as electors of Hanover and
Brandenburgh, espoused opposite sides in this contest. His Prussian
majesty protested against the investiture of the duchy of Saxe
Lawenburgh, claimed by the king of Great Britain; he had an interview
with general Seckendorf at Anspach; and was said to have privately
visited the emperor at Franckfort.




THE ENGLISH OBTAIN A VICTORY OVER THE FRENCH.

The troops which the king of Great Britain had assembled in the
Netherlands, began their march for the Rhine in the latter end of
February, and in May they encamped near Hoech on the river Maine, under
the command of the earl of Stair. This nobleman sent major-general Bland
to Franckfort, with a compliment to the emperor, assuring him, in the
name of his Britannic majesty, that the respect owing to his dignity
should not be violated, nor the place of his residence disturbed.
Notwithstanding this assurance, the emperor retired to Munich, though he
was afterwards compelled to return, by the success of the Austrians
in Bavaria. The French king, in order to prevent the junction of the
British forces with prince Charles of Lorraine, ordered the mareschal de
Noailles to assemble sixty thousand men upon the Maine; while Coigny
was sent into Alsace with a numerous army to defend that province, and
oppose prince Charles should he attempt to pass the Rhine. The mareschal
de Noailles, having secured the towns of Spire, Worms, and Oppenheim,
passed the Rhine in the beginning of June, and posted himself on the
east side of that river, above Franckfort. The earl of Stair advanced
towards him, and encamped at Killen-bach, between the river Maine and
the forest of d’Armstadt; from this situation he made a motion to
Aschaffenburgh, with a view to secure the navigation of the Upper
Maine; but he was anticipated by the enemy, who lay on the other side
of the river, and had taken possession of the posts above so as to
intercept all supplies. They were posted on the other side of the river,
opposite to the allies, whose camp they overlooked; and they found
means, by their parties and other precautions, to cut off the
communication by water between Franckfort and the confederates. The
duke of Cumberland had already come to make his first campaign, and his
majesty arrived in the camp on the ninth day of June. He found his
army, amounting to about forty thousand men, in danger of starving;
he received intelligence that a reinforcement of twelve thousand
Hanoverians and Hessians had reached Hanau; and he resolved to march
thither, both with a view to effect the junction, and to procure
provisions for his forces. With this view he decamped on the
twenty-sixth day of June. He had no sooner quitted Aschaffenburgh, than
it was seized by the French general; he had not marched above three
leagues when he perceived the enemy, to the number of thirty thousand,
had passed the river farther down, at Selingenstadt, and were drawn up
in order of battle at the village of Dettingen, to dispute his passage.
Thus he found himself cooped up in a very dangerous situation. The enemy
had possessed themselves of Aschaffenburgh behind, so as to prevent his
retreat; his troops were confined in a narrow plain, bounded by hills
and woods on the right, flanked on the left by the river Maine, on the
opposite side of which the French had erected batteries that annoyed the
allies on their march; in the front a considerable part of the French
army was drawn up, with a narrow pass before them, the village of
Dettingen on their right, a wood on their left, and a morass in the
centre. Thus environed, the confederates must either have fought at a
very great disadvantage, or surrendered themselves prisoners of war, had
not the duke de Gramont, who commanded the enemy, been instigated by the
spirit of madness to forego these advantages. He passed the defile, and
advancing towards the allies, a battle ensued. The French horse charged
with great impetuosity, and some regiments of British cavalry were
put in disorder; but the infantry of the allies behaved with such
intrepidity and deliberation, tinder the eye of their sovereign, as soon
determined the fate of the day; the French were obliged to give way,
and repass the Maine with great precipitation, having lost about five
thousand men, killed, wounded, or taken. Had they been properly pursued,
before they recollected themselves from their first confusion, in all
probability they would have sustained a total overthrow. The earl
of Stair proposed that a body of cavalry should be detached on this
service; but his advice was overruled. The loss of the allies in this
action amounted to two thousand men. The generals Clayton and Monroy
were killed; the duke of Cumberland, who exhibited uncommon proofs of
courage, was shot through the calf of the leg; the earl of Albemarle,
general Huske, and several other officers of distinction, were wounded.
The king exposed his person to a severe fire of cannon as well as
musquetry; he rode between the first and second lines with his sword
drawn, and encouraged the troops to fight for the honour of England.
Immediately after the action he continued his inarch to Hanau, where
he was joined by the reinforcement. The earl of Stair sent a trumpet
to mareschal de Noailles, recommending to his protection the sick and
wounded that were left on the field of battle; and these the French
general treated with great care and tenderness. Such generosity softens
the rigours of war, and does honour to humanity.




TREATY OF WORMS.

The two armies continued on different sides of the river till the
twelfth day of July, when the French general receiving intelligence
that prince Charles of Lorraine had approached the Neckar, he suddenly
retired, and repassed the Rhine between Worms and Oppenheim. The king
of Great Britain was visited by prince Charles and count Khevenhuller
at Hanau, where the future operations of the campaign were regulated.
On the twenty-seventh day of August, the allied army passed the Rhine at
Mentz, and the king fixed his head-quarters in the episcopal palace of
Worms. Here the forces lay encamped till the latter end of September,
when they advanced to Spire, where they were joined by twenty thousand
Dutch auxiliaries from the Netherlands. Mareschal Noailles having
retreated into Upper Alsace, the allies took possession of Germersheim,
and demolished the intrenchments which the enemy had raised on the
Queich; then they returned to Mentz, and in October were distributed
into winter-quarters, after an inactive campaign that redounded very
little to the honour of those by whom the motions of the army were
conducted. In September a treaty had been concluded at Worms between his
Britannic majesty, the king of Sardinia, and the queen of Hungary. She
engaged to maintain thirty thousand men in Italy; the king of Sardinia
obliged himself to employ forty thousand infantry and five thousand
horse, in consideration of his commanding the combined army, and
receiving an annual subsidy of two hundred thousand pounds from Great
Britain. As a further gratification, the queen yielded to him the city
of Placentia, with several districts in the duchy of Pavia, and in
the Nwarese; and all her right and pretensions to Final, at present
possessed by the re public of Genoa, which, they hoped, would give
it up, on being repaid the purchase money, amounting to three hundred
thousand pounds. This sum the king of England promised to disburse;
and moreover to maintain a strong squadron in the Mediterranean, the
commander of which should act in concert with his Sardinian majesty.
Finally, the contracting powers agreed, that Final should be constituted
a free port, like that of Leghorn. Nothing could be more unjust than
this treaty, by which the Genoese were negotiated out of their property.
They had purchased the marquisate of Final of the late emperor for a
valuable consideration, and the purchase had been guaranteed by Great
Britain. It could not, therefore, be expected that they would part
with this acquisition to a prince whose power they thought already too
formidable; especially on condition of its being made a free port,
to the prejudice of their own commerce. They presented remonstrances
against this article, by their ministers at the courts of London,
Vienna, and Turin; and, as very little regard was paid to their
representations, they threw themselves into the arms of France and Spain
for protection.

After the battle of Dettingen, colonel Mentzel, at the head of a large
body of irregulars belonging to the queen of Hungary, made an irruption
into Lorraine, part of which they ravaged without mercy. In September
prince Charles, with the Austrian army, entered the Brisgaw, and
attempted to pass the Rhine; but mareschal Coigny had taken such
precautions for guarding it on the other side, that he was obliged
to abandon his design, and marching back into the Upper Palatinate,
quartered his troops in that country, and in Bavaria. By this time the
earl of Stair had solicited and obtained leave to resign his command.
He had for some time thought himself neglected; and was unwilling that
his reputation should suffer on account of measures in which he had no
concern. In October the king of Great Britain returned to Hanover,
and the army separated. The troops in British pay marched back to
the Netherlands, and the rest took their route to their respective
countries. The states-general still wavered between their own immediate
interest and their desire to support the house of Austria. At length,
however, they supplied her with a subsidy, and ordered twenty thousand
men to march to her assistance, notwithstanding the intrigues of
the marquis de Fenelon, the French ambassador at the Hague, and the
declaration of the king of Prussia, who disapproved of this measure, and
refused them a passage through his territories to the Rhine.




AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH.

Sweden was filled with discontents, and divided into factions. The
generals Bodenbrock and Lewenhaupt were beheaded, having been sacrificed
as scape-goats for the ministry. Some unsuccessful efforts by sea
and land were made against the Russians. At last the peace of Abo was
concluded; and the duke of Holstein-Utin, uncle to the successor of the
Russian throne, was chosen as next heir to the crown of Sweden. A party
had been formed in favour of the prince of Denmark; and the order of the
peasants actually elected him as successor. The debates in the college
of nobles rose to a very dangerous degree of animosity, and were
appeased by an harangue in Swedish verse, which one of the senators
pronounced. The peasants yielded the point, and the succession was
settled on the duke of Holstein. Denmark, instigated by French councils,
began to make preparations of war against Sweden; but a body of Russian
auxiliaries arriving in that kingdom, under the command of general
Keith, and the czarina declaring she would assist the Swedes with her
whole force, the king of Denmark thought proper to disarm. It had been
an old maxim of French policy to embroil the courts of the North, that
they might be too much employed at home to intermeddle in the affairs
of Germany, while France was at war with the house of Austria. The good
understanding between the czarina and the queen of Hungary was at this
period destroyed, in consequence of a conspiracy which had been formed
by some persons of distinction at the court of Petersburgh, for
removing the empress Elizabeth, and recalling the princess Anne to the
administration. This design being discovered, the principal conspirators
were corporally punished, and sent in exile to Siberia. The marquis
de Botta, the Austrian minister who had resided at the court of the
czarina, was suspected of having been concerned in the plot; though the
grounds of this suspicion did not appear until after he was recalled,
and sent as ambassador to the court of Berlin. The empress demanded
satisfaction of the queen of Hungary, who appointed commissioners to
inquire into his conduct, and he was acquitted; but the czarina was not
at all satisfied of his innocence. In February a defensive treaty
of alliance was concluded between the princess and the king of Great
Britain.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BATTLE OF CAMPO-SANTO.

By this time France was deprived of her ablest minister, in the death
of the cardinal de Fleury, who had for many years managed the affairs
of that kingdom. He is said to have possessed a lively genius, and
an insinuating address; to have been regular in his deportment, and
moderate in his disposition; but at the same time he has been branded
as deceitful, dissembling, and vindictive. His scheme of politics was
altogether pacific; he endeavoured to accomplish his purposes by raising
and fomenting intrigues at foreign courts; he did not seem to pay much
regard to the military glory of France; and he too much neglected the
naval power of that kingdom. Since Broglio was driven out of Germany,
the French court affected uncommon moderation. They pretended that their
troops had only acted as auxiliaries while they remained in the empire;
being, however, apprehensive of an irruption into their own dominions,
they declared that those troops were no longer to be considered in that
light, but as subjects acting in the service of France. The campaign in
Italy proved unfavourable to the Spaniards. In the beginning of February
count Gages, who commanded the Spanish army in the Bolognese, amounting
to four-and-twenty thousand men, passed the Penaro, and advanced to
Cam-po-Santo, where he encountered the Imperial and Pied-montese forces,
commanded by the counts Traun and Aspremont. The strength of the two
armies was nearly equal. The action was obstinate and bloody, though
indecisive. The Spaniards lost about four thousand men, killed, wounded,
or taken. The damage sustained by the confederates was not quite so
great. Some cannon and colours were taken on both sides; and each
claimed the victory. Count Gages repassed the Penaro; retreated suddenly
from Bologna; and marched to Rimini in the ecclesiastical state,
where he fortified his camp in an advantageous situation, after having
suffered severely by desertion. Count Traun remained inactive in
the Modenese till September, when he resigned his command to prince
Lobkowitz. This general entered the Bolognese in October, and then
advanced towards count Gages, who, with his forces, now induced to seven
thousand, retreated to Fano; but afterwards took possession of Pesaro,
and fortified all the passes of the river Froglia. The season was far
advanced before the Spanish troops, commanded by don Philip in Savoy,
entered upon action. In all probability, the courts of Versailles and
Madrid carried on some private negotiation with the king of Sardinia.
This expedient failing, don Philip decamped from Chamberri in the latter
end of August, and defiling through Dauphiné towards Briancon, was
joined by the prince of Conti, at the head of twenty thousand French
auxiliaries. Thus reinforced, he attacked the Piedmontese lines at
Chateau Dauphine; but was repulsed in several attempts, and obliged
to retreat with considerable loss. The French established their winter
quarters in Dauphiné and Provence; and the Spaniards maintained their
footing in Savoy.




TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRITISH FLEET.

The British fleet, commanded by admiral Matthews, overawed all the
states that bordered on the Mediterranean. This officer, about the end
of June, tinder-standing that fourteen xebecks, laden with artillery and
ammunition for the Spanish army, had arrived at Genoa, sailed thither
from the road of Hieres, and demanded of the republic that they would
either oblige these vessels with the stores to quit their harbour, or
sequester their lading until a general peace should be established.
After some dispute, it was agreed that the cannon and stores should be
deposited in the castle of Bonifacio, situated on a rock at the south
end of Corsica; and that the xebecks should have leave to retire without
molestation. The Corsicans had some years before revolted, and shaken
off the dominion of the Genoese, under which their island had remained
for many centuries. They found themselves oppressed, and resolved to
assert their freedom. They conferred the sovereign authority on a German
adventurer, who was solemnly proclaimed by the name of king Theodore.
He had supplied them with some arms and ammunition, which he had brought
from Tunis; and amused them with promises of being assisted by foreign
powers in retrieving their independency; but as these promises were not
performed, they treated him so roughly, that he had thought proper to
quit the island, and they submitted again to their old masters. The
troubles of Corsica were now revived. Theodore revisited his kingdom,
and was recognised by the principal chiefs of the island. He published
a manifesto; he granted a general pardon to all his subjects who should
return to their obedience; he pretended to be countenanced and supported
by the king of Great Britain and the queen of Hungary. He was certainly
thought a proper instrument to perplex and harass the Genoese, and
supplied at this juncture with a sum of money to purchase arms for the
Corsicans; but a change soon happened in the British ministry, and
then he was suffered to relapse into his original obscurity. Admiral
Matthews, though he did not undertake any expedition of importance
against the maritime towns of Spain, continued to assert the British
empire at sea through the whole extent of the Mediterranean. The Spanish
army under don Philip was no sooner in motion, than the English admiral
ordered some troops and cannon to be disembarked for the security of
Villa-Franca. Some stores having been landed at Civita-Vecchia, for the
use of the Spanish forces under count Gages, Matthews interpreted
this transaction into a violation of the neutrality which the pope had
professed, and sent thither a squadron to bombard the place. The city
of Eome was filled with consternation; and the pope had recourse to
the good offices of his Sardinian majesty, in consequence of which
the English squadron was ordered to withdraw. The captains of single
cruising ships, by their activity and vigilance, wholly interrupted the
commerce of Spain; cannonaded and burned some towns on the seaside, and
kept the whole coast in continual alarm. [283] _[See note 2 N, at the
end of this Vol.]_




FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS UPON THE SPANISH SETTLEMENTS.

In the West Indies some unsuccessful efforts were made by an English
squadron, commanded by commodore Knowles. He attacked La Gueir on the
coast of Carraccas, in the month of February; but met with such a warm
reception, that he was obliged to desist, and make the best of his
way for the Dutch island Curacoa, where he repaired the damage he had
sustained. His ships being refitted, he made another attempt upon Porte
Cavallo in April, which like the former miscarried. Twelve hundred
marines being landed in the neighbourhood of the place, were seized
with such a panic, that it was found necessary to re-embark them without
delay. Then the commodore abandoned the enterprise and sailed back to
his station at the Leeward Islands, without having added much to his
reputation, either as to conduct or resolution. On the continent of
America the operations of the war were very inconsiderable. General
Oglethorpe having received intelligence that the Spaniards prepared for
another invasion from St. Augustine, assembled a body of Indians, as
a reinforcement to part of his own regiment, with the highlanders and
rangers, and in the spring began his march, in order to anticipate the
enemy. He encamped for some time in the neighbourhood of St. Augustine,
by way of a defiance; but they did not think proper to hazard an
engagement; and as he was in no condition to undertake a siege, he
returned to Georgia. In October the princess Louisa, youngest daughter
of his Britannic majesty, was married by proxy, at Hanover, to the
prince-royal of Denmark, who met her at Altona, and conducted her to
Copenhagen.




CHAPTER V.

     _Debate in Parliament against the Hanoverian Troops.....
     Supplies granted..... Projected Invasion of Great
     Britain..... A French Squadron sails up the English
     Channel..... The Kingdom is put in a Posture of Defence.....
     The Design of the French defeated..... War between France
     and England..... Dill against those who should correspond
     with the Sons of the Pretender..... Naval Engagement off
     Toulon..... Advances towards Peace made by the Emperor.....
     Treaty of Franckfort..... Progress of the French King in the
     Netherlands..... Prince Charles of Lorraine passes the
     Rhine..... The King of Prussia makes an Irruption into
     Bohemia..... Campaign in Bavaria and Flanders..... The King
     of Naples joins Count Gages in Italy-Battle of Coni.....
     Return of Commodore Anson..... Sir John Balchen perishes at
     Sea...... Revolution in the British Ministry..... Session of
     Parliament..... Death of the Emperor Charles VII......
     Accommodation between the Queen of Hungary and the young
     Elector of Bavaria..... The King of Prussia gains two
     successive Battles at Friedberg and Sohr over the Austrian
     and Saxon Forces..... Treaty of Dresden..... The Grand Duke
     of Tuscany elected Emperor of Germany..... The Allies are
     defeated at Fontenoy..... The King of Sardinia is almost
     stripped of his Dominions..... The English Forces take Cape
     Breton..... The Importance of this Conquest..... Project of
     an Insurrection in Great Britain..... The eldest Son of the
     Chevalier de St. George lands in Scotland..... Takes
     Possession of Edinburgh..... Defeats Sir John Cope at
     Preston-Pans..... Efforts of the Friends of Government in
     Scotland..... Precautions taken in England..... The Prince
     Pretender reduces Carlisle, and penetrates as far as
     Derby..... Consternation of the Londoners..... The Rebels
     retreat into Scotland..... They invest the Castle of
     Stirling..... The King’s Troops under Hawley are worsted at
     Falkirk..... The Duke of Cumberland assumes the Command of
     the Forces in Scotland..... The Rebels undertake the Siege
     of Fort-William_

The discontents of England were artfully inflamed by anti-ministerial
writers, who not only exaggerated the burdens of the people, and drew
frightful pictures of the distress and misery which, they said,
impended over the nation, but also employed the arts of calumny and
misrepresentation, to excite a jealousy and national quarrel between
the English and Hanoverians. They affirmed that in the last campaign the
British general had been neglected and despised; while the councils
of foreign officers, greatly inferior to him in capacity, quality, and
reputation, had been followed, to the prejudice of the common cause;
that the British troops sustained daily insults from their own
mercenaries, who were indulged with particular marks of royal favour;
that the sovereign himself appeared at Dettingen in a Hanoverian
scarf; and that his electoral troops were of very little service in that
engagement. Though the most material of these assertions were certainly
false, they made a strong impression on the minds of the people, already
irritated by the enormous expense of a continental war maintained for
the interest of Germany. When the parliament met in the beginning
of December, a motion was made in the house of peers by the earl of
Sandwich, for an address, beseeching his majesty to discontinue the
Hanoverian troops in British pay, in order to remove the popular
discontent, and stop the murmurs of the English troops abroad. He was
supported by the duke of Bedford, the earl of Chesterfield, and all the
leaders in the opposition, who did not fail to enumerate and insist upon
all the circumstances we have mentioned. They moreover observed, that
better troops might be hired at a smaller expense; that it would be a
vain and endless task to exhaust the national treasure in enriching a
hungry and barren electorate; that the popular dissatisfaction against
these mercenaries was so general, and raised to such violence, as
nothing but their dismission could appease; that if such hirelings
should be thus continued from year to year, they might at last become
a burden entailed upon the nation, and be made subservient, under some
ambitious prince, to purposes destructive of British liberty. These were
the suggestions of spleen and animosity: for, granting the necessity of
a land war, the Hanoverians were the most natural allies and auxiliaries
which Great Britain could engage and employ. How insolent soever some
few individual generals of that electorate might have been in their
private deportment, certain it is their troops behaved with great
sobriety, discipline, and decorum; and in the day of battle did their
duty with as much courage and alacrity as any body of men ever displayed
on the like occasion. The motion was rejected by the majority; but, when
the term for keeping them in the British pay was nearly expired, and the
estimates for their being continued the ensuing year were laid before
the house, the earl of Sandwich renewed his motion. The lord-chancellor,
as speaker of the house, interposing, declared that by their rules a
question once rejected could not be revived during the same session.
A debate ensued, and the second motion was over-ruled. The Hanoverian
troops were voted in the house of commons; nevertheless, the same
nobleman moved in the tipper house, that the continuing sixteen thousand
Hanoverians in British pay was prejudicial to his majesty’s true
interest, useless to the common cause, and dangerous to the welfare and
tranquillity of the nation. He was seconded by the duke of Marlborough,
who had resigned his commission in disgust; and the proposal gave
birth to another warm dispute: but victory declared, as usual, for the
ministry.

In the house of commons they sustained divers attacks. A motion was
made for laying a duty of eight shillings in the pound on all places
and pensions. Mr. Grenville moved for an address, to beseech his majesty
that he would not engage the British nation any further in the war on
the continent, without the concurrence of the states-general on certain
stipulated proportions of force and expense, as in the late war. These
proposals begat vigorous debates, in which the country party were always
foiled by dint of superior number. Such was the credit and influence
of the ministry in parliament, that although the national debt was
increased by above six millions since the commencement of the war,
the commons indulged them with an enormous sum for the expense of the
ensuing year. The grants specified in the votes amounted to six millions
and a half; to this sum were added three millions and a half paid to the
sinking fund in perpetual taxes; so that this year’s expense rose to ten
millions. The funds established for the annual charge were the land and
malt taxes; one million paid by the East India company for the renewal
of their charter, twelve hundred thousand pounds by annuities, one
million from the sinking fund, six-and-thirty thousand pounds from the
coinage, and six hundred thousand pounds by a lottery--an expedient
which for some time had been annually repeated; and which, in a great
measure, contributed to debauch the morals of the public, by introducing
a spirit of gaming, destructive of all industry and virtue.




PROJECTED INVASION OF GREAT BRITAIN.

The dissensions of the British parliament were suddenly suspended by an
event that seemed to unite both parties in the prosecution of the same
measures. This was the intelligence of an intended invasion. By
the parliamentary disputes, the loud clamours, and the general
dissatisfaction of the people in Great Britain, the French ministry
were persuaded that the nation was ripe for a revolt. This belief was
corroborated by the assertions of their emissaries in different parts
of Great Britain and Ireland. These were papists and Jacobites of strong
prejudices and warm imaginations, who saw things through the medium
of passion and party, and spoke rather from extravagant zeal than from
sober conviction. They gave the court of Versailles to understand, that
if the chevalier de St. George, or his eldest son Charles Edward, should
appear at the head of a French army in Great Britain, a revolution
would instantly follow in his favour. This intimation was agreeable to
cardinal de Tencin, who, since the death of Fleury, had borne a share in
the administration of France. He was of a violent enterprising temper.
He had been recommended to the purple by the chevalier de St. George,
and was seemingly attached to the Stuart family. His ambition was
flattered with the prospect of giving a king to Great Britain; of
performing such eminent service to his benefactor, and of restoring to
the throne of their ancestors a family connected by the ties of blood
with all the greatest princes of Europe. The ministry of France foresaw,
that even if this aim should miscarry, a descent upon Great Britain
would make a considerable diversion from the continent in favour of
France, and embroil and embarrass his Britannic majesty, who was the
chief support of the house of Austria, and all its allies. Actuated by
these motives, he concerted measures with the chevalier de St. George at
Rome, who being too much advanced in years to engage personally in such
an expedition, agreed to delegate his pretensions and authority to his
son Charles, a youth of promising talents, sage, secret, brave, and
enterprising, amiable in his person, grave, and even reserved in his
deportment. He approved himself in the sequel composed and moderate in
success, wonderfully firm in adversity; and though tenderly nursed in
all the delights of an effeminate country, and gentle climate, patient
almost beyond belief of cold, hunger, and fatigue. Such was the
adventurer now destined to fill the hope which the French ministry had
conceived, from the projected invasion of Great Britain.




A FRENCH SQUADRON SAILS UP THE ENGLISH CHANNEL.

Count Saxe was appointed by the French king commander of the troops
designed for this expedition, which amounted to fifteen thousand men.
They began their march to Picardy, and a great number of vessels was
assembled for their embarkation at Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne. It was
determined that they should be landed in Kent, under convoy of a strong
squadron equipped at Brest, and commanded by monsieur de Roquefeuille,
an officer of experience and capacity. The chevalier de St. George is
said to have required the personal service of the duke of Ormond, who
excused himself on account of his advanced age; be that as it will,
prince Charles departed from Rome about the end of December, in the
disguise of a Spanish courier, attended by one servant only, and
furnished with passports by cardinal Aquaviva. He travelled through
Tuscany to Genoa, from whence he proceeded to Savona, where he embarked
for Antibes, and prosecuting his journey to Paris, was indulged with a
private audience of the French king; then he set out incognito for the
coast of Picardy. The British ministry being apprized of his arrival in
France, at once comprehended the destination of the armaments prepared
at Brest and Boulogne. Mr. Thompson, the English resident at Paris,
received orders to make a remonstrance to the French ministry, on the
violation of those treaties by which the pretender to the crown of Great
Britain was excluded from the territories of France. But he was given to
understand, that his most christian, majesty would not explain
himself on that subject, until the king of England should have given
satisfaction on the repeated complaints which had been made to him,
touching the infractions of those very treaties which had been so often
violated by his orders. In the month of January, M. de Roquefeuille
sailed from Brest, directing his course up the English channel, with
twenty ships of war. They were immediately discovered by an English
cruiser, which ran into Plymouth; and the intelligence was conveyed by
land to the board of admiralty. Sir John Norris was forthwith ordered to
take the command of the squadron at Spithead, with which he sailed
round to the Downs, where he was joined by some ships of the line
from Chatham, and then he found himself at the head of a squadron
considerably stronger than that of the enemy.




The KINGDOM PUT IN A STATE OF DEFENCE.

Several regiments marched to the southern coast of England; all
governors and commanders were ordered to repair immediately to their
respective posts; the forts at the mouths of the Thames and Medway were
put in a posture of defence; and directions were issued to assemble
the Kentish militia, to defend the coast in case of an invasion. On the
fifteenth day of February, the king sent a message to both houses of
parliament, intimating the arrival of the pretender’s son in France,
the preparations at Dunkirk, and the appearance of a French fleet in the
English channel. They joined in an address, declaring their indignation
and abhorrence of the design formed in favour of a popish pretender;
and assuring his majesty, that they would, with the warmest zeal and
unanimity, take such measures as would enable him to frustrate and
defeat so desperate and insolent an attempt. Addresses of the same kind
were presented by the city of London, both universities, the principal
towns of Great Britain, the clergy, the dissenting ministers, the
quakers, and almost all the corporations and communities of the kingdom.
A requisition was made of the six thousand auxiliaries, which the
states-general were by treaty obliged to furnish on such occasions;
and these were granted with great alacrity and expedition. The earl
of Stair, forgetting his wrongs, took this opportunity of offering his
services to government, and was re-invested with the chief command
of the forces in Great Britain. His example was followed by several
noblemen of the first rank. The duke of Montague was permitted to raise
a regiment of horse; and orders were sent to bring over six thousand of
the British troops from Flanders, in case the invasion should actually
take place. His majesty was, in another address from parliament,
exhorted to augment his forces by sea and land; the _habeas corpus_ act
was suspended for six months, and several persons of distinction were
apprehended on suspicion of treasonable practices; a proclamation was
issued for putting the laws in execution against papists and nonjurors,
who were commanded to retire ten miles from London; and every precaution
was taken which seemed necessary for the preservation of the public
tranquillity.




THE DESIGN OF THE FRENCH DEFEATED.

Meanwhile the French court proceeded with their preparations at Boulogne
and Dunkirk, under the eye of the young pretender; and seven thousand
men were actually embarked. M. de Roquefeuille sailed up the channel
as far as Dungeness, a promontory on the coast of Kent, after having
detached M. de Barreil, with five ships to hasten the embarkation at
Dunkirk. While the French admiral anchored off Dungeness, he perceived,
on the twenty-fourth day of February, the British fleet, under sir John
Norris, doubling the South-Foreland from the Downs; and though the
wind was against him, taking the opportunity of the tide to come up and
engage the French squadron. Roquefeuille, who little expected such
a visit, could not be altogether composed, considering the great
superiority of his enemies; but the tide failing, the English admiral
was obliged to anchor two leagues short of the enemy. In this interval,
M. de Roquefeuille called a council of war, in which it was determined
to avoid an engagement, weigh anchor at sun-set, and make the best of
their way to the place from whence they had sot sail. This resolution
was favoured by a very hard gale of wind, which began to blow from
the north-east, and carried them down the channel with incredible
expedition. But the same storm which, in all probability, saved their
fleet from destruction, utterly disconcerted the design of invading
England. A great number of their transports was driven ashore and
destroyed, and the rest were so damaged that they could not be speedily
repaired. The English were now masters at sea, and their coast was
so well guarded, that the enterprise could not be prosecuted with any
probability of success. The French generals nominated to serve in this
expedition returned to Paris, and the young pretender resolved to wait
a more favourable opportunity. In the meantime he remained in Paris, or
that neighbourhood, incognito, and almost totally neglected by the court
of France. Finding himself in this disagreeable situation, and being
visited by John Murray of Broughton, who magnified the power of his
friends in Great Britain, he resolved to make some bold effort, even
without the assistance of Louis, in whose sincerity he had no faith, and
forthwith took proper measures to obtain exact information touching the
number, inclinations, and influence of his father’s adherents in England
and Scotland. The French king no longer preserved any measures with the
court of London; the British resident at Paris was given to understand,
that a declaration of war must ensue; and this was actually published
on the twentieth day of March. The king of Great Britain was taxed with
having dissuaded the court of Vienna from entertaining any thoughts of
an accommodation; with having infringed the convention of Hanover; with
having exercised piracy upon the subjects of France, and with having
blocked up the harbour of Toulon. On the thirty-first day of March, a
like denunciation of war against France was published at London amidst
the acclamations of the people.

{1744}




BILL AGAINST THOSE WHO SHOULD CORRESPOND WITH THE PRETENDER’S SONS.

The commons of England, in order to evince their loyalty, brought in a
bill, denouncing the penalties of high treason against those who should
maintain correspondence with the sons of the pretender. In the upper
house, lord Hardwicke, the chancellor, moved, that a clause should
be inserted, extending the crime of treason to the posterity of the
offenders, during the lives of the pretender’s sons. The motion, which
was supported by the whole strength of the ministry, produced a warm
debate, in which the duke of Bedford, the earl of Chesterfield, the
lords Talbot and Horvey, argued against it in the most pathetic manner,
as an illiberal expedient, contrary to the dictates of humanity, the law
of nature, the rules of common justice, and the precepts of religion; an
expedient that would involve the innocent with the guilty, and tend
to the augmentation of ministerial power, for which purpose it was
undoubtedly calculated. Notwithstanding these suggestions, the clause
was carried in the affirmative, and the bill sent back to the commons,
where the amendment was vigorously opposed by lord Strange, lord
Guernsey, Mr. W. Pitt, and other members, by whom the original bill had
been countenanced; * the majority, however, declared for the amendment,
and the bill obtained the royal assent. The session of parliament was
closed in May, when the king told them that the French had made vast
preparations on the side of the Netherlands; and that the states-general
had agreed to furnish the succours stipulated by treaties.

     * The opposition had sustained a heavy blow in the death of
     the duke of Argyle, a nobleman of shining qualifications for
     the senate and the field, whose character would have been
     still more illustrious, had not some parts of his conduct
     subjected him to the suspicion of selfishness and
     inconstancy. He was succeeded in that title by his brother,
     Archibald earl of Hay.




NAVAL ENGAGEMENT OFF TOULON.

By this time an action had happened in the Mediterranean, between the
British fleet commanded by admiral Matthews, and the combined squadrons
of France and Spain, which had been for some time blocked up in the
harbour of Toulon. On the ninth day of February they were perceived
standing out of the road, to the number of four-and-thirty sail;
the English admiral immediately weighed from Hieres bay; and on the
eleventh, part of the fleets engaged. Matthews attacked the Spanish
admiral, Don Navarro, whose ship, the Real, was a first rate, mounted
with above an hundred guns. Rear-admiral Rowley singled out M. de Court,
who commanded the French squadron; and a very few captains followed the
example of their commanders; but vice-admiral Lestock, with his whole
division, remained at a great distance astern; and several captains, who
were immediately under the eye of Matthews, behaved in such a manner
as reflected disgrace upon their country. The whole transaction was
conducted without order or deliberation. The French and Spaniards
would have willingly avoided an engagement, as the British squadron was
superior to them in strength and number. M. de Court, therefore, made
the best of his way towards the Straits’ mouth, probably with intention
to join the Brest squadron; but he had orders to protect the Spanish
fleet; and as they sailed heavily, he was obliged to wait for them, at
the hazard of maintaining a battle with the English. Thus circumstanced,
he made sail and lay-to by turns; so that the British admiral could not
engage them in proper order; and as they outsailed his ships, he began
to fear they would escape him altogether should he wait for vice-admiral
Lestock, who was so far astern. Under this apprehension he made the
signal for engaging, while that for the line of battle was still
displayed; and this inconsistency naturally introduced confusion. The
fight was maintained with great vivacity by the few who engaged. The
Real being quite disabled, and lying like a wreck upon the water, Mr.
Matthews sent a fire-ship to destroy her; but the expedient did not take
effect. The ship ordered to cover this machine did not obey the signal;
so that the captain of the fire-ship was exposed to the whole fire
of the enemy. Nevertheless he continued to advance until he found the
vessel sinking; and being within a few yards of the Real, he set fire to
the fusees. The ship was immediately in flames, in the midst of which
he and his lieutenant, with twelve men, perished. This was likewise the
fate of the Spanish launch, which had been manned with fifty sailors to
prevent the fire-ship from running on board the Real. One ship of the
line belonging to the Spanish squadron, struck to captain Hawke, who
sent a lieutenant to take possession of her; she was afterwards retaken
by the French squadron; but was found so disabled that they left her
deserted, and she was next day burned by order of admiral Matthews.
At night the action ceased; and the admiral found his own ship so much
damaged, that he moved his flag into another. Captain Cornwall fell in
the engagement, after having exhibited a remarkable proof of courage and
intrepidity; but the loss of men was very inconsiderable. Next day the
enemy appeared to leeward, and the admiral gave chase till night, when
he brought to, that he might be joined by the ships astern. They were
perceived again on the thirteenth at a considerable distance, and
pursued till the evening. In the morning of the fourteenth, twenty sail
of them were seen distinctly, and Lestock with his division had gained
ground of them considerably by noon; but admiral Matthews displayed the
signal for leaving off chase, and bore away for Port Mahon, to repair
the damage he had sustained. Meanwhile the combined squadrons continued
their course towards the coast of Spain. M. de Court, with his division,
anchored in the road of Alicant; and Don Navarro sailed into the harbour
of Carthagena. Admiral Matthews, on his arrival at Minorca, accused
Lestock of having misbehaved on the day of action; suspended him from
his office, and sent him prisoner to England, where, in his turn, he
accused his accuser. Long before the engagement, these two officers had
expressed the most virulent resentment against each other. Matthews was
brave, open, and undisguised; but proud, imperious, and precipitate.
Lestock had signalized his courage on many occasions, and perfectly
understood the whole discipline of the navy; but he was cool, cunning,
and vindictive. He had been treated superciliously by Matthews, and in
revenge took advantage of his errors and precipitation. To gratify this
passion, he betrayed the interest and glory of his country; for it is
not to be doubted, but that he might have come up in time to engage;
and, in that case, the fleets of France and Spain would, in all
likelihood, have been destroyed; but he intrenched himself within the
punctilios of discipline, and saw with pleasure his antagonist expose
himself to the hazard of death, ruin, and disgrace. Matthews himself,
in the sequel, sacrificed his duty to his resentment, in restraining
Lestock from pursuing and attacking the combined squadrons on the third
day after the engagement, when they appeared disabled and in manifest
disorder, and would have fallen an easy prey had they been vigorously
attacked. One can hardly, without indignation, reflect upon these
instances in which a community has so severely suffered from the
personal animosity of individuals. The miscarriage off Toulon became
the subject of a parliamentary inquiry in England. The commons, in an
address to the throne, desired that a court-martial might be appointed
to try the delinquents. By this time Lestock had accused Matthews, and
all the captains of his division who misbehaved on the day of battle.
The court-martial was constituted, and proceeded to trial. Several
commanders of ships were cashiered; vice-admiral Lestock was honourably
acquitted, and admiral Matthews rendered incapable of serving for the
future in his majesty’s navy. All the world knew that Lestock kept
aloof, and that Matthews rushed into the hottest part of the engagement.
Yet the former triumphed on his trial, and the latter narrowly escaped
the sentence of death for cowardice and misconduct. Such decisions are
not to be accounted for, except from prejudice and faction. The war in
Germany, which had been almost extinguished in the last campaign, began
to revive, and raged with redoubled violence. The emperor had solicited
the mediation of his Britannic majesty, for compromising the differences
between him and the court of Vienna. Prince William of Hesse-Cassel had
conferred with the king of England on this subject; and a negotiation
was begun at Hanau. The emperor offered to dismiss the French
auxiliaries, provided the Austrians would evacuate his hereditary
dominions. Nay, prince William and lord Carteret, as plenipotentiaries,
actually agreed to preliminaries, by which his Imperial majesty engaged
to renounce the alliance of France, and throw himself into the arms of
the maritime powers; to resign all pretensions to the succession of the
house of Austria; and to revive the vote of Bohemia in the electoral
college, on condition of his being re-established in the possession
of his dominions, recognised as emperor by the queen of Hungary, and
accommodated with a monthly subsidy for his maintenance, as his own
territories were exhausted and impoverished by the war. By a separate
article, the king of Great Britain promised to furnish him with three
hundred thousand crowns, and to interpose his good offices with the
queen of Hungary, that his electoral dominions should be favourably
treated. These preliminaries, though settled, were not signed. The court
of Vienna was unwilling to part with their conquests in Bavaria and
the Upper Palatinate. The queen trusted too much to the valour of
her troops, and the wealth of her allies, to listen to such terms of
accommodation; and whatever arguments were used with the king of Great
Britain, certain it is the negotiation was dropped, on pretence that
the articles were disapproved by the ministry of England. The emperor,
environed with distress, renewed his application to the king of Great
Britain; and even declared that he would refer his cause to the
determination of the maritime powers; but all his advances were
discountenanced; and the treaty of Worms dispelled all hope of
accommodation. In this manner did the British ministry reject the
fairest opportunity that could possibly occur of terminating the war
in Germany with honour and advantage, and of freeing their country from
that insufferable burden of expense under which she groaned.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




TREATY OF FRANCKFORT.

The inflexibility of the house of Austria, and its chief ally, proved
serviceable to the emperor. The forlorn situation of this unfortunate
prince excited the compassion of divers princes; they resented the
insolence with which the head of the empire had been treated by the
court of Vienna; and they were alarmed at the increasing power of a
family noted for pride, tyranny, and ambition. These considerations gave
rise to the treaty of Franckfort, concluded in May between the emperor,
the king of Prussia, the king of Sweden as landgrave of Hesse-Cassel,
and the elector palatine. They engaged to preserve the constitution of
the empire, according to the treaty of Westphalia, and to support
the emperor in his rank and dignity. They agreed to employ their
good offices with the queen of Hungary, that she might be induced to
acknowledge the emperor, to restore his hereditary dominions, and
give up the archives of the empire that were in her possession. They
guaranteed to each other their respective territories; the disputes
about the succession of the late emperor they referred to the decision
of the states of the empire; they promised to assist one another in case
of being attacked; and they invited the king of Poland, the elector of
Cologn, and the bishop of Liege, to accede to this treaty. Such was the
confederacy that broke all the measures which had been concerted between
the king of Great Britain and her Hungarian majesty, for the operations
of the campaign. In the meantime, the French king declared war against
this princess, on pretence that she was obstinately deaf to all terms of
accommodation, and determined to carry the war into the territories
of France. In her counter-declaration, she taxed Louis with having
infringed the most solemn engagement, with respect to the pragmatic
sanction; with having spirited up different pretenders to lay claim to
the succession of the late emperor; with having endeavoured to instigate
the common enemy of Christendom against her; and with having acted the
incendiary in the north of Europe, that the czarina might be prevented
from assisting the house of Austria, while his numerous armies
overspread the empire and desolated her hereditary countries. These
recriminations were literally true. The houses of Bourbon and Austria
have, for many centuries, been the common disturbers and plagues of
Europe.




PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH KING IN THE NETHERLANDS

The king of France, though in himself pacific and unenterprising,
was stimulated by his ministry to taste the glory of conquest in the
Netherlands, where he had assembled an army of one hundred and twenty
thousand men, provided with a very formidable train of artillery. The
chief command was vested in the mareschal count de Saxe, who possessed
great military talents, and proved to be one of the most fortunate
generals of the age in which he lived. The allied forces, consisting
of English, Hanoverians, Dutch, and Austrians, to the number of seventy
thousand effective men, were in the month of May assembled in the
neighbourhood of Brussels, from whence they marched towards Oudenarde,
and posted themselves behind the Schelde, being unable to retard the
progress of the enemy. The French monarch, attended by his favourite
ladies, with all the pomp of eastern luxury, arrived at Lisle on the
twelfth day of the same month; and in the adjacent plain reviewed
his army. The states-general, alarmed at his preparations, had, in
a conference with his ambassador at the Hague, expressed their
apprehensions, and entreated his most christian majesty would desist
from his design of attacking their barrier. Their remonstrances having
proved ineffectual, they now sent a minister to wait upon that monarch,
to enforce their former representations, and repeat their entreaties;
but no regard was paid to his request. The French king told him, he was
determined to prosecute the war with vigour, as his moderation hitherto
had served to no other purpose but that of rendering his enemies more
intractable. Accordingly, his troops invested Menin, which was in seven
days surrendered upon capitulation. Ypres, Fort Knocke, and Furnes,
underwent the same fate; and on the twenty-ninth day of June the king of
France entered Dunkirk in triumph.




PRINCE CHARLES OF LORRAINE PASSES THE RHINE.

He had taken such precautions for the defence of Alsace, which
was guarded by considerable armies under the command of Coigny and
Seckendorf, that he thought he had nothing to fear from the Austrians in
that quarter; besides, he had received secret assurances that the king
of Prussia would declare for the emperor; so that he resolved to pursue
his conquests in the Netherlands. But all his measures were defeated by
the activity of prince Charles of Lorraine, and his officers, who found
means to pass the Rhine, and oblige the French and Bavarian generals to
retire to Lampertheim, that they might cover Strasburgh. The Austrians
made themselves masters of Haguenau and Saverne; they secured the
passes of Lorraine; and laid all the country of Lower Alsace under
contribution. The king of France was no sooner apprized of the prince’s
having passed the Rhine and penetrated into this province, than he sent
off a detachment of thirty thousand men from his army in Flanders, to
reinforce that under the mareschal de Coigny; and he himself began his
journey from the Rhine, that he might in person check the progress of
the enemy; but this design was anticipated by a severe distemper that
overtook him at Mentz in Lorraine. The physicians despaired of his life.
The queen, with her children, and all the princes of the blood, hastened
from Versailles to pay the last duties to their dying sovereign, who, as
a true penitent, dismissed his concubines, and began to prepare himself
for death; yet the strength of his constitution triumphed over the
fever, and his recovery was celebrated all over his dominions with
uncommon marks of joy and affection.

In the meantime the schemes of the Austrian general were frustrated by
the king of Prussia, who, in the month of August, entered the electorate
of Saxony at the head of a numerous army. There he declared, in a public
manifesto, that his aims were only to re-establish the peace of
the empire, and to support the dignity of its head. He assured the
inhabitants that they might depend upon his protection, in case they
should remain quiet; but threatened them with fire and sword should they
presume to oppose his arms. In a rescript, addressed to his ministers
at foreign courts, he accused the queen of Hungary of obstinacy,
in refusing to acknowledge the emperor, and restore his hereditary
dominions; he said, he had engaged in the league of Franckfort, to
hinder the head of the empire from being oppressed; that he had no
intention to violate the peace of Breslau, or enter as a principal into
this war; he affirmed, that his design was to act as auxiliary to the
emperor, and establish the quiet of Germany. He penetrated into Bohemia,
and undertook the siege of Prague, the governor of which surrendered
himself and his garrison prisoners of war on the sixteenth day of
September. He afterwards reduced Tabor, Bodweis, and Teyn, and in a word
subdued the greatest part of the kingdom; the Austrian forces in that
country being in no condition to stop his progress. Nevertheless, he was
soon obliged to relinquish his conquests. Prince Charles of Lorraine was
recalled from Alsace, and repassed the Rhine in the face of the French
army, commanded by the mareschals de Coigny, Noailles, and Belleisle.
Then he marched to the Danube, laid the Upper Palatine under
contribution, and entering Bohemia, joined the troops under Bathiani at
Merotiz. The king of Poland elector of Saxony, at this juncture
declared in favour of her Hungarian majesty. A convention for the mutual
guarantee of their dominions, had been signed between those two powers
in December; and now prince Charles of Lorraine was reinforced by twenty
thousand Saxon troops, under the conduct of the duke of Saxe-Wessenfels.
The combined army was superior to that of his Prussian majesty,
whom they resolved to engage. But he retired before them, and having
evacuated all the places he had garrisoned in Bohemia, retreated
with precipitation into Silesia. There his troops were put into
winter-quarters; and he himself returned to Berlin, extremely mortified
at the issue of the campaign.




CAMPAIGN IN BAVARIA AND FLANDERS.

During these transactions, count Seckendorf marched into Bavaria at the
head of a strong army, drove the Austrians out of that electorate,
and the emperor regained possession of Munich, his capital, on the
twenty-second day of October. In August the French army passed the Rhine
at Fort-Louis, and invested the strong and important city of Fribourg,
defended by general Demnitz, at the head of nine thousand veterans. The
king of France arrived in the camp on the eleventh day of October; and
the siege was carried on with uncommon vigour. The Austrian governor
made incredible efforts in the defence of the place, which he maintained
until it was reduced to a heap of ruins, and one-half of the garrison
destroyed. At length, however, they were obliged to surrender themselves
prisoners of war, after the trenches had been open five-and-forty days,
during which they had killed above fifteen thousand of the besiegers.
With this conquest the French king closed the campaign, and his army
was cantoned along the Rhine, under the inspection of the count de
Maillebois. By the detachments drawn from the French army in Flanders,
count Saxe had found himself considerably weaker than the confederates;
he threw up strong intrenchments behind the Lys, where he remained
on the defensive, until he was reinforced by count d’Clermont, who
commanded a separate body on the side of Newport. The allies, to the
number of seventy thousand, passed the Schelde, and advanced towards
Helchin; but the enemy being so advantageously posted, that they could
not attack him with any prospect of advantage, they filed on in sight
of Tournay; and on the eighth day of August encamped in the plains of
Lisle, in hope of drawing count Saxe from the situation in which he was
so strongly fortified. Here they foraged for several days, and laid the
open country under contribution; however, they made no attempt on the
place itself, which in all probability would have fallen into their
hands had they invested it at their first approach; for then there was
no other garrison but two or three battalions of militia; but count Saxe
soon threw in a considerable reinforcement. The allies were unprovided
with a train of battering cannon; and their commanders would not
deviate from the usual form of war. Besides, they were divided in their
opinions, and despised one another. General Wade, who commanded the
English and Hanoverians, was a vain weak man, without confidence,
weight, or authority; and the Austrian general, the duke d’Aremberg, was
a proud rapacious glutton, devoid of talents and sentiment. After having
remained for some time in sight of Lisle, and made a general forage
without molestation, they retired to their former camp on the Schelde,
from whence they soon marched into winter-quarters. Count Saxe at length
quitted his lines; and by way of retaliation, sent out detachments to
ravage the Low-countries, to the very gates of Ghent and Bruges.
The conduct of the allied generals was severely censured in England,
ridiculed in France, not only in private conversation, but also on their
public theatres, where it became the subject of farces and pantomimes.

The campaign in Italy produced divers vicissitudes of fortune. The king
of Naples having assembled an army, joined count Gages, and published a
manifesto in vindication of his conduct, which was a direct violation
of the neutrality he had promised to observe. He maintained, that his
moderation had been undervalued by the courts of London and Vienna; that
his frontiers were threatened with the calamities of war; and that
the queen of Hungary made no secret of her intention to invade his
dominions. This charge was not without foundation. The emissaries of
the house of Austria endeavoured to excite a rebellion in Naples, which
prince Lobkowitz had orders to favour by an invasion. This general was
encamped at Monte Rotundo, in the neighbourhood of Rome, when, in the
month of June, the confederates advanced to Velletri. While the two
armies remained in sight of each other, prince Lobkowitz detached a
strong body of forces, under count Soro and general Gorani, who made an
irruption into the province of Abruzzo, and took the city of Aquilla,
where they distributed a manifesto, in which the queen of Hungary
exhorted the Neapolitans to shake off the Spanish yoke, and submit
again to the house of Austria. This step, however, produced little or no
effect; and the Austrian detachment retired at the approach of the duke
of Vieuville, with a superior number of forces. In August, count Brown,
at the head of an Austrian detachment, surprised Velletri in the night;
and the king of the Two Sicilies, with the duke of Modena, were in
the utmost danger of being taken. They escaped by a postern with great
difficulty, and repaired to the quarters of count Gages, who performed
the part of a great general on this occasion. He rallied the fugitives,
dispelled the panic and confusion which had begun to prevail in
his camp, and made a disposition for cutting off the retreat of the
Austrians. Count Brown, finding himself in danger of being surrounded,
thought proper to secure his retreat, which he effected with great art
and gallantry, carrying off a prodigious booty. Three thousand Spaniards
are said to have fallen in this action; and eight hundred men were
taken, with some standards and colours. Count Mariani, a Neapolitan
general, was among the prisoners. The Austrians lost about six hundred
men; and general Novati fell into the hands of the enemy; but the
exploit produced no consequence of importance. The heats of Autumn
proved so fatal to the Austrians, who were not accustomed to the
climate, that prince Lobkowitz saw his army mouldering away, without any
possibility of its being recruited; besides, the country was so
drained that he could no longer procure subsistence. Impelled by these
considerations, he meditated a retreat. On the eleventh day of November,
he decamped from Faiola, marched under the walls of Rome, passed the
Tiber at Ponte Mole, formerly known by the name of Pons Milvius, which
he had just time to break down behind him, when the vanguard of the
Spaniards and Neapolitans appeared. Part of his rear-guard, however,
was taken, with count Soro who commanded it, at Nocero; and his army
suffered greatly by desertion. Nevertheless, he continued his retreat
with equal skill and expedition, passed the mountains of Gubio, and
by the way of Viterbo reached the Bolognese. The pope was altogether
passive. In the beginning of the campaign he had caressed Lobkowitz; and
now he received the king of the Two Sicilies with marks of the warmest
affection. That prince having visited the chief curiosities of Rome,
returned to Naples, leaving part of his troops under the command of
count Gages.




BATTLE OF CONI.

Fortune likewise favoured his brother Don Philip in Savoy and Piedmont.
He was, early in the season, joined at Antibes by the French army under
the conduct of the prince of Conti. In the latter end of March, the
combined forces passed the Var, reduced the castle of Aspremont, and
entered the city of Nice without opposition. In April, they attacked the
king of Sardinia, who, with twenty thousand men, was strongly intrenched
among the mountains of Villa-Franca. The action was obstinate and
bloody; but their numbers and perseverance prevailed. He was obliged to
abandon his posts, and embark on board of the British squadron, which
transported him and his troops to Vado. The intention of Don Philip was
to penetrate through the territories of Genoa into the Milanese; but
admiral Matthews, who hovered with a strong squadron on that coast, sent
a message to the republic, declaring, that should the combined army be
suffered to pass through her dominions, the king of Great Britain
would consider such a step as a breach of their neutrality. The senate,
intimidated by this intimation, entreated the princes to desist from
their design, and they resolved to choose another route. They defiled
towards Piedmont, and assaulted the strong post of Chateau-Dauphiné,
defended by the king of Sardinia in person. After a desperate attack, in
which they lost four thousand men, the place was taken; the garrison of
Demont surrendered at discretion, and the whole country of Piedmont was
laid under contribution. His Sardinian majesty was not in a condition to
hazard a battle; and, therefore, posted himself at Saluzzes, in order
to cover his capital. The combined army advanced to the strong
and important town of Coni, which was invested in the beginning of
September, Baron Leutrum, the governor, made an obstinate defence, and
the situation of the place was such as rendered the siege difficult,
tedious, and bloody. The king of Sardinia being reinforced by ten
thousand Austrians, under general Pallavicini, advanced to its relief,
and a battle ensued. The action was maintained with great vigour on both
sides till night, when his majesty finding it impracticable to force the
enemy’s intrenchments, retired in good order to his camp at Murasso, He
afterwards found means to throw a reinforcement and supply of provisions
into Coni; and the heavy rains that fell at this period, not only
retarded but even dispirited the besiegers. Nevertheless, the princes
persisted in their design, notwithstanding a dearth of provisions,
and the approach of winter, till the latter end of November, when the
chevalier de Soto entered the place with six hundred fresh men.
This incident was no sooner known than the princes abandoned their
enterprise; and leaving their sick and wounded to the mercy of
the Piedmontese, marched back to Demont. Having dismantled the
fortifications of this place, they retreated with great precipitation to
Dauphiné, and were dreadfully harassed by the Vaudois and light troops
in the service of his Sardinian majesty, who now again saw himself in
possession of Piedmont. The French troops were quartered in Dauphiné;
but Don Philip still maintained his footing in Savoy, the inhabitants of
which he fleeced without mercy.




RETURN OF COMMODORE ANSON.

After the action at Toulon, nothing of consequence was achieved by the
British squadron in the Mediterranean; and indeed the naval power of
Great Britain was, during the summer, quite inactive. In the month of
June, commodore Anson returned from his voyage of three years and
nine months, in which he had surrounded the terraqueous globe. We
have formerly observed, that he sailed with a small squadron to the
South-Sea, in order to annoy the Spanish settlements of Chili and Peru.
Two of his large ships having been separated from him in a storm before
he weathered Cape Horn, had put in at Rio de Janeiro, on the coast of
Brazil, from whence they returned to Europe. A frigate commanded by
captain Cheap, was shipwrecked on a desolate island in the South-Sea.
Mr. Anson having undergone a dreadful tempest, which dispersed his
fleet, arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez, where he was joined
by the Gloucester, a ship of the line, a sloop, and a pink loaded with
provisions. These were the remains of his squadron. He made prize of
several vessels; took and burned the little town of Payta; set sail from
the coast of Mexico for the Philippine Isles; and in this passage the
Gloucester was abandoned and sunk: the other vessels had been destroyed
for want of men to navigate them, so that nothing now remained but the
commodore’s own ship, the Centurion, and that but very indifferently
manned; for the crews had been horribly thinned by sickness. Incredible
were the hardships and misery they sustained from the shattered
condition of the ships, and the scorbutic disorder, when they reached
the plentiful island of Tinian, where they were supplied with the
necessary refreshments. Thence they prosecuted their voyage to the river
of Canton in China, where the commodore ordered the ship to be sheathed,
and found means to procure a reinforcement of sailors. The chief object
of his attention was the rich annual ship that sails between Acapulco,
in Mexico, and Manilla, one of the Philippine islands. In hopes of
intercepting her, he set sail from Canton, and steered his course back
to the straits of Manilla, where she actually fell into his hands, after
a short but vigorous engagement. The prize was called Neustra Signora de
Cabodonga, mounted with forty guns, manned with six hundred sailors,
and loaded with treasure and effects to the value of three hundred and
thirteen thousand pounds sterling; with this windfall he returned
to Canton; from whence he proceeded to the Cape of Good Hope, and
prosecuted his voyage to England, where he arrived in safety. Though
this fortunate commander enriched himself by an occurrence that may be
termed almost accidental, the British nation was not indemnified for
the expense of the expedition; and the original design was entirely
defeated. Had the Manilla ship escaped the vigilance of the English
commodore, he might have been, on his return to England, laid aside as
a superannuated captain, and died in obscurity, but his great wealth
invested him with considerable influence, and added lustre to his
talents.

He soon became the oracle which was consulted in all naval
deliberations; and the king raised him to the dignity of a peerage.
In July, sir John Balchen, an admiral of approved valour and great
experience, sailed from Spithead with a strong squadron, in quest of an
opportunity to attack the French fleet at Brest, under the command of
M. de Rochambault. In the bay of Biscay he was overtaken by a violent
storm, that dispersed the ships, and drove them up the English channel.
Admiral Stewart, with the greater part of them, arrived at Plymouth;
but sir John Balchen’s own ship, the Victory, which was counted the
most beautiful first-rate in the world, foundered at sea; and this
brave commander perished, with all his officers, volunteers, and crew,
amounting to eleven hundred choice seamen. On the fourth day of October,
after the siege of Fribourg, the mareschal duke de Belleisle, and his
brother, happened in their way to Berlin to halt at a village in the
forest of Hartz, dependent on the electorate of Hanover. There they were
apprehended by the bailiff of the place, and conducted as prisoners to
Osterode; from whence they were removed to Stade on the Elbe, where they
embarked for England. They resided at Windsor till the following
year, when they were allowed the benefit of the cartel which had been
established between Great Britain and France at Franckfort, and released
accordingly, after they had been treated by the British nobility with
that respect and hospitality which was due to their rank and merit.*

     * Mr. Pope, the celebrated poet, died in the month of June.
     In October, the old duchess of Marlborough resigned her
     breath, in the eighty-fifth year of her age, immensely rich,
     and very little regretted, either by her own family or the
     world in general.




REVOLUTION IN THE BRITISH MINISTRY.

The dissensions in the British cabinet were now ripened into another
revolution in the ministry. Lord Carteret, who was by this time earl
Granville, in consequence of his mother’s death, had engrossed the royal
favour so much, that the duke of Newcastle and his brother are said to
have taken umbrage at his influence and greatness. He had incurred
the resentment of those who were distinguished by the appellation of
patriots, and entirely forfeited his popularity. The two brothers were
very powerful by their parliamentary interest; they knew their own
strength, and engaged in a political alliance with the leading men
in the opposition, against the prime minister and his measures. This
coalition was dignified with the epithet of “The Broad Bottom,” as if it
had been established on a true constitutional foundation, comprehending
individuals of every class, without distinction of party. The
appellation, however, which they assumed was afterwards converted into
a term of derision. The earl of Granville perceiving the gathering storm
and foreseeing the impossibility of withstanding such an opposition
in parliament, wisely avoided the impending danger and disgrace, by
a voluntary resignation of his employments. The earl of Harrington
succeeded him as secretary of state. The duke of Bedford was appointed
first lord of the admiralty, and the earl of Chesterfield declared
lord-lieutenant of Ireland. The lords Gower and Cobham were
re-established in the offices they had resigned; Mr. Lyttelton was
admitted as a commissioner of the treasury; even sir John Hinde Cotton
accepted of a place at court; and sir John Phillips sat at the board of
trade and plantations, though he soon renounced this employment. This
was rather a change of men than of measures, and turned out to the ease
and advantage of the sovereign; for his views were no longer thwarted
by an obstinate opposition in parliament. The session was opened on
the twenty-eighth day of November, in the usual manner. The commons
unanimously granted about six millions and an half for the service
of the ensuing year, to be raised by the land, the malt, and the salt
taxes, the sinking fund, and an additional duty on wines. In January,
the earl of Chesterfield set out for the Hague, with the character of
ambassador-extraordinary, to persuade, if possible, the states-general
to engage heartily in the war. About the same time a treaty of quadruple
alliance was signed at Warsaw, by the queen of Hungary, the king of
Poland, and the maritime powers. This was a mutual guarantee of the
dominions belonging to the contracting parties; but his Polish majesty
was paid for his concurrence, with an annual subsidy of one hundred and
fifty thousand pounds, two-thirds of which were defrayed by England, and
the remainder was disbursed by the United Provinces.*

     * Robert earl of Orford, late prime minister, died in March,
     after having for a very short time enjoyed a pension of four
     thousand pounds granted by the crown, in consideration of
     his past services. Though he had for such a length of time
     directed the application of the public treasure, his
     circumstances were not affluent: he was liberal in his
     disposition, and had such a number of rapacious dependents
     to gratify, that little was left for his own private
     occasions.

{1745}

The business of the British parliament being discussed, the session was
closed in the beginning of May; and, immediately after the prorogation,
the king set out for Hanover. The death of the emperor Charles VII.
hich happened in the month of January, had entirely changed the face of
affairs in the empire, and all the princes of Germany were in commotion.
The grand-duke of Tuscany, consort to her Hungarian majesty, was
immediately declared a candidate for the Imperial crown; while his
pretensions were warmly opposed by the French king and his allies. The
court of Vienna, taking advantage of the late emperor’s death, sent
an army to invade Bavaria in the month of March, under the conduct
of general Bathiani, who routed the French and Palatine troops at
Psiffenhoven, took possession of Rain, surrounded and disarmed six
thousand Hessians in the neighbouhood of Ingoldstadt, and drove the
Bavarian forces out of the electorate. The young elector was obliged to
abandon his capital, and retire to Augsburgh, where he found himself in
danger of losing all his dominions. In this emergency, he yielded to the
earnest solicitations of the empress his mother, enforced by the
advice of his uncle the elector of Cologn, and of his general count
Secken-dorf, who exhorted him to be reconciled to the court of Vienna.
A negotiation was immediately begun at Fuessen; where, in April, the
treaty was concluded. The queen consented to recognise the Imperial
dignity, as having been vested in the person of his father; to
acknowledge his mother as empress dowager; to restore his dominions,
with all the fortresses, artillery, stores, and ammunition which she had
taken: on the other hand, he renounced all claim to the succession
of her father, and became guarantee of the pragmatic sanction; he
acknowledged the validity of the electoral vote of Bohemia in the
person of the queen; engaged to give his voice for the grand duke at
the ensuing election of a king of the Romans. Until that should be
determined, both parties agreed that Ingoldstadt should be garrisoned by
neutral troops; and that Braumau and Schardingen, with all the country
lying between the Inn and the Saltza, should remain in the queen’s
possession, though without prejudice to the civil government or the
elector’s revenue. In the meantime he dismissed the auxiliaries that
were in his pay, and they were permitted to retire without molestation.

The court of Vienna had now secured the votes of all the electors,
except those of Brandenburgh and the Palatinate. Nevertheless, France
assembled a powerful army in the neighbourhood of Franckfort, in order
to influence the election. But the Austrian army, commanded by the
grand-duke in person, marched thither from the Danube; and the prince of
Conti was obliged to repass the Rhine at Nordlingen. Then the grand-duke
repaired to Franckfort, where on the second day of September he was,
by a majority of voices, declared king of the Romans and emperor of
Germany. Meanwhile the king of Prussia had made great progress in the
conquest of Silesia. The campaign began in January, when the Hungarian
insurgents were obliged to retire into Moravia. In the following
month the Prussian general Lehrwald defeated a body of twelve thousand
Austrians, commanded by general Helsrich; the town of Eatisbon was taken
by assault; and the king entered Silesia, in May, at the head of seventy
thousand men. Prince Charles of Lorraine, being joined by the duke of
Saxe-Wessenfels and twenty thousand Saxons, penetrated into Silesia by
the defiles of Landshut; and were attacked by his Prussian majesty in
the plains of Striegau, near Friedberg. The battle was maintained
from morning till noon, when the Saxons giving way, prince Charles was
obliged to retire with the loss of twelve thousand men, and a great
number of colours, standards, and artillery. This victory, obtained on
the fourth day of June, complete as it was, did not prove decisive;
for, though the victor transferred the seat of the war into Bohemia,
and maintained his army by raising contributions in that country,
the Austrians resolved to hazard another engagement. Their aim was to
surprise him in his camp at Sohr, which they attacked on the thirtieth
of September, at day-break; but they met with such a warm reception,
that notwithstanding their repeated efforts during the space of four
hours, they were repulsed with considerable damage, and retreated
to Jaromire, leaving five thousand killed upon the spot, besides two
thousand that were taken, with many standards, and twenty pieces of
cannon. The loss of this battle was in a great measure owing to the
warice of the irregulars, who having penetrated into the Prussian camp,
began to pillage with great eagerness, giving the king an opportunity to
rally his disordered troops, and restore the battle; nevertheless, they
retired with the plunder of his baggage, including his military chest,
the officers of his chancery, his own secretary, and all the papers of
his cabinet.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




TREATY OF DRESDEN.--THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY ELECTED EMPEROR.

After this action, his Prussian majesty returned to Berlin and breathed
nothing but peace and moderation. In August he had signed a convention
with the king of Great Britain, who became guarantee of his possessions
in Silesia, as yielded by the treaty of Breslau; and he promised to vote
for the grand duke of Tuscany at the election of an emperor. This
was intended as the basis of a more general accommodation. But he now
pretended to have received undoubted intelligence that the king of
Poland and the queen of Hungary had agreed to invade Brandenburgh with
three different armies; and that, for this purpose, his Polish majesty
had demanded of the czarina the succours stipulated by treaty between
the two crowns. Alarmed, or seemingly alarmed, at this information, he
solicited the maritime powers to fulfil their engagements, and interpose
their good offices with the court of Petersburgh. Yet, far from waiting
for the result of these remonstrances, he made a sudden irruption into
Lusatia, took possession of Gorlitz, and obliged prince Charles of
Lorraine to retire before him into Bohemia. Then he entered Leipsic, and
laid Saxony under contribution. The king of Poland, unable to resist
the torrent, quitted his capital and took refuge in Prague. His troops,
reinforced by a body of Austrians, were defeated at Pirna on the
fifteenth day of December; and his Prussian majesty became master of
Dresden without further opposition. The king of Poland, thus deprived
of his hereditary dominions, was fain to acquiesce in such terms as
the conqueror thought proper to impose; and the treaty of Dresden
was concluded under the mediation of his Britannic majesty. By this
convention the king of Prussia retained all the contributions he had
levied in Saxony; and was entitled to a million of German crowns, to
be paid by his Polish majesty at the next fair of Leipsic. He and the
elector palatine consented to acknowledge the grand duke as emperor
of Germany; and this last confirmed to his Prussian majesty certain
privileges _de non evocando_, which had been granted by the late
emperor, with regard to some territories possessed by the king of
Prussia, though not belonging to the electorate of Brandenburgh.
Immediately after the ratification of this treaty, the Prussian troops
evacuated Saxony, and the peace of Germany was restored.




THE ALLIES ARE DEFEATED.

Though the French king could not prevent the elevation of the grand duke
to the Imperial throne, he resolved to humble the house of Austria,
by making a conquest of the Netherlands. A prodigious army was there
assembled, under the auspices of mareschal count de Saxe; and his most
christian majesty, with the dauphin, arriving in the camp, they invested
the strong town of Tournay on the thirtieth day of April. The Dutch
garrison consisted of eight thousand men, commanded by the old baron
Dorth, who made a vigorous defence. The duke of Cumberland assumed the
chief command of the allied army, assembled at Soignes; he was assisted
with the advice of the count Konigsegg, an Austrian general, and
the prince of Waldeck, commander of the Dutch forces. Their army was
greatly inferior in number to that of the enemy; nevertheless, they
resolved to march to the relief of Tournay. They accordingly advanced
to Leuse; and on the twenty-eight day of April took post at Maulbre,
in sight of the French army, which was encamped on an eminence from the
village of Antonie, to a large wood beyond Vezon, having Fontenoy in
their front. Next day was employed by the allies in driving the enemy
from some outposts, and clearing the defiles through which they were
obliged to advance to the attack; while the French completed their
batteries, and made the most formidable preparations for their
reception. On the thirtieth day of April, the duke of Cumberland,
having made the proper dispositions, began his march to the enemy at two
o’clock in the morning; a brisk cannonade ensued; and about nine both
armies were engaged. The British infantry drove the French beyond
their lines; but the left wing failing in the attack on the village
of Fontenoy, and the cavalry forbearing to advance on the flanks, they
measured back their ground with some disorder, from the prodigious fire
of the French batteries. They rallied, however, and returning to the
charge with redoubled ardour, repulsed the enemy to their camp with
great slaughter; but, being wholly unsupported by the other wing, and
exposed both in front and flank to a dreadful fire, which did great
execution, the duke was obliged to make the necessary dispositions for
a retreat about three o’clock in the afternoon, and this was effected
in tolerable order. The battle was fought with great obstinacy, and
the carnage on both sides was very considerable. The allies lost about
twelve thousand men, including a good number of officers; among these
were lieutenant-general Campbell, and major-general Ponsonby. The
victory cost the French almost an equal number of lives; and no honour
was lost by the vanquished. Had the allies given battle on the preceding
day, before the enemy had taken their measures and received all their
reinforcements, they might have succeeded in their endeavour to relieve
Tournay. Although the attack was generally judged rash and precipitate,
the British and Hanoverian troops fought with such intrepidity and
perseverance, that if they had been properly sustained by the Dutch
forces, and their flanks covered by the cavalry, the French in all
likelihood would have been obliged to abandon their enterprise. The duke
of Cumberland left his sick and wounded to the humanity of the victors;
and retiring to Aeth, encamped in an advantageous situation at Lessines.
The garrison of Tournay, though now deprived of all hope of succour,
maintained the place to the twenty-first day of June, when the governor
obtained an honourable capitulation. After the conquest of this
frontier, which was dismantled, the duke of Cumberland, apprehending the
enemy had a design upon Ghent, sent a detachment of four thousand men to
reinforce the garrison of that city; but they fell into an ambuscade
at Pas-du-mêle, and were killed or taken, except a few dragoons that
escaped to Ostend; on that very night, which was the twelfth of June,
Ghent was surprised by a detachment of the French army. Then they
invested Ostend, which, though defended by an English garrison, and open
to the sea, was, after a short siege, surrendered by capitulation on the
fourteenth day of August Dendermonde, Oudenarde, Newport, and Aeth,
underwent the same fate; while the allied army lay entranced beyond the
canal of Antwerp. The French king having subdued the greatest part
of the Austrian Netherlands, returned to Paris, which he entered in
triumph.




THE KING OF SARDINIA IS ALMOST STRIPPED OF HIS DOMINIONS.

The campaign in Italy was unpropitious to the queen of Hungary and the
king of Sardinia. Count Gages passed the Appenines, and entered the
state of Lucca; from thence he proceeded by the eastern coast of
Genoa to Lestride-Levante. The junction of the two armies was thus
accomplished, and reinforced with ten thousand Genoese; meanwhile prince
Lobkowitz decamped from Modena and took post at Parma; but he was soon
succeeded by count Schuylemberg, and sent to command the Austrians in
Bohemia. The Spaniards entered the Milanese without further opposition.
Count Gages, with thirty thousand men, took possession of Serravalle;
and advancing towards Placentia, obliged the Austrians to retire
under the cannon of Tortona; but when don Philip, at the head of forty
thousand troops, made himself master of Acqui, the king of Sardinia and
the Austrian general, unable to stem the torrent, retreated behind the
Tanaro. The strong citadel of Tortona was taken by the Spaniards, who
likewise reduced Parma and Placentia; and forcing the passage of the
Tanaro, compelled his Sardinian majesty to take shelter on the other
side of the Po. Then Pavia was won by scalade; and the city of Milan
submitted to the infant, though the Austrian garrison still maintained
the citadel; all Piedmont, on both sides of the Po, as far as Turin, was
reduced, and even that capital threatened with a siege; so that by the
month of October the territories belonging to the house of Austria, in
Italy, were wholly subdued; and the king of Sardinia stripped of all his
dominions; yet he continued firm and true to his engagements, and deaf
to all proposals of a separate accommodation.




THE ENGLISH TAKE CAPE BRETON

The naval transactions of Great Britain were in the course of this
year remarkably spirited. In the Mediterranean, admiral Rowley had
succeeded Matthews in the command; Savona, Genoa, Final, St. Remo, with
Bastia, the capital of Corsica, were bombarded; several Spanish ships
were taken; but he could not prevent the safe arrival of their rich
Havannah squadron at Corunna. Commodore Barnet, in the East Indies, made
prize of several French ships richly laden; and commodore Townshend, in
the latitude of Martinico, took about thirty merchant ships belonging
to the enemy, under convoy of four ships of war, two of which were
destroyed. The English privateers likewise met with uncommon success.
But the most important achievement was the conquest of Louisbourg on
the isle of Cape Breton, in North America; a place of great consequence,
which the French had fortified at a prodigious expense. The scheme
of reducing this fortress was planned in Boston, recommended by their
general assembly, and approved by his majesty, who sent instructions
to commodore Warren, stationed off the Leeward Islands, to sail for the
northern parts of America, and co-operate with the forces of New England
in this expedition. A body of six thousand men was formed under the
conduct of Mr. Pepperel, a trader of Piscataquay, whose influence
was extensive in that country; though he was a man of little or no
education, and utterly unacquainted with military operations. In April
Mr. Warren arrived at Canso with ten ships of war; and the troops of New
England being embarked m transports, sailed immediately for the isle of
Cape Breton, where they landed without opposition. The enemy abandoned
their grand battery, which was detached from the town; and the immediate
seizure of it contributed in a good measure to the success of the
enterprise. While the American troops, reinforced by eight hundred
marines, carried on their approaches by land, the squadron blocked up
the place by sea in such a manner that no succours could be introduced.
A French ship of the line, with some smaller vessels destined for
the relief of the garrison, were intercepted and taken by the British
cruisers; and, indeed, the reduction of Louisbourg was chiefly owing to
the vigilance and activity of Mr. Warren, one of the bravest and best
officers in the service of England. The operations of the siege were
wholly conducted by the engineers and officers who commanded the British
marines; and the Americans, being ignorant of war, were contented to act
under their directions. The town being considerably damaged by the bombs
and bullets of the besiegers, and the garrison despairing of relief, the
governor capitulated on the seventeenth day of June, when the city
of Louisbourg, and the isle of Cape Breton, were surrendered to his
Britannic majesty. The garrison and inhabitants engaged that they would
not bear arms for twelve months against Great Britain or her allies; and
being-embarked in fourteen cartel ships, were transported to Rochefort.
In a few days after the surrender of Louisbourg, two French East India
ships, and another from Peru, laden with treasure, sailed into the
harbour on the supposition that it still belonged to France, and were
taken by the English squadron.

The news of this conquest being transmitted to England, Mr. Pepperel
was preferred to the dignity of a baronet of Great Britain, and
congratulatory addresses were presented to the king on the success of
his majesty’s arms. The possession of Cape Breton was, doubtless, a
valuable acquisition to Great Britain. It not only distressed the French
in their fishery and navigation, but removed all fears of encroachment
and rivalship from the English fishers on the banks of Newfoundland. It
freed New England from the terrors of a dangerous neighbour; overawed
the Indians of that country; and secured the possession of Acadia to the
crown of Great Britain. The plan of this conquest was originally laid by
Mr. Auchmuty, judge-advocate of the court of admiralty in New England.
He demonstrated, that the reduction of Cape Breton would put the English
in sole possession of the fishery of North America, which would annually
return to Groat Britain two millions sterling, for the manufactures
yearly shipped to the plantations; employ many thousand families that
were otherwise unserviceable to the public; increase the shipping and
mariners; extend navigation; cut off all communication between France
and Canada by the river St. Lawrence; so that Quebec would fall of.
course into the hands of the English, who might expel the French
entirely from America, open a correspondence with the remote Indians,
and render themselves masters of the profitable fur-trade, which was now
engrossed by the enemy. The natives of New England acquired great
glory from the success of this enterprise. Britain, which had in some
instances behaved like a step-mother to her own colonies, was now
convinced of their importance; and treated those as brethren whom she
had too long considered as aliens and rivals. Circumstanced as the
nation is, the legislature cannot too tenderly cherish the interests
of the British plantations in America. They are inhabited by a brave,
hardy, industrious people, animated with an active spirit of commerce;
inspired with a noble zeal for liberty and independence. The trade of
Great Britain, clogged with heavy taxes and impositions, has for some
time languished in many valuable branches. The French have undersold
our cloths, and spoiled our markets in the Levant. Spain is no longer
supplied as usual with the commodities of England; the exports to
Germany must be considerably diminished by the misunderstanding between
Great Britain and the house of Austria; consequently, her greatest
resource must be in her communication with her own colonies, which
consume her manufactures, and make immense returns in sugar, rum,
tobacco, fish, timber, naval stores, iron, furs, drugs, rice, and
indigo. The southern plantations likewise produce silk; and with due
encouragement, might furnish every thing that could be expected from
the most fertile soil and the happiest climate. The continent of North
America, if properly cultivated, will prove an inexhaustible fund of
wealth and strength to Great Britain; and perhaps it may become the
last asylum of British liberty. When the nation is enslaved by domestic
despotism or foreign dominion; when her substance is wasted, her spirit
broke, and the laws and constitution of England are no more; then those
colonies, sent off by our fathers, may receive and entertain their sons
as hapless exiles and ruined refugees.




PROJECT OF AN INSURRECTION IN GREAT BRITAIN.

While the continent of Europe and the isles of America were thus exposed
to the ravages of war, and subjected to such vicissitudes of fortune,
Great Britain underwent a dangerous convulsion in her own bowels. The
son of the chevalier de St. George, fired with ambition, and animated
with the hope of ascending the throne of his ancestors, resolved to make
an effort for that purpose, which, though it might not be crowned with
success, should at least astonish all Christendom. The Jacobites in
England and Scotland had promised, that if he would land in Britain
at the head of a regular army, they would supply him with provisions,
carriages, and horses, and a great number of them declared they would
take up arms and join his standard; but they disapproved of his coming
over without forces, as a dangerous enterprise, that would in all
probability end in the ruin of himself and all his adherents. This
advice, including an exact detail of his father’s interest, with the
dispositions of his particular friends in every town and county, was
transmitted to London in January, in order to be forwarded to prince
Charles; but the person with whom it was intrusted could find no safe
method of conveyance; so that he sent it back to Scotland, from whence
it was despatched to France; but before it reached Paris, Charles had
left that kingdom. Had the paper come to his hands in due time, perhaps
he would not have embarked in the undertaking, though he was stimulated
to the attempt by many concurring motives. Certain it is, he was cajoled
by the sanguine misrepresentations of a few adventurers, who hoped to
profit by the expedition. They assured him that the whole nation was
disaffected to the reigning family; that the people could no longer bear
the immense load of taxes, which was daily increasing; and that the
most considerable persons of the kingdom would gladly seize the first
opportunity of crowding to his standard. On the other hand, he knew
the British government had taken some effectual steps to alienate the
friends of his house from the principles they had hitherto professed.
Some of them had accepted posts and pensions; others were preferred in
the army; and the parliament were so attached to the reigning family,
that he had nothing to hope from their deliberations. He expected no
material succour from the court of France; he foresaw that delay would
diminish the number of his adherents in Great Britain; and, therefore,
resolved to seize the present occasion, which in many respects was
propitious to his design. Without doubt, had he been properly supported,
he could not have found a more favourable opportunity of exciting an
intestine commotion in Great Britain; for Scotland was quite unfurnished
with troops; king George was in Germany; the duke of Cumberland, at the
head of the British army, was employed in Flanders, and great part of
the highlanders were keen for insurrection. Their natural principles
were on this occasion stimulated by the suggestions of revenge. At the
beginning of the war a regiment of those people had been formed, and
transported with the rest of the British troops to Flanders. Before they
were embarked, a number of them deserted with their arms, on pretence
that they had been decoyed into the service by promises and assurances
that they should never be sent abroad; and this was really the case.
They were overtaken by a body of horse, persuaded to submit, brought
back to London pinioned like malefactors, and tried for desertion. They
were shot to death _in terrorem_; and the rest were sent in exile to
the plantations. Those who suffered were persons of some consequence in
their own country; and their fate was deeply resented by the clans to
which they belonged. It was considered as a national outrage; and the
highlanders, who are naturally vindictive, waited impatiently for an
opportunity of vengeance.




THE ELDEST SON OF THE CHEVALIER DE ST. GEORGE LANDS IN SCOTLAND.

The young pretender being furnished with a sum of money, and a supply of
arms, on his private credit, with-out the knowledge of the French court,
wrote letters to his friends in Scotland, explaining his design and
situation, intimating the place where he intended to land, communicating
a private signal, and assuring them he should be with them by the middle
of June. These precautions being taken, he embarked on board of a small
frigate at Port St. Nazaire, accompanied by the marquis of Tullibardine,
sir Thomas Sheridan, sir John Macdonald, with a few other Irish and
Scottish adventurers; and setting sail on the fourteenth of July, was
joined off Belleisle by the Elizabeth, a French ship of war, mounted
with sixty-six guns, as his convoy. *

     * The Elizabeth, a king’s ship, was procured as a convoy, by
     the interest of Mr. Walsh, an Irish merchant at Nantes; and
     on board of her fifty French young gentlemen embarked as
     volunteers.

Their design was to sail round Ireland, and land in the western part of
Scotland; but falling in with the Lion, an English ship of the line, a
very obstinate and bloody action ensued. The Elizabeth was so disabled
that she could not prosecute the voyage, and with difficulty reached the
harbour of Brest; but the Lion was shattered to such a degree, that she
floated like a wreck upon the water. The disaster of the Elizabeth was
a great misfortune to the adventurer, as by her being disabled he lost
a great quantity of arms, and about one hundred able officers, who were
embarked on board of her for the benefit of his expedition. Had this
ship arrived in Scotland, she could easily have reduced Fort William,
situated in the midst of the clans attached to the Stuart family. Such a
conquest, by giving lustre to the prince’s arms, would have allured
many to his standard, who were indifferent in point of principle;
and encouraged a great number of highlanders to join him, who were
restricted by the apprehension, that their wives and families would be
subject to insults from the English garrison of this fortress. Prince
Charles, in the frigate, continued his course to the western isles of
Scotland. After a voyage of eighteen days he landed on a little island
between Barra and South-Inst, two of the Hebrides; then he re-embarked,
and in a few days arrived at Borodale in Amsacy, on the confines of
Lochnannach, where he was in a little time joined by a considerable
number of hardy mountaineers, under their respective chiefs and leaders.
On the nineteenth day of August, the marquis of Tullibardine erected
the pretender’s standard at Glensinnan. Some of those, however, on whom
Charles principally depended, now stood aloof, either fluctuating in
their principles, astonished at the boldness of the undertaking, or
startled at the remonstrances of their friends, who did not fail to
represent, in aggravated colours, all the danger of embarking in such a
desperate enterprise. Had the government acted with proper vigour when
they received intelligence of his arrival, the adventurer must have been
crushed in embryo, before any considerable number of his adherents
could have been brought together; but the lords of the regency seemed
to slight the information, and even to suspect the integrity of those by
whom it was conveyed. They were soon convinced of their mistake. Prince
Charles having assembled about twelve hundred men, encamped in the
neighbourhood of Fort William; and immediately hostilities were
commenced. A handful of Keppoch’s clan, commanded by major Donald
Macdonald, even before they joined the pretender, attacked two companies
of new raised soldiers, who, with their officer, were disarmed after an
obstinate dispute; another captain of the king’s forces, falling into
their hands, was courteously dismissed with one of the pretender’s
manifestoes, and a passport for his personal safety. The administration
was now effectually alarmed. The lords of the regency issued a
proclamation offering a reward of thirty thousand pounds to any person
who should apprehend the prince-adventurer. The same price was set upon
the head of the elector of Hanover, in a proclamation published by the
pretender. A courier was despatched to Holland to hasten the return of
his majesty, who arrived in England about the latter end of August. A
requisition was made of the six thousand Dutch auxiliaries; and several
British regiments were recalled from the Netherlands. A loyal address
was presented to the king by the city of London; and the merchants of
this metropolis resolved to raise two regiments at their own expense.
Orders were issued to keep the trained bands in readiness; to array the
militia of Westminster; and instructions to the same effect were sent
to all the lords-lieutenants of the counties throughout the kingdom.
The principal noblemen of the nation made a tender of their services to
their sovereign; and some of them received commissions to levy regiments
towards the suppression of the rebellion. Bodies of volunteers were
incorporated in London and many other places; associations were
formed, large contributions raised in different towns, counties, and
communities; and a great number of eminent merchants in London agreed to
support the public credit, by receiving, as usual, bank-notes in payment
for the purposes of traffic. The protestant clergy of all denominations
exerted themselves with extraordinary ardour, in preaching against the
religion of Rome and the pretender; and the friends of the government
were encouraged, animated, and confirmed in their principles, by several
spiritual productions published for the occasion.

In a word, the bulk of the nation seemed unanimously bent upon opposing
the enterprise of the pretender, who, nevertheless, had already made
surprising progress. His arrival in Scotland was no sooner confirmed,
than sir John Cope, who commanded the troops in that kingdom, assembled
what force he could bring together, and advanced against the rebels.
Understanding, however, that they had taken possession of a strong pass,
he changed his route, and proceeded northwards as far as Inverness,
leaving the capital and the southern parts of North Britain wholly
exposed to the incursions of the enemy. The highlanders forthwith
marched to Perth, where the chevalier de St. George was proclaimed king
of Great Britain, and the public money seized for his use; the same
steps were taken at Dundee and other places. Prince Charles was joined
by the nobleman who assumed the title of the duke of Perth, the viscount
Strathallan, lord Nairn, lord George Murray, and many persons of
distinction, with their followers. The marquis of Tullibardine, who had
accompanied him from France, took possession of Athol, as heir of
blood to the titles and estates which his younger brother enjoyed in
consequence of his attainder; and met with some success in arming the
tenants for the support of that cause which he avowed. The rebel army
being considerably augmented, though very ill-provided with arms,
crossed the Forth in the neighbourhood of Stirling, and advanced towards
Edinburgh, where they were joined by lord Eleho, son of the earl of
Wemyss, and other persons of some distinction. On the sixteenth day of
September Charles summoned the town to surrender. The inhabitants were
divided by faction, and distracted by fear; the place was not in a
posture of defence, and the magistrates would not expose the people to
the uncertain issue of an assault. Several deputations were sent from
the town to the pretender, in order to negotiate terms of capitulation.
In the meantime, one of the gates being opened for the admission of
a coach, Cameron of Lochiel, one of the most powerful of the highland
chiefs, rushed into the place with a party of his men, and secured it
without opposition. Next morning the whole rebel army entered, and their
prince took possession of the royal palace of Holyrood-house in the
suburbs. Then he caused his father to be proclaimed at the market-cross;
there also the manifesto was read, in which the chevalier de St. George
declared his son Charles regent of his dominions, promised to dissolve
the union, and redress the grievances of Scotland. His being in
possession of the capital encouraged his followers, and added reputation
to his arms; but the treasure belonging to the two banks of that kingdom
had been previously conveyed into the castle, a strong fortress, with
a good garrison, under the command of general Guest, an old officer of
experience and capacity.

During these transactions, sir John Cope marched back from Inverness to
Aberdeen, where he embarked with his troops, and on the seventeenth day
of September landed at Dunbar, about twenty miles to the eastward of
Edinburgh. Here he was joined by two regiments of dragoons which had
retired with precipitation from the capital at the approach of the
highland army. With this reinforcement, his troops amounted to near
three thousand men; and he began his march to Edinburgh, in order to
give battle to the enemy. On the twentieth day of the month, he encamped
in the neighbourhood of Prestonpans, having the village of Tranent in
his front, and the sea in his rear. Early next morning he was attacked
by the young pretender, at the head of about two thousand four hundred
highlanders, half-armed, who-charged them sword in hand with such
impetuosity, that in less than ten minutes after the battle began, the
king’s troops were broken and totally routed. The dragoons fled in the
utmost confusion at the first onset; the general officers having made
some unsuccessful efforts to rally them, thought proper to consult their
own safety by an expeditious retreat towards Coldstream on the
Tweed. All the infantry were either killed or taken; and the colours,
artillery, tents, baggage, and military chest, fell into the hands of
the victor, who returned in triumph to Edinburgh. Never was victory more
complete, or obtained at a smaller expense; for not above fifty of the
rebels lost their lives in the engagement. Five hundred of the king’s
troops were killed on the field of battle; and among these colonel
Gardiner, a gallant officer, who disdained to save his life at the
expense of his honour. When abandoned by his own regiment of dragoons,
he alighted from his horse, joined the infantry, and fought on foot,
until he fell covered with wounds, in sight of his own threshold.
Prince Charles bore his good fortune with moderation; he prohibited all
rejoicings for the victory he had obtained; the wounded soldiers were
treated with humanity; and the officers were sent into Fife and Angus,
where they were left at liberty on their parole, which the greater part
of them shamefully broke in the sequel. From this victory the pretender
reaped manifold and important advantages. His followers were armed, his
party encouraged, and his enemies intimidated. He was supplied with
a train of field artillery, and a considerable sum of money, and saw
himself possessed of all Scotland, except the fortresses, the reduction
of which he could not pretend to undertake without proper implements and
engineers. After the battle he was joined by a small detachment from the
highlands; and some chiefs, who had hitherto been on the reserve,
began to exert their influence in his favour. But he was not yet in a
condition to take advantage of that consternation which his late success
had diffused through the kingdom of England.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




EFFORTS OF THE FRIENDS OF GOVERNMENT IN SCOTLAND.

Charles continued to reside in the palace of Holyrood-house; * and took
measures for cutting off the communication between the castle and the
city.

     * While he resided at Edinburgh, some of the presbyterian
     clergy continued to preach in the churches of that city, and
     publicly prayed for king George, without suffering the least
     punishment or molestation. One minister in particular, of
     the name of Mac Vicar, being solicited by some highlanders
     to pray for their prince, promised to comply with their
     request, and performed his promise in words to this effect--
     “And as for the young prince, who is come hither in quest of
     an earthly crown, grant, O Lord, that he may speedily
     receive a crown of glory.”

General Guest declared that he would demolish the city, unless the
blockade should be raised, so that provisions might be carried into the
castle. After having waited the return of an express which he had found
means to despatch to court, he began to put his threats in execution by
firing upon the town. Some houses were beaten down, and several persons
killed even at the market-cross. The citizens, alarmed at this disaster,
sent a deputation to the prince, entreating him to raise the blockade;
and he complyed with their request. He levied a regiment in Edinburgh
and the neighbourhood. He imposed taxes; seized the merchandize that
was deposited in the king’s warehouses at Leith and other places; and
compelled the city of Glasgow to accommodate him with a large sum, to
be repaid when the peace of the kingdom should be re-established. The
number of his followers daily increased, and he received considerable
supplies of money, artillery, and ammunition, by single ships that
arrived from France, where his interest seemed to rise in proportion
to the success of his arms. The greater and richer part of Scotland was
averse to his family and pretensions; but the people were unarmed and
undisciplined, consequently passive under his dominion. By this time,
however, the prince-pretender was joined by the earl of Kilmarnock, the
lords Eleho, Balmerino, Ogilvie, Pitsligo; and the eldest son of lord
Lovat had begun to assemble his father’s clan, in order to reinforce the
victor, whose army lay encamped at Duddingston, in the neighbourhood
of Edinburgh. Kilmarnock and Balmarinowere men of broken and desperate
fortune; Elcho and Ogilvie were sons to the earls of Wemyss and Airly;
so that their influence was far from being extensive. Pitsligo was
a nobleman of very amiable character, as well as of great personal
interest; and great dependence was placed upon the power and attachment
of lord Lovat, who had entered into private engagements with the
chevalier de St. George, though he still wore the mask of loyalty to the
government, and disavowed the conduct of his son when he declared for
the pretender. This old nobleman is the same Simon Fraser whom we have
had occasion to mention as a partisan and emissary of the court of St.
Germain’s, in the year one thousand seven hundred and three. He had
renounced his connexions with that family; and, in the rebellion
immediately after the accession of king George I., approved himself a
warm friend to the protestant succession. Since that period he had been
induced, by disgust and ambition, to change his principles again, and
was in secret an enthusiast in jacobitism. He had greatly augmented his
estate, and obtained a considerable interest in the highlands, where,
however, he was rather dreaded than beloved. He was bold, enterprising,
vain, arbitrary, rapacious, cruel, and deceitful; but his character
was chiefly marked by a species of low cunning and dissimulation, which,
however, overshot his purpose, and contributed to his own ruin.*

     *He solicited, and is said to have obtained of the chevalier
     de St. George the patent of a duke, and a commission for
     being lord-lieutenant of all the highlands.

While Charles resided at Edinburgh, the marquis de Guil-les arrived at
Montrose, as envoy from the French king, with several officers, some
cannon, and a considerable quantity of small arms for the use of that
adventurer.




PRECAUTIONS TAKEN IN ENGLAND.

While the young pretender endeavoured to improve the advantages he had
gamed, the ministry of Great Britain took every possible measure to
retard his progress. Several powerful chiefs in the highlands were
attached to the government, and exerted themselves in its defence. The
duke of Argyle began to arm his vassals; but not before he had obtained
the sanction of the legislature. Twelve hundred men were raised by the
earl of Sutherland; the lord Rae brought a considerable number to the
field; the Grants and Monroes appeared under their respective leaders
for the service of his majesty; sir Alexander Macdonald declared for
king George, and the laird of Macleod sent two thousand hardy islanders
from Skye to strengthen the same interest. These gentlemen, though
supposed to be otherwise affected, were governed and directed by
the advice of Duncan Forbes, president of the college of justice
at Edinburgh, a man of extensive knowledge, agreeable manners, and
unblemished integrity. He procured commissions for raising twenty
independent companies, and some of these he bestowed upon individuals
who were either attached by principle, or engaged by promise, to the
pretender. He acted with indefatigable zeal for the interest of the
reigning family; and he greatly injured an opulent fortune in their
service. He confirmed several chiefs who began to waiver in their
principles; some he actually converted by the energy of his arguments,
and brought over to the assistance of the government, which they had
determined to oppose; others he persuaded to remain quiet, without
taking any share in the present troubles. Certain it is, this gentleman,
by his industry and address, prevented the insurrection of ten thousand
highlanders, who would otherwise have joined the pretender; and,
therefore, he may be said to have been one great cause of that
adventurer’s miscarriage. The earl of Loudon repaired to Inverness,
where he completed his regiment of highlanders; directed the conduct
of the clans who had taken arms in behalf of his majesty; and, by his
vigilance, overawed the disaffected chieftains of that country, who had
not yet openly engaged in the rebellion. Immediately after the defeat
of Cope, six thousand Dutch troops* arrived in England, and three
battalions of guards, with seven regiments of infantry, were recalled
from Flanders, for the defence of the kingdom.

     * They were composed of the forces who had been in garrison
     at Tournay and Dendermonde when those places were taken, and
     engaged by capitulation, that they should not perform any
     military function before the first day of January, in the
     year 1747; so they could not have acted in England without
     the infringement of a solemn treaty.

They forthwith began their march to the north, under the command of
general Wade, who received orders to assemble an army, which proceeded
to Newcastle. The parliament meeting on the sixteenth day of October,
his majesty gave them to understand, that an unnatural rebellion had
broke out in Scotland, towards the suppression of which he craved their
advice and assistance. He found both houses cordial in their addresses,
and zealous in their attachment to his person and government. The
commons forthwith suspended the _habeas-corpus_ act; and several persons
were apprehended on suspicion of treasonable practices. Immediately
after the session was opened, the duke of Cumberland arrived from the
Netherlands, and was followed by another detachment of dragoons and
infantry. The train-bands of London were reviewed by his majesty; the
county regiments were completed; the volunteers, in different parts of
the kingdom, employed themselves industriously in the exercise of arms;
and the whole English nation seemed to rise up as one man against this
formidable invader. The government being apprehensive of a descent from
France, appointed admiral Vernon to command a squadron in the Downs, to
observe the motions of the enemy by sea, especially in the harbours of
Dunkirk and Boulogne; and his cruisers took several ships laden with
soldiers, officers, and ammunition, destined for the service of the
pretender in Scotland.

This enterprising youth, having collected about five thousand men,
resolved to make an irruption into England, which he accordingly entered
by the west border on the sixth day of November. Carlisle was invested,
and in less than three days surrendered; the keys were delivered to him
at Brampton, by the mayor and aldermen on their knees. Here he found a
considerable quantity of arms; his father was proclaimed king of Great
Britain, and himself regent, by the magistrates in their formalities.
General Wade being apprized of his progress, decamped from Newcastle,
and advanced across the country as far as Hexham, though the fields were
covered with snow, and the roads almost impassable. There he received
intelligence that Carlisle was reduced, and forthwith returned to his
former station, In the meantime, orders were issued for assembling
another army in Staffordshire, under the command of sir John Ligonier.
Prince Charles, notwithstanding this formidable opposition, determined
to proceed. He had received assurances from France, that a considerable
body of troops would be landed on the southern coast of Britain, to make
a diversion in his favour; and he never doubted but that he should be
joined by all the English malcontents, as soon as he could penetrate
into the heart of the kingdom. Leaving a small garrison in the castle of
Carlisle, he advanced to Penrith, marching on foot in the highland garb,
at the head of his forces; and continued his route through Lancaster and
Preston to Manchester, where on the twenty-ninth day of the month, he
established his head quarters. There he was joined by about two hundred
Englishmen, who were formed into a regiment under the command of colonel
Townley. The inhabitants seemed to receive him with marks of affection;
and his arrival was celebrated by illuminations and other public
rejoicings. His supposed intention was to prosecute his march by the
way of Chester into Wales, where he hoped to find a great number of
adherents; but all the bridges over the river Mersey being broken down,
he chose the route to Stockport, and forded the river at the head of
his division, though the water rose to his middle. He passed through
Macclesfield and Congleton; and on the fourth day of December entered
the town of Derby, in which his army was quartered and his father
proclaimed with great formality. He had now advanced within one hundred
miles of the capital, which was filled with terror and confusion. Wade
lingered in Yorkshire; the duke of Cumberland had assumed the command
of the other army assembled in the neighbourhood of Lichfield. He had
marched from Stafford to Stone; so that the rebels, in turning off
from Ashbourne to Derby, had gained a march between him and London.
Had Charles proceeded in his career with that expedition which he had
hitherto used, he might have made himself master of the metropolis,
where he would have been certainly joined by a considerable number of
his well wishers, who waited impatiently for his approach; yet this
exploit could not have been achieved without hazarding an engagement,
and running the risk of being enclosed within three armies, each greatly
superior to his own in number and artillery. Orders were given for
forming a camp on Finchley-common, where the king resolved to take the
field in person, accompanied by the earl of Stair, field-marshal and
commander-in-chief of the forces in South-Britain. Some Romish priests
were apprehended; the militia of London and Middlesex were kept in
readiness to march; double watches were posted at the city-gates, and
signals of alarm appointed. The volunteers of the city were incorporated
into a regiment; the practitioners of the law, headed by the judges,
weavers of Spitalfields, and other communities, engaged in associations;
and even the managers of the theatres offered to raise a body of their
dependents for the service of the government. Notwithstanding these
precautions and appearances of unanimity, the trading part of the city,
and those concerned in the money corporations, were overwhelmed with
fear and dejection. They reposed very little confidence in the courage
or discipline of their militia and volunteers; they had received
intelligence that the French were employed in making preparations
at Dunkirk and Calais for a descent upon England; they dreaded an
insurrection of the Roman-catholics, and other friends of the house of
Stuart; and they reflected that the highlanders, of whom by this time
they had conceived a most terrible idea, were within four days’ march of
the capital. Alarmed by these considerations, they prognosticated their
own ruin in the approaching revolution; and their countenances exhibited
the plainest marks of horror and despair. On the other hand, the
Jacobites were elevated to an insolence of hope, which they were at
no pains to conceal; while many people, who had no private property to
lose, and thought no change would be for the worse, waited the issue of
this crisis with the most calm indifference.




THE REBELS RETREAT INTO SCOTLAND.

This state of suspense was of short duration. The young pretender found
himself miserably disappointed in his expectations. He had now advanced
into the middle of the kingdom, and except a few that joined him at
Manchester, not a soul appeared in his behalf; one would have imagined
that all the Jacobites of England had been annihilated. The Welch took
no step to excite an insurrection in his favour; the French made no
attempt towards an invasion; his court was divided into factions; the
highland chiefs began to murmur, and their clans to be unruly; he saw
himself with a handful of men hemmed in between two considerable armies,
in the middle of winter, and in a country disaffected to his cause. He
knew he could not proceed to the metropolis without hazarding a battle,
and that a defeat would be attended with the inevitable destruction of
himself and all his adherents; and he had received information that
his friends and officers had assembled a body of forces in the North,
superior in number to those by whom he was attended. He called a council
at Derby; and proposed to advance towards London: the proposal was
supported by lord Nairn with great vehemence; but, after violent
disputes, the majority determined that they should retreat to Scotland
with all possible expedition. Accordingly, they abandoned Derby on the
sixth day of December, early in the morning, and measured back the
route by which they had advanced. On the ninth their vanguard arrived
at Manchester; on the twelfth they entered Preston, and continued their
march northwards. The duke of Cumberland, who was encamped at Meriden,
when first apprized of their retreat, detached the horse and dragoons in
pursuit of them; while general Wade began his march from Ferry-bridge
in Lancashire, with a view of intercepting them in their route; but
at Wakefield he understood that they had already reached Wigan; he
therefore repaired to his old post at Newcastle, after having detached
general Oglethorpe, with his horse and dragoons, to join those who had
been sent off from the duke’s army. They pursued with such alacrity,
that they overtook the rear of the rebels, with which they skirmished in
Lancashire. The militia of Cumberland and Westmoreland were raised and
armed by the duke’s order, to harass them in their march. The bridges
were broken down, the roads damaged, and the beacons lighted to alarm
the country. Nevertheless, they retreated regularly with their small
train of artillery. They were overtaken at the village of Clifton,
in the neighbourhood of Penrith, by two regiments of dragoons. These
alighted, and lined the hedges, in order to harass part of the enemy’s
rear-guard, commanded by lord John Murray; who, at the head of the
Macphersons, attacked the dragoons sword in hand, and repulsed them with
some loss. On the nineteenth day of the month, the highland army reached
Carlisle, where the majority of the English in the service of the
pretender were left, at their own desire. Charles, having reinforced the
garrison of the place, crossed the rivers Eden and Solway into Scotland,
having thus accomplished one of the most surprising retreats that ever
was performed. But the most remarkable circumstance of this expedition,
was the moderation and regularity with which those ferocious people
conducted themselves in a country abounding with plunder. No violence
was offered; no outrage committed; and they were effectually restrained
from the exercise of rapine. Notwithstanding the excessive cold, the
hunger, and fatigue to which they must have been exposed, they left
behind no sick, and lost a very few stragglers; but retired with
deliberation, and carried off their cannon in the face of their enemy.
The duke of Cumberland invested Carlisle with his whole army on
the twenty-first day of December, and on the thirtieth the garrison
surrendered on a sort of capitulation made with the duke of Richmond.
The prisoners, amounting to about four hundred, were imprisoned in
different gaols in England, and the duke returned to London.

The pretender proceeded by the way of Dumfries to Glasgow, from which
last city he exacted severe contributions, on account of its attachment
to the government, for whose service it had raised a regiment of nine
hundred men under the command of the earl of Home. Having continued
several days at Glasgow, he advanced towards Stirling, and was joined
by some forces which had been assembled in his absence by lords Lewis
Gordon and John Drummond, brothers to the dukes of Gordon and Perth.
This last nobleman had arrived from France in November, with a small
reinforcement of French and Irish, and a commission as general of
these auxiliaries, he fixed his head quarters at Perth, where he was
reinforced by the earl of Cromartie and other clans, to the number of
two thousand, and he was accommodated with a small train of artillery.
They had found means to surprise a sloop of war at Montrose, with
the guns of which they fortified that harbour. They had received a
considerable sum of money from Spain. They took possession of Dundee,
Dumblane, Downcastle, and laid Fife under contribution. The earl of
Loudon remained at Inverness, with about two thousand highlanders in
the service of his majesty. He convoyed provisions to Fort-Augustus and
Fort-William; he secured the person of lord Lovat, who still temporized,
and at length this cunning veteran accomplished his escape. The laird
of Macleod, and Mr. Monro of Culcairn, being detached from Inverness
towards Aberdeenshire, were surprised and routed by lord Lewis Gordon
at Inverary; and that interest seemed to preponderate in the north of
Scotland. Prince Charles being joined by lord John Drummond, invested
the castle of Stirling, in which general Blakeney commanded; but his
people were so little used to enterprises of this kind, that they made
very little progress in their operations.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE KING’S TROOPS UNDER HAWLEY ARE WORSTED AT FALKIEK.

By this time, a considerable body of forces was assembled at Edinburgh,
under the conduct of general Hawley, who determined to relieve
Stirling-castle, and advanced to Linlithgow on the thirteenth day of
January; next day his whole army rendezvoused at Falkirk, while the
rebels were cantoned about Bannockburn. On the seventeenth day of the
month, they began then-march in two columns to attack the king’s forces,
and had forded the water of Carron, within three miles of Hawley’s
camp, before he discovered their intention. Such was his obstinacy,
self-conceit, or contempt of the enemy, that he slighted the repeated
intelligence he had received of their motions and design, firmly
believing they durst not hazard an engagement. At length perceiving
that they had occupied the rising ground to the southward of Falkirk, he
ordered his cavalry to advance and drive them from the eminence;
while his infantry formed, and were drawn up in order of battle.
The highlanders kept up their fire, and took aim so well, that
the assailants were broke by the first volley; they retreated with
precipitation, and fell in amongst the infantry, which were likewise
discomposed by the wind and rain beating with great violence in their
faces, wetting their powder, and disturbing their eyesight. Some of the
dragoons rallied, and advanced again to the charge, with part of the
infantry which had not been engaged; then the pretender marched up at
the head of his corps de reserve, consisting of the regiment of lord
John Drummond, and the Irish piquets. These reinforcing the Camerons and
the Stuarts in the front line, immediately obliged the dragoons to give
way a second time, and they again disordered the foot in their retreat.
They set fire to their camp, and abandoned Falkirk with their baggage
and train, which last had never reached the field of battle. The rebels
followed their first blow, and great part of the royal army, after
one irregular discharge, turned their backs and fled in the utmost
consternation. In all probability few or none of them would have
escaped, had not general Huske, and brigadier Cholmondeley, rallied part
of some regiments, and made a gallant stand, which favoured the retreat
of the rest to Falkirk, from whence they retired in confusion to
Edinburgh, leaving the field of battle, with part of their tents and
artillery, to the rebels; but their loss of men did not exceed three
hundred, including sir Robert Monro, colonel Whitney, and some other
officers of distinction. It was at this period, that the officers who
had been taken at the battle of Prestonpans, and conveyed to Angus and
Fife, finding themselves unguarded, broke their parole, and returned
to Edinburgh, on pretence of their having been forcibly released by the
inhabitants of those parts.*

     * Sir Peter Halket, captain Lucy Scott, lieutenants
     Farquharson and Cumming, with a few other gentlemen, adhered
     punctually to their parole, and their conduct was approved
     by his majesty.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND COMMANDS THE ROYAL TROOPS.

General Hawley, who had boasted that, with two regiments of dragoons,
he would drive the rebel army from one end of the kingdom to the other,
incurred abundance of censure for the disposition he made, as well
as for his conduct before and after the action; but he found means to
vindicate himself to the satisfaction of his sovereign. Nevertheless, it
was judged necessary that the army in Scotland should be commanded by a
general in whom the soldiers might have some confidence; and the duke of
Cumberland was chosen for this purpose. Over and above his being beloved
by the army, it was suggested, that the appearance of a prince of the
blood in Scotland might have a favourable effect upon the minds of the
people in that kingdom; he therefore began to prepare for his northern
expedition. Meanwhile, the French minister at the Hague having
represented to the states-general, that the auxiliaries which they
had sent into Great Britain were part of the garrisons of Tournay
and Dendermonde, and restricted by the capitulation from bearing arms
against France for a certain term, the states thought proper to recall
them, rather than come to an open rupture with his most christian
majesty. In the room of those troops six thousand Hessians were
transported from Flanders to Leith, where they arrived in the beginning
of February, under the command of their prince, Frederick of Hesse,
son-in-law to his Britannic majesty. By this time the duke of Cumberland
had put himself at the head of the troops in Edinburgh, consisting of
fourteen battalions of infantry, two regiments of dragoons, and twelve
hundred highlanders from Argyle-shire, under the command of colonel
Campbell.

{1746}

On the last day of January, his royal highness began his march to
Linlithgow; and the enemy, who had renewed the siege of Stirling-castle,
not only abandoned that enterprise, but crossed the river Forth with
precipitation. Their prince found great difficulty in maintaining his
forces, that part of the country being quite exhausted. He hoped to be
reinforced in the Highlands, and to receive supplies of all kinds from
France and Spain; he therefore retired by Badenoch towards Inverness,
which the earl of Loudon abandoned at his approach. The fort was
surrendered to him almost without opposition, and here he fixed his
head-quarters. His next exploit was the siege of Fort-Augustus, which
he in a little time reduced. The duke of Cumberland having secured
the important posts of Stirling and Perth with the Hessian battalions,
advanced with the army to Aberdeen, where he was joined by the duke of
Gordon, the earls of Aberdeen and Findlater, the laird of Grant, and
other persons of distinction.




THE REBELS UNDERTAKE THE SIEGE OF FORT-WILLIAM.

While he remained in this place, refreshing his troops, and preparing
magazines, a party of the rebels surprised a detachment of Kingston’s
horse, and about seventy Argyleshire highlanders, at Keith, who were
either killed or taken. Several advanced parties of that militia met
with the same fate in different places. Lord George Murray invested the
castle of Blair, which was defended by sir Andrew Agnew, until a body
of Hessians marched to its relief, and obliged the rebels to retire. The
prince-pretender ordered all his forces to assemble, in order to begin
their march for Aberdeen to attack the duke of Cumberland; but, in
consequence of a remonstrance from the clans, who declined leaving
their families at the mercy of the king’s garrison in Fort-William,
he resolved previously to reduce that fortress, the siege of which was
undertaken by brigadier Stapleton, an engineer in the French service;
but the place was so vigorously maintained by captain Scot, that in the
beginning of April they thought proper to relinquish the enterprise. The
earl of Loudon had retired into Sutherland, and taken post at Dornoch,
where his quarters were beat up by a strong detachment of the rebels,
commanded by the duke of Perth; a major and sixty men taken prisoners;
and the earl was obliged to take shelter in the Isle of Skye. These
little checks were counterbalanced by some advantages which his
majesty’s arms obtained. The sloop of war which the rebels had surprised
at Montrose was retaken in Sutherland, with a considerable sum of money,
and a great quantity of arms on board, which she had brought from France
for the use of the pretender. In the same county, the earl of Cromartie
fell into an ambuscade, and was taken by the militia of Sutherland, who
likewise defeated a body of the rebels at Goldspie. This action happened
on the very day which has been rendered famous by the victory obtained
at Culloden.




CHAPTER VI.

     _The Rebels are totally defeated at Culloden..... The Duke
     of Cumberland takes Possession of Inverness, and afterwards
     encamps at Fort-Augustus..... The Prince Pretender escapes
     to France..... Convulsion in the Ministry..... Liberality of
     the Commons..... Trial of the Rebels..... Kilmarnock,
     Balmerino, Lovat, and Mr. Ratcliff, are beheaded on Tower-
     hill..... The States-general alarmed at the Progress of the
     French in the Netherlands..... Count Saxa subdues all
     Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault..... Reduces the strong
     Fortress of Namur, and defeats the Allied Army at
     Roucoux..... The French and Spaniards are compelled to
     abandon Piedmont and the Milanese..... Don Philip is worsted
     at Codogno, and afterwards at Porto Freddo..... The
     Austrians take Possession of Genoa..... Count Brown
     penetrates into Provence..... The Genoese expel the
     Austrians from their City..... Madras in the East Indies
     taken by the French..... Expedition to the Coast of
     Bretagne, and Attempt upon Port L’Orient..... Naval
     Transactions in the West-Indies..... Conferences at
     Breda..... Vast Supplies granted by the Commons of
     England..... Parliament dissolved..... The French and Allies
     take the Field in Flanders..... Prince of Orange elected
     Stadtholder, Captain-general, and Admiral of the United
     Provinces..... The Confederates defeated at Laffeldt.....
     Siege of Bergen-op-Zoom--The Austrians undertake the Siege
     of Genoa, which however, they abandon..... The Chevalier de
     Belleisle slain in the Attack of Exilles..... A French
     Squadron defeated and taken by the Admirals Anson and
     Warren..... Admiral Hawke obtains another Victory over the
     French at Sea..... Other Naval Transactions..... Congress at
     Aix-la-Chapelle..... Compliant Temper of the new
     Parliament..... Preliminaries signed..... Preparations for
     the Campaign in the Netherlands..... Siege of
     Maestrieht..... Cessation of Arms..... Transactions in the
     East and West Indies..... Conclusion of the Definitive
     Treaty at Aix-la-Chapelle_




THE REBELS ARE TOTALLY DEFEATED.

In the beginning of April, the duke of Cumberland began his march from
Aberdeen, and on the twelfth passed the deep and rapid river Spey,
without opposition from the rebels, though a detachment of them appeared
on the opposite side. Why they did not dispute the passage is not easy
to be conceived; But, indeed, from this instance of neglect, and their
subsequent conduct, we may conclude they were under a total infatuation.
His royal highness proceeded to Nairn, where he received intelligence
that the enemy had advanced from Inverness to Culloden, about the
distance of nine miles from the royal army, with intention to give him
battle. The design of Charles was to march in the night from Culloden,
and surprise the duke’s army at day-break; for this purpose the English
camp had been reconnoitred; and on the night of the fifteenth the
highland army began to march in two columns. Their design was to
surround the enemy, and attack them at once on all quarters; but the
length of the columns embarrassed the march, so that the army was
obliged to make many halts: the men had been under arms during the whole
preceding night, were faint with hunger and fatigue, and many of them
overpowered with sleep. Some were unable to proceed; others dropped off
unperceived in the dark; and the march was retarded in such a manner,
that it would have been impossible to reach the duke’s camp before
sun-rise. The design being thus frustrated, the prince-pretender was
with great reluctance prevailed upon by his general officers to measure
back his way to Culloden; at which place he had no sooner arrived, than
great numbers of his followers dispersed in quest of provisions; and
many, overcome with weariness and sleep, threw themselves down on
the heath and along the park walls. Their repose, however, was soon
interrupted in a very disagreeable manner. Their prince receiving
intelligence that his enemies were in full march to attack him, resolved
to hazard an engagement, and ordered his troops to be formed for that
purpose. On the sixteenth day of April, the duke of Cumberland, having
made the proper dispositions, decamped from Nairn early in the morning,
and after a march of nine miles perceived the highlanders drawn up
in order of battle, to the number of four thou-sand men, in thirteen
divisions, supplied with some pieces of artillery. The royal army, which
was much more numerous, the duke immediately formed into three lines,
disposed in excellent order: and about one o’clock in the afternoon the
cannonading began. The artillery of the rebels was ill served, and
did very little execution; but that of the king’s troops made dreadful
havock among the enemy. Impatient of this fire, their front line
advanced to the attack, and about five hundred of the clans charged
the duke’s left wing with their usual impetuosity. One regiment was
disordered by the weight of this column; but two battalions advancing
from the second line, sustained the first, and soon put a stop to their
career, by a severe fire, that killed a great number. At the same time
the dragoons under Hawley, and the Argyleshire militia, pulled down a
park wall that covered their flank, and the cavalry falling in among
the rebels sword in hand, completed their confusion. The French picquets
on their left, covered the retreat of the highlanders by a close and
regular fire; and then retired to Inverness, where they surrendered
themselves prison-ers of war. An entire body of the rebels marched
off the field in order, with their pipes playing, and the pre-tender’s
standard displayed; the rest were routed with great slaughter; and their
prince was with reluctance prevailed upon to retire. In less than thirty
minutes they were totally defeated, and the field covered with the
slain. The road, as far as Inverness, was strewed with dead bodies; and
a great number of people, who from motives of curiosity had come to
see the battle, were sacrificed to the undistinguished vengeance of the
victors. Twelve hundred rebels were slain or wounded on the field, and
in the pursuit. The earl of Kilmarnock was taken; and in a few days
lord Balmerino surrendered to a country gentleman, at whose house he
presented himself for this purpose. The glory of the victory was sullied
by the barbarity of the soldiers. They had been provoked by their former
disgraces to the most savage thirst of revenge. Not contented with the
blood which was so profusely shed in the heat of action, they traversed
the field after the battle, and massacred those miserable wretches who
lay maimed and expiring: nay, some officers acted a part in this cruel
scene of assassination, the triumph of low illiberal minds, uninspired
by sentiment, untinctured by humanity. The vanquished adventurer rode
off the field, accompanied by the duke of Perth, lord Elcho, and a few
horsemen; he crossed the water at Nairn, and retired to the house of a
gentleman in Strutharrick, where he conferred with old lord Lovat; then
he dismissed his followers, and wandered about a wretched and solitary
fugitive among the isles and mountains for the space of five months,
during which he underwent such a series of dangers, hardships, and
misery, as no other person ever outlived. Thus, in one short hour, all
his hope vanished, and the rebellion was entirely extinguished. One
would almost imagine, the conductors of this desperate enterprise had
conspired their own destruction, as they certainly neglected every step
that might have contributed to their safety or success. They might have
opposed the duke of Cumberland at the passage of the Spey; they might,
by proper conduct, have afterwards attacked his camp in the night, with
a good prospect of success. As they were greatly inferior to him in
number, and weakened with hunger and fatigue, they might have retired
to the hills and fastnesses, where they would have found plenty of live
cattle for provision, recruited their regiments, and been joined by
a strong reinforcement, which was actually in full march to their
assistance. But they were distracted by dissensions and jealousies; they
obeyed the dictates of despair, and wilfully devoted themselves to ruin
and death. When the news of the battle arrived in England, the nation
was transported with joy, and extolled the duke of Cumberland as a hero
and deliverer, Both houses of parliament congratulated his majesty on
the auspicious event. They decreed, in the most solemn manner, their
public thanks to his royal highness, which were transmitted to him by
the speakers; and the commons, by bill, added five-and-twenty thousand
pounds per annum to his former revenue.

[Illustration: 298.jpg CULLODEN MOOR]




THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND TAKES POSSESSION OF INVERNESS.


Immediately after the decisive action at Culloden, the duke took
possession of Inverness, where six-and-thirty deserters, convicted by
a court-martial, were ordered to be executed: then he detached several
parties to ravage the country. One of these apprehended the lady
Mackintosh, who was sent prisoner to Inverness. They did not plunder her
house, but drove away her cattle, though her husband was actually in
the service of government. The castle of lord Lovat was destroyed.
The French prisoners were sent to Carlisle and Penrith: Kilmarnock,
Balmerino, Cromartie, and his son the lord Macleod, were conveyed by
sea to London; and those of an inferior rank were confined in different
prisons. The marquis of Tullibardine, together with a brother of the
earl of Dunmore, were seized and transported to the Tower of London, to
which the earl of Traquaire had been committed on suspicion: in a few
months after the battle of Culloden, Murray, the pretender’s secretary,
was apprehended; and the eldest son of lord Lovat, having surrendered
himself, was imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh. In a word, all the
gaols of Great Britain, from the capital northwards, were filled with
those unfortunate captives; and great numbers of them were crowded
together in the holds of ships, where they perished in the most
deplorable manner, for the want of necessaries, air, and exercise. Some
rebel chiefs escaped in two French frigates, which had arrived on the
coast of Lochaber about the end of April, and engaged three vessels
belonging to his Britannic majesty, which they obliged to retire. Others
embarked on board of a ship on the coast of Buchan, and were conveyed to
Norway; from thence they travelled to Sweden. In the month of May, the
duke of Cumberland advanced with the army into the highlands as far as
Fort-Augustus, where he encamped, and sent off detachments on all hands
to hunt down the fugitives, and lay waste the country with fire and
sword. The castles of Glengary and Lochiel were plundered and burned;
every house, hut, or habitation, met with the same fate without
distinction; all the cattle and provision were carried off; the men were
either shot upon the mountains like wild beasts, or put to death in
cold blood, without form of trial; the women, after having seen their
husbands and fathers murdered, were subjected to brutal violation, and
then turned out naked, with their children, to starve on the barren
heaths. One whole family was enclosed in a barn, and consumed to ashes.
Those ministers of vengeance were so alert in the execution of their
office, that in a few days there was neither house, cottage, man, nor
beast, to be seen in the compass of fifty miles: all was ruin, silence,
and desolation.




THE PRETENDER ESCAPES TO FRANCE.

The humane reader cannot reflect upon such a scene without grief and
horror; what then must have been the sensation of the fugitive prince,
when he beheld these spectacles of woe, the dismal fruit of his
ambition? He was now surrounded by armed troops, that chased him from
hill to dale, from rock to cavern, and from shore to shore. Sometimes he
lurked in caves and cottages, without attendants, or any other support
but that which the poorest peasant could supply. Sometimes he was rowed
in fisher-boats from isle to isle among the Hebrides, and often in sight
of his pursuers. For some days he appeared in woman’s attire, and even
passed through the midst of his enemies unknown. But understanding
his disguise was discovered, he assumed the habit of a travelling
mountaineer, and wandered about among the woods and heaths, with
a matted beard, and squalid looks, exposed to hunger, thirst, and
weariness, and in continual danger of being apprehended. He was obliged
to trust his life to the fidelity of above fifty individuals, and many
of these were in the lowest paths of fortune. They knew that a price
of thirty thousand pounds was set upon his head; and that, by betraying
him, they should enjoy wealth and affluence: but they detested the
thought of obtaining riches on such infamous terms, and ministered to
his necessities with the utmost zeal and fidelity, even at the hazard
of their own destruction. In the course of these peregrinations, he was
more than once hemmed in by his pursuers in such a manner as seemed to
preclude all possibility of escaping; yet he was never abandoned by his
hope and recollection; he still found some expedient that saved him
from captivity and death; and through the whole course of his distresses
maintained the most amazing equanimity and good humour. At length a
privateer of Saint Malo, hired by the young Sheridan and some other
Irish adherents, arrived in Lochnannach; and on the twentieth day of
September, this unfortunate prince embarked in the habit which he wore
for disguise. His eye was hollow, his visage wan, and his constitution
greatly impaired by famine and fatigue. He was accompanied by Cameron
of Lochiel and his brother, with a few other exiles. They set sail for
France, and after having passed unseen, by means of a thick fog, through
a British squadron commanded by admiral Lestock, and been chased by
two English ships of war, arrived in safety at Roscau, near Morlaix, in
Bretagne. Perhaps he would have found it still more difficult to escape,
had not the vigilance and eagerness of the government been relaxed, in
consequence of a report that he had already fallen among some persons
that were slain by a volley from one of the duke’s detachments.




CONVULSION IN THE MINISTRY.

Having thus explained the rise, progress, and extinction of the
rebellion, it will be necessary to take a retrospective view of the
proceedings in parliament. The necessary steps being taken for quieting
the intestine commotions of the kingdom, the two houses began to convert
their attention to the affairs of the continent. On the fourteenth day
of January, the king repaired to the house of peers, and, in a
speech from the throne, gave his parliament to understand that the
states-general had made pressing instances for his assistance in the
present conjuncture, when they were in such danger of being oppressed
by the power of France in the Netherlands; that he had promised to
co-operate with them towards opposing the further progress of their
enemies; and even concerted measures for that purpose. He declared
it was with regret that he asked any further aids of his people; he
exhorted them to watch over the public credit; and expressed his entire
dependence on their zeal and unanimity. He was favoured with loyal
addresses, couched in the warmest terms of duty and affection; but the
supplies were retarded by new convulsions in the ministry. The earl of
Granville had made an effort to retrieve his influence in the cabinet,
and his sovereign favoured his pretensions. The two brothers, who knew
his aspiring genius, and dreaded his superior talents, refused to
admit such a colleague into the administration; they even resolved to
strengthen their party, by introducing fresh auxiliaries into the office
of state. Some of these were personally disagreeable to his majesty, who
accordingly rejected the suit by which they were recommended. The duke
of Newcastle and his brother, with all their adherents, immediately
resigned their employments. The earl of Granville was appointed
secretary of state, and resumed the reins of administration; but,
finding himself unequal to the accumulated opposition that preponderated
against him; foreseeing that he should not be able to secure the
supplies in parliament; and dreading the consequence of that confusion
which his restoration had already produced, he, in three days,
voluntarily quitted the helm; and his majesty acquiesced in the measures
proposed by the opposite party. The seals were re-delivered to the duke
of Newcastle and the earl of Harrington; Mr. Pel-ham, and all the rest
who had resigned, were reinstated in their respective employments; and
offices were conferred on several individuals who had never before been
in the service of the government. William Pitt, esq., was appointed
vice-treasurer of Ireland, and soon promoted to the place of
paymaster-general of the forces; at the same time the king declared him
a privy-counsellor. This gentleman had been originally designed for the
army, in which he actually bore a commission; but fate reserved him a
more important station. In point of fortune he was barely qualified to
be elected member of parliament, when he obtained a seat in the house
of commons, where he soon outshone all his compatriots. He displayed a
surprising extent and precision of political knowledge, an irresistible
energy of argument, and such power of elocution as struck his hearers
with astonishment and admiration. It flashed like the lightning of
heaven against the ministers and sons of corruption, blasting where it
smote, and withering the nerves of opposition; but his more substantial
praise was founded upon his disinterested integrity his incorruptible
heart, his unconquerable spirit of independence, and his invariable
attachment to the interest and liberty of his country.

The quiet of the ministry being re-established, the house of commons
provided for forty thousand seamen, nearly the same number of land
forces, besides fifteen regiments raised by the nobility on account of
the rebellion, and about twelve thousand marines. They settled funds for
the maintenance of the Dutch and Hessian troops that were in England,
as well as for the subsidy to the landgrave. They granted three hundred
thousand pounds to the king of Sardinia; four hundred thousand pounds
to the queen of Hungary; three hundred and ten thousand pounds to defray
the expense of eighteen thousand Hanoverians; about three-and-thirty
thousand pounds in subsidies to the electors of Mentz and Cologn; and
five hundred thousand pounds in a vote of credit and confidence to his
majesty. The whole charge of the current year amounted to seven millions
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, which was raised by the land
and malt taxes, annuities on the additional duties imposed on glass and
spirituous liquors, a lottery, a deduction from the sinking fund, and
exchequer bills, chargeable on the first aids that should be granted in
the next session of parliament.




TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE REBELS.

The rebellion being quelled, the legislature resolved to make examples
of those who had been concerned in disturbing the peace of their
country. In June, an act of attainder was passed against the principal
persons who had embarked in that desperate undertaking; and courts were
opened in different parts of England for the trial of the prisoners.
Seventeen persons who had borne arms in the rebel army were executed
at Kennington Common, in the neighbourhood of London, and suffered
with great constancy under the dreadful tortures which their sentence
prescribed; nine were put to death in the same manner at Carlisle; six
at Brampton, seven at Penrith, eleven at York: of these a considerable
number were gentlemen, and had acted as officers; about fifty had
been executed as deserters in different parts of Scotland; eighty-one
suffered the pains of the law as traitors. A few obtained pardons, and
a considerable number were transported to the plantations. Bills of
indictment for high treason were found by the county of Surrey against
the earls of Kilmarnock and Cromartie, and lord Balmerino. These
noblemen were tried by their peers in Westminster-hall, the lord
chancellor presiding as lord high-steward for the occasion. The two
earls confessed their crimes, and in pathetic speeches recommended
themselves to his majesty’s mercy. Lord Balmerino pleaded not guilty;
he denied his having been at Carlisle at the time specified in the
indictment, but this exception was over-ruled; then he moved a point of
law in arrest of judgment, and was allowed to be heard by his counsel.
They might have expatiated on the hardship of being tried by an ex post
facto law; and claimed the privilege of trial in the county where the
act of treason was said to have been committed. The same hardship was
imposed upon all the imprisoned rebels: they were dragged in captivity
to a strange country, far from their friends and connexions, destitute
of means to produce evidence in their favour, even if they had been
innocent of the charge. Balmerino waived this plea, and submitted to
the court, which pronounced sentence of death upon him and his two
associates. Cromartie’s life was spared; but the other two were
beheaded, in the month of August, on Tower-hill. Kilmarnock was a
nobleman of fine personal accomplishments; he had been educated in
revolution principles, and engaged in the rebellion partly from the
desperate situation of his fortune, and partly from resentment to the
government, on his being deprived of a pension which he had for some
time enjoyed. He was convinced of his having acted criminally, and died
with marks of penitence and contrition. Balmerino had been bred up
to arms, and acted upon principle: he was gallant, brave, rough,
and resolute; he eyed the implements of death with the most careless
familiarity, and seemed to triumph in his sufferings. In November, Mr.
Ratcliffe, the titular earl of Derwentwater, who had been taken in
a ship bound for Scotland, was arraigned on a former sentence passed
against him in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixteen: he
refused to acknowledge the authority of the court, and pleaded that he
was a subject of France, honoured with a commission in the service of
his most christian majesty. The identity of his person being proved, a
rule was made for his execution; and on the eighth day of December he
suffered decapitation, with the most perfect composure and serenity.
Lord Lovat, now turned of four-score, was impeached by the commons, and
tried in Westminster-hall before the lord high-steward. John Murray,
secretary to the prince-pretender, and some of his own domestics,
appearing against him, he was convicted of high treason, and condemned.
Notwithstanding his age, infirmities, and the recollection of his
conscience, which was supposed to be not altogether void of offence,
he died like an old Roman, exclaiming, “Dulce et decorum est pro patria
mori.” He surveyed the crowd with attention, examined the axe, jested
with the executioner, and laid his head upon the block with the utmost
indifference. From this last scene of his life, one would have concluded
that he had approved himself a patriot from his youth, and never
deviated from the paths of virtue.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE STATES-GENERAL ALARMED AT THE PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH.

The flame of war on the continent did not expire at the election of
an emperor, and the re-establishment of peace among the princes of the
empire. On the contrary, it raged with double violence in consequence of
these events; for the force that was before divided being now united
in one body, exerted itself with great vigour and rapidity. The
states-general were overwhelmed with consternation. Notwithstanding the
pains they had taken to avoid a war, and the condescension with
which they had soothed and supplicated the French monarch in repeated
embassies and memorials, they saw themselves striped of their barrier,
and once mere in danger of being overwhelmed by that ambitious nation.
The city of Brussels had been reduced during the winter; so that the
enemy were in possession of all the Austrian Netherlands, except a few
fortresses. Great part of the forces belonging to the republic were
restricted from action by capitulations, to which they had subscribed.
The states were divided in their councils between the two factions which
had long subsisted. They trembled at the prospect of seeing Zealand
invaded in the spring. The Orange party loudly called for an
augmentation of their forces by sea and land, that they might prosecute
the war with vigour. The common people, fond of novelty, dazzled by the
splendour of greatness, and fully persuaded that nothing but a chief
was wanting to their security, demanded the prince of Orange as a
stadtholder; and even mingled menaces with their demands. The opposite
faction dreaded alike the power of a stadtholder, the neighbourhood of
a French army, and the seditious disposition of the populace. An
ambassador was sent to London with representations of the imminent
dangers which threatened the republic, and he was ordered to solicit in
the most pressing terms the assistance of his Britannic majesty, that
the allies might have a superiority in the Netherlands by the beginning
of the campaign. The king was very well disposed to comply with their
request; but the rebellion in his kingdom, and the dissensions in his
cabinet, had retailed the supplies and embarrassed him so much, that he
found it impossible to make those early preparations that were necessary
to check the career of the enemy.




COUNT SAXE SUBDUES ALL FLANDERS, BRABANT, AND HAINAULT.

The king of France, with his general the count de Saxe, took the field
in the latter end of April, at the head of one hundred and twenty
thousand men, and advanced towards the allies, who, to the number of
four-and-forty thousand, were intrenched behind the Demer under the
conduct of the Austrian general Bathiani, who retired before them, and
took post in the neighbourhood of Breda, the capital of Dutch Brabant.
Mareschal Saxe immediately invested Antwerp, which in a few clays
was surrendered. Then he appeared before the strong town of Mons in
Hainault, with an irresistible train of artillery, and an immense
quantity of bombs and warlike implements. He carried on his approaches
with such unabating impetuosity, that, notwithstanding a very vigorous
defence, the garrison was obliged to capitulate on the twenty-seventh
day of June, in about eight-and-twenty days after the place had been
invested. Sieges were not now carried on by the tedious method of
sapping. The French king found it much more expeditious and effectual
to bring into the field a prodigious train of battering cannon, and
enormous mortars, that kept up such a fire as no garrison could sustain,
and discharged such an incessant hail of bombs and bullets, as in a very
little time reduced to ruins the place with all its fortifications. St.
Guislain and Charleroy met with the fate of Mons and Antwerp; so that
by the middle of July the French king was absolute master of Flanders,
Brabant, and Hainault.

Prince Charles of Lorraine had by this time assumed the command of the
confederate army at Terheyde, which being reinforced by the Hessian
troops from Scotland, and a fresh body of Austrians under count Palfi,
amounted to eighty-seven thousand men, including the Dutch forces
commanded by the prince of Waldeck. The generals, supposing the next
storm would fall upon Namur, marched towards that place, and took post
in an advantageous situation on the eighteenth day of July, in sight
of the French army, which was encamped at Gemblours, Here they remained
till the eighth day of August, when a detachment of the enemy, commanded
by count Lowendahl, took possession of Huy, where he found a large
magazine belonging to the confederates; and their communication with
Maestricht was cut off. Mareschal Saxe, on the other side, took his
measures so well, that they were utterly deprived of all subsistence.
Then prince Charles, retiring across the Maese, abandoned Namur to the
efforts of the enemy, by whom it was immediately invested. The trenches
were opened on the second day of September; and the garrison, consisting
of seven thousand Austrian-s, defended themselves with equal skill and
resolution; but the cannonading and bombardment were so terrible, that
in a few days the place was converted into a heap of rubbish; and on the
twenty-third day of the month the French monarch took possession of this
strong fortress, which had formerly sustained such dreadful attacks.
Meanwhile the allied army encamped at Maestricht, were joined by sir
John Ligonier with some British and Bavarian battalions; and prince
Charles resolved to give the enemy battle. With this view he passed the
Maese on the thirteenth day of September, and advanced towards mareschal
Saxe, whom he found so advantageously posted at Tongres, that he thought
proper to march back to Maestricht. On the twenty-sixth day of September
he crossed the Jaar in his retreat; and his rear was attacked by the
enemy, who were repulsed. But count Saxe being reinforced by a body of
troops under the count de Clermont, determined to bring the confederates
to an engagement. On the thirteenth day of the month he passed the Jaar;
while they took possession of the villages of Liers, Warem, and Roucoux,
drew up their forces in order of battle, and made preparations for
giving him a warm reception. On the first day of October the enemy
advanced in three columns; and a terrible cannonading began about noon.
At two o’clock prince Waldeck on the left was charged with great fury;
and, after an obstinate defence, overpowered by numbers. The villages
were attacked in columns, and as one brigade was repulsed another
succeeded; so that the allies were obliged to abandon these posts,
and retreat towards Maestricht, with the loss of five thousand men
and thirty pieces of artillery. The victory, however, cost the French
general a much greater number of lives; and was attended with no solid
advantage. Sir John ligonier, the earls of Crawford [301] _[See note 2
O, at the end of this Vol.]_ and Rothes, brigadier Douglas, and other
officers of the British troops, distinguished themselves by their
gallantry and conduct on this occasion. This action terminated the
campaign. The allies passing the Maese, took up their winter-quarters in
the duchies of Limeburgh and Luxembourg; while the French cantoned their
troops in the places which they had newly conquered.




THE FRENCH AND SPANIARDS ABANDON PIEDMONT AND THE MILANESE.

The campaign in Italy was altogether unfavourable to the French and
Spaniards. The house of Austria being no longer pressed on the side of
Germany, was enabled to make the stronger efforts in this country;
and the British subsidy encouraged the king of Sardinia to act with
redoubled vivacity. Mareschal Maillebois occupied the greater part of
Piedmont with about thirty thousand men. Don Philip and the count de
Gages were at the head of a greater number in the neighbourhood of
Milan; and the duke of Modena, with eight thousand, secured his own
dominions. The king of Sardinia augmented his forces to six-and-thirty
thousand; and the Austrian army, under the prince of Lichtenstein,
amounted to a much greater number; so that the enemy were reduced to the
necessity of acting on the defensive, and retired towards the Mantuan.
In February, baron Leutrum, the Piedmontese general, invested and took
the strong fortress of Aste. He afterwards relieved the citadel of
Alexandria, which the Spaniards had blocked up in the winter, reduced
Casal, recovered Valencia, and obliged Maillebois to retire to the
neighbourhood of Genoa. On the other side, Don Philip and count Gages
abandoned Milan, Pavia, and Parma, retreating before the Austrians with
the utmost precipitation to Placentia, where they were joined on the
third of June by the French forces under Maillebois.

Before this junction was effected, the Spanish general Pignatelli had
passed the river Po in the night with a strong detachment, and beaten up
the quarters of seven thousand Austrians posted at Codogno. Don
Philip, finding himself at the head of two-and-fifty thousand men by his
junction with the French general, resolved to attack the Austrians
in their camp at San Lazaro, before they should be reinforced by his
Sardinian majesty. Accordingly, on the fourth day of June, in the
evening, he marched with equal silence and expedition, and entered the
Austrian trenches about eleven, when a desperate battle ensued. The
Austrians were prepared for the attack, which they sustained with great
vigour till morning. Then they quitted their intrench-ments, and
charged the enemy in their turn with such fury, that after an obstinate
resistance the combined army was broke, and retired with precipitation
to Placentia, leaving on the field fifteen thousand men killed,
wounded, and taken, together with sixty colours and ten pieces of
artillery. In a few weeks the Austrians were joined by the Piedmontese;
the king of Sardinia assumed the chief command; and prince Lichtenstein
being indisposed, his place was supplied by the marquis de Botta. Don
Philip retired to the other side of the Po, and extended his conquests
in the open country of the Milanese. The king of Sardinia called a
council of war, in which it was determined that he should pass the river
with a strong body of troops, in order to straiten the enemy on one
side; while the marquis de Botta should march up the Tydone, to cut off
their communication with Placentia. They forthwith quitted all the posts
they had occupied between the Lambro and Adda, resolving to repass the
Po and retreat to Tortona. With, this view they threw bridges of boats
over that river, and began to pass on the ninth day of August in
the evening. They were attacked at Rotto Freddo by a detachment of
Austrians, under general Serbelloni, who maintained the engagement till
ten in the morning, when Botta arrived; the battle was renewed with
redoubled rage, and lasted till four in the afternoon, when the enemy
retired in great disorder to Tortona, with the loss of eight thousand
men, a good number of colours and standards, and eighteen pieces of
cannon. This victory cost the Austrians four thousand men killed
upon the spot, including the gallant general Bernclau. The victors
immediately summoned Placentia to surrender; and the garrison, consisting
of nine thousand men, were made prisoners of war; Don Philip continued
his retreat, and of all his forces brought six-and-twenty thousand only
into the territories of Genoa.



THE AUSTRIANS TAKE POSSESSION OF GENOA. COUNT BROWN ENTERS PROVENCE.

The Piedmontese and Austrians rejoining in the neighbourhood of Pavia,
advanced to Tortona, of which they took possession without resistance,
while the enemy sheltered themselves under the cannon of Genoa. They
did not long continue in this situation; for on the twenty-second day of
August they were again in motion, and retired into Provence. The court
of Madrid imputing the bad success of this campaign to the misconduct of
count Gages, recalled that general, and sent the marquis de las Minas
to resume the command of the forces. In the meantime, the victorious
confederates appeared before Genoa on the fourth day of December; and
the senate of that city thinking it incapable of defence, submitted to
a very mortifying capitulation, by which the gates were delivered up to
the Austrians, together with all their arms, artillery, and ammunition;
and the city was subjected to the most cruel contributions. The marquis
de Botta being left at Genoa with sixteen thousand men, the king of
Sardinia resolved to pass the Var, and pursue the French and Spaniards
into Provence; but that monarch being seized with the small-pox, the
conduct of this expedition was entrusted to count Brown, an Austrian
general of Irish extract, who had given repeated proofs of uncommon
valour and capacity. He was on this occasion assisted by vice-admiral
Medley, who commanded the British squadron in the Mediterranean. The
French forces had fortified the passes of the Var, under the conduct of
the mareschal de Belleisle, who thought proper to abandon his posts
at the approach of count Brown; and this general, at the head of fifty
thousand men, passed the river without opposition, on the ninth day
of November. While he advanced as far as Draguignan, laying the open
country under contribution, baron Both, with four-and-twenty battalions,
invested Antibes, which was at the same time bombarded on the side
of the sea by the British squadron. The trenches were opened on the
twentieth day of September; but Belleisle having assembled a numerous
army, superior to that of the confederates, and the Genoese having
expelled their Austrian guests, count Brown abandoned the enterprise,
and repassed the Var, not without some damage from the enemy.




THE GENOESE EXPEL THE AUSTRIANS.

The court of Vienna, which has always patronised oppression, exacted
such heavy contribution from the Genoese, and its directions were so
rigorously put in execution, that the people were reduced to despair;
and resolved to make a last effort for the recovery of their liberty
and independence. Accordingly, they took arms in secret, seized several
important posts of the city; surprised some battalions of the Austrians;
surrounded others, and cut them in pieces; and, in a word, drove them
out with great slaughter. The marquis de Botta acted with caution
and spirit; but being overpowered by numbers, and apprehensive of the
peasants in the country, who were in arms, he retreated to the pass of
the Brochetta on the side of Lombardy, where he secured himself in an
advantageous situation, until he could receive reinforcements. The loss
he had sustained at Genoa did not hinder him from reducing Savona, a
sea-port town belonging to that republic; and he afterwards made himself
master of Gavi. The Genoese, on the contrary, exerted themselves with
wonderful industry in fortifying their city, raising troops, and in
taking other measures for a vigorous defence, in case they should again
be insulted.




MADRAS TAKEN BY THE FRENCH.

The naval transactions of this year reflected very little honour on the
British nation. Commodore Peyton, who commanded six ships of war in the
East Indies, shamefully declined a decisive engagement with a French
squadron of inferior force; and abandoned the important settlement of
Madras on the coast of Coromandel, which was taken without opposition in
the month of September by the French commodore, de la Bourdonnais. Fort
St. David, and the other British factories in India, would probably have
shared the same fate, had not the enemy’s naval force in that country
been shattered and partly destroyed by a terrible tempest. No event of
consequence happened in America, though it was a scene that seemed to
promise the greatest success to the arms of England. The reduction
of Cape Breton had encouraged the ministry to project the conquest of
Quebec, the capital of Canada, situated upon the river St. Lawrence.
Commissions were sent to the governors of the British colonies in North
America, empowering them to raise companies to join the armament from
England; and eight thousand troops were actually raised in consequence
of these directions; while a powerful squadron and transports, having
six regiments on board, were prepared at Portsmouth for this expedition.
But their departure was postponed by unaccountable delays, until the
season was judged too far advanced to risk the great ships on the
boisterous coast of North America. That the armament, however, might
not be wholly useless to the nation, it was employed in making a descent
upon the coast of Bretagne, on the supposition that Port L’Orient, the
repository of all the stores and ships belonging to the French East
India company, might be surprised; or, that this invasion would alarm
the enemy, and, by making a diversion, facilitate the operations of the
Austrian general in Provence.

The naval force intended for this service consisted of sixteen great
ships, and eight frigates, besides bomb-ketches and store ships,
commanded by Richard Lestock, appointed admiral of the blue division.
Six battalions of land troops, with a detachment of matrosses and
bombardiers, were embarked in thirty transports, under the conduct of
lieutenant-general Sinclair; and the whole fleet set sail from Plymouth
on the fourteenth day of September. On the twentieth the troops were
landed in Quimperlay-bay, at the distance of ten miles from Port
L’Orient. The militia, reinforced by some detachments from different
regiments, were assembled to the number of two thousand, and seemed
resolved to oppose the disembarkation; but seeing the British troops
determined to land at all events, they thought proper to retire. Next
day general Sinclair advanced into the country, skirmishing with the
enemy in his route; and arriving at the village of Plemure, within half
a league from Port L’Orient, summoned that place to surrender. He
was visited by a deputation from the town, which offered to admit
the British forces, on condition that they should be restrained from
pillaging the inhabitants, and touching the magazines; and that
they should pay a just price for their provisions. These terms being
rejected, the inhabitants prepared for a vigorous defence; and the
English general resolved to besiege the place in form, though he had
neither time, artillery, nor forces sufficient for such an enterprise.
This strange resolution was owing to the declaration of the engineers,
who promised to lay the place in ashes in the space of four-and-twenty
hours. All his cannon amounted to no more than a few field-pieces; and
he was obliged to wait for two iron guns, which the sailors dragged up
from the shipping. Had he given the assault on the first night after
his arrival, when the town was filled with terror and confusion, and
destitute of regular troops, in all probability it would have
been easily taken by scalade; but the reduction of it was rendered
impracticable by his delay. The ramparts were mounted with cannon from
the ships in the harbour; new works were raised with great industry; the
garrison was reinforced by several bodies of regular troops; and great
numbers were assembling from all parts; so that the British forces were
in danger of being surrounded in an enemy’s country. Notwithstanding
these discouragements, they opened a small battery against the town,
which was set on fire in several places by their bombs and red-hot
bullets; they likewise repulsed part of the garrison which had made a
sally to destroy their works; but their cannon producing no effect
upon the fortifications, the fire from the town daily increasing, the
engineers owning they could not perform their promise, and admiral
Lestock declaring, in repeated messages, that he could no longer
expose the ships on an open coast at such a season of the year, general
Sinclair abandoned the siege. Having caused the two iron pieces of
cannon and the mortars to be spiked, he retreated in good order to
the sea-side, where his troops were re-embarked, having sustained
very inconsiderable damage since their first landing. He expected
reinforcements from England, and was resolved to wait a little longer
for their arrival, in hopes of being able to annoy the enemy more
effectually. In the beginning of October, the fleet sailed to
Quiberon-bay, where they destroyed the Ardent, a French ship of war
of sixty-four guns; and a detachment of the forces being landed, took
possession of a fort in the peninsula; while the little islands of Houat
and Hey die were reduced by the sailors. In this situation the admiral
and general continued till the seventeenth day of the month, when the
forts being dismantled, and the troops re-embarked, the fleet sailed
from the French coast; the admiral returned to England, and the
transports with the soldiers proceeded to Ireland, where they arrived in
safety.




NAVAL TRANSACTIONS in the WEST INDIES.

This expedition, weak and frivolous as it may seem, was resented by the
French nation as one of the greatest insults they had ever sustained;
and demonstrated the possibility of hurting France in her tenderest
parts, by means of an armament of this nature, well timed, and
vigorously conducted. Indeed, nothing could be more absurd or
precipitate than an attempt to distress the enemy by landing a handful
of troops, without draught-horses, tents, or artillery, from a fleet of
ships lying on an open beach, exposed to the uncertainty of weather in
the most tempestuous season of the year, so as to render the retreat and
re-embarkation altogether precarious. The British squadrons in the West
Indies performed no exploit of consequence in the course of this year.
The commerce was but indifferently protected. Commodore Lee, stationed
off Martinico, allowed a French fleet of merchant-ships, and their
convoy, to pass by his squadron unmolested; and commodore Mitchel
behaved scandalously in a rencontre with the French squadron, under the
conduct of monsieur de Conflans, who in his return to Europe took
the Severn, an English ship of fifty guns. The cruisers on all sides,
English, French, and Spaniards, were extremely alert; and though the
English lost the greater number of ships, this difference was more than
overbalanced by the superior value of the prizes taken from the enemy.
In the course of this year, two-and-twenty Spanish privateers, and
sixty-six merchant vessels, including ten register ships, fell into the
hands of the British cruisers; from the French they took seven ships of
war, ninety privateers, and about three hundred ships of commerce. The
new king of Spain* being supposed well-affected to the British nation,
an effort was made to detach him from the interests of France, by means
of the marquis de Tabernega, who had formerly been his favourite, and
resided many years as a refugee in England.

     * In the month of July, Philip king of Spain dying, in the
     sixty-third year of his age, was succeeded by his eldest son
     Ferdinand, born of Maria-Louisa Gabriela, sister to the late
     king of Sardinia. He espoused Donna Maria Magdalena, infanta
     of Portugal, but had no issue. Philip was but two days
     survived by his daughter, the dauphiness of France. The same
     month was remarkable for the death of Christian VI., king
     of Denmark, succeeded by his son Frederick V., who had
     married the princess Louisa, youngest daughter of the king
     of Great Britain.

This nobleman proceeded to Lisbon, where a negotiation was set on foot
with the court of Madrid. But his efforts miscarried; and the influence
of the queen-mother continued to predominate in the Spanish councils.
The states-general had for some years endeavoured to promote a
pacification by remonstrances, and even entreaties, at the court of
Versailles; the French king at length discovered an inclination to
peace, and in September a congress was opened at Breda, the capital
of Dutch Brabant, where the plenipotentiaries of the emperor, Great
Britain, France, and Holland, were assembled; but the French were so
insolent in their demands, that the conferences were soon interrupted.

The parliament of Great Britain meeting in November, the king exhorted
them to concert with all possible expedition the proper measures
for pursuing the war with vigour, that the confederate army in the
Netherlands might be seasonably augmented; he likewise gave them to
understand, that the funds appropriated for the support of his civil
government had for some years past fallen short of the revenue intended
and granted by parliament; and said he relied on their known affection
to find out some method to make good this deficiency. As all those who
had conducted the opposition were now concerned in the administration,
little or no objection was made to any demand or proposal of the
government and its ministers. The commons having considered the
estimates, voted forty thousand seamen for the service of the ensuing
year, and about sixty thousand land-forces, including eleven thousand
five hundred marines. They granted four hundred and thirty-three
thousand pounds to the empress queen of Hungary; three hundred thousand
pounds to the king of Sardinia; four hundred and ten thousand pounds for
the maintenance of eighteen thousand Hanoverian auxiliaries; one hundred
and sixty one thousand six hundred and seven pounds for six thousand
Hessians; subsidies to the electors of Cologn, Mentz, and Bavaria;
and the sum of five hundred thousand pounds to enable his majesty to
prosecute the war with advantage. In a word, the supplies amounted to
nine millions four hundred and twenty-five thousand two hundred and
fifty-four pounds; a sum almost incredible, if we consider how the
kingdom had been already drained of its treasure. It was raised by the
usual taxes, reinforced with new impositions on windows, carriages, and
spirituous liquors; a lottery, and a loan from the sinking-fund. The new
taxes were mortgaged for four millions by transferable annuities, at
an interest of four, and a premium of ten per centum. By reflecting
on these enormous grants, one would imagine the ministry had been
determined to impoverish the nation; but from the eagerness and
expedition with which the people subscribed for the money, one would
conclude that the riches of the kingdom were inexhaustible. It may not
be amiss to observe, that the supplies of this year exceeded, by two
millions and a half, the greatest annual sum that was raised during the
reign of queen Anne, though she maintained as great a number of troops
as was now in the pay of Great Britain, and her armies and fleets
acquired every year fresh harvests of glory and advantage; whereas
this war had proved an almost uninterrupted series of events big with
disaster and dishonour. During the last two years, the naval expense of
England had exceeded that of France about five millions sterling; though
her fleets had not obtained one signal advantage over the enemy at sea,
nor been able to protect her commerce from their depredations. She was
at once a prey to her declared adversaries and professed friends. Before
the end of summer, she numbered among her mercenaries two empresses,
five German princes, and a powerful monarch, whom she hired to assist
her in trimming the balance of Europe, in which they themselves were
immediately interested, and she had no more than a secondary concern.
Had these fruitless subsidies been saved; had the national revenue
been applied with economy to national purposes; had it been employed in
liquidating gradually the public incumbrances: in augmenting the navy,
improving manufactures, encouraging and securing the colonies, and
extending trade and navigation; corruption would have become altogether
unnecessary, and disaffection would have vanished: the people would have
been eased of their burdens, and ceased to complain; commerce would
have flourished, and produced such affluence as must have raised Great
Britain to the highest pinnacle of maritime power, above all rivalship
of competition. She would have been dreaded by her enemies; revered by
her neighbours; oppressed nations would have crept under her wings for
protection; contending potentates would have appealed to her decision;
and she would have shone the universal arbitress of Europe. How
different is her present situation! her debts are enormous, her taxes
intolerable, her people discontented, and the sinews of her government
relaxed. Without conduct, confidence, or concert, she engages in
blundering negotiations; she involves herself rashly in foreign
quarrels, and lavishes her substance with the most dangerous
precipitation; she is even deserted by her wonted vigour, steadiness,
and intrepidity; she grows vain, fantastical, and pusillanimous; her
arms are despised by her enemies; and her councils ridiculed through all
Christendom.




PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED.

The king, in order to exhibit a specimen of his desire to diminish the
public expense, ordered the third and fourth troops of his life-guards
to be disbanded, and reduced three regiments of horse to the quality of
dragoons. The house of commons presented an address of thanks for this
instance of economy, by which the annual sum of seventy thousand pounds
was saved to the nation. Notwithstanding this seeming harmony between
the king and the great council of the nation, his majesty resolved, with
the advice of his council, to dissolve the present parliament, though
the term of seven years was not yet expired since its first meeting. The
ministry affected to insinuate, that the states-general were unwilling
to concur with his majesty in vigorous measures against France, during
the existence of a parliament which had undergone such a vicissitude of
complexion. The allies of Great Britain, far from being suspicious of
this assembly, which had supplied them so liberally, saw with concern
that according to law it would soon be dismissed; and they doubted
whether another could be procured equally agreeable to their purposes.
In order to remove this doubt, the ministry resolved to surprise the
kingdom with a new election, before the malcontents should be prepared
to oppose the friends of the government.

{1747}

Accordingly, when the business of the session was despatched, the king
having given the royal assent to the several acts they had prepared,
dismissed them in the month of June, with an affectionate speech that
breathed nothing but tenderness and gratitude. The parliament was
immediately dissolved by proclamation, and new writs were issued for
convoking another. Among the laws passed in this session, was an act
abolishing the heritable jurisdictions, and taking away the tenure
of wardholdings in Scotland, which were reckoned among the principal
sources of those rebellions that had been excited since the revolution.
In the highlands they certainly kept the common people in subjection
to their chiefs, whom they implicitly followed and obeyed in all their
undertakings. By this act these mountaineers were legally emancipated
from slavery; but as the tenants enjoyed no leases, and were at all
times liable to be ejected from their farms, they still depended on
the pleasure of their lords, notwithstanding this interposition of the
legislature, which granted a valuable consideration in money to every
nobleman and petty baron, who was thus deprived of one part of his
inheritance. The forfeited estates indeed were divided into small farms,
and let by the government on leases at an under value; so that those
who had the good fortune to obtain such leases tasted the sweets of
independence; but the highlanders in general were left in their
original indigence and incapacity, at the mercy of their superiors. Had
manufactures and fisheries been established in different parts of
their country, they would have seen and felt the happy consequences of
industry, and in a little time been effectually detached from all their
slavish connexions.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE FRENCH AND ALLIES TAKE THE FIELD IN FLANDERS.

The operations of the campaign had been concerted in the winter at the
Hague, between the duke of Cumberland and the states-general of the
United Provinces, who were by this time generally convinced of France’s
design to encroach upon their territories. They therefore determined to
take effectual measures against that restless and ambitious neighbour.
The allied powers agreed to assemble a vast army in the Netherlands;
and it was resolved that the Austrians and Piedmonte so should once more
penetrate into Provence. The Dutch patriots, however, were not roused
into this exertion, until all their remonstrances had failed at the
court of Versailles; until they had been urged by repeated memorials of
the English ambassador, and stimulated by the immediate danger to which
their country was exposed; for France was by this time possessed of
all the Austrian Netherlands, and seemed bent upon penetrating into the
territories of the United Provinces. In February, the duke of Cumberland
began to assemble the allied forces; and in the latter end of March they
took the field in three separate bodies. His royal highness, with the
English, Hanoverians, and Hessians, fixed his head quarters at the
village of Tilberg; the prince of Waldeck was posted with the Dutch
troops at Breda; and mareschal Bathiani collected the Austrians and
Bavarians in the neighbourhood of Venlo. The whole army amounted to one
hundred and twenty thousand men, who lay inactive six weeks, exposed
to the inclemency of the weather, and almost destitute of forage and
provisions. Count Saxe, by this time created mareschal-general of
France, continued his troops within their cantonments at Bruges,
Antwerp, and Brussels, declaring, that when the allied army should
be weakened by sickness and mortality, he would convince the duke of
Cumberland that the first duty of a general is to provide for the health
and preservation of his troops. In April this fortunate commander took
the field, at the head of one hundred and forty thousand men; and the
count de Clermont commanded a separate body of nineteen battalions and
thirty squadrons. Count Lowendahl was detached on the sixteenth of the
month, with seven-and-twenty thousand men, to invade Dutch Flanders; at
the same time, the French minister at the Hague presented a memorial to
the states, intimating, that his master was obliged to take this step by
the necessity of war; but that his troops should observe the strictest
discipline, without interfering with the religion, government, or
commerce of the republic; he likewise declared, that the countries
and places of which he might be obliged to take possession should be
detained no otherwise than as a pledge, to be restored as soon as the
United Provinces should give convincing proofs that they would no longer
furnish the enemies of France with succours.




THE PRINCE OF ORANGE ELECTED STADTHOLDER.

While the states deliberated upon this declaration, count Lowendahl
entered Dutch Brabant, and invested the town and fortress of Sluys,
the garrison of which surrendered themselves prisoners of war on the
nineteenth day of April. This was likewise the fate of Sas-van-Ghent,
while the marquis de Contades, with another detachment, reduced the
forts Perle and Leifkenshoek, with the town of Philippine, even within
hearing of the confederate army. The fort of Sandberg was vigorously
defended by two English battalions; but they were overpowered, and
obliged to retire to Welsthoorden; and count Lowendahl undertook the
siege of Hulst, which was shamefully surrendered by La Roque the Dutch
governor, though he knew that a reinforcement of nine battalions was on
the march to his relief. Then the French general took possession of Axel
and Terneuse, and began to prepare flat-bottomed boats for a descent
on the island of Zealand. The Dutch people were now struck with
consternation. They saw the enemy at their doors, and owed their
immediate preservation to the British squadron stationed at the Swin,
under the command of commodore Mitchel,* who, by means of his sloops,
tenders, and small craft, took such measures as defeated the intention
of Lowendahl. The common people in Zealand being reduced to despair,
began to clamour loudly against their governors, as if they had not
taken the proper measures for their security. The friends of the prince
of Orange did not neglect this opportunity of promoting his interest.
They encouraged their discontent, and exaggerated the danger; they
reminded them of the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-two,
when the French king was at the gates of Amsterdam, and the republic was
saved by the choice of a stadtholder; they exhorted them to turn their
eyes on the descendant of those heroes who had established the liberty
and independence of the United Provinces; they extolled his virtue and
ability; his generosity, his justice, his unshaken love to his country.
The people in several towns, inflamed by such representations to tumult
and sedition, compelled their magistrates to declare the prince of
Orange stadtholder. He himself, in a letter to the states of
Zealand, offered his services for the defence of the province. On the
twenty-eighth day of April he was nominated captain-general and admiral
of Zealand. Their example was followed by Rotterdam and the whole
province of Holland; and on the second day of May, the prince of Orange
was, in the assembly of the states-general, invested with the power
and dignity of stadtholder, captain-general, and admiral of the United
Provinces. The vigorous consequences of this resolution immediately
appeared. All commerce and contracts with the French were prohibited;
the peasants were armed and exercised; a resolution passed for making a
considerable augmentation of the army, a council of war was established
for inquiring into the conduct of the governors who had given up the
frontier places; and orders were issued to commence hostilities against
the French, both by sea and land.

Meanwhile the duke of Cumberland took post with his whole army between
the two Nethes, to cover Bergen-op-Zoom and Maestricht; and Mareschal
Saxe called in his detachments with a view to hazard a general
engagement. In the latter end of May the French king arrived at
Brussels, and his general resolved to undertake the siege of Maestricht.
For this purpose he advanced towards Louvain; and the confederates
perceiving his drift, began their march to take post between the town
and the enemy. On the twentieth day of June they took possession of
their ground, and were drawn up in order of battle, with their right at
Bilsen, and their left extending to Wirle within a mile of Maestricht,
having in the front of their left wing the village of Laffeldt, in which
they posted several battalions of British infantry. The French had taken
possession of the heights of Herdeeren, immediately above the allies;
and both armies cannonaded each other till the evening. In the morning
the enemy’s infantry marched down the hill in a prodigious column, and
attacked the village of Laffeldt, which was well fortified, and defended
with amazing obstinacy. The assailants suffered terribly in their
approach from the cannon of the confederates, which was served with
surprising dexterity and success; and they met with such a warm
reception from the British musquetry as they could not withstand; but,
when they were broken and dispersed, fresh brigades succeeded with
astonishing perseverance. The confederates were driven out of the
village; yet being sustained by three regiments, they measured back
their ground, and repulsed the enemy with great slaughter. Nevertheless,
count Saxe continued pouring in other battalions, and the French
regained and maintained their footing in the village, after it had been
three times lost and carried. The action was chiefly confined to this
post, where the field exhibited a horrible scene of carnage. At noon the
duke of Cumberland ordered the whole left wing to advance against
the enemy, whose infantry gave way; prince Waldeck led up the centre;
marshal Bathiani made a motion with the right wing towards Herdeeren,
and victory seemed ready to declare for the confederates, when the
fortune of the day took a sudden turn to their prejudice. Several
squadrons of Dutch horse posted in the centre gave way, and flying at
full gallop, overthrew five battalions of infantry that were advancing
from the body of reserve. The French cavalry charged them with great
impetuosity, increasing the confusion that was already produced, and
penetrating through the lines of the allied army, which was thus divided
about the centre. The duke of Cumberland, who exerted himself with
equal courage and activity in attempting to remedy this disorder, was in
danger of being taken; and the defeat would in all probability have been
total, had not sir John Ligonier taken the resolution of sacrificing
himself and a part of the troops to the safety of the army. At the head
of three British regiments of dragoons, and some squadrons of imperial
horse, he charged the whole line of the French cavalry with such
intrepidity and success, that he overthrew all that opposed him, and
made such a diversion as enabled the duke of Cumberland to effect
an orderly retreat to Maestricht. He himself was taken by a French
carabinier, after his horse had been killed; but the regiments he
commanded retired with deliberation. The confederates retreated to
Maestricht, without having sustained much damage from the pursuit, and
even brought off all their artillery, except sixteen pieces of cannon.
Their loss did not exceed six thousand men killed and taken; whereas
the French general purchased the victory at a much greater expense. The
common cause of the confederate powers is said to have suffered from the
pride and ignorance of their generals. On the eve of the battle,
when the detachment of the count de Clermont appeared on the hill of
Herdeeren, marshal Bathiani asked permission of the commander-in-chief
to attack them before they should be reinforced, declaring he would
answer for the success of the enterprise. No regard was paid to this
proposal; but the superior asked in his turn, where the marshal would
be in case he should be wanted? He replied, “I shall always be found
at the head of my troops,” and retired in disgust. The subsequent
disposition has likewise been blamed, inasmuch as not above one half of
the army could act, while the enemy exerted their whole force.




SIEGE OF BERGEN-OP-ZOOM.

The confederates passed the Maese and encamped in the duchy of Limburgh,
so as to cover Maestricht; while the French king remained with his
army in the neighbourhood of Tongres. Mareschal Saxe, having amused
the allies with marches and counter-marches, at length detached count
Lowendahl with six-and-thirty thousand men to besiege Bergen-op-Zoom,
the strongest fortification of Dutch Brabant, the favourite work of
the famous engineer Coehorn, never conquered, and generally esteemed
invincible. It was secured with a garrison of three thousand men, and
well provided with artillery, ammunition, and magazines. The enemy
appeared before it on the twelfth day of July, and summoned the governor
to surrender. The prince of Saxe-Hildburghausen was sent to its relief,
with twenty battalions and fourteen squadrons of the troops that could
be most conveniently assembled; he entered the lines of Bergen-op-Zooin,
where he remained in expectation of a strong reinforcement from the
confederate army; and the old baron Cronstrom, whom the stadtholder had
appointed governor of Brabant, assumed the command of the garrison
The besiegers carried on their operations with great vivacity; and the
troops in the town defended it with equal vigour. The eyes of all Europe
were turned upon this important siege; count Lowendahl received divers
reinforcements; and a considerable body of troops was detached from the
allied army, under the command of baron Schwartzenberg, to co-operate
with the prince of Saxe-Hildburghausen. The French general lost a great
number of men by the close and continual fire of the besieged; while
he, in his turn, opened such a number of batteries, and plied them so
warmly, that the defences began to give way. From the sixteenth day of
July to the fifteenth of September, the siege produced an unintermitting
scene of horror and destruction: desperate sallies were made, and mines
sprung with the most dreadful effect; the works began to be shattered;
the town was laid in ashes; the trenches were filled with carnage;
nothing was seen but fire and smoke; nothing heard but one continued
roar of bombs and cannon. But still the damage fell chiefly on the
besiegers, who were slain in heaps; while the garrison suffered very
little, and could be occasionally relieved or reinforced from the lines.
In a word, it was generally believed that count Lowendahl would
be baffled in his endeavours; and by this belief the governor of
Bergen-op-Zoom seems to have been lulled into a blind security. At
length, some inconsiderable breaches were made in one ravelin and
two bastions, and these the French general resolved to storm, though
Cronstrom believed they were impracticable; ind on that supposition
presumed that the enemy would not attempt an assault. For this very
reason count Lowendahl resolved to hazard the attack, before the
preparations should be made for his reception. He accordingly regulated
his dispositions, and at four o’clock in the morning, on the sixteenth
day of September, the signal was made for the assault. A prodigious
quantity of bombs being thrown into the ravelin, his troops threw
themselves into the fosse, mounted the breaches, forced open a
sally-port, and entered the place almost without resistance. In a word,
they had time to extend themselves along the curtains, and form in order
of battle, before the garrison could be assembled. Cronstrom was asleep,
and the soldiers upon duty had been surprised by the suddenness and
impetuosity of the attack. Though the French had taken possession of the
ramparts, they did not gain the town without opposition. Two battalions
of the Scottish troops, in the pay of the states-general, were assembled
in the market-place, and attacked them with such fury, that they were
driven from street to street, until fresh reinforcements arriving,
compelled the Scots to retreat in their turn; yet they disputed every
inch of ground, and fought until two thirds of them were killed upon the
spot. Then they brought off the old governor, abandoning the town to the
enemy; the troops that were encamped in the lines retreating with
great precipitation, all the forts in the neighbourhood immediately
surrendered to the victors, who now became masters of the whole
navigation of the Schelde. The French king was no sooner informed of
Lowendahl’s success, than he promoted him to the rank of mareschal of
France; appointed count Saxe governor of the conquered Netherlands;
and returned in triumph to Versailles. In a little time after this
transaction, both armies were distributed into winter quarters, and the
duke of Cumberland embarked for England.

In Italy, the French arms did not triumph with equal success, though
the mareschal de Belleisle saw himself at the head of a powerful army
in Provence. In April he passed the Var without opposition, and took
possession of Nice. He met with little or no resistance in reducing
Montalban, Villafranca, and Ventimiglia; while general Brown, with
eight-and-twenty thousand Aus-trians, retired towards Final and Savona.
In the meantime, another large body under count Schuylemberg, Who
had succeeded the marquis de Botta, co-operated with fifteen thousand
Piedmontese in an attempt to recover the city of Genoa. The French
king had sent their supplies, succours, and engineers, with the duke
de Boufflers, as ambassador to the republic, who likewise acted as
commander-in-chief of the forces employed for its defence. The Austrian
general assembled his troops in the Milanese, having forced the passage
of the Bochetta on the thirteenth of January, he advanced into the
territories of Genoa, and the Eiviera was ravaged without mercy. On
the last day of March he appeared before the city at the head of forty
thousand men, and summoned the revolters to lay down their arms. The
answer he received was, that the republic had fifty-four thousand men in
arms, two hundred and sixty cannon, thirty-four mortars, with abundance
of ammunition and provision; that they would defend their liberty with
their last blood, and be buried in the ruins of their capital, rather
than submit to the clemency of the court of Vienna, except by an
honourable capitulation, guaranteed by the kings of Great Britain
and Sardinia, the republic of Venice and the United Provinces. In the
beginning of May, Genoa was invested on all sides; a furious sally was
made by the duke de Boufflers, who drove the besiegers from their posts;
but the Austrians rallying, he was repulsed in his turn, with the loss
of seven hundred men. General Schuylemberg carried on his operations
with such skill, vigour, and intrepidity, that he made himself master of
the suburbs of Bisagno; and in all probability would have reduced the
city, had he not been obliged to desist, in consequence of the repeated
remonstrances made by the king of Sardinia and count Brown, who
represented the necessity of his abandoning his enterprise, and
drawing off his army to cover Piedmont and Lombardy from the efforts of
mareschal de Belleisle. Accordingly he raised the siege on the tenth day
of June, and returned into the Milanese in order to join his Sardinian
majesty; while the Genoese made an irruption into the Parmesan and
Placentia, where they committed terrible outrages, in revenge for the
mischiefs they had undergone.




THE CHEVALIER DE BELLEISLE SLAIN.

While the mareschal de Belleisle remained at Ventimiglia, his brother,
at the head of four-and-thirty thousand French and Spaniards, attempted
to penetrate into Piedmont: on the sixth day of July he arrived at
the pass of Exilles, a strong fortress on the frontiers of Dauphiné,
situated on the north side of the river Doria. The defence of this
important post the king of Sardinia had committed to the care of the
count de Brigueras, who formed an encampment behind the lines,
with fourteen battalions of Piedmontese and Austrians, while divers
detachments were posted along all the passes of the Alps. On the eighth
day of the month the Piedmontese intrenchments were attacked by the
chevalier de Belleisle, with incredible intrepidity; but the columns
were repulsed with great loss in three successive attacks. Impatient of
this obstinate opposition, and determined not to survive a miscarriage,
this impetuous general seized a pair of colours, and advancing at the
head of his troops through a prodigious fire, pitched them with his own
hand on the enemy’s entrenchments. At that instant he fell dead, having
received two musquet-balls and the thrust of a bayonet in his body. The
assailants were so much dispirited by the death of their commander,
that they forthwith gave way, and retreated with precipitation towards
Sesteries, having lost near five thousand men in the attack. The
mareschal was no sooner informed of his brother’s misfortune, than he
retreated towards the Var to join the troops from Exilles, while the
king of Sardinia, having assembled an army of seventy thousand men,
threatened Dauphiné with an invasion; but the excessive rains prevented
the execution of his design. General Leutrum was detached with twenty
battalions, to drive the French from Ventimiglia; but Belleisle marching
back, that scheme was likewise frustrated; and thus ended the campaign.




A FRENCH SQUADRON TAKEN.

In this manner was the French king baffled in his projects upon Italy;
nor was he more fortunate in his naval operations. He had in the
preceding year equipped an expensive armament, under the command of the
duke d’Anville, for the recovery of Cape Breton; but it was rendered
ineffectual by storms, distempers, and the death of the commander. Not
yet discouraged by these disasters, he resolved to renew his efforts
against the British colonies in North America, and their settlements
in the East Indies. For these purposes two squadrons were prepared at
Brest, one to be commanded by the commodore de la Jonquiere; and the
other destined for India, by monsieur de St. George. The ministry of
Great Britain, being apprized of these measures, resolved to intercept
both squadrons, which were to set sail together. For this purpose
vice-admiral Anson and rear-admiral Warren took their departure from
Plymouth with a formidable fleet, and steered their course to Cape
Finisterre on the coast of Gallicia. On the third day of May, they fell
in with the French squadrons, commanded by la Jonquiere and St. George,
consisting of six large ships of war, as many frigates, and four armed
vessels equipped by their East India company, having under their convoy
about thirty ships laden with merchandise. Those prepared for war
immediately shortened sail, and formed a line of battle; while the rest,
under the protection of the six frigates, proceeded on their voyage with
all the sail they could carry. The British squadron was likewise drawn
up in line of battle; but Mr. Warren, perceiving that the enemy began
to sheer off, now their convoy was at a considerable distance, advised
admiral Anson to haul in the signal for the line, and hoist another
for giving chase and engaging, otherwise the French would, in all
probability, escape by favour of the night. The proposal was embraced;
and in a little time the engagement began with great fury, about four
o’clock in the afternoon. The enemy sustained the battle with equal
conduct and valour, until they were overpowered by numbers, and then
they struck their colours. The admiral detached three ships in pursuit
of the convoy, nine sail of which were taken; but the rest were saved by
the intervening darkness. About seven hundred of the French were killed
and wounded in this action. The English lost about five hundred; and
among these captain Grenville, commander of the ship Defiance. He
was nephew to the lord viscount Cobham, a youth of the most amiable
character and promising genius, animated with the noblest sentiments of
honour and patriotism. Eager in the pursuit of glory, he rushed into the
midst of the battle, where both his legs were cut off by a cannon-ball.
He submitted to his fate with the most heroic resignation, and died
universally lamented and beloved. The success of the British arms in
this engagement was chiefly owing to the conduct, activity, and courage
of the rear-admiral. A considerable quantity of bullion was found in the
prizes, which was brought to Spithead in triumph; and the treasure being
landed, was conveyed in twenty waggons to the bank of London. Admiral
Anson was ennobled, and Mr. Warren honoured with the order of the Bath.




ADMIRAL HAWKE OBTAINS ANOTHER VICTORY OVER THE FRENCH.

About the middle of June, commodore Fox, with six ships of war, cruising
in the latitude of Cape Ortegal in Gallicia, took above forty French
ships, richly laden from St. Domingo, after they had been abandoned by
their convoy. But the French king sustained another more important loss
at sea, in the month of October. Rear-admiral Hawke sailed from
Plymouth in the beginning of August, with fourteen ships of the line, to
intercept a fleet of French merchant ships bound for the West Indies. He
cruised for some time on the coast of Bretagne; and at length the French
fleet sailed from the isle of Aix, under convoy of nine ships of the
line, besides frigates, commanded by monsieur de Letendeur. On the
fourteenth day of October, the two squadrons were in sight of each
other, in the latitude of Belleisle. The French commodore immediately
ordered one of his great ships, and the frigates, to proceed with
the trading ships, while he formed the line of battle, and waited the
attack. At eleven in the forenoon admiral Hawke displayed the signal to
chase, and in half an hour both fleets were engaged. The battle lasted
till night, when all the French squadron, except the Intrepide and
Ton-ant, had struck to the English flag. These two capital ships escaped
in the dark, and returned to Brest in a shattered condition. The
French captains sustained the unequal fight with uncommon bravery and
resolution; and did not yield until their ships were disabled. Their
loss in men amounted to eight hundred: the number of English killed in
this engagement did not exceed two hundred, including captain Saumarez,
a gallant officer who had served under lord Anson in his expedition
to the Pacific Ocean. Indeed it must be owned, for the honour of that
nobleman, that all these officers formed under his example, and raised
by his influence, approved themselves in all respects worthy of the
commands to which they were preferred. Immediately after the action,
admiral Hawke despatched a sloop to commodore Legge, whose squadron was
stationed at the Leeward Islands, with intelligence of the French fleet
of merchant ships outward-bound, that he might take the proper measures
for intercepting them in their passage to Martinique and the other
French islands. In consequence of this advice he redoubled his
vigilance, and a good number of them fell into his hands. Admiral Hawke
conducted his prizes to Spithead; and in his letter to the board of
admiralty, declared that all his captains behaved like men of honour
during the engagement, except Mr. Fox, whose conduct he desired might
be subjected to an inquiry. That gentleman was accordingly tried by a
court-martial, and suspended from his command, for having followed the
advice of his officers contrary to his own better judgment; but he was
soon restored, and afterwards promoted to the rank of admiral; while Mr.
Matthews, whose courage never incurred suspicion, still laboured under
suspension for that which had been successfully practised in both these
late actions, namely, engaging the enemy without any regard to the line
of battle. In the Mediterranean, vice-admiral Medley blocked up the
Spanish squadron in Carthagena; assisted the Austrian general on the
coast of Villafranca; and intercepted some of the succours sent from
France to the assistance of the Genoese. At his death, which happened
in the beginning of August, the command of that squadron devolved upon
rear-admiral Byng, who proceeded on the same plan of operation. In the
summer, two British ships of war, having under their convoy a fleet
of merchant ships bound to North America, fell in with the Glorioso, a
Spanish ship of eighty guns, in the latitude of the Western Isles. She
had sailed from the Havannah with an immense treasure on board, and must
have fallen a prize to the English ships had each captain done his duty.
Captain Erskine, in the Warwick of sixty guns, attacked her with great
intrepidity, and fought until his ship was entirely disabled; but being
unsustained by his consort, he was obliged to haul off, and the Glorioso
arrived in safety at Ferrol; there the silver was landed, and she
proceeded on her voyage to Cadiz, which, however, she did not reach.
She was encountered by the Dartmouth, a British frigate of forty guns,
commanded by captain Hamilton, a gallant youth, who, notwithstanding the
inequality of force, engaged her without hesitation; but in the heat of
the action, his ship being set on fire by accident, was blown up, and-he
perished with all his crew, except a midshipman and ten or eleven
sailors, who were taken up alive by a privateer that happened to be in
sight. Favourable as this accident may seem to the Glorioso, she did
not escape. An English ship of eighty guns, under the command of captain
Buckle, came up and obliged the Spaniards to surrender, after a short
but vigorous engagement. Commodore Griffin had been sent, with a
reinforcement of ships, to assume the command of the squadron in the
East Indies; and although his arrival secured Fort St. David’s and the
other British settlements in that country, from the insults of monsieur
da la Bourdonnais, his strength was not sufficient to enable him to
undertake any enterprise of importance against the enemy; the ministry
of England therefore resolved to equip a fresh armament, that, when
joined by the ships in India, should be in a condition to besiege
Pon-dicherry, the principal settlement belonging to the French on the
coast of Coromandel. For this service, a good number of independent
companies was raised, and set sail, in the sequel, with a strong
squadron under the conduct of rear-admiral Boscawen, an officer of
unquestioned valour and capacity. In the course of this year, the
British cruisers were so alert and successful, that they took six
hundred and forty-four prizes from the French and Spaniards, whereas the
loss of Great Britain in the same time did not exceed five hundred and
fifty.




CONGRESS AT AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.

All the belligerent powers were by this time heartily tired of a war
which had consumed an immensity of treasure, had been productive of
so much mischief, and in the events of which, all, in their turns, had
found themselves disappointed. Immediately after the battle of Laffeldt,
the king of France had, in a personal conversation with sir John
Ligonier, expressed his desire of a pacification; and afterwards his
minister at the Hague presented a declaration on the same subject to the
deputies of the states-general. The signal success of the British arms
at sea confirmed him in these sentiments, which were likewise reinforced
by a variety of other considerations. His finances were almost
exhausted, and his supplies from the Spanish West Indies rendered so
precarious by the vigilance of the British cruisers, that he could no
longer depend upon their arrival. The trading part of his subjects had
sustained such losses, that his kingdom was filled with bankruptcies;
and the best part of his navy now contributed to strengthen the fleets
of his enemies. The election of a stadtholder had united the whole power
of the states-general against him, in taking the most resolute measures
for their own safety; his views in Germany were entirely frustrated
by the elevation of the grand duke to the Imperial throne, and
the re-establishment of peace between the houses of Austria and
Bran-denburgh; the success of his arms in Italy had not at all answered
his expectation; and Genoa was become an expensive ally. He had the
mortification to see the commerce of Britain flourish in the midst of
war, while his own people were utterly impoverished. The parliament of
England granted, and the nation paid such incredible sums as enabled
their sovereign not only to maintain invincible navies and formidable
armies, but likewise to give subsidies to all the powers of Europe. He
knew that a treaty of this kind was actually upon the anvil between his
Britannic majesty and the czarina, and he began to be apprehensive
of seeing an army of Russians in the Netherlands. His fears from this
quarter were not without foundation. In the month of November, the earl
of Hyndford, ambassador from the king of Great Britain at the court of
Russia, concluded a treaty of subsidy, by which the czarina engaged to
hold in readiness thirty thousand men, and forty galleys, to be employed
in the service of the confederates on the first requisition. The
states-general acceded to this agreement, and even consented to pay
one-fourth of the subsidy. His most christian majesty, moved by these
considerations, made further advances towards an accommodation both at
the Plague and in London; and the contending powers agreed to another
congress, which was actually opened in March at Aix-la-Chapelle,
where the earl of Sandwich and sir Thomas Robinson assisted as
plenipotentiaries from the king of Great Britain.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




COMPLIANT TEMPER OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The elections for the new parliament in England had been conducted so as
fully to answer the purposes of the duke of Newcastle, and his brother
Mr. Pelham, who had for some time wholly engrossed the administration.
Both houses were assembled on the tenth day of November, when Mr. Onslow
was unanimously reelected speaker of the commons. The session was opened
as usual by a speech from the throne, congratulating them on the
signal successes of the British navy, and the happy alteration in the
government of the United Provinces. His majesty gave them to understand
that a congress would speedily be opened at Aix-la-Chapelle, to concert
the means for effecting a general pacification; and reminded them that
nothing would more conduce to the success of this negotiation than the
vigour and unanimity of their proceedings. He received such addresses
as the ministers were pleased to dictate. Opposition now languished at
their feet. The duke of Bedford was become a courtier, and in a
little time appointed secretary of state, in the room of the earl
of Chesterfield, who had lately executed that office, which he now
resigned; and the earl of Sandwich no longer harangued against
the administration. This new house of commons, in imitation of the
liberality of their predecessors, readily gratified all the requests of
the government. They voted forty thousand seamen, forty-nine thousand
land forces, besides eleven thousand five hundred marines; the subsidies
for the queen of Hungary, the czarina, the king of Sardinia,
the electors of Mentz and Bavaria, the Hessians, and the duke of
Wolfenbuttle; the sum of two hundred and thirty-five thousand seven
hundred and forty-nine pounds, was granted to the provinces of New
England, to reimburse them for the expense of reducing Cape Breton;
five hundred thousand pounds were given to his majesty for the vigorous
prosecution of the war; and about one hundred and fifty-two thousand
pounds to the Scottish claimants, in lieu of their jurisdiction. The
supplies for the ensuing year fell very little short of nine millions,
of which the greater part was raised on a loan by subscription,
chargeable on a new subsidy of poundage exacted from all merchandise
imported into Great Britain. Immediately after the rebellion was
suppressed, the legislature had established some regulations in
Scotland, which were thought necessary to prevent such commotions
for the future. The highlanders were disarmed, and an act passed for
abolishing their peculiarity of garb, which was supposed to keep up
party distinctions, to encourage their martial disposition, and preserve
the memory of the exploits achieved by their ancestors. In this session
a bill was brought in to enforce the execution of that law, and passed
with another act for the more effectual punishment of high treason in
the highlands of Scotland. The practice of insuring French and Spanish
ships at London being deemed the sole circumstances that prevented a
total stagnation of commerce in those countries, it was prohibited by
law under severe penalties; and this step of the British parliament
accelerated the conclusion of the treaty. Several other prudent measures
were taken in the course of this session, for the benefit of the public;
and among these we may reckon an act for encouraging the manufacture of
indigo in the British plantations of North America; an article for which
Great Britain used to pay two hundred thousand pounds yearly to the
subjects of France.

{1748}

The session was closed on the thirteenth day of May, when the king
declared to both houses that the preliminaries of a general peace were
actually signed at Aix-la-Chapelle, by the ministers of Great
Britain, France, and the United Provinces; and that the basis of this
accommodation was a general restitution of the conquests which had been
made during the war. Immediately after the prorogation of parliament
his majesty set out for his German dominions, after having appointed a
regency to rule the realm in his absence.




PREPARATIONS FOR THE CAMPAIGN IN THE NETHERLANDS.

The articles might have been made much less unfavourable to Great
Britain and her allies, had the ministry made a proper use of the treaty
with the czarina; and if the confederates had acted with more vigour
and expedition in the beginning of the campaign. The Russian auxiliaries
might have been transported by sea to Lubeck before the end of the
preceding summer’, in their own galleys, which had been lying ready for
use since the month of July. Had this expedient been used, the Russian
troops would have joined the confederate army before the conclusion of
the last campaign. But this easy and expeditious method of conveyance
was rejected for a march by land, of incredible length and difficulty,
which could not be begun before the month of January, nor accomplished
till Midsummer. The operations of the campaign had been concerted at
the Hague in January, by the respective ministers of the allies, who
resolved to bring an army of one hundred and ninety thousand men into
the Netherlands, in order to compel the French to abandon the barrier
which they had conquered, The towns of Holland became the scenes of
tumult and insurrection. The populace plundered the farmers of the
revenue, abolished the taxes, and insulted the magistrates; so that
the states-general, seeing their country on the brink of anarchy and
confusion, authorized the prince of Orange to make such alterations as
he should see convenient. They presented him with a diploma, by which
he was constituted hereditary stadtholder and captain-general of Dutch
Brabant, Flanders, and the upper quarter of Guelderland; and the East
India company appointed him director and governor-general of their
commerce and settlements in the Indies. Thus invested with authority
unknown to his ancestors, he exerted himself with equal industry and
discretion in new modelling, augmenting, and assembling the troops of
the republic. The confederates knew that the count de Saxe had a
design upon Maestricht: the Austrian general Bathiani made repeated
remonstrances to the British ministry, entreating them to take speedy
measures for the preservation of that fortress. He, in the month of
January, proposed that the duke of Cumberland should cross the sea, and
confer with the prince of Orange on this subject; he undertook, at the
peril of his head, to cover Maastricht with seventy thousand men, from
all attacks of the enemy: but his representations seemed to have made
very little impression on those to whom they were addressed. The duke
of Cumberland did not depart from England till towards the latter end
of February; part of March was elapsed before the transports sailed from
the Nore with the additional troops and artillery; and the last drafts
from the foot-guards were not embarked till the middle of August.




SIEGE OF MAESTRICHT. FORMS A CESSATION.

The different bodies of the confederate forces joined each other and
encamped in the neighbourhood of Euremond, to the number of one hundred
and ten thousand men; and the French army invested Maestricht, without
opposition, on the third day of April. The garrison consisted of
Imperial and Dutch troops, under the conduct of the governor, baron de
Aylva, who defended the place with extraordinary skill and resolution.
He annoyed the besiegers in repeated sallies; but they were determined
to surmount all opposition, and prosecuted their approaches with
incredible ardour. They assaulted the covered way, and there effected a
lodgement, after an obstinate dispute, in which they lost two thousand
of their best troops; but next day they were entirely dislodged by the
gallantry of the garrison. These hostilities were suddenly suspended,
in consequence of the preliminaries signed at Aix-la-Chapelle. The
plenipotentiaries agreed, that, for the glory of his christian majesty’s
arms, the town of Maestricht should be surrendered to his general,
on condition that it should be restored with all the magazines and
artillery. He accordingly took possession of it on the third day of
May, when the garrison marched out with all the honours of war; and
a cessation of arms immediately ensued. By this time the Russian
auxiliaries, to the number of thirty-seven thousand, commanded by
prince Repnin, had arrived in Moravia, where they were reviewed by their
imperial majesties; then they proceeded to the confines of Franconia,
where they were ordered to halt, after they had marched seven hundred
miles since the beginning of the year. The French king declared, that
should they advance farther, he would demolish the fortifications
of Maestricht and Bergen-op-Zoom. This dispute was referred to the
plenipotentiaries, who, in the beginning of August, concluded a
convention, importing that the Russian troops should return to their own
country; and that the French king should disband an equal number of his
forces. The season being far advanced, the Russians were provided with
winter-quarters in Bohemia and Moravia, where they continued till
the spring, when they marched back to Livonia. In the meantime
seven-and-thirty thousand French troops were withdrawn from Flanders
into Picardy, and the two armies remained quiet till the conclusion of
the definitive treaty. The suspension of arms was proclaimed at London,
and in all the capitals of the contracting powers; orders were sent to
the respective admirals in different parts of the world, to refrain from
hostilities; and a communication of trade and intelligence was again
opened between the nations which had been at variance. No material
transaction distinguished the campaign in Italy. The French and Spanish
troops, who had joined the Genoese in the territories of the republic,
amounted to thirty thousand men, under the direction of the duke de
Richlieu, who was sent from France to assume that command on the death
of the duke de Boufflers; while mareschal de Belleisle, at the head of
fifty thousand men, covered the western Eiviera, which was threatened
with an invasion by forty thousand Austrians and Piedmontese, under
general Leutrum. At the same time general Brown, with a more numerous
army, prepared to re-enter the eastern Eiviera, and recommence the siege
of Genoa. But these intended operations were prevented by an armistice,
which took place as soon as the belligerent powers had acceded to the
preliminaries.




TRANSACTIONS IN THE EAST AND WEST INDIES.

In the East Indies, rear-admiral Boscawen undertook the siege of
Pondicherry, which in the month of August he blocked up by sea with
his squadron, and invested by land with a small army of four thousand
Europeans, and about two thousand natives of that country. He prosecuted
the enterprise with great spirit, and took the fort of Area Coupan, at
the distance of three miles from the town; then he made his approaches
to the place, against which he opened batteries, while it was bombarded
and cannonaded by the shipping. But the fortifications were so strong,
the garrison so numerous, and the engineers of the enemy so expert
in their profession, that he made very little progress, and sustained
considerable damage. At length, his army being diminished by sickness,
and the rainy season approaching, he ordered the artillery and stores
to be re-embarked; and raising the siege on the sixth day of October,
returned to fort St. David, after having lost about a thousand men in
this expedition. In the sequel, several ships of his squadron, and above
twelve hundred sailors, perished in a hurricane. The naval force of
Great Britain was more successful in the West Indies. Bear-admiral
Knowles, with a squadron of eight ships, attacked fort Louis, on the
South side of Hispaniola, which after a warm action of three hours was
surrendered on capitulation, and dismantled. Then he made an abortive
attempt upon St. Jago de Cuba, and returned to Jamaica, extremely
chagrined at his disappointment, which he imputed to the misconduct
of captain Dent, who was tried in England by a court-martial, and
honourably acquitted. On the first of October, the same admiral,
cruising in the neighbourhood of the Havannah with eight ships of the
line, encountered a Spanish squadron of nearly the same strength, under
the command of the admirals Beggio and Spinola. The engagement began
between two and three o’clock in the afternoon, and continued with
intervals till eight in the evening, when the enemy retired to the
Havannah, with the loss of two ships; one of which struck to the
British admiral, and the other was two days after set on fire by her own
commander, that she might not fall into the hands of the English.
Mr. Knowles taxed some of his captains with misbehaviour, and they
recriminated on his conduct. On their return to England, a court-martial
was the consequence of the mutual accusations. Those who adhered to the
commander, and the others whom he impeached, were inflamed against each
other with the most rancorous resentment. The admiral himself did not
escape uncensured; two of his captains were reprimanded; but captain
Holmes, who had displayed uncommon courage, was honourably acquitted.
Their animosities did not end with the court-martial. A bloodless
encounter happened between the admiral and captain Powlet; but captain
Innes and captain Clarke, meeting by appointment in Hyde-Park with
pistols, the former was mortally wounded, and died next morning; the
latter was tried, and condemned for murder, but indulged with his
majesty’s pardon. No naval transaction of any consequence happened in
the European seas during the course of this summer. In January, indeed,
the Magnanime, a French ship of the line, was taken in the channel by two
English cruisers, after an obstinate engagement; and the privateers took
a considerable number of merchant ships from the enemy.




CONCLUSION OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY AT AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.

The plenipotentiaries still continued at Aix-la-Cha-pelle, discussing
all the articles of the definitive treaty, which was at length concluded
and signed on the seventh of October. It was founded on former treaties,
which were now expressly confirmed, from that of Westphalia to the last
concluded at London and Vienna. The contracting parties agreed, that all
prisoners on each side should be mutually released, without ransom,
and all conquests restored; that the duchies of Parma, Placentia, and
Guastalla, should be ceded as a settlement to the infant don Philip, and
the heirs male of his body; but in case of his ascending the throne of
Spain, or of the two Sicilies, or his dying without male issue, that
they should revert to the house of Austria; that the king of Great
Britain should, immediately after the ratification of this treaty, send
two persons of rank and distinction, to reside in France, as hostages,
until restitution should be made of Cape Breton, and all the other
conquests which his Britannic majesty should have achieved in the East
or West Indies, before or after the preliminaries were signed; that
the assiento contract, with the article of the annual ship, should be
confirmed for four years, during which the enjoyment of that privilege
was suspended since the commencement of the present war; that Dunkirk
should remain fortified on the land side, and towards the sea continue
on the footing of former treaties. All the contracting powers became
guarantees to the king of Prussia for the duchy of Silesia and the
county of Glatz, as he at present possessed them; and they likewise
engaged to secure the empress-queen of Hungary and Bohemia in possession
of her hereditary dominions, according to the pragmatic sanction. The
other articles regulated the forms and times fixed for this mutual
restitution, as well as for the termination of hostilities in different
parts of the world. But the right of English subjects to navigate
in the American seas, without being subject to search, was not once
mentioned, though this claim was the original source of the differences
between Great Britain and Spain; nor were the limits of Acadia
ascertained. This and all other disputes were left to the discussion of
commissaries. We have already observed, that after the troubles of the
empire began, the war was no longer maintained on British principles.
It became a continental contest, and was prosecuted on the side of the
allies without conduct, spirit, or unanimity. In the Netherlands they
were outnumbered, and outwitted by the enemy. They never hazarded a
battle without sustaining a defeat. Their vast armies, paid by Great
Britain, lay inactive, and beheld one fortress reduced after another
until the whole country was subdued; and as their generals fought, their
plenipotentiaries negotiated. At a time when their affairs began to wear
the most promising aspect, when the arrival of the Russian auxiliaries
would have secured an undoubted superiority in the field; when the
British fleets had trampled on the naval power of France and Spain,
intercepted their supplies of treasure, and cut off all their resources
of commerce; the British ministers seemed to treat, without the least
regard to the honour and advantage of their country. They left her
most valuable and necessary rights of trade unowned and undecided; they
subscribed to the insolent demand of sending the nobles of the realm
to grace the court and adorn the triumphs of her enemy; and they tamely
gave up her conquests in North America, of more consequence to her
traffic than all the other dominions for which the powers at war
contended; they gave up the important isle of Cape Breton, in exchange
for a petty factory in the East Indies, belonging to a private company,
whose existence had been deemed prejudicial to the commonwealth. What
then were the fruits which Britain reaped from this long and desperate
war? A dreadful expense of blood and treasure, [310] _[See note 2 P,
at the end of this Vol.]_ disgrace upon disgrace, an additional load of
grievous impositions, and the national debt accumulated to the enormous
sum of eighty millions sterling.




CHAPTER VII.

     _Reflections on the Peace..... The Prince of Wales’
     Adherents join the Opposition..... Character of the
     Ministry..... Session opened..... Debate on the Address.....
     Supplies granted..... Exorbitant Demand of the Empress-queen
     opposed..... Violent Contest concerning the Seamen’s
     Bill..... Objections to the Mutiny Bill..... Bill for
     limiting the Term of a Soldier’s Service..... Measures taken
     with respect to the African Trade..... Scheme for improving
     the British Fishery..... Attempt to open the Commerce to
     Hudson’s Bay..... Plan for manning the Navy..... Fruitless
     Motions made by the Opposition..... Severities exercised
     upon some Students at Oxford..... Duke of Newcastle chosen
     Chancellor cf the University of Cambridge..... Tumults in
     different Parts of the Kingdom..... Scheme for a Settlement
     in Nova Scotia..... Town of Halifax founded..... French
     Attempts to settle on the Island of Tobago..... Rejoicings
     for the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle..... Pretender’s eldest Son
     arrested at Paris..... Appearance of a Rupture between
     Russia and Sweden..... Interposition of the King of
     Prussia..... Measures taken by the French Ministry.....
     Conduct of different European Powers..... Insolence of the
     Barbary Corsairs..... Disturbances in England..... Session
     opened--Subjects of Debate..... Scheme for reducing the
     Interest of the National Debt..... Act passed for that
     Purpose..... New Mutiny Bill..... Bill for encouraging the
     Importation of Iron from America..... Erection of the
     British Herring Fishery..... New African Company.....
     Westminster   Election..... Earthquakes in London.....
     Pestilential Fever at the Session in the Old Bailey.....
     Disputes between Russia and Sweden..... Plan for electing
     the Arch-duke Joseph King of the Romans..... Opposition of
     the King of Prussia..... Disputes with the French about the
     Limits of Nova-Scotia..... Treaty with Spain..... Session
     opened..... Debate on the Address..... Supplies granted.....
     Death and Character of the Prince of Wales..... Settlement
     of a Regency, in case of a Minor Sovereign--General
     Naturalization Bill..... Censure passed upon a Paper
     entitled Constitutional Queries..... Proceedings of the
     Commons on the Westminster Election..... Mr. Murray sent
     Prisoner to Newgate..... Session closed..... Style altered_

{1748}




REFLECTIONS ON THE PEACE.

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, however unstable or inglorious it might
appear to those few who understood the interests, and felt for the
honour of their country, was nevertheless not unwelcome to the nation
in general. The British ministry will always find it more difficult
to satisfy the people at the end of a successful campaign, than at
the conclusion of an unfortunate war. The English are impatient of
miscarriage and disappointment, and too apt to be intoxicated with
victory. At this period they were tired of the burdens, and sick of the
disgraces, to which they had been exposed in the coarse of seven tedious
campaigns. They had suffered considerable losses and interruption in the
article of commerce, which was the source of their national opulence and
power; they knew it would necessarily be clogged with additional duties
for the maintenance of a continental war, and the support of foreign
subsidiaries; and they drew very faint presages of future success either
from the conduct of their allies, or the capacity of their commanders.
To a people influenced by these considerations, the restoration of
a free trade, the respite from that anxiety and suspense which the
prosecution of a war never fails to engender, and the prospect of
a speedy deliverance from discouraging restraint and oppressive
impositions, were advantages that sweetened the bitter draught of
a dishonourable treaty, and induced the majority of the nation to
acquiesce in the peace, not barely without murmuring, but even with some
degree of satisfaction and applause.




THE PRINCE OF WALES’ ADHERENTS JOIN THE OPPOSITION.

Immediately after the exchange of ratifications at Aix-la-Chapelle,
the armies were broken up; the allies in the Netherlands withdrew their
several proportions of troops; the French began to evacuate Flanders;
and the English forces were re-embarked for their own country. His
Britannic majesty returned from his German dominions in November, having
landed near Margate, in Kent, after a dangerous passage; and on the
twenty-ninth of the same month he opened the session of parliament. By
this time the misunderstanding between the two first personages of the
royal family had been increased by a fresh succession of matter. The
prince of Wales had held a court of Stannary, in quality of duke of
Cornwall; and revived some claims attached to that dignity, which, had
they been admitted, would have greatly augmented his influence among
the Cornish boroughs. These efforts roused the jealousy of the
administration, which had always considered them as an interest wholly
dependent on the crown; and, therefore, the pretensions of his
royal highness were opposed by the whole weight of the ministry. His
adherents, resenting these hostilities as an injury to their royal
master, immediately joined the remnant of the former opposition in
parliament, and resolved to counteract all the ministerial measures that
should fall under their cognizance; at least, they determined to seize
every opportunity of thwarting the servants of the crown, in every
scheme or proposal that had not an evident tendency to the advantage of
the nation. This band of auxiliaries was headed by the earl of E----t,
Dr. Lee, and Mr. N----t. The first possessed a species of eloquence
rather plausible than powerful; he spoke with fluency and fire; his
spirit was bold and enterprising, his apprehension quick, and
his repartee severe. Dr. Lee was a man of extensive erudition and
irreproachable morals, particularly versed in the civil law, which he
professed, and perfectly well acquainted with the constitution of his
country. Mr. N----t was an orator of middling abilities, who harangued
upon all subjects indiscriminately, and supplied with confidence what he
wanted in capacity; he had been at some pains to study the business of
the house, as well as to understand the machine of government; and was
tolerably well heard, as he generally spoke with an appearance of
good humour, and hazarded every whimsical idea as it arose in his
imagination. But lord Bolingbroke is said to have been the chief spring
which, in secret, actuated the deliberations of the prince’s court.
That nobleman, seemingly sequestered from the tumults of a public life,
resided at Battersea, where he was visited like a sainted shrine by all
the distinguished votaries of wit, eloquence, and political ambition.
There he was cultivated and admired for the elegance of his manners,
and the charms of his conversation. The prince’s curiosity was first
captivated by his character, and his esteem was afterwards secured by
the irresistible address of that extraordinary personage, who continued
in a regular progression to insinuate himself still farther and farther
into the good graces of his royal patron.. How far the conduct of his
royal highness was influenced by the private advice of this nobleman we
shall not pretend to determine; but, certain it is, the friends of the
ministry propagated a report, that he was the dictator of those measures
which the prince adopted; and that, under the specious pretext of
attachment to the heir-apparent of the crown, he concealed his real aim,
which was to perpetuate the breach in the royal family. Whatever his
sentiments and motives might have been, this was no other than a revival
of the old ministerial clamour, that a man cannot be well affected to
the king, if he pretends to censure any measure of the administration.




CHARACTER OF THE MINISTRY.

The weight which the opposition derived from these new confederates
in the house of commons was still greatly overbalanced by the power,
influence, and ability that sustained every ministerial project. Mr.
Pelham, who chiefly managed the helm of affairs, was generally esteemed
as a man of honesty and candour, actuated by a sincere love for
his country, though he had been educated in erroneous principles of
government, and in some measure obliged to prosecute a fatal system
which descended to him by inheritance. At this time he numbered Mr. Pitt
among his fellow-ministers, and was moreover supported by many other
individuals of distinguished abilities; among whom the first place
in point of genius was due to Mr. M., who executed the office of
solicitor-general. This gentleman, the son of a noble family in North
Britain, had raised himself to great eminence at the bar, by a most keen
intuitive spirit of apprehension, that seemed to seize every object
at first glance; an innate sagacity, that saved the trouble of intense
application; and an irresistible stream of eloquence, that flowed pure
and classical, strong and copious, reflecting, in the most conspicuous
point of view, the subjects over which it rolled, and sweeping before
it all the slime of formal hesitation, and all the entangling weeds of
chicanery. Yet the servants of the crown were not so implicitly attached
to the first minister as to acquiesce in all his plans, and dedicate
their time and talents to the support of every court measure
indiscriminately. This was one material point in which Mr. Pelham
deviated from the maxims of his predecessor, who admitted of no
contradiction from any of his adherents or fellow-servants, but insisted
on sacrificing their whole perception and faculties to his conduct and
disposal. That sordid deference to a minister no longer characterized
the subordinate instruments of the administration. It was not unusual
to see the great officers of the government divided in a parliamentary
debate, and to hear the secretary at war opposing with great vehemence
a clause suggested by the chancellor of the exchequer. After all, if
we coolly consider those arguments which have been bandied about, and
retorted with such eagerness and acrimony in the house of commons, and
divest them of those passionate tropes and declamatory metaphors which
the spirit of opposition alone had produced, we shall find very little
left for the subject of dispute, and sometimes be puzzled to discover
any material source of disagreement.




SESSION OPENED.

In the month of November his majesty opened the session of parliament
with a speech, acquainting them, that the definitive treaty of peace was
at length signed by all the parties concerned; that he had made the most
effectual provision for securing the rights and interests of his own
subjects; and procured for his allies the best conditions, which, in the
present situation of affairs, could be obtained. He said, he had found
a general good disposition in all parties to bring the negotiation to a
happy conclusion; and observed, that we might promise ourselves a long
enjoyment of the blessings of peace. Finally, after having remarked that
times of tranquillity were the proper seasons for lessening the
national debt, and strengthening the kingdom against future events, he
recommended to the commons the improvement of the public revenue, the
maintenance of a considerable naval force, the advancement of commerce,
and the cultivation of the arts of peace. This speech, as usual, was
echoed back by an address to the throne from both houses, containing
general expressions of the warmest loyalty and gratitude to his majesty,
and implying the most perfect satisfaction and acquiescence in the
articles of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

The members in the opposition, according to custom, cavilled at the
nature of this address. They observed, that the late pacification was
the worst and most inglorious of all the bad treaties to which the
English nation had ever subscribed; that it was equally disgraceful,
indefinite, and absurd; they said, the British navy had gained such an
ascendancy over the French at sea, that the sources of their wealth
were already choked up; that the siege of Maestricht would have employed
then-arms in the Low Countries till the arrival of the Russians;
and that the accession of these auxiliaries would have thrown the
superiority into the scale of the allies. They did not fail to take
notice that the most important and original object of the war was left
wholly undecided; and demonstrated the absurdity of their promising in
the address to make good such engagements as his majesty had entered
into with his allies, before they knew what those engagements were. In
answer to these objections, the ministers replied, that the peace was in
itself rather better than could be expected; and that the smallest delay
might have proved fatal to the liberties of Europe. They affirmed, that
the Dutch were upon the point of concluding a neutrality, in consequence
of which their troops would have been withdrawn from the allied army;
and, in that case, even the addition of the Russian auxiliaries would
not have rendered it a match for the enemy. They asserted, that if
the Avar had been prolonged another year, the national credit of Great
Britain must have been entirely ruined, many of the public funds having
sunk below par in the preceding season, so that the ministry had begun
to despair of seeing the money paid in on the new subscription. With
respect to the restoration of Cape Breton, the limits of Nova Scotia,
and the right of navigating without search in the American seas, which
right had been left unestablished in the treaty, they declared, that the
first was an unnecessary expense, of no consequence to Great Britain;
and that the other two were points in dispute, to be amicably settled
in private conferences by commissaries duly authorized; but by no means
articles to be established by a general treaty.

What the opposition wanted in strength, it endeavoured to make up
with spirit and perseverance. Every ministerial motion and measure was
canvassed, sifted, and decried with uncommon art and vivacity; but all
this little availed against the single article of superior numbers; and
accordingly this was the source of certain triumph in all debates in
which the servants of the crown were united. The nation had reason
to expect an immediate mitigation in the article of annual expense,
considering the number of troops and ships of war which had been reduced
at the ratification of the treaty: but they were disagreeably undeceived
in finding themselves again loaded with very extraordinary impositions,
for the payment of a vast debt which government had contracted in
the course of the war, notwithstanding the incredible aids granted
by parliament. The committee of supply established four points of
consideration, in their deliberations concerning the sums necessary to
be raised; namely, for fulfilling the engagements which the parliament
had entered into with his majesty, and the services undertaken for the
success of the war; for discharging debts contracted by government; for
making good deficiencies; and for defraying the current expense of the
year. It appeared, that the nation owed four-and-forty thousand
pounds to the elector of Bavaria; above thirty thousand to the duke of
Brunswick; the like sum to the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; and near nine
thousand pounds to the elector of Mentz. The queen of Hungary claimed
an arrear of one hundred thousand pounds. The city of Glasgow, in North
Britain, presented a petition, praying to be reimbursed the sum of
ten thousand pounds, extorted from that corporation by the son of the
pretender during the rebellion. One hundred and twelve thousand pounds
were owing to the forces in North America and the East Indies; besides
near half a million due on extraordinary expense incurred by the
land-forces in America, Flanders, and North Britain, by the office
of ordnance, and other services of the last year, to which the
parliamentary provision did not extend. The remaining debt of the
ordnance amounted to above two hundred and thirty thousand pounds; but
the navy-bills could not be discharged for less than four millions. An
addition of two millions three hundred and seventy-four thousand three
hundred and thirty-three pounds, fifteen shillings and two-pence, was
also required for the current service of the year. In a word, the whole
annual supply exceeded eight millions sterling-a sum at which the whole
nation expressed equal astonishment and disgust. It was charged upon the
duties on malt, mum, cyder, and perry, the land-tax at four shillings in
the pound, annuities on the sinking-fund, an application of one million
from that deposit, and the loan of the like sum to be charged on
the first aids of next session. The number of seamen was reduced to
seventeen thousand, and that of the land-forces to eighteen thousand
eight hundred and fifty-seven, including guards and garrisons.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




EXORBITANT DEMAND OF THE EMPRESS-QUEEN OPPOSED.

Every article of expense, however, was warmly disputed by the
anti-courtiers, especially the demand of the queen of Hungary, which was
deemed unreasonable, exorbitant, and rapacious, considering the seas of
blood which we had shed, and the immensity of treasure we had exhausted
for her benefit; and surely the subjects of this nation had some reason
to complain of an indulgence of this nature, granted to a power which
they had literally snatched from the brink of ruin-a power whose quarrel
they had espoused with a degree of enthusiasm that did much more honour
to their gallantry than to their discretion-a power that kept aloof,
with a stateliness of pride peculiar to herself and family, and beheld
her British auxiliaries fighting her battles at their own expense; while
she squandered away, in the idle pageantry of barbarous magnificence,
those ample subsidies which they had advanced in order to maintain their
armies, and furnish out her proportion of the war. The leaders of the
opposition neglected no opportunity of embittering the triumphs of their
adversaries; they inveighed against the extravagance of granting sixteen
thousand pounds for the pay of general and staff officers, during a
peace that required no such establishment, especially at a juncture when
the national incumbrances rendered it absolutely necessary to practise
every expedient of economy. They even combated the request of the
city of Glasgow, to be indemnified for the extraordinary exaction
it underwent from the rebels, though it appeared from unquestionable
evidence, that this extraordinary contribution was exacted on account
of that city’s peculiar attachment to the reigning family; that it
had always invariably adhered to revolution principles; and, with an
unequalled spirit of loyalty and zeal for the protestant succession,
distinguished itself both in the last and preceding rebellion.




VIOLENT CONTEST CONCERNING THE SEAMEN’S BILL.

But the most violent contest arose on certain regulations which the
ministry wanted to establish in two bills, relating to the sea and land
service. The first, under the title of a bill for amending, explaining,
and reducing into one act of parliament the laws relating to the navy,
was calculated solely with a view of subjecting half-pay officers to
martial law--a design which not only furnished the opposition with a
plausible handle for accusing the ministers as intending to encroach
upon the constitution, in order to extend the influence of the crown;
but also alarmed the sea-officers to such a degree, that they assembled
to a considerable number, with a view to deliberate upon the proper
means of defending their privileges and liberties from invasion. The
result of their consultations was a petition to the house of commons,
subscribed by three admirals and forty-seven captains, not members of
parliament, representing that the bill in agitation contained several
clauses tending to the injury and dishonour of all naval officers, as
well as to the detriment of his majesty’s service; and that the laws
already in force had been always found effectual for securing the
service of officers on half-pay upon the most pressing occasions: they
therefore hoped, that they should not be subjected to new hardships and
discouragements; and begged to be heard by their counsel, before the
committee of the whole house, touching such parts of the bill as they
apprehended would be injurious to themselves and the other officers of
his majesty’s navy. This petition was presented to the house by sir
John Norris, and the motion for its being read was seconded by sir Peter
Warren, whose character was universally esteemed and beloved in
the nation. This measure had like to have produced very serious
consequences. Many commanders and subalterns had repaired to the
admiralty, and threatened in plain terms to throw up their commissions,
in case the bill should pass into a law; and a general ferment was begun
among all the subordinate members of the navy. A motion was made, that
the petitioners, according to their request, should be heard by their
counsel; and this proposal was strongly urged by the first orators of
the anti-ministerial association; but the minister, confiding in his own
strength, reinforced by the abilities of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Lyttelton, and
Mr. Fox the secretary at war, strenuously opposed the motion, which upon
a division was thrown out by a great majority. The several articles
of the bill were afterwards separately debated with great warmth; and
though Mr. Pelham had, with the most disinterested air of candour,
repeatedly declared that he required no support even from his own
adherents, but that which might arise from reason unrestrained and full
conviction, he on this occasion reaped all the fruit from their zeal and
attachment, which could be expected from the most implicit complaisance.
Some plausible amendments of the most exceptionable clauses were
offered, particularly of that which imposed an oath upon the members of
every court-martial, that they should not, on any account, disclose the
opinions or transactions of any such tribunal. This was considered as a
sanction, under which any court-martial might commit the most flagrant
acts of injustice and oppression, which even parliament itself could
not redress, because it would be impossible to ascertain the truth,
eternally sealed up by this absurd obligation. The amendment proposed
was, that the member of a court-martial might reveal the transactions
and opinions of it in all cases wherein the courts of justice, as the
law now stands, have a right to interfere, if required thereto by either
house of parliament; a very reasonable mitigation, which however was
rejected by the majority. Nevertheless, the suspicion of an intended
encroachment had raised such a clamour without doors, and diffused the
odium of this measure so generally, that the minister thought proper to
drop the projected article of war, subjecting the reformed officers of
the navy to the jurisdictions of courts-martial; and the bill being
also softened in other particulars, during its passage through the upper
house, at length received the royal assent.

The flame which this act had kindled, was rather increased than abated
on the appearance of a new mutiny-bill, replete with divers innovations
tending to augment the influence of the crown, as well as the
authority and power of a military jurisdiction. All the articles of
war established since the reign of Charles II., were submitted to the
inspection of the commons; and in these appeared a gradual spirit of
encroachment, almost imperceptibly deviating from the civil institutes
of the English constitution, towards the establishment of a military
dominion. By this new bill a power was vested in any commander-in-chief,
to revise and correct any legal sentence of a court-martial, by which
the members of such a court, corresponding with the nature of a civil
jury, were rendered absolutely useless, and the commander in a great
measure absolute; for he had not only the power of summoning such
officers as he might choose to sit on any trial--a prerogative unknown
to any civil court of judicature--but he was also at liberty to review
and altar the sentence; so that a man was subject to two trials for the
same offence, and the commander-in-chief was judge both of the guilt
and the punishment. By the final clause of this bill, martial law was
extended to all officers on half-pay; and the same arguments which had
been urged against this article in the navy-bill, were now repeated and
reinforced with redoubled fervour. Many reasons were offered to prove
that the half-pay was allotted as a recompence for past service; and the
opponents of the bill affirmed, that such an article, by augmenting the
dependents of the crown, might be very dangerous to the constitution.
On the other hand, the partisans of the ministry asserted, that the
half-pay was granted as a retaining fee; and that originally all
those who enjoyed this indulgence were deemed to be in actual service,
consequently subject to martial law. Mr. Pitt, who at this time
exercised the office of paymaster-general, with a rigour of integrity
unknown to the most disinterested of all his predecessors in that
department, espoused the clause in dispute as a necessary extension
of military discipline, which could never be attended with any bad
consequence to the liberty of the nation. The remarks which he made on
this occasion, implied an opinion that our liberties wholly existed in
dependence upon the direction of the sovereign, and the virtue of the
army. “To their virtue,” said he, “we trust even at this hour, small
as our army is; to that virtue we must have trusted, had this bill been
modelled as its warmest opposers could have wished; and without this
virtue, should the lords, the commons, and the people of England
intrench themselves behind parchment up to the teeth, the sword will
find a passage to the vitals of the constitution.” All the disputed
articles of the bill being sustained on the shoulders of a great
majority, it was conveyed to the upper house, where it excited another
violent contest. Upon the question whether officers on half-pay had not
been subject to martial law, the judges were consulted and divided in
their sentiments. The earl of Bath declared his opinion that martial law
did not extend to reformed officers; and opened all the sluices of his
ancient eloquence. He admitted a case which was urged, of seven officers
on half-pay, who, being taken in actual rebellion at Preston in the year
1715, had been executed on the spot by martial law, in consequence
of the king’s express order. He candidly owned, that he himself was
secretary at war at that period; that he had approved of this order, and
even transmitted it to general Carpenter, who commanded at Preston;
but now his opinion was entirely changed. He observed, that when the
forementioned rebellion first broke out, the house presented an address
to the king, desiring his majesty would be pleased to employ all
half-pay officers, and gratify them with whole pay; and, indeed, all
such officers were voted on whole pay by the house of commons. They were
afterwards apprised of this vote, by an advertisement in the Gazette,
and ordered to hold themselves in readiness to repair to such places as
should be appointed; and finally commanded to repair by such a day
to those places, on pain of being struck off the half-pay list. These
precautions would have been unnecessary, had they been deemed subject
to martial law, and the penalty for non-obedience would not have been
merely a privation of their pensions, but they would have fallen under
the punishment of death, as deserters from the service. His lordship
distinguished with great propriety and precision, between a step which
had been precipitately taken in a violent crisis, when the public was
heated with apprehension and resentment, and a solemn law concerted
at leisure, during the most profound tranquility. Notwithstanding
the spirited opposition of this nobleman, and some attempts to insert
additional clauses, the bill having undergone a few inconsiderable
amendments, passed by a very considerable majority.




BILL FOR LIMITING THE TERM OF A SOLDIER’S SERVICE.

Immediately after the mutiny-bill had passed the lower house, another
fruitless effort was made by the opposition. The danger of a standing
army, on whose virtue the constitution of Great Britain seemed to
depend, did not fail to alarm the minds of many who were zealously
attached to the liberties of their country, and gave birth to a scheme,
which if executed; would have enabled the legislature to establish a
militia that must have answered many national purposes, and acted as a
constitutional bulwark against the excesses and ambition of a military
standing force, under the immediate influence of government. The scheme
which patriotism conceived, was, in all probability, adopted by party.
A bill was brought in, limiting the time beyond which no soldier,
or non-commissioned officer, should be compelled to continue in the
service. Had this limitation taken place, such a rotation of soldiers
would have ensued among the common people, that in a few years every
peasant, labourer, and inferior tradesman in the kingdom, would have
understood the exercise of arms; and perhaps the people in general
would have concluded that a standing army was altogether unnecessary. A
project of this nature could not, for obvious reasons, be agreeable to
the administration, and therefore the bill was rendered abortive; for,
after having been twice read, it was postponed from time to time till
the parliament was prorogued, and never appeared in the sequel.
Such were the chief subjects of debate between the ministry and the
opposition, composed, as we have already observed, of the prince’s
servants and the remains of the country party, this last being headed
by lord Strange, son of the earl of Derby, and sir Francis Dashwood;
the former, a nobleman of distinguished abilities, keen, penetrating,
eloquent and sagacious; the other frank, spirited, and sensible.




MEASURES TAKEN WITH RESPECT TO THE AFRICAN TRADE.

It must be owned, however, for the honour of the ministry, that if they
carried a few unpopular measures with a high hand, they seemed earnestly
desirous of making amends to the nation, by promoting divers regulations
for the benefit and improvement of commerce, which actually took place
in the ensuing session of parliament. One of the principal objects of
this nature which fell under their cognizance, was the trade to the
coast of Guinea; a very important branch of traffic, whether considered
as a market for British manufactures, or as the source that supplied the
English plantations with negroes. This was originally monopolized by a
joint-stock company, which had from time to time derived considerable
sums from the legislature, for enabling them the better to support
certain forts or castles on the coast of Africa, to facilitate the
commerce and protect the merchants. In the sequel, however, the
exclusive privilege having been judged prejudicial to the national
trade, the coast was laid open to all British subjects indiscriminately,
on condition of their paying a certain duty towards defraying the
expense of the forts and factories. This expedient did not answer the
purposes for which it had been contrived. The separate traders,
instead of receiving any benefit from the protection of the company,
industriously avoided their castles, as the receptacles of tyranny and
oppression. The company, whether from misconduct or knavery of their
directors, contracted such a load of debts as their stock was unable to
discharge. They seemed to neglect the traffic, and allowed their castles
to decay. In a word, their credit being exhausted, and their creditors
growing clamorous, they presented a petition to the house of commons,
disclosing their distresses, and imploring such assistance as should
enable them not only to pay their debts, but also to maintain the forts
in a defensible condition. This petition, recommended to the house in a
message from his majesty, was corroborated by another in behalf of the
company’s creditors. Divers merchants of London, interested in the trade
of Africa and the British plantations in America, petitioned the house,
that as the African trade was of the utmost importance to the nation,
and could not be supported without forts and settlements, some effectual
means should be speedily taken for protecting and extending this
valuable branch of commerce. A fourth was offered by the merchants of
Liverpool, representing that the security and protection of the trade
to Africa must always principally depend upon his majesty’s ships of
war being properly stationed on that coast, and seasonably relieved, and
that such forts and settlements as might be judged necessary for marks
of sovereignty and possession, would prove a nuisance and a burden to
the trade, should they remain in the hands of any joint-stock company,
whose private interest always had been, and ever would be, found
incompatible with the interest of the separate and open trader. They
therefore prayed, that the said forts might either be taken into
his majesty’s immediate possession, and supported by the public, or
committed to the merchants trading on that coast, in such a manner as
the house should judge expedient, without vesting in them any other
advantage or right to the commerce, but what should be common to all his
majesty’s subjects. This remonstrance was succeeded by another to the
same effect, from the master, wardens, assistants, and commonalty of the
society of merchant adventurers within the city of Bristol. All these
petitions were referred to a committee appointed to deliberate on this
subject; who agreed to certain resolutions, implying, that the trade to
Africa should be free and open; that the British forts and settlements
on that coast ought to be maintained, and put under proper direction;
and that in order to carry on the African trade in the most beneficial
manner to these kingdoms, all the British subjects trading to Africa
should be united in one open company, without any joint-stock, or power
to trade as a corporation. A bill was immediately founded on these
resolutions, which alarmed the company to such a degree, that they had
recourse to another petition, demonstrating their right to the coast of
Africa, and expressing their reliance on the justice of the house
that they should not be deprived of their property without an adequate
consideration. In a few days a second address was offered by their
creditors, complaining of the company’s mismanagement, promising to
surrender their right, as the wisdom of parliament should prescribe;
praying that their debts might be inquired into; and that the equivalent
to be granted for the company’s possessions might be secured and
applied, in the first place, for their benefit. The commons, in
consequence of this petition, ordered the company to produce a list
of their debts, together with a copy of their charter, and two
remonstrances which their creditors had presented to them before this
application to parliament. A committee of the whole house, having
deliberated on these papers and petitions, and heard the company by
their counsel, resolved to give them a reasonable compensation for their
charter, lands, forts, settlements, slaves, and effects, to be in the
first place applied towards the payment of their creditors. A bill being
formed accordingly, passed the commons, and was conveyed to the upper
house, where a great many objections were started; and for the present
it was dropped, until a more unexceptionable plan should be concerted.
In the meantime their lordships addressed his majesty, that the lords
commissioners for trade and plantations might be directed to prepare a
scheme on this subject, to be laid before both houses of parliament at
the beginning of next session; that instant orders should be given
for preserving and securing the forts and settlements on the coast of
Guinea belonging to Great Britain; and that proper persons should be
appointed to examine into the condition of those forts, as well as
of the military stores, slaves, and vessels belonging to the African
company, so as to make a faithful report of these particulars, with all
possible expedition.




SCHEME FOR IMPROVING THE BRITISH FISHERY.

The ministry having professed an inclination, and indeed shown a
disposition, to promote and extend the commerce of the kingdom, the
commons resolved to take some steps for encouraging the white fishery
along the northern coast of the island, which is an inexhaustible source
of wealth to our industrious neighbours the Dutch, who employ annually
a great number of hands and vessels in this branch of commerce. The
sensible part of the British people, reflecting on this subject, plainly
foresaw that a fishery, under due regulations, undertaken with the
protection and encouragement of the legislature, would not only prove
a fund of national riches, and a nursery of seamen, but likewise in
a great measure prevent any future insurrections in the Highlands of
Scotland, by diffusing a spirit of industry among the natives of that
country, who finding it in their power to become independent on the
fruits of their own labour, would soon enfranchise themselves from that
slavish attachment by which they had been so long connected with their
landlords and chieftains. Accordingly, a committee was appointed to
deliberate on the state of the British fishery; and upon their report
a bill was founded for encouraging the whale fishery on the coast of
Spitsbergen, by a bounty of forty shillings per ton for every ship
equipped for that undertaking. The bill having made its way through both
houses, and obtained the royal assent, the merchants in different parts
of the kingdom, particularly in North Britain, began to build and fit
out ships of great burden, and peculiar structure, for the purpose of
that fishery, which ever since hath been carried on with equal vigour
and success. Divers merchants and traders of London having presented to
the house of commons a petition, representing the benefits that would
accrue to the community from a herring and cod fishery, established
on proper principles, and carried on with skill and integrity, this
remonstrance was referred to a committee, upon whose resolutions a
bill was formed; but before this could be discussed in the house,
the parliament was prorogued, and of consequence this measure proved
abortive.




ATTEMPT TO OPEN THE COMMERCE TO HUDSON’S BAY.

The next regulation proposed in favour of trade, was that of laying open
the commerce of Hudson’s-bay, in the most northern parts of America,
where a small monopoly maintained a few forts and settlements, and
prosecuted a very advantageous fur trade with the Indians of that
continent. It was suggested, that the company had long ago enriched
themselves by their exclusive privilege; that they employed no more
than four annual ships; that, contrary to an express injunction in their
charter, they discouraged all attempts to discover a north-west passage
to the East Indies; that they dealt cruelly and perfidiously with
the poor Indians, who never traded with them except when compelled by
necessity, so that the best part of the fur trade had devolved to the
enemies of Great Britain; and that their exclusive patent restricted to
very narrow limits a branch of commerce which might be cultivated to
a prodigious extent; as well as to the infinite advantage of Great
Britain. Petitions, that the trade of Hudson’s-bay might be laid open,
were presented to the house by the merchants of London, Great Yarmouth,
and Wolverhampton; and a committee was appointed to deliberate upon this
subject. On the other hand, the company exerted themselves in petitions
and private applications for their own preservation. The committee
examined many papers and records; and the report was taken into
consideration by the whole house. Many evidences were interrogated,
and elaborate speeches made, on both sides of the question. At length a
majority seemed satisfied that the traffic on the coast of Hudson’s-bay
could not be preserved without forts and settlements, which must be
maintained either by an exclusive company, or at the public expense;
and, as this was not judged a proper juncture to encumber the nation
with any charge of that kind the design of dissolving the company was
laid aside till a more favourable opportunity.




PLAN FOR MAINTAINING THE NAVY.

The government had, during the war, found great difficulty in pressing
men for the service of the navy--a practice, which, however sanctioned
by necessity, is nevertheless a flagrant encroachment on the liberty
of the subject, and a violent outrage against the constitution of Great
Britain. The ministry, therefore, had employed some of their agents
to form a scheme for retaining in time of peace, by means of a certain
allowance, a number of seamen, who should be registered for the purpose,
and be ready to man a squadron upon any emergency. Such a plan, properly
regulated, would have been a great advantage to commerce, which is
always distressed by the practice of pressing seamen; and at the same
time, a great security to the kingdom in dangerous conjunctures, when it
may be necessary to equip an armament at a minute’s warning. The house
of commons being moved upon this subject, agreed to divers resolutions
as a foundation for the bill; but the members in the opposition
affecting to represent this measure in an odious light, as an imitation
of the French method of registering seamen without their own consent,
Mr. Pelham dropped it, as an unpopular project.

Information having been received that the French intended to settle the
neutral islands of St. Lucia, Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago, in
the West Indies, the nation had taken the alarm in the beginning of
the year; and a motion was made in the house of commons to address his
majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give directions
for laying before the house copies of the instructions given to the
governors of Barbadoes for the last ten years past, so far as they
related to these neutral islands; but whether the minister was conscious
of a neglect in this particular, or thought such inquiries trenched upon
the prerogative, he opposed the motion with all his might; and after
some debate, the previous question passed in the negative. This was also
the fate of another motion made by the earl of E----t for an address,
entreating his majesty would submit to the inspection of the house all
the proposals of peace that had been made by the French king since the
year which preceded the last rebellion, to that in which the definitive
treaty was concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle. This they proposed as a
previous step to the parliament’s forming any opinion concerning the
utility or necessity of the peace which had been established. Violent
debates ensued, in which the opposition was as much excelled in oratory
as out-numbered in votes. Such were the material transactions of this
session, which in the month of June was closed as usual with a speech
from the throne; in which his majesty signified his hope, that the
parliament, at their next meeting, would be able to perfect what they
had now begun for advancing the trade and navigation of the kingdom. He
likewise expressed his satisfaction at seeing public credit flourish at
the end of an expensive war; and recommended unanimity, as the surest
bulwark of national security.

While the ministry on some occasions exhibited all the external signs
of moderation and good humour, they, on others, manifested a spirit of
jealousy and resentment which seems to have been childish and illiberal.
Two or three young riotous students at Oxford, trained up in prejudice,
and heated with intemperance, uttered some expressions over their cups,
implying their attachment to the family of the pretender. The report
of this indiscretion was industriously circulated by certain worthless
individuals, who, having no reliance on their own intrinsic merit, hoped
to distinguish themselves as the tools of party, and to obtain favour
with the ministry by acting as volunteers in the infamous practice
of information. Though neither the rank, age, nor connexions of the
delinquents were such as ought to have attracted the notice of the
public, the vice-chancellor, heads of houses, and proctors of the
university, knowing the invidious scrutiny to which their conduct was
subjected, thought proper to publish a declaration, signifying their
abhorrence of all seditious practices, their determined resolution to
punish all offenders to the utmost severity and rigour of the statutes;
and containing peremptory orders for the regulation of the university.
Notwithstanding these wise and salutary precautions, the three boys, who
in the heat of their intoxication had drunk the pretender’s health, were
taken into custody by a messenger of state; and two of them being tried
in the court of king’s bench, and found guilty, were sentenced to walk
through the courts of Westminster, with a specification of their crime
fixed to their foreheads; to pay a find of five nobles each; to be
imprisoned for two years, and find security for their good behaviour
for the term of seven years after their enlargement. Many people thought
they saw the proceedings of the star-chamber revived in the severity
of this punishment. The administration, not yet satisfied with the
vengeance which had been taken on these three striplings, seemed
determined to stigmatize the university to which they belonged. The cry
of jacobitism was loudly trumpeted against the whole community.
The address of the university, congratulating his majesty on the
establishment of the peace, was rejected with disdain, and an attempt
was made to subject their statutes to the inspection of the king’s
council; but this rule, being argued in the court of king’s-bench, was
dismissed in consequence of the opinions given by the judges. Finally,
the same tribunal granted an information against Dr. Purnel, the
vice-chancellor, for his behaviour in the case of the rioters
above-mentioned; but this was countermanded in the sequel, his conduct
appearing unexceptionable upon a more cool and impartial inquiry.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ELECTION OF A CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

In proportion as Oxford declined, her sister university rose in the
favour of the administration, which she at this period cultivated by
an extraordinary mark of compliance and attachment. The dignity of
chancellor of the university being vacated by the death of the duke
of Somerset, the nation in general seemed to think it would naturally
devolve upon the prince of Wales, as a compliment at all times due
to that rank; but more especially to the then heir-apparent, who had
eminently distinguished himself by the virtues of a patriot and a
prince. He had even pleased himself with the hope of receiving this
mark of attachment from a seminary for which he entertained a particular
regard. But the ruling members, seeing no immediate prospect of
advantage in glorifying even a prince who was at variance with the
ministry, wisely turned their eyes upon the illustrious character of the
duke of Newcastle, whom they elected without opposition, and installed
with great magnificence; learning, poetry, and eloquence, joining their
efforts in celebrating the shining virtues and extraordinary talents of
their new patron.

Although opposition lay gasping at the feet of power in the house of
commons, the people of England did not yet implicitly approve all the
measures of the administration; and the dregs of faction, still agitated
by an internal ferment, threw up some ineffectual bubbles in different
parts of the kingdom. Some of those who made no secret of their
disaffection to the reigning family, determined to manifest their
resentment and contempt of certain noblemen, and others, who were said
to have abandoned their ancient principles, and to have sacrificed their
consciences to their interest. Many individuals, animated by the fumes
of inebriation, now loudly extolled that cause which they durst not avow
when it required their open approbation and assistance; and, though they
industriously avoided exposing their lives and fortunes to the chance of
war in promoting their favourite interest when there was a possibility
of success, they betrayed no apprehension in celebrating the memory
of its last effort, amidst the tumult of a riot and the clamours of
intemperance. In the neighbourhood of Lichfield, the sportsmen of the
party appeared in the Highland taste of variegated drapery; and
their zeal descending to a very extraordinary exhibition of practical
ridicule, they hunted, with hounds clothed in plaid, a fox dressed in
a red uniform. Even the females at their assembly, and the gentlemen
at the races, affected to wear the chequered stuff by which the
prince-pretender and his followers had been distinguished. Divers
noblemen on the course were insulted as apostates; and one personage, of
high rank, is said to have undergone a very disagreeable flagellation.




SCHEME FOR A NEW SETTLEMENT.

As the public generally suffers at the end of a war, by the sudden
dismission of a great number of soldiers and seamen, who having
contracted a habit of idleness, and finding themselves without
employment and the means of subsistence, engage in desperate courses and
prey upon the community, it was judged expedient to provide an opening
through which these unquiet spirits might exhale without damage to the
commonwealth. The most natural was that of encouraging them to become
members of a new colony in North America, which, by being properly
regulated, supported, and improved, might be the source of great
advantages to its mother country. Many disputes had arisen between the
subjects of England and France concerning the limits of Nova Scotia,
which no treaty had as yet properly ascertained. A fort had been raised,
and a small garrison maintained, by the king of Great Britain, at a
part of this very country, called Annapolis-Royal, to overawe the French
neutrals settled in the neighbourhood; but this did not answer the
purpose for which it was intended. Upon every rupture or dispute between
the two crowns, these planters, forgetting their neutrality, intrigued
with the Indians, communicated intelligence to their own countrymen
settled at St. John’s and Cape Breton, and did all the ill offices their
hatred could suggest against the colonies and subjects of Great Britain.
A scheme was now formed for making a new establishment on the same
peninsula, which should further confirm and extend the property and
dominion of the crown of Great Britain in that large tract of country,
clear the uncultivated grounds, constitute communities, diffuse the
benefits of population and agriculture, and improve the fishery of that
coast, which might be rendered a new source of wealth and commerce to
Old England. The particulars of the plan being duly considered, it was
laid before his majesty, who approved of the design, and referred the
execution of it to the board of trade and plantations, over which
the earl of Halifax presided. This nobleman, endued by nature with
an excellent capacity, which had been diligently and judiciously
cultivated, animated with liberal sentiments, and fired with an eager
spirit of patriotism, adopted the plan with the most generous
ardour, and cherished the infant colony with paternal affection. The
commissioners for trade and plantations immediately advertised, under
the sanction of his majesty’s authority, that proper encouragement would
be given to such of the officers and private men, lately dismissed from
the land and sea service, as were willing to settle, with or without
families, in the province of Nova Scotia; that the fee simple, or
perpetual property, of fifty acres of land should be granted to every
private soldier or seaman, free from the payment of any quit-rents or
taxes, for the term of ten years; at the expiration of which no person
should pay more than one shilling per annum for every fifty acres so
granted; that, over and above these fifty, each person should receive a
grant of ten acres for every individual, including women and children,
of which his family should consist; that further grants should be made
to them as the number should increase, and in proportion as they should
manifest their abilities in agriculture; that every officer, under the
rank of ensign in the land service, or lieutenant in the navy, should be
gratified with fourscore acres on the same conditions; that two hundred
acres should be bestowed upon ensigns, three hundred upon lieutenants,
four hundred upon captains, and six hundred on every officer above that
degree, with proportionable considerations for the number and increase
of every family; that the lands should be parcelled out as soon as
possible after the arrival of the colonists, and a civil government
established; by virtue of which they should enjoy all the liberties and
privileges of British subjects, with proper security and protection;
that the settlers, with their families, should be conveyed to Nova
Scotia, and maintained for twelve months after their arrival, at the
expense of the government; which should also supply them with arms and
ammunition, as far as should be judged necessary for their defence, with
proper materials and utensils for clearing and cultivating their lands,
erecting habitations, exercising the fishery, and such other purposes as
should be judged necessary for their support.




TOWN OF HALIFAX FOUNDED.

The scheme was so feasible, and the encouragement so inviting, that in
a little time about four thousand adventurers, with their families, were
entered, according to the directions of the board of trade, who in the
beginning of May set sail from England, under the command of Colonel
Cornwallis, whom the king had appointed their governor, and towards the
latter end of June arrived at the place of their destination, which
was the harbour of Chebucton, on the sea-coast of the peninsula, about
midway between Cape Canceau and Cape Sable. It is one of the most secure
and commodious havens in the whole world, and well situated for the
fishery; yet the climate is cold, the soil barren, and the whole country
covered with woods of birch, fir, pine, and some oak, unfit for the
purposes of timber; but at the same time extremely difficult to remove
and extirpate. Governor Cornwallis no sooner arrived in this harbour
than he was joined by two regiments of infantry from Cape Breton, and a
company of rangers from Annapolis. Then he pitched upon a spot for the
settlement, and employed his people in clearing the ground for laying
the foundations of a town; but some inconveniences being discovered in
this situation, he chose another to the northward, hard by the harbour,
on an easy ascent, commanding a prospect of the whole peninsula, and
well supplied with rivulets of fresh and wholesome water. Here he began
to build a town on a regular plan, to which he gave the name of Halifax,
in honour of the nobleman who had the greatest share in founding
the colony; and before the approach of winter, above three hundred
comfortable wooden houses were built, the whole surrounded by a strong
pallisade. This colony, however, has by no means answered the sanguine
expectations of the projectors; for notwithstanding the ardour with
which the interests of it were promoted by its noble patron, and the
repeated indulgence it has reaped from the bounty of the legislature,
the inhabitants have made little or no progress in agriculture; the
fishery is altogether neglected, and the settlement entirely subsists
on the sums expended by the individuals of the army and navy, whose duty
obliges them to reside in this part of North America.




FRENCH ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE THE ISLAND OF TOBAGO.

The establishment of such a powerful colony in Nova-Scotia, could not
fail giving umbrage to the French in that neighbourhood, who, though
they did not think proper to promulgate their jealousy and disgust,
nevertheless employed their emissaries clandestinely in stimulating and
exciting the Indians to harass the colonists with hostilities, in such
a manner as should effectually hinder them from extending their
plantations, and perhaps induce them to abandon the settlement. Nor was
this the only part of America in which the French court countenanced
such perfidious practices. More than ever convinced of the importance
of a considerable navy, and an extensive plantation trade, they not only
exerted uncommon industry in re-establishing their marine, which had
suffered so severely during the war; but they resolved, if possible,
to extend their plantations in the West Indies by settling the neutral
islands, which we have already mentioned. In the beginning of the year,
the governor of Barbadoes, having received intelligence that the French
had begun to settle the island of Tobago, sent captain Tyrrel thither
in a frigate to learn the particulars. That officer found above three
hundred men already landed, secured by two batteries and two ships
of war, and in daily expectation of a further reinforcement from
the marquis de Caylus, governor of Martinique; who had published an
ordonnance, authorizing the subjects of the French king to settle the
island of Tobago, and promising to defend them from the attempts of all
their enemies. This assurance was in answer to a proclamation issued
by Mr. Grenville, governor of Barbadoes, and stuck up in the different
parts of the island, commanding all the inhabitants to remove, in thirty
days, on pain of undergoing military execution. Captain Tyrrel, with
a spirit that became a commander in the British navy, gave the French
officers to understand, that his most christian majesty had no right to
settle the island, which was declared neutral by treaties; and that, if
they would not desist, he should be obliged to employ force in driving
them from their new settlement. Night coming on, and Mr. Tyrrel’s ship
falling to leeward, the French captains seized that opportunity of
sailing to Martinique; and next day the English commander returned to
Barbadoes, having no power to commit hostilities. These tidings, with a
copy of the French governor’s ordonnance, were no sooner transmitted
to the ministry than they despatched a courier to the English envoy
at Paris, with directions to make representations to the court of
Versailles on this subject. The ministry of France, knowing they were
in no condition to support the consequences of an immediate rupture, and
understanding how much the merchants and people of Great Britain were
alarmed and incensed at their attempts to possess these islands, thought
proper to disown the proceedings of the marquis de Caylus, and to grant
the satisfaction that was demanded, by sending him orders to discontinue
the settlement, and evacuate the island of Tobago. At the same time,
however, that the court of Versailles made this sacrifice for the
satisfaction of England, the marquis de Puysieux, the French minister,
observed to the English resident, that France was undoubtedly in
possession of that island towards the middle of the last century. He
ought in candour to have added, that although Louis XIV. made a conquest
of this island from the Hollanders, during his war with that republic,
it was restored to them by the treaty of Nimeguen; and since that time
France could not have the least shadow of a claim to number it among her
settlements. It was before this answer could be obtained from the court
of Versailles that the motion, of which we have already taken notice,
was made in the house of commons, relating to the subject of the
neutral islands; a motion discouraged by the court, and defeated by the
majority.




REJOICINGS FOR THE PEACE.

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was celebrated by fireworks, illuminations,
and rejoicings, in which the English, French, and Dutch, seemed to
display a spirit of emulation in point of taste and magnificence; and,
in all probability, these three powers were sincerely pleased at
the cessation of the war. England enjoyed a respite from intolerable
supplies, exorbitant insurance, and interrupted commerce; Holland was
delivered from the brink of a French invasion; and France had obtained
a breathing time for re-establishing her naval power, for exerting
that spirit of intrigue, by dint of which she hath often embroiled her
neighbours, and for executing plans of insensible encroachment, which
might prove more advantageous than the progress of open hostilities. In
the affair of Tobago, the French king had manifested his inclination to
avoid immediate disputes with England; and had exhibited another proof
of the same disposition in his behaviour to the prince-pretender, who
had excited such a dangerous rebellion in the island of Great Britain.

Among those princes and powers who excepted against different articles
of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the chevalier de St. George,
foreseeing that none of the plenipotentiaries would receive his
protest, employed his agents to fix it up in the public places of
Aix-la-Chapelle; a precaution of very little service to his cause, which
all the states of Christendom seemed now to have abandoned. So little
was the interest of his family considered in this negotiation, that the
contracting powers agreed, without reserve, to a literal insertion of
the fifth article of the quadruple alliance; by which it was stipulated,
that neither the pretender nor any of his descendants should be allowed
to reside within the territories belonging to any of the subscribing
parties. At the same time the plenipotentiaries of France promised to
those of Great Britain, that prince Charles-Edward should be immediately
obliged to quit the dominions of his most christian majesty. Notice of
this agreement was accordingly given by the court of Versailles to the
young adventurer; and as he had declared he would never return to Italy,
Mons. de Courteille, the French envoy to the cantons of Switzerland, was
directed by his sovereign to demand an asylum for prince Edward in the
city of Fribourg. The regency having complied in this particular with
the earnest request of his most christian majesty, Mr. Bamaby, the
British minister to the Helvetic body, took the alarm, and presented
the magistracy of Fribourg with a remonstrance, couched in such terms as
gave offence to that regency, and drew upon him a severe answer. In vain
had the French king exerted his influence in procuring this retreat
for the young pretender, who, being pressed with repeated messages to
withdraw, persisted in refusing to quit the place, to which he had been
so cordially invited by his cousin the king of France; and where he said
that monarch had solemnly promised, on the word of a king, that he would
never forsake him in his distress, nor abandon the interests of his
family. Louis was not a little perplexed at this obstinacy of prince
Edward, which was the more vexatious, as that youth appeared to be
the darling of the Parisians; who not only admired him for his own
accomplishments, and pitied him for his sufferings, but also revered
him, as a young hero lineally descended from their renowned Henry
the Fourth. At length, the two English noblemen arriving at Paris as
hostages for the performance of the treaty, and seeing him appear at all
the public places of diversion, complained of this circumstance as an
insult to their sovereign, and an infringement of the treaty so lately
concluded. The French king, after some hesitation between punctilio
and convenience, resolved to employ violence upon the person of this
troublesome stranger, since milder remonstrances had not been able to
influence his conduct; but this resolution was not taken till the return
of a courier whom he despatched to the chevalier de St. George; who,
being thus informed of his son’s deportment, wrote a letter to him,
laying strong injunctions upon him to yield to the necessity of the
times, and acquiesce with a good grace in the stipulations which his
cousin of France had found it necessary to subscribe for the interest of
his realm. Edward, far from complying with this advice and injunction,
signified his resolution to remain in Paris; and even declared that
he would pistol any man who should presume to lay violent hands on
his person. In consequence of this bold declaration, an extraordinary
council was held at Versailles, when it was determined to arrest him
without further delay, and the whole plan of this enterprise was finally
adjusted. That same evening, the prince entering the narrow lane that
leads to the opera, the barrier was immediately shut, and the sergeant
of the guard called “to arms;” on which monsieur de Vaudreuil, exempt of
the French guards, advancing to Edward, “Prince,” said he, “I arrest you
in the king’s name, by virtue of this order.” At that instant the youth
was surrounded by four grenadiers, in order to prevent any mischief he
might have done with a case of pocket-pistols which he always carried
about him; and a guard was placed at all the avenues and doors of the
opera-house, lest any tumult should have ensued among the populace.
These precautions being taken, Vaudreuil, with an escort, conducted the
prisoner through the garden of the palais-royal, to a house where the
duke de Biron waited with a coach and six to convey him to the castle of
Vincennes, whether he was immediately accompanied by a detachment from
the regiment of French guards, under the command of that nobleman. He
had not remained above three days in his confinement, when he gave
the French ministry to understand that he would conform himself to the
king’s intentions; and was immediately enlarged, upon giving his word
and honour that he would, without delay, retire from the dominions
of France. Accordingly, he set out in four days from Fountainbleau,
attended by three officers, who conducted him as far as Pont-Bauvosin
on the frontiers, where they took their leave of him and returned to
Versailles. He proceeded for some time in the road to Chamberri; but
soon returned into the French dominions, and, passing through Dauphiné,
repaired to Avignon, where he was received with extraordinary honours by
the pope’s legate. In the meantime, his arrest excited great murmurings
at Paris; the inhabitants blaming, without scruple, their king’s conduct
in this instance, as a scandalous breach of hospitality, as well as
a mean proof of condescension to the king of England; and many severe
pasquinades, relating to this transaction, were fixed up in the most
public places of that metropolis.




APPEARANCE OF A RUPTURE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.

Although peace was now re-established among the principal powers of the
continent, yet another storm seemed ready to burst upon the northern
parts of Europe, in a fresh rupture between Russia and Sweden. Whether
the czarina had actually obtained information that the French faction
meditated some revolution of government at Stockholm, or she wanted a
pretence of annexing Finland to her empire; certain it is, she affected
to apprehend that the prince-successor of Sweden waited only for the
decease of the reigning king, who was very old and infirm, to change the
form of government, and resume that absolute authority which some of
the monarchs, his predecessors, had enjoyed. She seemed to think that a
prince thus vested with arbitrary power, and guided by the councils
of France and Prussia, with which Sweden had lately engaged in close
alliance, might become a very troublesome and dangerous neighbour to
her in the Baltic; she therefore recruited her armies, repaired her
fortifications, filled her magazines, ordered a strong body of troops to
advance towards the frontiers of Finland, and declared in plain terms
to the court of Stockholm, that if any step should be taken to alter
the government, which she had bound herself by treaty to maintain, her
troops should enter the territory of Sweden, and she would act up to
the spirit of her engagements. The Swedish ministry, alarmed at these
peremptory proceedings, had recourse to their allies; and in the
meantime, made repeated declarations to the court of Petersburgh, that
there was no design to make the least innovation in the nature of their
established government; but little or no regard being paid to these
representations, they began to put the kingdom in a posture of
defence; and the old king gave the czarina to understand, that if,
notwithstanding the satisfaction he had offered, her forces should pass
the frontiers of Finland, he would consider their march as an hostile
invasion, and employ the means which God had put in his power for the
defence of his dominions.




INTERPOSITION OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

This declaration, in all probability, did not produce such effect as the
interposition of his Prussian majesty, the most enterprising prince
of his time, at the head of one hundred and forty thousand of the best
troops that Germany ever trained. Perhaps he was not sorry that
the empress of Muscovy furnished him with a plausible pretence for
maintaining such a formidable army, after the peace of Europe had been
ascertained by a formal treaty, and all the surrounding states had
diminished the number of their forces. He now wrote a letter to his
uncle the king of Great Britain, complaining of the insults and menaces
which had been offered by the czarina to Sweden; declaring, that he was
bound by a defensive alliance, to which France had acceded, to defend
the government at present established in Sweden; and that he would not
sit still, and tamely see that kingdom attacked by any power whatsoever,
without acting up to his engagements; he therefore entreated his
Britannic majesty to interpose his good offices, in conjunction with
France and him, to compromise the disputes which threatened to embroil
the northern parts of Europe. By this time the Russian army had
approached the frontiers of Finland: the Swedes had assembled their
troops, replenished their magazines, and repaired their marine; and the
king of Denmark, jealous of the czarina’s designs with regard to the
duchy of Sleswick, which was contested with him by the prince-successor
of Russia, kept his army and navy on the most respectable footing. At
this critical juncture the courts of London, Versailles, and Berlin,
co-operated so effectually by remonstrances and declarations at
Petersburgh and Stockholm, that the empress of Russia thought proper to
own herself satisfied, and all those clouds of trouble were immediately
dispersed. Yet, in all probability, her real aim was disappointed; and,
however she might dissemble her sentiments, she never heartily forgave
the king of Prussia for the share he had in this transaction. That
monarch, without relaxing in his attention to the support of a very
formidable military power, exerted very extraordinary endeavours in
cultivating the civil interests of his country. He reformed the laws of
Brandenburgh, and rescued the administration of justice from the frauds
of chicanery. He encouraged the arts of agriculture and manufacture;
and even laid the foundation of naval commerce, by establishing an
East-India company in the port of Embden.

Nor did the French ministry neglect any measure that might contribute to
repair the damage which the kingdom had sustained in the course of the
war. One half of the army was disbanded: the severe imposition of the
tenth penny was suspended by the king’s edict: a scheme of economy was
proposed with respect to the finances; and the utmost diligence used
in procuring materials, as well as workmen, for ship-building, that
the navy of France might speedily retrieve its former importance. In the
midst of these truly patriotic schemes, the court of Versailles betrayed
a littleness of genius, and spirit of tyranny, joined to fanaticism, in
quarreling with their parliament about superstitious forms of religion.
The sacraments had been denied to a certain person on his death-bed,
because he refused to subscribe to the bull Unigenitus. The nephew of
the defunct preferred a complaint to the parliament, whose province it
was to take cognizance of the affair; a deputation of that body attended
the king with the report of the resolutions; and his majesty
commanded them to suspend all proceedings relating to a matter of such
consequence, concerning which he would take an opportunity of signifying
his royal pleasure. This interposition was the source of disputes
between the crown and parliament, which had like to have filled the
whole kingdom with intestine troubles.




CONDUCT OF DIFFERENT EUROPEAN POWERS.

At Vienna, the empress-queen was not more solicitous in promoting
the trade and internal manufactures of her dominions, by sumptuary
regulations, necessary restrictions on foreign superfluities, by opening
her ports in the Adriatic, and giving proper encouragement to commerce,
than she was careful and provident in reforming the economy of her
finances, maintaining a respectable body of forces, and guarding, by
defensive alliances, against the enterprise of his Prussian majesty, on
whose military power she looked with jealousy and distrust. In Holland,
all the authority and influence of the stadtholder were scarcely
sufficient to allay the ferments excited among the people by the
provisional taxation, which had succeeded the abolition of the patchers,
and was indeed very grievous to the subject. As this was no more than
a temporary expedient, the prince of Orange proposed a more equitable
plan, which was approved by the states, and established with great
difficulty. In Italy the system of politics seemed to change its
complexion. The king of Sardinia effected a match between one of the
infantas of Spain and the prince of Piedmont; and whether irritated by
the conduct of the Austrians in the last war, or apprehensive of such a
powerful neighbour in the Milanese, he engaged with the kings of France
and Spain in a defensive alliance, comprehending the king of the Two
Sicilies, the republic of Genoa, and the dukes of Modena and Parma.
His most catholic majesty, sincerely disposed to cultivate the arts
of peace, and encourage every measure that could contribute to the
advantage of his country, was no sooner released from the embarrassments
of war, than he began to execute plans of internal economy; to reduce
unnecessary pensions, discharge the debts contracted in the war,
replenish his arsenals, augment his navy, promote manufactures, and
encourage an active commerce by sea, the benefits of which the kingdom
of Spain had not known since the first discovery and conquest of the
West Indies.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




INSOLENCE OF THE BARBARY CORSAIRS.

The preparations for refitting and increasing the navy of Spain were
carried on with such extraordinary vigour, that other nations believed
an expedition was intended against the corsairs of Algiers, who had for
some time grievously infested the trade and coasts of the Mediterranean.
The existence of this and other predatory republics, which entirely
subsist upon piracy and rapine, petty states of barbarous ruffians,
maintained as it were in the midst of powerful nations, which
they insult with impunity, and of which they even exact an annual
contribution, is a flagrant reproach upon Christendom; a reproach
the greater, as it is founded upon a low, selfish, illiberal maxim of
policy. All the powers that border on the Mediterranean, except France
and Tuscany, are at perpetual war with the Moors of Barbary, and for
that reason obliged to employ foreign ships for the transportation of
their merchandise. This employment naturally devolves to those nations
whose vessels are in no danger from the depredations of the barbarians;
namely, the subjects of the maritime powers, who for this puny
advantage, not only tolerate the piratical states of Barbary, but even
supply them with arms and ammunition, solicit their passes, and purchase
their forbearance with annual presents, which are, in effect, equivalent
to a tribute; whereas, by one vigorous exertion of their power, they
might destroy all their ships, lay their towns in ashes, and totally
extirpate those pernicious broods of desperate banditti. Even all the
condescension of those who disgrace themselves with the title of allies
to these miscreants, is not always sufficient to restrain them from acts
of cruelty and rapine. At this very period four cruisers from Algiers
made a capture of an English packet-boat, in her voyage from Lisbon, and
conveyed her to their city, where she was plundered of money and effects
to the amount of one hundred thousand pounds, and afterwards dismissed.
In consequence of this outrage, commodore Keppel was sent with seven
ships of war to demand satisfaction, as well as to compromise certain
differences which had arisen on account of arrears claimed of the
English by the dey of Algiers. The Mussulman frankly owned, that the
money having been divided among the captors, could not possibly be
refunded. The commodore returned to Gibraltar; and, in the sequel, an
Algerine ambassador arrived in London, with some presents of wild beasts
for his Britannic majesty. This transaction was succeeded by another
injurious affront offered by the governor or alcayde of Tetuan to
Mr. Latton, an English ambassador, sent thither to redeem the British
subjects who had been many years enslaved in the dominions of the king
of Morocco. A revolution having lately happened in this empire, Mully
Abdallah, the reigning ruffian, insisted upon the ambassador’s paying a
pretended balance for the ransom of the captives, as well as depositing
a considerable sum, which had already been paid to a deceased pacha;
alleging, that as he, the emperor, received no part of it, the payment
was illegal. Mr. Latton refusing to comply with this arbitrary demand,
his house was surrounded by a detachment of soldiers, who violently
dragged his secretary from his presence, and threw him into a dismal
subterranean dungeon, where he continued twenty days. The English
slaves, to the number of twenty-seven, were condemned to the same fate;
the ambassador himself was degraded from his character, deprived of
his allowance, and sequestered from all communication. All the letters
directed to him were intercepted, and interpreted to the alcayde; two
negro porters were intrusted with the keys of all his apartments, and
a couple of soldiers posted at his chamber-door; nay, this Moorish
governor threatened to load him with irons, and violently seized part
of the presents designed by his Britannic majesty for the emperor. At
length, finding that neither Mr. Latton nor the governor of Gibraltar,
to whom he had written, would deposit the money, without fresh
instructions from the court of London, the barbarian thought proper to
relax in his severity: the prisoners were enlarged, the restrictions
removed from the person of the ambassador, and, after all these
indignities offered to the honour of the British nation, the balance was
paid, and the affair quietly adjusted.




DISTURBANCES IN ENGLAND.

Britain, in the meanwhile, was altogether barren of events which
might deserve a place in a general history. Commerce and manufacture
flourished again, to such a degree of increase as had never been known
in the island; but this advantage was attended with an irresistible tide
of luxury and excess, which flowed through all degrees of the people,
breaking down all the mounds of civil polity, and opening a way for
license and immorality. The highways were infested with rapine and
assassination; the cities teemed with the brutal votaries of lewdness,
intemperance, and profligacy. The whole land was overspread with a
succession of tumult, riot, and insurrection, excited in different parts
of the kingdom by the erection of new turnpikes, which the legislature
judged necessary for the convenience of inland carriage. In order
to quell these disturbances, recourse was had to the military power;
several individuals were slain, and some were executed as examples.




SESSION OPENED.

In the month of November the session of parliament was opened with a
speech from the throne, in which his majesty expressed a particular
pleasure in meeting them at a time when the perfect re-establishment of
a general peace had restored to his people the blessings of quiet and
tranquillity. He said, the good effects of these already appeared in the
flourishing condition of national commerce, and in the rise of public
credit, which were the foundations of strength and prosperity to these
kingdoms. He declared, that, during the summer, he had used every
opportunity of cementing and securing the peace; that it was his firm
resolution to do everything in his power for the preservation of it,
and religiously adhere to the engagements into which he had entered.
Finally, he took notice of the good disposition he had found in the
other contracting parties to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle to cherish
the public tranquillity of Europe; and he earnestly recommended to the
two houses the maintenance of a strong naval power, as the bulwark of
national security.

When the motion was made for an address of thanks in the house of
commons, the first paragraph of his majesty’s speech furnished the
opposition with a handle to declaim against the late treaty. Sir John
Hinde Cotton observed, that the peace could not be properly styled
complete, as nothing had been stipulated with respect to the article
of “No search;” alluding to the interruption our commerce had sustained
from the Spaniards in the West Indies; a stipulation, without which both
houses of parliament had formerly voted that there should be no peace
with that kingdom.

{1749}

In the present conjuncture of affairs, such an objection savoured rather
of party than of patriotism; and indeed sir John declared, that the
remarks he made upon the occasion were rather in discharge of the duty
he owed to his country, than in hope of seeing his sentiments espoused
by the majority. Some sharp altercation was used in the debate which
arose on this subject; and many severe invectives were levelled at
those who negotiated, as well as at those who approved and confirmed the
treaty. But Mr. Pelham, who sustained the whole weight of the debate
on the side of the administration, answered every objection with equal
candour and ability; and if he failed in proving that the terms of peace
were as favourable as could be expected, considering the unfortunate
events of the war, and the situation of the contending powers; he at
least demonstrated, that it would be the interest of the kingdom to
acquiesce for the present in the treaty which had been concluded,
and endeavour to remedy its imperfections by subsequent conventions,
amicably opened among those powers between whom any cause of dispute
remained. With respect to the vote of both houses, mentioned by sir John
Hinde Cotton, he declared that he had never approved of that step, when
it was first taken; or if he had, times and circumstances, which could
not be foreseen, would have justified his deviating from it in the
re-establishment of peace. He reminded them that a parliament of Great
Britain had once voted “no peace while any part of the West Indies
should remain in possession of the Spanish king;” yet a train of
incidents, which they could not possibly foresee, afterwards rendered it
expedient to adopt a peace without insisting upon the accomplishment of
that condition. In a word, we must own, that, in the majority of debates
excited in the course of this session, the ministry derived their
triumphs from the force of reason, as well as from the weight of
influence. We shall always, however, except the efforts that were
made for reducing the number of land-forces to fifteen thousand, and
maintaining a greater number of seamen than the ministry proposed. On
these constitutional points the earl of Egmont, and the other chiefs
of the opposition, expatiated with all the energy of eloquence; which
however was frustrated by the power of superior numbers. Ten thousand
seamen were voted for the service of the ensuing year, notwithstanding
his majesty’s injunction to maintain a considerable navy; and the number
of land-forces was continued at eighteen thousand eight hundred and
fifty-seven. The sums granted for making good his majesty’s engagements
with the electors of Bavaria and Mentz, and the duke of Brunswick
Wolfenbuttle, amounted to fifty-three thousand two hundred and
twenty-five pounds sterling. The services done by the colonies in North
America, during the war, were gratified with the sum of one hundred
and twenty-two thousand two hundred and forty-six pounds. The expense
incurred by the new colony of Nova-Scotia exceeded seventy-six thousand
pounds. A small sum was voted for the improvement of Georgia; and ten
thousand pounds were granted towards the support of the British forts
and settlements on the coast of Africa.. The sum total granted in this
session arose to four millions one hundred and forty-one thousand six
hundred and sixty-one pounds, nine shillings and eleven pence halfpenny,
to be raised by the land-tax, at three shillings in the pound; the malt,
and other duties, the surplus of divers impositions remaining in the
bank and exchequer; one million by annuities at three per cent., charged
on the sinking fund, until redeemed by parliament; and nine hundred
thousand pounds out of the excess or overplus of monies denominated the
sinking fund.




SCHEME FOR REDUCING THE INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL DEBT.

But the capital measure which distinguished this session of parliament
was the reduction of the interest on the public funds; a scheme
which was planned and executed by the minister, without any national
disturbance or disquiet, to the astonishment of all Europe; the
different nations of which could not comprehend how it would be possible
for the government, at the close of a long expensive war, which had so
considerably drained the country, and augmented the enormous burden of
national debt, to find money for paying off such of the public creditors
as might choose to receive the principal, rather than submit to a
reduction of the interest. It was not very much for the honour of the
opposition, that some of its leading members endeavoured to impede this
great machine of civil economy, by taking opportunities of affirming in
parliament, in opposition to his majesty’s speech, that the nation, far
from being in a flourishing condition, was almost entirely exhausted;
that commerce drooped and declined; that public credit stood tottering
on the brink of ruin; and that all the treaties lately concluded among
the different powers of Europe were, in effect, disadvantageous and
prejudicial to the interests of Great Britain. In answer to these
assertions, Mr. Pelham undertook to prove, from the register of exports
and imports, that the commerce of the kingdom was more extensive at this
than at any former period; and that the public credit was strong enough
to admit of an experiment, which he would not presume to hazard, except
upon a moral certainty of its being firmly rooted beyond the power of
accident and faction to shake or overturn. He declared, that his design
of reducing the interest upon the funds was the result of the love he
bore his country, and an opinion that it was the duty of the servants of
the crown to ease the burdens of the people. He said, he had conferred
on this subject with persons of the most approved knowledge, and
undoubted experience; and chose to promulgate the method proposed for
alleviating the load of the national debt, that the public, in knowing
the particulars of the scheme, might have time to consider them at
leisure, and start such objections as should occur to their reflection,
before it might be too late to adopt amendments. He observed, that
nothing could more clearly demonstrate the vigour of public credit, and
the augmentation of national commerce, than the price of stock, which
had within three years risen to a very considerable increase; and the
duties on imports, which in nine months had added one million to the
sinking fund, notwithstanding a very extraordinary sum which had been
paid as bounties for exported corn. He expressed great tenderness and
regard for the interests of those who had advanced their money for the
service of the government; declaring, that his aim was to contrive
a fair, honest, and equitable method for lessening the national
incumbrances, by lowering the interest, conformable to parliamentary
faith, and agreeable to the rules of eternal justice. His plan was
accordingly communicated, canvassed, and ap proved in the house of
commons, and an act passed for reducing the interest of the funds which
constitute the national debt. [321] _[See note 2 Q, at the end of this
Vol.]_ In pursuance of this act for the reduction of the interest, the
greater part of the creditors complied with the terms proposed, and
subscribed their respective annuities before the end of February; but
the three great companies at first kept aloof, and refused to subscribe
any part of their capital.

About the middle of March the commons ordered the proper officers to lay
before them an account of the sums which had been subscribed, and these
were taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house. It was
then that Mr. Pelham, as chancellor of the exchequer, observed, that
besides the debts due to the three great companies in their corporate
capacity, all the rest, carrying four per centum interest, had been
subscribed, except about eight or nine millions, the proprietors of
which had forfeited the favour designed them by parliament; but as many
of these had been misled by evil counsellors, who perhaps were more
intent on distressing the government, than solicitous to serve their
friends; and as many were foreigners, residing beyond sea, who had not
time to take proper advice, and give the necessary instruction; and
as these could not possibly be distinguished from such as refused to
subscribe from mere obstinacy or disaffection, it might be thought cruel
to take the most rigorous advantage of the forfeiture they had incurred.
With respect to the proprietors of the stock or capital belonging to the
three great companies, he asserted, that many of them would willingly
have subscribed their properties within the time limited, but were
necessarily excluded by the majority on the ballot; and as it was
equally impossible to know those who were against the question on the
ballot, he thought that some tenderness was due even to the proprietors
of those three companies; his opinion therefore was, that they and the
uncomplying annuitants should be indulged with further time to
complete their subscription; but, in order to preserve the authority of
parliament, and the respect due to that august assembly, they ought
not to be gratified with such advantageous terms as were allowed to the
annuitants who at first cheerfully complied with the proposals offered
by the legislature. For these reasons he proposed, that although the
term of subscribing should be protracted till the thirtieth day of May,
the encouragement of three pounds ten shillings per centum per annum
should not be continued to the second subscribers longer than till
the fifth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-five. The proposal being approved, a bill was framed for this
purpose, as well as for redeeming such annuities as should not be
subscribed, which passed through both houses, and was enacted into a
law, after having received an additional clause, empowering the East
India company, in case they should subscribe all their stock bearing
an interest of four per centum, to borrow, with the consent of the
treasury, any sums not exceeding four millions two hundred thousand
pounds, after the several rates of interest before proposed to be paid
by the public, and one million more at three per centum per annum. They
were also vested with a power to raise money by bonds as formerly; yet
so as the whole, including the annuities, should not exceed what they
were by former acts empowered to borrow. The objections to the execution
of this project, which by many were deemed insurmountable, entirely
vanished before the fortitude, perseverance, and caution of the
minister; who had secured, among the monied men of the nation, the
promise of such sums as would have been sufficient to pay off the
capital belonging to those creditors who might refuse to accept the
interest thus reduced. The second subscription had the desired effect.
The three great companies acquiesced, and their example was followed
by the other scrupulous annuitants; the national burden was comfortably
lightened, and the sinking fund considerably increased, without
producing the least perplexity or disturbance in the commonwealth; a
circumstance that could not fail to excite the admiration and envy of
all Christendom.

{1750}




NEW MUTINY BILL.

The mutiny bill for the ensuing year was mitigated with an essential
alteration, relating to the oath of secrecy imposed upon the members of
every court-martial, who were now released from this reserve if required
to give evidence, by due course of law, in any court of judicature; and
whereas, by the former mutiny bill, a general was empowered to order the
revival of any sentence by a court-martial as often as he pleased, and,
on that pretence, to keep in confinement a man who had been acquitted
upon a fair trial; it was now enacted, that no sentence pronounced by
any court-martial, and signed by the president, should be more than
once liable to revisal. Colonel George Townshend, son of lord viscount
Townshend, who had equally distinguished himself by his civil and
military accomplishments, proposed another clause, for preventing any
noncommissioned officer’s being broke or reduced into the ranks; or any
soldier’s being punished, but by the sentence of a court-martial. He
gave the house to understand, that certain persons attended at the door,
who from the station of non-commissioned officers had been broke, and
reduced into the ranks, without trial, or any cause assigned; and he
expatiated not only upon the iniquity of such proceedings, but also
upon the danger of leaving such arbitrary power in the hands of any
individual officer. A warm debate was the consequence of this motion,
which, however, was overruled by the majority.




BILL FOR ENCOURAGING the IMPORTATION OF IRON FROM AMERICA.

Among other regulations made in the course of this session for the
encouragement of the British manufactures, a large duty was laid upon
Irish sail-cloth, which being sold at an under price, was found to
interfere with the same species of commodity fabricated in the island
of Great Britain; and, for the farther benefit of this last, the bounty
upon the exportation of it, which had been deducted from a defective
fund, was now made payable out of the customs. This measure, however,
was not of such importance to the nation, as the act which they passed
for encouraging the importation of pig and bar iron from the British
colonies in North America. Every well-wisher to his country reflected
with concern on the nature of the British trade with Sweden, from which
kingdom the subjects of his Britannic majesty imported more iron and
steel than all the other countries in Europe. For this article they paid
a very great balance in ready money, which the Swedes again expended
in purchasing from the French, and other mercantile powers, those
necessaries and superfluities with which they might have been as cheaply
furnished by Great Britain. In the meantime, the English colonies in
America were restricted by severe duties from making advantage of their
own produce, in exchanging their iron for such commodities as they
were under the necessity of procuring from their mother country. Such
restrictions was not only a cruel grievance upon our own settlements,
but also attended with manifest prejudice to the interest of Great
Britain, annually drained of great sums in favour of an ungrateful
nation, from which no part of them returned; whereas the iron
imported from America must of necessity come in exchange for our own
manufactures. The commons having appointed a day for taking this affair
into consideration, carefully examined into the state of the British
commerce carried on with Sweden, as well as into the accounts of iron
imported from the plantations of America; and a committee of the whole
house having resolved, that the duties on American pig and bar iron
should be removed, a bill [322] _[See note 2 R, at the end of this
Vol.]_ was brought in for that purpose, containing a clause, however, to
prevent his majesty’s subjects from making steel, and establishing mills
for slitting and rolling iron within the British colonies of America:
this precaution being taken, that the colonists might not interfere with
the manufactures of their mother country.




ERECTION OF THE BRITISH HERRING FISHERY.

The next commercial improvement of which we shall take notice, was
the bill for the encouragement of the British white herring and
cod fisheries. This was likewise the result of mature deliberation,
importing, that a bounty of thirty shillings per ton should be granted,
and paid out of the customs, to all new vessels from twenty to fourscore
tons burden, which should be built for that purpose, and actually
employed in the fishery; that a society should be incorporated, under
the name of the Free British Fishery, by a charter, not exclusive, with
power to raise a capital not exceeding five hundred thousand pounds; and
that three pounds ten shillings per centum per annum, should be granted
and paid out of the customs to the proprietors for fourteen years,
for so much of the capital as should be actually employed in the said
fisheries. Corresponding chambers were proposed to be erected in remote
parts of North Britain, for taking in subscriptions, and prosecuting the
trade, under the directions of the company at London; and the nation
in general seemed eager to dispute this branch of commerce with the
subjects of Holland, whom they considered as ungrateful interlopers. In
the house of peers, however, the bill met with a formidable opposition
from the earl of Winchelsea and lord Sandys, who justly observed, that
it was a crude indigested scheme, which in the execution would never
answer the expectations of the people; that in contending with the
Dutch, who are the patterns of unwearied industry and the most rigid
economy, nothing could be more absurd than a joint-stock company, which
is always clogged with extraordinary expense; and the resolution of
fitting out vessels at the port of London, where all sorts of materials,
labour, and seamen, are so much dearer than in any other part of the
united kingdom, exclusive of the great distance and dangerous voyage
between the metropolis and the sound of Brassa in Shetland, the
rendezvous at which all the herring-busses were to assemble in the
beginning of the fishing season. They likewise took notice of the
heavy duty on salt, used in curing the fish for sale, and the beef
for provisions to the mariners; a circumstance of itself sufficient
to discourage adventurers from embarking in a commerce which, at
best, yields but very slender profits to the trade in particular, how
important soever it might prove to the community in general. These
objections were answered by the duke of Argyle and the earl of
Granville, who seemed to think that this branch of trade could not
be fairly set on foot, without such a considerable sum of money as no
single individual would care to advance; that a joint-stock company
would be able to prosecute the fishery at a smaller expense than that
which particular traders must necessarily incur; that the present spirit
of the nation, which was eagerly bent upon trying the experiment, ought
not to be balked by delay, lest it should evaporate; and that though the
plan was not unexceptionable, the defects of it might in the sequel
be remedied by the legislature. In a word, the bill was adopted by
the majority, with a small amendment in the title, which produced some
disquiets in the lower house; but this dispute was compromised, and it
was enacted into a law towards the close of the session. Nothing could
be more agreeable to the public than the sanction of the legislature to
this favourite plan, which was ardently promoted, and patronised by men
of the greatest eminence for wealth and popularity. The company chose
for their governor the prince of Wales, who received this proof of
their attachment and respect with particular marks of satisfaction;
the president and vice-president were both aldermen of London; and the
council was composed of thirty gentlemen, the majority of whom were
members of parliament. Great pains were taken, and some artifice was
used, to learn the Dutch method of curing the fish. People crowded with
their subscriptions; a number of hands were employed in building and
equipping the busses or vessels used in the fishery; and the most
favourable consequences were expected from the general vigour and
alacrity which animated these preparations. But the success did not
gratify the sanguine hopes of the projectors and adventurers. The
objections made in the house of lords soon appeared to have been well
founded; these co-operating with mismanagement in the directors,
the spirit of the company began to flag, the natural consequences of
commercial disappointment; and now the British fishery seems to languish
under the neglect of the legislature.




NEW AFRICAN COMPANY.

Touching the trade to the coast of Africa, petitions were renewed by
the company and its creditors, the merchants of Bristol, Liverpool,
and Lancaster; and a remonstrance was presented by the planters and
merchants interested in the British sugar settlements in America; but
the commons adhered to their former resolutions of laying open the
trade, maintaining the forts at the public expense, and regulating the
commerce by a committee of merchants, representing the chief trading
towns in the kingdom, to be superintended by the board of trade and
plantations. The bill was accordingly framed and presented, and having
proceeded through both houses without opposition, obtained the royal
assent. Over and above these wise, salutary, and patriotic measures for
the improvement of commerce, they encouraged the importation of raw silk
by an act, reducing the duties formerly payable on that which was the
growth of China to the same that is raised on the raw silk from Italy,
and allowing the same drawback upon the exportation of the one which had
been usually granted on the other. A second bill was brought in for the
encouragement of the growth and culture of silk in Carolina and Georgia,
where it had been lately produced with extraordinary success, by
freeing from all duties that which should be imported from his majesty’s
dominions in America; and a third was framed, permitting raw silk of the
growth or produce of Persia, purchased in Russia, to be imported into
Great Britain, from any port or place belonging to the empire of Russia.
Divers efforts were made, by different members in the opposition, to
rectify certain abuses in the army and administration; some bills were
brought in, and several petitions were left on the table; but all of
them proved abortive, from the power and influence of the minister, who
seemed resolved that no benefit should flow upon the nation through
any channel but his own. Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged, for the
honour of his memory, that there is no session on record so productive
as this was of measures advantageous to the community.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

The people, however, were not entirely satisfied with the conduct of the
administration, if we may judge from the ferment and commotions raised
during the progress of an election for a citizen to represent the city
of Westminster in parliament. The seat which had been filled by lord
Trentham, eldest son of earl Gower, having become vacant, in consequence
of that nobleman’s accepting a place at the board of admiralty, he again
declared himself a candidate, and met with a violent opposition. Those
who styled themselves the independent electors of Westminster, being
now incensed to an uncommon degree of turbulence by the interposition
of ministerial influence, determined to use their utmost endeavours to
baffle the designs of the court, and at the same time take vengeance on
the family of earl Gower, who had entirely abandoned the opposition, of
which he was formerly one of the most respected leaders. With this view
they held consultations, agreed to resolutions, and set up a private
gentleman, named sir George Vandeput, as the competitor of lord
Trentham, declaring that they would support his pretensions at their own
expense, being the more encouraged to this enterprise by the countenance
and assistance of the prince of Wales and his adherents. They
accordingly opened houses of entertainment for their partisans,
solicited votes, circulated remonstrances, and propagated abuse; in a
word, they canvassed, with surprising spirit and perseverance, against
the whole interest of St. James’. Mobs were hired and processions made
on both sides, and the city of Westminster was filled with tumult and
uproar. The mutual animosity of the parties seemed every day to increase
during the election, and a great number of unqualified votes were
presented on both sides; all the powers of insinuation, obloquy, and
ridicule, were employed to vilify and depreciate both candidates. At
length the poll being closed, a majority of votes appeared in behalf
of lord Trentham; but a scrutiny being demanded by the other side, the
returning officer complied with their request. The speaker of the lower
house had issued his warrant for a new writ of election about the middle
of November; and towards the end of February, Mr. Fox, secretary at
war, standing up and observing that no return had yet been made, thought
proper to move that the clerk of the crown, the messenger-extraordinary
attending the great seal, the under-sheriff of Middlesex, and the
high-bailiff of Westminster, should attend next morning and give an
account of their issuing, delivering, and executing the writ of
election. These being examined, and the high-bailiff declaring that he
would proceed with all possible despatch in the scrutiny which had been
demanded and was begun, Mr. Speaker explained to him some particulars
of his duty, in the discharge of which, he was given to understand, he
might depend upon the protection of the house, should he meet with any
obstruction which he could not otherwise surmount, By the violence and
caprice with which a great number of votes were contested on both sides,
the scrutiny was protracted a long time, and the return attended with
some extraordinary consequences, which shall be particularized among the
transactions of the next year. In the meantime, the present session of
parliament was closed on the twelfth day of April, with a speech from
the throne, commending the commons for having seized the very first
opportunity of reducing the interest of the national debt, without the
least infringement upon the faith of parliament; and congratulating them
on the flourishing state of the public credit, which could not fail to
add strength and reputation to the government, both at home and abroad.
Immediately after the rising of the parliament, his majesty appointed
a regency to govern the kingdom in his absence, and embarked for the
continent in order to visit his German dominions.




EARTHQUAKES IN LONDON.

The month of January and the beginning of February were distinguished,
the first day by a very remarkable Aurora Borealis appearing at night to
the north-east, of a deep and dusky red colour, like the reflection
of some great fire, for which it was by many people mistaken; and the
coruscations, unlike those that are generally observed, did not meet in
the zenith, but in a point some degrees to the southward. February was
ushered in by terrible peals of thunder, flashes of lightning, and
such a tempest of wind, hail, and rain, as overwhelmed with fear and
consternation the inhabitants of Bristol, where it chiefly raged. On the
eighth day of the same month, between twelve and one in the afternoon,
the people of London were still more dreadfully alarmed by the shock of
an earthquake, which shook all the houses with such violence, that the
furniture rocked on the floors, the pewter and porcelain rattled on the
shelves, the chamber-bells rang, and the whole of this commotion was
attended by a clap of noise resembling that produced by the fall of
some heavy piece of furniture. The shock extended through the cities of
London and Westminster, and was felt on both sides of the river Thames,
from Greenwich to the westward of London; but not perceptible at a
considerable distance. On the very same day of the next month, between
five and six o’clock in the morning, the inhabitants of the metropolis
were again affrighted by a second shock, more violent than the first,
and abundantly more alarming, as it waked the greater part of the people
from their repose. It was preceded by a succession of thick low flashes
of lightning, and a rumbling noise, like that of a heavy carriage
rolling over a hollow pavement. The shock itself consisted of repeated
vibrations, which lasted some seconds, and violently shook every house
from top to bottom. Again the chairs rocked, the shelves clattered, the
small bells rang, and in some places public clocks were heard to strike.
Many persons, roused by this terrible visitation, started naked from
their beds, and ran to their doors and windows in distraction; yet no
life was lost, and no house overthrown by this concussion, though it was
so dreadful as to threaten an immediate dissolution of the globe. The
circumstance, however, did not fail to make a deep impression upon
ignorant, weak, and superstitious minds, which were the more affected by
the consideration that the two shocks were periodical; that the second,
which happened exactly one month after the first, had been the more
violent; and that the next, increasing in proportion, might be attended
with the most dismal consequences. This general notion was confirmed,
and indeed propagated, among all ranks of people, by the admonitions
of a fanatic soldier, who publicly preached up repentance, and boldly
prophesied that the next shock would happen on the same day of April,
and totally destroy the cities of London and Westminster. Considering
the infectious nature of fear and superstition, and the emphatic manner
in which the imagination had been prepared and prepossessed, it was no
wonder that the prediction of this illiterate enthusiast should have
contributed, in a great measure, to augment the general terror. The
churches were crowded with penitent sinners; the sons of riot and
profligacy were overawed into sobriety and decorum. The streets
no longer resounded with execrations, or the noise of brutal
licentiousness; and the iand of charity was liberally opened. Those whom
fortune had enabled to retire from the devoted city, fled to the country
with hurry and precipitation, insomuch that the highways were encumbered
with horses and carriages. Many who had in the beginning combated
these groundless fears with the weapons of reason and ridicule, began
insensibly to imbibe the contagion, and felt their hearts fail in
proportion as the hour of probation approached; even science and
philosophy were not proof against the unaccountable effects of this
communication. In after ages it will hardly be believed, that on the
evening of the eighth day of April, the open fields that skirt the
metropolis were filled with an incredible number of people assembled in
chairs, in chaises, and coaches, as well as on foot, who waited in the
most fearful suspense until morning, and the return of day disproved the
truth of the dreaded prophecy. Then their fears vanished; they returned
to their respective habitations in a transport of joy; and were soon
reconciled to their abandoned vices, which they seemed to resume with
redoubled affection, and once more bade defiance to the vengeance of
heaven.




PESTILENTIAL FEVER AT THE SESSION IN THE OLD BAILEY.

By this time all the gaols in England were filled with the refuse of
the army and navy, which having been dismissed at the peace, and either
averse to labour or excluded from employment, had naturally preyed
upon the commonwealth. Great numbers of those wretches who, by proper
regulations, might have been rendered serviceable to the community, were
executed as examples; and the rest perished miserably, amidst the stench
and horrors of noisome dungeons. Even the prison of Newgate was rendered
so infectious by the uncommon crowds of confined felons stowed together
in close apartments, that the very air they breathed acquired a
pestilential degree of putrefaction. It was this putrefied air, which,
adhering to the clothes of the malefactors brought to trial at the bar
of the Old Bailey, in May, produced among the audience a pestilential
fever, which infected and proved fatal to the lord mayor of London,
to one alderman, two of the judges, divers lawyers who attended the
session, the greatest part of the jury, and a considerable number of the
spectators. In order to prevent such disasters for the future, the gaols
were cleansed, and accommodated with ventilators, which exhaust the foul
and supply a circulation of fresh air; and other humane precautions were
taken for the benefit of the prisoners.




DISPUTES BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.

The affairs of the continent underwent no remarkable alteration. An
ambassador-extraordinary being sent to Petersburgh from the court of
London, declared to the czarina’s minister, that, in case of a rupture
between Russia and Sweden, occasioned by the hostilities committed by
the former power, his Britannic majesty would consider Russia as the
aggressor, and the czarina could not expect that he would supply her
with the succours which he was engaged by treaty to furnish for her
defence, in case she should be attacked. A declaration of the same
nature was made by the ambassador of her Imperial majesty the queen of
Hungary, while the ministers of France and Prussia, who were in strict
alliance with Sweden, gave her to understand that they would punctually
fulfil their engagements with the court of Stockholm, should she
actually invade the Swedish territories of Finland. The spirit with
which the king of Prussia exerted himself on this occasion, gave
infinite umbrage to the czarina, who, indeed, expressed her resentment,
by treating the minister of Brandenburgh with contemptuous neglect, and
even refused to favour him with an audience till he should be
vested with the character of ambassador. Thus were sewn the seeds of
misunderstanding between those two powers, which, in the sequel, grew
up to the most bitter animosity, and served to inflame those dissensions
which have desolated the fairest provinces of Germany. The remonstrance
of his Prussian majesty, with respect to the troubles of the North,
was couched in such terms as gave dissatisfaction to the court of
Petersburgh. The Russian minister retired from Berlin without the
ceremony of taking leave, and the Prussian ambassador Warendorf was
recalled from the court of the czarina.




PLAN FOR ELECTING THE ARCHDUKE JOSEPH KING OF THE ROMANS.

The attention of his Britannic majesty was not wholly engrossed by the
disputes between Russia and Sweden. He had another object in view, which
more nearly concerned the interests of his German dominions; and had set
on foot two negotiations of the utmost importance to the commerce
and advantage of Great Britain. His first and principal aim was, in
conjunction with the court of Vienna, to take such measures as would
secure the succession of the Imperial dignity to the archduke Joseph,
eldest son and heir to the reigning emperor. As the previous step to
that elevation, it was proposed to elect this young prince king of the
Romans; and for this purpose it was necessary to procure a majority not
only of the electors, but also in the diet of the empire, through which
the proposal must have passed. No stone was left unturned to reconcile
this expedient to the German princes. Subsidies were offered by the
maritime powers of England and the states-general to the electors of
Mentz and Cologn; and a treaty of the same nature was concluded with
the elector of Bavaria, who, in consideration of an annual subsidy,
amounting to forty thousand pounds sterling, two-thirds to be paid
by Britain, and the rest by the states-general, engaged to keep in
readiness a body of six thousand infantry, as auxiliaries to the
maritime powers, though not to act against the emperor or empire; and
to join the interest of his Britannic majesty in the diet, as well as in
the electoral college. In order to render the king of Poland, elector of
Saxony, propitious to this design, he was accommodated with the loan
of a very considerable sum, upon the mortgage of certain bailiwicks
and lordships belonging to the Saxon dominions. Thus a majority of the
electors was secured, and such foundations were laid for the success of
this project, that it was generally believed it would be accomplished
in his Britannic majesty’s next visit to his German dominions. Hopes, it
was said, were given to the king of Sweden, that his concurrence would
be gratified by erecting the house of Hesse-Cassel, of which he was
head, into a tenth electorate. Arguments of an interesting nature
were used with the king of Prussia, and the elector-palatine, that
if possible, the diet might unanimously approve of this measure, so
necessary for establishing the peace of the empire, and preventing such
troubles as arose from a disputed succession at the death of Charles the
Sixth. These endeavours, however, did not succeed in their full extent.
The king of Prussia, as elector of Brandenburgh, opposed the election
as unnecessary and improper, on account of the health and vigour of the
reigning emperor, and the tender years of the archduke. This monarch had
set himself up as a balance to the power of the house of Austria,
which had long aspired to absolute dominion over its co-estates, and
endeavoured to establish an hereditary right of succession to the
empire; he therefore employed all his influence to frustrate the measure
proposed, either actuated by a spirit of pure patriotism, or inspired
with designs which he had not yet thought proper to declare. The
opposition was joined by the elector-palatine, and countenanced by the
French king; who protested, that, for the sake of peace, he would not
oppose this election, though contrary to the Golden Bull, provided it
should be confirmed by the unanimous consent of the electoral college;
but should any one member signify his dissent, and he or any state of
the empire claim the protection and assistance of his most christian
majesty, he could not dispense with granting both, in consequence of his
being guarantee of the treaty of Westphalia; an engagement by which he
was obliged to succour those princes and states of the empire who might
have recourse to him, in case of any grievance they suffered contrary to
what was stipulated in that constitution. This declaration co-operating
with the known character of his Prussian majesty, whose great army
over-awed Hanover and Bohemia, in all probability damped that vigour
with which the courts of Vienna and Herenhausen had hitherto prosecuted
this important negotiation.




DISPUTES WITH THE FRENCH ABOUT THE LIMITS OF NOVA SCOTIA.

The second object that employed the attention of the British ministry,
was the establishment of the precise limits of Acadia, or Nova Scotia,
where the new colony had suffered great mischief and interruption from
the incursions of the Indians, excited to these outrages by the subjects
and emissaries of France. Commissaries had been appointed, by both
crowns, to meet at Paris and compromise these disputes: but the
conferences were rendered abortive by every art of cavilling, chicanery,
and procrastination, which the French commissioners opposed to
the justice and perspicuity of the English claims. They not only
misinterpreted treaties, though expressed with the utmost precision, and
perplexed the conferences with difficulties and matter foreign to the
subject, but they carried the finesse of perfidy so far as to produce
false charts and maps of the country, in which the rivers and boundaries
were misplaced and misrepresented. At this time also the insincerity of
the French court appeared in affected delays and artful objections, with
respect to the evacuation of the neutral islands in the West Indies; and
the governors of the British plantations, in different parts of North
America, transmitted intelligence that the French had begun to make
encroachments on the back of the English colonies.




TREATY WITH SPAIN.

Perhaps the precarious footing on which the peace stood between Great
Britain and France at this juncture, and the critical situation of
affairs in Germany, determined the ministry of England to compromise all
differences with Spain, upon such terms as at any other time they would
hardly have embraced. In order to discuss those points between the two
nations, which had not been settled by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
conferences were also begun at Madrid, and carried on by Mr. Keene,
plenipotentiary to his Britannic majesty, and don Joseph de Carvajal and
Lancastro, the Spanish king’s minister. At length a treaty was concluded
on these conditions--the king of Spain engaged to pay, in three months,
to the South-sea company of England, one hundred thousand pounds
sterling, as an indemnification for all claims upon his crown, by virtue
of the assiento. In other respects, the trade and navigation of the
English to the ports of Spain were regulated by former treaties. It was
stipulated, that they should pay no other duties than those that were
exacted of them in the reign of Charles II. of Spain; that they should
be treated on the footing of the most favoured nations; and continue to
enjoy the privilege of taking salt at the island of Tortuga. But there
was no article restricting the Spanish guarda costas from searching the
British vessels on the high seas; although, as we have already observed,
this insolent prerogative, assumed without right, and exercised without
humanity, was in effect the original and sole cause of the late rupture,
which had been attended with such enormous expense to the nation. It
must be owned, however, that his catholic majesty was at this period
extremely well disposed to live upon good terms with Great Britain.
He was resolved to indulge his people with the blessings of peace,
to propagate a spirit of industry throughout his dominions, and in
particular to encourage commerce, which he foresaw would prove a much
more certain and inexhaustible source of wealth, power, and influence,
than all the treasures he could drain from the mines of Mexico and Peru.
His resolutions on this interesting subject were chiefly directed by don
Ricardo Wall, who now acted as his minister at London; a gentleman of
Irish extract, who had distinguished himself in the field as well as in
the cabinet, and possessed the joint qualifications of a general and
a statesman. He had, by virtue of a passport, come over privately to
England before the peace, in order to pave the way for the treaty, by a
secret negotiation with the English ministers; but immediately after the
peace was proclaimed, he appeared in the character of ambassador. He
was possessed of the most insinuating address, shrewd, penetrating, and
inquisitive. While he resided in London, he spared no pains in learning
the nature of those manufactures, and that commerce, by which Great
Britain had been so remarkably aggrandized; and on his return to Spain,
where in a little time he was placed at the helm of affairs, he turned
the knowledge he had thus acquired to the advantage of his country.
He not only promoted the useful arts, within the kingdom of Spain, but
demonstrated the infinite advantage that would accrue from an active
trade, which the Spaniards had for many-ages neglected; and in a few
years their ships were seen to swarm in all the commercial ports of
Europe. Of other foreign events which distinguished this summer, the
most remarkable was the death of John, king of Portugal, who perfectly
understood, and steadily pursued, the true interests of his country,
and in whom many princely qualities were debased by a cruel spirit of
bigotry and superstition. He was succeeded by his eldest son Joseph,
who, if he has fallen short of his father in some respects, cannot be
justly charged with having inherited this paternal weakness.




SESSION OPENED.

The king of Great Britain having returned to England, opened the session
of parliament in January with a speech, importing, that he had concluded
a treaty with the king of Spain, and amicably adjusted such differences
as could not be so properly compromised in a general treaty; that the
commerce of this nation with that country was re-established upon the
most advantageous and sure foundations; and that there was the greatest
reason to hope the ancient friendship between Great Britain and Spain
would, from mutual inclination as well as interest, be now effectually
restored. He told them, that in conjunction with the empress-queen
and the states-general, he had concluded a treaty with the elector of
Bavaria; and was employed in taking such further measures as might best
tend to strengthen and secure the tranquillity of the empire, support
its system, and timely anticipate such events as had been found
by experience to endanger the common cause, involve Europe in the
calamities of war, and occasion the loss of much blood and treasure to
these kingdoms. He promised that both these treaties should be subjected
to their perusal; he gave them to understand that he had received
from all the other contracting powers in the definitive treaty
of Aix-la-Chapelle, the most full and clear declarations of their
resolution to preserve the general peace; and that he had taken care to
consolidate the ties of union and friendship between him and his allies,
the better to secure their mutual interests, maintain the peace already
subsisting, and prevent the occasion of any future rupture. Finally, he
recommended unanimity, the improvement of commerce, and the effectual
suppression of such outrages and violences as are inconsistent with
good order and government, and endanger the lives and properties of the
subject, whose happiness and flourishing condition he had entirely at
heart.

When the motion was made for an address of thanks, couched in terms
that savoured of the most implicit complaisance, approbation, and
acquiescence in the measures which the crown had taken, the earl of
Egmont, and some other anti-courtiers, affirmed, that such an address
would be equally servile and absurd. They observed, that nothing could
be more preposterous than a blind approbation of measures which they
did not know; that nothing could be more ridiculous than their
congratulations on the present happy tranquillity, when almost every
day’s newspapers informed them of some British ships being seized by the
Spaniards, or some new attack made by the French on our infant colony
of Nova Scotia. With respect to the continent of Europe, they affirmed,
that the tranquillity of Germany would have been upon a much more solid
foundation, had England never interposed in the affairs of the empire:
in that case the princes would of themselves have supported the
constitution of their own country; that the election of an infant for
the king of the Romans was much more likely to disturb than establish
the tranquillity of Europe; because it would help to overturn the
constitution of the empire, by rendering the imperial dignity hereditary
in one house, instead of being the result of a free election. They took
notice that the constitution had provided vicars to govern the empire
during the vacancy of the imperial throne; but had made no provision of
regents, protectors, or guardians, for a minor emperor, because it was
never supposed that a minor would be chosen. They inveighed against
the late treaty with Spain; in which, they said, the ministry, for the
paltry sum of one hundred thousand pounds, had given up the claims of
the South-Sea company, and other British merchants, who had suffered
from depredations to the amount of one million three hundred thousand
pounds; and bartered away the freedom of our trade and navigation, by
leaving untouched that prerogative which the Spaniards had assumed,
of searching the British ships in the open seas, and confiscating
them should they find on board the least particle of what they called
contraband merchandise. They produced an instance of an English ship,
lately driven by stress of weather into one of the ports of the Spanish
West Indies, where she was searched, seized and condemned, under this
pretence. They recapitulated the conduct of the French, who, in the
midst of their declarations of peace and moderation, were still employed
in fortifying their settlements on the neutral islands, as well as in
harassing and encroaching upon our plantations in North America. They
exclaimed against the treaty of subsidy with the elector of Bavaria, or
any other prince in time of peace; observing, that for some years the
nation had paid such pensions to the Danes and the Hessians; but, in
the course of the late war, the former abandoned our interests, and the
latter actually took arms against Great Britain. They affirmed that
the subsidy was greater than the nation could spare; for, unless the
land-tax should be continued at four shillings in the pound, they could
not afford a shilling to any prince in Germany, without encroaching upon
the sinking fund. “At such a juncture,” said a certain member, “will
any gentleman presume to propose the continuation of such an imposition
on the land-holder, for the sake of bribing the princes of Germany to do
what?--to preserve the freedom and independency of their native country.
I say, princes of Germany, because this subsidy to Bavaria will signify
nothing unless we take half a score more of them into our pay; and when
we have thus indulged them for seven years of peace, they may give us
the slip, as others have done, whenever another war should be declared.”
 Against these objections the motion was supported by Mr. William Pitt,
at this time an advocate for the ministry. He observed, that the address
was no more than the usual compliment to the throne, which did not imply
an obligation on the parliament to approve of measures which they
might find cause to censure upon further inquiry. He said, the trivial
disputes still subsisting between this nation and the Spaniards, or
French, would soon be terminated amicably, and could never affect the
general tranquillity of Europe, which was to be established upon a firm
alliance between his majesty and such a confederacy upon the continent,
as would be an over-match for the house of Bourbon. He expatiated upon
his majesty’s wisdom in taking off from the French interest such a
powerful prince as the elector of Bavaria, and concerting other salutary
measures for preserving the balance of power on the continent. He
defended the articles of the late treaty with Spain; observing, that
what remained of the assiento contract was a matter of very little
consequence to the South-Sea company; that the demands of this company,
and other British merchants, were all cancelled by the rupture with
Spain, and more than recompensed to the nation by a great balance of
captures during the war, as well as by the great traffic carried on with
the Spanish settlements in the West Indies, after it had been laid open
by the demolition of their fortresses. He asserted, that by this
treaty the court of Spain had made many important concessions; they
had condescended to pay a great sum to the South-Sea company; they had
consented to the re-establishment of the British trade in Spain, upon
a very advantageous and solid footing, by agreeing that the subjects
of Great Britain should pay no other duties on merchandize than those
exacted of his catholic majesty’s own subjects, and to abolish all
innovations that had been introduced into the commerce. He affirmed,
that the article of No Search was a stipulation which it would have
been ridiculous to insist upon; and thought proper to obviate a
reproach which he foresaw the opposition would throw upon him, from the
circumstance of his having, upon a former occasion, heartily concurred
in a motion for an address, that no treaty of peace with Spain should
be admitted, unless such a stipulation should be first obtained as a
preliminary. He owned he had strenuously contended for such a motion,
because at that time, being very young and sanguine, he thought it right
and reasonable; but he was now ten years older, had considered matters
more coolly, and was convinced that the privilege of No Search, with
respect to British vessels sailing near the American shore, would never
be obtained, unless Spain should be brought so low as to acquiesce
in any terms we as victors might propose. He likewise signified his
conviction, that all addresses from the house of commons, during the
course of a war, for prescribing terms of peace, were in themselves
ridiculous; and that every such address was an encroachment on the
king’s prerogative, which had always been attended with unlucky
consequences. How far these arguments are satisfactory, conclusive, and
consistent, we shall leave to the reader’s determination. Certain it is,
they were adopted by the majority, and the address was presented without
further opposition.

The two grand committees appointed to discuss the supplies for
the ensuing year, and the funds upon which they were to be raised,
proceeded, as usual, under the direction of the ministry; yet not
without some vehement opposition, in which certain servants of the
crown expressed the most hearty concurrence. When a motion was made
for reducing the number of seamen to eight thousand, Mr. W. Pitt, Mr.
Lyttelton, and Mr. G. Grenville, opposed it with all their might of
argument and elocution; but they were overruled. Annual debates
were also revived, with the same success, upon the number of troops
constituting the standing army; but the other resolutions of the grand
committees met with little or no opposition. The number of seamen for
the ensuing year was limited to eight thousand; and that of the standing
forces continued at eighteen thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven
effective men, including one thousand eight hundred and fifteen
invalids. The commons granted a considerable sum of money for paying off
the principal of such redeemable stocks as had not been subscribed,
in pursuance of two acts passed in the last session for reducing the
interest of annuities. Thirty thousand pounds were given for fulfilling
the king’s engagement with the elector of Bavaria; large grants were
made for supplying deficiencies, and replacing sums borrowed from the
sinking fund. The expense incurred by the new colony of Nova Scotia, not
provided for by parliament, exceeded fifty-seven thousand pounds; and
the maintenance of it for the ensuing year was fixed at fifty-three
thousand nine hundred and twenty-seven pounds, fourteen shillings and
fourpence. An enormous charge! if we consider to how little purpose all
this bounty was bestowed. A fund was established under the sanction
of parliament, for the relief and maintenance of the widows of sea
officers, by allowing, upon the books of every ship of war in sea
pay, the wages and victuals of one man for every hundred of which
the compliment shall consist, for such time only as the number of
men employed in the service of the royal navy shall not exceed twenty
thousand. This was an additional indulgence, over and above the
allowance of one man granted by a former act of parliament. On the
whole, the provisions of this year amounted to five millions one hundred
and twenty-five thousand and twenty-three pounds, eleven shillings and
sevenpence, to be raised by the usual duties; the sum of one million
twenty-six thousand four hundred and seventy-six pounds, four shillings
and sixpence, advanced by the bank of England to pay off their own
unsubscribed annuities, for which they accepted exchequer bills at three
per cent, interest; by the land-tax at three shillings in the pound; a
lottery and annuities, at the rate of three per cent, per annum, to be
charged on the sinking-fund redeemable by parliament. The annual measure
called the mutiny bill, was not passed without dispute and altercation;
some alterations were proposed, but not adopted; and the sentences of
court-martials still subjected to one revision.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DEATH AND CHARACTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

In the midst of these deliberations, the kingdom was alarmed with an
event which overwhelmed the people with grief and consternation. His
royal highness the prince of Wales, in consequence of a cold caught in
his garden at Kew, was seized with a pleuritic disorder; and, after a
short illness, expired on the twentieth day of March, to the unspeakable
affliction of his royal consort, and the unfeigned sorrow of all who
wished well to their country. This excellent prince, who now died in
the forty-fifth year of his age, was possessed of every amiable quality
which could engage the affection of the people; a tender and obliging
husband, a fond parent, a kind master; liberal, generous, candid, and
humane; a munificent patron of the arts, an unwearied friend to merit;
well disposed to assert the rights of mankind in general, and warmly
attached to the interest of Great Britain. The nation could not but be
afflicted at seeing a prince of such expectations ravished from their
hopes; and their grief was the better founded, as the king had already
attained to an advanced age, and the heir-apparent, George, now prince
of Wales, was a minor.




SETTLEMENT OF A REGENCY IN CASE OF A MINOR SOVEREIGN.

His majesty, foreseeing all the inconveniencies which might arise from a
minority, deliberated with his council on this subject, and resolved
to obtain a parliamentary sanction for the measures judged necessary to
secure the succession. With this view he sent a message to both houses
on the twenty-sixth day of April, importing, that nothing could conduce
so much to the preservation of the protestant succession in his royal
family, as proper provisions for the tuition of the person of his
successor, and for the regular administration of the government, in case
the successor should be of tender years; his majesty therefore earnestly
recommended this weighty affair to the deliberation of parliament; and
proposed, that when the imperial crown of these realms should descend
to any of the late prince’s sons, being under the age of eighteen years,
his mother, the princess dowager of Wales, should be guardian of his
person, and regent of these kingdoms, until he should attain the age of
majority, with such powers and limitations as should appear necessary
and expedient for these purposes. This message produced a very
affectionate address, promising to take the affair into their serious
consideration; and in the beginning of May the duke of Newcastle
presented to the house of peers a bill to provide for the administration
of government, in case the crown should descend to a minor. The bill was
read a second time, and committed, when a second message arrived from
his majesty, recommending to their consideration the settlement of
such a council of regency as the bill proposed, consisting of his royal
highness the duke of Cumberland, who at that time commanded the army,
the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, the lord high
treasurer, or first lord commissioner of the treasury, the president
of the council, the lord privy-seal, the lord high-admiral of Great
Britain, or first commissioner of the admiralty, the two principal
secretaries of state, and the lord chief justice of the king’s-bench;
all these great officers, except his royal highness the duke, for the
time being. This bill did not pass through the lower house without
violent debate and bitter sarcasms. The council of regency, though
espoused by all the ministry, including the paymaster-general, met with
fierce opposition, as an unnecessary and fatal restriction that would
impede the machine of government, and, as the council was constituted,
might be productive of the most pernicious consequence. Some of the
members ventured even to insinuate the danger of leaving at the head of
a large standing army, a prince of the blood vested with a share of
the regency, possessed of great personal influence, the darling of
the soldiery, brave, popular, and enterprising; supposed not devoid of
ambition, and not at all remarkable for any symptoms of extraordinary
affection towards the person of the heir-apparent. The history of
England was ransacked for invidious instances of royal uncles and
regents who had injured the sovereigns, and distressed the government,
by their pride, cruelty, and ambition. The characters of John Lackland,
and John of Gaunt, Humphrey and Richard dukes of Gloucester, were
called in review, canvassed, compared, and quoted, with some odious
applications; but the majority being convinced of the loyalty, virtue,
integrity, and great abilities of his royal highness, to whom the nation
owed obligations of the most important nature, passed the bill with a
few amendments, in which the lords acquiesced; and in a little time it
received the royal sanction.




GENERAL NATURALIZATION BILL.

The death of the prince of Wales was fatal to a bill which had been
brought into the house of commons, for naturalizing all foreign
protestants who should settle within the dominions of Great Britain.
Political arithmeticians have generally taken it for granted, that
to every commercial nation an increase of people is an increase of
opulence; and this maxim is certainly true, on the supposition that
every individual is industrious, and that there is a sufficient field
for employment; but all these general maxims ought to be received
under certain qualifications. When all branches of manufacture are
overstocked, an addition of workmen will doubtless be an additional
incumbrance on the community. In the debates which this bill produced,
the members of the ministry were divided among themselves. The measure
was enforced by the chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. W. Pitt, and Mr.
Lyttelton; and in opposing it the earl of Egmont was joined by Mr. Fox,
secretary at war. Petitions and counter-petitions were presented by the
merchants of London, Bristol, and other trading towns of the kingdom.
All merchants and traders of foreign extraction exerted themselves
vigorously in its behalf, and it was without doubt countenanced by the
administration; but the project was odious to the people in general.
The lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of London, in common-council
assembled, composed a remonstrance to the lower house, setting forth the
danger and inutility of a general naturalization of foreign protestants.
A petition of the merchants and principal inhabitants of Bristol
represented that such a law would be prejudicial to the trade and
commerce of this kingdom, by preventing many industrious artificers from
procuring a sufficient support for themselves and their families, and of
consequence increasing the rates of the poor; that the introduction of
such a number of foreigners, instead of being a support to the present
happy establishment, might endanger the very basis of our constitution;
that it would greatly tend to the diminution of our manufactures, as
many strangers would doubtless come and reside in England for a time,
in order to learn the methods and management of our manufacturers and
artificers; and, after having obtained this instruction, return to their
native countries, where they would establish and carry on works of the
same nature. The twentieth day of March being appointed for the third
reading of the bill, it was postponed in consequence of the unfortunate
death of the prince of Wales; and other petitions from different cities
of the kingdom being mustered against it in the sequel, the ministry did
not think proper to persist in any unpopular measure at such a delicate
conjuncture; so the bill was no more brought upon the carpet. Divers
other regulations, relating to civil policy as well as to the commerce
of Great Britain, were propounded in the house of commons; but these
proposals proved abortive, either because they appeared crude and
indigested in themselves, or the house could not obtain proper
information touching the allegations they contained.




CENSURE PASSED UPON A PAPER ENTITLED “CONSTITUTIONAL QUERIES.”

There were no other transactions in this session, except the concurrence
of both houses in stigmatizing a printed paper, entitled “Constitutional
Queries, earnestly recommended to the serious consideration of every
true Briton;” and the steps taken by the commons, in consequence of the
commotions occasioned by the Westminster election. The above-mentioned
paper, which had been conveyed by letter to the majority of both houses,
was communicated to the lords in the month of January by the duke of
Marlborough, who moved for resolutions against it as a seditious libel,
and that the concurrence of the commons might be desired. A conference
accordingly ensued, and both houses concurred in voting the paper a
false, malicious, scandalous, infamous, and seditious libel; containing
the most false, audacious, and abominable calumnies and indignities upon
his majesty; and the most presumptuous and wicked insinuations that our
laws, liberties, and properties, and the excellent constitution of this
kingdom, were in danger under his majesty’s legal, mild, and gracious
government; with intent to instil groundless suspicions and jealousies
into the minds of his majesty’s good subjects, and to alienate their
affections from his majesty and the royal family. It was therefore
resolved by the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament
assembled, that, in abhorrence and detestation of such abominable and
seditious practices, the paper should be burnt by the hands of the
common hangman in the new Palace-yard of Westminster; and this sentence
was executed accordingly. Then they presented an address to his majesty,
desiring that the most effectual means might be taken for discovering
the author, printer, or publisher, that he or they might be brought to
condign punishment. Directions were given for this purpose; but without
effect. Those concerned in writing, printing, and circulating the paper,
had acted with such caution that not one of them was ever discovered.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMONS ON THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

The proceedings of the commons with respect to the election of a burgess
for Westminster were attended with some extraordinary circumstances,
which we shall now record for the edification of those who pique
themselves on the privileges of a British subject. We have already
observed, that a majority appearing on the poll for lord Trentham,
the adherents of the other candidate, sir George Vandeput, demanded
a scrutiny, which was granted by the high bailiff of Westminster, the
returning officer. During this tedious investigation, which rolled
chiefly on the qualifications of voters, he acted with such address and
seeming candour as gave entire satisfaction to both parties, till at
length he determined in favour of lord Trentham, whom he returned as
duly elected. Those who styled themselves the independent electors did
not acquiesce in this determination without clamour, reproach, menaces,
and riot. They taxed Mr. Leigh, the high-bailiff, with partiality and
injustice; they loudly affirmed that ministerial influence had been used
in the most scandalous manner; and, finally, joined sir George Vandeput
in a petition to the lower house, complaining of an undue election and
return of a member for the city of Westminster. The commons, instead of
inquiring into the merits of these petitions, ordered them to lie upon
the table; and, without any complaint from any person whatever, a
motion was made that Leigh, the high-bailiff, should attend the house
immediately, in order to make them acquainted with what he had done in
pursuance of the directions he had formerly received from that house,
touching the execution of the writ for electing a new member to
represent the city of Westminster. As this motion had been preconcerted,
Leigh was attending in the lobby, and immediately called into the
house to be examined on this subject. Having, in the course of his
examination, alleged that the election had been protracted by affected
delays, he was asked by whom, and by what means; but, before he could
answer, the earl of Egmont, interposing, objected to the question as
improper, and moved for the order of the day. A debate immediately
ensued, in which the impropriety of the question was demonstrated by Mr.
Henley, now lord-keeper, Dr. Lee, and some others, the most sensible and
moderate members of the house; but they were opposed with great violence
by lord viscount Corke, Henry Fox, esquire, sir William Young, colonel
Lyttelton, and the weight of the ministry; so that the motion for the
order of the day was carried in the negative, and the high-bailiff
required to answer the question. Thus interrogated, he declared that he
had been impeded in the scrutiny, and maltreated, by Mr. Crowle, who had
acted as counsel for sir George Vandeput, by the honourable Alexander
Murray, brother to lord Elibank, and one Gibson, an upholsterer, who had
been very active, zealous, and turbulent in his endeavours to promote
the interest of sir George Vandeput, or rather to thwart the pretensions
of the other candidate, who was supposed to be countenanced by the
ministry. These three persons, thus accused, were brought to the bar
of the house, notwithstanding the strenuous remonstrances of several
members, who opposed this method of proceeding, as a species of
oppression equally arbitrary and absurd. They observed, that, as no
complaint had been preferred, they had no right to take cognizance
of the affair; that if any undue influence had been used, it would
naturally appear when the merits of the election should fall under
their inquiry; that a complaint having been lodged already against the
returning officer, it was their duty to investigate his conduct, and
punish him if he should be found delinquent; but that nothing could be
more flagrantly unjust, and apparently partial, than their neglecting
the petitions of the other candidate and electors, and encouraging the
high-bailiff, who stood charged with iniquity, to recriminate upon
his accusers, that they might be disabled from giving evidence on the
inquiry into the merits of the election. What difference is it to
the subject whether he is oppressed by an arbitrary prince, or by the
despotic insolence of a ministerial majority? Mr. Crowle alleged, in his
own vindication, that he had been employed as counsel by the electors of
Westminster, and attended the scrutiny in that character; that after the
high-bailiff had, in the course of the last session, received the order
of the house to expedite the election, he hurried on the scrutiny with
such precipitation as, he apprehended, was unjust and prejudicial to his
clients; that, in this apprehension, he (Mr. Crowle) insisted upon the
high-bailiff’s proceeding with more deliberation, and in so doing he
thought he did his duty to his employers. Some evidence being examined
against him, declared he had not only protracted the scrutiny, but also
spoken disrespectful words of the house of commons; he was therefore
reprimanded on his knees by the speaker, and discharged.




MR. MURRAY SENT PRISONER TO NEWGATE.

Mr Murray being charged with having uttered some threatening and
affrontive expressions, the house adjourned the consideration of this
affair for some days, at the expiration of which Mr. Murray was to be
heard by his counsel; but, in the meantime, they ordered him to be taken
into custody by the sergeant-at-arms attending the house. This step
however was not taken without a warm opposition by some of the most
sedate and intelligent members of the house, who considered it as a
cruel act of oppression. They observed, that in cases of breach of
privilege, no person complained of was ever taken into custody until
after he had been fully heard in his defence; that this was literally
prejudging the cause before it had been examined; and the oppression
was the greater, as the alleged offence consisted entirely of words, of
which no complaint or information had been made for above eight months
after the supposed offence had been committed; and, even then, not till
an accusation had been lodged against the informant, upon the trial of
which accusation the persons informed against might very probably be
the most material witnesses. They observed, that in one of the highest
offences which can be committed by words, namely, that of denying the
king’s right to the crown, or renouncing the trinity, the information
must be brought in three or four days after the words are spoken; the
words must be proved to have been spoken maliciously, directly, and
advisedly, and the prosecution must commence in three months after the
information. These suggestions made no more impression than if they
had been uttered in a desert. Those who were secure in their number,
asserted that the house of commons was not restricted by the forms or
proceedings at common law; and that it was necessary to vindicate their
own honour and dignity, by making examples of those who seemed to
hold them in contempt. Mr. Murray was committed to the custody of
the sergeant-at-arms, and found bail; and Gibson was sent prisoner to
Newgate, from whence he was in a few days released, upon presenting
an humble petition, professing his sorrow for having incurred the
displeasure of the house, to the bar of which he was brought, and
received a reprimand on his knees from the speaker. In the meantime,
divers witnesses being examined before the house, declared, That Mr.
Murray had been seen, about the time of the return of a member for
Westminster, heading and exciting a tumult to acts of violence against
the high-bailiff. The majority, therefore, after a long and warm debate,
agreed, that for his dangerous and seditious practices, in violation
and contempt of the privileges of the house, and of the freedom of
elections, he should be committed close prisoner to Newgate Then, in the
close of another violent debate, they resolved that he should be brought
to the bar of the house, to receive that sentence on his knees. He
accordingly appeared, and being directed by the speaker to kneel,
refused to comply. He knew that he could not be discharged from Newgate
during the session, without petitioning, acknowledging his offence, and
making such concessions as he thought would imply a consciousness of
guilt; he considered this whole transaction as an oppressive exertion of
arbitrary power, and, being apprized of the extent of their authority,
determined to bear the brunt of their indignation, rather than make
submissions which he deemed beneath the dignity of his character. When
he refused to humble himself, the whole house was in commotion; he was
no sooner removed from the bar than they resolved, that his having in a
most insolent and audacious manner refused to be on his knees at the bar
of that house, in consequence of their former resolution, was a high and
most dangerous contempt of the authority and privilege of the commons;
it was therefore ordered, that he should be committed close prisoner
to Newgate, debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper; and that no person
should have access to him without the leave of the house. Finally, a
committee was appointed to consider what methods might be proper to be
taken by them, in relation to this instance of contempt. Meanwhile, the
petitioners against the return made by the high-bailiff, perceiving the
temper of the house, and the complexion of the majority, withdrew their
petition; and the order which had passed for hearing the merits of
the election was discharged. Mr. Murray being taken dangerously ill in
Newgate, application was made to the commons, by some of his relations,
that he might be removed to a more convenient situation; and his
physician being examined, gave it as his opinion that he was infected
with the gaol distemper. Upon this representation, the house agreed that
the speaker should issue a warrant for removing him from Newgate to the
custody of the sergeant-at-arms, but this favour he refused to accept,
and expressed the warmest resentment against those relations who had
applied to the commons in his behalf. Thus he remained sequestered even
from his own brother and sister, under the displeasure of the commons
of England, who condescended so far as to make resolutions touching the
physician, apothecary, and nurse who attended this prisoner. But the
prorogation of parliament having put an end to their authority for
that session, Mr. Murray was discharged of course, and conducted by the
sheriffs from Newgate to his own house, in procession, with flags and
streamers exhibiting the emblems of liberty.




SESSION CLOSED. STYLE ALTERED.

In the month of June the session was closed with a speech from the
throne, in which his majesty thanked both houses for the zeal and
affection they had manifested towards him and his government; and
congratulated the commons in particular, upon their firmness and
prudence in reducing the interest of the national debt, a measure
as agreeable to him as essential to the strength and welfare of the
kingdom. [330] _[See note 2 S, at the end of this Vol.]_--The interior
economy of Great Britain produced, within the circle of this year,
nothing else worthy of historical regard, except a series of enormous
crimes, arising from the profligacy of individuals, which reflected
disgrace upon the morals and the polity of the nation. Rapine and
robbery had domineered without intermission ever since the return of
peace, which was attended with a reduction of the army and navy; but now
crimes of a deeper die seemed to lift up their heads, in contempt of law
and humanity. [331] _[See note 2 T, at the end of this Vol.]_ Every
day almost produced fresh instances of perjury, forgery, fraud, and
circumvention; and the kingdom exhibited a most amazing jumble of virtue
and vice, honour and infamy, compassion and obduracy, sentiment and
brutality.




CHAPTER VIII.

     _Death of the Queen of Denmark and the Prince of Orange.....
     Misunderstanding between the Czarina and King of
     Prussia..... Measures for electing a King of the Romans.....
     Death of the King of Sweden..... Session opened.....
     Animosity of the Commons towards Mr. Murray..... Proceedings
     upon a Pamphlet, entitled the Case of Mr. Murray.....
     Supplies granted..... Civil Regulations..... Law relating to
     the forfeited Estates in Scotland..... New Consolidation of
     Funds..... Two Ports opened for the Importation of Irish
     Wool..... The King sets out for Hanover..... Affairs of the
     Continent..... Dispute between Hanover and Prussia,
     Concerning East Friezeland..... Misunderstanding between the
     Courts of London and Berlin..... Improvement of
     Pomerania..... Treaty with the Elector Palatine..... Session
     opened..... Supplies granted..... Game Act..... Act for
     performing Quarantine..... and for preventing the Plundering
     of shipwrecked Vessels..... Bill relating to the Bounty on
     Corn exported..... Turkey Trade laid open.....
     Naturalization of the Jews..... Marriage Act.....
     Deliberations concerning the Sugar Colonies...... Fate of
     the Register Bill..... Sir Hans Sloane’s Museum purchased by
     Parliament..... Story of Elizabeth Canning..... Execution of
     Dr. Cameron..... Tumults in different Parts of the
     Kingdom..... Disturbances in France..... Proceedings in the
     Diet relative to East Friezeland..... Treaty between the
     Court of Vienna and the Duke of Marlborough--Conferences
     with respect to Nova Scotia broke up..... Description of
     Nova Scotia..... Disputes concerning its Limits_




DEATH OF THE QUEEN OF DENMARK AND PRINCE OF ORANGE.

The royal family of England had sustained three severe shocks in the
compass of a few months. Besides the loss of the prince of Wales, which
the nation lamented as irreparable, his majesty was deeply afflicted by
the untimely death of his youngest daughter, the queen of Denmark, who
died at Copenhagen on the nineteenth day of December, in the prime of
youth. She was one of the most amiable princesses of the age in
which she lived, whether we consider the virtues of her heart, or the
accomplishments of her person; generous, mild, and tender hearted;
beloved even almost to adoration by her royal consort, to whom she had
borne a prince and two princesses; and universally admired and revered
by the subjects of his Danish majesty. Her death had been preceded about
two months by that of her brother-in-law, the prince of Orange, no
less regretted by the natives of the United Provinces for his candour,
integrity, and hereditary love to his country. Though he had not
distinguished himself by the lustre of a superior genius, he had been at
great pains to cultivate his understanding, and study the true interest
of that community of which he was a member. He had always approved
himself a good and zealous citizen, and, since his elevation to the
stadtholdership, taken many salutary steps for the advantage of his
country. Among other excellent schemes which he suggested, he left a
noble plan with the states-general for restoring their commerce to
its former lustre, and lived long enough to receive their warmest
acknowledgments fox this last proof of his prudence and patriotism.
His son and daughter being both infants, the administration of the
government devolved upon the princess, as governanté during her son’s
minority; and as such she succeeded to all the power which her husband
had enjoyed.




MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE CZARINA AND KING OF PRUSSIA.

With respect to the affairs of the continent, the peace of the north
seemed still as precarious as ever; for though the difference between
Russia and Sweden had been compromised, the mutual disgust between
the czarina and the king of Prussia had gained such accession from
reciprocal insults, ill offices, and inflammatory declarations, that
these two powers seemed to be on the eve of a rupture, and each was
employed in making extraordinary preparations for war. The courts of
Vienna and Great Britain, foreseeing that such a rupture would embroil
the empire, and raise insurmountable obstructions to their favourite
scheme of electing the archduke Joseph king of the Romans, resolved to
employ all their influence in order to effect a reconciliation between
the courts of Petersburgh and Berlin. His Prussian majesty had signified
to the king of Great Britain and the states-general, the situation in
which he stood with the czarina, and solicited their interposition, that
the difference might be amicably accommodated. At the same time, he sent
an envoy-extraordinary to Versailles, to negotiate with the French
king for a very considerable body of auxiliaries, in case he should fee
attacked. These circumstances induced the maritime powers, and the
court of Vienna, to use their utmost endeavours for the prevention of
a rupture; and accordingly they made remonstrances on this subject by
their ministers at Petersburgh, proposing that the quarrel should be
terminated without bloodshed, and all cause of animosity be buried in
oblivion.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MEASURES FOR ELECTING A KING OF THE ROMANS.

In the meantime they eagerly prosecuted the design of the election; and
the Imperial minister at Berlin not only communicated to his Prussian
majesty the sentiments of the king of England on this expedient, but
even solicited his vote for the archduke Joseph, when the election of a
king of the Romans should be proposed in the electoral college. To this
proposal he replied, that he was extremely well disposed to manifest his
regard for their imperial majesties, and to give the most genuine
proofs of it, even in the proposed election of a king of the Romans,
considering the great merit of the present candidate the archduke
Joseph; but he left it to the consideration of their imperial majesties,
whether the election would not be a little premature, if transacted at
a time when his imperial majesty was in the flower of his age; enjoying
perfect health; and when all Europe, particularly the empire, was
hushed in the bosom of tranquillity, so that no circumstance seemed
to prognosticate the necessity of such an election; or of putting in
execution the motives mentioned in the capitulation of the reigning
emperor’s election; especially as the examination of these motives
belonged to the whole empire, and ought to precede the election, by
virtue of the eighth article of the treaty of Westphalia. He observed,
that in case of the emperor’s death, Germany would find herself in a
very disagreeable situation under the government of a minor. For these
reasons, he said, he could not help advising their imperial majesties
to wait until the archduke should be of age, when his election might be
carried on more conformably to the laws and constitutions of the empire,
and more suitable to the majesty of the whole Germanic body. This reply
he circulated among the electors, and in particular transmitted it to
the king of Great Britain, desiring they would deliberate maturely on
this subject, and confer together in a body, as well as in private,
that they might proceed according to the ancient custom of the electoral
college, and take such ‘measures as should be judged expedient for the
honour and advantage of the community. This circular letter was
answered both by the king of England and the elector of Bavaria, who
demonstrated, that it was the privilege of the electoral college only,
without any participation of the other princes of the empire, to elect a
king of the Romans during the life of the emperor, in order to maintain
the peace and preserve the liberties of Germany; and that the neglect
of this wise precaution hath produced bloody wars, and many fatal
consequences to the empire. They observed, that nothing could more
contribute to the establishment of the public tranquillity than this
measure, so ardently desired by the majority of the German princes; and
that, although the archduke Joseph wanted a few years of being of age,
and it might possibly happen that the reigning emperor should die during
that prince’s minority, yet it would be much less prejudicial to the
empire to have a minor chief, than to see the succession altogether
unsettled. His Prussian majesty received a declaration to the same
purpose from the elector of Mentz; and understanding that this prince,
as archchancellor of the empire, intended to convoke an electoral diet
in order to propose the election of a king of the Romans, he wrote an
elaborate letter to his electoral highness, explaining at more length
his reasons for postponing the election. He quoted that sentence of the
treaty of Westphalia which expressly declares, that the election of a
king of the Romans shall be discussed and ordained by the common consent
of the states of the empire; and, therefore, he could not conceive
what right the electoral college had to arrogate this privilege to
themselves, excluding the other states of the empire. He observed, that
the imperial capitulations, which were the only laws of the empire that
treated of this subject, mentioned only three cases in which it was
lawful to proceed to such an election; namely, the emperor’s leaving,
and long absence from, Germany; his advanced age, or an indisposition,
rendering him incapable of managing the reins of government; and any
case of emergency in which the preservation of the empire’s prosperity
is interested. He affirmed that none of these motives at present
existed; that, in case the imperial crown should devolve to a minor,
many mischiefs and disorders must ensue, as the constitutions of the
empire have established no regulations nor regency in that event; that
an election of this nature, carried on under the power, influence, and
authority of the head of the empire, would strike at the fundamental
privileges of the princes and states; consequently, in time overturn
the constitution of the empire, which, from being an elective dignity,
conferred by the free and independent suffrages of the electoral college
and states of Germany, under certain capitulations, obliging the prince
thus chosen to govern according to law, would become an hereditary
succession, perpetuated in one family, which of course must be
aggrandized to the prejudice of its co-estates, and the ruin of the
Germanic liberties. In a word, all Germany in general, and Ratisbon in
particular, was filled with writings published on both sides: by the
emperor and his adherents, to demonstrate that the election of a king of
the Romans, during the life of the emperor, had often happened, and
at this present time was necessary, and would be advantageous to the
empire; while the king of Prussia and his friends laboured to prove
that such an election, at the present juncture, would be ill-timed,
irregular, and of dangerous consequence. Perhaps, if the truth was
known, this enterprising prince had projected some great scheme,
with the execution of which this proposed establishment would have
interfered. Certain it is, he exerted himself with that spirit and
perseverance which were peculiar to his character, to frustrate the
intention of the courts of Vienna and London in this particular, and
was assisted with all the intrigue of the French ministry. Their joint
endeavours were so effectual, that the elector of Cologn renounced his
subsidiary treaty with the maritime powers, and once more threw himself
into the arms of France. The elector palatine being solicited by the
empress-queen and his Britannic majesty to co-operate with their views,
insisted, as a preliminary article, upon being indemnified by the court
of Vienna for the ravages committed in his territories by the Austrian
troops, during the course of the last war: the king of Poland, elector
of Saxony, made the same demand of the like indemnification, which was
granted by the mediation of king George; and then he subscribed to a
subsidiary treaty, obliging himself to furnish a body of six thousand
auxiliaries, in case they should be required by the maritime powers;
and to act as an elector, in concert with the house of Austria, in every
thing relating to the welfare of his country that should square with the
fundamental laws of the empire. The courts of London and Vienna had this
election so much at heart, that they sounded almost all the powers of
Europe, to know how they stood affected towards the measure proposed.
The king of Spain declined intermeddling in a domestic affair of the
empire. The French king returned an ambiguous answer; from whence it
was concluded that nothing but opposition could be expected from that
quarter. The Swedish monarch was rendered propitious to the project by
assurances that the house of Hesse-Cassel, of which he was the head,
should be elevated into an electorate. They even endeavoured to soften
his Prussian majesty, by consenting, at last, that the treaty of
Dresden, confirming to him the possession of Silesia, should be
guaranteed by the diet of the empire; a sanction which he now actually
obtained, together with the ratification of his imperial majesty.
Notwithstanding this indulgence, he still persisted in raising fresh
objections to the favourite project, on pretence of concerting measures
for preventing the inconveniencies that might result from a minority;
for regulating the capitulations to be agreed on with the king of the
Romans; securing the freedom of future elections, and preserving the
prerogatives and privileges of the Germanic body in all its members. In
consequence of these obstacles, joined to the apostacy of the elector of
Cologn, the obstinacy of the elector palatine, and the approaching diet
of Hungary, at which their imperial majesties were obliged personally to
preside, the measures for the election were suspended till next summer,
when his Britannic majesty was expected at Hanover to put the finishing
stroke to this great event in favour of the house of Austria.




DEATH OF THE KING OF SWEDEN.

Another disappointment, with respect to this election, the promoters of
it sustained in the death of his Swedish majesty, who expired in a
good old age, and was succeeded by Adolphus Frederick, duke of Holstein
Eutin, bishop of Lubeck, upon whom the succession had been settled for
some years, by the unanimous concurrence of the states of the kingdom.
This prince ascended the throne of Sweden without the least disturbance;
and, of his own accord, took an oath in full senate, that he would never
attempt to introduce a despotic authority; but maintain their liberties
with his blood, and govern his subjects in all respects according to the
laws and the form of government established in Sweden. This public act,
which was communicated to all the foreign ministers, and particularly
to the envoy from Petersburgh, met with such a favourable reception
from the czarina, that she expressed her satisfaction in a public
declaration; and the good understanding between the two courts was
perfectly restored.




SESSION OPENED.

When the parliament of England was opened in the month of November, the
king, in his speech from the throne, gave them to understand, that
for the same purposes which suggested the treaty with the elector of
Bavaria, he had now, in conjunction with the states-general, concluded
another with the king of Poland, elector of Saxony. He told them that
the unfortunate death of the prince of Orange had made no alteration in
the state of affairs in Holland; and that he had received the strongest
assurances from the states, of their firm resolution to maintain the
intimate union and friendship happily subsisting between his majesty and
those ancient and natural allies of his crown. He exhorted both houses
to consider seriously of some effectual provisions to suppress those
audacious crimes of robbery and violence, grown so frequent about the
capital, proceeding in a great measure from that profligate spirit
of irreligion, idleness, gaming, and extravagance, which had of late
extended itself in an uncommon degree, to the dishonour of the nation,
and the great offence and prejudice of the sober and industrious part of
the people. The paragraphs of this speech were, as usual, echoed back to
the throne in addresses replete with expressions of loyalty, affection,
and approbation. Opposition was by this time almost extinguished; and
the proceedings of both houses took place with such unanimity as was
hardly ever known before this period in a British parliament. The
commons, however, seem to have assembled with such sentiments as did no
great honour to their temper and magnanimity. In a few days after the
session opened, lord viscount C----e, a young nobleman, whose character
entitled him to very little regard or influence among men of sense
and probity, made a motion, that Mr. Murray, who had been so severely
executed in the last session for refusing to humble himself on his knees
before them, should be again committed close prisoner to Newgate for the
same offence. This proposal, which supposed a power that the commons had
never before exercised, was sharply disputed by the earl of Egmont, and
others, who had not resigned all sense of moderation; but the majority
adopted the measure with great eagerness, and the speaker was ordered
to issue his warrant accordingly. Then the house resolved, that the
said Alexander Murray should receive the sentence, for his now being
committed close prisoner to his majesty’s gaol of Newgate, at the bar
of the house, upon his knees; and the sergeant-at-arms was commanded to
take him into custody for this purpose. Their indignation, however,
was eluded by the caution of the delinquent, who, having foreseen the
effects of their resentment, had prudently retired to another country.
They determined, nevertheless, to proceed against him as a person
of some consequence in the commonwealth; for, being informed of his
retreat, they condescended so far as to present an address to his
majesty, desiring that his royal proclamation might be issued for
apprehending the said Mr. Murray, promising a reward to him who should
have the good fortune to apprehend this fugitive-a request with which
his majesty most graciously complied.




PROCEEDINGS UPON A PAMPHLET, ENTITLED “THE CASE OF MR. MURRAY.”

Nor was this the only address presented to the king: upon such an
important subject. A pamphlet, entitled “The Case of the Hon. Alexander
Murray, esquire, in an Appeal to the People of Great Britain,” was first
stigmatized in a complaint to the house, and was afterwards produced
and read at the table. The piece was written with great acrimony, and
abounded with severe animadversions, not only upon the conduct of the
returning officer, but also on the proceedings of the commons. The
violent members immediately took fire, and the flame extended itself to
the majority. Nay, the house unanimously resolved, that the pamphlet
was an impudent, malicious, scandalous, and seditious libel, falsely and
most injuriously reflecting upon, and aspersing the proceedings of the
house, tending to create misapprehensions in the minds of the people,
to the great dishonour of the said house, and in violation of the
privileges thereof. They furthermore presented an address to the king,
desiring his majesty would be graciously pleased to give directions to
his attorney-general to prosecute the authors or author, the printers or
printer, and the publishers or publisher of the said scandalous libel,
that they might be brought to condign punishment. Directions were
accordingly given for this purpose, and a prosecution commenced against
the publisher, who had some reason to be dismayed, considering the great
weight of influence he was doomed to encounter--influence arising from
a prosecution of the crown, instituted at the request, and founded on
a vote, of the house of commons. Nevertheless, when the cause was
heard before the lord-chief justice of England, a jury of free-born
Englishmen, citizens of London, asserted their privilege of judging
the law as well as the fact, and acquitted the defendant with a truly
admirable spirit of independency. They considered the pamphlet as an
appeal against oppression; and, convinced that the contents were true,
they could not in conscience adjudge it a false libel, even though it
had been so declared by one of the branches of the legislature.

{1752}

The commons, in regulating the supplies of the ensuing year, voted the
continuation of eighteen thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven men
for the land-service, though not without some opposition from certain
patriots, who, rather from a sense of duty than from any hope of
influencing the majority, affirmed that sixteen thousand men in time of
peace would answer all the ends proposed by a standing army. The number
of seamen was fixed at ten thousand; large sums were granted to make up
deficiencies, and fulfil the engagements of the crown with the electors
of Bavaria and Saxony, as well as for the maintenance of Nova Scotia
and Georgia, and the castles on the coast of Guinea; and one hundred and
twelve thousand one hundred and fifty-two pounds, three shillings and
threepence, were voted, as a full compensation to the old royal African
company for their exclusive charter and property, to be applied for the
relief of their creditors. *

     * These expenses were defrayed by a continuation of the
     duties on malt, &c a land-tax at three shillings in the
     pound; a duty on licences, to be yearly paid by pawnbrokers
     and dealers in secondhand goods, within the bills of
     mortality; the sum of one million four hundred thousand
     pounds advanced by the bank, according to a proposal made
     for that purpose; five hundred thousand pounds to be issued
     from the sinking-fund; a duty laid on gum Senegal; and the
     continuation of divers other occasional impositions. The
     grants for the year amounted to something less than four
     millions, and the provisions made for this expense exceeded
     it in the sum of two hundred and seventy-one thousand and
     twenty-four pounds, ten shillings and sixpence halfpenny.

The laws enacted for the encouragement of traffic, and the regulations
of civil polity, consisted in an act for licensing pawnbrokers, and for
the more effectual preventing the receiving of stolen goods; another
for preventing thefts and robberies, by which places of entertainment,
dancing, and music, in London, Westminster, and within twenty miles of
the capital, were suppressed and prohibited, unless the proprietors of
them could obtain licenses from the justices of the peace, empowered
for that purpose; a third for annexing the forfeited estates in Scotland
unalienably to the crown, after having made satisfaction to the lawful
creditors; establishing a method of leasing these estates, and applying
the rents and profits of them for the better civilizing and improving
the highlands, and preventing future disorders in that part of the
united kingdom. Nothing could be more salutary than the purposes of
these regulations. The suburbs of the metropolis abounded with an
incredible number of public houses, which continually resounded with the
noise of riot and intemperance; they were the haunts of idleness, fraud,
and rapine; and the seminaries of drunkenness, debauchery, extravagance,
and every vice incident to human nature; yet the suppression of these
receptacles of infamy was attended with an inconvenience, which, in some
cases, arose even to a degree of oppression. The justices being vested
by the legislature with the power of granting or refusing licenses, were
constituted, in effect, the arbiters on whose decision the fortunes and
livelihood of many individuals absolutely depended. Many of those who
exercised this species of magistracy within the bills of mortality,
were, to the reproach of government, men of profligate lives, needy,
mean, ignorant, and rapacious, and often acted from the most scandalous
principles of selfish avarice.




LAW RELATING TO THE FORFEITED ESTATES IN SCOTLAND.

The law relating to the highlands of Scotland was well calculated for
promoting, among the inhabitants of that country, such a spirit of
industry as might detach them from their dangerous connexions, and
gradually supersede that military genius which had been so productive
of danger and alarm to the southern part of Great Britain. The king,
by this act, was empowered to appoint commissioners for managing the
forfeited estates, who were enabled to grant leases of small farms, not
above twenty pounds a-year, to individuals, who should take an oath to
government to reside upon and cultivate the lands thus let. It was
also provided, that no lease should be granted for a longer term than
twenty-one years; and that the leases should not pay above three-fourths
of the annual value. Although these forfeited estates were generally
encumbered with claims beyond their real value, and the act directed
that they should be disposed of by public sale; yet, as they lay in the
most disaffected parts of the highlands, it was thought necessary that
they should remain in the possession of the crown, because, in case
of their being publicly sold, they might be purchased in trust for the
families of the persons by whom they were forfeited, and thus the spirit
of disaffection would still survive. A valuation, therefore, was made by
the court of session in Scotland, at the joint suit of the crown and the
creditors; and the value being ascertained, the just claimants were
paid out of the next aids granted by parliament. The bill met with
considerable opposition in the house of peers from the duke of Bedford
and the earl of Bath, who probably foresaw that the good effects of this
scheme, so laudable in itself, would be frustrated in the execution;
and that the act, instead of answering the purposes for which it was
intended, would serve only as a job to gratify the rapacious retainers
to the government, and their emissaries in that country. After a warm
debate, however, it was adopted by a great majority, and obtained the
royal assent.




NEW CONSOLIDATION OF FUNDS.

A third law related to certain articles of the national debt, which was
now converted into several joint-stocks of annuities, transferable at
the bank of England, to be charged on the sinking fund. A great number
of different funds for annuities, established at different times and by
different acts, subsisted at this period, SO that it I was necessary
to keep many different accounts, which could not be regulated without
considerable trouble and expense, for the removal of which the bill was
calculated.




TWO PORTS OPENED FOR THE IMPORTATION OF IRISH WOOL.

In consequence of petitions from the woollen manufacturers of
Westmoreland and Yorkshire, two bills were brought in, and passed
through both houses, by which the ports of Lancaster and Great Yarmouth
were opened for the importation of wool and woollen yarn from Ireland;
but why this privilege was not extended to all the frequented ports
of the kingdom it is not easy to conceive, without supposing a little
national jealousy on one hand, and a great deal of grievous restraint on
the other. Over and above these new laws, some unsuccessful endeavours
were used in behalf of commerce and police. A bill was offered for
laying further restrictions on pawnbrokers and brokers, that they might
no longer suck the blood of the poor, and act as the accessaries of
theft and robbery, which was canvassed, debated, and made its way
through the lower house; but the lords rejected it as a crude scheme,
which they could not amend, because it was a money-bill, not cognizable
by their house, without engaging in a dispute with the commons. Another
bill was prepared, for giving power to change the punishment of felony,
in certain cases, to confinement and hard labour in dockyards or
garrisons. It was the opinion of many who wished well to their country,
and were properly qualified to prosecute such inquiries, that the
practice of consigning such a number of wretches to the hands of the
executioner, served only, by its frequency, to defeat the purpose of
the law, in robbing death of all its terror, and the public of many
subjects, who might, notwithstanding their delinquency, be in some
measure rendered useful to society. Such was the motive that influenced
the promoters of this bill; by which it was proposed, in imitation of
that economy practised in other countries, to confine felons convicted
under certain circumstances to hard labour upon the public works of the
kingdom. The scheme was adopted by the lower house, but rejected by the
lords, who seemed apprehensive of its bringing such discredit upon
his majesty’s dock-yards, as would discourage persons who valued their
reputation from engaging in such employment. Of still greater importance
to the nation was the next measure proposed, in a bill for making the
militia of England more useful, presented by Mr. Thornton, a gentleman
of Yorkshire, who had distinguished himself by his loyalty and
patriotism. It was canvassed in a committee of the whole house, and
underwent divers amendments; but miscarried, through the aversion of
the ministry to any project tending to remove or lessen the necessity
of maintaining a standing army. A considerable number of petitions
for different regulations, in respect to commerce and convenience
of traffic, were presented, considered, and left upon the table.
A remonstrance from the prisoners confined in the gaol of the
king’s-bench, complaining of their miserable situation, arising from
want of room and other conveniences, being taken into consideration by
a committee, among other evidences, they examined that remarkable
personage who had signalized himself in different parts of Christendom,
under the name of Theodore, king of Corsica. Though formerly
countenanced and even treated as a sovereign prince by the British
ministry, he was now reduced to the forlorn condition of a confined
debtor; and, to the reproach of this kingdom, died in prison, surrounded
with all the misery of indigence, and overwhelmed with the infirmities
of old age. But the most remarkable circumstance of the parliamentary
transactions that distinguished this session, was a motion made in both
houses for an address to the king, beseeching his majesty, that in time
of public tranquillity, he would be graciously pleased to avoid entering
into subsidiary treaties with foreign princes, which are so burdensome
to this nation. This extraordinary proposal was made and strenuously
urged by the duke of B----, and a vehement debate ensued, in which
the earls of G----, S----, and H----, opposed it with an execution
of superior abilities; and the question being put, was carried in the
negative without a division. The same fate attended it in the house of
commons, where it was introduced by lord H----y, and supported by some
distinguished orators. The session ended in the latter end of March,
when his majesty, having given his assent to ninety-five public and
private bills, harangued both houses, and prorogued the parliament.*

     * Among the proceedings of this session, it may not be
     improper to mention a new act for the prevention of murders,
     which had been shockingly frequent of late, importing, that
     every criminal convicted of this horrid crime should be
     executed in one day after his sentence, and his body
     delivered to the surgeons for dissection--an expedient which
     had been found productive of very salutary consequences.




THE KING SETS OUT FOR HANOVER.

Immediately after the prorogation, the king appointed a regency and set
out for Hanover, in order to complete the great scheme he had projected
for electing a king of the Romans. Great Britain, in the meantime,
produced no event of importance, or any transaction that deserves
historical mention, except the ratification of two treaties of peace and
commerce with the states of Tripoli and Tunis on the coast of Barbary,
concluded by the British consuls in those cities, under the influence
and auspices of an English squadron, commanded by commodore Keppel,
son to the earl of Albemarle. The tide of luxury still flowed with
an impetuous current, bearing down all the mounds of temperance and
decorum; while fraud and profligacy struck out new channels, through
which they eluded the restrictions of the law, and all the vigilance of
civil policy. New arts of deception were invented, in order to ensnare
and ruin the unwary; and some infamous practices in the way of commerce,
were countenanced by persons of rank and importance in the commonwealth.
A certain member of parliament was obliged to withdraw himself from his
country, in consequence of a discovery, by which it appeared that he had
contrived and executed schemes for destroying his own ships at sea, with
a view to defraud the insurers.

In the course of this year the affairs of the continent did not undergo
any material alteration. In France, the religious dispute concerning
the doctrine of Jansen-ius still subsisted between the clergy and the
parliament; and seemed to acquire additional fuel from the violence of
the archbishop of Paris, a haughty turbulent prelate, whose pride and
bigotry were sufficient to embroil one half of Christendom. The northern
powers enjoyed a perfect tranquillity; the states-general of the United
Provinces were engrossed by plans of national economy. Spain was intent
upon extending her commerce, bringing her manufactures to perfection,
and repressing the insolence of the Barbary corsairs. His Portuguese
majesty endeavoured, by certain peremptory precautions, to check
the exportation of gold coin from his dominions, and insisted upon
inspecting the books of the British merchants settled at Lisbon; but
they refused to comply with this demand, which was contrary to a treaty
subsisting between the two crowns; and he thought proper to acquiesce in
their refusal. He was much better employed in obtaining from the pope an
abolition of the annual procession called the _Auto-da-fe_, one of
the most horrid triumphs of spiritual tyranny. The peace of Italy was
secured by a defensive treaty concluded at Madrid between the emperor,
his catholic majesty, the king of the two Sicilies, and the duke of
Parma; to which treaty the king of Sardinia afterwards acceded.




DISPUTE BETWEEN HANOVER AND PRUSSIA.

With respect to the great scheme of electing the archduke Joseph king of
the Romans, fresh objections seemed to rise from different quarters. The
good understanding between the courts of Berlin and Hanover re-received
an additional shock, from a dispute concerning the property of East
Friezeland, which his Prussian majesty had secured, as heir to the
last possessor. His Britannic majesty, as elector of Hanover, having
pretensions to the same inheritance, his minister delivered a memorial
to the diet of the empire assembled at Ratisbon, demanding that the
king of Prussia, as elector of Brandenburgh, should be referred to the
decision of the Aulic council, in regard to his claim to the estates of
East Friezeland; but the king being already in possession, refused to
submit his right to the determination of that or any other tribunal; and
when the diet presumed to deliberate on this affair, his envoy entered a
strong protest against their proceedings. At the same time, he presented
the other ministers with a memorial, tending to refute the elector of
Hanover’s pretensions to the principality in question.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE COURTS OF LONDON AND BERLIN.

At this juncture his Prussian majesty made no scruple of expressing his
resentment against the court of London, which he seemed to consider as
an officious cabal, that had no right to intermeddle in the affairs of
Germany. His resident at London complained to the British ministry, that
divers ships, sailing under the Prussian flag, had been stopped at sea,
and even seized by English cruisers, and that his subjects had been ill
treated and oppressed; he therefore demanded reparation in a peremptory
tone; and in the meantime discontinued the payment of the Silesia
loan, which he had charged himself with by an article in the treaty
of Breslau. This was a sum of money amounting to two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds, which the emperor Charles VI., father of the reigning
empress, had borrowed of the subjects of Great Britain, on condition of
paying an interest of six per cent., and mortgaging the silver mines of
Silesia for the repayment of the principal. These devolved to the king
of Prussia with this incumbrance, and he continued to pay the interest
punctually till this juncture, when the payment was stopped; and
he published a paper, entitled, “An Exposition of the Motives which
influenced his Conduct on this occasion.” In his memorial to the
ministry of Great Britain, he alleged, that eighteen Prussian ships,
and thirty-three neutral vessels, in which the subjects of Prussia were
concerned, had been unjustly seized by English privateers; his account
of damages amounted to a very considerable sum; and he demanded, in the
most dogmatic terms, that the affair should be finally discussed in the
term of three months from the date of his remonstrance. The exposition
and memorial were subjected to the examination of the ablest civilians
in England, who refuted every article of the charge with equal precision
and perspicuity. They proved, that captures by sea fell properly under
the cognizance of those powers under whose jurisdiction the seizures
were made; and therefore his Prussian majesty could not, consistent with
the law of nations, determine these disputes in his own tribunals. They
demonstrated, by undoubted evidence, the falsity of ma-ny facts alleged
in the memorial, as well as the fairness of the proceedings by which
some few of the Prussian vessels had been condemned; and made it appear,
that no insult or injury had been offered to the subjects of Prussia.
Finally, they observed, that the Silesia loan was a private transaction
of such a nature, that, even if a war had happened between the emperor
Charles VI. and his Britannic majesty, this must have been held sacred
and inviolable; that when the empress-queen ceded Silesia to the king
of Prussia, this monarch charged himself with the repayment of the loan,
which, being a private debt, and transferable, was now diffused into
different countries, and become the property of many others besides the
subjects of Great Britain. They wound up their chain of reasoning by
observing, that, according to agreement with the emperor, the whole of
this loan should have been repaid in the year one thousand seven
hundred and forty-five; whereas the complaints specified in the Prussian
memorial were founded on facts posterior to that period. Whether his
Prussian majesty was convinced by these reasons, and desisted from
principle, or thought proper to give up his claim upon other political
considerations; certain it is, he no longer insisted upon satisfaction,
but ordered the payment of the Silesia loan to be continued without
further interruption. A report, indeed, was circulated, that advantage
had been taken of the demur by a certain prince, who employed his agents
to buy up a great part of the loan at a considerable discount.




IMPROVEMENT OF POMERANIA.

How much soever the king of Prussia may be the subject of censure on
this occasion, it must be allowed that, with regard to his own subjects,
he acted as a wise legislator, and the father of his country. He peopled
the deserts of Pomerania, by encouraging, with royal bounties, a great
number of industrious emigrants to settle in that province; the face of
which in a very few years underwent the most agreeable alteration. Above
sixty new villages arose amidst a barren waste, and every part of the
country exhibited marks of successful cultivation. Those solitary and
desolate plains, where no human footsteps had for many ages been
seen, were now converted into fields of corn. The farms were regularly
parcelled out; the houses multiplied, and teemed with population;
the happy peasants, sheltered in a peculiar manner under their king’s
protection, sowed their grounds in peace, and reaped their harvests in
security. The same care and indulgence were extended to the
unpeopled parts of other provinces within the Prussian dominions, and
extraordinary encouragement was granted to all French protestants who
should come and settle under the government of this political sage.




TREATY WITH THE ELECTOR PALATINE.

The courts of Vienna and Hanover still employed their chief attention
upon the scheme of electing a king of the Romans; and the elector
of Mentz, influenced by the majority of the college, had convoked
an electoral diet for that purpose; but strong protests against this
convocation were entered by the electors of Cologn and Palatine,
insomuch that it was thought expedient to conciliate this last, by
taking some steps in his favour, with respect to the satisfaction he
demanded from the empress-queen and his Britannic majesty. His claim
upon the court of Vienna amounted to three millions of florins, by way
of indemnification for the losses he had sustained during the war. He
demanded of the king of England twenty thousand pounds sterling, for
provisions and forage furnished to the British troops while they
acted on the Maine; and the like sum for the like purposes from the
states-general of the United Provinces. The empress-queen could not help
remonstrating against this demand as exorbitant in itself, and the more
unreasonable, as the elector palatine, at the death of her father, had
openly declared against the pragmatic sanction, which he had guaranteed
in the most solemn manner; she therefore observed, that the damage he
had sustained in consequence of that declaration, ought to be considered
as the common fate of war. These reasons, though conclusive and
irrefragable in the usual way of arguing, made no impression upon the
palatine, who perfectly well understood his own importance, and
was determined to seize this opportunity of turning it to the best
advantage. The court of Vienna, and the maritime powers, finding him
thus obstinately attached to his own interest, resolved to bring him
over to their views at any rate, and commenced a negotiation with him,
which produced a formal treaty. By this convention his demands in money
were fixed at twelve hundred thousand Dutch florins, to be paid at
three instalments: five hundred thousand by the empress-queen, and the
remaining seven hundred thousand by the king of Great Britain and
the states-general, according to the proportion established in former
treaties. The privilege of _Non appellendo_ for the duchy of Deux-ponts
was confirmed to his electoral highness, together with some other rights
and pretensions, in consideration of his concurring with the other
electors in the choice of a king of the Romans, to be elected according
to the customs prescribed by the laws and constitutions of the empire.
He likewise engaged to join them in settling the articles of the
capitulation with the king of the Romans, emperor _in futuro_. Yet, even
after the concurrence of this prince was secured, the purposed election
proved abortive, from the strong objections that were started, and the
strenuous opposition which was made by his Prussian majesty, who perhaps
aspired in secret at the imperial dignity, which the empress-queen took
all this pains to perpetuate in her own family.

{1753}




SESSION OPENED.

The king of Great Britain returning from the continent, opened the
session of parliament on the eleventh day of January, with a speech,
implying that all his views and negotiations had been calculated and
directed to preserve and secure the duration of the general peace, so
agreeable and necessary to the welfare of all Europe; that he had the
satisfaction to be assured of a good disposition in all the powers that
were his allies, to adhere to the same salutary object. He exhorted them
to continue their attention to the reduction of the national debt, the
augmentation of the sinking fund, and the improvement of the public
revenue. He recommended to their serious consideration what further
laws and regulations might be necessary for suppressing those crimes and
disorders, of which the public had so justly complained; and concluded
with an assurance, that his hearty concurrence and endeavours should
never be wanting in any measure that might promote their welfare and
prosperity. The addresses in answer to this speech were couched in the
usual form of implicit approbation; but that of the commons did not pass
without question. The earl of Egmont took exceptions to one paragraph,
in which they acknowledged his majesty’s wisdom, as well as goodness,
in pursuing such measures as must contribute to maintain and render
permanent the general tranquillity of Europe; and declared their
satisfaction at the assurances his majesty had received from his allies,
that they were all attached to the same salutary object. His lordship
expatiated on the absurdity of these compliments at such a juncture,
when the peace of Europe was so precarious, and the English nation had
so much cause of complaint and dissatisfaction. He was seconded by some
other individuals, who declaimed with great vivacity against continental
connexions; and endeavoured to expose the weakness and folly of the
whole system of foreign measures which our ministry had lately
pursued. It must be owned, indeed, that they might have chosen a better
opportunity to compliment their sovereign on the permanency of the peace
than at this juncture, when they must have seen themselves on the very
brink of a new rupture with the most formidable power in Europe. But
the truth is, these addresses to the throne had been long considered as
compliments of course, implying no more than a respectful attachment
to their sovereign; accordingly, both houses agreed to their respective
addresses without division. The two grand committees of supply and
of ways and means, being established, the business of the house was
transacted without much altercation; and the people had great reason to
be satisfied with their moderate proceedings. Ten thousand seamen, and
the usual number of land forces, were retained for the service of the
ensuing year. They provided for the maintenance of the new colony of
Nova Scotia, the civil establishment of Georgia, the support of the
castles on the coast of Guinea, and the erection of a new fort at
Anarnabo, where the French had attempted to make a settlement; and they
enabled his majesty to fulfil his engagements with the king of Poland
and the elector of Bavaria.

The supplies, including grants for former deficiencies and services for
which no provision had been made in the course of the last year, did not
exceed two millions one hundred and thirty-two thousand seven hundred
and seven pounds, seventeen shillings and twopence halfpenny. In
order to defray which expense, they assigned the duty on malt, &c, the
land-tax at two shillings in the pound, the surplus of certain funds in
the exchequer, and the sum of four hundred and twenty thousand pounds
out of the sinking fund; so that the exceedings amounted to near three
hundred thousand pounds.*

     * Several duties on salt, as well as on red and white
     herrings delivered out for home consumption, were rendered
     perpetual, though subject to be redeemed by parliament; and
     it was provided that the debt contracted upon these duties
     being discharged, all the after-produce of them should
     become part of the sinking fund.

As for the national debt, it now stood at the enormous sum of
seventy-four millions three hundred and sixty-eight thousand four
hundred and fifty-one pounds, fifteen shillings and one penny; and the
sinking fund produced one million seven hundred and thirty-five thousand
five hundred and twenty-nine pounds, six shillings and tenpence one
farthing.




GAME ACT.

One of the first measures brought upon the carpet in the course of this
session, was an act containing regulations for the better preservation
of the game, of which so great havoc had been made by poachers, and
other persons unqualified to enjoy that diversion, that the total
extirpation of it was apprehended.




ACT FOR PERFORMING QUARANTINE.

The next step taken by the commons was an affair of much greater
consequence to the community, being a bill for obliging ships the more
effectually to perform quarantine, in order to prevent the plague from
being imported from foreign countries into Great Britain. For this
purpose it was ordained, that if this dreadful visitation should appear
in any ship to the northward of cape Finisterre, the master or commander
should immediately proceed to the harbour of New Grimsby, in one of the
islands of Scilly, and there communicate the discovery to some officer
of the customs; who should, with the first opportunity, transmit this
intelligence to another custom-house officer in the nearest port of
England, to be by him forwarded to one of his majesty’s principal
secretaries of state. In the meantime the ship should remain at the said
island, and not an individual presume to go ashore until his majesty’s
pleasure should be known. It was also provided, that in case the master
of a ship thus infected should not be able to make the islands of
Scilly, or be forced up either channel by violent winds, he should not
enter any frequented harbour; but remain in some open road, until he
could receive orders from his majesty, or the privy council; that,
during this interval, he should avoid all intercourse with the shore,
or any person or vessel whatsoever, on pain of being deemed guilty of
felony, and suffering death without benefit of clergy.




ACT FOR PREVENTING THE PLUNDERING OF SHIPWRECKED VESSELS.

In order the more effectually to repress the barbarous practice of
plundering ships which have the misfortune to suffer shipwreck--a
practice which prevailed upon many different parts of the British
coast--to the disgrace of the nation, and the scandal of human nature;
a bill was prepared, containing clauses to enforce the laws against such
savage delinquents, who prowl along the shore like hungry wolves, in
hope of preying upon their fellow-creatures; and certain provisions for
the relief of the unhappy sufferers.*

     * By the new law, the clerk of the peace in the county where
     the crime shall be committed, is obliged, upon receiving
     proper information, to prosecute the offenders at the
     expense of the county. It was likewise proposed, that in
     case no prosecution of this nature should be commenced
     within a certain limited time after the information should
     have been legally given, in that case the county might be
     sued by the person who had sustained the damage, and obliged
     to indemnify him for his loss; but this clause was rejected
     by the majority; and the bill having made its way through
     both houses, received the royal assent.

When the mutiny bill fell under deliberation, the earl of Egmont
proposed a new clause for empowering and requiring regimental
courts-martial to examine witnesses upon oath in all their trials. The
proposal occasioned a debate, in which the ministry were pretty equally
divided; but the clause was disapproved by the majority, and this annual
bill was enacted into a law without any alteration.




BILL RELATING TO THE BOUNTY OF CORN EXPORTED.

The next bill was framed in consequence of dirers petitions presented by
the exporters of corn, who complained that the bounties were not paid,
and prayed that the house would make proper provision for that purpose.
A bill was accordingly brought in, importing, that interest after the
rate of three per cent, should be allowed upon every debenture, for the
bounty on the exportation of com, payable by the receiver-general or
cashier of the customs, until the principal could be discharged out
of such customs or duties as are appropriated for the payment of this
bounty. This premium on the exportation of corn ought not to be granted,
except when the lowness of the market price in Great Britain proves that
there is a superabundance in the kingdom; otherwise the exporter will
find his account in depriving our own labourers of their bread, in order
to supply our rivals at an easier rate; for example, suppose wheat in
England should sell for twenty shillings a quarter, the merchant might
export into France, and afford it to the people of that kingdom for
eighteen shillings, because the bounty on exportation would, even at
that rate, afford him a considerable advantage.




TURKEY TRADE LAID OPEN.

A great number of merchants having presented petitions from different
parts of the kingdom, representing that the trade of Turkey was greatly
decreased, ascribing this diminution to the exclusive charter enjoyed
by a monopoly, and praying that the trade might be laid open to all his
majesty’s subjects, one of the members for Liverpool moved for leave to
bring in a bill for this purpose. Such a measure had been twice before
proposed without success; but now it was adopted without opposition. A
bill was immediately introduced; and, notwithstanding all the interest
and efforts of the Turkey company, who petitioned the house against
it, and were heard by their counsel, it passed through both houses, and
received the royal sanction. By this regulation any British subject may
obtain the freedom of the Turkey company, by paying or rendering a fine
of twenty pounds; and all the members are secured from the tyranny of
oppressive bye-laws, contrived by any monopolizing cabal.*

     * Several other bills were passed; one for regulating the
     number of public houses, and the more easy conviction of
     persons selling ale and strong liquors without license--an
     act which empowered the justices of peace to tyrannize over
     their fellow-subjects: a second, enabling the magistrates of
     Edinburgh to improve, enlarge, and adorn the avenues and
     streets of that city, according to a concerted plan, to be
     executed by voluntary subscription: a third, allowing the
     exportation of wool and woollen yarn from Ireland into any
     port in Great Britain: and a fourth, prescribing the breadth
     of the wheels belonging to heavy carriages, that the high
     roads of the kingdom might be the better preserved.




NATURALIZATION OF THE JEWS.

But this session was chiefly distinguished by an act for naturalizing
Jews, and a bill for the better preventing clandestine marriages. The
first of these, which passed without much opposition in the house of
lords, from whence it descended to the commons, was entitled, “An act
to permit persons professing the Jewish religion to be naturalized by
parliament, and for other purposes therein mentioned.” It was supported
by some petitions of merchants and manufacturers, who, upon examination,
appeared to be Jews, or their dependents; and countenanced by the
ministry, who thought they foresaw, in the consequences of such
a naturalization, a great accession to the monied interest, and a
considerable increase of their own influence among the individuals of
that community. They boldly affirmed, that such a law would greatly
conduce to the advantage of the nation; that it would encourage persons
of wealth to remove with their effects from foreign parts into Great
Britain, increase the commerce and the credit of the kingdom, and set a
laudable example of industry, temperance, and frugality. Such, however,
were not the sentiments of the lord-mayor, aldermen, and commons of
the city of London in common-council assembled, who, in a petition to
parliament, expressed their apprehension that the bill, if passed into
a law, would tend greatly to the dishonour of the christian religion,
endanger the excellent constitution, and be highly prejudicial to the
interest and trade of the kingdom in general, and of the city of
London in particular. Another petition to the same purpose was next day
presented to the house, subscribed by merchants and traders of the city
of London; who, among other allegations, observed, that the consequences
of such a naturalization would greatly affect their trade and commerce
with foreign nations, particularly with Spain and Portugal. Counsel
was heard, evidence examined, and the bill produced violent debates, in
which there seemed to be more passion than patriotism, more declamation
than argument. The adversaries of the bill affirmed, that such a
naturalization would deluge the kingdom with brokers, usurers, and
beggars; that the rich Jews, under the shadow of this indulgence,
would purchase lands, and even advowsons; so as not only to acquire an
interest in the legislature, but also to influence the constitution of
the church of Christ, to which they were the inveterate and professed
enemies; that the lower class of that nation, when thus admitted to the
right of denizens, would interfere with the industrious natives who earn
their livelihood by their labour; and by dint of the most parsimonious
frugality, to which the English are strangers, work at an under price;
so as not only to share, but even in a manner to exclude them from all
employment; that such an adoption of vagrant Jews into the community,
from all parts of the world, would rob the real subjects of their
birthright, disgrace the character of the nation, expose themselves
to the most dishonourable participation and intrusion, endanger the
constitution both in church and state, and be an indelible reproach upon
the established religion of the country. Some of these orators seemed
transported even to a degree of enthusiasm. They prognosticated that the
Jews would multiply so much in number, engross such wealth, and acquire
so great power and influence in Great Britain, that their persons would
be revered, their customs imitated, and Judaism become the fashionable
religion of the English. Finally, they affirmed that such an act was
directly flying in the face of the prophecy, which declares, that the
Jews shall be a scattered people, without country or fixed habitation,
until they shall be converted from their infidelity, and gathered
together in the land of their forefathers. These arguments and
apprehensions, which were in reality frivolous and chimerical, being
industriously circulated among the vulgar, naturally prejudiced against
the Jewish people, excited such a ferment throughout the nation, as
ought to have deterred the ministry from the prosecution of such an
unpopular measure; which, however, they had courage enough to maintain
against all opposition. The bill passed the ordeal of both houses, and
his majesty vouchsafed the royal sanction to this law in favour of the
Hebrew nation. The truth is, it might have increased the wealth, and
extended the commerce of Great Britain, had it been agreeable to the
people; and as the naturalized Jews would still have been excluded from
all civil and military offices, as well as from other privileges
enjoyed by their christian brethren, in all probability they would have
gradually forsaken their own unprofitable and obstinate infidelity,
opened their eyes to the shining truths of the gospel, and joined their
fellow-subjects in embracing the doctrines of Christianity. But no
ministry ought to risk an experiment, how plausible soever it might be,
if they found it, as this was, an object of the people’s unconquerable
aversion. What rendered this unpopular measure the more impolitic, was
the unseasonable juncture at which it was carried into execution;
that is, at the eve of a general election for a new parliament, when a
minister ought carefully to avoid every step which may give umbrage to
the body of the people. The earl of Egmont, who argued against the bill
with equal power and vivacity, in describing the effect it might have
upon that occasion, “I am amazed,” said he, “that this consideration
makes no impression.--When that day, which is not far off, shall arrive,
I shall not fear to set my foot upon any ground of election in the
kingdom, in opposition to any one man among you, or any new christian,
who has voted or appeared in favour of this naturalization.”




MARRIAGE ACT.

Another bill, transmitted from the upper house, met with a reception
equally unfavourable among the commons, though it was sustained on the
shoulders of the majority, and thus forced its way to the throne,
where it obtained the royal approbation. The practice of solemnizing
clandestine marriages, so prejudicial to the peace of families, and so
often productive of misery to the parties themselves thus united, was
an evil that prevailed to such a degree as claimed the attention of
the legislature. The sons and daughters of great and opulent families,
before they had acquired knowledge and experience, or attained to the
years of discretion, were every day seduced in their affections, and
inveigled into matches big with infamy and ruin; and these were
greatly facilitated by the opportunities that occurred of being united
instantaneously by the ceremony of marriage, in the first transport of
passion, before the destined victim had time to cool or deliberate on
the subject. For this pernicious purpose, there was a band of profligate
miscreants, the refuse of the clergy, dead to every sentiment of
virtue, abandoned to all sense of decency and decorum, for the most part
prisoners for debt or delinquency, and indeed the very outcasts of human
society, who hovered about the verge of the Fleet-prison to intercept
customers, plying like porters for employment, and performed the
ceremony of marriage without license or question, in cellars, garrets,
or ale-houses, to the scandal of religion, and the disgrace of that
order which they professed. The ease with which this ecclesiastical
sanction was obtained, and the vicious disposition of those wretches,
open to the practices of fraud and corruption, were productive of
polygamy, indigence, conjugal infidelity, prostitution, and every curse
that could embitter the married state. A remarkable case of this nature
having fallen under the cognizance of the peers, in an appeal from an
inferior tribunal, that house ordered the judges to prepare a new bill
for preventing such abuses; and one was accordingly framed, under
the auspices of lord Hardwicke, at that time lord high chancellor
of England. In order to anticipate the bad effects of clandestine
marriages, this new statute enacted, that the banns should be regularly
published three successive Sundays, in the church of the parish where
the parties dwell; that no license should be granted to marry in any
place, where one of the parties has not dwelt at least a month, except
a special license by the archbishop; that if any marriage should be
solemnized in any other place than a church or a chapel without a
special license, or in a public chapel without having published the
banns, or obtained a license of some person properly qualified, the
marriage should he void, and the person who solemnized it transported
for seven years; that marriages by license, of parties under age,
without consent of parent or guardian, should be null and void, unless
the party under age be a widow, and the parent refusing consent a widow
married again: that when the consent of a mother or guardian is refused
from caprice, or such parent or guardian be _non compos mentis_, or
beyond sea, the minor should have recourse for relief to the court of
chancery; that no suit should be commenced to compel a celebration of
marriage, upon pretence of any contract; that all marriages should be
solemnized before two witnesses, and an entry be made in a book kept for
that purpose, whether it was by banns or license, whether either of the
parties was under age, or the marriage celebrated with the consent of
parent or guardian, and this entry to be signed by the minister, the
parties, and the witnesses; that a false license or certificate, or
destroying register books, should be deemed felony, either in principal
or accessary, and punished with death. The bill, when first considered
in the lower house, gave rise to a variety of debates; in which
the members appeared to be divided rather according to their real
sentiments, than by the rules of any political distinction; for some
principal servants of the government freely differed in opinion from the
minister, who countenanced the bill; while on the other hand, he was
on this occasion supported by certain chiefs of the opposition, and the
disputes were maintained with extraordinary eagerness and warmth. The
principal objections imported, that such restrictions on marriage would
damp the spirit of love and propagation; promote mercenary matches, to
the ruin of domestic happiness, as well as to the prejudice of posterity
and population; impede the circulation of property, by preserving the
wealth of the kingdom among a kind of aristocracy of opulent families,
who would always intermarry within their own pale; subject the poor to
many inconveniencies and extraordinary expense, from the nature of the
forms to be observed; and throw an additional power into the hands
of the chancellor. They affirmed, that no human power had a right
to dissolve a vow solemnly made in the sight of heaven; and that,
in proportion as the bill prevented clandestine marriages, it would
encourage fornication and debauchery, insomuch as the parties restrained
from indulging their mutual passions in an honourable manner, would be
tempted to gratify them by stealth, at the hazard of their reputation.
In a word, they foresaw a great number of evils in the train of this
bill, which have not yet been realized. On the other side, its advocates
endeavoured to refute these arguments, and some of them spoke with great
strength and precision. The bill underwent a great number of alterations
and amendments; which were not effected without violent contest and
altercation. At length, however, it was floated through both houses on
the tide of a great majority, and steered into the safe harbour of royal
approbation. Certain it is, the abuse of clandestine marriage might have
been removed upon much easier terms than those imposed upon the subject
by this bill; which, after all, hath been found ineffectual, as it
may be easily eluded by a short voyage to the continent, or a moderate
journey to North Britain, where the indissoluble knot may be tied
without scruple or interruption.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DELIBERATIONS CONCERNING THE SUGAR COLONIES.

Over and above these new statutes, there were some other subjects which
occasionally employed the attention of the commons; such as the state
of the British sugar colonies, which was considered, in consequence
of petitions presented by the sugar refiners and grocers of London,
Westminster, and Bristol, complaining of the exorbitant price
demanded and given for sugars imported from Jamaica; desiring that the
proprietors of lands in Jamaica might be obliged to cultivate greater
quantities of ground for raising sugar-canes, or that they (the
petitioners) might have leave to import muscovado sugars from other
countries, when the price of those imported from Jamaica should exceed
a certain rate. This remonstrance was taken into consideration by a
committee of the whole house; and a great number of evidences and papers
being examined, they resolved, that the peopling of Jamaica with white
inhabitants, and cultivating the lands thereof, would be the most
proper measure for securing that island, and increasing the trade
and navigation between it and Great Britain, and other parts of
his majesty’s dominions; that the endeavours hitherto used by the
legislature of Jamaica to increase the number of white inhabitants, and
enforce the cultivation of lands, in the manner that might best conduce
to the security and defence of that island, had not been effectual
for these purposes. The house ordered a bill to be founded on these
resolutions; but this was postponed until the ministry should receive
more full information touching the true state of that island. The
planters of Jamaica laboured under many grievances and hardships, from
divers heavy impositions and restrictions; and a detail of these was
transmitted in a representation to his majesty, which was referred to
the consideration of the commissioners of trade and plantations. The
cause of the planters was defended vigorously, and managed in the house
of commons by alderman Beckford, a gentleman of vast possessions in
the island of Jamaica, who perfectly well understood, and strenuously
supported, the interest of that his native country.




FATE OF THE REGISTER BILL.

Abortive also proved the attempt to establish a law for keeping an
annual register of marriages, births, deaths, the individuals who
received alms, and the total number of people in Great Britain. A bill
for this purpose was presented by Mr. Potter, a gentleman of pregnant
parts and spirited elocution; who, enumerating the advantages of such a
law, observed, that it would ascertain the number of the people, and the
collective strength of the nation; consequently, point out those places
where there is a defect or excess of population, and certainly determine
whether a general naturalization would be advantageous or prejudicial
to the community; that it would decide what number of men might, on any
sudden emergency, be levied for the defence of the kingdom; and whether
the nation is gainer or loser, by sending its natives to settle, and
our troops to defend distant colonies; that it would be the means of
establishing a local administration of civil government, or a police
upon certain fixed principles, the want of which hath been long a
reproach to the nation, a security to vice, and an encouragement to
idleness; that in many cases where all other evidence is wanting,
it would enable suitors to recover their right in courts of justice,
facilitate an equal and equitable assessment in raising the present
taxes, and laying future impositions; specify the lineal descents,
relations, and alliances of families; lighten the intolerable burdens
incurred by the public, from innumerable and absurd regulations relating
to the poor; provide for them by a more equal exertion of humanity,
and effectually screen them from all risk of perishing by hunger, cold,
cruelty, and oppression. Whether such a law would have answered the
sanguine expectations of its patron, we shall not pretend to determine;
though, in our opinion, it must have been attended with very salutary
consequences, particularly in restraining the hand of robbery and
violence, in detecting fraud, bridling the ferocity of a licentious
people, and establishing a happy system of order and subordination. At
first the bill met with little opposition, except from Mr. Thornton,
member for the city of York, who inveighed against it with great
fervour, as a measure that savoured of French policy, to which the
English nation ever had the utmost aversion. He affirmed, that the
method in which it was proposed this register should be kept, would
furnish the enemies of Great Britain with continual opportunities of
knowing the strength or weakness of the nation; that it would empower
an ill-designing minister to execute any scheme subversive of public
liberty, invest parish and petty officers of the peace with exorbitant
powers, and cost the nation about fifty thousand pounds a-year to carry
the scheme into execution. These arguments, which, we apprehend,
are extremely frivolous and inconclusive, had great weight with a
considerable number who joined in the opposition, while the ministry
stood neutral. Nevertheless, after having undergone some amendments, it
was conveyed to the lords, by whom it was, at the second reading, thrown
out as a scheme of very dangerous tendency. The legislature of Great
Britain have, on some occasions, been more startled at the distant
shadow of a bare possibility, than at the real approach of the most
dangerous innovation.




SIR HANS SLOANE’S MUSEUM PURCHASED BY PARLIAMENT.

From the usual deliberations on civil and commercial concerns, the
attention of the parliament, which had seldom or never turned upon
literary avocations, was called off by an extraordinary subject of this
nature. Sir Hans Sloane, the celebrated physician and naturalist,
well known through all the civilized countries of Europe for his ample
collection of rarities, culled from the animal, vegetable, and mineral
kingdoms, as well as of antiquities and curiosities of art, had
directed, in his last will, that this valuable museum, together with his
numerous library, should be offered to the parliament, for the use
of the public, in consideration of their paying a certain sum in
compensation to his heirs. His terms were embraced by the commons, who
agreed to pay twenty thousand pounds for the whole, supposed to be worth
four times that sum; and a bill was prepared for purchasing this museum,
together with the Harleian collection of manuscripts, so denominated
from its founder, Robert Harley, earl of Oxford, lord-high-treasurer of
England, and now offered to the public by his daughter, the duchess of
Portland. It was proposed, that these purchases should be joined to the
famous Cottonian library, and a suitable repository provided for them
and the king’s library, which had long lain neglected and exposed to
the injuries of the weather in the old dormitory at Westminster.
Accordingly, trustees and governors, consisting of the most eminent
persons of the kingdom, were appointed, and regulations established
for the management of this noble museum, which was deposited in
Montagu-house, one of the most magnificent edifices in England, where it
is subjected, without reserve, to the view of the public, under certain
necessary restrictions, and exhibits a glorious monument of national
taste and liberality. *

     * The library of sir Hans Sloane consisted of above fifty
     thousand volumes, including about three hundred and fifty
     books of drawings, and three thousand five hundred and
     sixteen manuscripts, besides a multitude of prints. The
     museum comprehended an infinite number of medals, coins,
     urns, utensils, seals, cameos, intaglios, precious stones,
     vessels of agate and jasper, crystals, spars, fossils,
     metals, minerals, ore, earths, sands, salts, bitumens,
     sulphurs, ambergrise, talcs, mirre, testacea, corals,
     sponges, echini, echenites, asteri, trochi, crustatia,
     stellae marine, fishes, birds, eggs and nests, vipers,
     serpents, quadrupeds, insects, human calculi, anatomical
     preparations, seeds, gums, roots, dried plants, pictures,
     drawings, and mathematical instruments. All these articles,
     with a short account of each, are specified in thirty-eight
     volumes in folio, and eight in quarto.

In the beginning of June the session of parliament was closed by his
majesty, who mentioned nothing particular in his speech, but that the
state of foreign affairs had suffered no alteration since their meeting.

The genius of the English people is perhaps incompatible with a state of
perfect tranquillity; if it was not ruffled by foreign provocations,
or agitated by unpopular measures of domestic administration, it will
undergo temporary fermentations from the turbulent ingredients inherent
in its own constitution Tumults are excited, and faction kindled into
rage and inveteracy, by incidents of the most frivolous nature. At this
juncture the metropolis of England was divided and discomposed in a
surprising manner, by a dispute in itself of so little consequence to
the community, that it could not deserve a place in a general history,
if it did not serve to convey a characteristic idea of the English
nation. In the beginning of the year an obscure damsel, of low degree,
whose name was Elizabeth Canning, promulgated a report, which in a
little time attracted the attention of the public. She affirmed, that
on the first day of the new year, at night, she was seized under
Bedlam-wall by two ruffians, who having stripped her of her upper
apparel, secured her mouth with a gag, and threatened to murder her
should she make the least noise; that they conveyed her on foot about
ten miles, to a place called Enfieldwash, and brought her to the house
of one Mrs. Wells, where she was pillaged of her stays; and because
she refused to turn prostitute, confined in a cold, damp, separate, and
unfurnished apartment; where she remained a whole month, without any
other sustenance than a few stale crusts of bread, and about a gallon of
water; till at length she forced her way through a window, and ran home
to her mother’s house almost naked, in the night of the twenty-ninth of
January. This story, improbable and unsupported, operated so strongly on
the passions of the people in the neighbourhood of Aldermanbury,
where Canning’s mother lived, and particularly among fanatics of all
denominations, that they raised voluntary contributions, with surprising
eagerness, in order to bring the supposed delinquents to justice.
Warrants were granted for apprehending Wells, who kept the house at
Enfieldwash, and her accomplices, the servant maid, whose name was
Virtue Hall, and one Squires, an old gipsey-woman, which last was
charged by Canning of having robbed her of her stays. Wells, though
acquitted of the felony, was punished as a bawd. Hall turned evidence
for Canning, but afterwards recanted. Squires, the gipsey, was convicted
of the robbery, though she produced undoubted evidence to prove that she
was at Abbotsbury in Dorsetshire that very night in which the felony
was said to be committed, and Canning and her friends fell into
divers contradictions during the course of the trial. By this time the
prepossession of the common people in her favour had risen to such a
pitch of enthusiasm, that the most palpable truths which appeared on the
other side, had no other effect than that of exasperating them to the
most dangerous degree of rage and revenge. Some of the witnesses for
Squires, though persons of unblemished character, were so intimidated,
that they durst not enter the court; and those who had resolution enough
to give evidence in her behalf, ran the risk of assassination from the
vulgar that surrounded the place. On this occasion, sir Crisp Gascoyne,
lord-mayor of London, behaved with that laudable courage and humanity
which ought ever to distinguish the chief magistrate of such a
metropolis. Considering the improbability of the charge, the heat,
partiality, and blind enthusiasm with which it was prosecuted, and being
convinced of the old woman’s innocence by a great number of affidavits,
voluntarily sent up from the country by persons of unquestionable
credit, he, in conjunction with some other worthy citizens, resolved
to oppose the torrent of vulgar prejudice. Application was made to
the throne for mercy; the case was referred to the attorney and
solicitor-general, who, having examined the evidences on both sides,
made their report in favour of Squires to the king and council; and this
poor old creature was indulged with his majesty’s pardon. This affair
was now swelled up into such a faction as divided the greater part of
the kingdom, including the rich as well as the poor, the high as well
as the humble. Pamphlets and pasquinades were published on both sides
of the dispute, which became the general topic of conversation in all
assemblies, and people of all ranks espoused one or other party with
as much warmth and animosity as had ever inflamed the whigs and tories,
even at the most rancorous period of their opposition. Subscriptions
were opened, and large sums levied, on one side, to prosecute for
perjury the persons on whose evidence the pardon had been granted.
On the other hand, those who had interested themselves for the gipsey
resolved to support her witnesses, and, if possible, detect the
imposture of Canning. Bills of perjury were preferred on both sides.
The evidences for Squires were tried and acquitted; at first Canning
absconded; but afterwards surrendered to take her trial, and being,
after a long hearing, found guilty, was transported to the British
colonies. The zeal of her friends, however, seemed to be inflamed by her
conviction; and those who carried on the prosecution against her were
insulted, even to the danger of their lives. They supplied her with
necessaries of all sorts, paid for her transportation in a private
ship, where she enjoyed all the comforts and conveniences that could be
afforded in that situation, and furnished her with such recommendations
as secured to her a very agreeable reception in New England.




EXECUTION OF DR. CAMERON.

Next to this very remarkable transaction, the incident that principally
distinguished this year in England, was the execution of Doctor
Archibald Cameron, a native of North Britain, and brother to Cameron
of Lochiel, chief of that numerous and warlike tribe who had taken the
field with the prince-pretender. After the battle of Culloden, where he
was dangerously wounded, he found means to escape to the continent. His
brother, the doctor, had accompanied him in all his expeditions, though
not in a military capacity, and was included with him in the act of
attainder passed against those who had been concerned in the rebellion.
Notwithstanding the imminent danger attending such an attempt, the
doctor returned privately to Scotland, in order, as it was reported,
to recover a sum of money belonging to the pretender, which had been
embezzled by his adherents in that country. Whatever may have been
his inducement to revisit his native country under such a predicament,
certain it is, he was discovered, apprehended, and conducted to London,
confined in the Tower, examined by the privy-council, and produced in
the court of king’s-bench, where his identity being proved by several
witnesses, he received sentence of death, and was executed at Tyburn.
The terror and resentment of the people, occasioned by the rebellion,
having by this time subsided, their humane passions did not fail to
operate in favour of this unfortunate gentleman; their pity was mingled
with esteem, arising from his personal character, which was altogether
unblemished, and his deportment on this occasion, which they could
not help admiring as the standard of manly fortitude and decorum. The
populace, though not very subject to tender emotions, were moved
to compassion and even to tears, by his behaviour at the place of
execution; and many sincere well-wishers to the present establishment
thought that the sacrifice of this victim, at such a juncture, could not
redound either to its honour or security.




TUMULTS IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE KINGDOM.

The turbulent spirit, which is never totally extinguished in this
island, manifested itself in sundry tumults that broke out in
different parts of South Britain. The price of provisions, and bread
in particular, being raised to an exorbitant rate in consequence of an
absurd exportation of corn, for the sake of the bounty, a formidable
body of colliers, and other labouring people, raised an insurrection at
Bristol, began to plunder the corn vessels in the harbour, and commit
such outrages in the city, that the magistrates were obliged to have
recourse to military power. A troop of dragoons were sent to their
assistance, and the insurgents were quelled, though not without some
bloodshed. Commotions of the same kind were excited in Yorkshire,
Manchester, and several other places in the northern counties At Leeds,
a detachment of the king’s troops were obliged in their own defence to
fire upon the rioters, eight or nine of whom were killed on the spot;
and, indeed, so little care had been taken to restrain the licentious
insolence of the vulgar by proper laws and regulations, duly executed
under the eye of civil magistracy, that a military power was found
absolutely necessary to maintain the peace of the kingdom.




DISTURBANCES IN FRANCE.

The tranquillity of the continent was not endangered by any new contest
or disturbance; yet the breach between the clergy and the parliament of
Paris was every day more and more widened, and the people were pretty
equally divided between superstition and a regard for civil liberty.
The parliament having caused divers ecclesiastics to be apprehended, for
having refused to administer the sacraments to persons in extremity, who
refused to subscribe to the bull Unigenitus, all of them declared they
acted according to the direction of the archbishop of Paris. Application
being made to this haughty prelate, he treated the deputies of the
parliament with the most supercilious contempt, and even seemed to brave
the power and authority of that body. They, on the other hand, proceeded
to take cognizance of the recusant clergy, until their sovereign ordered
them to desist. Then they presented remonstrances to his majesty,
reminding him of their privileges, and the duty of their station, which
obliged them to do justice on all their delinquents. In the meantime
they continued to perform their functions, and even commenced a
prosecution against the bishop of Orleans, whom they summoned to attend
their tribunal. Next day they received from Versailles a _lettre de
cachet_, accompanied by letters patent, commanding them to suspend all
prosecutions relating to the refusal of the sacraments; and ordering the
letters patent to be registered. Instead of obeying these commands, they
presented new remonstrances, for answers to which they were referred to
the king’s former declarations. In consequence of this intimation, they
had spirit enough to resolve, “That, whereas certain evil-minded persons
had prevented truth from reaching the throne, the chambers remained
assembled, and all other business should be suspended.” The affair was
now become very serious. His majesty, by fresh letters patent, renewed
his orders, and commanded them to proceed with their ordinary business,
on pain of incurring his displeasure. They forthwith came to another
resolution, importing, that they could not obey this injunction without
a breach of their duty and their oath. Next day _lettres de cachet_ were
issued, banishing to different parts of the kingdom all the members,
except those of the great chamber, which the court did not find more
tractable than their brethren. They forthwith resolved to abide by the
two resolutions mentioned above; and, as an instance of their unshaken
fortitude, ordered an ecclesiastic to be taken into custody for refusing
the sacraments. This spirited measure involved them in the fate of the
rest; for they were also exiled from Paris, the citizens of which did
not fail to extol their conduct with the loudest encomiums, and at the
same time to express their resentment against the clergy, who could not
stir abroad without being exposed to violence or insult. The example of
the parliament of Paris was followed by that of Rouen, which had courage
enough to issue orders for apprehending the bishop of Evreux, because he
had refused to appear when summoned to their tribunal. Their decrees
on this occasion being annulled by the king’s council of state, they
presented a bold remonstrance, which, however, had no other effect than
that of exasperating the ministry. A grand deputation being ordered to
attend the king, they were commanded to desist from intermeddling in
disputes relating to the refusal of the sacraments, and to register this
injunction. At their return they had recourse to a new remonstrance; and
one of their principal counsellors, who had spoken freely in the debates
on this subject, was arrested by a party of dragoons, who carried him
prisoner to the castle of Dourlens. In a word, the body of the people
declared for the parliament, in opposition to ecclesiastical tyranny;
and had they not been overawed by a formidable standing army, would
certainly have taken up arms in defence of their liberties; while the
monarch weakly suffered himself to be governed by priestly delusions;
and, secure in his military appointment, seemed to set the rest of his
subjects at defiance. Apprehensive, however, that these disputes would
put an entire stop to the administration of justice, he, by letters
patent, established a royal chamber for the prosecution of suits civil
and criminal, which was opened with a solemn mass performed in the
queen’s chapel at the Louvre, where all the members assisted. On this
occasion another difficulty occurred. The letters patent, constituting
this new court, ought to have been registered by the parliament which
was now no more. To remedy this defect, application was made to the
inferior court of the Chatelet, which refusing to register them, one
of its members was committed to the Bastile, and another absconded.
Intimidated by this exertion of despotic power, they allowed the king’s
officers to enter the letters in their register; but afterwards adopted
more vigorous resolutions. The lieutenant,-civil appearing in their
court, all the counsellors rose up and retired, leaving him alone, and
on the table an _arret_, importing, that whereas the confinement of one
of their members, the prosecution of another, who durst not appear, and
the present calamities of the nation, gave them just apprehensions for
their own persons; they had, after mature deliberation, thought proper
to retire. Thus a dangerous ferment was excited by the king’s espousing
the cause of spiritual insolence and oppression against the general
voice of his people, and the plainest dictates of reason and common
sense.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE DIET RELATIVE TO EAST FRIEZELAND.

The property of East Friezeland continued still to be the source of
contention between the electors of Bran-denburgh and Hanover. The
interest of his Britannic majesty being powerfully supported by the
house of Austria, the minister of that power at the diet proposed that
the affair should be taken into immediate consideration. He was seconded
by the minister of Brunswick; but the envoy from Brandenburgh, having
protested in form against this procedure, withdrew from the assembly,
and the Brunswick minister made a counter-protestation, after which
he also retired. Then a motion being made, that this dispute should be
referred to the decision of the Aulic council at Vienna, it was carried
in the affirmative by a majority of fourteen voices. His Prussian
majesty’s final declaration with regard to this affair was afterwards
presented to the diet, and answered in the sequel by a memorial from
his Britannic majesty as elector of Hanover. Some other petty disputes
likewise happened between the regency of Hanover and the city of
Munster; and the former claiming some bailiwicks in the territories of
Bremen, sequestered certain revenues belonging to this city, in Stade
and Ferden, till these claims should be satisfied.




EXTRAORDINARY TREATY.

The court of Vienna having dropped for the present the scheme for
electing a king of the Romans, concluded a very extraordinary treaty
with the duke of Modena, stipulating that his serene highness should
be appointed perpetual governor of the duchy of Milan, with a salary of
ninety thousand florins, on condition that he should maintain a body of
four thousand men, to be at the disposal of the empress-queen; that her
imperial majesty should have a right to place garrisons in the citadels
of Mirandola and Reggio, as well as in the castle of Massa-Carrara:
that the archduke Peter Leopold, third son of their imperial majesties,
should espouse the daughter of the hereditary prince of Modena, by the
heiress of Massa-Carrara; and in case of her dying without heirs male,
the estates of that house and the duchy of Mirandola should devolve
to the archduke; but in case of her having male issue, that she should
enjoy the principality of Fermia, and other possessions in Hungary,
claimed by the duke of Modena, for her fortune; finally, that on the
extinction of the male branch of the house of Este, all the dominions of
the duke of Modena should devolve to the house of Austria.




CONFERENCES WITH RESPECT TO NOVA SCOTIA BROKE UP.

While the powers on the continent of Europe were thus employed in
strengthening their respective interests, and concerting measures for
preventing any interruption of the general tranquillity, matters were
fast ripening to a fresh rupture between the subjects of Great Britain
and France, in different parts of North America. We have already
observed that commissaries had been appointed, and conferences opened at
Paris, to determine the disputes between the two crowns, relating to the
boundaries of Nova Scotia; and we took notice in general of the little
arts of evasion practised by the French commissaries, to darken and
perplex the dispute, and elude the pretensions of his Britannic majesty.
They persisted in employing these arts of chicanery and cavil with such
perseverance, that the negotiation proved abortive, the conferences
broke up, and every thing seemed to portend approaching hostilities.
But, before we proceed to a detail of the incidents which were the
immediate forerunners of the war, we will endeavour to convey a just
idea of the dispute concerning Nova Scotia; which, we apprehend, is but
imperfectly understood, though of the utmost importance to the interest
of Great Britain.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DESCRIPTION OF NOVA SCOTIA.

Nova Scotia, called by the French Acadia, lies between the forty-fourth
and fiftieth degrees of north latitude, having New England and the
Atlantic ocean to the south and south-west, and the river and gulph of
St. Lawrence to the north and north-east. The winter, which continues
near seven months in this country, is intensely cold; and without the
intervention of any thing that can be called spring, it is immediately
succeeded by a summer, the heat of which is almost insupportable, but of
no long continuance. The soil in general is thin and barren, though some
parts of it are said to be equal to the best land in England. The whole
country is covered with a perpetual fog, even after the summer has
commenced. It was first possessed by the French, before they made any
establishment in Canada; who, by dint of industry and indefatigable
perseverance, in struggling with the many difficulties they necessarily
laboured under in the infancy of this settlement, subsisted tolerably
well, and increased considerably, with very little assistance from
Europe; whilst we, even now, should lose the immense expense we have
already been at to settle a colony there, and should see all our
endeavours to that end defeated, if the support of the royal hand was
withdrawn but for a moment. This country, by the possession of which an
enemy would be enabled greatly to annoy all our other colonies, and, if
in the hands of the French, would be of singular service both to their
fishery and their sugar islands, has frequently changed hands from the
French to the English, and from the English back again to the French,
till our right to it was finally settled by the twelfth article of the
treaty of Utrecht, by which all the country included within the ancient
limits of what was called Nova Scotia or Acadia, was ceded to the
English. This article was confirmed by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
but, for want of ascertaining distinctly what were the bounds intended
to be fixed by the two nations with respect to this province, disputes
arose, and commissaries, as we have observed, were appointed by both
sides to adjust the litigation.

The commissaries of the king of Great Britain conformed themselves
to the rule laid down by the treaty itself, and assigned those as the
ancient limits of this country, which had always passed as such, from
the very earliest time of any certainty, down to the conclusion of the
treaty; which the two crowns had frequently declared to be such, and
which the French had often admitted and allowed. These limits are, the
southern bank of the river St. Lawrence to the north, and Pentagoet to
the west: the country situated between these boundaries is that which
the French received by the treaty of St. Germain’s, in the year one
thousand six hundred and thirty-two, under the general name of Acadia.
Of this country, thus limited, they continued in possession from that
period to the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-four, when a
descent was made upon it, under the command of colonel Sedgwick. That
these were then the undisputed limits of Acadia, his Britannic majesty’s
commissaries plainly proved, by a letter of Louis XIII. to the sieurs
Charnisay and La Tour, regulating their jurisdictions in Acadia; by
the subsequent commissions of the French king to the same persons, as
governors of Acadia, in the sequel; and by that which was afterwards
granted to the sieur Denys, in the year one thousand six hundred and
fifty-four; all of which extend the bounds of this country from the
river St. Lawrence to Pentagoet and New England. That these were
the notions of the French with respect to the ancient limits of this
province, was further confirmed by the demands made by their ambassador
in the course of that same year, for the restitution of the forts
Pentagoet, St. John’s, and Port Eoyal, as forts situated in Acadia. In
the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-two, upon the revival of the
claim of France to the country of Acadia, which had been left undecided
by the treaty of Westminster, the French ambassador, then at the court
of London, assigned Pentagoet as the western, and the river St. Lawrence
as the northern, boundary of that country; and alleged the restitution
of Acadia in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, and
the possession taken by France in consequence thereof, as well as the
continuation of that possession, with the same limits, to the year
one thousand six hundred and fifty-four, as proofs of the equity and
validity of the claim he then made; in which claim and in the manner of
supporting it, he was particularly approved of by the court of
France. The same court afterwards thought it so clear, upon former
determinations, and her own former possessions, that the true ancient
boundaries of Acadia were Pentagoet to the west, and the river St.
Lawrence to the north, that she desired no specification of limits in
the treaty of Breda, but was contented with the restitution of Acadia,
generally named; and, upon a dispute which arose in the execution
of this treaty, France re-asserted, and Great Britain, after some
discussion, agreed to the above-mentioned limits of Acadia; and France
obtained possession of that country, so bounded, under the treaty of
Breda. The sense of France upon this subject, in the years one
thousand six hundred and eighty-five, and one thousand six hundred and
eighty-seven, was also clearly manifested in the memorials delivered at
that time by the French ambassador at the court of London, complaining
of some encroachments made by the English upon the coast of Acadia: he
described the country as extending from isle Percée, which lies at the
entrance of the river St. Lawrence, to St. George’s island; and again,
in a subsequent complaint, made by Mons. Barillon and Mons. Bonrepaus
to the court of Great Britain, against the judge of Pemaquid, for having
seized the effects of a French merchant at Pentagoet, which, said they,
was situated in Acadia, as restored to France by the treaty of Breda. To
explain the sense of France, touching the bounds of Acadia in the year
one thousand seven hundred, the British commissaries produced a proposal
of the French ambassador, then residing in Great Britain, to restrain
the limits of that country to the river St-George. They also instanced
the surrender of Port Royal in the year one thousand seven hundred and
ten, in which Acadia is described with the same limits with which France
had received it in the years one thousand six hundred and thirty-two,
and one thousand six hundred and sixty-seven. And further to ascertain
the sense of both crowns, even at the treaty of Utrecht itself, they
produced the queen of Great Britain’s instructions to her ambassadors,
in the year one thousand seven hundred and eleven, in which they were
directed to insist, “That his most christain majesty should quit all
claim or title, by virtue of any former treaty, or otherwise, to the
country called Nova Scotia, and expressly to Port Royal, otherwise
Annapolis Royal.” To these they added a manifest demonstration, founded
on indisputable facts, proving that the recital of the several sorts
of right which France had ever pretended to this country, and the
specification of both terms, Acadia or Nova Scotia, were intended by
Great Britain to obviate all doubts which had ever been made concerning
the limits of Acadia, and to comprehend with more certainty all that
country which France had ever received as such; finally, to specify what
France considered as Acadia. During the treaty, they referred to the
offers of that crown in the year one thousand seven hundred and twelve,
in which she proposed to restrain the boundary of Acadia to the river
St. George, as a departure from its real boundary, in case Great Britain
would restore to her the possession of that country. From all these
facts it plainly appears that Great Britain demanded nothing but what
the fair construction of the words of the treaty of Utrecht necessarily
implies; and that it is impossible for any thing to have more evident
marks of candour and fairness in it, than the demand of the English on
this occasion. From the variety of evidence brought in support of this
claim, it evidently results that the English commissaries assigned no
limits as the ancient limits of Acadia, but those which France
herself determined to be such in the year one thousand six hundred
and thirty-two; and which she possessed, in consequence of that
determination, till the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-four;
that in one thousand six hundred and sixty-two, France claimed, and
received in one thousand six hundred and sixty-nine, the country which
Great Britain now claims as Acadia, restored to France by the treaty
of Breda under that general denomination; that France never considered
Acadia as having any other limits than those which were assigned to it
from the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, to the year one
thousand seven hundred and ten; and that, by the treaty of Utrecht, she
engaged to transfer that very same country as Acadia, which France has
always asserted and possessed, and Great Britain now claims, as such.
Should the crown of France, therefore, be ever willing to decide what
are the ancient limits of Acadia, by her own declarations so frequently
made in like discussions upon the same point, by her possessions of this
country for almost a century, and by her description of Acadia, during
the negotiation of that very treaty upon which this doubt is raised,
she cannot but admit the claim of Great Britain to be conformable to the
treaty of Utrecht, and to the description of the country transferred
to Great Britain by the twelfth article of that treaty. There is a
consistency in the claim of the English, and a completeness in the
evidence brought in support of it, which is seldom seen in discussions
of this sort; for it rarely happens, in disputes of such a nature
between two crowns, that either of them can safely offer to have its
pretensions decided by the known and repeated declarations, or the
possessions of the other. To answer the force of this detail of
conclusive historical facts, and to give a new turn to the real question
in dispute, the French commissaries, in their memorial, laid it down as
a distinction made by the treaty of Utrecht, that the ancient limits of
Acadia, referred to by that treaty, are different from any with which
that country may have passed under the treaties of St. Germain’s and
Breda; and then endeavoured to show, upon the testimonies of maps and
historians, that Acadia and its limits were anciently confined to the
south-eastern part of the peninsula. In support of this system, the
French commissaries had recourse to ancient maps and historians, who,
as they asserted, had ever confined Acadia to the limits they assigned.
They alleged, that those commissions of the French government over
Acadia, which the English cited as evidence of the limits they claimed,
were given as commissions over Acadia and the country around it, and not
over Acadia only; that the whole of the country claimed by the English
as Acadia, could not possibly be supposed ever to be considered as such,
because many parts of that territory always did, and still do, preserve
particular and distinct names. They affirmed New France to be a province
in itself; and argued that many parts of what we claim as Acadia can
never have been in Acadia, because historians and the French commissions
of government expressly place them in New France. They asserted, that no
evidence can be drawn of the opinion of any crown, with respect to the
limits of any country, from its declaration during the negotiation of
a treaty: and, in the ends relying upon maps and historians for the
ancient limits of Acadia, they pretended that the express restitution of
St. Germain’s, and the possession taken by France in consequence of
the treaty of Breda, after a long discussion of the limits and the
declaration of France during the negotiation of the treaty of Utrecht,
were foreign to the point in question. In refutation of these maxims,
the English commissaries proved, from an examination of the maps and
historians cited by the French in support of their system, that if this
question was to be decided upon the authorities which they themselves
allowed to belong, and to be applicable to, this discussion, the limits
which they assigned were utterly inconsistent with the best maps of all
countries, which are authorities in point for almost every part of
the claim of Great Britain. They showed that the French historians,
Champlain and Denys, and particularly this last, with his commission
in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-five, assigned the same
northern and western limits to Acadia which they did; and that Escarbot,
another of their historians, as far as any evidence can be drawn from
his writings, agrees entirely with the former two. They observed, that
all these evidences fall in with and confirmed the better authorities of
treaties, and the several transactions between the two crowns for near
a century past; and that the French commissaries, by deviating from
treaties, and the late proceedings of the two crowns, to ancient
historians and maps, only made a transition from an authentic to an
insufficient sort of evidence, and led the English commissaries into an
inquiry which proved that both the proper and the improper, the regular
and the foreign evidence, upon which this matter had been rested,
equally confuted the limits alleged by the French commissaries as the
ancient limits of Acadia.




CHAPTER IX.

     _Ambitious Schemes of the French in North America..... Rise
     and Conduct of the Ohio Company..... Letter from the
     Governor of Virginia to the French Commander at Riviere-au-
     Beuf..... Perfidious Practices of the French in Nova
     Scotia..... Major Laurence defeats the French Neutrals.....
     British Ambassador at Paris amused with general Promises.....
     Session opened..... Supplies granted..... Repeal of the Act
     for naturalizing Jews..... Motion for repealing a former Act
     favourable to the Jews..... East India Mutiny Bill..... Case
     of Le ------ Session closed..... Death of Mr. Pelham.....
     Change in the Ministry..... New Parliament assembled and
     prorogued..... Disputes in the Irish Parliament.....
     Transactions in the East Indies..... Account of the English
     Settlements on the Malabar and Coromandel Coast.....
     Disputes about the Government of Arcot..... Mahommed Ali
     Khan supported by the English..... Mr. Clive takes
     Arcot..... and defeats the Enemy in the Plains of Arani, and
     at Koveripauk..... He reduces three Forts, and takes M.
     d’Anteuil..... Chunda Saib taken and put to Death, and his
     Army routed...... Convention between the East India
     Companies of England and France..... General View of the
     British Colonies in North America..... New England and New
     York..... New Jersey..... Pennsylvania..... Maryland.....
     Virginia..... The two Carolinas..... Georgia..... The
     French surprise Logs-Town, on the Ohio..... Conference with
     the Indians at Albany..... Colonel Washington defeated and
     taken by the French on the Ohio..... Divisions among the
     British Colonies..... The hereditary Prince of Hesse-Cassel
     professes the Roman Catholic Religion..... Parliament of
     Paris recalled from Exile..... Affairs of Spain and
     Portugal..... Session opened..... Supplies granted..... Bill
     in behalf or Chelsea Pensioners..... Oxfordshire
     Election..... Message from the King to the House of
     Commons..... Court of Versailles amuses the English
     Ministry..... Session closed_




AMBITIOUS SCHEMES OF THE FRENCH.

While the British ministry depended upon the success of the conferences
between the commissaries of the two crowns at Paris, the French were
actually employed in executing their plans of encroachment upon the
British colonies of North America. Their scheme was to engross the whole
fur trade of that continent; and they had already made great progress
in extending a chain of forts, connecting their settlements on the river
Mississippi with their possessions in Canada, along the great lakes
of Erie and Ontario, which last issues into the river St. Lawrence. By
these means they hoped to exclude the English from all communication and
traffic with the Indian nations, even those that lay contiguous to the
British settlements, and confine them within a line of their drawing,
beyond which they should neither extend their trade nor plantations.
Their commercial spirit did not keep pace with the gigantic strides
of their ambition; they could not supply all those Indians with the
necessaries they wanted, so that many of the natives had recourse to
the English settlements; and this commerce produced a connexion, in
consequence of which the British adventurers ventured to travel with
merchandise as far as the banks of the river Ohio, that runs into the
Mississippi, a great way on the other side of the Apalachian mountains,
beyond which none of our colonists had ever attempted to penetrate.
The tract of country lying along the Ohio is so fertile, pleasant,
and inviting, and the Indians, called Twightees, who inhabit those
delightful plains, were so well disposed towards a close alliance with
the English, that, as far back as the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixteen, Mr. Spotswood, governor of Virginia, proposed a plan for
erecting a company to settle such lands upon this river as should be
ceded to them by treaty with the natives; but the design was at that
time frustrated, partly by the indolence and timidity of the British
ministry, who were afraid of giving umbrage to the French, and partly by
the jealousies and divisions subsisting between the different colonies
of Great Britain. The very same circumstances encouraged the French to
proceed in their project of invasion. At length they penetrated from
the banks of the river St. Lawrence, across lake Champlain, and upon
the territory of New York, built with impunity, and indeed without
opposition, the fort of Crown Point, the most insolent and dangerous
encroachment that they had hitherto carried into execution.




RISE AND CONDUCT OF THE OHIO COMPANY.

Governor Spotswood’s scheme for an Ohio company was revived immediately
after the peace of Aix-la-Cha-pelle, when certain merchants of London,
who traded to Maryland and Virginia, petitioned the government on this
subject, and were indulged not only with a grant of a great tract of
ground to the southward of Pennsylvania, which they promised to settle,
but also with an exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians on
the banks of the river Ohio. This design no sooner transpired, than
the French governor of Canada took the alarm, and wrote letters to the
governors of New York and Pennsylvania giving them to understand, that
as the English inland traders had encroached on the French territories
and privileges, by trading with the Indians under the protection of his
sovereign, he would seize them wherever they could be found, if they did
not immediately desist from that illicit practice. No regard being paid
to this intimation, he next year caused three British traders to be
arrested. Their effects were confiscated, and they themselves conveyed
to Quebec, from whence they were sent prisoners to Rochelle in France,
and there detained in confinement. In this situation they presented a
remonstrance to the earl of Albemarle, at that time English ambassador
in Paris, and he claiming them as British subjects, they were set at
liberty. Although, in answer to his lordship’s memorial, the court
of Versailles promised to transmit orders to the French governors in
America, to use all their endeavours for preventing any disputes that
might have a tendency to alter the good correspondence established
between the two nations; in all probability the directions given
were seemingly the very reverse of these professions, for the French
commanders, partisans, and agents in America, took every step their
busy genius could suggest, to strengthen their own power, and weaken the
influence of the English, by embroiling them with the Indian nations.
This task they found the more easy, as the natives had taken offence
against the English, when they understood that their lands were given
away without their knowledge, and that there was a design to build forts
in their country without their consent and concurrence. Indeed, the
person whom the new company employed to survey the banks of the Ohio,
concealed his design so carefully, and behaved in other respects in such
a dark mysterious manner, as could not fail to arouse the jealousy of a
people naturally inquisitive, and very much addicted to suspicion. How
the company proposed to settle this acquisition in despite of the
native possessors, it is not easy to conceive, and it is still more
unaccountable that they should have neglected the natives, whose consent
and assistance they might have procured at a very small expense. Instead
of acting such a fair, open, and honourable part, they sent a Mr. Gist
to make a clandestine survey of the country, as far as the falls of the
river Ohio; and, as we have observed above, his conduct alarmed both
the French and Indians. The erection of this company was equally
disagreeable to the separate traders of Virginia and Pennsylvania, who
saw themselves on the eve of being deprived of a valuable branch of
traffic, by the exclusive charter of a monopoly; and therefore they
employed their emissaries to foment the jealousy of the Indians. The
French having in a manner commenced hostilities against the English,
and actually built forts on the territories of the British allies at
Niagara, and on the lake Erie, Mr. Hamilton, governor of Pennsylvania,
communicated this intelligence to the assembly of the province, and
represented the necessity of erecting truck-houses, or places of
strength and security, on the river Ohio, to which the traders might
retire in case of insult or molestation. The proposal was approved, and
money granted for the purpose; but the assembly could not agree about
the manner in which they should be erected; and in the meantime the
French fortified themselves at leisure, and continued to harass the
traders belonging to the British settlements. Repeated complaints of
these encroachments and depredations being represented to Mr. Dinwiddie,
governor of Virginia, he, towards the latter end of this very year, sent
major Washington with a letter to the commanding officer of a fort which
the French had built on the Riviere-au-Beuf, which falls into the Ohio,
not far from the lake Erie. In this letter Mr. Dinwiddie expressed his
surprise that the French should build forts and make settlements on the
river Ohio, in the western part of the colony of Virginia, belonging
to the Crown of Great Britain. He complained of these encroachments, as
well as of the injuries done to the subjects of Great Britain, in open
violation of the law of nations, and of the treaties actually subsisting
between the two crowns. He desired to know by whose authority and
instructions his Britannic majesty’s territories had been invaded; and
required him to depart in peace, without further prosecuting a plan
which must interrupt the harmony and good understanding which his
majesty was desirous to continue and cultivate with the most christian
king. To this spirited intimation the officer replied, that it was not
his province to specify the evidence, and demonstrate the right of the
king his master to the lands situated on the river Ohio; but he would
transmit the letter to the marquis du Quesne, and act according to the
answer he should receive from that nobleman. In the meantime, he said
he did not think himself obliged to obey the summons of the English
governor; that he commanded the fort by virtue of an order from his
general, to which he was determined to conform with all the precision
and resolution of a good officer. Mr. Dinwiddie expected no other reply,
and therefore had projected a fort to be erected near the forks of the
river. The province undertook to defray the expense, and the stores for
that purpose were already provided; but by some fatal over sight, the
concurrence of the Indians was neither obtained nor solicited, and
therefore they looked upon this measure with an evil eye, as a manifest
invasion of their property.




PERFIDY OF THE FRENCH.

While the French thus industriously extended their encroachments to the
southward, they were not idle in the gulf of St. Lawrence, but seized
every opportunity of distressing the English settlement of Nova Scotia.
We have already observed, that the town of Halifax was no sooner built,
than they spirited up the Indians of that neighbourhood to commit
hostilities against the inhabitants, some of whom they murdered, and
others they carried prisoners to Louisbourg, where they sold them for
arms and ammunition, the French pretending that they maintained this
traffic from motives of pure compassion, in order to prevent the
massacre of the English captives, whom, however, they did not set at
liberty without exacting an exorbitant ransom. As these skulking parties
of Indians were generally directed and headed by French commanders,
repeated complaints were made to the governor of Louisbourg, who still
answered, that his jurisdiction did not extend over the Indians,
and that their French conductors were chosen from the inhabitants of
Annapolis, who thought proper to remain in that country after it was
ceded to the English, and were in fact the subjects of Great Britain.
Even while the conferences were carried on for ascertaining the limits
of Nova Scotia, the governor of Canada detached M. la Come, with some
regular troops, and a body of militia, to fortify a post on the bay
of Chignecto, on pretence that this and a great part of the peninsula
belonged to his government. The possession of this post not only secured
to the Indians of the continent a free entrance into the peninsula,
and a safe retreat in case of pursuit; but also encouraged the French
inhabitants of Annapolis to rise in open rebellion against the English
government.




MAJOR LAURENCE DEFEATS THE FRENCH NEUTRALS.

In the spring of the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, general
Cornwallis, governor of Halifax, detached major Laurence with a few men
to reduce them to obedience. At his approach they burned their town
to ashes, forsook their possessions, and threw themselves under the
protection of M. la Corne, who, thus reinforced, found himself at the
head of fifteen hundred men, well provided with arms and ammunition.
Major Laurence being unable to cope with him in the field, demanded
an interview, at which he desired to know for what cause the French
inhabitants of Nova Scotia had shaken off their allegiance to the crown
of Great Britain, and violated the neutrality which they had hitherto
affected to profess. The French officer, without pretending to account
for their behaviour, gave him to understand in general terms, that he
had orders to defend his post, and these orders he was determined to
obey. The English major finding himself too weak to attack their united
force, and having no orders to commit hostilities against any but the
Indians and their open abettors, returned to Halifax, without having
been able to fulfil the purpose of his expedition. Immediately after
his retreat, the French neutrals (so they were called) returned to
their habitations which they had abandoned, and, in conjunction with the
Indians, renewed their depredations upon the inhabitants of Halifax
and its dependent settlements. The English governor, justly incensed
at these outrages, and seeing they would neither submit to the English
government themselves, nor allow others to enjoy it with tranquillity,
resolved to expel them effectually from the country they so ill deserved
to possess. Major Laurence was again detached with a thousand men,
transported by sea to Chignecto, where he found the French and Indians
intrenched in order to dispute his landing. Notwithstanding this
opposition, he made a descent with a few companies, received and
returned a smart fire, and rushing into their intrenchments, obliged
them to fly with the utmost precipitation, leaving a considerable
number killed and wounded on the spot. The fugitives saved themselves
by crossing a river, on the farther bank of which la Corne stood at the
head of his troops, drawn up in order to receive them as friends and
dependents. He had by this time erected a fort, which he denominated
Beau Séjour; and now the English built another on the opposite side of
the river, which was called after its founder St. Laurence. This being
provided with a good garrison, served as a check upon the French, and in
some measure restrained the incursions of these barbarians. Not that it
effectually answered this purpose; for the Indians and Neutrals still
seized every opportunity of attacking the English in the interior parts
of the peninsula. In the course of the succeeding year they surprised
the little town of Dartmouth, on the other side of Halifax-bay, where
they killed and scalped a great number of people, and carried off some
prisoners. For these expeditions the French always supplied them with
boats, canoes, arms, and ammunition; and indeed they were conducted with
such care and secrecy, that it was almost impossible to prevent their
success. One sure remedy against the sudden and stolen incursions of
those savages might have been found in the use of staunch hounds, which
would have run upon the foot, detected the skulking parties of the
Indians, and frustrated all their ambuscades; but this expedient, so
easy and practicable, was never tried, though frequently recommended in
public to the attention of the government, and the consideration of the
colonists. The Indians continued to plunder and massacre the British
subjects with impunity, and were countenanced by the French government
in that country, who now strengthened their lodgement on the neck of
the peninsula with an additional fort, distinguished by the name of
Bayeverte; and built a third at the mouth of St. John’s river, on the
north side of the bay of Fundy.




BRITISH AMBASSADOR AT PARIS AMUSED WITH GENERAL PROMISES.

All these previous steps to a rupture with England were taken with great
deliberation, while the commissaries of both nations were disputing
about the limits of the very country which they thus arrogantly usurped;
and they proceeded to perfect their chain of forts to the southward,
without paying the least regard to the expostulations of the English
governors, or to a memorial presented at Versailles by the earl of
Albemarle, the British minister. He demanded that express orders should
be sent to M. de la Jonquire, the commander for the French in America,
to desist from violence against the British subjects in that country;
that the fort of Niagara should be immediately razed; that the subjects
of Great Britain, who had been made prisoners, should be set at liberty,
and indemnified for the losses they had sustained; and that the persons
who had committed these excesses should be punished in an exemplary
manner. True it is, six Englishmen, whom they had unjustly taken, were
immediately dismissed; and the ambassador amused with general promises
of sending such instructions to the French governor in America, as
should anticipate any cause of complaint for the future; but, far from
having any intention to perform these promises, the court of Versailles,
without all doubt, exhorted la Jonquire to proceed in bringing its
ambitious schemes to perfection.




SESSION OPENED.

Every incident in America seemed to prognosticate war, when the session
of parliament was opened on the fifteenth day of November; yet his
majesty, on this occasion, told them that the events of the year had
not made it necessary for him to offer any thing in particular to their
consideration relating to foreign affairs. He even declared that the
continuance of the public tranquillity, and the general state of Europe,
remained upon the same footing as when they last parted; and assured
them of his steadiness in pursuing the most effectual measures to
preserve to his people the blessings of peace. He expressed uncommon
concern that the horrid crimes of robbery and murder were of late rather
increased than diminished, and earnestly recommended this important
object to their serious attention. Affectionate addresses were
presented by both houses in answer to this harangue; and, what was very
remarkable, they were proposed and passed without question or debate.

The commons continued the same number of seamen and land-forces for
the ensuing year, which had been granted in the last session, and made
suitable provision for all the exigences of the state. The whole supply
amounted to two millions seven hundred and ninety-seven thousand nine
hundred and sixteen pounds, ten shillings and twopence, to be raised by
a land-tax of two shillings in the pound, a malt-tax, a continuation of
certain duties on wine, vinegar, cider, and beer imported, a sum taken
from the sinking-fund, and the overplus of certain grants, funds, and
duties. The provisions made considerably exceeded the grants; but this
excess was chargeable with the interest of what should be borrowed upon
the credit in the land or malt-tax, there being a clause of credit in
both, as also with the deficiency (if any should happen) in the sums
they were computed to produce. The house agreed to all these resolutions
almost unanimously; indeed, no opposition was made to any of them, but
that for continuing the same number of land-forces, which was carried by
a great majority.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




REPEAL OF THE ACT FOR NATURALIZING JEWS.

The act for permitting Jews to be naturalized, which had, during the
last session, triumphed over such an obstinate opposition, was by this
time become the object of national horror and execration. Every part of
the kingdom resounded with the reproach of the ministry who had enforced
such an odious measure; and the two brothers, who engrossed the greater
part of the administration, trembled at the prospect of what this
clamour might produce at the general election, this being the last
session of the present parliament. So eager were the ministers to annul
this unpopular measure, that, immediately after the peers had agreed
to the nature and forms of an address to his majesty, the duke of
Newcastle, with that precipitation so peculiar to his character, poured
forth an abrupt harangue in that house, importing, that the disaffected
had made a handle of the act passed last session in favour of the Jews,
to raise discontents among many of his majesty’s good subjects; and as
the act was in itself of little importance, he was of opinion it ought
to be repealed; for this purpose he presented a bill ready framed,
which was read and committed, though not without some debate. The
naturalization bill, now devoted as a sacrifice to the resentment of
the people, containing a clause disabling all naturalized Jews from
purchasing, inheriting, or receiving any advowson or presentation, or
right to any ecclesiastical benefice or promotion, school, hospital,
or donative; and by the first draft of the bill, which his grace now
presented, it was intended that this clause should not be repealed. It
was the opinion, however, of the majority, that such a clause standing
unrepealed might imply, that the Jews, by being thus expressly excluded
from the possession of any ecclesiastical right of presentation, would
be considered as having the power and privilege of purchasing and
inheriting any lay-property in the kingdom. On this consideration an
amendment was made in the bill, the clause in question was left out, and
the whole act of naturalization repealed without exception.*

     * The reverend bench of bishops had, with a laudable spirit
     of christian meekness and philanthropy, generally approved
     of the indulgence granted to their Hebrew brethren; and now
     they acquiesced in the proposed repeal with the same passive
     discretion, though one of the number contended for the
     saving clause which the duke of Newcastle had recommended.

Though the lords, in general, concurred in the expediency of the repeal,
it was opposed by some few, as too great a sacrifice to the idle and
unfounded clamours of the multitude; and upon this side of the debate
a great power of elocution was displayed by earl Temple, who had lately
succeeded to this title on the death of his mother, a nobleman of
distinguished abilities, and the most amiable disposition, frank,
liberal, humane, and zealously attached to the interest and honour of
his country. In the lower house, the members of both parties seemed to
vie with each other in demonstrations of aversion to this unpopular act.
On the very first day of the session, immediately after the motion for
an address to his majesty, sir James Dash-wood, an eminent leader in the
opposition, gave the commons to understand, that he had a motion of very
great importance to make, which would require the attention of every
member, as soon as the motion for the address should be discussed; he
therefore desired they would not quit the house, until he should have
an opportunity to explain his proposal. Accordingly, they had no sooner
agreed to the motion for an address of thanks to his majesty, than
he stood up again, and having expatiated upon the just and general
indignation which the act of the preceding session, in favour of the
Jews, had raised among the people, he moved to order that the house
should be called over on Tuesday the fourth day of December, for taking
that act into consideration; but being given to understand, that it was
not usual to appoint a call of the house for any particular purpose,
he agreed that the motion should be general. It was seconded by lord
Parker, his opposite in political interests; the house agreed to it
without opposition, and the call was ordered accordingly. They were
anticipated, however’, by the lords, who framed and transmitted to them
a bill on the same subject, to the purport of which the commons made
an objection; for every member, having the fear of the general election
before his eyes, carefully avoided every expression which could give
umbrage to his constituents; but violent opposition was made to the
preamble, which ran in the following strain:--“Whereas an act of
parliament was made and passed in the twenty-fifth year of his majesty’s
reign, intituled, An act to permit persons professing the Jewish
religion, to be naturalized by parliament, and for other purposes
therein mentioned; and whereas occasion has been taken, from the said
act, to raise discontents and disquiets in the minds of his majesty’s
subjects, be it enacted, &c.” This introduction was considered as
an unjust reflection upon the body of the people in general, and in
particular upon those who had opposed the bill in the course of the
preceding session. Sir Roger Newdigate therefore moved, that the
expression should be varied to this effect: “Whereas great discontents
and disquietudes had from the said act arisen.” The consequence of this
motion was an obstinate debate, in which it was supported by the earl of
Egmont, and divers other able orators; but Mr. Pel ham and Mr. Pitt were
numbered among its opponents. The question being put for the proposed
alteration, it was of course carried in the negative; the bill, after
the third reading, passed _nemine contradicente_, and in due time
obtained the royal assent.




MOTION FOE REPEALING A FORMER ACT FAVOURABLE TO THE JEWS.

Even this concession of the ministry did not allay the resentment of the
people, and their apprehension of encroachment from the Jews. Another
act still subsisted, by virtue of which any person professing the Jewish
religion might become a free denizen of Great Britain, after having
resided seven years in any of his majesty’s colonies in America; and
this was now considered as a law, having the same dangerous tendency, of
which the other was now in a fair way of being convicted. It was moved,
therefore, in the lower house, that a part of this former act might be
read; then the same member made a motion for an address to his majesty,
desiring that the house might have the perusal of the lists transmitted
from the American colonies to the commissioners for trade and
plantations, containing the names of all such persons professing the
Jewish religion, as had entitled themselves to the benefit of the said
act, since the year one thousand seven hundred and forty. These lists
were accordingly presented, and left upon the table for the perusal
of the members; but as this act contained no limitation of time within
which the benefit of it should be claimed, and as this claim was
attended with a good deal of trouble and some expense, very few persons
had availed themselves of it in that period. Nevertheless, as a great
number of Jews were already entitled to claim this indulgence, and as
it remained an open channel through which Great Britain might be deluged
with those people, all of whom the law would hold as natural-born
subjects, and their progeny as freed from all tha restriction contained
in the act with respect to naturalized foreigners, lord Harley moved for
leave to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the said act as related to
persons professing the Jewish religion, who should come to settle in
any British colony after a certain time. The motion was seconded by sir
James Dashwood, and supported by the earl of Egmont; but being found
unequal to the interest and elocution of Mr. Pelham and Mr. Pitt, was
rejected by the majority.

{1754}




EAST-INDIA MUTINY BILL.

The next object that claimed the attention of the commons, was a bill
for improving the regulations already made to prevent the spreading of
a contagious distemper, which raged among the horned cattle in different
parts of the kingdom. The last bill of this session that had the good
fortune to succeed, was brought in for punishing mutiny and desertion of
officers and soldiers in the service of the East India company, and for
the punishment of offences committed in the East Indies and the island
of St. Helena. This being a measure of a very extraordinary nature, all
the members were ordered to attend the house on the day fixed for
the second reading; at the same time all charters, commissions, and
authorities, by which any power relative to a military jurisdiction, or
the exercise of martial law, had been granted or derived from the crown
to the said company, were submitted to the perusal of the members. The
bill was by many considered as a dangerous extension of military power,
to the prejudice of the civil rights enjoyed by British subjects, and
as such violently contested by the earl of Egmont, lord Strange, and
Mr. Alderman Beckford. Their objections were answered by the
solicitor-general and Mr. Yorke. The bill, after some warm debates,
being espoused by the ministry, was enacted into a law, and despatched
to the East Indies by the first opportunity.

Some other motions were made, and petitions presented on different
subjects, which, as they miscarried, it will be unnecessary to
particularize. It may not be amiss, however, to record an exemplary act
of justice done by the commons on a person belonging to a public
office, whom they detected in the practice of fraud and imposition.
Notwithstanding the particular care taken in the last session, to
prevent the monopolizing of tickets in the state lottery, all
those precautions had been eluded in a scandalous manner by certain
individuals, intrusted with the charge of delivering the tickets to
the contributors, according to the intent of the act, which expressly
declared that not more than twenty should be sold to any one person.
Instead of conforming to these directions of the legislature, they and
their friends engrossed great numbers, sheltering themselves under a
false list of feigned names for the purpose; by which means they not
only defeated the equitable intention of the commons, but in some
measure injured the public credit; inasmuch as their avarice had
prompted them to subscribe for a greater number than they had cash to
purchase, so that there was a deficiency in the first payment, which
might have had a bad effect on the public affairs. These practices were
so flagrant and notorious as to attract the notice of the lower house,
where an inquiry was begun, and prosecuted with a spirit of real
patriotism, in opposition to a scandalous cabal, who endeavoured with
equal eagerness and perseverance to screen the delinquents. All their
efforts however proved abortive; and a committee, appointed to examine
particulars, agreed to several severe resolutions against one Le ----,
who had amassed a large fortune by this and other kinds of peculation.
They voted him guilty of a breach of trust, and a direct violation of
the lottery act; and an address was presented to his majesty, desiring
he might be prosecuted by the attorney-general for these offences. He
was accordingly sued in the court of king’s bench, and paid a fine of
one thousand pounds, for having committed frauds by which he had
gained forty times that sum; but he was treated with such gentleness as
remarkably denoted the clemency of that tribunal.




SESSION CLOSED.

The session ended in the beginning of April, when the king gave the
parliament to understand, that he should say nothing at present on
foreign affairs; but assured them of his fixed resolution to exert his
whole power in maintaining the general tranquillity, and adhering to
such measures for that purpose as he had hitherto pursued in conjunction
with his allies. He, in very affectionate terms, thanked both houses
for the repeated proofs they had given of their zealous attachment
and loyalty to his person and government. He enumerated the salutary
measures they had taken for lessening the national debt, and augmenting
the public credit, extending navigation and commerce, reforming the
morals of the people, and improving the regulations of civil economy. He
concluded with declaring, that he securely relied upon the loyalty and
good affection of his people, and had no other aim than their permanent
happiness. In a little time after the close of this session they were
dissolved by proclamation, and new writs issued by the lord-chancellor
for convoking a new parliament. The same ceremonies were practised
with respect to the convocations of Canterbury and York, though they no
longer retained their former importance; nor indeed were they suffered
to sit and deliberate upon the subjects which formerly fell under their
cognizance and discussion.




DEATH OF MR. PELHAM. CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.

In the beginning of March, the ministry of Great Britain had been left
without a head by the death of Mr. Pelham, which was not only sincerely
lamented by his sovereign, but also regretted by the nation in general,
to whose affection he had powerfully recommended himself by the candour
and humanity of his conduct and character, even while he pursued
measures which they did not entirely approve. The loss of such a
minister was the more deeply felt by the government at this juncture,
being the eve of a general election for a new parliament, when every
administration is supposed to exert itself with redoubled vigilance and
circumspection. He had already concerted the measures for securing
a majority, and his plan was faithfully executed by his friends and
adherents, who still engrossed the administration. His brother, the duke
of Newcastle, was appointed first lord commissioner of the treasury,
and succeeded as secretary of state by sir Thomas Robinson, who had long
resided as ambassador at the court of Vienna. The other department
of this office was still retained by the earl of Holdernesse, and the
function of chancellor of the exchequer was performed as usual by the
lord chief-justice of the king’s bench, until a proper person could be
found to fill that important office; but in the course of the summer it
was bestowed upon Mr. Legge, who acquitted himself with equal honour and
capacity. Divers other alterations were made of less importance to the
public, sir George Lyttelton was appointed cofferer, and the earl of
Hillsborough comptroller of the household. Mr. George Grenville, brother
to earl Temple, became treasurer of the navy; and Mr. Charles Townshend,
of whom we shall have occasion to speak in the sequel, took his place
as a commissioner at the board of admiralty, in the room of lord
Barrington, made master of the wardrobe. Lord Hardwicke, the chancellor,
was promoted to the dignity of an earl. The place of lord chief-justice
of the king’s-bench becoming vacant by the death of sir William Lee, was
filled with sir Dudley Ryder, and he was succeeded by Mr. Murray in the
office of attorney-general.




NEW PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND PROROGUED.

The elections for the new parliament generally succeeded according to
the wish of the ministry; for opposition was now dwindled down to the
lowest state of imbecility. It had received a mortal wound by the death
of the late prince of Wales, whose adherents were too wise to pursue an
_ignis fatuus_, without any prospect of success or advantage. Some
of them had prudently sung their palinodia to the ministry, and been
gratified with profitable employments; while others, setting too great
a price upon their own importance, kept aloof till the market was over,
and were left to pine in secret over their disappointed ambition.
The maxims of tory-ism had been relinquished by many, as the barren
principles of a losing game; the body of the people were conciliated
to the established government; and the harmony that now, for the first
time, subsisted among all the branches of the royal family, had a
wonderful effect in acquiring a degree of popularity which they had
never before enjoyed. The writs being returned, the new parliament was
opened on the last day of May by the duke of Cumberland, and some other
peers, who acted by virtue of a commission from his majesty. The commons
having chosen for their speaker the right hon. Arthur Onslow, who had
honourably filled that high office in four preceding parliaments, he
was presented and approved by the commissioners. Then the lord
high-chancellor harangued both houses, giving them to understand, that
his majesty had indulged them with this early opportunity of
coming together, in order to complete without loss of time certain
parliamentary proceedings, which he judged would be for the satisfaction
of his good subjects; but he did not think proper to lay before them any
points of general business, reserving every thing of that nature to the
usual time of their assembling in the winter. On the fifth day of June
this short session was closed, and the parliament prorogued by the
lords-commissioners.




DISPUTES IN THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

In the beginning of this year violent disputes arose between the
government and the house of commons in Ireland, on the almost forgotten
subjects of privilege and prerogative. The commons conceived they had an
undoubted right to apply the surplus of their revenue towards national
purposes, without the consent of their sovereign; and accordingly, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, prepared a bill
with this preamble, “Whereas, on the twenty-fifth day of March last,
a considerable balance remained in the hands of the vice-treasurer
or receivers-general of the kingdom, or their deputy or deputies,
unapplied; and it will be for your majesty’s service, and for the ease
of your faithful subjects in this kingdom, that so much thereof as can
be conveniently spared should be paid, agreeably to your majesty’s most
gracious intentions, in discharge of part of the national debt.” This
appropriation gave great offence to the advocates for prerogatives in
England, who affirmed that the commons had no right to apply any part
of the unappropriated revenue, nor even to take any such affair into
consideration, without the previous consent of the crown, expressed in
the most explicit terms. It was in consequence of this doctrine, that
the duke of Dorset, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, told them in the next
session of parliament, held in the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifty-one, he was commanded by the king to aquaint them, that his
majesty, ever attentive to the ease and happiness of his subjects, would
graciously consent and recommend it to them, that such a part of the
money then remaining in the treasury, as should be thought consistent
with the public service, be applied towards the further reduction of
the national debt. This declaration alarmed the commons, zealous as they
were for the preservation of their privileges; and in their address of
thanks, which, like that of the parliament of Great Britain, used
always to echo back the words of the speech, they made no mention of his
majesty’s consent; but only acknowledged his gracious attention to
their ease and happiness, in recommending to them the application of
the surplus. They accordingly resolved to apply one hundred and twenty
thousand pounds of that overplus towards the discharge of the national
debt; and, in the preamble of the bill, framed for this purpose, made
no mention of his majesty’s consent, though before they had acknowledged
his goodness in recommending this application. The ministry in England
were highly offended at this purposed omission, which they construed
into a wilful encroachment on the prerogative; and the bill was sent
back with an alteration in the preamble, signifying his majesty’s
consent as well as recommendation. The Irish house of commons being
at that time deeply engaged in a minute inquiry into the conduct of
a gentleman, a servant of the crown, and a member of their own house,
accused of having misapplied a large sum of money, with which he had
been intrusted for rebuilding or repairing the barracks, were now
unwilling to embroil themselves farther with the government, until this
affair should be discussed. They therefore passed the bill with the
alteration, and proceeded with their inquiry. The person was convicted
of having misapplied the public money, and ordered to make the barracks
fit for the reception and accommodation of the troops at his own
expense. They did not, however, neglect to assert what they thought
their rights and privileges, when the next opportunity occurred. The
duke of Dor-get, when he opened the session of this year, repeated the
expression of his majesty’s gracious consent, in mentioning the surplus
of the public money. They again omitted that word in their address; and
resolved, in their bill of application, not only to sink this odious
term, but likewise to abate in their complaisance to the crown, by
leaving out that expression of grateful acknowledgment, which had met
with such a cold reception above. By this time the contest had kindled
up two violent factions, and diffused a general spirit of resentment
through the whole Irish nation. The committee who prepared the bill,
instead of inserting the usual compliments in the preamble, mentioned
nothing but a recital of facts, and sent it over in a very plain dress,
quite destitute of all embroidery. The ministry, intent upon vindicating
the prerogative from such an unmannerly attack, filled up the omissions
of the committee, and sent it back with this alteration: “And your
majesty, ever attentive to the ease and happiness of your faithful
subjects, has been graciously pleased to signify that you would consent,
and to recommend it to us, that so much of the money remaining in your
majesty’s treasury as should be necessary to be applied to the discharge
of the national debt, or such part thereof as should be thought
expedient by parliament.” This then being the crisis which was to
determine a constitutional point of such importance, namely, whether the
people in parliament assembled have a right to deliberate upon, and vote
the application of any part of the unappropriated revenue, without
the previous consent of the crown; those who were the most zealously
attached to the liberties of their country, resolved to exert themselves
in opposing what they conceived to be a violation of those liberties;
and the bill, with its alterations, was rejected by a majority of five
voices. The success of their endeavours was celebrated with the most
extravagant rejoicing, as a triumph of patriotism over the arts of
ministerial corruption; and, on the other hand, all the servants of the
crown, who had joined the popular cry on this occasion, were in a little
time dismissed from their employments. The rejection of the bill was a
great disappointment to the creditors of the public, and the circulation
of cash was almost stagnated. These calamities were imputed to arbitrary
designs in the government; and the people began to be inflamed with
an enthusiastic spirit of independency, which might have produced
mischievous effects, had not artful steps been taken to bring over
the demagogues, and thus divert the stream of popular clamour from the
ministry to those very individuals who had been the idols of popular
veneration. The speaker of the house of commons was promoted to
the dignity of an earl; and some other patriots were gratified with
lucrative employments. His majesty’s letter arrived for paying off
seventy-five thousand five hundred pounds of the national debt. The
circulation was thus animated, and the resentment of the populace
subsiding, the kingdom retrieved its former tranquillity.




TRANSACTIONS IN THE EAST INDIES.

The ambition and intrigues of the French court, by which the British
interest was invaded and disturbed on the continent of America, had also
extended itself to the East Indies, where they endeavoured to embroil
the English company with divers nabobs or princes, who governed
different parts of the peninsula intra Gangem. That the reader may have
a clear and distinct idea of these transactions, we shall exhibit
a short sketch of the English forts and settlements in that remote
country. The first of these we shall mention is Surat, [348] _[See
note 2U, at the end of this Vol.]_ in the province so called, situated
between the twenty-first and twenty-second degrees of north latitude;
from hence the peninsula stretches into the Indian ocean as far as the
latitude of eight north, ending in a point at Cape Comorin, which is the
southern extremity. To the northward this peninsula joins to Indostan,
and at its greatest breadth extends seven hundred miles. Upon the west,
east, and south, it is washed by the sea. It comprehends the kingdoms
of Malabar, Decan, Golconda, and Bisnagar, with the principalities of
Gingi, Tanjaour, and Madura. The western side is distinguished by
the name of the Malabar coast: the eastern takes the denomination of
Coromandel; and in different parts of this long sweep, from Surat round
Cape Comorin to the bottom of the bay of Bengal, the English and other
European powers have, with the consent of the mogul, established forts
and trading settlements. All these kingdoms, properly speaking, belong
to the mogul; but his power was so weakened by the last invasion of
Kouli Khan, that he has not been able to assert his empire over this
remote country; the tributary princes of which, and even the nabobs, who
were originally governors appointed under their authority, have rendered
themselves independent, and exert an absolute dominion over their
respective territories, without acknowledging his superiority either by
tribute or homage. These princes, when they quarrel among themselves,
naturally have recourse to the assistance of such European powers as
are settled in or near their dominions; and in the same manner the East
Indian companies of the European powers which happen to be at war with
each other, never fail to interest the nabobs in the dispute.

[Illustration: 349.jpg BOMBAY]




ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS.

The next English settlement to Surat, on the coast of the peninsula, is
Bombay, in the kingdom of Decan, a small island, with a very convenient
harbour, above five-and-forty leagues to the south of Surat. The town
is very populous; but the soil is barren, and the climate unhealthy; and
the commerce was rendered very precarious by the neighbourhood of
the famous corsair Angria, until his port of Geria was taken, and his
fortifications demolished. The English company likewise carry on some
traffic at Dabul, about forty leagues further to the south, in the
province of Cuncan. In the same southerly progression, towards the
point of the peninsula, we arrive at Carwar, in the latitude of fifteen
degrees, where there is a small fort and factory belonging to the
company, standing on the south side of a bay, with a river capable of
receiving ships of pretty large burden. The climate here is remarkably
salubrious; the country abounds with provisions of all sorts, and the
best pepper of India grows in this neighbourhood. The next English
settlement we find at Tilli-cherry, where the company has erected
a fort, to defend their commerce of pepper and cardamomoms from the
insults of the rajah, who governs this part of Malabar. Hither the
English trade was removed from Calicut, a large town that stands fifteen
leagues to the southward of Tillicherry, and was as well frequented
as any port on the coast of the Indian peninsula. The most southerly
settlement which the English possess on the Malabar coast, is that
of Anjengo, between the eighth and ninth degrees of latitude. It is
defended by a regular fort, situated on a broad river, which falls into
the sea, and would be very commodious for trade, were not the water on
the bar too shallow to admit ships of considerable burden. Then turning
the Cape, and passing through the strait of Chilao, formed by the island
of Ceylon, we arrive on the coast of Côromandel, which forms the eastern
side of the isthmus. Prosecuting our course in a northern direction,
the first English factory we reach is that of Fort St. David’s, formerly
called Tegapatan, situated in the latitude of eleven degrees forty
minutes north, within the kingdom of Gingi. It was, about six and-twenty
years ago, sold by a Mahratta prince to the East India company,
and, next to Bombay, is the most considerable settlement we have yet
mentioned.*

     * The trade consists of long cloths of different colours,
     sallampores, morees, dimities, ginghams, and succations.

Its territory extends about eight miles along the coast, and half that
space up to the country, which is delightfully watered by a variety
of rivers; the soil is fertile, and the climate healthy. The fort is
regular, well provided with cannon, ammunition, and a numerous garrison,
which is the more necessary, on account of the neighbourhood of the
French settlement at Pon-dicherry. But the chief settlement belonging
to the company on this coast is that of Madras, or Fort St. George,
standing farther to the northward, between the thirteenth and fourteenth
degrees of latitude, and not a great way from the diamond mines of
Golconda. It is seated on a flat, barren, scorching sand, so near the
sea, that in bad weather the walls are endangered by the mighty surges
rolled in from the ocean. As the soil is barren, the climate is so
intensely hot that it would be altogether uninhabitable, were not the
heat mitigated by the sea breezes. On the land side it is defended by
a salt water river, which, while it contributes to the security of the
place, robs the inhabitants of one great comfort, by obstructing
the springs of fresh water. The fort is a regular square, the town
surrounded with walls well mounted with artillery, and the place,
including the Black Town, is very populous. Madras, with several
villages in the neighbourhood, was purchased of the king of Golconda,
before the mogul became sovereign of this country. The governor of this
place is not only president of Fort St. George, but also of all the
other settlements on the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, as far as the
island of Sumatra. He lives in great pomp, having inferior judges, who
pass sentence of death occasionally on malefactors of any nation, except
the subjects of Great Britain. All the company’s affairs are directed
by him and his council, who are invested with the power of inflicting
corporal punishment, short of life and member, upon such Europeans as
are in the service, and dispose of all places of trust and profit. By
virtue of an act passed in the course of this very session, the military
officers belonging to the company were permitted to hold courts-martial,
and punish their soldiers according to the degree of their delinquency.
In a word, Madras is of the utmost importance to the company for
its strength, wealth, and the great returns it makes in calicoes and
muslins. Towards the latter end of the last century, the English company
had a flourishing factory at Masulipatam, standing on the north side
of the river Nagundi, which separates the provinces of Golconda and
Bisnagar, in the latitude of sixteen degrees and thirty minutes; but now
there is no European settlement here, except a Dutch factory, maintained
for carrying on the chintz commerce. At Visgapatam, situated still
farther to the northward, the English possess a factory regularly
fortified on the side of the river, which, however, a dangerous bar
has rendered unfit for navigation. The adjacent country affords cotton
cloths, and the best stripped muslins of India. It is chiefly for the
use of this settlement that the company maintains a factory at Ganjam,
the most eastern town in the province or kingdom of Golconda, situated
in a country abounding with rice and sugar-canes. Still farther to
the north coast, in the latitude of twenty-two degrees, the company
maintains a factory at Balasore, which was formerly very considerable;
but hath been of very little consequence since the navigation of the
river Huguely Avas improved. At this place every European ship bound for
Bengal and the Ganges takes in a pilot. The climate is not counted very
salubrious; but the adjacent country is fruitful to admiration, and here
are considerable manufacture of cotton and silk. Without skilful pilots,
the English would find it very difficult to navigate the different
channels through which the river Ganges discharges itself into the sea
at the bottom of the bay of Bengal. On the southern branch is a town
called Pepely, where there was formerly an English factory, but this was
removed to Huguely, one hundred and sixty miles farther up the river;
a place which, together with the company’s settlement at Calcutta, were
the emporiums of their commerce for the whole kingdom of Bengal. Indeed
Huguely is now abandoned by the English, and their whole trade
centers at Calcutta or Fort William, which is a regular fortification,
containing lodgings for the factors and writers, store-houses for the
company’s merchandise, and magazines for their ammunition. As for the
governor’s house, which likewise stands within the fort, it is one of
the most regular structures in all India. Besides these settlements
along the sea-coast of the peninsula, and on the banks of the Ganges,
the English East India company possess certain inland fac tories
and posts for the convenience and defence of their commerce, either
purchased of the nabobs and rajahs, or conquered in the course of the
war. As the operations we propose to record were confined to the coasts
of Malabar and Coromandel, or the interior countries which form the
peninsula intra Gangem, it will be unnecessary to describe the factory
at Bencoolen, on the island of Sumatra, or any settlement which the
English possess in other parts of the East Indies.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DISPUTE ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT OF ARCOT.

In order to understand the military transactions of the English company
in India, the reader will take notice, that immediately after the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle, mons. Dupleix, who commanded for the French in that
country, began by his intrigues to sow the seeds of dissension among
the nabobs, that he might be the better able to fish in troubled waters.
Nizam Almuluck, the mogul’s viceroy of Decan, having the right of
nominating a governor of the Carnatic, now more generally known by the
name of the nabob of Arcot, appointed Anaverdy Khan to that office, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-five. The viceroy dying,
was succeeded in his viceroyalty, or subaship, by his second son
Nazirzing, whom the mogul confirmed. He was opposed in his pretensions
by his own cousin Muzapherzing, who had recourse to the assistance
of M. Dupleix, and obtained from him a reinforcement of Europeans and
artillery, in consideration of many presents and promises, which he
fulfilled in the sequel. Thus reinforced, and joined by one Chunda Saib,
an active Indian chief, he took the field against his kinsman Nazirzing,
who was supported by a body of English troops under colonel Laurence.
The French, dreading an engagement, retired in the night; and
Muzapherzing, seeing himself abandoned by all his own troops, appealed
to the clemency of his cousin, who spared his life, but detained him as
a state prisoner. In this situation, he formed a conspiracy against
his kinsman’s life, with Nazirzing’s prime minister, and the nabobs
of Cadupab and Condaneor, then in his camp; and the conspirators were
encouraged in their scheme by Dupleix and Chunda Saib, who had retired
to Pondicherry. Thus stimulated, they murdered Nazirzing in his camp,
and proclaimed Muzapherzing viceroy of Decan. In the tents of the
murdered viceroy they found an immense treasure, of which a great
share fell to M. Dupleix, whom Muzapherzing the usurper at this time
associated in the government. By virtue of this association, the
Frenchman assumed the state and formalities of an eastern prince; and
he and his colleague Muzapherzing appointed Chunda Saib nabob of Arcot;
Anaverdy Khan, the late nabob, had been, in the year one thousand seven
hundred and forty-nine, defeated and slain by Muzapherzing and Chunda
Saib, with the assistance of their French auxiliaries; and his son
Mahommed Ali Khan had put himself under the protection of the English
at Madras, and was confirmed by Nazirzing, as his father’s successor in
the nabobship, or government of Arcot. This government, therefore,
was disputed between Mahommed Ali Khan, appointed by the legal viceroy
Nazirzing, supported by the English company, and Chunda Saib, nominated
by the usurper Muzapherzing, and protected by Dupleix, who commanded at
Pondicherry. Muzapherzing did not long survive his usurpation. In the
year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-one, the same nabobs who had
promoted him to his kinsman’s place, thinking themselves ill rewarded
for their services, fell upon him suddenly, routed his troops, and
put him to death: and next day the chiefs of the army proclaimed
Sallabatzing, brother to Nazirzing, viceroy of Decan; on the other
hand, the mogul appointed Gauzedy Khan, who was the elder brother
of Sallabatzing; and this prince confirmed Mahommed Ali Khan in the
government of Arcot; but the affairs of the mogul’s court were then
in such confusion, that he could not spare an army to support the
nomination he had made. Chunda Saib, nabob of Arcot, having been deposed
by the great mogul, who placed Anaverdy Khan in his room, ha resolved to
recover his government by force, and had recourse to the French general
at Pondicherry, who reinforced him with two thousand sepoys, or soldiers
of the country, sixty caffrees, and four hundred and twenty French
troops, on condition that, if he proved successful in his enterprise,
he should cede to the French the town of Velur, in the neighbourhood of
Pondicherry, with its dependencies, consisting of forty-five villages.
Thus reinforced, he defeated his rival Anaverdy Khan, who lost his life
in the engagement, reassumed the government of Arcot, and punctually
performed the conditions which had been stipulated by his French allies.




MAHOMMED ALI KHAN SUPPORTED BY THE ENGLISH.

Mahommed Ali Khan, at the death of his father, had fled to
Tiruchirapalli,* and solicited the assistance of the English, who
favoured him with a reinforcement of money, men, and ammunition, under
the conduct of major Laurence, a brave and experienced officer.

     * Tiruchirapalli, commonly called Triehinoply, situated near
     tha river Cauveri, above two hundred miles to the southward
     of Madras, is the capital of a small kingdom belonging to
     the government of Arcot, and hounded on the east by the
     kingdom of Tanjore.

By dint of this supply, he gained some advantages over the enemy,
who were obliged to retreat; but no decisive blow was given. Mahommed
afterwards repaired in person to fort St. David’s, to demand more
powerful succours, alleging that his fate was connected with the
interest of the English company, which in time would be obliged to
abandon the whole coast, should they allow the enemy to proceed in their
conquests. In consequence of these representations, he received another
strong reinforcement, under the command of captain Cope; but nothing
of importance was attempted, and the English auxiliaries retired. Then
Mahommed was attacked by the enemy, who obtained a complete victory over
him. Finding it impossible to maintain his footing by his own strength,
he entered into a close alliance with the English, and ceded to them
some commercial points which had been long in dispute. Then they
detached captain Cope to put Tiruchirapalli in a posture of defence;
while captain de Gingins, a Swiss officer, marched at the head of four
hundred Europeans to the nabob’s assistance. The two armies being pretty
equal in strength, lay encamped in sight of each other a whole month;
during which nothing happened but a few skirmishes, which generally
terminated to the advantage of the English auxiliaries. In order to make
a diversion, and divide the French forces, the company resolved to send
a detachment into the province of Arcot; and this was one of the
first occasions upon which the extraordinary talents of Mr. Clive were
displayed. He had entered into the service of the East India company as
a writer, and Avas considered as a person very indifferently qualified
for succeeding in any civil station of life. He now offered his service
in a military capacity, and actually began his march to Arcot, at the
head of two hundred and ten Europeans, with five hundred sepoys.*

     * The sepoys are the mercenaries of the country, who are
     hired as soldiers occasionally by all parties.




MR. CLIVE TAKES ARCOT.

Such was the resolution, secrecy, and despatch, with which he conducted
this enterprise, that the enemy knew nothing of his motions until he
was in possession of the capital, which he took without opposition. The
inhabitants, expecting to be plundered, offered him a large sum to spare
their city; but they derived their security from the generosity and
discretion of the conqueror. He refused the proffered ransom, and issued
a proclamation, intimating, that those who were willing to remain in
their houses should be protected from insult and injury, and the rest
have leave to retire with all their effects, except provisions, for
which he promised to pay the full value. By this sage conduct he
conciliated the affection of the people so entirely, that even those who
quitted the place supplied him with exact intelligence of the enemy’s
designs, when he was besieged in the sequel. The town was in a little
time invested by Rajah Saib, son of Chunda Saib, at the head of a
numerous army, and the operations of the siege were conducted by
European engineers. Though their approaches were retarded by the
repeated and resolute sallies of Mr. Clive, they at length effected
two breaches supposed to be practicable; and on the fourteenth day of
October, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-one, gave a
general assault. Mr. Clive, having received intimation of their design,
had made such preparations for their reception, that they were repulsed
in every quarter with great loss, and obliged to raise the siege with
the utmost precipitation.

This gallant Englishman, not contented with the reputation he had
acquired from his noble defence, was no sooner reinforced by a
detachment under captain Kirkpatrick from Trichinopoly, than he marched
in pursuit of the enemy, whom he overtook in the plains of Arani.
There, on the third day of December, he attacked them with irresistible
impetuosity; and, after an obstinate dispute, obtained a complete
victory at a very small expense. The forts of Timery, Caujeveram, and
Arani, surrendered to the terror of his name, rather than to the force
of his arms; and he returned to Fort St. David’s in triumph. He had
enjoyed a very few weeks of repose, when he was summoned to the field by
fresh incursions of the enemy. In the beginning of the year one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-two, he marched with a small detachment to
Madras, where he was joined by a reinforcement from Bengal, the whole
number not exceeding three hundred Europeans, and assembled a body of
the natives, that he might have at least the appearance of an army. With
these he proceeded to Koveripauk, about fifteen miles from Ar-cot, where
he found the French and Indians, consisting of fifteen hundred sepoys,
seventeen hundred horse, a body of natives, and one hundred and fifty
Europeans, with eight pieces of cannon. Though they were advantageously
posted and intrenched, and the day was already far advanced, Mr. Clive
advanced against them with his usual intrepidity; but the victory
remained for some time in suspense. It was now dark, and the battle
doubtful, when Mr. Clive sent round a detachment to fall in the rear
of the French battery. This attack was executed with great resolution,
while the English in front entered the entrenchments with their bayonets
fixed; and, though very little tinctured with discipline, displayed the
spirit and activity of hardy veterans. This double attack disconcerted
the enemy in such a manner, that they soon desisted from all opposition.
A considerable carnage ensued; yet the greater part of the enemy, both
horse and foot, saved themselves by flight, under cover of the darkness.
The French, to a man, threw down their arms, and surrendered themselves
prisoners of war; and all the cannon and baggage fell into the hands of
the victor.




MR. CLIVE REDUCES THREE FORTS, &c.

The province of Arcot being thus cleared of the enemy, Mr. Clive with
his forces returned to Fort St. David’s, where he found major Laurence
just arrived from England,* to take upon him the command of the troops
in the company’s service.

     * Major Laurence had sailed for England in the year 1750.

On the eighteenth day of March, this officer, accompanied by Mr. Clive,
took the field, and was joined by captain de Gingins at Tiruchirapalli.
From hence he detached Mr. Clive with four hundred European soldiers, a
few Mahratta horse, and a body of sepoys, to cut off the enemy’s retreat
to Pondicherry. In the course of this expedition he dislodged a strong
body of the foe posted at Samiaveram, and obliged Chunda Saib to throw a
body of troops into a strong fortified temple, or pagoda, upon the river
Koleroon, which was immediately invested. The commanding officer,
in attempting to escape, was slain with some others, and the rest
surrendered at discretion. They were still in possession of another
fortified temple, which he also besieged in form, and reduced by
capitulation. Having subdued these forts, he marched directly to
Volconda, whither he understood the French commander d’Anteuil had
retired. He found that officer intrenched in a village, from whence
he drove him with precipitation, and made himself master of the French
cannon. The enemy attempted to save themselves in a neighbouring
fort; but the gates being shut against them by the governor, who was
apprehensive that they would be followed pell-mell by the English, Mr.
Clive attacked them with great fury, and made a considerable slaughter;
but his humanity being shocked at this carnage, he sent a flag of
truce to the vanquished, with terms of capitulation, which they readily
embraced. These articles imported, that D’Anteuil, and three other
officers, should remain prisoners on parole for one year; that the
garrison should be exchanged, and the money and stores be delivered to
the nabob whom the English supported.




CHUNDA SAIB TAKEN AND PUT TO DEATH.

During these transactions, Chunda Saib lay encamped with an army of
thirty thousand men at Syrinham, an island in the neighbourhood of
Tiruchirapalli, which he longed eagerly to possess. Hither major
Laurence marched with his Indian allies,* and took his measures so well,
that the enemy’s provisions were entirely intercepted.

     * His army consisted of twelve hundred Europeans and
     Topasses in battalions, two thousand sepoys, with the forces
     of the nabob, the kings of Tanjore, Muissack, and the
     Mahrattas; amounting to fifteen hundred horse and ten
     thousand infantry. Topasses are descendants from the
     Portuguese. The Mahrattas are native Indians of a very
     numerous and powerful nation, which hath more than once
     given law to the mogul.

Chunda Saib, in attempting to fly, was taken prisoner by the nabob of
Tanjore, an ally of the English company, who ordered his head to be
struck off, in order to prevent the disputes which otherwise would have
arisen among the captors. *

     * Chunda Saib demanded leave of the Tanjore general to pass
     through his camp to Tanjore, and this request was granted;
     but instead of being allowed to pass, he was detained
     prisoner, and as the allies could not agree about the manner
     in which he should be disposed of, some of the Tanjore
     officers, of their own accord, ended the dispute by cutting
     off his head.

The main body of the army being attacked by major Laurence, and totally
defeated, the island of Syrinham was surrendered, and about a thousand
European French soldiers, under the command of Mr. Law, nephew to the
famous Law who schemed the Mississippi company, fell into the hands of
the conquerors, including thirty officers, with forty pieces of cannon,
and ten mortars. M. Dupleix, though exceedingly mortified by this
disaster, resolved to maintain the cause which he had espoused. He
proclaimed Rajah Saib, the son of Chunda Saib, nabob of Arcot; and
afterwards pretended that he himself had received from the mogul sanids
or commissions, appointing him governor of all the Carnatic, from the
river Kristnah to the sea; but these sanids appeared in the sequel to be
forged. In order to complete the comedy, a supposed messenger from
Delhi was received at Pondicherry as ambassador from the mogul. Dupleix,
mounted on an elephant, preceded by music and dancing women, in the
oriental manner, received in public his commission from the hands of the
pretended ambassador. He affected the eastern state, kept his Durbar or
court, where he appeared sitting cross-legged on a sofa, and received
presents as prince of the country from his own council, as well as from
the natives. In the meantime, hostilities continued between the forces
of the two companies, as auxiliaries to the contending nabobs. The
English, under major Kinnier, made an unsuccessful attempt upon Gingee,
a strong town situated to the west of Pondicherry. Major Laurence
defeated a strong body of French and natives, commanded by Dupleix’s
nephew, M. de Kerjean, in the neighbourhood of Pondicherry, and took him
prisoner, together with fifteen officers; after this success, Mr. Clive
reduced the forts of Cove-long and Chengalput, the last very strong,
situated about forty miles to the southward of Madras. On the other
hand, M. Dupleix intercepted at sea captain Schaub, with his whole Swiss
company, whom he detained prisoners at Pondicherry, although the two
nations were not at war with each other. During these transactions,
Sallabatzing, with a body of French under M. de Bussy, advanced towards
Aurengabad, which was the seat of government; but he was opposed by a
chief of the Mahrattas, at the head of a numerous army. In the meantime,
Gauzedy Khan, the elder brother of Sallabatzing, whom the mogul had
appointed viceroy of Decan, took possession of his government at
Aurengabad, where, in fourteen days after his arrival, he was poisoned
by his own sister. The mogul immediately appointed his son Schah Abadin
Khan to succeed his father; and this prince actually raised an army to
come and take possession; but the mogul’s affairs requiring his presence
at Delhi, he was obliged to postpone his design, so that Sallabatzing
was left without a competitor, and made a present to the French of all
the English settlements to the northward. Thus concluded the year one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-two. Next campaign was chiefly confined
to the neighbourhood of Trichinopoly, where major Laurence made several
vigorous attacks upon the enemy’s army, and obtained many advantages;
which, however, did not prove decisive, because he was so much
out-numbered that he could never follow his blow.




CONVENTION BETWEEN THE EAST INDIA COMPANIES OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

In the course of this year, the mogul was deposed by his general Schah
Abadin Khan, the viceroy of Decan, who raised to the throne Allum Geer,
another prince of the blood. In the succeeding year, a negotiation was
Bet on foot by Mr. Saunders, governor of Madras, and M. Dupleix;
and conferences were opened at Sadrass, a Dutch settlement between
Pondicherry and Fort St. George; but this proved abortive; and many
other gallant efforts were made by major Laurence in the territory of
Trichinopoly, which still continued to be the scene of action. In the
course of this year admiral Watson arrived on the coast of Coromandel
with a squadron of ships of war, having on board a regiment commanded by
colonel Aldercroon; at the same time the ships from France brought
over to Pondicherry the sieur Godeheu, commissary-general and
governor-general of all their settlements, at whose arrival Dupleix
departed for Europe. The new governor immediately wrote a letter to
Mr. Saunders, professing the most pacific inclinations, and proposing a
suspension of arms between the two companies until their disputes could
be amicably adjusted. This proposal was very agreeable to the governor
and council at Madras, and a cessation of arms actually took place
in the month of October, in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-four. Deputies being sent to Pondicherry, a provisional treaty
and truce were concluded, on condition that neither of the two companies
should for the future interfere in any difference that might arise
between the princes of the country. The other articles related to the
places and settlements that should be retained or possessed by the
respective companies, until fresh orders relating to this agreement
should arrive from the courts of London and Versailles, transmitted by
the two East India companies of France and England. Until such orders
should arrive, it was stipulated that neither nation should be allowed
to procure any new grant or cession, or to build forts for the defence
of new establishments; and that they should not proceed to any cession,
retrocession, or evacuation of what they then possessed; but every thing
should remain on the footing of _uti possidetis_. How pacific soever the
sentiments of the French subjects might have been at this period in
the East Indies, certain it is, the designs of the French governors in
America were altogether hostile, and their conduct hastening towards a
rupture, which kindled up a bloody war in every division of the globe.




GENERAL VIEW OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA.

As this war may be termed a native of America, and the principal scenes
of it were acted on that continent, we shall, for the information of the
reader, sketch out the situation of the then British colonies as they
bordered on each other, and extended along the sea coast, from the
gulf of St. Lawrence as far south as the country of Florida. We shall
enumerate the Indian nations that lie scattered about their confines,
and delineate the manner in which the French hemmed them in by a
surprising line of fortifications. Should we comprehend Hudson’s Bay,
with the adjacent countries, and the banks of Newfoundland, in this
geographical detail, we might affirm that Great Britain at that time
possessed a territory along the sea-coast, extending seventeen hundred
miles in a direct line, from the sixtieth to the thirty-first degree of
northern latitude; but as these two countries were not concerned in this
dispute, we shall advance from the northward to the southern side of the
gulf of St. Lawrence; and beginning with Acadia or Nova Scotia, describe
our settlements as they lie in a southerly direction, as far as the gulf
of Florida. This great tract of country, stretching fifteen degrees
of latitude, is washed on the east by the Atlantic Ocean; the southern
boundary is Spanish Florida; but to the westward the limits are
uncertain, some affirming that the jurisdiction of the colonies
penetrates through the whole continent, as far as the South Sea; while
others, with more moderation, think they are naturally bounded by the
river Illinois that runs into the Mississippi, and in a manner connects
that river with the chain of lakes known by the names of Michigan,
Huron, Erie, and Ontario, the three first communicating with each other,
and the last discharging itself into the river St. Lawrence, which,
running by Montreal and Quebec, issues into the bay of the same
denomination, forming the northern boundary of Nova Scotia. The French,
who had no legal claim to any lands on the south side of this river,
nevertheless, with an insolence of ambition peculiar to themselves, not
only extended their forts from the source of the St. Lawrence, through
an immense tract of that country, as far as the Mississippi, which
disembogues itself into the gulf of Florida; but also, by a series of
unparalleled encroachments, endeavoured to contract the English colonies
within such narrow limits as would have cut off almost one half of their
possessions. As we have already given a geographical description of Nova
Scotia, and mentioned the particulars of the new settlement of Halifax,
we shall now only observe, that it is surrounded on three sides by the
sea, the gulf, and river of St. Lawrence; that its original boundary to
the west was the river Pentagoet; but it is now contracted within the
river St. Croix, because the crown of Great Britain did, in the year
one thousand six hundred and sixty-three, grant to the duke of York the
territory of Sagadahack, stretching from St. Croix to the river of this
name; which was in the sequel, by an express charter from the crown,
annexed to the province of Massachusett’s Bay, one of the four
governments of New England. This country, situated next to Nova Scotia,
lies between the forty-first and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude,
extending near three hundred miles in length, and about two hundred in
breadth, if we bound it by those tracts which the French possessed: no
part of the settlements of this country, however, stretches above sixty
miles from the sea. The summer is here intensely hot, and the winter
proportionably severe; nevertheless, the climate is healthy, and the
sky generally serene. The soil is not favourable to any of the European
kinds of grain; but produces great plenty of maize, which the people
bake into bread, and brew into beer, though their favourite drink
is made of molasses hopped, and impregnated with the tops of the
spruce-fir, which is a native of this country. The ground raises good
flax and tolerable hemp. Here are great herds of black cattle, some of
them very large in size, a vast number of excellent hogs, a breed of
small horses, graceful, swift, and hardy; and large flocks of sheep,
whose wool, though not so fine as that of England, is manufactured with
great success.

New England is composed of the four provinces known by the names of
New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. It is
bounded on the south by New York, extending northerly on both sides of
the river Hudson, about two hundred miles into the country possessed by
the Indians of the Five Nations, whom the French distinguish by the name
of the Irroquois; but in breadth this province does not exceed fifty
miles, though it comprehends Long Island, lying to the southward of
Connecticut. The capital, which derives from the province the name
of New York, is situated on an excellent harbour in the island of
Manahatton, extending fourteen miles in length, and five in breadth,
at the mouth of the noble river Hudson, which is navigable for above two
hundred miles. At the distance of one hundred and fifty miles from New
York, stands the town of Albany, upon the same river. In this place all
the treaties and other transactions were negotiated between the English
and the Irroquois, a confederacy of five Indian nations, who, by their
union, courage, and military skill, had reduced a great number of other
Indian tribes, and subdued a territory more extensive than the whole
kingdom of France. They were about fourscore years ago able to bring
ten thousand warriors into the field; but now their number is so greatly
diminished by wars, epidemical diseases, and the use of spirituous
liquors, that they cannot raise above fifteen hundred men, even though
they have admitted into their confederacy the nation of the Tuscaroras,
whom the English drove from the confines of Carolina. The Mohawk Indians
inhabit the country advanced from Albany. The northern extremities
of New Hampshire and New York are divided by the lakes Champlain and
Sacrament, between which the French had raised the fort of Crown Point.

Contiguous to New York, and lying along the coast, in a southerly
direction, is the small province of New Jersey, bounded on the west by
the river Delaware, which divides it from Pennsylvania, extending about
one hundred and fifty miles in length, but in breadth not more than
one third of that extent. The climate, soil, and produce of these two
provinces, as well as of Pennsylvania, are similar. They yield great
quantities of grain, sheep, horses, hogs, and horned cattle; all kinds
of poultry and game in great abundance; vegetables of every sort in
perfection, and excellent fruit, particularly peaches and melons. Their
vast forests abound with oak, ash, beech, chesnut, cedar, walnut-tree,
cypress, hickory, sassafras, and pine; but the timber is not counted so
fit for shipping as that of New England and Nova Scotia. These provinces
produce great quantities of flax and hemp. New York affords mines of
iron, and very rich copper ore is found in New Jersey.

Pennsylvania, lying to the southward of New York and New Jersey, is
bounded on the other side by Maryland, stretching two hundred and fifty
miles in length, two hundred in breadth, and having no communication
with the sea, except by the mouth of the river Delaware. This province
was originally settled by Quakers, under the auspices of the celebrated
William Penn, whose descendants are still proprietaries of the country.
Philadelphia, the capital, stands on a tongue of land at the confluence
of the two navigable rivers, the Delaware and Sculkel, disposed in the
form of a regular oblong, and designed by the original plan to extend
from the one to the other. The streets, which are broad, spacious, and
uniform, cross each other at right angles, leaving proper spaces for
churches, markets, and other public edifices. The houses are neatly
built of brick, the quays spacious and magnificent, the warehouses
large and numerous, and the docks commodious and well contrived for ship
building. Pennsylvania is understood to extend as far northerly as
the banks of the lake Erie, where the French erected a fort. They also
raised another at some distance to the southward of the Riviere-au-Beuf,
and made other encroachments on this colony.

Adjoining to part of Pennsylvania, on the sea-coast, lies the province
of Maryland, a tract of land situated along the bay of Chesapeak,
in length about one hundred and forty miles, and nearly of the same
breadth, bounded on the north by Pennsylvania, on the east by the
Atlantic Ocean, and by the river Potowmack on the south. This country
was first planted with Roman catholics by lord Baltimore, to whom
Charles II. granted it by patent. In the sequel, however, people of all
religions were admitted into this settlement, and indulged with liberty
of conscience, and at present the reigning religion is that of the
English church. The climate is very sultry in summer, and not very
salubrious. The soil is fruitful, and produces a great quantity of
tobacca, which the people cultivate as their staple commodity. The seat
of government is established at Annapolis, a small town beautifully
situated on the river Patuxent.

Tracing the sea-coast still southerly, the next settlement is Virginia,
watered on the north by the river Potowmack, which is the boundary
between this and the colony last described, having the bay of Chesapeak
to the east, bounded on the south by Carolina, and extending westward
without any prescribed limits, though the plantations have reached no
farther than the great Allegany mountains; so that the province, as now
possessed, stretches in length above two hundred and forty miles, and
in breadth not above two hundred, lying between the fifty-fifth and
fortieth degrees of latitude. In sailing to Virginia, navigators steer
through a strait formed by two points, called the Capes, into the bay of
Chesapeak, a large inlet that runs three hundred miles into the country
from south to north, covered from the Atlantic Ocean by the eastern side
of Maryland, and a small portion of Virginia on the same peninsula. This
noble bay is about eighteen miles broad for a considerable space, and
seven at its narrowest part, yielding generally nine fathoms depth of
water; on both sides it receives many navigable rivers, those on the
Virginia side being known by the names of James River, York River, the
Rappahannock, and Potowmack. This country, especially towards the sea,
lies very low and swampy, and the soil is extremely fertile. The air
and weather are variable, the heats of summer excessive, the frosts of
winter sudden, and intensely cold; so that, upon the whole, the climate
is neither very agreeable nor healthy, the people being particularly
subject to agues and pleuritic disorders. The province abounds with vast
forests of timber; the plains are covered with a surprising luxuriancy
of vegetables, flowers, and flowering shrubs, diffusing the most
delicious fragrance. The ground yields plenty of corn, and every sort
of fruit in great abundance and perfection. Horned cattle and hogs
have here multiplied to admiration, since they were first imported from
Europe. The animals, natives of this and the neighbouring countries, are
deer, panthers or tigers, bears, wolves, foxes, squirrels, racoons, and
creatures called opossums, with an infinite variety of beautiful birds,
and a diversity of serpents, among which the rattlesnake is the most
remarkable.

Virginia is bounded to the south by the two Carolinas, situated between
the forty-sixth and thirty-first degrees of latitude; the length
amounting to upwards of four hundred miles, and the breadth extending
near three hundred, as far as the Indian nations called the Catawbas,
the Creeks, and Cherokees. The country of Carolina is divided into two
governments, of which the most northern is the most inconsiderable. The
climate in both is the same, as well as the soil: the first is warm,
though not unhealthy; the last extremely fertile, yielding every thing
in plenty which is produced in Virginia, besides abundance of excellent
oranges, and some commodities which are not found to the northward.
North Carolina, though not so opulent, is more populous than the
southern part. The colonists of North Carolina carry on a considerable
traffic in tar, pitch, turpentine, staves, shingles, lumber, corn, peas,
pork, and beef; tobacco, deer skins, indigo, wheat, rice, bee’s-wax,
tallow, bacon, and hog’s-lard, cotton, and squared timber; live cattle,
with the skins of beaver, racoon, fox, minx, wild-cat, and otter. South
Carolina is much better cultivated; the people are more civilized,
and the commerce more important. The capital of this province, called
Charles Town, is finely situated at the confluence of two navigable
rivers, having the advantage of a commodious harbour. Their trade,
exclusive of the articles we have already mentioned as common to this
government and that of North Carolina, consists of two chief staple
commodities, rice and indigo, which they cultivate with great success;
and they have likewise made some progress in the culture of silk.

The most southern of all our settlements on this coast is Georgia,
extending about sixty miles from north to South, along the sea-shore;
but widening in the inland parts to above one hundred and fifty,
and stretching almost three hundred from the sea to the Apalachian
mountains. This country differs very little from that of South Carolina,
with which it borders; yet the summer is here more hot, and the soil not
so fertile. Savannah, the capital, stands commodiously for trade, about
ten miles from the sea, on a river of the same name, navigable with
large boats two hundred miles farther up to the second town called
Augusta, a place that flourishes by the Indian trade of skins, which the
inhabitants carry on with their neighbours the Creeks, the Chickesaws,
and the Cherokees, who are the most numerous and powerful tribes in
America. Georgia is bounded on the south by the river Attamaha, at no
great distance from the Spanish fort of St. Augustine.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE FRENCH SURPRISE LOG’S TOWN.

Having thus exhibited a succinct view of the British colonies in North
America, for the information of the reader, we shall now resume the
thread of our history, and particularize the transactions by which
the present year was distinguished on this extensive continent. The
government of England having received nothing but evasive answers from
the court of France, touching the complaints that were made of the
encroachments in America, despatched orders to all the governors of
that country to repel force by force, and drive the French from their
settlements on the river Ohio. Accordingly, the provinces of Virginia
and Pennsylvania took this important affair into their consideration;
but while they deliberated, the French vigorously prosecuted their
designs on the other side of the mountains. They surprised Log’s Town,
which the Virginians had built upon the Ohio; made themselves masters
of the Block-house and Truck-house, where they found skins and other
commodities to the amount of twenty thousand pounds, and destroyed all
the British traders, except two who found means to escape. At the same
time, M. de Contrecour, with a thousand men and eighteen pieces of
cannon, arrived in three hundred canoes from Venango, a fort they had
raised on the banks of the Ohio, and reduced by surprise a British fort
which the Virginians had built on the forks of the Monangahela, that
runs into the same river.




CONFERENCE WITH THE INDIANS.

These hostilities were followed by divers skirmishes between the people
of the two nations, which were fought with various success. At length
the governors of the English settlements received orders from England to
form a political confederacy for their mutual defence; and the governor
of New York was directed to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations,
with a view to detach them from the French interest by dint of promises
and presents of value, sent over for that purpose. A congress was
accordingly appointed at Albany, to which place the governor of New
York repaired, accompanied by commissioners from all the other British
settlements; but a very small number of Indians arrived, and even these
seemed to be indifferent to the advances and exhortations that were made
by the English orator. The truth is, the French had artfully weaned them
from their attachment to the subjects of Great Britain. Nevertheless,
they accepted the presents, renewed their treaties with the king of
England, and even demanded his assistance in driving the French from the
posts and possessions they had usurped within the Indian territories. It
was in consequence of the measures here taken, that colonel Washington
was detached from Virginia with four hundred men, and occupied a post on
the banks of the river Ohio, where he threw up some works, and erected
a kind of occasional fort, in hopes of being able to defend himself in
that situation, until he should be joined by a reinforcement from New
York, which, how ever, did not arrive.




COLONEL WASHINGTON DEFEATED AND TAKEN BY THE FRENCH.

While he remained in this situation, de Viller, a French commander, at
the head of nine hundred men, being on his march to dislodge Washington,
detached one Jamonville, an inferior officer, with a small party, and
a formal summons to colonel Washington, requiring him to quit the fort,
which he pretended was built on ground belonging to the French, or their
allies. So little regard was paid to this intimation, that the English
fell upon this party, and, as the French affirm, without the least
provocation, either slew or took the whole detachment. De Viller,
incensed at these unprovoked hostilities, marched up to the attack,
which Washington for some time sustained under manifold disadvantages.
At length, however, he surrendered the fort upon capitulation, for the
performance of which he left two officers as hostages in the hands of
the French; and in his retreat was terribly harassed by the Indians,
who plundered his baggage, and massacred his people. This event was no
sooner known in England, than the British ambassador at Paris received
directions to complain of it to the French ministry, as an open
violation of the peace; but this representation had no effect.




DIVISIONS AMONG THE BRITISH COLONIES.

Both nations by this time foresaw that a rupture would be inevitable,
and each resolved to make suitable preparations. France continued to
send reinforcements of men, and supplies of ammunition to Quebec, for
the prosecution of her ambitious projects; and the ministry of Great
Britain transmitted salutary cautions to the governors of the provinces
in North America, exhorting them to join their endeavours for repelling
the incursions of the enemy. Such an union as seemed necessary for their
common preservation was not easily effected. The different colonies were
divided by different views and interests, both religious and political;
besides, every settlement was distracted into factions, formed by
the governor and the demagogues of the assembly; in other words, an
opposition like that in parliament, and a continual struggle between the
liberties of the people and the prerogative of the proprietor, whether
sovereign or subject. Mr. Dinwiddie, governor of Virginia, having
demanded a certain perquisite or fee for every patent he should pass for
land, the assembly voted his demand illegal, arbitrary, and oppressive.
They declared that every man who paid it should be deemed an enemy to
his country, and sent over an agent to London to solicit the suppression
of this imposition. The representatives of the people in Pennsylvania
wasted the time in vain deliberations and violent disputes with their
proprietors, while the enemy infested their frontiers. The colony of New
York was filled with discontent and animosity. Sir Danvers Osborn, who
had been appointed governor of this province, died immediately after his
arrival at New York, and the instructions he had received were exposed
to public censure. The preamble inveighed severely against the want of
duty, allegiance, loyalty, and unanimity, which had lately appeared so
notorious in the assembly of that province, who had violated the royal
commission and instructions, by assuming to themselves the power to
dispose of public money in the laws which they had occasionally passed.
This gentleman was, therefore, directed to insist upon the reformation
of all those public abuses, and upon the establishment of a certain
supply for the service of the government, as well as upon the settlement
of a salary for himself. Moreover, his majesty, in these instructions,
signified his will and pleasure, that all money raised for the supply
and support of government, or upon any emergency for immediate service,
should be disposed of and applied properly to the use for which it might
be granted, by warrant from the governor, by and with the advice
and consent of the council of the province, and no otherwise; that,
nevertheless, the assembly should be permitted, from time to time, to
view and examine the accounts of money disposed of, by virtue of laws
which they had enacted; that if any member of the council, or officer
holding place of trust or profit within the government, should, in any
manner whatever, give his assent to, or in anywise advise or concur with
the assembly in passing any act or vote, whereby the royal prerogative
might be lessened or impaired, or any money be raised or disposed of
for the public service, contrary to, or inconsistent with, the method
prescribed by these instructions, the governor should forthwith
remove or suspend such counsellor or officer so offending, and give an
immediate account of his proceedings to the commissioners of trade and
plantations. These were peremptory injunctions, which plainly proved
that the ministry was determined to support the prerogative with a
high hand; but it must be owned, at the same time, that abundance of
provocation had been given by the insolent opposition of some turbulent
individuals, who had exerted all their influence in disturbing and
distressing the views and designs of the government. While the British
colonies in America were, by these divisions, in a great measure
disabled from making vigorous efforts against the common enemy, the
administration at home began to exert itself for their defence..
Officers were appointed for two regiments, consisting of two battalions
each, to be raised in America, and commanded by sir William Pepperel and
governor Shirley, who had enjoyed the same command in the last war, and
a body of troops was destined for the same service.




HEREDITARY PRINCE OF HESSE-CASSEL PROFESSES THE CATHOLIC RELIGION.

The most remarkable incident that marked this year on the continent of
Europe, was the conversion of the hereditary prince of Hesse-Cassel,
who had espoused the princess Mary of England. He now declared himself a
Roman-catholic, and was supposed to have been cajoled to this profession
by the promises of certain powers, who flattered his ambition, in order
to weaken the protestant interest in Germany. His father, though deeply
affected by his son’s apostacy, did not fail to take immediate measures
for preventing the evil consequences which might otherwise have
flowed from his defection. He forthwith, assembled the states of the
landgraviate, in order to take such measures as might appear necessary
to maintain the religion, laws, and constitution of the country; and the
prince was laid under certain restrictions, which he did not find it
an easy task to set aside. It was enacted, that when the regency should
devolve to him by succession, he should not have it in his power to
alter the established laws, or grant any church to persons of the Roman
communion, for the public exercise of their religion; and that he should
be excluded from all share in the education of his sons, the eldest
of whom should be put in possession of the country of Hanau upon his
father’s accession to the regency of the landgraviate. These resolutions
were guaranteed by the kings of Prussia and Denmark, by the maritime
powers, and the evangelic body of the empire.




PARLIAMENT OF PARIS RECALLED FROM EXILE.

The exile of the parliament of Paris, far from having intimidated the
other tribunals from performing what they apprehended to be their duty,
served only to inflame the discontents of the people, and to animate
all the courts of justice to a full exertion of their authority. The
chatelot continued to prosecute those priests, who refused the sacrament
to persons whose consciences would not allow them to subscribe to the
bull Unigenitus, even after three of their members were sent to the
Bastile. The same prosecutions were carried on, and bold remonstrances
published by, the parliaments of Aix and Rouen. In a word, the whole
kingdom was filled with such confusion as threatened a total suppression
of justice, in a general spirit of disaffection and universal anarchy.
The prelates, meanwhile, seemed to triumph in the combustion they had
raised. They entered into associations to support each other; they
intrigued at court, and harassed the king with insolent declarations,
till he grew tired of their proceedings, and opened his eyes to the
fatal consequences of their pride and obstinacy. He even took an
opportunity of exhorting the archbishop of Paris to act more suitably to
the character of a clergyman. He recalled the parliament from exile,
and they returned in triumph, amidst the acclamations of the people,
who celebrated their arrival at Paris with the most extravagant
demonstrations of joy; and the archbishop, notwithstanding the king’s
express declaration to the contrary, still persisting in countenancing
the recusant priests, was banished to Conflans-sous-Charenton.




AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.

In Spain, the interest of Great Britain was so warmly espoused, and so
powerfully supported by Mr. Wall, who had been resident in England, that
the French party, though countenanced by the queen-mother, and sustained
with all the influence of the marquis de la Ensenada, the prime
minister, was totally defeated. The king being convinced that it would
be for the interest of his subjects to live on good terms with England,
and well apprized of Ensenada’s intrigues, ordered that minister to be
arrested and confined, and bestowed upon Mr. Wall the best part of his
employments. Nevertheless, the Spaniards in the West Indies continued
to oppress the subjects of Great Britain, employed in cutting logwood in
the bay of Honduras; and representations on this head being made to the
court of Madrid, the dispute was amicably adjusted between Mr. Wall
and sir Benjamin Keene, the British ambassador. While the interest of
Britain thus triumphed in Spain, it seemed to lose ground at the court
of Lisbon. His Portuguese majesty had formed vast projects of an active
commerce, and even established an East India company; in the meantime he
could not help manifesting his chagrin at the great quantities of gold
which were yearly exported from his dominions, as the balance due from
his subjects on English commodities. In his endeavours to check this
traffic, which he deemed so detrimental to his subjects, he inflicted
hardships on the British merchants settled at Lisbon: some were
imprisoned on frivolous pretences; others deprived of their property,
and obliged to quit the kingdom. He insisted upon laying an imposition
of two per cent, on all the Portuguese gold that should be exported;
but the profits of the trade would not bear such an exaction. Meanwhile,
there being a scarcity of corn in Portugal, the kingdom was supplied
from England; and the people having nothing but gold to purchase
this necessary supply, the king saw the necessity of conniving at the
exportation of his coin, and the trade reverted into its former channel.




SESSION OPENED.

On the fourteenth day of November, the king of Great Britain opened the
session of parliament with an harangue, which intimated nothing of
an approaching rupture. He said, that the general state of affairs in
Europe had undergone very little alteration since their last meeting;
that he had lately received the strongest assurances from his good
brother the king of Spain, of friendship and confidence, which he would
cultivate with harmony and good faith. He declared his principal view
should be to strengthen the foundation, and secure the duration of a
general peace; to improve the present advantages of it for promoting
the trade of his good subjects, and protecting those possessions which
constituted one great source of their wealth and commerce. Finally, he
exhorted them to complete their plan for appropriating the forfeited
estates in the highlands to the service of the public. He probably
avoided mentioning the encroachments of France, that he might supply
no handle for debates on the address, which was carried in both houses
almost without opposition. The government seemed determined to humble
the insolence of the French councils; and this disposition was so
agreeable to the people in general, that they grudged no expense, and
heartily concurred with the demands of the ministry.

The commons granted for the service of the ensuing year, four millions
seventy-three thousand seven hundred and twenty-nine pounds; one million
of that sum expressly given to enable his majesty to augment his forces
by land and sea. Thirty-two thousand pounds were allotted as a subsidy
to the king of Poland, and twenty thousand to the elector of Bavaria.
These gratifications met with little or no opposition in the committee
of supply; because it was taken for granted, that, in case of a rupture,
France would endeavour to avail herself of her superiority by land,
by invading his Britannic majesty’s German dominions; and therefore
it might be necessary to secure the assistance of such allies on the
continent. That they prognosticated aright, with respect to the designs
of that ambitious power, will soon appear in the course of this history;
which will also demonstrate how little dependence is to be placed upon
the professed attachment of subsidiary princes. The supplies were raised
by the standing branches of the revenue, the land-tax and malt-tax,
and a lottery for one million; one hundred thousand pounds of it to be
deducted for the service of the public, and the remaining nine hundred
thousand to be charged on the produce of the sinking-fund, at the rate
of three per cent, per annum, to commence from the fifth day of
January, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six. The civil
transactions of this session were confined to a few objects. Divers new
regulations were made for encouraging and improving the whale and white
herring fishery, as well as for finishing and putting in a proper state
of defence a new fort, lately built at Anamabo on the coast of Africa.




BILL IN BEHALF OF CHELSEA PENSIONERS.

Mr. Pitt, the paymaster-general of the forces, brought in a bill, which
will ever remain a standing monument of his humanity. The poor
disabled veterans who enjoyed the pension of Chelsea hospital, were so
iniquitously oppressed by a set of miscreants, who supplied them with
money per advance, at the most exorbitant rates of usury, that many of
them, with their families, were in danger of starving; and the intention
of government in granting such a comfortable subsistence, was in a great
measure defeated. Mr. Pitt, perceiving that this evil originally flowed
from the delay of the first payment, which the pensioner could not touch
till the expiration of a whole year after he had been put upon the list,
removed this necessity of borrowing, by providing in the bill, that half
a year’s pension should be advanced half a year before it is due; and
the practice of usury was effectually prevented by a clause, enacting,
that all contracts should be void by which any pension might be
mortgaged. This humane regulation was unanimously approved, and having
passed through both houses with uncommon expedition, received the royal
assent.

Notwithstanding the unanimity manifested by the commons, in every thing
relating to the measures for acting vigorously against the common enemy
of the nation, they were remarkably disturbed and divided by a contested
election of members for Oxfordshire. In the course of this dispute, the
strength and influence of what they called the old and new interest, or,
to speak more intelligibly, of the tories and whigs in that county, were
fully displayed. The candidates sustained on the shoulders of the
old interest, were lord viscount Wenman and sir James Dashwood: their
competitors, whom the new interest supported, and of consequence the
ministry countenanced, were lord Parker and sir Edward Turner. Never was
any contention of this kind maintained with more spirit and animosity,
or carried on at a greater expense. One would have imagined that each
side considered it as a dispute which must have determined whether the
nation should enjoy its ancient liberty, or tamely submit to the fetters
of corruption. Noblemen and gentlemen, clergymen and ladies, employed
all their talents and industry in canvassing for either side, throughout
every township and village in the county. Scandal emptied her whole
quiver of insinuation, calumny, and lampoon; corruption was not remiss
in promises and presents: houses of entertainment were opened; and
nothing was for some time to be seen but scenes of tumult, riot,
and intoxication. The revenue of many an independent prince on the
continent, would not have been sufficient to afford such sums of money
as were expended in the course of this dispute. At length they proceeded
to election, and the sheriff made a double return of all the four
candidates, so that not one of them could sit, and the county remained
without a representative until this ambiguous affair could be decided
in the house of commons. About the middle of November, petitions being
presented by the four candidates, as well as by the gentlemen, clergy,
and other freeholders of the county, complaining of an undue election,
and double return, the matter of these petitions was heard at the bar of
the house on the third day of December. The counsel for lord Wenman and
sir James Dashwood alleged that they had the majority of votes upon the
poll, and this circumstance was admitted by the counsel on the other
side; then they proceeded to prove by evidence, that, after closing
the poll, the sheriff declared the majority of votes to be in favour of
these two candidates, and adjourned the court from the twenty-third day
of April to the eighth of May; so that the scrutiny demanded and
granted on the behalf of lord Parker and sir Edward Turner could not
be discussed before the last day of the month, when the writ was
returnable; that the scrutiny did not begin till the ninth day of May,
when the time was protracted by disputes about the manner in which
it should be carried on; that lord Parker and sir Edward Turner were
allowed to object, through the whole poll, to the votes on the other
side, on pretence that their competitors should be permitted to answer
these objections, and, in their turn, object through the whole poll to
the voters for lord Parker and sir Edward Turner, who should, in
the last place, have leave to answer: that lord Wenman and sir James
Dashwood had disapproved of this method, because they apprehended
it might induce their competitors to make such a number of frivolous
objections, that they should not have time to answer one half of them,
much less to make objections of their own before the writ should be
returned: that they foresaw such a number of frivolous objections were
made, as engrossed the attention of the court till the twenty-seventh
day of May; so that they could not begin to answer any of these
objections till the twenty-eighth; and on the thirtieth, the sheriff,
having closed the scrutiny, made the double return. The proof being
exhibited, the counsel insisted, that as they had established a majority
on the poll, and demonstrated that this majority neither was nor could
be overthrown by such an unfinished scrutiny, it was incumbent on the
other side to proceed upon the merits of the election, by endeavouring
to overthrow that majority of which their clients were in possession. A
question in the house being carried to the same purpose, lord Wenman
and sir James Dashwood objected to five hundred and thirty voters on
the other side, whom they proposed to disqualify. Their counsel examined
several witnesses, to prove the partiality of the sheriff in favour of
lord Parker and sir Edward Turner, and to detect these candidates in the
practice of bribery; for which purpose they produced a letter in their
own handwriting.

{1755}

They afterwards proceeded to disqualify particular voters, and summed up
their evidence on the twenty-first day of January. Then the counsel for
the other side began to refute the charge of partiality and corruption;
and to answer the objections that had been made to particular voters.
They produced evidence to prove, that customary freeholds, or customary
holdings, had voted in elections in the counties at Glamorgan, Monmouth,
Gloucester, Wells, and Hereford; and that the customary tenants of the
manor of Woodstock, in Oxfordshire, had been reputed capable of voting,
and even voted at elections for that county. In a word, they continued
to examine evidences, argue and refute, prove and disprove, until the
twenty-third day of April, when, after some warm debates and divisions
in the house, lord Parker and sir Edward Turner were declared duly
elected; and the clerk of the crown was ordered to amend the return,
by erasing the names of lord Wenman and sir James Dashwood. Many, who
presumed to think for themselves, without recollecting the power and
influence of the administration, were astonished at the issue of this
dispute, which, however, might have easily been foreseen; inasmuch,
as, during the course of the proceedings, most if not all of the many
questions debated in the house, were determined by a great majority
in favour of the new interest. A great number of copyholders had been
admitted to vote at this election, and the sheriff incurred no censure
for allowing them to take the oath appointed by law to be taken by
freeholders: nevertheless, the commons carefully avoided determining
the question, whether copyholders possessed of the yearly value of forty
shillings, clear of all deductions, have not a right to vote for knights
to represent the shire within which their copyhold estates are situated?
This point being left doubtful by the legislature, puts it often in the
power of the sheriff to return which of the candidates he pleases to
support; for if the majority of the voting copyholders adheres to the
interest of his favourite, he will admit their votes both on the poll
and the scrutiny; whereas, should they be otherwise disposed, he will
reject them as unqualified What effect this practice may have upon the
independency of parliament, every person must perceive who reflects,
that, in almost all the counties of England, the high sheriffs are
annually appointed by the minister for the time being.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MESSAGE FROM THE KING TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The attention of the legislature was chiefly turned upon the conduct of
France, which preserved no medium, but seemed intent upon striking some
important blow, that might serve as a declaration of war. At Brest, and
other ports in that kingdom, the French were employed in equipping a
powerful armament, and made no scruple to own it was intended for North
America. Towards the latter end of March, sir Thomas Eobinson, secretary
of state, brought a message from the king to the parliament, intimating,
that his majesty having at the beginning of the session declared his
principal object was to preserve the public tranquillity, and at the
same time to protect those possessions which constitute one great source
of the commerce and wealth of his kingdoms, he now found it necessary
to acquaint the house of commons, that the present situation of affairs
made it requisite to augment his forces by sea and land, and to take
such other measures as might best tend to preserve the general peace
of Europe, and secure the just rights and possessions of his crown in
America, as well as to repel any attempts whatsoever that might be made
to support or countenance any designs which should be formed against his
majesty and his kingdoms; and his majesty doubted not but his faithful
commons, on whose affection and zeal he entirely relied, would enable
him to make such augmentations, and to take such measures for supporting
the honour of his crown, and the true interest of his people, and for
the security of his dominions in the present critical conjuncture, as
the exigency of affairs might require; in doing which his majesty
would have as much regard to the ease of his good subjects as should be
consistent with their safety and welfare. In answer to this message, a
very warm and affectionate address was presented to his majesty; and
it was on this occasion that the million was granted for augmenting his
forces by sea and land. [357] _[See note 2 X at the end of this Vol.]_
The court of Versailles, notwithstanding the assiduity and despatch
which they were exerting in equipping armaments, and embarking troops,
for the support of their ambitious schemes in America, still continued
to amuse the British ministry with general declarations, that no
hostility was intended, nor the least infringement of the treaty.




COURT OF VERSAILLES AMUSES THE ENGLISH MINISTRY.

The earl of Albemarle, the English ambassador at Paris, having lately
died in that city, these assurances were communicated to the court of
London by the marquis de Mirepoix, who resided in England with the same
character which he had supported since his first arrival, with equal
honour and politeness. On this occasion he himself was so far imposed
upon by the instructions he had received, that he believed the
professions of his court were sincere, and seriously endeavoured to
prevent a rupture between the two nations. At length, however, their
preparations were so notorious that he began to suspect the consequence;
and the English ministry produced such proofs of their insincerity
and double dealing, that he seemed to be struck with astonishment and
chagrin. He repaired to France, and upbraided the ministry of Versailles
for having made him the tool of their dissimulation. They referred him
to the king, who ordered him to return to London, with fresh assurances
of his pacific intentions; but his practice agreed so ill with his
professions, that the ambassador had scarce obtained an audience to
communicate them, when undoubted intelligence arrived, that a powerful
armament was ready to sail from Brest and Rochfort. The government of
Great Britain, roused by this information, immediately took the most
expeditious methods for equipping a squadron; and towards the latter end
of April, admiral Boscawen sailed with eleven ships of the line and one
frigate, having on board a considerable number of land forces, to attend
the motions of the enemy; but more certain and particular intelligence
arriving soon after touching the strength of the French fleet, which
consisted of twenty-five ships of the line, besides frigates and
transports, with a great quantity of warlike stores, and four thousand
regular troops, commanded by the baron Dieskau, admiral Holbourne was
detached with six ships of the line, and one frigate, to reinforce Mr.
Boscawen; and a great number of capital ships were put in commission.
In the beginning of May the French fleet, commanded by Mr. Macnamara, an
officer of Irish extraction, sailed from Brest, directing his course
to North America; but, after having proceeded beyond the chops of the
English channel, he returned with nine of the capital ships, while the
rest of the armament continued their course, under the direction of M.
Bois de la Mothe.




SESSION CLOSED.

On the twenty-fifth day of April the king went to the house of lords,
where, after giving the royal assent to the bills then depending;
for granting a certain sum out of the sinking fund for the relief of
insolvent debtors, for the better regulation of marine forces on shore,
for the better raising of marines and seamen, and to several other
public and private bills; his majesty put an end to the session of
parliament by a speech, in which he acquainted the two houses, that the
zeal they had shown for supporting the honour, rights, and possessions
of his crown, had afforded him the greatest satisfaction; that his
desire to preserve the public tranquillity had been sincere and uniform;
that he had religiously adhered to the stipulations of the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle, and made it his care not to injure or offend any power
whatsoever; but that he never could entertain a thought of purchasing
the name of peace at the expense of suffering encroachments upon, or of
yielding up, what justly belonged to Great Britain, either by ancient
possession or by solemn treaties; that the vigour and firmness of his
parliament, on this important occasion, had enabled him to be prepared
for such contingencies as might happen; that if reasonable and
honourable terms of accommodation could be agreed upon, he would be
satisfied, and, at all events, rely on the justice of his cause,
the effectual support of his people, and the protection of Divine
Providence. The parliament was then prorogued to the twenty-seventh of
May.




CHAPTER X.

     _Preparations for War..... Earl Paulet’s Motion against the
     King’s going to Hanover..... Regency appointed during his
     Majesty’s Absence..... Boscawen’s Expedition..... Alcide and
     Lys taken..... French Ambassador recalled..... Their Trade
     greatly distressed..... Affairs of the English in
     America..... Col. Monckton takes Beau-Sejour..... General
     Braddock’s unfortunate Expedition..... He falls into an
     Ambuscade; is defeated, and killed..... Disagreement between
     the Governor and Assembly of Pennsylvania..... Expedition
     against Crown Point and Niagara resolved on..... Gen.
     Johnson encamps at lake George..... where he is attacked by
     the French, who are entirely defeated..... Bravery of
     Captain M’Ginnes..... Gen. Johnson created a Baronet.....
     Description of Fort Oswego and Lake Ontario..... Neglect of
     the English in not fortifying it..... Expedition against
     Niagara..... Gen. Shirley returns to Albany..... End of the
     Campaign in America......Fruitless Intrigues of the French
     in Spain and Germany..... Treaty of the King of Great
     Britain with the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel..... News of the
     Capture of the Alcide and Lys reaches England..... The King
     returns from Hanover, and concludes a Treaty with
     Russia..... Declaration of the French Ministry at the Court
     of Vienna..... Spirited Declaration of the King of
     Prussia..... The French make another unsuccessful Attempt
     upon the Court of Spain..... The Imperial Court refuses
     Auxiliaries to England..... The French take the Blandford
     Man of War, but return it..... State of the English and
     French Navies.....  Session opened..... Remarkable Addresses
     of the Lords and Commons..... His Majesty’s Answer.....
     Alterations in the Ministry..... Mr. Fox made Secretary of
     State..... Supplies voted..... Earthquake at Lisbon.....
     Relief voted by Parliament to the Portuguese..... Troops,
     &c, voted..... Mutiny Bill, Marine, and Mariners’ Acts
     continued..... Act for raising a Regiment of Foot in North
     America..... Maritime Laws of England extended to
     America..... Quiet of Ireland restored..... Treaty concluded
     with Prussia..... New   Militia   Bill passed by the
     Commons, but rejected by the Lords..... Session closed_




PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.

Whilst all Europe was in suspense about the fate of the English and
French squadrons, preparations for a vigorous sea war were going forward
in England with an unparalleled spirit and success. Still the French
court flattered itself that Great Britain, out of tenderness to his
majesty’s German dominions, would abstain from hostilities. Mirepoix
continued to have frequent conferences with the British ministry, who
made no secret that their admirals, particularly Boscawen, had orders
to attack the French ships wherever they should meet them; on the other
hand, Mons. de Mirepoix declared, that his master would consider the
first gun fired at sea in an hostile manner as a declaration of war.
This menace, far from intimidating the English, animated them to
redouble their preparations for war. The press for seamen was carried
on with extraordinary vigour in all parts of this kingdom, as well as in
Ireland; and great premiums were given not only by the government,
but also, over and above his majesty’s bounty, by almost all the
considerable cities and towns in England, to such as should enlist
voluntarily for sailors or soldiers. Other branches of the public
service went on with equal alacrity; and such was the eagerness of
the people to lend their money to the government, that instead of one
million, which was to be raised by way of lottery, three millions eight
hundred and eighty thousand pounds were subscribed immediately.




EARL PAULET’S MOTION.

The situation of affairs requiring his majesty to go to Germany this
summer, great apprehensions arose in the minds of many, lest the French
should either intercept him in his journey, or prevent his return. Earl
Paulet had made a motion in the house of lords, humbly to represent to
his majesty, “That it was an article in the original act of settlement
by which the succession of these kingdoms devolved to his electoral
house, that the king should not go to his foreign dominions without
the consent of parliament; and that this was a principal article in the
compact between the crown and the people; that though this article was
repealed in the late reign, yet, till of late, it had always been the
custom for his majesty to acquaint the parliament with his intended
departure to his German dominions, both in regard to the true sense
and spirit of the act that placed him on the throne, as well as for the
paternal kindness of his royal heart, and the condescension he had
been so good to show to his parliament on all occasions; but that his
majesty’s declaration of his design to visit his electoral estates had
always come on the last day of a session, when it was too late for the
great constitutional council of the crown to offer such advice as might
otherwise have been expedient and necessary; that his majesty’s leaving
his kingdoms in a conjuncture so pregnant with distress, so denunciative
of danger, would not only give the greatest advantage to such as
might be disposed to stir up disaffection and discontent, and to the
constitutional and national enemies of England; but would also fill his
loyal subjects with the most affecting concern, and most gloomy fears,
as well for their own safety, as for that of their sovereign, whose
invaluable life, at all times of the utmost consequence to his people,
was then infinitely so, by reason of his great experience, the
affection of every one to his royal person, and the minority of the heir
apparent.” Such was the purport of this motion; but it was not seconded
by any of the other lords.




REGENCY APPOINTED.

The general uneasiness, on account of his majesty’s departure, was
greatly increased by an apprehension that there would, during his
absence, be no good agreement amongst the regency, which consisted of
the following persons: his royal highness William duke of Cumberland;
Thomas lord archbishop of Canterbury; Philip earl of Hardwicke, lord
high chancellor; John earl of Granville, president of the council;
Charles duke of Marlborough, lord privy-seal; John duke of Rutland,
steward of the household; Charles duke of Grafton, lord-chamberlain;
Archibald duke of Argyle; the duke of Newcastle, first commissioner
to the treasury; the duke of Dorset, master of the horse; the earl of
Holdernesse, one of the secretaries of state; the earl of Rochford,
groom of the stole; the marquis of Hartington, lord lieutenant of
Ireland; lord Anson, first commissioner of the admiralty; sir Thomas
Eobinson, secretary of state; and Henry Fox, esq., secretary at war. His
majesty set out from St. James’ on the twenty-eighth of April early in
the morning, and embarked at Harwich in the afternoon, landed the next
day at Helvoetsluys, and arrived in Hanover on the second of May.




BOSCAWEN’S EXPEDITION.

Admiral Boscawen, with eleven ships of the line and a frigate, having
taken on board two regiments at Plymouth, sailed from thence on the
twenty-seventh of April for the banks of Newfoundland, and in a few days
after his arrival there, the French fleet from Brest came to the same
station, under the command of M. Bois de la Mothe. But the thick fogs
which prevail upon these coasts, especially at that time of the year,
kept the two armaments from seeing each other; and part of the French
squadron escaped up the river St. Lawrence, whilst another part of
them went round, and got into the same river through the straits of
Belleisle, by a way which was never known to be attempted before by
ships of the line. However, whilst the English fleet lay off Cape Race,
which is the southernmost point of Newfoundland, and was thought to be
the most proper situation for intercepting the enemy, two French ships,
the Alcide, of sixty-four guns and four hundred and eighty men, and the
Lys, pierced for fifty-four guns, but mounting only twenty-two, having
eight companies of land-forces on board, being separated from the rest
of their fleet in the fog, fell in with the Dunkirk, captain Howe,
and the Defiance, captain Andrews, two sixty gun ships of the English
squadron; and after a smart engagement, which lasted some hours, and in
which captain (afterwards lord) Howe behaved with the greatest skill
and intrepidity, were both taken, with several considerable officers and
engineers, and about eight thousand pounds in money. Though the capture
of these ships, from which the commencement of the war may in fact be
dated, fell greatly short of what was hoped for from this expedition;
yet, when the news of it reached England, it was of infinite service to
the public credit of every kind, and animated the whole nation, who
now saw plainly that the government was determined to keep no further
measures with the French, but justly to repel force by force, and put
a stop to their sending more men and arms to invade the property of the
English in America, as they had hitherto done with impunity. The French,
who, for some time, did not even attempt to make reprisals on our
shipping, would gladly have chosen to avoid a war at that time, and to
have continued extending their encroachments on our settlements, till
they had executed their grand plan of securing a communication from
the Mississippi to Canada, by a line of forts, many of which they had
already erected.




FRENCH AMBASSADOR RECALLED.

Upon the arrival of the news of this action at Paris, the French
ambassador, M. de Mirepoix, was recalled from London, and M. de Bussy
from Hanover, where he had just arrived, to attend the king of England
in a public character. They complained loudly of Boscawen’s attacking
the ships, as a breach of national faith; but it was justly retorted on
the part of England, that their encroachments in America had rendered
reprisals both justifiable and necessary. The resolution of making them
was the effect of mature deliberation in the English council. The vast
increase of the French marine of late years, which in all probability
would soon be employed against Great Britain, occasioned an order for
making reprisals general in Europe as well as in America; and that all
French ships, whether outward or homeward bound, should be stopped, and
brought into British ports. To give the greater weight to these orders,
it was resolved to send out those admirals who had distinguished
themselves most towards the end of the last war. Accordingly, on
the twenty-first of July, sir Edward Hawke sailed on a cruise to the
westward, with eighteen ships of the line, a frigate, and a sloop; but,
not meeting with the French fleet, these ships returned to England
about the latter end of September and the beginning of October; on the
fourteenth of which last month another fleet, consisting of twenty-two
ships of the line, two frigates, and two sloops, sailed again on a
cruise to the westward, under admiral Byng, in hopes of intercepting the
French squadron under Duguay, and likewise that commanded by La Mothe,
in case of its return from America. But this fleet likewise returned to
Spithead on the twenty-second of November, without having been able
to effect any thing, though it was allowed by all that the admiral had
acted judiciously in the choice of his stations.

While these measures were pursued, for the general security of the
British coasts and trade in Europe, several new ships of war were begun,
and finished with the utmost expedition, in his majesty’s docks: twelve
frigates and sloops, contracted for in private yards, were completed by
the month of August; and twenty-four ships and twelve colliers were then
taken into the service of the government, to be fitted out as vessels
of war, to carry twenty guns and one hundred and twenty men each. In the
meantime the French trade was so annoyed by the English cruisers, that
before the end of this year three hundred of their merchant ships, many
of which, from St. Domingo and Martinique, were extremely rich, and
eight thousand of their sailors were brought into English ports.
By these captures the British ministry answered many purposes: they
deprived the French of a great body of seamen, and withheld from them a
very large property, the want of which greatly distressed their people,
and ruined many of their traders. Their outward-bound merchant ships
were insured at the rate of thirty per cent., whilst the English paid no
more than the common insurance. This intolerable burden was felt by all
degrees of people amongst them: their ministry was publicly reviled,
even by their parliaments; and the French name, from being the terror,
began to be the contempt of Europe. Their uneasiness was also not a
little heightened by new broils between their king and the parliament
of Paris, occasioned by the obstinacy of the clergy of that kingdom,
who seemed determined to support the church, in all events, against the
secular tribunals, and as much as possible to enforce the observance
of the bull Unigenitus, which had long been the occasion of so many
disputes among them. However, the parliament continuing firm, and the
French king approving of its conduct, the ecclesiastics thought proper
to submit for the present, and in their general assembly this year,
granted him a free gift of sixteen millions of livres, which he demanded
of them--a greater sum than they had ever given before, even in time of
war.




AFFAIRS OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA.

In the beginning of this year the assembly of Massachusetts Bay in New
England, passed an act prohibiting all correspondence with the French at
Louisbourg; and early in the spring they raised a body of troops, which
was transported to Nova Scotia, to assist lieutenant-governor Laurence
in driving the French from the encroachments they had made upon that
province. Accordingly, towards the end of May, the governor sent a large
detachment of troops, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Monckton,
upon this service; and three frigates and a sloop were despatched up
the bay of Fundy, under the command of captain Rous, to give their
assistance by sea. The troops, upon their arrival at the river
Massaguash, found the passage stopped by a large number of regular
forces, rebel neutrals, or Acadians, and Indians, four hundred and
fifty of whom occupied a block-house, with cannon mounted on their side
of the river; and the rest were posted within a strong breast-work of
timber, thrown up by way of outwork to the block-house. The English
provincials attacked this place with such spirit, that the enemy were
obliged to fly, and leave them in possession of the breast-work; then
the garrison in the block-house deserted it, and left the passage of the
river free. From thence colonel Monckton advanced to the French fort of
Beau-Sejour, which he invested, as far at least as the small number of
his troops would permit, on the twelfth of June; and after four days
bombardment, obliged it to surrender, though the French had twenty-six
pieces of cannon mounted, and plenty of ammunition, and the English had
not yet placed a single cannon upon their batteries. The garrison was
sent to Louisbourg, on condition of not bearing arms in America for the
space of six months; and the Acadians, who had joined the French,
were pardoned, in consideration of their having been forced into that
service. Colonel Monckton, after putting a garrison into this place,
and changing its name to that of Cumberland, the next day attacked and
reduced the other French fort upon the river Gaspereau, which runs into
Bay Verte; where he likewise found a large quantity of provisions and
stores of all kinds, that being the chief magazine for supplying
the French Indians and Acadians with arms, ammunition, and other
necessaries. He then disarmed these last, to the number of fifteen
thousand; and in the meantime, captain Rous with his ships sailed to
the mouth of the river St. John, to attack the new fort the French had
erected there; but they saved him that trouble, by abandoning it
upon his appearance, after having burst their cannon, blown up their
magazine, and destroyed, as far as they had time, all the works they had
lately raised. The English had but twenty men killed, and about the same
number wounded, in the whole of this expedition, the success of which
secured the tranquillity of Nova Scotia.




BRADDOCK’S UNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION.

While the new Englanders were thus employed in reducing the French in
Nova Scotia, preparations were made in Virginia for attacking them upon
the Ohio. A fort was built, which was likewise called Fort Cumberland,
and a camp formed at Will’s-Creek. On the fourteenth of January of
this year, major-general Brad-dock, with colonel Dunbar’s and colonel
Halket’s regiments of foot, sailed from Cork, in Ireland, for Virginia,
where they all landed safe before the end of February. This general
might consequently have entered upon action early in the spring, had
he not been unfortunately delayed by the Virginian contractors for the
army, who, when he was ready to march, had neither provided a sufficient
quantity of provisions for his troops, nor a competent number of
carriages for his army. This accident was foreseen by almost every
person who knew any thing of our plantations upon the continent of
America; for the people of Virginia, who think of no produce but their
tobacco, and do not raise corn enough even for their own subsistence,
being, by the nature of their country, well provided with the
conveniency of water conveyance, have but few wheel carriages, or beasts
of burden; whereas Pennsylvania, which abounds in corn, and most other
sorts of provisions, has but little water-carriage, especially in its
western settlements, where its inhabitants have great numbers of carts,
waggons, and horses. Mr. Braddock should therefore certainly, in point
of prudence, have landed in Pennsylvania: the contract for supplying his
troops should have been made with some of the chief planters there, who
could easily have performed their engagements; and if his camp had been
formed near Frank’s Town, or somewhere upon the south-west borders of
that province, he would have had but eighty miles to march from thence
to Fort Du Quesne, instead of an hundred and thirty miles that he had
to advance from Will’s-Creek, where he did encamp, through roads neither
better nor more practicable than the other would have been. This error,
in the very beginning of the expedition, whether owing to an injudicious
preference fondly given to the Virginians in the lucrative job of
supplying these troops, or to any other cause, delayed the march of
the army for some weeks, during which it was in the utmost distress
for necessaries of all kinds; and would probably have defeated the
expedition entirely for that summer, had not the contractors found means
to procure some assistance from the back settlements of Pennsylvania.
But even when these supplies did arrive, they consisted of only fifteen
waggons, and an hundred draft horses, instead of an hundred and fifty
waggons and three hundred horses, which the Virginian contractors had
engaged to furnish, and the provisions were so bad that they could not
be used. However, some gentlemen in Pennsylvania, being applied to in
this exigency, amply made up for these deficiencies, and the troops were
by this means supplied with every thing they wanted. Another, and still
more fatal error was committed in the choice of the commander for
this expedition. Major-general Braddock, who was appointed to it, was
undoubtedly a man of courage, and expert in all the punctilios of
a review, having been brought up in the English guards; but he was
naturally very haughty, positive, and difficult of access; qualities ill
suited to the temper of the people amongst whom he was to command. His
extreme severity in matters of discipline had rendered him unpopular
among the soldiers; and the strict military education in which he had
been trained from his youth, and which he prided himself on scrupulously
following, made him hold the American militia in great contempt, because
they could not go through their exercise with the same dexterity and
regularity as a regiment of guards in Hyde Park, little knowing,
or indeed being able to form any idea of the difference between the
European manner of fighting, and an American expedition through woods,
deserts, and morasses. Before he left England, he received, in the
hand-writing of colonel Napier, a set of instructions from the duke of
Cumberland. By these, the attempt upon Niagara was in a great measure
referred to him, and the reduction of Crown Point was to be left chiefly
to the provincial forces. But above all, his royal highness, both
verbally and in this writing, frequently cautioned him carefully to
beware of an ambush or surprise. Instead of regarding this salutary
caution, his conceit of his own abilities made him disdain to ask the
opinion of any under his command; and the Indians, who would have been
his safest guards against this danger in particular, were so disgusted
by the haughtiness of his behaviour, that most of them forsook his
banners. Under these disadvantages he began his march from Fort
Cumberland on the tenth of June, at the head of about two thousand two
hundred men, for the meadows, where colonel Washington was defeated the
year before. Upon his arrival there, he was informed that the French at
Fort du Quesne, which had lately been built on the same river, near
its confluence with the Monangahela, expected a reinforcement of five
hundred regular troops: therefore, that he might march with a greater
despatch, he left colonel Dunbar with eight hundred men, to bring up
the provisions, stores, and heavy baggage, as fast as the nature of the
service would permit; and with the other twelve hundred, together with
ten pieces of cannon, and the necessary ammunition, and provisions,
he marched on with so much expedition, that he seldom took any time
to reconnoitre the woods or thickets he was to pass through; as if the
nearer he approached the enemy, the farther he was removed from danger.

On the eighth of July, he encamped within ten miles of Fort du Quesne.
Though colonel Dunbar was then near forty miles behind him, and his
officers, particularly sir Peter Halket, earnestly entreated him to
proceed with caution, and to employ the friendly Indians who were with
him, by way of advanced guard, in case of ambuscades; yet he resumed
his march the next day, without so much as endeavouring to obtain any
intelligence of the situation or disposition of the enemy, or even
sending out any scouts to visit the woods and thickets on both sides of
him, as well as in front. With this carelessness he was advancing,
when, about noon, he was saluted with a general fire upon his front,
and all along his left flank, from an enemy so artfully concealed
behind the trees and bushes, that not a man of them could be seen. The
vanguard immediately fell back upon the main body, and in an instant
the panic and confusion became general; so that most of the troops fled
with great precipitation, notwithstanding all that their officers, some
of whom behaved very gallantly, could do to stop their career. As to
Braddock himself, instead of scouring the thickets and bushes from
whence the fire came, with grape shot from the ten pieces of cannon he
had with him, or ordering flanking parties of his Indians to advance
against the enemy, he obstinately remained upon the spot where he was,
and gave orders for the few brave officers and men who staid with him,
to form regularly, and advance. Meanwhile his men fell thick about him,
and almost all his officers were singled out, one after another, and
killed or wounded; for the Indians, who always take aim when they fire,
and aim chiefly at the officers, distinguished them by their dress. At
last, the general, whose obstinacy seemed to increase with the danger,
after having had some horses shot under him, received a musket shot
through the right arm and lungs, of which he died in a few hours,
having been carried off the field by the bravery of lieutenant-colonel
Gage, another of his officers. When he dropped, the confusion of the
few that remained turned it into a downright and very disorderly flight
across a river which they had just passed, though no enemy appeared, or
attempted to attack them. All the artillery, ammunition, and baggage of
the army were left to the enemy, and, among the rest, the general’s
cabinet, with all his letters and instructions, which the French court
afterwards made great use of in their printed memorials or manifestoes.
The loss of the English in this unhappy affair amounted to seven
hundred men. Their officers, in particular, suffered much more than in
the ordinary proportion of batteries in Europe. Sir Peter Halket fell
by the very first fire, at the head of his regiment; and the general’s
secretary, son to governor Shirley, was killed soon after. Neither the
number of men which the enemy had in this engagement, nor the loss
which they sustained, could be so much as guessed at; but the French
afterwards gave out, that their number did not, in the whole, exceed
four hundred men, mostly Indians; and that their loss was quite
inconsiderable, as it probably was, because they lay concealed in such
a manner that the English knew not whither to point their muskets. The
panic of these last continued so long, that they never stopped till
they met the rear division; and even then they infected those troops
with their terrors; so that the army retreated without stopping, till
they reached Fort Cumberland, though the enemy did not so much as
attempt to pursue, nor ever appeared in sight, either in the battle, or
after the defeat. On the whole, this was perhaps the most extraordinary
victory that ever was obtained, and the farthest flight that ever was
made.

Had the shattered remains of this army continued at Fort Cumberland, and
fortified themselves there, as they might easily have done, during the
rest of the summer, they would have been such a check upon the French
and their scalping Indians, as would have prevented many of those
ravages that were committed in the ensuing winter upon the western
borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania; but, instead of taking that
prudent step, their commander left only the sick and wounded at that
fort, under the protection of two companies of the provincial militia,
posted there by way of garrison, and began his march on the second of
August, with about sixteen hundred men, for Philadelphia; where those
troops could be of no immediate service. From thence they were ordered
away to Albany, in New York, by general Shirley, on whom the chief
command of the troops in America had devolved by the death of
major-general Braddock. Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, were by
these means left entirely to the care of themselves, which they might
have done effectually, had they been united in their councils; but the
usual disputes between their governors and assemblies, defeated every
salutary plan that was proposed. Pennsylvania, the most powerful of the
three, was rendered quite impotent, either for its own defence or that
of its neighbours, by these unhappy contests; though, at last, the
assembly of that province, sensible of the danger to which they were
exposed, and seeing the absolute necessity of providing a standing
military force, and of erecting some forts to defend their western
frontier, passed a bill for raising fifty thousand pounds. But even
this sum, small as it was, even to a degree of ridicule, considering the
richness of the province and the extent of its frontier, could not be
obtained; the governor positively refusing to give his assent to the
act of the assembly, because they had taxed the proprietaries estates
equally with those of the inhabitants, which, he said, he was ordered
by his instructions, not to consent to, nor indeed any new tax upon the
proprietaries: and the assembly, consisting chiefly of members whose
estates lay in the eastern or interior parts of the province, as
positively refusing to alter their bill. One would be apt to think,
that, in a case of such urgent necessity, the governor might have
ventured to give his assent to the bill under a protest, that it should
not prejudice the rights of the proprietaries upon any future occasion;
but as he did not, the bill was dropped, and the province left
defenceless; by which means it afterwards suffered severely, to the
destruction of many of the poor inhabitants upon the western frontier,
and to the impressing the Indians with a contemptible opinion of the
English, and the highest esteem of the French.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




EXPEDITION AGAINST CROWN POINT AND NIAGARA RESOLVED ON.

Our colonies to the north of Pennsylvania were more active, and more
successful in their preparations for war. New York, following the
example of New England, passed an act to prohibit the sending of
provisions to any French port or settlement on the continent of North
America, or any of the adjacent islands; and also for raising forty-five
thousand pounds, on estates real and personal, for the better defence of
their colony, which lay more exposed than any other to a French invasion
from Crown Point. However, this sum, great as it might seem to them,
was far from being sufficient; nor, indeed, could they have provided
properly for their security, without the assistance of our other
colonies to the east of them; but with their help, and the additional
succour of the small body of regular troops expected under Colonel
Dunbar, they boldly resolved upon offensive measures, which when
practicable are always the safest; and two expeditions, one against the
French fort at Crown Point, and the other against their fort at Niagara,
between the lakes Ontario and Erie, were set on foot at the same time.
The former of these expeditions was appointed to be executed under the
command of general Johnson, a native of Ireland, who had long resided
upon the Mohawk river, in the western parts of New York, where he had
acquired a considerable estate, and was universally beloved, not only by
the inhabitants, but also by the neighbouring Indians, whose language he
had learnt, and whose affections he had gained by his humanity towards
them. The expedition against Niagara was commanded by general Shirley
himself.

The rendezvous of the troops for both these expeditions was appointed to
be at Albany, where most of them arrived before the end of June; but the
artillery, batteaux, provisions, and other necessaries for the attempt
upon Crown Point, could not be prepared till the eighth of August, when
general Johnson set out with them from Albany for the Carrying-place
from Hudson’s river to Lake George. There the troops had already
arrived, under the command of major-general Lyman, and consisted of
between five and six thousand men, besides Indians, raised by the
governments of Boston, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and New
York. Every thing was then prepared as fast as possible for a march; and
towards the end of the month, general Johnson advanced about fourteen
miles forward with his troops, and encamped in a very strong situation,
covered on each side by a thick wooded swamp, by Lake George in his
rear, and by a breast-work of trees, cut down for that purpose, in
his front. Here he resolved to wait the arrival of his batteaux, and
afterwards to proceed to Ticonderoga, at the other end of the lake, from
whence it was but about fifteen miles to the fort at the south end of
Lake Colaer, or Champlain, called Fort Frederick by the French, and by
us Crown Point. Whilst he was thus encamped, some of his Indian scouts,
of which he took care to send out numbers along both sides, and to
the farther end of Lake George, brought him intelligence that
a considerable number of the enemy were then on their march from
Ticonderoga, by the way of the south bay, towards the fortified
encampment, since called Fort Edward, which general Lyman had built
at the Carrying-place; and in which four or five hundred of the New
Hampshire and New York men had been left as a garrison. Upon this
information general Johnson sent two expresses, one after the other,
to colonel Blanchard their commander, with orders to call in all his
out-parties, and to keep his whole force within the intrenchments. About
twelve o’clock at night, those who had been sent upon the second express
returned with an account of their having seen the enemy within four
miles of the camp at the Carrying-place, which they scarcely doubted
their having by that time attacked. Important as the defence of this
place was for the safety of the whole army, and imminent as the danger
seemed to be, it does not appear that the general then called any
council of war, or resolved upon any thing for its relief; but early the
next morning he called a council, wherein it was unadvisedly resolved
to detach a thousand men, with a number of Indians, to intercept, or, as
the general’s expression was in his letter, to catch the enemy in
their retreat, either as victors, or as defeated in their design. This
expedient was resolved on, though no one knew the number of the enemy,
nor could obtain any information in that respect from the Indian scouts,
because the Indians have no words or signs for expressing any large
number, which, when it exceeds their reckoning, they signify by pointing
to the stars in the firmament, or to the hair of their head; and this
they often do to denote a number less than a thousand, as well as to
signify ten thousand, or any greater number.

Between eight and nine o’clock in the morning a thousand men, with two
hundred Indians, were detached under the command of colonel Williams;
but they had not been gone two hours when those in the camp began to
hear a close firing, at about three or four miles’ distance, as they
judged; as it approached nearer and nearer, they rightly supposed that
the detachment was overpowered, and retreating towards the camp; which
was soon confirmed by some fugitives, and presently after by whole
companies, who fled back in great confusion. In a very short time after,
the enemy appeared marching in regular order up to the centre of the
camp, where the consternation was so great, that, if they had attacked
the breastwork directly, they might probably have thrown all into
confusion, and obtained an easy victory; but fortunately for the
English, they halted for some time at about an hundred and fifty yards’
distance, and from thence began their attack with platoon firing, too
far off to do much hurt, especially against troops who were defended by
a strong breastwork. On the contrary, this ineffectual fire served only
to raise the spirits of these last, who, having prepared their artillery
during the time that the French halted, began to play it so briskly
upon the enemy, that the Canadians and Indians in their service fled
immediately into the woods on each side of the camp, and there squatted
under bushes, or skulked behind trees, from whence they continued firing
with very little execution, most of their shot being intercepted by the
brakes and thickets; for they never had the courage to advance to the
verge of the wood. Baron Dieskau, who commanded the French, being thus
left alone with his regular troops at the front of the camp, finding he
could not make a close attack upon the centre with his small number
of men, moved first to the left, and then to the right, at both which
places he endeavoured to force a passage, but was repulsed, being
unsupported by the irregulars. Instead of retreating, as he ought in
prudence to have done, he still continued his platoon and bush firing
till four o’clock in the afternoon, during which time his regular troops
suffered greatly by the fire from the camp, and were at last thrown into
confusion; which was no sooner perceived by general Johnson’s men, than
they, without waiting for orders, leaped over their breastwork, attacked
the enemy on all sides, and after killing and taking a considerable
number of them, entirely dispersed the rest. The French, whose numbers
at the beginning of this engagement amounted to about two thousand men,
including two hundred grenadiers, eight hundred Canadians, and the rest
Indians of different nations, had between seven and eight hundred men
killed, and thirty taken prisoners; among the latter was baron Dieskau
himself, whom they found at a little distance from the field of battle,
dangerously wounded, and leaning on the stump of a tree for his support.
The English lost about two hundred men, and those chiefly of the
detachment under Colonel Williams; for they had very few either killed
or wounded in the attack upon their camp, and not any of distinction,
except colonel Tit-comb killed, and the general himself and major
Nichols wounded. Among the slain of the detachment, which would probably
have been entirely cut off had not lieutenant-colonel Cole been sent out
from the camp with three hundred men, with which he stopped the enemy’s
pursuit, and covered the retreat of his friends, were colonel Williams,
major Ashly, six captains, and several subalterns, besides private men;
and the Indians reckoned that they had lost forty men, besides the brave
old Hendrick, the Mohawk sachem, or chief captain.




BRAVERY OF CAPTAIN M’GINNES.

When baron Dieskau set out from Ticonderoga, his design was only to
surprise and cut off the intrenched camp, now called Fort Edward, at the
Carrying-place, where there were but four or five hundred men. If he
had executed this scheme, our army would have been thrown into great
difficulties; for it could neither have proceeded farther, nor have
subsisted where it was, and he might have found an opportunity to attack
it with great advantage in its retreat. But when he was within four
or five miles of that fort, his people were informed that there were
several cannon there, and none at the camp; upon which they all desired
to be led on to this last, which he the more readily consented to, as he
himself had been told by an English prisoner, who had left this camp
but a few days before, that it was quite defenceless, being without any
lines, and destitute of cannon; which, in effect, was true at that time;
for the cannon did not arrive, nor was the breast-work erected, till
about two days before the engagement. To this misinformation, therefore,
must be imputed this step, which would otherwise be inconsistent with
the general character and abilities of baron Dieskau. A less justifiable
error seems to have been committed by general Johnson, in not detaching
a party to pursue the enemy when they were defeated and fled. Perhaps
he was prevented from so doing by the ill fate of the detachment he had
sent out in the morning under colonel Williams. However that may be, his
neglect in this respect had like to have been fatal the next day to a
detachment sent from Fort Edward, consisting of an hundred and twenty
men of the New Hampshire regiment, under captain M’Ginnes, as a
reinforcement to the army at the camp. This party fell in with between
three and four hundred men of Dieskau’s troops, near the spot where
colonel Williams had been defeated the day before; but M’Ginnes, having
timely notice by his scouts of the approach of an enemy, made such a
disposition, that he not only repulsed the assailants, but defeated and
entirely dispersed them, with the loss only of two men killed, eleven
wounded, and five missing. He himself unfortunately died of the wounds
he received in this engagement, a few days after he arrived at the camp
with his party. It was now judged too late in the year to proceed to the
attack of Crown Point, as it would have been necessary, in that case,
to build a strong fort in the place where the camp then was, in order
to secure a communication with Albany, from whence only the troops could
expect to be reinforced, or supplied with fresh stores of ammunition
or provisions. They therefore set out upon their return soon after this
engagement, having first erected a little stockaded fort, at the hither
end of Lake George, in which they left a small garrison, as a future
prey for the enemy; a misfortune which might easily have been foreseen,
because this whole army being country militia, was to be disbanded, and
return to their respective homes, as they actually did soon after their
retreat to Albany. This was all the glory, this all the advantage, that
the English nation acquired by such an expensive expedition. But so
little had the English been accustomed of late to hear of victory, that
they rejoiced at this advantage, as if it had been an action of the
greatest consequence. The general was highly applauded for his conduct,
and liberally rewarded; for he was created a baronet by his majesty, and
presented with five thousand pounds by the parliament.




DESCRIPTION OF FORT OSWEGO, &c

The preparations for general Shirley’s expedition against Niagara, were
not only deficient, but shamefully slow; though it was well known that
even the possibility of his success must, in a great measure, depend
upon his setting out early in the year, as will appear to any person who
considers the situation of our fort at Oswego, this being the only way
by which he could proceed to Niagara. Oswego lies on the south-east
side of the lake Ontario, near three hundred miles almost due west from
Albany in New York. The way to it from thence, though long and tedious,
is the more convenient, as the far greatest part of it admits of water
carriage, by what the inhabitants called batteaux, which are a kind of
light flat-bottomed boats, widest in the middle, and pointed at each
end, of about fifteen hundred weight burden, and managed by two men
called batteau-men, with paddles and setting poles, the rivers being in
many places too narrow to admit of oars. From Albany to the village of
Schenactady, about sixteen miles, is a good waggon road. From thence
to the little falls in the Mohawk-river, being sixty-five miles, the
passage is by water-carriage up that river, and consequently against
the stream, which in many places is somewhat rapid, and in others so
shallow, that, when the river is low, the watermen are obliged to get
out and draw their batteaux over the rifts. At the little falls is a
postage or land-carriage for about a mile, over a ground so marshy that
it will not bear any wheel carriage; but a colony of Germans settled
there, attend with sledges, on which they draw the loaded batteaux to
the next place of embarkation upon the same river. From thence they
proceed by water up that river for fifty miles, to the Carrying-place,
near the head of it, where there is another postage, the length of which
depends upon the dryness or wetness of the season, but is generally
above six or eight miles over in the summer months. Here the batteaux
are again carried upon sledges, till they come to a narrow river, called
Wood’s Creek, down which they are wafted on a gentle stream for about
forty miles into the lake Oneyada, which stretches from east to west
about thirty miles, and is passed with great ease and safety in calm
weather. At the western end of the lake is the river Onondaga, which,
after a course of between twenty and thirty miles, unites with the river
Cayuga, or Seneca, and their united streams run into the lake Ontario,
at the place where Oswego fort is situated. But this river is so rapid
as to be sometimes dangerous, besides its being full of rifts and rocks;
and about twelve miles on this side of Oswego there is a fall of
eleven feet perpendicular, where there is consequently a postage, which
however, does not exceed forty yards. From thence the passage is easy
quite to Oswego. The lake Ontario, on which this fort stands, is near
two hundred and eighty leagues in circumference; its figure is oval, and
its depth runs from twenty to twenty-five fathoms. On the north side of
it are several little gulfs. There is a communication between this
lake and that of the Hurons by the river Tanasuate, from whence it is a
land-carriage of six or eight leagues to the river Toronto, which
falls into it. The French have two forts of consequence on this lake;
Frontenac, which commands the river St. Lawrence, where the lake
communicates with it; and Niagara, which commands the communication
between the lake Ontario and the lake Erie. But of these forts, and
this last lake, which is one of the finest in the world, we shall have
occasion to speak hereafter.

Though we had long been in possession of fort Oswego, and though it lay
greatly exposed to the French, particularly to those of Canada, upon any
rupture between the two nations, we had never taken care to render
it tolerably defensible, or even to build a single vessel fit for
navigating the lake: nor was this strange neglect ever taken effectual
notice of, till the beginning of this year, when, at a meeting which
general Braddock had in April with the governors and chief gentlemen of
several of our colonies at Alexandria, in Virginia, it was resolved to
strengthen both the fort and garrison at Oswego, and to build some large
vessels at that place. Accordingly a number of shipwrights and workmen
were sent thither in May and June. At the same time captain Bradstreet
marched thither with two companies of an hundred men each, to reinforce
the hundred that were there before under captain King, to which number
the garrison had been increased since our contests with France began
to grow serious. For a long time before, not above twenty-five men
were left to defend this post, which from its great importance, and the
situation of affairs at this juncture, most certainly required a much
stronger garrison than was put into it even at this juncture; but
economy was the chief thing consulted in the beginning of this war, and
to that in a great measure was owing its long duration.




EXPEDITION AGAINST NIAGARA.

From the above description of the passage from Albany to Oswego, it is
plain how necessary it was that the troops intended for this expedition
should have set out early in the spring. But instead of that, the very
first of them, colonel Schuyler’s New Jersey regiment, did not begin
their march till after the beginning of July, and just as Shirley’s and
Pepperell’s regiments were preparing to follow, the melancholy account
of Braddock’s disaster arrived at Albany, where it so damped the
spirits of the people, and spread such a terror, that many of the troops
deserted, and most of the batteau-men dispersed and ran home, by which
means even all the necessary stores could not be carried along with the
troops. Notwithstanding this disappointment, Mr. Shirley set out from
Albany before the end of July, with as many of the troops and stores as
he could procure a conveyance for, hoping to be joined in his route
by great numbers of the Indians of the Six Nations, to whom he sent
invitations to that effect as he passed by their settlements; but they,
instead of complying with his desire, absolutely declared against all
hostilities on that side of the country; and insisted that Oswego, being
a place of traffic and peace, ought not to be disturbed either by the
English or the French, as if they could have persuaded both parties to
agree to such a local truce. Upon this refusal, Mr. Shirley proceeded
forward, being joined by a very few Indians, and arrived at Oswego on
the seventeenth or eighteenth of August; but the rest of the troops and
artillery did not arrive till the last day of that month; and even
then, their store of provisions was not sufficient to enable them to
go against Niagara, though some tolerably good vessels had by this time
been built and got ready for that purpose. The general now resolved to
take but six hundred men with him for the attack of Niagara, and to
leave the rest of his army, consisting of about fourteen hundred more,
at Oswego, to defend that place, in case the French should attack it
in his absence, which there was reason to apprehend they might, as they
then had a considerable force at fort Frontenac, from whence they could
easily cross over the lake Ontario to Oswego. However, he was still
obliged to wait at Oswego for provisions, of which at length a small
supply arrived on the twenty-sixth of September, barely sufficient to
support his men during their intended expedition, and to allow twelve
days’ short subsistence for those he left behind. But by this time the
rainy boisterous season had begun, on which account most of his Indians
had already left him and were returned home; and the few that remained
with him declared that there was no crossing the lake Ontario in
batteaux at that season, or any time before the next summer. In this
perplexity he called a council of war, which, after weighing all
circumstances, unanimously resolved to defer the attempt upon Niagara
till the next year, and to employ the troops, whilst they remained at
Oswego, in building barracks, and erecting, or at least beginning to
erect, two new forts, one on the east side of the river Onondaga, four
hundred and fifty yards distant from the old fort, which it was to
command, as well as the entrance of the harbour, and to be called
Ontario-fort; and the other four hundred and fifty yards west of the old
fort, to be called Oswego new fort.




GENERAL SHIRLEY RETURNS TO ALBANY.

These things being agreed on, general Shirley, with the greatest part
of the troops under his command, set out on his return to Albany on the
twenty-fourth of October, leaving colonel Mercer, with a garrison of
about seven hundred men, at Oswego; though repeated advice had been
received, that the French had then at least a thousand men at their fort
at Frontenac, upon the same lake; and, what was still worse, the new
forts were not yet near completed; but left to be finished by the hard
labour of colonel Mercer and his little garrison, with the addition
of this melancholy circumstance, that, if besieged by the enemy in
the winter, it would not be possible for his friends to come to his
assistance. Thus ended this year’s unfortunate campaign, during which
the French, with the assistance of their Indian allies, continued their
murders, scalping, captivating, and laying waste the western frontiers
of Virginia and Pennsylvania, during the whole winter.

The ministers of the two warring powers were very busily employed this
year at most of the courts of Europe; but their transactions were kept
extremely secret. The French endeavoured to inspire the Spaniards with
a jealousy of the strength of the English by sea, especially in America;
and the Spanish court seemed inclined to accept of the office of
mediator; but Mr. Wall, who was perfectly well acquainted with the state
of affairs between England and France, seconded the representations of
the British ministry, which demonstrated, that, however willing Great
Britain might be to accept of the mediation of Spain, she could not
agree to any suspension of arms in America, which France insisted on
as a preliminary condition, without hazarding the whole of her interest
there; and that the captures which had been made by the English were the
necessary consequences of the encroachments and injustice of the French,
particularly in that country. Upon this remonstrance, all further talk
of the mediation of Spain was dropped, and the ministry of Versailles
had recourse to the princes of Germany; amongst whom the elector of
Cologn was soon brought over to their party, so as to consent to their
forming magazines in his territories in Westphalia. This was a plain
indication of their design against Hanover, which they soon after made
his Britannic majesty, who was then at Hanover, an offer of sparing, if
he would agree to certain conditions of neutrality for that
electorate, which he rejected with disdain. Then the count d’Aubeterre,
envoy-extraordinary from France at the court of Vienna, proposed a
secret negotiation with the ministers of the empress-queen. The secret
articles of the treaty of Petersburgh, between the two empresses, had
stipulated a kind of partition of the Prussian territories, in case that
prince should infringe the treaty of Dresden; but his Britannic
majesty, though often invited, had always refused to agree to any such
stipulation; and the king of Poland, howsoever he might be inclined to
favour the scheme, did not dare to avow it formally, till matters should
be more ripe for carrying it into execution. The court of Vienna,
whose favourite measure this was, began to listen to d’Aubeterre’s
insinuations, and by degrees entered into negotiations with him, which,
in the end, were productive of that unnatural confederacy between the
empress-queen and the king of France, of which further notice will be
taken in the occurrences of the next year, when the treaty between them,
into which they afterwards found means secretly to bring the empress of
Russia, was concluded at Versailles.




TREATY WITH THE LANDGRAVE OF HESSE-CASSEL.

The king of England taking it for granted that the French would invade
Hanover, in consequence of their rupture with Great Britain, which
seemed to be near at hand, began to take measures for the defence of
that electorate. To this end, during his stay at Hanover, he concluded,
on the eighteenth day of June, a treaty with the landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel, by which his serene highness engaged to hold in readiness,
during four years, for his majesty’s service, a body of eight thousand
men, to be employed, if required, upon the continent, or in Britain, or
Ireland; but not on board the fleet or beyond the seas; and also, if
his Britannic majesty should judge it necessary or advantageous for his
service, to furnish and join to this body of eight thousand men, within
six months after they should be demanded, four thousand more, of
which seven hundred were to be horse or dragoons, and each regiment of
infantry to have two field pieces of cannon. [364] _[See note 2 Y, at
the end of this Vol.]_ Another treaty was begun with Russia about the
same time; but this did not take effect during his majesty’s residence
at Hanover: that others were not concluded was the more surprising, as
our subsidy-treaty with Saxony had then expired, and that with Bavaria
was near expiring, and as the securing of these two princes in our
interest was at least as necessary towards forming a sufficient
confederacy upon the continent for the defence of Hanover, as it was to
secure the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel. If the reason of their not being
engaged, and no other seems so probable, was, that they refused to renew
their treaties with England upon any terms, all that can be said is,
that they were guilty of flagrant ingratitude, as they had both received
a subsidy from this kingdom for many years in time of peace, when
they neither were nor could be of any service to the interest of Great
Britain.




NEWS OF THE CAPTURE OF THE ALCIDE AND LYS REACHES ENGLAND.

On the fifteenth of July, an express arrived from admiral Boscawen, with
an account of his having taken the two French ships of war, the Alcide
and the Lys. This was certainly contrary to the expectation of the court
of France; for had they apprehended any such attack, they would not have
ordered Mr. Macnamara to return to Brest with the chief part of their
squadron; nor was it perhaps less contrary to the expectation of some
of our own ministry; but as matters had been carried so far, it was then
too late to retreat; and, therefore, orders were soon after given to
all our ships of war to make reprisals upon the French, by taking their
ships wherever they should meet them. Sir Edward Hawke sailed from
Portsmouth on the twenty-first of July, with eighteen ships of war,
to watch the return of the French fleet from America; which, however,
escaped him, and arrived at Brest on the third day of September.
Commodore Frankland sailed from Spithead for the West Indies on the
thirteenth of August, with four ships of war, furnished with orders to
commit hostilities, as well as to protect our trade and sugar-islands
from any insult that the French might offer; and the duke de Mirepoix,
their ambassador at the court of London, set out for Paris on the
twenty-second of July, without taking leave.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE KING RETURNS FROM HANOVER, AND CONCLUDES A TREATY WITH RUSSIA.

A war being thus in some measure begun, his majesty thought proper,
perhaps for that reason, to return to his British dominions sooner than
usual; for he left Hanover on the eighth of September, and arrived on
the fifteenth at Kensington, where the treaty of alliance between him
and the empress of Russia, which he had begun during his absence, was
concluded on the thirtieth of the same month. By this treaty her Russian
majesty engaged to hold in readiness in Livonia, upon the frontiers of
Lithuania, a body of troops consisting of forty thousand infantry, with
the necessary artillery, and fifteen thousand cavalry; and also on the
coast of the same province, forty or fifty galleys, with the necessary
crews; to be ready to act, upon the first order, in his majesty’s
service, in case, said the fifth article, which was the most remarkable,
that the dominions of his Britannic majesty in Germany should be invaded
on account of the interests or disputes which regard his kingdoms; her
imperial majesty declaring that she would look upon such an invasion
as a case of the alliance of the year one thousand seven hundred and
forty-two; and that the said dominions should be therein comprised in
this respect; but neither these troops nor galleys were to be put in
motion, unless his Britannic majesty, or his allies, should be somewhere
attacked; in which case the Russian general should march as soon as
possible after requisition, to make a diversion with thirty thousand
infantry, and fifteen thousand cavalry; and should embark on board the
galleys the other ten thousand infantry to make a descent according to
the exigency of the affair. On the other side, his Britannic majesty
engaged to pay to her Russian majesty an annual subsidy of an hundred
thousand pounds sterling a year, each year to be paid in advance, and
to be reckoned from the day of the exchange of the ratifications, to the
day that these troops should upon requisition march out of Russia; from
which day the annual subsidy to her imperial majesty was to be five
hundred thousand pounds sterling, to be paid always four months in
advance, until the troops should return into the Russian dominions, and
for three months after their return. His Britannic majesty, who was to
be at liberty to send once every year into the said province of Livonia
a commissary, to see and examine the number and condition of the said
troops, further engaged, that, in case her Russian majesty should
be disturbed in this diversion, or attacked herself, he would famish
immediately the succour stipulated in the treaty of one thousand seven
hundred and forty-two, and that in case a war should break out, he
should send, into the Baltic a squadron of his ships, of a force
suitable to the circumstances. This was the chief substance of the
treaty, which, by agreement of both parties, was to subsist for four
years from the exchange of the ratifications; but in the seventh article
these words were unluckily inserted: “Considering also the proximity of
the countries wherein the diversion in question will probably be made,
and the facility her troops will probably have of subsisting immediately
in an enemy’s country, she takes upon herself alone, during such a
diversion, the subsistence and treatment of the said troops by sea
and land.” And in the eleventh article it was stipulated, that all the
plunder the Russian army should take from the enemy should belong to
them. That his Britannic majesty, who now knew enough of the court of
Vienna to be sensible that he could expect no assistance from thence,
in case his German dominions were invaded, should enter into this
convention with the empress of Russia, in order to strengthen his
defence upon the continent, was extremely natural; especially as he had
lately lived in great friendship with her, and her transactions with
the court of France had been so secret, by passing through only that
of Vienna, that he had not yet been informed of them; neither had the
project of the treaty of Versailles then come to his knowledge, or to
that of the king of Prussia, nor had either of these princes yet made
any formal advances to the other.




DECLARATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTRY AT THE COURT OF VIENNA.

The first intimation that appeared publicly of the negotiations of
France with the empress of Germany, was when the French minister, count
d’Aubeterre, declared at Vienna, “That the warlike designs with which
the king his master was charged, were sufficiently confuted by his great
moderation, of which all Europe had manifold proofs; that his majesty
was persuaded this groundless charge had given as much indignation to
their imperial majesties as to himself; that he was firmly resolved to
preserve to Christendom that tranquillity which it enjoyed through his
good faith, in religiously observing the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; but
that if his Britannic majesty’s allies should take part in the war
which was kindled in America, by furnishing succours to the English, his
majesty would be authorized to consider and treat them as principals in
it.” France likewise made the same declaration to other courts.




SPIRITED DECLARATION OF PRUSSIA.

The words and stipulation in the above-recited clause, in the seventh
article of the treaty of Great Britain with Russia, were looked on as
a menace levelled at the king of Prussia, who, having some time found
means to procure a copy of this treaty, and seeing it in that light,
boldly declared, by his ministers at all the courts of Europe, that he
would oppose, with his utmost force, the entrance of any foreign troops
into the empire, under any pretence whatever. This declaration was
particularly displeasing to the French, who had already marched large
bodies of troops towards the frontiers of the empire, and erected
several great magazines in Westphalia, with the permission of the
elector of Cologn, for which the English minister at his court was, in
August, ordered to withdraw from thence without taking leave. However,
as soon as this declaration of the king of Prussia was notified to the
court of Versailles, they sent an ambassador-extraordinary, the duke
de Nivernois, to Berlin, to try to persuade his majesty to retract
his declaration, and enter into a new alliance with them. His Prussian
majesty received this ambassador in such a manner as seemed to denote a
disposition to agree to every thing he had to propose. This awakened in
England a jealousy that his declaration alone was not to be relied on,
but that it was necessary to bring him under some solemn engagement;
especially as the French had by this time a numerous army near the Lower
Rhine, with magazines provided for their march all the way to Hanover;
and if the king of Prussia suffered them to pass through his dominions,
that electorate must be swallowed up before the Russian auxiliaries
could possibly be brought thither, or any army be formed for protecting
it.* For this reason a negotiation was set on foot by Great Britain at
Berlin, but as it was not concluded before the beginning of the next
year, we shall defer entering into the particulars of it till we come to
that period.

     * Perhaps the elector of Hanover was more afraid of the
     Prussian monarch than of the most christian king, knowing
     with what ease and rapidity this enterprising neighbour
     could, in a few days, subdue the whole electorate.




THE FRENCH MAKE ANOTHER UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT UPON THE COURT OF SPAIN.

Meanwhile the French made another attempt upon the court of Madrid,
loudly complaining of the taking their two men of war by Boscawen’s
squadron, before any declaration of war was made, representing it as
a most unjustifiable proceeding, which threatened a dissolution of all
faith amongst nations. This produced a strong memorial from sir Benjamin
Keene, our minister at that court, importing, “That it was well known
that the French fleet carried troops, ammunition, and every thing
necessary for defending the countries which the French had unjustly
usurped in America, and of which the English claimed the property; that
the rules of self-defence authorize every nation to render fruitless any
attempt that may tend to its prejudice; that this right had been
made use of only in taking the two French ships of war; and that the
distinction of place might be interpreted in favour of the English,
seeing the two ships were taken on the coasts of the countries where
the contest arose.” In answer to this observation, the French minister
represented the vast number of ships which had been taken in the
European seas; for in fact the English ports soon began to be filled
with them, in consequence of the general orders for making reprisals.
But the court of Madrid was so far from being persuaded by any thing he
could say, that it gave his Britannic majesty the strongest assurances
of its friendship, and of its intention to take no part in the
differences between him and France, but such as should be conciliatory,
and tending to restore the public tranquillity.




THE IMPERIAL COURT REFUSES AUXILIARIES TO ENGLAND.

On the other hand, his Britannic majesty required, as king of
Great Britain, the auxiliaries stipulated to him by treaty from the
empress-queen. But these were refused, under pretence, that as the
contest between him and France related to America only, it was not a
case of the alliance; though at the same time the French made no scruple
of owning, that they intended to make a powerful descent on Great
Britain early in the spring. When, a little while after, France being
employed in making great preparation for a land war in Europe, the king
of England required her to defend her own possessions, the barrier in
the Low Countries, with the number of men stipulated by the treaty,
which countries, acquired by English blood and English treasure, had
been given to her on that express condition, she declared that she could
not spare troops for that purpose, on account of her dangerous enemy the
king of Prussia; and afterwards, when he was secured by his treaty with
England, she urged that as a reason for her alliance with France. It
must be owned, however, for the sake of historical truth, that this was
no bad reason, considering the power, the genius, and the character of
that prince, who hovered over her dominions with an army of one hundred
and fifty thousand veterans. It must likewise be owned, that she
undertook to procure the French king’s consent to a neutrality for
Hanover, which would have effectually secured that electorate from the
invasion of every other power but Prussia itself; and it is no strained
conjecture to suppose, that the dread of this very power was the true
source of those connexions in Germany, which entailed such a ruinous
continental war upon Great Britain.




THE FRENCH TAKE THE BLANDFORD.

Though the English continued to make reprisals upon the French, not only
in the seas of America, but also in those of Europe, by taking every
ship they could meet with, and detaining them, their cargoes, and crews;
yet the French, whether from a consciousness of their want of power by
sea, or that they might have a more plausible plea to represent England
as the aggressor, were so far from returning these hostilities, that
their fleet, which escaped sir Edward Hawke, having, on the thirteenth
of August, taken the Blandford ship of war, with governor Lyttelton on
board, going to Carolina, they set the governor at liberty, as soon
as the court was informed of the ship’s being brought into Nantes, and
shortly after released both the ship and the crew. However, at the
same time, their preparations for a land war still went on with great
diligence, and their utmost arts and efforts were fruitlessly exerted
to persuade the Spaniards and Dutch to join with them against Great
Britain.




STATE OF THE ENGLISH AND FRENCH NAVIES.

In England the preparations by sea became greater than ever, several
new ships of war were put in commission, and many others taken into the
service of the government; the exportation of gunpowder was forbid; the
bounties to seamen were continued, and the number of those that either
entered voluntarily, or were pressed, increased daily, as did also the
captures from the French, among which was the Espérance, of seventy
guns, taken as she was going from Rochefort to Brest to be manned. The
land-forces of Great Britain were likewise ordered to be augmented;
several new regiments were raised, and all half-pay officers, and the
out-pensioners belonging to Chelsea-hospital, were directed to send in
their names, ages, and time of service, in order that such of them as
were yet able to serve might be employed again if wanted. The English
navy, so early as in the month of September of this year, consisted
of one ship of an hundred and ten guns, five of an hundred guns each,
thirteen of ninety, eight of eighty, five of seventy-four, twenty-nine
of seventy, four of sixty-six, one of sixty-four, thirty-three of
sixty, three of fifty-four, twenty-eight of fifty, four of forty-four,
thirty-five of forty, and forty-two of twenty, four sloops of war of
eighteen guns each, two of sixteen, eleven of fourteen, thirteen
of twelve, and one of ten, besides a great number of bomb-ketches,
fire-ships, and tenders; a force sufficient to oppose the united
maritime strength of all the powers in Europe; whilst that of the
French, even at the end of this year, and including the ships then
upon the stocks, amounted to no more than six ships of eighty guns,
twenty-one of seventy-four, one of seventy-two, four of seventy,
thirty-one of sixty-four, two of sixty, six of fifty, and thirty-two
frigates.




SESSION OPENED.

Such was the situation of the two kingdoms, when, on the thirteenth of
November, the parliament met, and his majesty opened the session with
a speech from the throne, in which he acquainted them--“That the most
proper measures had been taken to protect our possessions in America,
and to regain such parts thereof as had been encroached upon, or
invaded; that to preserve his people from the calamities of war, as well
as to prevent a general war from being lighted up in Europe, he had been
always ready to accept reasonable and honourable terms of accommodation,
but that none such had been proposed by France; that he had also
confined his views and operations to hinder France from making new
encroachments, or supporting those already made; to exert his people’s
right to a satisfaction for hostilities committed in time of profound
peace, and to disappoint such designs, as, from various appearances
and preparations, there was reason to think had been formed against
his kingdoms and dominions; that the king of Spain earnestly wished the
preservation of the public tranquillity, and had given assurances of his
intention to continue in the same pacific sentiments; that he himself
had greatly increased his naval armaments, and augmented his land-forces
in such a manner as might be least burdensome; and, finally, that he
had concluded a treaty with the empress of Russia, and another with the
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, which should be laid before them.”




REMARKABLE ADDRESSES OF BOTH HOUSES.

In answer to this speech, both houses voted most loyal addresses,
but not without a warm opposition, in each, to some of the particular
expressions; for it having been proposed in the house of lords to insert
in their address the words following, viz.: “That they looked upon
themselves as obliged, by the strongest ties of duty, gratitude,
and honour, to stand by and support his majesty in all such wise and
necessary measures and engagements as his majesty might have taken in
vindication of the rights of his crown, or to defeat any attempts which
might be made by France in resentment for such measures, and to assist
his majesty in disappointing or repelling all such enterprises as might
be formed, not only against his kingdoms, but also against any other of
his dominions (though not belonging to the crown of Great Britain), in
case they should be attacked on account of the part which his majesty
had taken for maintaining the essential interests of his kingdoms;” the
inserting of these words in their address was opposed by earl Temple,
and several other lords; because, by the first part of them, they
engaged to approve of the treaties with Russia and Hesse-Cassel, neither
of which they had ever seen; nor could it be supposed that either of
them could be of any advantage to this nation; and by the second part
of these words it seemed to be resolved, to engage this nation in
a continental connexion for the defence of Hanover, which it was
impossible for England to support, and which would be so far from being
of any advantage to it at sea, or in America, that it might at last
disable the nation from defending itself in either of those parts of the
world. But upon putting the question, the inserting of these words was
agreed to by a great majority, and accordingly they stand as part of the
address of the house upon that occasion.




HIS MAJESTY’S ANSWER.

To this remarkable address his majesty returned the following as
remarkable answer: “My lords, I give you my hearty thanks for this
dutiful and affectionate address. I see, with the greatest satisfaction,
the zeal you express for my person and government, and for the true
interest of your country, which I am determined to adhere to. The
assurances which you give me for the defence of my territories abroad,
are a strong proof of your affection for me, and regard for my honour.
Nothing shall divert me from pursuing those measures which will
effectually maintain the possessions and rights of my kingdoms, and
procure reasonable and honourable terms of accommodation.”--The address
of the house of commons breathed the same spirit of zeal and gratitude,
and was full of the warmest assurances of a ready support of his
majesty, and of his foreign dominions, if attacked in resentment of
his maintaining the rights of his crown and kingdom; and his majesty’s
answer to it was to the same effect as that to the house of lords. The
same, or nearly the same words, relating to the treaties concluded by
his majesty, and to the defence of his foreign dominions, were proposed
to be inserted in this address, which was opposed by William Pitt, esq.,
then paymaster of his majesty’s forces; the right hon. Henry Legge,
esq., then chancellor and un-der-treasurer of his majesty’s exchequer,
and one of the commissioners of the treasury; and by several other
gentlemen in high posts under the government, as well as by many others;
but, upon putting the question, it was by a considerable majority agreed
to insert the words objected to; and very soon after, Mr. Pitt, Mr.
Legge, and most, if not all, of the gentlemen who had appeared in the
opposition, were dismissed from their employments. In the meantime, a
draft came over from Russia for part of the new subsidy stipulated to
that crown; but some of the ministry, who were then at the head of
the finances, refused to pay it, at least before the treaty should be
approved of by parliament.




ALTERATIONS IN THE MINISTRY.

Sir Thomas Robinson had not been long in possession of the office of
secretary of state, before it was generally perceived, that, though an
honest well meaning man, and a favourite with the king, his abilities
were not equal to the functions of that post. Much less were they so at
this juncture, when the nation was on the point of being engaged in
a difficult and expensive war, and plunged into foreign measures and
connexions, which would require the utmost skill of an able politician
to render them palatable to the people. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, though
they scarce ever agreed in any other particular, had generally united
in opposing his measures, and their superior influence in the house
of commons, and universally acknowledged abilities, though of very
different kinds, had always prevailed; uncommon as it was, to see two
persons who held considerable places under the government, one of them
being paymaster-general, and the other secretary at war, oppose, upon
almost every occasion, a secretary of state who was supposed to know
and speak the sentiments of his master. Sir Thomas himself soon grew
sensible of his want of sufficient weight in the senate of the nation;
and therefore, of his own accord, on the tenth of November, wisely and
dutifully resigned the seals of his office to his majesty, who delivered
them to Mr. Fox, and appointed sir Thomas master of the wardrobe, with
a pension to him during his life, and after his death to his sons. Lord
Barrington succeeded Mr. Fox as secretary at war; and soon after sir
George Lyttelton was made chancellor of the exchequer, and a lord of the
treasury, in the room of Mr. Legge, who had declared himself against the
new continental system. However, notwithstanding these changes in the
ministry, very warm debates arose in both houses, when the treaties
of Russia and Hesse-Cassel came to be considered by them; some of the
members were for referring them to a committee; but this motion was
over-ruled, in consideration of his majesty’s having engaged in them
to guard against a storm that seemed ready to break upon his electoral
dominions, merely on account of our quarrel with the French. They
were at length approved of by a majority of three hundred and eighteen
against one hundred and twenty-six, in the house of commons; and by
eighty-four against eleven, in the house of lords.

The house of commons then proceeded to provide for the service of the
ensuing year, and for the deficiencies of the provisions for the
former. Fifty thousand seamen, including nine thousand one hundred and
thirty-eight marines, were voted, on the twenty-fourth of November,
for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six,
together with two millions six hundred thousand pounds for their
maintenance; and thirty-four thousand two hundred and sixty-three land
soldiers, with nine hundred and thirty thousand six hundred and three
pounds, six shillings and ninepence, for their support. An hundred
thousand pounds were voted as a subsidy to the empress of Russia;
fifty-four thousand one hundred and forty pounds, twelve shillings and
sixpence, to the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; and ten thousand pounds to
the elector of Bavaria.




EARTHQUAKE AT LISBON.

During these transactions, the public was overwhelmed with consternation
by the tidings of a dreadful earthquake, which, on the first November,
shook all Spain and Portugal, and many other places in Europe, and laid
the city of Lisbon in ruins. When the news of this great calamity first
reached England, it was feared the consequences of it might affect our
public credit, considering the vast interest which the English merchants
had in the Portuguese trade; but fortunately, it afterwards proved
inconsiderable, in comparison of what had been apprehended; the quarter
in which the English chiefly lived, and where they had their warehouses,
having suffered the least of any part of the city; and most of the
English merchants then residing there, together with their families,
being at their country houses, to avoid the insults to which they might
have been exposed from the Portuguese populace, during the celebration
of their _auto-da-fe_, which was kept that very day. The two first
shocks of this dreadful visitation continued near a quarter of an hour,
after which the water of the river Tagus rose perpendicularly above
twenty feet, and subsided to its natural bed in less than a minute.
Great numbers of houses, of which this city then contained about
thirty-six thousand, extending in length near six miles, in form of a
crescent, on the ascent of a hill upon the north shore of the mouth of
the river Tagus, within nine miles from the ocean, were thrown down by
the repeated commotions of the earth, together with several magnificent
churches, monasteries, and public buildings. But what entirely completed
the ruin of this then most opulent capital of the Portuguese dominions,
was a devouring conflagration, partly fortuitous or natural, but chiefly
occasioned by a set of impious villains, who, unawed by the tremendous
scene at that very instant passing before their eyes, with a wickedness
scarcely to be credited, set fire even to the falling edifices in
different parts of the city, to increase the general confusion, that
they might have the better opportunity to rob and plunder their already
desolated fellow-citizens. Out of three hundred and fifty thousand
inhabitants, which Lisbon was then supposed to contain, about ten
thousand perished by this calamity; and the survivors, deprived of their
habitations, and destitute even of the necessaries of life, were forced
to seek for shelter in the open fields.




RELIEF VOTED TO THE PORTUGUESE.

As soon as his majesty received an account of this deplorable event,
from his ambassador at the court of Madrid, he sent a message to both
houses of parliament, on the twenty-eighth of November, acquainting
them therewith, and desiring their concurrence and assistance towards
speedily relieving the unhappy sufferers; and the parliament thereupon,
to the honour of British humanity, unanimously voted, on the eighth of
December, a gift of an hundred thousand pounds for the distressed people
of Portugal. A circumstance which enhances the merit of this action is,
that though the English themselves were, at that very time, in great
want of grain, a considerable part of the sum was sent in corn, flour,
rice, and a large quantity of beef from Ireland; supplies which came
very seasonably for the poor Portuguese, who were in actual want of
the necessaries of life. Their king was so affected by this instance of
British generosity, that, to show his gratitude for the timely relief,
he ordered Mr. Castres, the British resident at his court, to give
the preference, in the distribution of these supplies, to the British
subjects who had suffered by the earthquake; accordingly, about a
thirtieth part of the provisions, and two thousand pounds in money,
were set apart for that purpose; and his Portuguese majesty returned his
thanks, in very warm terms, to the British crown and nation.

The report of an intended invasion of these kingdoms by the French
increasing daily, on the twenty-second day of January lord Barrington,
as secretary at war, laid before the house an estimate for defraying
the charge of ten new regiments of foot, over and above the thirty-four
thousand two hundred and sixty-three land soldiers before ordered to
be raised; and a sum of ninety-one thousand nine hundred and nineteen
pounds, ten shillings, was voted for these additional forces; upon
another estimate presented a little after by the same lord, and founded
upon the same reasons, for raising, for the further defence of the
kingdom, eleven troops of light dragoons, forty-nine thousand six
hundred and twenty-eight pounds, eleven shillings and threepence,
were voted for the ensuing year; together with eighty-one thousand one
hundred and seventy-eight pounds, sixteen shillings, for a regiment
of foot to be raised in North America; two hundred and ninety-eight
thousand five hundred and thirty-four pounds, seventeen shillings
and tenpence halfpenny, for the maintenance of our forces already
established in our American colonies; and seventy-nine thousand nine
hundred and fifteen pounds, six shillings, for six regiments of foot
from Ireland, to serve in North America and the East Indies. Besides all
these supplies, Mr. Fox, on the twenty-eighth of January, presented
to the house a message from the king, desiring them to take into
consideration the faithful services of the people of New England, and
of some other parts of North America; upon which one hundred and fifteen
thousand pounds more were voted, and five thousand pounds as a reward
to sir William Johnson in particular. In short, including several other
sums, as well as for defraying the expense of the army and navy, as
for a subsidy of twenty thousand pounds to the king of Prussia, and one
hundred and twenty-one thousand four hundred and forty-seven pounds,
two shillings and sixpence, for Hanoverian troops, of which two last
articles further notice will be taken hereafter, the whole of the
supplies granted by parliament in this session, amounted to seven
millions two hundred and twenty-nine thousand one hundred and seventeen
pounds, four shillings and sixpence three farthings. For raising this
sum, besides the malt tax, and the land tax of four shillings in the
pound, the whole produce of the sinking fund, from the fifth of January
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, till it should amount to one
million five hundred and fifty-five thousand nine hundred and fifty-five
pounds, eleven shillings and elevenpence halfpenny, was ordered to be
applied thereunto; together with a million to be raised by loans or
exchequer bills, at three per cent, interest; one million five hundred
thousand pounds, to be raised by the sale of redeemable annuities at
three and a half per cent., and five hundred thousand pounds to
be raised by a lottery, at three per cent. All which sums, with
eighty-three thousand four hundred and twelve pounds, two shillings, and
five-pence halfpenny, then remaining in the exchequer, amounted to
seven millions four hundred and twenty-seven thousand two hundred and
sixty-one pounds, five shillings and sevenpence.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MUTINY BILL, MARINE, AND MARINERS’ ACTS CONTINUED.

The clause inserted in the mutiny bill last year, subjecting all
officers and soldiers raised in America, by authority of the respective
governors or governments there, to the same rules and articles of war,
and the same penalties and punishments, as the British forces were
liable to; the act passed at the same time for regulating the marine
forces, while on shore, and that for the more speedy and effectual
manning of his majesty’s navy, were not only confirmed now, but it was
further enacted, with respect to this last, as well as for the more
speedy and effectual recruiting of his majesty’s land-forces, that the
commissioners appointed by the present act should be empowered to raise
and levy, within then-respective jurisdictions, such able-bodied men as
did not follow any lawful calling or employment; or had not some other
lawful and sufficient support; and might order, wherever and whenever
they pleased, a general search to be made for such persons, in order to
their being brought before them to be examined; nay, that the parish or
town officers might, without any such order, search for and secure such
persons, in order to convey them before the said commissioners to be
examined; that if any three commissioners should find any person, so
brought before them, to be within the above description, and if the
recruiting officer attending should judge him to be a man fit for
his majesty’s service, they should cause him to be delivered to such
officer, who might secure him in any place of safety provided by the
justices of peace for that purpose, or even in any public prison; and
that every such man was from that time to be deemed a listed soldier,
and not to be taken out of his majesty’s service by any process, other
than for some criminal matter. Nothing could more plainly show either
the zeal of the parliament for a vigorous prosecution of the war, or
their confidence in the justice and moderation of our ministry, than
their agreeing to this act, which was to continue in force till the
end of the next session; and which, in the hands of a wicked and
enterprising administration, might have been made such an use of, as
would have been inconsistent with that security which is provided by our
happy constitution for the liberty of the subject.




ACT FOR RAISING A REGIMENT OF FOOT IN NORTH AMERICA.

The next object of the immediate attention of parliament in this
session, was the raising of a new regiment of foot in North America;
for which purpose the sum of eighty-one thousand one hundred and
seventy-eight pounds, sixteen shillings, to which the estimate thereof
amounted, was voted. This regiment, which was to consist of four
battalions of a thousand men each, was intended to be raised chiefly
out of the Germans and Swiss, who, for many years past, had annually
transported themselves in great numbers to the British plantations in
America, where waste lands had been assigned them upon the frontiers
of the provinces; but, very injudiciously, no care had been taken
to intermix them with the English inhabitants of the place. To this
circumstance it is owing, that they have continued to correspond and
converse only with one another; so that very few of them, even of those
who have been born there, have yet learned to speak or understand the
English tongue. However, as they were all zealous protestants, and in
general strong hardy men, and accustomed to the climate, it was judged
that a regiment of good and faithful soldiers might be raised out of
them, particularly proper to oppose the French; but to this end it
was necessary to appoint some officers, especially subalterns, who
understood military discipline, and could speak the German language;
and as a sufficient number of such could not be found among the English
officers, it was necessary to bring over and grant commissions to
several German and Swiss officers and engineers; but this step, by
the act of settlement, could not be taken without the authority of
parliament; an act was now passed for enabling his majesty to grant
commissions to a certain number of foreign protestants, who had
served abroad as officers or engineers, to act and rank as officers or
engineers in America only. An act was likewise passed in this session,
strictly forbidding, under pain of death, any of his majesty’s subjects
to serve as officers under the French king, or to enlist as soldiers
in his service, without his majesty’s previous license; and also for
obliging such of his majesty’s subjects as should, in time to come,
accept of commissions in the Scotch brigade in the Dutch service, to
take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, on pain of forfeiting five
hundred pounds.




MARITIME LAWS OF ENGLAND EXTENDED TO AMERICA.

As it had been resolved, in the beginning of the preceding summer, to
build vessels of force upon the lake Ontario, an act was now passed for
extending the maritime laws of England, relating to the government of
his majesty’s ships and forces by sea, to such officers, seamen, and
others, as should serve on board his majesty’s ships or vessels employed
upon the lakes, great waters, or rivers in North America; and also, but
not without opposition to this last, for the better recruiting of his
majesty’s forces upon the continent of America; to which end, by a new
clause now added to a former act, a recruiting officer was empowered
to enlist and detain an indented servant, even though his master should
reclaim him, upon paying to the master such a sum as two justices of
peace within the precinct should adjudge to be a reasonable equivalent
for the original purchase money, and the remaining time such servant
might have to serve.




QUIET OF IRELAND RESTORED.

The intestine broils of Ireland were happily composed this year, by the
prudent management of the marquis of Hartington, lord lieutenant of
that kingdom. By his steady and disinterested conduct, his candour and
humanity, the Irish were not only brought to a much better temper, even
among themselves, than they were before their late outrageous riots and
dangerous dissensions happened; but also prevailed upon to acquiesce in
the measures of England, without this last being obliged to give up
any one point of her superiority. The leading men in the parliament of
Ireland were the first that conformed; and though the ferment continued
very high for some time after, among the middling and lower ranks of
people, it was at length entirely allayed by the wisdom of the lord
lieutenant, and the excellent law which he encouraged and passed for the
benefit of that nation.* The primate of Ireland, who had been very
busy in fomenting many of the late disturbances, was, by his majesty’s
command, struck off the list of privy-counsellors; and the greatest
part of those patriots, whom faction had turned out of their employments
there, were reinstated with honour.

     * Among other objects of the attention of the legislature of
     that country, ten thousand pounds were granted for making
     the river Nore navigable from the city of Kilkenny to the
     town of Innestalge; twenty thousand pounds towards carrying
     on an inland navigation from the city of Dublin to the river
     Shannon; four thousand pounds for making the river Newry
     navigable; a thousand pounds a year for two years, for the
     encouragement of English protestant schools; several sums,
     to be distributed in premiums, for the encouragement of the
     cambric, hempen, and flaxen manufactures; and three hundred
     thousand pounds to his majesty, towards supporting the
     several branches of the establishment, and for defraying the
     expenses of the government for two years.

{1756}




TREATY CONCLUDED WITH PRUSSIA.

The parliament of England, which had adjourned on the twenty-third
day of December, met again: the house of commons on the thirteenth of
January, and the lords on the nineteenth. On the sixteenth of the same
month, the treaty between his Britannic majesty and the king of Prussia
was signed, importing, that, for the defence of their common country,
Germany, and in order to preserve her peace and tranquillity, which it
was feared was in danger of being disturbed, on account of the disputes
in America, the two kings, for that end only, entered into a convention
of neutrality, by which they reciprocally bound themselves not to suffer
foreign troops of any nation whatsoever to enter into Germany, or pass
through it during the troubles aforesaid, and the consequences that
might result from them; but to oppose the same with their utmost might,
in order to secure Germany from the calamities of war, maintain
her fundamental laws and constitutions, and preserve her peace
uninterrupted. Thus, the late treaty with Russia was virtually
renounced. Their majesties, moreover, seized this favourable opportunity
to adjust the differences that had subsisted between them, in relation
to the remainder of the Silesia loan due to the subjects of his
Britannic majesty, and the indemnification claimed by the subjects of
his Prussian majesty for their losses by sea during the late war; so
that the attachment laid on the said debt was agreed to be taken off, as
soon as the ratification of this treaty should be exchanged.




NEW MILITIA-BILL.

On the twenty-first of January the house took into consideration the
laws then in being relating to the militia of this kingdom; and, finding
them insufficient, ordered a new bill to be prepared, and brought in,
for the better regulating of the militia forces in the several counties
of England. A bill was accordingly prepared to that effect, and
presented to the house on the twelfth of March, by the hon. Charles
Townshend, esq., who, to his honour, was one of the chief promoters of
it. After receiving many amendments in the house of commons, it was on
the tenth of May passed, and sent to the lords; but several objections
being made to it by some of the peers, and it seemed to them that some
further amendments were still necessary, which they thought they could
not in that session spare time to consider so maturely as the importance
of the subject required, a negative of fifty-nine against twenty-three
was put upon the motion for passing the bill; though every one must
have been sensible, not only of the propriety, but even of the absolute
necessity of such a law, which was ardently desired by the whole nation.




SESSION CLOSED.

On the twenty-seventh of May, his majesty went to the house of peers,
and, after having given the royal assent to the bills then depending,
thanked his parliament, in a speech from the throne, for their vigorous
and effectual support. He acquainted them, that the injuries and
hostilities which had been for some time committed by the French against
his dominions and subjects, were then followed by the actual invasion of
the island of Minorca, though guaranteed to him by all the great powers
in Europe, and particularly by the French king; that he had, therefore,
found himself obliged, in vindication of the honour of his crown, and
of the rights of his people, to declare war in form against France; and
that he relied on the Divine Protection, and the vigorous assistance
of his faithful subjects, in so just a cause. The parliament was then
adjourned to the eighteenth of June; and from thence afterwards to the
eighteenth of July, and then it was prorogued.




CHAPTER XI.

     _Letter from M. Rouillé to the Secretary of State..... The
     two Nations recriminate on each other..... The French
     threaten Great Britain with an Invasion..... Requisition of
     six thousand Dutch Troops according to Treaty..... Message
     from the King to the Parliament..... A Body of Hessians and
     Hanoverians transported into England..... French
     Preparations at Toulon..... Admiral Byng sails for the
     Mediterranean..... He arrives at Gibraltar..... engages M.
     de la Galissonniere off Minorca..... and returns to
     Gibraltar..... Ferment of the People at Home..... Admiral
     Byng superseded and sent home Prisoner..... Account of the
     Siege of St. Philip’s Fort in Minorca..... Precautions taken
     by General Blakeney..... Siege commenced..... English
     Squadron appears..... General Attack of the Works..... The
     Garrison capitulates..... Sir Edward Hawke sails to
     Minorca..... Rejoicings in France, and Clamours in
     England..... Gallantry of Fortunatus Wright..... General
     Blakeney created a Baron..... Measures taken for the Defence
     of Great Britain..... Proclamation..... Earl of Loudon
     appointed Commander-in-Chief in America..... His Britannic
     Majesty’s Declaration of War..... Substance of the French
     King’s Declaration..... Address of the City of London.....
     Trial of General Fowke..... Affairs of America..... Colonel
     Bradstreet defeats a Body of French on the River
     Onondaga..... Earl of Loudon arrives at New York..... Oswego
     reduced by the Enemy..... Further Proceedings in
     America..... Naval Operations in that Country.....
     Transactions in the East Indies..... Calcutta besieged by
     the Viceroy of Bengal..... Deplorable Fate of those who
     perished in the Dungeon there..... Additional Cruelties
     exercised on Mr. Holwell..... Resolution against Angria.....
     Port of Geriah taken by Admiral Watson and Mr. Clive.....
     Their subsequent Proceedings in the River Ganges_




LETTER FROM M. ROUILLE.

In the month of January, Mr. Fox, lately appointed secretary of state,
received a letter from M. Rouillé, minister and secretary of state for
foreign affairs to the king of France, expostulating, in the name of his
sovereign, upon the orders and instructions for committing hostilities,
which his Britannic majesty had given to general Braddock, and admiral
Boscawen, in diametrical opposition to the most solemn assurances so
often repeated by word of mouth, as well as in writing. He complained of
the insult which had been offered to his master’s flag in attacking
and taking two of his ships in the open sea, without any previous
declaration of war; as also by committing depredations on the commerce
of his most christian majesty’s subjects, in contempt of the law
of nations, the faith of treaties, and the usages established among
civilised nations. He said, the sentiments and character of his
Britannic majesty gave the king his master room to expect, that, at his
return to London, he would disavow the conduct of his admiralty; but
seeing that, instead of punishing, he rather encouraged those who had
been guilty of such depredations, his most christian majesty would be
deemed deficient in what he owed to his own glory, the dignity of
his crown, and the defence of his people, if he deferred any longer
demanding a signal reparation for the outrage done to the French
flag, and the damage sustained by his subjects. He therefore demanded
immediate and full restitution of all the French ships, which, contrary
to law and decorum, had been taken by the English navy, together with
all the officers, soldiers, mariners, guns, stores, and merchandise. He
declared, that should this restitution be made, he should be willing to
engage in a negotiation for what further satisfaction he might claim,
and continue desirous to see the differences relating to America
determined by a solid and equitable accommodation; but if, contrary to
all hopes, these demands should be rejected, he would consider such a
denial of justice as the most authentic declaration of war, and as a
formed design in the court of London to disturb the peace of Europe.
To this peremptory remonstrance the British secretary was directed to
answer, that though the king of England would readily consent to an
equitable and solid accommodation, he would not comply with the demand
of immediate and full restitution as a preliminary condition; for
his majesty had taken no steps but such as were rendered just and
indispensable by the hostilities which the French began in time of
profound peace, and a proper regard for his own honour, the rights and
possessions of his crown, and the security of his kingdoms.

Without all doubt the late transactions had afforded specious arguments
for both nations to impeach the conduct of each other. The French court,
conscious of their encroachments in Nova Scotia, affected to draw a
shade over these, as particulars belonging to a disputed territory, and
to divert the attention to the banks of the Ohio, where Jamonville and
his detachment had been attacked and massacred by the English, without
the least provocation. They likewise inveighed against the capture of
their ships, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy;
and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same
point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the
French by force of arms, and surely this might have been as effectually
and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal
declaration; the omission of which exposed the administration to
the censure of our neighbours, and fixed the imputation of fraud and
free-booting on the beginning of the war. The ministry was said to have
delayed the ceremony of denouncing war from political considerations,
supposing that, should the French be provoked into the first declaration
of this kind, the powers of Europe would consider his most christian
majesty as the aggressor, and Great Britain would reap all the fruits of
the defensive alliances in which she had engaged. But nothing could be
more weak and frivolous than such a conjecture. The aggressor is he who
first violates the peace; and every ally will interpret the aggression
according to his own interest and convenience. The administration
maintained the appearance of candour in the midst of their hostilities.
The merchant ships, of which a great number had been taken from the
French, were not sold and divided among the captors, according to the
practice of war; but carefully sequestered, with all their cargoes
and effects, in order to be restored to the right owners, in case the
disputes between the two nations should not be productive of an open
rupture. In this particular, however, it was a pity that a little common
sense had not been blended with their honourable intention. Great part
of the cargoes consisted of fish, and other perishable commodities,
which were left to rot and putrefy, and afterwards thrown overboard,
to prevent contagion; so that the owners and captors were equally
disappointed, and the value of them lost to both nations.




THE FRENCH THREATEN GREAT BRITAIN WITH AN INVASION.

The court of Versailles, while they presented remonstrances which they
knew would prove ineffectual, and exclaimed against the conduct of Great
Britain with all the arts of calumny and exaggeration at every court in
Christendom, continued nevertheless to make such preparations as denoted
a design to prosecute the war with uncommon vigour. They began to repair
and fortify Dunkirk; orders were published that all British subjects
should quit the dominions of France; many English vessels were seized in
the different ports of that kingdom, and their crews sent to prison. At
the same time an edict was issued, inviting the French subjects to equip
privateers, offering a premium of forty livres for every gun, and as
much for every man they should take from the enemy; and promising that,
in case a peace should be speedily concluded, the king would purchase
the privateers at prime cost. They employed great numbers of artificers
and seamen in equipping a formidable squadron of ships at Brest; and
assembling a strong body of land-forces, as well as a considerable
number of transports, threatened the island of Great Britain with a
dangerous invasion.




REQUISITION OF SIX THOUSAND DUTCH TROOPS.

The English people were seized with consternation; the ministry were
alarmed and perplexed. Colonel Yorke, the British resident at the Hague,
was ordered by his majesty to make a requisition of the six thousand
men whom the states-general are obliged by treaty to furnish, when
Great Britain shall be threatened with an invasion; and in February
he presented a memorial for this purpose. Monsieur d’Affry, the French
king’s minister at the Hague, having received intimation of this demand,
produced a counter-memorial from his master, charging the English as the
aggressors, and giving the states-general plainly to understand, that,
should they grant the succours demanded by Great Britain, he would
consider their compliance as an act of hostility against himself. The
Dutch, though divided among themselves by faction, were unanimously
averse to any measure that might involve them in the approaching war.
Their commerce was in a great measure decayed, and their finances
were too much exhausted to admit of an immediate augmentation of their
forces, which for many other reasons they strove to avoid. They foresaw
a great increase of trade in their adhering to a punctual neutrality;
they were afraid of the French by land, and jealous of the English by
sea; and perhaps enjoyed the prospect of seeing these two proud and
powerful nations humble and impoverish each other. Certain it is, the
states-general protracted their answer to Mr. Yorke’s memorial by such
affected delays, that the court of London perceived their intention,
and, in order to avoid the mortification of a flat denial, the king
ordered his resident to acquaint the princess regent, that he would not
insist upon his demand. The states, thus freed from their perplexity, at
length delivered an answer to Mr. Yorke, in which they expatiated on the
difficulties they were laid under, and thanked his Britannic majesty for
having freed them by his declaration from that embarrassment into which
they were thrown by his first demand and the counter-memorial of the
French minister. The real sentiments of those people, however, more
plainly appeared in the previous resolution delivered to the states of
Holland by the towns of Amsterdam, Dort, Haerlem, Gouda, Rotterdam,
and Enckhuysen, declaring flatly that England was uncontrovertibly the
aggressor in Europe, by seizing a considerable number of French vessels;
that the threatened invasion of Great Britain did not affect the
republic’s guarantee of the protestant succession, inasmuch as it was
only intended to obtain reparation for the injury sustained by the
subjects of his most christian majesty; finally, that the succours
demanded could be of no advantage to the king of England, as it appeared
by the declaration of his most christian majesty; that their granting
these succours would immediately lay them under the necessity of
demanding, in their turn, assistance from Great Britain. From this way
of arguing, the English may perceive what they have to expect in cases
of emergency from the friendship of their nearest allies, who must
always be furnished with the same excuse, whenever they find it
convenient or necessary to their own interest. Such a consideration,
joined to other concurring motives, ought to induce the British
legislature to withdraw its dependence from all foreign connexions,
and provide such a constitutional force within itself, as will be
fully sufficient to baffle all the efforts of an external enemy. The
apprehensions and distraction of the people at this juncture plainly
evinced the expediency of such a national force; but different parties
were divided in their opinions about the nature of such a provision.
Some of the warmest friends of their country proposed a well regulated
militia, as an institution that would effectually answer the purpose of
defending a wide extended sea-coast from invasion; while, on the other
hand, this proposal was ridiculed and refuted as impracticable or
useless by all the retainers to the court, and all the officers of
the standing army. In the meantime, as the experiment could not be
immediately tried, and the present juncture demanded some instant
determination, recourse was had to a foreign remedy.

Towards the latter end of March, the king sent a written message to
parliament, intimating, that he had received repeated advices from
different persons and places, that a design had been formed by
the French court to invade Great Britain or Ireland; and the great
preparations of forces, ships, artillery, and warlike stores, then
notoriously making in the ports of France opposite to the British
coasts, together with the language of the French ministers in some
foreign courts, left little room to doubt the reality of such a design;
that his majesty had augmented his forces both by sea and land, and
taken proper measures and precautions for putting his kingdom in a
posture of defence; that, in order further to strengthen himself, he
had made a requisition of a body of Hessian troops, pursuant to the
late treaty, to be forthwith brought over, and for that purpose ordered
transports to be prepared; that he doubted not of being enabled
and supported by his parliament in taking such measures as might
be conducive to an end so essential to the honour of his crown, the
preservation of the protestant religion, and the laws and liberties of
these kingdoms. This message was no sooner received, than both houses
voted, composed, and presented very warm and affectionate addresses,
in which his majesty was thanked for the requisition he had made of
the Hessian troops; a measure which at any other time would have been
stigmatized with all the satire and rhetoric of the opposition.




HESSIANS AND HANOVERIANS TRANSPORTED INTO ENGLAND.

Even this precaution was not thought sufficient to secure the island,
and quiet the terrors of the people. In a few days Mr. Fox, the new
minister, encouraged by the unanimity which had appeared so conspicuous
in the motions for the late addresses, ventured to move again in the
house of commons, that another address should be presented to the king,
beseeching his majesty, that for the more effectual defence of this
island, and for the better security of the religion and liberties of his
subjects, against the threatened attack by a foreign enemy, he would be
graciously pleased to order twelve battalions of his electoral troops,
together with the usual detachment of artillery, to be forthwith brought
into this kingdom. There was a considerable party in the house, to whom
such a motion was odious and detestable; but considering the critical
situation of affairs, they were afraid that a direct opposition might
expose them to a more odious suspicion; they therefore moved for the
order of the day, and insisted on the question’s being put upon that
motion; but it was carried in the negative by a considerable majority,
which also agreed to the other proposal. The resolution of the house was
communicated to the lords, who unanimously concurred; and their joint
address being presented, his majesty assured them he would immediately
comply with their request. Accordingly, such expedition was used, that
in the course of the next month both Hanoverians and Hessians arrived in
England, and encamped in different parts of the kingdom.--As the fears
of an invasion subsided in the minds of the people, their antipathy to
these foreign auxiliaries emerged. They were beheld with the eyes of
jealousy, suspicion, and disdain. They were treated with contempt,
reserve, and rigour. The ministry was execrated for having reduced the
nation to such a low circumstance of disgrace, as that they should
owe their security to German mercenaries. There were not wanting some
incendiaries, who circulated hints and insinuations, that the kingdom
had been purposely left unprovided; and that the natives of South
Britain had been formerly subdued and expelled by a body of Saxon
auxiliaries, whom they had hired for their preservation. In a word,
the doubts and suspicions of a people naturally blunt and jealous,
were inflamed to such a degree of animosity, that nothing would have
restrained them from violent acts of outrage, but the most orderly,
modest, and inoffensive behaviour by which both the Hanoverians and
Hessians were distinguished.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




FRENCH PREPARATIONS AT TOULON.

Under the cloak of an invading armament, which engrossed the attention
of the British nation, the French were actually employed in preparations
for an expedition, which succeeded according to their wish. In the
beginning of the year, advice was received that a French squadron
would soon be in a condition to sail from Toulon; this was afterwards
confirmed by repeated intelligence, not only from foreign gazettes, but
also from English ministers and consuls residing in Spain and Italy.
They affirmed that the Toulon squadron consisted of twelve or fifteen
ships of the line, with a great number of transports; that they were
supplied with provisions for two months only, consequently could not
be intended for America; and that strong bodies of troops were on their
march from different parts of the French dominions to Dauphiné and
Provence in order to be embarked. Notwithstanding these particulars of
information, which plainly pointed out Minorca as the object of their
expedition; notwithstanding the extensive and important commerce carried
on by the subjects of Great Britain in the Mediterranean; no care was
taken to send thither a squadron of ships capable to protect the trade,
and frustrate the designs of the enemy. That great province was left
to a few inconsiderable ships and frigates, which could serve no
other purpose than that of carrying intelligence from port to port, and
enriching their commanders by making prize of merchant vessels. Nay,
the ministry seemed to pay little or no regard to the remonstrances of
general Blakeney, deputy governor of Minorca, who, in repeated advices,
represented the weakness of the garrison which he commanded in
St. Philip’s castle, the chief fortress on the island. Far from
strengthening the garrison with a proper reinforcement, they did not
even send thither the officers belonging to it, who were in England upon
leave of absence, nor give directions for any vessel to transport them,
until the French armament was ready to make a descent upon that island.
[372] _[See note 2 Z, at the end of this Vol]_




ADMIRAL BYNG SAILS FOR THE MEDITERRANEAN.

At length, the destination of the enemy’s fleet being universally known,
the ministry seemed to rouse from their lethargy, and, like persons
suddenly waking, acted with hurry and precipitation. Instead of
detaching a squadron that in all respects should be superior to the
French fleet in the Mediterranean, and bestowing the command of it upon
an officer of approved courage and activity, they allotted no more than
ten ships of the line for this service, vesting the command of them
in admiral Byng, who had never met with any occasion to signalize his
courage, and whose character was not very popular in the navy; but Mr.
West, the second in command, was a gentleman universally respected for
his probity, ability, and resolution. The ten ships destined for this
expedition were but in very indifferent order, poorly manned, and
unprovided with either hospital or fire-ship. They sailed from
Spithead on the seventh day of April, having on board, as part of their
complement, a regiment of soldiers to be landed at Gibraltar, with
major-general Stuart, lord Effingham, and colonel Cornwallis, whose
regiments were in garrison at Minorca, about forty inferior officers,
and near one hundred recruits, as a reinforcement to St. Philip’s
fortress.




ADMIRAL BYNG ARRIVES AT GIBRALTAR.

After all the intelligence which had been received, one would imagine
the government of England was still ignorant of the enemy’s force and
destination; for the instructions delivered to admiral Byng, imported,
that on his arrival at Gibraltar, he should inquire whether any French
squadron had passed through the straits; and that, being certified
in the affirmative, as it was probably designed for North America, he
should immediately detach rear-admiral West to Louisbourg, on the island
of cape Breton, with such a number of ships, as, when joined with those
at Halifax, would constitute a force superior to the armament of the
enemy. On the second day of May, admiral Byng arrived at Gibraltar,
where he found captain Edgecumbe, with the Princess Louisa ship of war,
and a sloop, who informed him that the French armament, commanded by M.
de la Galissonniere, consisting of thirteen ships of the line, with a
great number of transports, having on board a body of fifteen thousand
land-forces, had sailed from Toulon on the tenth day of April, and made
a descent on the island of Minorca, from whence he, captain Edgecumbe,
had been obliged to retire on their approach. General Fowke, who
commanded at Gibraltar, had received two successive orders from the
secretary at war, with respect to his sparing a battalion of troops, to
be transported by Mr. Byng, as a reinforcement to Minorca; but as the
two orders appeared inconsistent or equivocal, a council of war was
consulted, and a majority were of opinion that no troops should be sent
from thence to Minorca, except a detachment to supply the deficiency in
the little squadron of captain Edgecumbe, who had left a good number of
his seamen and mariners, under the command of captain Scroop, to assist
in the defence of fort St. Philip’s. These articles of intelligence the
admiral despatched by an express to the lords of the admiralty, and
in his letter made use of some impolitic expressions, which, in all
probability, it would have been well for him had he omitted. He said, if
he had been so happy as to have arrived at Mahon before the French had
landed, he flattered himself he should have been able to prevent their
getting a footing on that island. He complained, that there were no
magazines in Gibraltar for supplying the squadron with necessaries; that
the careening wharfs, pits, and store-houses were entirely decayed, so
that he should find the greatest difficulty in cleaning the ships that
were foul; and this was the case with some of those he carried out from
England, as well as with those which had been for some time cruising in
the Mediterranean. He signified his opinion, that, even if it should be
found practicable, it would be very impolitic to throw any men into
St. Philip’s castle, which could not be saved without a land-force
sufficient to raise the seige; therefore, a small reinforcement would
only add so many men to the number which must fall into the hands of the
enemy. He observed, that such engineers and artillery-men in Gibraltar
as had been at Minorca, were of opinion that it would be impossible to
throw any number of men into St. Philip’s, if the French had erected
batteries on the two shores near the entrance of the harbour, so as
to bar all passage up to the sally-port of the fortress; and with this
opinion he signified the concurrence of his own sentiments. The first
part of this letter was a downright impeachment of the ministry, for
having delayed the expedition, for having sent out ships unfit for
service, and for having neglected the magazines and wharfs at Gibraltar.
In the latter part he seemed to prepare them for the subsequent account
of his misconduct and miscarriage. It cannot be supposed that they
underwent this accusation without apprehension and resentment; and
as they foresaw the loss of Minorca, which would not fail to excite a
national clamour, perhaps they now began to take measures for gratifying
their resentment, and transferring the blame from themselves to the
person who had presumed to hint a disapprobation of their conduct: for
this purpose they could not have found a fairer opportunity than Mr.
Byng’s subsequent behaviour afforded.




HE ENGAGES M. DE LA GALISSONNIERE OFF MINORCA.

The admiral being strengthened by Mr. Edgecumbe, and reinforced by a
detachment from the garrison, set sail from Gibraltar on the eighth day
of May, and was joined off Majorca by his majesty’s ship the Phoenix,
under the command of captain Hervey, who confirmed the intelligence
he had already received, touching the strength and destination of the
French squadron. When he approached Minorca, he descried the British
colours still flying at the castle of St. Philip’s, and several
bomb-batteries playing upon it from different quarters where the French
banners were displayed. Thus informed, he detached three ships a-head,
with captain Hervey, to reconnoitre the harbour’s mouth, and land, if
possible, a letter for general Blakeney, giving him to understand the
fleet was come to his assistance. Before this attempt could be made, the
French fleet appearing to the south-cast, and the wind blowing strong
off shore, he recalled his ships, and formed the line of battle. About
six o’clock in the evening, the enemy, to the number of seventeen ships,
thirteen of which appeared to be very large, advanced in order; but
about seven tacked, with a view to gain the weather-gage. Mr. Byng,
in order to preserve that advantage, as well as to make sure of the
land-wind in the morning, followed their example, being then about five
leagues from Cape Mola. At daylight the enemy could not be descried; but
two tartanes appearing close to the rear of the English squadron, they
were immediately chased by signal. One escaped, and the other being
taken, was found to have on board two French captains, two lieutenants,
and about one hundred private soldiers, part of six hundred who had
been sent out in tartanes the preceding day, to reinforce the enemy’s
squadron. This soon re-appearing, the line of battle was formed on each
side, and about two o’clock admiral Byng threw out a signal to bear away
two points from the wind and engage. At this time his distance from the
enemy was so great, that rear-admiral West, perceiving it impossible to
comply with both orders, bore away with his division seven points from
the wind, and closing down upon the enemy, attacked them with such
impetuosity, that the ships which opposed him were in a little time
driven out of the line. Had he been properly sustained by the van,
in all probability the British fleet would have obtained a complete
victory; but the other division did not bear down, and the enemy’s
centre keeping that station, rear-admiral West could not pursue his
advantage without running the risk of seeing his communication with the
rest of the line entirely cut off. In the beginning of the action, the
Intrepid, in Mr. Byng’s division, was so disabled in her rigging
that she could not be managed, and drove on the ship that was next in
position; a circumstance which obliged several others to throw all aback
in order to avoid confusion, and for some time retarded the action.
Certain it is, that Mr. Byng, though accommodated with a noble ship of
ninety guns, made little or no use of his artillery, but kept aloof,
either from an overstrained observance of discipline, or timidity. When
his captain exhorted him to bear down upon the enemy, he very coolly
replied, that he would avoid the error of admiral Matthews, who, in his
engagement with the French and Spanish squadrons off Toulon, during the
preceding war, had broke the line by his own precipitation, and exposed
himself singly to a fire which he could not sustain. Mr. Byng, on the
contrary, was determined against acting, except with the line entire;
and, on pretence of rectifying the disorder which had happened among
some of the ships, hesitated so long, and kept at such a wary distance,
that he never was properly engaged, though he received some few shots
in his hull. M. de la Galissionniere seemed equally averse to the
continuance of the battle; part of his squadron had been fairly obliged
to quit the line; and though he was rather superior to the English
in number of men and weight of metal, he did not choose to abide
the consequence of a closer fight with an enemy so expert in naval
operations: he therefore took advantage of Mr. Byng’s hesitation,
and edged away with an easy sail to join his van, which had been
discomfited. The English admiral gave chase; but the French ships being
clean, he could not come up and close them again, so they retired at
their leisure. Then he put his squadron on the other tack, in order to
keep the wind of the enemy; and next morning they were altogether out of
sight.

While he lay-to with the rest of the fleet, at the distance of ten
leagues from Mahon, he detached cruisers to look for some missing ships,
which joined him accordingly, and made an inquiry into the condition
of the squadron. The number of killed amounted to forty-two, including
captain Andrews of the Defiance, and about one hundred and sixty-eight
were wounded. Three of the capital ships were so damaged in their masts,
that they could not keep the sea with any regard to their safety; a
great number of the seamen were ill, and there was no vessel which
could be converted into an hospital for the sick and wounded. In this
situation he called a council of war, at which the land-officers were
present. He represented to them that he was much inferior to the enemy
in weight of metal and number of men; that they had the advantage of
sending their wounded to Minorca, from whence at the same time they
were refreshed and reinforced occasionally; that in his opinion it was
impracticable to relieve St. Philip’s fort, and, therefore, they ought
to make the best of their way back to Gibraltar, which might require
immediate protection. They unanimously concurred with his sentiments,
and thither he directed his course accordingly. How he came to be so
well acquainted with the impracticability of relieving general Blakeney,
it is not easy to determine, as no experiment was made for that purpose.
Indeed, the neglect of such a trial seems to have been the least
excusable part of his conduct; for it afterwards appeared that the
officers and soldiers belonging to the garrison might have been landed
at the sally-port, without running any great risk; and a gentleman, then
in the fort, actually passed and repassed in a boat, unhurt by any of
the enemy’s batteries.

Mr. Byng’s letter to the admiralty, containing a detail of this action,
is said to have arrived some days before it was made public; and when
it appeared, was curtailed of divers expressions, and whole paragraphs,
which either tended to his own justification, or implied a censure on
the conduct of his superiors. Whatever use might have been made of this
letter while it remained a secret to the public, we shall not pretend to
explain; but sure it is, that, on the sixteenth day of June, sir Edward
Hawke and admiral Saunders sailed from Spit-head to Gibraltar,
to supersede the admirals Byng and West in their commands of the
Mediterranean squadron; and Mr. Byng’s letter was not published till
the twenty-sixth day of the same month, when it produced all the
effect which that gentleman’s bitterest enemies could have desired.
The populace took fire like a train of the most hasty combustibles,
and broke out into such a clamour of rage and indignation against the
devoted admiral, as could not have been exceeded if he had lost the
whole navy of England, and left the coasts of the kingdom naked to
invasion. This animosity was carefully fomented and maintained by
artful emissaries, who mingled with all public assemblies, from the
drawing-room in St. James’ to the mob at Charing-cross. They expatiated
upon the insolence, the folly, the cowardice, and misconduct of the
unhappy admiral. They even presumed to make their sovereign in some
measure an instrument of their calumny, by suggesting, that his majesty
had prognosticated Byng’s misbehaviour from the contents of his first
letter, dated at Gibraltar. They ridiculed and refuted the reasons
he had given for returning to that fortress, after his scandalous
re-encounter with the French squadron; and, in order to exasperate them
to the most implacable resentment, they exaggerated the terrible
consequences of losing Minorca, which must now be subdued through
his treachery or want of resolution. In a word, he was devoted as the
scape-goat of the ministry, to whose supine negligence, ignorance, and
misconduct, the loss of that important fortress was undoubtedly owing.
Byng’s miscarriage was thrown out like a barrel to the whale, in order
to engage the attention of the people, that it might not be attracted by
the real cause of the national misfortune. In order to keep up the flame
which had been kindled against the admiral, recourse was had to the
lowest artifices. Agents were employed to vilify his person in all
public places of vulgar resort, and mobs were hired at different parts
of the capital to hang and burn him in effigy.




ADMIRAL BYNG SUPERSEDED AND SENT HOME PRISONER.

The two officers who succeeded to the command in the Mediterranean,
were accompanied by lord Tyrawley, whom his majesty had appointed to
supersede general Fowke in the government of Gibraltar, that gentleman
having incurred the displeasure of the ministry, for not having
understood an order which was unintelligible. By the same conveyance, a
letter from the secretary to the admiralty was transmitted to Mr. Byng,
giving him notice that he was recalled. To this intimation he replied in
such a manner as denoted a consciousness of having done his duty, and
a laudable desire to vindicate his own conduct. His answer contained
a further account of the engagement in which he was supposed to have
misbehaved, intermixed with some puerile calculations of the enemy’s
superiority in weight of metal, which served no other purpose than that
of exposing his character still more to ridicule and abuse; and he was
again so impolitic as to hazard certain expressions, which added fresh
fuel to the resentment of his enemies. Directions were immediately
despatched to sir Edward Hawke, that Byng should be sent home in
arrest; and an order to the same purpose was lodged at every port in the
kingdom; precautions which, however unnecessary to secure the person of
a man who longed ardently to justify his character by a public trial,
were yet productive of considerable effect in augmenting the popular
odium. Admiral Byng immediately embarked in the ship which had carried
out his successor, and was accompanied by Mr. West, general Fowke, and
several other officers of that garrison, who were also recalled, in
consequence of having subscribed to the result of the council of war,
which we have mentioned above. When they arrived in England, Mr. West
met with such a gracious reception from his majesty as was thought due
to his extraordinary merit; but Mr. Byng was committed close prisoner in
an apartment of Greenwich hospital.




ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF ST. PHILIP’S FORT IN MINORCA.

In the meantime, the siege of St. Philip’s fort in Minorca was
prosecuted with unremitting vigour. The armament of Toulon, consisting
of the fleet commanded by M. de la Galissonniere, and the troops under
the duke de Richelieu, arrived on the eighteenth day of April at the
port of Ciudadella, on that part of the island opposite to Mahon, or
St. Philip’s, and immediately began to disembark their forces. Two days
before they reached the island, general Blakeney had, by a packet boat,
received certain intelligence of their approach, and began to make
preparations for the defence of the castle. The fort which he commanded
was very extensive, surrounded with numerous redoubts, ravelins, and
other outworks; and provided with subterranean galleries, mines, and
traverses, Cut out of the solid rock with incredible labour. Upon
the whole, this was one of the best fortified places in Europe, well
supplied with artillery, ammunition, and provisions; and, without
all doubt, might have sustained the most desperate siege, had it been
defended by a numerous garrison, conducted by able engineers, under
the eye and auspices of an active and skilful commander. All these
advantages, however, did not concur on this occasion. The number of
troops in Minorca did not exceed four regiments, whereas the nature of
the works required at least double the number; and even of these, above
forty officers were absent. The chief engineer was rendered lame by the
gout, and the general himself oppressed with the infirmities of old age.
The natives of the island might have been serviceable as pioneers, or
day-labourers, but from their hatred to the protestant religion, they
were generally averse to the English government, although they had lived
happily and grown wealthy under its influence.




PRECAUTIONS taken by GENERAL BLAKENEY.

The governor ordered his officers to beat up for volunteers in the
adjacent town of St. Philip’s; but few or none would enlist under his
banners, and it seems he would not venture to compel them into the
service. He recalled all his advanced parties; and, in particular, a
company posted at Fornelles, where a small redoubt had been raised,
and five companies at Ciudadella, a post fortified with two pieces of
cannon, which were now withdrawn as soon as the enemy began to disembark
their forces. At the same time major Cunningham was detached with a
party to break down the bridges, and break up the roads between that
place and St. Philip’s; but the task of destroying the roads could not
be performed in such a hurry, on account of the hard rock which runs
along the surface of the ground through this whole island; nor was there
time to demolish the town of St. Philip’s, which stood so near the fort,
that the enemy could not fail to take advantage of its neighbourhood.
The streets served them for trenches, which otherwise could not have
been dug through the solid rock. Here they made a lodgement close to the
works; here they found convenient barracks and quarters of refreshment,
masks for their batteries, and an effectual cover for their mortars and
bombardiers. The general has been blamed for leaving the town standing;
but if we consider his uncertainty concerning the destination of the
French armament, the odious nature of such a precaution, which could not
fail to exasperate the inhabitants, and the impossibility of executing
such a scheme after the first appearance of the enemy, he will be found
excusable, if not altogether blameless. Some houses and windmills were
actually demolished, so as to clear the esplanade and the approaches.
All the wine in the cellars of St. Philip’s town was destroyed, and the
butts were carried into the castle, where they might serve for gabions
and traverses. Five-and-twenty Minorquin bakers were hired, and a large
number of cattle brought into the fort, for the benefit of the garrison.
The ports were walled up, the posts assigned, the sentinels placed,
and all the different guards appointed. Commodore Edgecumbe, who then
anchored in the harbour of Mahon close under the walls of the castle,
sailed away with his little squadron, consisting of the Chesterfield,
Princess Louisa, Portland, and Dolphin, after having left all his
marines, a detachment from Gibraltar, the whole crew of the Porcupine
sloop, and the greater part of the Dolphin’s, as a reinforcement to the
fort, under the immediate direction and command of captain Scroop of
the Dolphin, who, with great gallantry, offered himself for this severe
duty, and bravely signalized himself during the whole siege. The French
admiral might certainly have blocked up this harbour in such a manner,
as would have prevented the escape of these ships, and divers other
rich merchant vessels, which happened then to be at Mahon; but in all
probability, they purposely allowed them to abandon the place, which,
on any emergency or assault, their crews and officers would have
considerably reinforced. The enemy were perfectly acquainted with the
great extent of the works, and the weakness of the garrison, from which
circumstance they derived the most sanguine hopes that the place might
be suddenly taken, without the trouble of a regular siege. After Mr.
Edgecumbe had sailed from Gibraltar, and general Blakeney had ordered
a sloop to be sunk in the channel that leads to the harbour, the French
squadron made its appearance at this part of the island; but without
having attempted anything against the fort, fell to leeward of Cape
Mola. Next day they came in sight again, but soon bore away, and never
afterwards, during the whole course of the siege, approached so near as
to give the garrison the least disturbance.

On the twenty-second day of April, the governor sent a drummer to the
French general with a letter, desiring to know his reasons for invading
the island. To this an answer was returned by the duke de Richelieu,
declaring he was come with intention to reduce the island under the
dominion of his most christian majesty, by way of retaliation for the
conduct of his master, who had seized and detained the ships belonging
to the king of France and his subjects. If we may judge from the first
operations of this nobleman, he was but indifferently provided with
engineers; for instead of beginning his approaches on the side of St.
Philip’s town, close by the outworks, where he might have been screened
from the fire of the garrison, his batteries were erected at Cape Mola,
on the other side of the harbour, where they were more exposed, their
fire much less effectual, and indeed at too great a distance to be of
any service. The fire of St. Philip’s was so severe, and the cannon so
well served on this quarter, that in a little time the enemy thought
proper to change their plan of attack, and advance on the side of
St. Philip’s town, which ought to have been the first object of their
consideration, especially as they could find little or no earth to fill
their gabions, and open their trenches in the usual form. On the twelfth
of May, about nine at night, they opened two bomb-batteries, near the
place where the windmills had been destroyed; and from that period an
incessant fire was kept up on both sides, from mortars and cannon, the
French continuing to raise new batteries in every situation from whence
they could annoy the besieged.

On the seventeenth day of the month, the garrison were transported with
joy at sight of the British squadron, commanded by admiral Byng; and Mr.
Boyd, commissary of the stores, ventured to embark in a small boat, with
six oars, which passed from St. Stephen’s cove, a creek on the west side
of the fortification, through a shower of cannon and musketry from the
enemy’s post on the other side, and actually reached the open sea, his
design being to join the squadron; but this being at a great distance,
stretching away to the southward, and Mr. Boyd perceiving himself chased
by two of the enemy’s light vessels, he returned oy the same route to
the garrison, without having sustained the least damage; a circumstance
which plainly confutes the notion of Mr. Byng, that it was impracticable
to open a communication with the garrison of St. Philip’s. Next day the
hopes of the besieged, which had prognosticated a naval victory to
the British squadron, a speedy relief to themselves, and no less than
captivity to the assailants, were considerably damped by the appearance
of the French fleet, which quietly returned to their station off the
harbour of Mahon. That same evening they were told by a deserter,
that the English fleet had been worsted in an engagement by M. de la
Galissonniere; and this information was soon confirmed by a general
discharge, or _feu-de-joie_, through the whole French camp, to celebrate
the victory they pretended to have obtained. How little soever they
had reason to boast of any advantage in the action, the retreat of the
English squadron was undoubtedly equivalent to a victory; for had Mr.
Byng acquired and maintained the superiority at sea, the French forces
which had been disembarked in Minorca, would, in all probability, have
been obliged to surrender prisoners of war to his Britannic majesty. The
case was now much altered in their favour: their squadron cruised about
the island without molestation, and they daily received, by means of
their transports, reinforcements of men and ammunition, as well as
constant supplies of provisions.

The English garrison, however mortified at finding themselves thus
abandoned, resolved to acquit themselves with gallantry in the defence
of the place, not without some remaining hope that the English squadron
would be reinforced and return to their relief. In the meantime, they
sustained and retorted the enemy’s fire with undaunted resolution. They
remounted cannon, the carriages of which had been disabled; they removed
them occasionally to places from whence it was judged they could do
the greatest execution; they repaired breaches, restored merlins, and
laboured with surprising alacrity, even when they were surrounded by
the numerous batteries of the foe; when their embrasures and even the
parapets were demolished, and they stood exposed not only to the cannon
and mortars, but also to the musketry which fired upon them without
ceasing, from the windows of the houses in the town of St. Philip. By
this time they were invested with an army of twenty thousand men, and
plied incessantly from sixty-two battering cannon, twenty-one mortars,
and four howitzers, besides the small arms; nevertheless, the loss of
men within the fortress was very inconsiderable, the garrison being
mostly secured in the subterranean works which were impenetrable to
shells or shot. By the twenty-seventh day of June they had made a
practicable breach in one of the ravelins, and damaged the other
outworks to such a degree, that they determined this night to give a
general assault. Accordingly, between the hours of ten and eleven, they
advanced to the attack from all quarters on the land side. At the
same time a strong detachment, in armed boats, attempted to force the
harbour, and penetrate into the creek called St. Stephen’s Cove, to
storm fort Charles, and second the attack upon fort Marlborough, on the
farther side of the creek, the most detached of all the outworks. The
enemy advanced with great intrepedity, and their commander, the duke
de Richelieu, is said to have led them up the works in person. Such an
assault could not but be attended with great slaughter; they were mowed
down as they approached, with grape shot and musketry; and several mines
were sprung with great effect, so that the glacis was almost covered
with the dying and the dead. Nevertheless, they persevered with uncommon
resolution; and though repulsed on every other side, at length made
a lodgement in the queen’s redoubt, which had been greatly damaged by
their cannon. Whether their success in this quarter was owing to the
weakness of the place, or to the timidity of the defender, certain it
is, the enemy were in possession before it was known to the officers of
the garrison; for lieutenant-colonel Jeffries the second in command,
who had acquitted himself since the beginning of the siege with equal
courage, skill, and activity, in his visitation of this post, was
suddenly surrounded and taken by a file of French grenadiers, at a time
when he never dreamed they had made a lodgement. Major Cunningham, who
accompanied him, met with a severer fate, though he escaped captivity;
he was run through the arm with a bayonet, and the piece being
discharged at the same time, shattered the bones of his hand in such
a manner, that he was maimed for life. In this shocking condition he
retired behind a traverse, and was carried home to his quarters. Thus
the governor was deprived of his two principal assistants, one being
taken, and the other disabled.

The enemy having made themselves masters of Anstruther’s and the
queen’s redoubts, from which perhaps they might have been dislodged, had
a vigorous effort been made for that purpose before they had leisure to
secure themselves; the duke de Richelieu ordered a parley to be beat,
in order to obtain permission to bury the dead, and remove the wounded.
This request was granted with more humanity than discretion, inasmuch
as the enemy took this opportunity to throw a reinforcement of men
privately into the places where the lodgements had been made, and these
penetrated into the gallery of the mines, which communicated with
all the other outworks. During this short cessation, general Blakeney
summoned a council of war to deliberate upon the state of the fort and
garrison; and the majority declared for a capitulation. The works were
in many places rained; the body of the castle was shattered; many guns
were dismounted, the embrasures and parapets demolished, the palisadoes
broken in pieces, the garrison exhausted with hard duty and
incessant watching, and the enemy in possession of the subterranean
communications. Besides, the governor had received information from
prisoners, that the duke de Richelieu was alarmed by a report that
the marshal duke de Belleisle would be sent to supersede him in the
command, and for that reason would hazard another desperate assault,
which it was the opinion of the majority the garrison could not sustain.
These considerations, added to the despair of being relieved, induced
him to demand a capitulation. But this measure was not taken with the
unanimous consent of the council. Some officers observed, that the
garrison was very little diminished, and still in good spirits; that no
breach was made in the body of the castle, nor a single cannon erected
to batter in breach; that the loss of an outwork was never deemed
a sufficient reason for surrendering such a fortress; that the
counterscarp was not yet taken, nor, on account of the rocky soil, could
be taken, except by assault, which would cost the enemy a greater number
than they had lost in their late attempt; that they could not attack the
ditch, or batter in breach, before the counterscarp should be taken, and
even then they must have recourse to galleries before they could pass
the fosse, which was furnished with mines and countermines; finally,
they suggested, that in all probability the British squadron would be
reinforced, and sail back to their relief; or if it should not return,
it was the duty of the governor to defend the place to extremity,
without having any regard to the consequences. These remarks being
overruled, the chamade was beat, a conference ensued, and very
honourable conditions were granted to the garrison, in consideration of
the gallant defence they had made. This it must be owned was vigorous
while it lasted, as the French general was said to have lost five
thousand men in the siege; whereas the loss of the garrison, which at
first fell short of three thousand men, did not exceed one hundred. The
capitulation imported, that the garrison should march out with all the
honours of war, and be conveyed by sea to Gibraltar. The French were
put in possession of one gate, as well as fort Charles and Marlborough
redoubt; but the English troops remained in the other works till the
seventh day of July, when they embarked. In the meantime reciprocal
civilities passed between the commanders and officers of both nations.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SIR E. HAWKE SAILS TO MINORCA.

The articles of capitulation were no sooner executed, than monsieur de
la Galissonniere sailed back to Toulon, with all the prizes which had
lain at anchor in the harbour of Matron, since the fort of St. Philip
was first invested. In all probability, the safety of himself and his
whole squadron was owing to this expeditious retreat; for in a few days
after the surrender of the fort, sir Edward Hawke’s fleet, augmented by
five ships of the line, which had been sent from England when the first
tidings arrived of Minorca’s being invaded, now made its appearance off
the island; but by this time Galissonniere was retired, and the English
admiral had the mortification to see the French colours flying upon St.
Philip’s castle. What, perhaps, chagrined this gallant officer still
more, he was not provided with frigates, sloops, and small craft, to
cruise round the island and intercept the supplies which were daily sent
to the enemy. Had he reached Minorca sooner, he might have discomfited
the French squadron; but he could not have raised the siege of St.
Philip’s, because the duke de Richelieu had received his reinforcements,
and such a train of artillery as no fortification could long withstand.
Indeed, if the garrison had been considerably reinforced, and the
communication with it opened by sea, the defence would have been
protracted, and so many vigorous sallies might have been made, that the
assailants would have had cause to repent of their enterprise.

When the news of this conquest was brought to Versailles, by the count
of Egmont, whom the duke de Richelieu had dispatched for that purpose,
the people of France were transported with the most extravagant joy.
Nothing was seen but triumphs and processions, nothing heard but
anthems, congratulations, and hyperbolical encomiums upon the conqueror
of Minorca, who was celebrated in a thousand poems and studied orations;
while the conduct of the English was vilified and ridiculed in ballads,
farces, and pasquinades. Nothing more argues the degeneracy of a warlike
nation than the pride of such mean triumph, for an advantage, which,
in more vigorous times, would scarce have been distinguished by the
ceremony of a _Te Deum Laudamus_. Nor is this childish exultation, that
disgraces the laurels of victory, confined to the kingdom of France.
Truth obliges us to own, that even the subjects of Great Britain are apt
to be elevated by success into an illiberal insolence of self-applause,
and contemptuous comparison. This must be condemned as a proof of
unmanly arrogance, and absurd self-conceit, by all those who coolly
reflect that the events of war generally, if not always, depend upon the
genius or misconduct of one individual. The loss of Minorca was severely
felt in England, as a national disgrace; but, instead of producing
dejection and despondence, it excited an universal clamour of rage and
resentment, not only against Mr. Byng, who had retreated from the French
squadron; but also in reproach of the administration, which was taxed
with having neglected the security of Minorca. Nay, some politicians
were inflamed into a suspicion, that this important place had been
negatively betrayed into the hands of the enemy, that in case the arms
of Great Britain should prosper in other parts of the world, the French
king might have some sort of equivalent to restore for the conquests
which should be abandoned at the peace. This notion, however, seems to
have been conceived from prejudice and party, which now began to
appear with the most acrimonious aspect, not only throughout the united
kingdoms in general, but even in the sovereign’s councils.




GALLANTRY OF FORTUNATUS WRIGHT.

Sir Edward Hawke, being disappointed in his hope of encountering La
Galissonniere, and relieving the English garrison of St. Philip’s, at
least asserted the empire of Great Britain in the Mediterranean, by
annoying the commerce of the enemy, and blocking up the squadron in the
harbour of Toulon. Understanding that the Austrian government at Leghorn
had detained an English privateer, and imprisoned the captain, on
pretence that he had violated the neutrality of the port, he detached
two ships of war, to insist, in a peremptory manner, on the release of
the ship, effects, crew, and captain; and they thought proper to comply
with this demand, even without waiting for orders from the court of
Vienna. The person in whose behalf the admiral thus interposed, was one
Fortunatus Wright, a native of Liverpool; who, though a stranger to a
sea life, had in the last war equipped a privateer, and distinguished
himself in such a manner by his uncommon vigilance and valour, that,
if he had been indulged with a command suitable to his genius, he would
have deserved as honourable a place in the annals of the navy, as that
which the French have bostowed upon their boasted Guai Trouin, Du Bart,
and Thurot. An uncommon exertion of spirit was the occasion of his being
detained at this juncture. While he lay at anchor in the harbour of
Leghorn, commander of the St. George privateer of Liverpool, a small
ship of twelve guns and eighty men, a large French xebeque, mounted with
sixteen cannon, and nearly three times the number of his complement,
chose her station in view of the harbour, in order to interrupt the
British commerce. The gallant Wright could not endure this insult:
notwithstanding the enemy’s superiority in metal and number of men,
he weighed anchor, hoisted his sails, engaged him within sight of
the shore, and after a very obstinate dispute, in which the captain,
lieutenant, and above threescore of the men belonging to the xebeque
were killed on the spot, he obliged them to sheer off, and returned
to the harbour in triumph. This brave corsair would, no doubt, have
signalized himself by many other exploits, had he not, in the sequel,
been overtaken in the midst of his career by a dreadful storm, in which
the ship foundering, he and all his crew perished.




GENERAL BLAKENEY CREATED A BARON.

Sir Edward Hawke, having scoured the Mediterranean, and insulted the
enemy’s ports, returned with the home-ward bound trade to Gibraltar;
from whence about the latter end of the year he set sail for England
with part of his squadron, leaving the rest in that bay for the
protection of our commerce, which, in those parts, soon began to suffer
extremely from French privateers that now swarmed in the Mediterranean.
General Blakeney had arrived, with the garrison of Minorca, at
Portsmouth, in the month of November, and been received with expressions
of tumultuous joy: every place through which he passed celebrated his
return with bonfires, illuminations, bell-ringing, and acclamations:
every mouth was opened in his praise, extolling him for the gallant
defence he had made in the castle of St. Philip. In a word, the people’s
veneration for Blakeney increased in proportion to their abhorrence of
Byng: the first was lifted into an idol of admiration, while the other
sunk into an object of reproach; and they were viewed at different ends
of a false perspective, through the medium of prejudice and passion; of
a perspective artfully contrived, and applied by certain ministers for
the purposes of self-interest and deceit. The sovereign is said to have
been influenced by the prepossession of the secret. Mr. Blakeney met
with a gracious reception from his majesty, who raised him to the rank
of an Irish baron in consideration of his faithful services, while
some malcontents murmured at this mark of favour, as an unreasonable
sacrifice to popular misapprehension.




MEASURES TAKEN FOR THE DEFENCE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

In the beginning of the year, the measures taken by the government in
England seem to have been chiefly dictated by the dread of an invasion,
from which the ministers did not think themselves secured by the
guard-ships and cruisers on different parts of the coast, or the
standing army of the kingdom, though reinforced by the two bodies of
German auxiliaries. A considerable number of new troops was levied;
the success of recruiting was not only promoted by the land-holders
throughout the kingdom, who thought their estates were at stake, and for
that reason encouraged their dependents to engage in the service; but
also in a great measure owing to a dearth of corn, which reduced the
lower class of labourers to such distress, that some insurrections were
raised, and many enlisted with a view to obtain a livelihood, which
otherwise they could not earn. New ships of war were built, and daily
put in commission; but it was found impracticable to man them, without
having recourse to the odious and illegal practice of impressing
sailors, which must always be a reproach to every free people.
Notwithstanding large bounties, granted by the government to volunteers,
it was found necessary to lay an embargo upon all shipping, and impress
all the seamen that could be found, without any regard to former
protections; so that all the merchant ships were stripped of their
hands, and foreign commerce for some time wholly suspended. Nay, the
expedient of compelling men into the service was carried to an unusual
degree of oppression; for rewards were publicly offered to those who
should discover where any seamen lay concealed; so that those unhappy
people were in some respects treated like felons, dragged from their
families and connexions to confinement, mutilation, and death, and
totally cut off from the enjoyment of that liberty which, perhaps at the
expense of their lives, their own arms had helped to preserve, in favour
of their ungrateful country.*

     * At this juncture, a number of public spirited merchants of
     the city of London, and others, formed themselves into a
     very laudable association, under the name of the Marine
     Society, and contributed considerable sums of money for
     equipping such orphans, friendless, and forlorn boys, as
     were willing to engage in the service of the navy. In
     consequence of this excellent plan, which was executed with
     equal zeal and discretion, many thousands were rescued from
     misery, and rendered useful members of that society, of
     which they must have been the bane and reproach, without
     this humane interposition.

About eighty ships of the line and three-score frigates were already
equipped, and considerable bodies of land-forces assembled, when, on
the third day of February, a proclamation was issued, requiring all
officers, civil and military, upon the first appearance of any hostile
attempt to land upon the coasts of the kingdom, immediately to cause all
horses, oxen, or cattle, which might be fit for draught or burden, and
not actually employed in the king’s service, or in the defence of the
country, and also (so far as might be practicable) all other cattle
and provisions, to be driven and removed twenty miles at least from the
place where such hostile attempt should be made, and to secure the same,
so as that they might not fall into the hands or power of those who
should make such attempt: regard being had, however, that the respective
owners should suffer as little damage as might be consistent with the
public safety.




EARL OF LOUDON APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN AMERICA.

As the ministry were determined to make their chief efforts against the
enemy in North America, where the first hostilities had been committed,
and where the strongest impression could be made, a detachment of two
regiments was sent thither under the conduct of general Abercrombie,
appointed as successor to general Shirley, whom they recalled, as a
person nowise qualified to conduct military operations; nor, indeed,
could any success in war be expected from a man who had not been trained
to arms, nor ever acted but in a civil capacity. But the command in
chief of all the forces in America was conferred upon the earl
of Loudon, a nobleman of an amiable character, who had already
distinguished himself in the service of his country. Over and above this
command, he was now appointed governor of Virginia, and colonel of a
royal American regiment, consisting of four battalions, to be raised
in that country, and disciplined by officers of experience invited from
foreign service. Mr. Abercrombie set sail for America in March; but the
earl of Loudon, who directed in chief the plan of operations, and was
vested with power and authority-little inferior to those of a viceroy,
did not embark till the latter end of May.




HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S DECLARATION OF WAR.

All these previous measures being taken, his majesty, in the course of
the same month, thought proper to publish a declaration of war [378]
_[See note 3 A, at the end of this Vol.]_ against the French king,
importing, that since the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the usurpations and
encroachments made upon the British territories, in America, had
been notorious; that his Britannic majesty had, in divers serious
representations to the court of Versailles, complained of these repeated
acts of violence, and demanded satisfaction; but notwithstanding the
repeated assurances given by the French king, that every thing should be
settled agreeably to the treaties subsisting between the two crowns, and
particularly that the evacuation of the four neutral islands in the West
Indies should be effected, the execution of these assurances, and of
the treaties on which they were founded, had been evaded under the most
frivolous pretences; that the unjustifiable practices of the French
governors, and officers acting under their authority, were still
continued, until they broke out in open acts of hostility, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-four; when, in time of profound
peace, without any declaration of war, without any previous notice
given, or application made, a body of French troops, commanded by an
officer bearing the French king’s commission, attacked in an hostile
manner, and took possession of an English fort on the river Ohio, in
North America; that great naval armaments were prepared in the ports
of France, and a considerable body of French troops embarked for that
country; that although the French ambassador was sent back to England
with specious professions of a desire to accommodate these differences,
it appeared their real design was only to amuse and gain time for the
passage of these supplies and reinforcements, which they hoped would
secure the superiority of the French forces in America, and enable them
to carry their ambitious and oppressive projects into execution; that
inconsequence of the just and necessary measures taken by the king of
Great Britain for preventing the success of such a dangerous design,
the French ambassador was immediately recalled from England, the
fortifications of Dunkirk were enlarged, great bodies of troops marched
down to the sea-coasts of France, and the British dominions threatened
with an invasion; that though the king of England, in order to frustrate
these intentions, had given orders for seizing at sea the ships of the
French king and his subjects, yet he had hitherto contented himself with
detaining those ships which had been taken, and preserving their cargoes
entire, without proceeding to confiscation; but it being at last evident
from the hostile invasion of Minorca, that the court of Versailles was
determined to reject all proposals of accommodation, and carry on the
war with the utmost violence, his Britannic majesty could no longer,
consistently with the honour of his crown, and the welfare of his
subjects, remain within those bounds, which from a desire of peace he
had hitherto observed. A denunciation of war followed in the usual
form, and was concluded with an assurance, that all the French subjects
residing in Great Britain and Ireland, who should demean themselves
dutifully to the government, might depend upon its protection, and be
safe in their persons and effects.




SUBSTANCE OF THE FRENCH KING’S DECLARATION.

In the beginning of June the French king declared war in his turn
against his Britannic majesty, and his declaration was couched in terms
of uncommon asperity.

He artfully threw a shade over the beginning of hostilities in North
America, referring to a memorial which had been delivered to the several
courts of Europe, containing a summary of those facts which related to
the present war, and the negotiations by which it had been preceded.
He insisted on the attack made by the king of England, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-four, on the French possessions in
North America; and afterwards by the English navy on the navigation and
commerce of the French subjects, in contempt of the law of nations, and
direct violation of treaties. He complained that the French soldiers and
sailors underwent the harshest treatment in the British isles, exceeding
those bounds which are prescribed to the most rigorous rights of war,
by the law of nature, and common humanity. He affirmed, that while the
English ministry, under the appearance of sincerity, imposed upon
the French ambassador with false protestations, others diametrically
opposite to these deceitful assurances of a speedy accommodation were
actually carrying into execution in North America; that while the
court of London employed every caballing art, and squandered away the
subsidies of England, to instigate other powers against France, his most
christain majesty did not even ask of these powers the succours
which guarantees and defensive treaties authorised him to demand; but
recommended to them such measures only as tended to their own peace and
security; that while the English navy, by the most odious violences,
and sometimes by the vilest artifices, made captures of French vessels
navigating in full security under the safeguard of public faith, his
most christian majesty released an English frigate taken by a French
squadron; and British vessels traded to the ports of France without
molestation. That the striking contrast formed by these different
methods of proceeding would convince all Europe, that one court was
guided by motives of jealousy, ambition, and avarice, and that the
conduct of the other was founded on principles of honour, justice,
and moderation; that the vague imputations contained in the king of
England’s declaration, had in reality no foundation; and the very manner
in which they were set forth would prove their futility and falsehood;
that the mention made of the works at Dunkirk, and the troop assembled
on the coasts of the ocean, implied the most gross attempt to deceive
mankind into a belief that these were the points which determined the
king of England to issue orders for seizing the French vessels; whereas
the works at Dunkirk were not begun till after two French ships of
war had been taken by an English squadron; and depredations had been
committed six months upon the subjects of France before the first
battalions began their march for the sea-side. In a word, the most
christian king, laying aside that politeness and decorum on which his
people value themselves above all the nations upon the face of the
earth, very roundly taxes his brother monarch’s administration with
piracy, perfidy, inhumanity, and deceit. A charge conveyed in such
reproachful terms, against one of the most respectable crowned heads in
Europe, will appear the more extraordinary and injurious, if we consider
that the accusers were well acquainted with the falsity of their own
imputations, and at the same time conscious of having practised those
very arts which they affected so much to decry. For after all, it must
be allowed, that nothing could be justly urged against the English
government, with respect to France, except the omission of a mere form,
which other nations might interpret into an irregularity, but could not
construe into perfidious dealing, as the French had previously violated
the peace by their insolence and encroachments.




ADDRESS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

Whatever might have been the opinion of other nations, certain it is,
the subjects of Great Britain heartily approved of the hostilities
committed and intended against a people whom they have always considered
as their natural enemies, and the incendiaries of Europe. They
cheerfully contributed to the expense of armaments,* and seemed to
approve of their destination, in hopes of being able to wipe off the
disgraces they had sustained in the defeat of Braddock, and the loss of
Minorca.

     * Immediately after the declaration of war, the French ships
     and cargoes which had been taken were tried, and condemned
     as legal Prizes, exposed to public sale, and their produce
     lodged in the bank: but in what manner this money, amounting
     to a large sum, was distributed or employed, we have not
     been able to discover.

The last event made a deep impression upon the minds of the community.
An address was presented to the king by the lord-mayor, aldermen, and
common-council of London, containing strong hints to the disadvantage
of the ministry. They expressed their apprehension, that the loss of the
important fortress of St. Philip and island of Minorca, possessions
of the utmost consequence to the commerce and naval strength of Great
Britain, without any attempt by timely and effectual succours to prevent
or defeat an attack, after such early notice of the enemy’s intentions,
and when his majesty’s navy was so evidently superior to theirs, would
be an indelible reproach on the honour of the British nation. They
expatiated upon the imminent danger to which the British possessions in
America were exposed, by the mismanagement and delays which had attended
the defence of those invaluable colonies, the object of the present war,
the principal source of the wealth and strength of these kingdoms. They
lamented the want of a constitutional and well-regulated militia, the
most natural and certain defence against all invaders whatsoever.
They signified their hope, that the authors of the late losses and
disappointments would be detected, and brought to condign punishment;
that his majesty’s known intentions of protecting and defending his
subjects in their rights and possessions, might be faithfully
and vigorously carried into execution; and the large supplies, so
necessarily demanded, and so cheerfully granted, might be religiously
applied to the defence of these kingdoms, their colonies, and their
commerce, as well as to the annoyance of their inveterate and perfidious
enemies, the only sure means of obtaining a lasting and honourable
peace. In answer to this address, the king assured them that he would
not fail to do justice upon any persons who should have been wanting in
their duty to him and their country; to enforce obedience and discipline
in his fleets and armies; and to support the authority and respect due
to his government. Remonstrances of the same kind were presented by
different counties and corporations; and the populace clamoured aloud
for inquiry and justice.




TRIAL OF GENERAL FOWKE.

The first victim offered to the enraged multitude was the unfortunate
general Fowke, who had been deputy-governor of Gibraltar, and behaved
with remarkable conduct and integrity in the exercise of that important
office, till that period when he fell under the displeasure of the
government. He was now brought to trial before a board of general
officers, and accused of having disobeyed the orders he had received
from the secretary at war in three successive letters [379] _[See note 3
B, at the end of this Vol.]_, touching the relief of Minorca. Mr.
Fowke alleged in his own defence, that the orders were confused and
contradictory, and implied a discretionary power; that the whole number
of his garrison did not exceed two thousand six hundred men, after he
had spared two hundred and seventy-five to the ships commanded by
Mr. Edgecumbe; that the ordinary duty of the garrison requiring eight
hundred men, the whole number was not sufficient for three reliefs;
that, if he had detached a battalion on board the fleet, he should not
have had above two reliefs, at a time when he believed the place was
in danger of being attacked, for good reasons, which he did not think
himself at liberty to mention; that his orders being doubtful, he held a
council of war, which was of opinion, that as undoubted intelligence was
received of the French army’s being landed at Minorca, to the number of
between thirteen and sixteen thousand men, and that a French squadron
of sixteen ships was stationed off the harbour, the sending a detachment
equal to a battalion from Gibraltar would be an ineffectual supply for
the relief of the place, and a weakening of the garrison from which
they must be sent. He observed, that supposing the orders to have
been positive, and seven hundred men detached to Minorca, the number
remaining at Gibraltar would not have exceeded one thousand five hundred
and fifty-six: a deduction of seven hundred more, according to the order
of May the twelfth, would have left a remainder of eight hundred
and fifty-six; that the men daily on duty in the garrison, including
artificers and labourers in the king’s works, amounted to eight hundred
and thirty-nine; so that if he had complied with the orders as they
arrived, he would not have had more than seventeen men over and above
the number necessary for the daily work of the garrison; thus the
important fortress of Gibraltar must, at this critical conjuncture, have
been left almost naked and defenceless to the attempts of the enemy; and
had those detachments been actually sent abroad, it afterwards appeared
that they could not have been landed on the island of Minorca. The order
transmitted to general Fowke to detain all empty vessels, for a further
transportation of troops, seems to have been superfluous; for it can
hardly be supposed he could have occasion for them, unless to embark the
whole garrison, and abandon the place. It seems likewise to have been
unnecessary to exhort the general to keep his garrison as alert as
possible, during that critical time; inasmuch as it would have been
impossible for the men to have enjoyed the least repose or intromission
of duty, had the orders been punctually and literally obeyed. What other
assistance it might have been in the governor’s power to give for
the relief of Minorca, or in what manner he could avoid fatiguing his
garrison, while there was an impossibility of relieving the guards,
it is not easy to comprehend. Be that as it may, when the trial was
finished, and the question put to acquit or suspend for one year, the
court was equally divided; and in such cases the casting vote being
vested in the president, he threw it into the scale against the
prisoner, whom his majesty thought fit to dismiss from his service.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




AFFAIRS OF AMERICA.

The expectation of the public was now eagerly turned towards America,
the chief, if not the sole scene of our military operations. On the
twenty-fifth day of June, Mr. Abercrombie arrived at Albany, the
frontier of New York, and assumed the command of the forces there
assembled, consisting of two regiments which had served under Braddock,
two battalions raised in America, two regiments now transported from.
England, four independent companies which had been many years maintained
in New York, the New Jersey regiment, four companies levied in North
Carolina, and a body of provincial forces raised by the government of
New England. Those to the southward, including Pennsylvania, Maryland,
and Virginia, had not yet determined on any regular plan of operation,
and were moreover hard pressed in defending their western frontier
from the French and Indians, who, in skulking parties, made sudden
irruptions upon their unguarded settlements, burning, plundering, and
massacring with the most savage inhumanity. As for South Carolina, the
proportion of negro slaves to the number of white inhabitants was so
great in that colony, that the government could not, with any regard
to the safety of the province, spare any reinforcement for the general
enterprise. The plan of this undertaking had been settled in the
preceding year in a council of war, held at New York. There it was
resolved to attack the fort of Niagara, situated between the lakes
Ontario and Erie, in order to cut off the communication between
Canada and Louisiana, and prevent the French from supporting their new
fortresses on the Ohio; to reduce Ticonderago and Crown Point, so
that the frontier of New York might be delivered from the danger of an
invasion, and Great Britain become master of the lake Champlain, over
which the forces might be transported in any future attempt; to besiege
fort Du Quesne upon the Ohio; and to detach a body of troops by the
river Kennebec, to alarm the capital of Canada. This plan was too
extensive for the number of troops which had been prepared; the season
was too far advanced before the regiments arrived from England, the
different colonies were divided in their opinions, and Mr. Abercrombie
postponed the execution of any important scheme till the arrival of
lord Loudon, who was daily expected. The reasons that delayed the
reinforcement, and detained his lordship so long, we do not pretend
to explain; though we may be allowed to observe, that many fair
opportunities have been lost, by the neglect and procrastination of
an English ministry. Certain it is, the unaccountable delay of this
armament rendered it useless for a whole year, afforded time and leisure
to the enemy to take their precautions against any subsequent attack,
and, in the meantime, to proceed unmolested in distressing the British
settlements. Even before this period, they had attacked and reduced a
small post in the country of the Five Nations, occupied by twenty-five
Englishmen, who were cruelly butchered to a man, in the midst of those
Indians whom Great Britain had long numbered among her allies.

Soon after this expedition, having received intelligence that a
considerable convoy of provisions and stores, for the garrison of
Oswego, would in a little time set out from Schenectady, and be conveyed
in batteaux up the river Onondaga, they formed an ambuscade among the
woods and thickets on the north side of that river; but understanding
the convoy had passed before they reached the place, they resolved to
wait the return of the detachment. Their design, however, was frustrated
by the vigilance and valour of colonel Bradstreet, who expected such
an attempt, and had taken his measures accordingly. On the third day of
July, while he stemmed the stream of the river, with his batteaux formed
into three divisions, they were saluted with the Indian war-hoop, and
a general discharge of musketry from the north shore. Bradstreet
immediately ordered his men to land on the opposite bank, and with a
few of the foremost took possession of a small island, where he was
forthwith attacked by a party of the enemy, who had forded the river for
that purpose; but these were soon repulsed. Another body having passed
a mile higher, he advanced to them at the head of two hundred men, and
fell upon them, sword in hand, with such vigour, that many were killed
on the spot, and the rest driven into the water with such precipitation
that a considerable number of them were drowned. Having received
information that a third body of them had passed at a ford still higher,
he marched thither without hesitation, and pursued them to the other
side, where they were entirely routed and dispersed. In this action,
which lasted near three hours, about seventy of the batteau-men were
killed or wounded, but the enemy lost double the number killed, and
above seventy taken prisoners. In all probability the whole detachment
of the French, amounting to seven hundred men, would have been cut off
had not a heavy rain interposed, and disabled colonel Bradstreet from
following his blow; for that same night he was joined by captain Patten
with his grenadiers, in his march from Oneida to Oswego, and next
morning reinforced with two hundred men, detached to his assistance from
the garrison of Oswego; but by this time the rivulets were so swelled
by the rain, that it was found impracticable to pursue the enemy through
the woods and thickets. Patten and his grenadiers accompanied
the detachment to Oswego, while Bradstreet pursued his voyage to
Schenectady, from whence he repaired to Albany, and communicated to
general Abercrombie the intelligence he had received from the prisoners,
that a large body of the enemy were encamped on the eastern side of
the lake Ontario, provided with artillery, and all other implements, to
besiege the fort of Oswego.




EARL OF LOUDON ARRIVES AT NEW YORK.

In consequence of this information, major-general Webb was ordered to
hold himself in readiness to march with one regiment to the relief of
that garrison; but, before they could be provided with necessaries,
the earl of Loudon arrived at the head-quarters at Albany, on the
twenty-ninth day of July. The army at this time is said to have
consisted of regular troops to the number of two thousand six hundred,
about seven thousand provincials, supposed to be in readiness to march
from fort William-Henry, under the command of general Winslow, over and
above a considerable number of batteau-men at Albany and Schenectady.
The garrison at Oswego amounted to fourteen hundred soldiers, besides
three hundred workmen and sailors, either in the fort, or posted in
small parties between the fort and place called Burnet’s Field, to
secure a safe passage through the country of the Six Nations, upon
whose friendship there was no longer any reliance. By the best accounts
received of the enemy’s forces, they had about three thousand men at
Crown Point and Ticonderago upon the lake Champlain; but their chief
strength was collected upon the banks of the lake Ontario, where their
purpose undoubtedly was to reduce the English fort at Oswego. The
immediate object, therefore, of lord Loudon’s attention was the relief
of this place; but his design was strenuously opposed by the province of
New York, and other northern governments, who were much more intent upon
the reduction of Crown Point, and the security of their own frontiers,
which they apprehended was connected with this conquest. They insisted
upon Winslow’s being joined by some regiments of regular troops before
he should march against this fortress; and stipulated that a body of
reserve should be detained at Albany, for the defence of that frontier,
in case Winslow should fail in his enterprise, and be defeated. At
length they agreed, that the regiment which Mr. Abercrombie had destined
for that purpose should be detached for the relief of Oswego; and on the
twelfth day of August major-general Webb began his march with it from
Albany; but on his arrival at the Carrying-place, between the Mohawk’s
river and Wood’s creek, he received the disagreeable news that
Oswego was taken, and the garrison made prisoners of war. Mr. Webb,
apprehending himself in danger of being attacked by the besieging army,
began immediately to render the creek impassable, even to canoes, by
felling trees, and throwing them into the stream; while the enemy,
ignorant of his numbers, and apprehensive of a like visitation from him,
took the very same method of preventing his approach; in consequence of
this apprehension, he was permitted to retire unmolested.




OSWEGO REDUCED BY THE ENEMY.

The loss of the two small forts called Ontario and Oswego, was a
considerable national misfortune. They were erected on the south side of
the great lake Ontario, standing on the opposite sides of the mouth
of the Onondago river, that discharges itself into the lake, and
constituted a post of great importance, where vessels had been built to
cruise upon the lake, which is a kind of inland sea, and interrupt the
commerce as well as the motions and designs of the enemy. The garrison,
as we have already observed, consisted of fourteen hundred men, chiefly
militia and new-raised recruits, under the command of lieutenant-colonel
Mercer, an officer of courage and experience; but the situation of the
forts was very ill chosen; the materials mostly timber or logs of wood;
the defences wretchedly contrived and unfinished; and, in a word, the
place altogether untenable against any regular approach. Such were
the forts which the enemy wisely resolved to reduce. Being under
no apprehension for Crown Point, they assembled a body of troops,
consisting of thirteen hundred regulars, seventeen hundred Canadians,
and a considerable number of Indian auxiliaries, under the command of
the marquis de Montcalm, a vigilant and enterprising officer, to whom
the conduct of the siege was entrusted by the marquis de Vaudreuil,
governor and lieutenant-general of New France. The first step taken by
Montcalm was to block up Oswego by water with two large armed vessels,
and post a strong body of Canadians on the road between Albany and the
forts, to cut off all communication of succour and intelligence. In the
meantime he embarked his artillery and stores upon the lake, and landed
them in the bay of Nixouri, the place of general rendezvous. At another
creek, within half a league of Oswego, he erected a battery for
the protection of his vessels, and on the twelfth day of August, at
midnight, after his dispositions had been made, he opened the trenches
before fort Ontario. The garrison having fired away all their shells and
ammunition, spiked up the cannon, and deserting the fort, retired next
day across the river into Oswego, which was even more exposed than the
other, especially when the enemy had taken possession of Ontario, from
whence they immediately began to fire without intermission. Colonel
Mercer being on the thirteenth killed by a cannon ball, the fort
destitute of all cover, the officers divided in opinion, and the
garrison in confusion, they next day demanded a capitulation, and
surrendered prisoners of war, on condition that they should be exempted
from plunder, conducted to Montreal, and treated with humanity. These
conditions, however, the marquis did not punctually observe. The British
officers and soldiers were insulted by the savage Indians, who robbed
them of their clothes and baggage, massacred several men as they stood
defenceless on the parade, assassinated lieutenant de la Court as he
lay wounded in his tent, under the protection of a French officer,
and barbarously scalped all the sick people in the hospital: finally,
Montcalm, in direct violation of the articles, as well as in contempt
of common humanity, delivered up above twenty men of the garrison to the
Indians, in lieu of the same number they had lost during the siege; and
in all probability these miserable captives were put to death by those
barbarians, with the most excruciating tortures, according to the
execrable custom of the country. Those who countenance the perpetration
of cruelties, at which human nature shudders with horror, ought to be
branded as infamous to all posterity. Such, however, were the trophies
that, in the course of the American war, distinguished the operations
of a people who pique themselves upon politeness, and the virtues
of humanity. The prisoners taken at Oswego, after having been thus
barbarously treated, were conveyed in batteaux to Montreal, where they
had no reason to complain of their reception; and before the end of the
year they were exchanged. The victors immediately demolished the two
forts (if they deserve that denomination,) in which they found one
hundred and twenty-one pieces of artillery, fourteen mortars, with a
great quantity of ammunition, warlike stores, and provisions, besides
two sloops, and two hundred batteaux, which likewise fell into their
hands. Such an important magazine, deposited in a place altogether
indefensible, and without the reach of immediate succour, was a flagrant
proof of egregious folly, temerity, and misconduct.




FURTHER PROCEEDINGS IN AMERICA.

The earl of Loudon finding the season too far advanced to admit of
any enterprise against the enemy, exerted all his endeavours in making
preparations for an early campaign in the spring, securing the frontiers
of the English colonies, in forming an uniform plan of action, and
promoting a spirit of harmony among the different governments, which had
been long divided by jarring interests, and other sources of dissension.
Meanwhile, the forts Edward and William-Henry were put in a proper
posture of defence, and secured with numerous garrisons; and the forces
put into winter quarters at Albany where comfortable barracks were built
for that purpose. Fort Granville, on the confines of Pennsylvania,
an inconsiderable block-house, was surprised by a party of French and
Indians, who made the garrison prisoners, consisting of two-and-twenty
soldiers, with a few women and children. These they loaded with flour
and provisions, and drove them into captivity; but the fort they reduced
to ashes. Many shocking murders were perpetrated upon defenceless
people, without distinction of age or sex, in different parts of the
frontiers; but these outrages were in some measure balanced by the
advantages resulting from a treaty of peace, which the governor of
Pennsylvania concluded with the Delaware Indians, a powerful tribe that
dwell upon the river Sasquehanna, forming, as it were, a line along
the southern skirts of the province. At the same time the governor
of Virginia secured the friendship and alliance of the Cherokees and
Catawbas, two powerful nations adjoining to that colony, who were
able to bring three thousand fighting men into the field. All these
circumstances considered, Great Britain had reason to expect that the
ensuing campaign would be vigorously prosecuted in America, especially
as a fresh reinforcement of troops, with a great supply of warlike
stores, were sent to that country in fourteen transports, under convoy
of two ships of war, which sailed from Cork in Ireland about the
beginning of November.




NAVAL OPERATIONS IN AMERICA.

No action of great importance distinguished the naval transactions of
this year on the side of America. In the beginning of June, captain
Spry, who commanded a small squadron cruising off Louisbourg, in the
island of Cape Breton, took the _Arc en Ciel_, a French ship of fifty
guns, having on board near six hundred men, with a large quantity
of stores and provisions for the garrison. He likewise made prize of
another French ship, with seventy soldiers, two hundred barrels
of powder, two large brass mortars, and other stores of the like
destination. On the twenty-seventh day of July, commodore Holmes, being
in the same latitude, with two large ships and a couple of sloops,
engaged two French ships of the line and four frigates, and obliged them
to sheer off after an obstinate dispute. A great number of privateers
were equipped in this country, as well as in the West India islands
belonging to the crown of Great Britain; and as those seas swarmed
with French vessels, their cruises proved very advantageous to the
adventurers.




TRANSACTIONS IN THE EAST INDIES.

Scenes of higher import were this year acted by the British arms in the
East Indies. The cessation of hostilities between the English and French
companies on the peninsula of Indus, though it encouraged Mr. Clive to
visit his native country, was not of long duration; for in a few months
both sides recommenced their operations, no longer as auxiliaries to the
princes of the country, but as principals and rivals both in arms and
commerce. Major Laurence, who now enjoyed the chief command of the
English force, obtained divers advantages over the enemy; and prosecuted
his success with such vigour, as, in all probability, would in a
little time have terminated the war according to his own wish, when the
progress of his arms was interrupted and suspended by an unfortunate
event at Calcutta, the cause of which is not easily explained;
for extraordinary pains have been taken to throw a vail over some
transactions from whence this calamity was immediately or remotely
derived.




CALCUTTA BESIEGED.

The old suba or viceroy of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa, dying in the month
of April, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, was
succeeded by his adopted son, Sur Raja al Dowlat, a young man of violent
passions, without principle, fortitude, or good faith, who began his
administration with acts of perfidy and violence. In all probability,
his design against the English settlements was suggested by his
rapacious disposition, on a belief that they abounded with treasure; as
the pretences which he used for commencing hostilities, were altogether
inconsistent, false, and frivolous. In the month of May, he caused the
English factory at Cassimbuzzar to be invested, and inviting Mr. Watts,
the chief of the factory, to a conference, under the sanction of a safe
conduct, detained him as prisoner; then, by means of fraud and force
intermingled, made himself master of the factory. This exploit being
achieved, he made no secret of his design to deprive the English of all
their settlements. With this view he marched to Calcutta at the head of
a numerous army, and invested the place, which was then in no posture of
defence.

[Illustration: 382.jpg CALCUTTA: THE ESPLANADE]




FATE OF THOSE WHO PERISHED IN THE DUNGEON AT CALCUTTA.

The governor, intimidated by the number and power of the enemy,
abandoned the fort, and with some principal persons residing in the
settlement, took refuge on board a ship in the river, carrying along
with them their most valuable effects, and the books of the company.
Thus the defence of the place devolved to Mr. Holwell, the second in
command, who, with the assistance of a few gallant officers, and a very
feeble garrison, maintained it with uncommon courage and resolution
against several attacks, until he was overpowered by numbers, and the
enemy had forced their way into the castle. Then he was obliged to
submit; and the suba, or viceroy, promised on the word of a soldier,
that no injury should be done to him or his garrison. Nevertheless, they
were all driven, to the number of one hundred and forty-six persons of
both sexes, into a place called the Black Hole Prison, a cube of
about eighteen feet, walled up to the eastward and southward, the only
quarters from which they could expect the least refreshing air, and open
to the westward by two windows strongly barred with iron, through which
there was no perceptible circulation. The humane reader will conceive
with horror the miserable situation to which they must have been
reduced, when thus stewed up in a close sultry night under such a
climate as that of Bengal, especially when he reflects that many of them
were wounded, and all of them fatigued with hard duty. Transported with
rage to find themselves thus barbarously cooped up in a place where they
must be exposed to suffocation, those hapless victims endeavoured
to force open the door that they might rush upon the swords of the
barbarians by whom they were surrounded; but all their efforts were
ineffectual; the door was made to open inwards, and being once shut
upon them, the crowd pressed upon it so strongly as to render all their
endeavours abortive; then they were overwhelmed with distraction and
despair. Mr. Holwell, who had placed himself at one of the windows,
accosted a jemmautdaar, or Serjeant of the Indian guard, and having
endeavoured to excite his compassion, by drawing a pathetic picture of
their sufferings, promised to gratify him with a thousand rupees in
the morning, if he could find means to remove one half of them into
a separate apartment. The soldier, allured by the promise of such a
reward, assured him he would do his endeavour for their relief, and
retired for that purpose, but in a few minutes returned and told them
that the suba, by whose order alone such a step could be taken, was
asleep, and no person durst disturb his repose. By this time a profuse
sweat had broke out on every individual, and this was attended with an
insatiable thirst, which became the more intolerable as the body was
drained of its moisture. In vain those miserable objects stripped
themselves of their clothes, squatted down on their hams, and fanned
the air with their hats, to produce a refreshing undulation. Many were
unable to rise again from this posture, but falling down, were trod to
death or suffocated. The dreadful symptom of thirst was now accompanied
with a difficulty of respiration, and every individual gasped for
breath. Their despair became outrageous: again they attempted to force
the door, and provoke the guard to fire upon them by execration and
abuse. The cry of “Water! water!” issued from every mouth. Even the
jemmautdaar was moved to compassion at their distress. He ordered his
soldiers to bring some skins of water, which served only to enrage the
appetite, and increase the general agitation. There was no other way
of conveying it through the windows but by hats, and this was rendered
ineffectual by the eagerness and transports of the wretched prisoners,
who at sight of it struggled and raved even into fits of delirium.
In consequence of these contests, very little reached those who stood
nearest the windows, while the rest, at the farther end of the prison,
were totally excluded from all relief, and continued calling upon their
friends for assistance, and conjuring them by all the tender ties of
pity and affection. To those who were indulged it proved pernicious, for
instead of allaying their thirst, it enraged their impatience for more.
The confusion became general and horrid; all was clamour and contest;
those who were at a distance endeavoured to force their passage to
the window, and the weak were pressed down to the ground never to rise
again. The inhuman ruffians without derived entertainment from their
misery; they supplied the prisoners with more water, and held up lights
close to the bars that they might enjoy the inhuman pleasure of seeing
them fight for the baneful indulgence. Mr. Holwell seeing all his
particular friends lying dead around him, and trampled upon by the
living, finding himself wedged up so close as to be deprived of all
motion, begged, as the last instance of their regard, that they would
remove the pressure, and allow him to retire from the window, that he
might die in quiet. Even in those dreadful circumstances, which might be
supposed to have levelled all distinction, the poor delirious wretches
manifested a respect for his rank and character: they forthwith gave
way, and he forced his passage into the centre of the place, which was
not crowded so much, because by this time about one-third of the number
had perished, and lay on small compass on the floor, while the rest
still crowded to both windows. He retired to a platform at the
farther end of the room, and lying down upon some of his dead friends,
recommended his soul to heaven. Here his thirst grew insupportable;
his difficulty in breathing increased, and he was seized with a strong
palpitation. These violent symptoms, which he could not bear, urged him
to make another effort: he forced his way back to the window, and cried
aloud, “Water! for God’s sake!” He had been supposed already dead by his
wretched companions, but finding him still alive, they exhibited another
extraordinary proof of tenderness and regard to his person: “Give him
water,” they cried; nor would any of them attempt to touch it until he
had drank. He now breathed more freely, and the palpitation ceased; but
finding himself still more thirsty after drinking, he abstained
from water, and moistened his mouth from time to time by sucking the
perspiration from his shirt sleeves.*

     * In his despair of obtaining water, this unhappy gentleman
     had attempted to drink his own urine, but found it
     intolerably bitter; whereas the moisture that flowed from
     the pores of his body, was soft, pleasant, and refreshing.

The miserable prisoners, perceiving that water rather aggravated than
relieved their distress, grew clamorous for air, and repeated their
insults to the guard, loading the suba and his governor with the most
virulent reproach. From railing they had recourse to prayer, beseeching
heaven to put an end to their misery. They now began to drop on all
hands; but then a steam arose from the living and the dead, as pungent
and volatile as spirit of hartshorn; so that all who could not approach
the windows were suffocated. Mr. Holwell, being weary of life, retired
once more to the platform, and stretched himself by the Rev. Mr. Jer-vis
Bellamy, who, together with his son, a lieutenant, lay dead in each
other’s embrace. In this situation he was soon deprived of sense, and
lay to all appearance dead till day broke, when his body was discovered
and removed by his surviving friends to one of the windows, where the
fresh air revived him, and he was restored to his sight and senses. The
suba, at last, being informed that the greater part of the prisoners
were suffocated, inquired if the chief was alive; and being answered in
the affirmative, sent an order for their immediate release, when no more
than twenty-three survived of an hundred and forty-six who had entered
alive.




ADDITIONAL CRUELTIES EXERCISED ON MR. HOLWELL.

Nor was the late deliverance, even of these few, owing to any sentiment
of compassion in the viceroy. He had received intimation that there was
a considerable treasure secreted in the fort, and that Mr. Holwell
knew the place where it was deposited. That gentleman, who, with his
surviving companions, had been seized with a putrid fever immediately
upon their release, was dragged in that condition before the inhuman
suba, who questioned him about the treasure, which existed nowhere but
in his own imagination; and would give no credit to his protestations,
when he solemnly declared he knew of no such deposit. Mr. Holwell and
three of his friends were loaded with fetters, and conveyed three miles
to the Indian camp, where they lay all night exposed to a severe rain;
next morning they were brought back to town still manacled, under
the scorching beams of a sun intensely hot, and must infallibly have
expired, had not nature expelled the fever in large painful boils,
that covered almost the whole body. In this piteous condition they were
embarked in an open boat for Muxadavad, the capital of Bengal, and
underwent such cruel treatment and misery in their passage, as would
shock the humane reader should he peruse the particulars. At Maxadavad
they were led through the city in chains, as a spectacle to the
inhabitants, lodged in an open stable, and treated for some days as
the worst of criminals. At length the suba’s grandmother interposed her
mediation in their behalf, and as that prince was by this time convinced
that there was no treasure concealed at Calcutta, he ordered them to
be set at liberty. When some of his sycophants opposed this indulgence,
representing that Mr. Holwell had still enough left to pay a
considerable ransom, he replied, with some marks of compunction and
generosity, “If he has anything left, let him keep it: his sufferings
have been great: he shall have his liberty.” Mr. Holwell and his friends
were no sooner unfettered, than they took water from the Dutch Tank-sail
or mint, in the neighbourhood of that city, where they were received
with great tenderness and humanity. The reader, we hope, will excuse
us for having thus particularized a transaction so interesting and
extraordinary in all its circumstances. The suba having destroyed
Calcutta and dispersed the inhabitants, extorted large sums from
the French and Dutch factories, that he might display a spirit of
impartiality against all the Europeans, even in his oppression, returned
to his city of Muxadavad in triumph. By the reduction of Calcutta, the
English East India company’s affairs were so much embroiled in that part
of the world, that perhaps nothing could have retrieved them but the
interposition of a national force, and the good fortune of a Clive,
whose enterprises were always crowned with success.

As the English East India Company had, for a whole century, been at a
considerable expense in maintaining a marine force at Bombay, to
protect their ships from the piracies of the Angrias, who had
rendered themselves independent princes, and fortified Geriah in that
neighbourhood; many unsuccessful attempts had been made to destroy
their naval power, and reduce the fortress, under which they always
took shelter. In the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-four, the
fleet of Tullagree Angria, the reigning prince, attacked three Dutch
ships of force, which they either took or destroyed. Elated with this
success, he boasted that he should in a little time sweep the seas of
the Europeans, and began to build some large ships, to reinforce his
grabs and gallivats, which were the vessels on which he had for merely
depended. Next year his neighbours, the Malirattas, having signified
to the presidency of Bombay, that they were disposed to join in the
necessary service of humbling this common enemy, so formidable to the
whole Malabar coast, commodore James was detached with some ships
of force to attack Angria, in conjunction with those allies. They
accordingly joined him with seven grabs and sixty gallivats. They
proceeded to the harbour of Severndroog, where Angria’s fleet lay at
anchor; but they no sooner received intelligence of his approach, than
they slipped their cables and stood out to sea. He chased them with all
the canvass he could carry, but their vessels being lighter than his
they escaped; and he returned to Severndroog, which is a fortress
situated on an island within musket shot of the main land, strongly but
irregularly fortified, and mounted with fifty-four pieces of cannon.
There were three other small forts on the continent, the largest of
which was called Goa. On the second day of April the commodore began
to batter and bombard the island, fort, and fort Goa, at the same time.
That of Severndroog was set on fire; one of the magazines blew up; a
general conflagration ensued; the garrison was overwhelmed with fire and
confusion; the English seamen landed un der cover of the fire from the
ships, and took the place by storm, with very little loss. The other
forts were immediately surrendered, and all of these, by treaty,
delivered to the Mahrattas. On the eighth of April the commodore
anchored off Bancote, now called fort Victoria, one of the most northern
parts of Angria’s dominions, which surrendered without opposition, and
still remains in the hands of the English East India company, by the
consent of the Mahrattas. The harbour is good, and here is great trade
for salt and other commodities sent hither from Bombay.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




FORT GERIAH TAKEN BY ADMIRAL WATSON AND MR. CLIVE.

It was in November following that the squadron under admiral Watson
arrived at Bombay, where it was resolved to give Angria the finishing
stroke, still in conjunction with the Mahrattas. Meanwhile commodore
James was sent to reconnoitre Geriah, the capital of his dominions,
and to sound the depth of the harbour, a service which he successfully
performed. The admiral being joined by a division of ships, fitted out
at the company’s expense, having on board a body of troops commanded by
colonel Clive, sailed on the seventeenth day of January, and found
in the neighbourhood of Geriah the Mahratta fleet, consisting of
four grabs, and forty smaller vessels called gallivats, lying to the
northward of the place, in a creek called Rajipore; and a land-army
of horse and foot, amounting to seven or eight thousand men, the whole
commanded by Rhamagee Punt, who had already taken one small fort, and
was actually treating about the surrender of Geriah. Angria himself had
quitted the place, but his wife and family remained under the protection
of his brother-in-law; who, being summoned to surrender by a message
from the admiral, replied, that he would defend the place to the last
extremity. In consequence of this refusal, the whole English fleet, in
two divisions, sailed on the twelfth day of February into the harbour,
and sustained a warm fire from the enemy’s batteries as they passed,
as well as from the grabs posted in the harbour for that purpose;
this, however, was soon silenced after the ships were brought to their
stations, so as to return the salutation. Between the hours of four and
five in the afternoon, a shell being thrown into one of Angria’s armed
vessels, set her on fire; and the flames communicating to the rest, they
were all destroyed: between six and seven the fort was set on fire
by another shell; and soon after the firing ceased on both sides. The
admiral, suspecting that the governor of the place would surrender it
to the Mahrattas, rather than to the English, disembarked all the troops
under Mr. Clive, that he might be at hand, in case of emergency, to take
possession. In the meantime, the fort was bombarded; the line of battle
ships were warped near enough to batter in breach, and then the admiral
sent an officer with a flag of truce to the governor, requiring him to
surrender. His proposal being again rejected, the English ships renewed
their fire next day with redoubled vigour. About one o’clock the
magazine of the fort blew up, and at four the garrison hung out a white
flag for capitulation. The parley that ensued proving ineffectual, the
engagement began again, and continued till fifteen minutes after five;
when the white flag was again displayed, and now the governor submitted
to the conditions which were imposed. Angria’s flag was immediately
hauled down; and two English captains taking possession of the fort with
a detachment, forthwith hoisted the British ensign. To these captains,
whose names were Buchanan and Forbes, the Mahrattas offered a bribe of
fifty thousand rupees, if they would allow them to pass their guards,
that they might take possession of the fort for themselves; but this
offer was rejected with disdain, and immediately disclosed to colonel
Clive, who took effectual measures to frustrate their design. In this
place, which was reduced with very inconsiderable loss, the conquerors
found above two hundred cannon, six brass mortars, a large quantity
of ammunition, with money and effects to the value of one hundred and
thirty thousand pounds. The fleet which was destroyed consisted of eight
grabs, one ship finished, two upon the stocks, and a good number
of gallivats. Among the prisoners, the admiral found Angria’s wife,
children, and mother, toward whom he demeaned himself with great
humanity.*

     * When the admiral entered their apartment, the whole
     family, shedding floods of tears, fell with their faces to
     the ground; from which being raised, the mother of Angria
     told him, in a piteous tone, “the people had no king, she no
     son, her daughter no husband, their children no father.” The
     admiral replying, “they must look upon him as their father
     and their friend,” the youngest boy, about six years of age,
     seized him by the hand, and sobbing exclaimed, “Then you
     shall be my father.” Mr. Watson was so affected with this
     pathetic address, that the tears trickled down his cheeks,
     while he assured them they might depend upon his protection
     and friendship.

Three hundred European soldiers, and as-many sepoys, were left to
guard the fort; and four of the company’s armed vessels remained in the
harbour for the defence of the place, which was extremely well situated
for commerce.

The admiral and Mr. Clive sailed back to Madras in triumph, and there
another plan was formed for restoring the company’s affairs upon the
Ganges, recovering Calcutta, and taking vengeance on the cruel viceroy
of Bengal. In October they set sail again for the bottom of the bay; and
about the beginning of December arrived at Balasore, in the kingdom of
Bengal. Having crossed the Braces, they proceeded up the river Ganges as
far as Falta, where they found governor Drake, and the other persons who
had escaped on board of the ships when Calcutta was invested. Colonel
Clive was disembarked with his forces to attack the fort of Busbudgia
by land, while the admiral battered it by sea; but the place being ill
provided with cannon, did not hold out above an hour after the firing
began. This conquest being achieved at a very easy purchase, two of the
great ships anchored between Tanny fort and a battery on the other
side of the river, which were abandoned before one shot was discharged
against either; thus the passage was laid open to Calcutta, the
reduction of which we shall record among the transactions of the ensuing
year.




CHAPTER XII.

     _Motives of the War in Germany..... Conspiracy in Sweden.....
     Measures taken by the King of Prussia and Elector of
     Hanover..... Endeavours of the Court of Vienna to frustrate
     them..... His Prussian Majesty demands an Explanation from
     the Empress-Queen..... Her Answer..... The Prussian Army
     enters Saxony, and publishes a Manifesto..... Prince
     Ferdinand takes Leipsic..... King of Prussia takes
     Possession of Dresden, and blocks up the King of Poland at
     Pirna..... Prussian Army penetrates into Bohemia, and fights
     the Battle of Lowoschutz..... Saxon Army surrenders.....
     King of Poland’s Memorial to the States-General.....
     Imperial Decrees published against the King of Prussia.....
     Declarations of different Powers..... His Prussian Majesty’s
     Answer to the Saxon Memorial..... and Justification of his
     Conduct..... Remarks on both those Pieces...... Disputes
     between the Parliament of Paris and the Clergy..... Dearth
     of Corn in England..... Hanoverian Auxiliaries sent
     back..... Session opened..... Debates on the Address.....
     Bill passed for prohibiting the Exportation of Corn.....
     Message to the House concerning Admiral Byng..... Supplies
     granted..... Reflections on the Continental War......
     Message from the King to the Parliament..... Measures taken
     to remove the Scarcity of Corn..... Militia Bill.....
     Petitions for and against it..... Altered by the Lords.....
     Bill for quartering the Foreign Troops, and for regulating
     the Marines while on Shore..... Bill for the more speedy
     recruiting the Land-Forces and Marines..... Act relating to
     Pawnbrokers and Gaming-Houses..... Laws relating to the
     Wages of Weavers, and to the Improvement of the British
     Fishery..... Act for importing American Iron Duty free.....
     Regulations with respect to the Importation of Silk.....
     Smugglers encouraged to enter into his Majesty’s
     Service..... Inquiry into the Scarcity of Corn.....
     Investigation of the Loss of Minorca..... Examination of the
     American Contract..... Inquiry into the Conduct of Admiral
     Snowies, as Governor of Jamaica..... Resolutions concerning
     Milford-Haven..... Session   closed..... Trial of Admiral
     Byng..... Recommended to Mercy..... Message from the King to
     the Parliament respecting the Sentence..... Bill to release
     the Members of the Court-Martial from their Oath of
     Secrecy..... Execution of Admiral Byng..... Paper delivered
     by him to the Marshal of the Admiralty..... Remarks on his
     Fate_




MOTIVES OF THE WAR IN GERMANY.

Having thus, to the best of our power, given a faithful and exact detail
of every material event in which Great Britain was concerned, either at
home, or in her settlements abroad, during the greatest part of the year
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, we shall now return to Europe,
and endeavour to explain the beginning of a bloody war in Germany, which
then seemed to have become the chief object of the British councils. On
the eve of a rupture between France and England, it was natural for his
Britannic majesty to provide for the safety of his electoral dominions,
the only quarter by which he was at all accessible to the efforts of the
enemy, who he foresaw would not fail to annoy him through that avenue.
He, at that time, stood upon indifferent terms with the king of Prussia,
who was considered as a partisan and ally of France; and he knew that
the house of Austria alone would not be sufficient to support him
against two such powerful antagonists. In this emergency, he had
recourse to the empress of Russia, who, in consequence of a large
subsidy granted by England, engaged to furnish a strong body of forces
for the defence of Hanover. His Prussian majesty, startled at the
conditions of this treaty, took an opportunity to declare that he would
not suffer foreign forces of any nation to enter the empire, either as
principals or auxiliaries; a declaration which probably flowed from a
jealousy and aversion he had conceived to the court of Petersburgh, as
well as from a resolution he had formed of striking some great stroke in
Germany, without any risk of being restricted or controlled. He knew
he should give umbrage to the French king, who had already made
preparations for penetrating into Westphalia; but he took it for
granted he should be able to exchange his connexions with France for the
alliance with Great Britain, which would be much less troublesome, and
much more productive of advantage: indeed, such an alliance was the
necessary consequence of his declaration. Had his Britannic majesty
made a requisition of the Russian auxiliaries, he must have exposed
himself to the resentment of a warlike monarch, who hovered on the
skirts of his electorate at the head of one hundred and forty thousand
men, and could have subdued the whole country in one week; and if he
forbore to avail himself of the treaty with the czarina, he did not know
how soon the king of Prussia might be reconciled to his most christian
majesty’s design of invasion. As for the empress-queen, her attention
was engrossed by schemes for her interest or preservation; and her hands
so full, that she either could not, or would not, fulfil the engagements
she had contracted with her former and firmest allies. In these
circumstances the king of England sought and obtained the alliance of
Prussia, which, to the best of our comprehension, entailed upon Great
Britain the enormous burden of extravagant subsidies, together with the
intolerable expense of a continental war, without being productive of
one advantage, either positive or negative, to England or Hanover. On
the contrary, this connexion threw the empress-queen into the arms of
France, whose friendship she bought at the expense of the barrier in the
Netherlands, acquired with infinite labour, by the blood and treasure of
the maritime powers; it gave birth to a confederacy of despotic princes;
sufficient, if their joint force was fully exerted, to overthrow the
liberties of all the free states in Europe; and, after all, Hanover has
been overrun, and subdued by the enemy; and the king of Prussia put to
the ban of the empire. All these consequences are, we apprehend, fairly
deducible from the resolution which his Prussian majesty took, at this
juncture, to precipitate a war with the house of Austria. The apparent
motives that prompted him to this measure we shall presently explain. In
the meantime, the defensive treaty between the empress-queen and France
was no sooner ratified, than the czarina was invited to accede to the
alliance, and a private minister sent from Paris to Petersburgh, to
negotiate the conditions of this accession, which the empress of Russia
accordingly embraced: a circumstance so agreeable to the court of
Versailles, that the marquis de l’Hôpital was immediately appointed
ambassador-extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the court of Russia.
Applications were likewise made to the courts of Madrid and Turin,
soliciting their concurrence; but their catholic and Sardinian majesties
wisely resolved to observe a neutrality. At the same time, intrigues
were begun by the French emissaries in the senate of Sweden, in order
to kindle up a war between that nation and Prussia; and their endeavours
succeeded in the sequel, even contrary to the inclination of their
sovereign. At present, a plot was discovered for altering the form of
government, by increasing the power of the crown; and several persons
of rank being convicted upon trial, were beheaded as principals in this
conspiracy. Although it did not appear that the king or queen were at
all concerned in the scheme, his Swedish majesty thought himself so
hardly treated by the diet, that he threatened to resign his royalty,
and retire into his own hereditary dominions. This design was extremely
disagreeable to the people in general, who espoused his cause in
opposition to the diet, by whom they conceived themselves more oppressed
than they should have been under an unlimited monarchy.




MEASURES TAKEN BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA AND ELECTOR OF HANOVER.

The king of Prussia, alarmed at these formidable alliances, ordered all
his forces to be completed, and held in readiness to march at the first
notice; and a report was industriously circulated, that by a secret
article in the late treaty between France and the house of Austria,
these two powers had obliged themselves to destroy the protestant
religion, and overturn the freedom of the empire, by a forced election
of a king of the Romans. The cry of religion was no impolitic measure;
but it no longer produced the same effect as in times past. Religion was
made a pretence on both sides; for the partisans of the empress-queen
insinuated, on all occasions, that the ruin of the catholic faith in
Germany was the principal object of the new alliance between the kings
of Great Britain and Prussia. It was in consequence of such suggestions,
that his Britannic majesty ordered his electoral minister at the diet,
to deliver a memorial to all the ministers at Ratisbon, expressing his
surprise to find the treaty he had concluded with the king of Prussia
industriously represented as a ground of apprehension and umbrage,
especially for religion. He observed, that as France had made open
dispositions for invading the electorate of Hanover, and disturbing the
peace of the empire; that as he had been denied, by the empress-queen,
the succours stipulated in treaties of alliance; and as he was refused
assistance by certain states of the empire, who even seemed disposed to
favour such a diversion: he had, in order to provide for the security
of his own dominions, to establish peace and tranquillity in the
empire, and maintain its system and privileges, without any prejudice to
religion, concluded a defensive treaty with the king of Prussia; that,
by this instance of patriotic zeal for the welfare of Germany, he had
done an essential service to the empress-queen, and performed the part
which the head of the empire, in dignity and duty, ought to have acted;
that time would demonstrate how little it was the interest of the
empress-queen to engage in a strict alliance with a foreign power,
which, for upwards of two centuries, had ravaged the principal provinces
of the empire, maintained repeated wars against the archducal house
of Austria, and always endeavoured, as it suited her views, to excite
distrust and dissension among the princes and states that compose the
Germanic body.

The court of Vienna formed two considerable armies in Bohemia
and Moravia; yet pretended that they had nothing in view but
self-preservation, and solemnly disclaimed both the secret article,
and the design which had been laid to their charge. His most christain
majesty declared, by his minister at Berlin, that he had no other
intention but to maintain the public tranquillity of Europe; and, this
being the sole end of all his measures, he beheld with surprise the
preparations and armaments of certain potentates; that, whatever might
be the view with which they were made, he was dis posed to make use of
the power which God had put into his hands, not only to maintain the
public peace of Europe against all who should attempt to disturb it,
but also to employ all his forces, agreeably to his engagements, for
the assistance of his ally, in case her dominions should be attacked;
finally, that he would act in the same manner in behalf of all the other
powers with whom he was in alliance. This intimation made very little
impression upon the king of Prussia, who had already formed his plan,
and was determined to execute his purpose. What his original plan
might have been, we shall not pretend to disclose; nor do we believe he
imparted it to any confidant or ally. It must be confessed, however,
that the intrigues of the court of Vienna furnished him with a specious
pretence for drawing the sword, and commencing hostilities. The
empress-queen had some reason to be jealous of such a formidable
neighbour. She remembered his irruption into Bohemia, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-four, at a time when she thought that
country, and all her other dominions, secure from his invasion by the
treaty of Breslau, which she had in no particular contravened. She
caballed against him in different courts of Europe; she concluded a
treaty with the czarina, which, though seemingly defensive, implied
an intention of making conquests upon this monarch; she endeavoured to
engage the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, as a contracting power in
this confederacy; and, if he had not been afraid of a sudden visit from
his neighbour of Prussia, it cannot be supposed but he would have been
pleased to contribute to the humiliation of a prince, who had once
before, without the least provocation, driven him from his dominions,
taken possession of his capital, routed his troops, and obliged him
to pay a million of crowns, to indemnify him for the expense of this
expedition; but he carefully avoided taking such a step as might expose
him to another invasion, and even refused to accede to the treaty of
Petersburgh, though it was expressly defensive; the _casus fæderus_
being, his Prussian majesty’s attacking either of the contracting
parties. It appears, however, that count de Bruhl, prime minister and
favourite of the king of Poland, had, in conjunction with some of the
Austrian ministers, carried on certain scandalous intrigues, in order to
embroil the king of Prussia with the empress of Russia, between whom a
misunderstanding had long subsisted.




THE KING OF PRUSSIA DEMANDS AN EXPLANATION.

His Prussian majesty, perceiving the military preparations of the court
of Vienna, and having obtained intelligence of their secret negotiations
with different powers of Europe, ordered M. de Klingraafe, his minister
at the imperial court, to demand whether all those preparations of war,
on the frontiers of Silesia, were designed against him, and what were
the intentions of her imperial majesty? To this demand the empress
replied, that in the present juncture she had found it necessary to make
armaments, as well for her own defence as for that of her allies; but
that they did not tend to the prejudice of any person or state whatever.
The king, far from being satisfied with this general answer, sent fresh
orders to Klingraafe, to represent, that after the king had dissembled,
as long as he thought consistent with his safety and honour, the bad
designs imputed to the empress would not suffer him longer to disguise
his sentiments: that he was acquainted with the offensive projects which
the two courts had formed at Petersburgh; that he knew they had engaged
to attack him suddenly with an army of two hundred thousand men; a
design which would have been executed in the spring of the year, had not
the Russian forces wanted recruits, their fleet mariners, and Livonia a
sufficient quantity of corn for their support; that he constituted the
empress arbiter of peace or war: if she desired the former, he required
a clear and formal declaration, or positive assurance, that she had no
intention to attack him either this year or the next; but he should look
upon an ambiguous answer as a declaration of war; and he called heaven
to witness, that the empress alone would be guilty of the innocent blood
that should be spilt, and all the dismal consequences that would attend
the commission of hostilities.

A declaration of this nature might have provoked a less haughty court
than that of Vienna, and, indeed, seems to have been calculated on
purpose to exasperate the pride of her imperial majesty, whose answer he
soon received to this effect: that his majesty the king of Prussia
had already been employed, for some time, in all kinds of the most
considerable preparations of war, and the most disquieting with regard
to the public tranquillity, when he thought fit to demand explanations
of her majesty, touching the military dispositions that were making in
her dominions; dispositions on which she had not resolved till after
the preparations of his Prussian majesty had been made; that though her
majesty might have declined explaining herself on those subjects, which
required no explanation, she had been pleased to declare, with her own
mouth, to M. de Klingraafe, that the critical state of public affairs
rendered the measures she was taking absolutely necessary for her own
safety, and that of her allies; but that, in other respects, they tended
to the prejudice of no person whatsoever; that her imperial majesty
had undoubtedly a right to form what judgment she pleased on the
circumstances of the times; and likewise that it belonged to none but
herself to estimate her own danger; that her declaration was so clear,
she never imagined it could be thought otherwise; that being accustomed
to receive, as well as to practise, the decorums which sovereigns owe to
each other, she could not hear without astonishment and sensibility
the contents of the memorial now presented by M. de Klingraafe; so
extraordinary, both in the matter and expressions, that she would find
herself under a necessity of transgressing the bounds of that moderation
which she had prescribed to herself, were she to answer the whole of
its contents; nevertheless, she thought proper to declare, that the
information communicated to his Prussian majesty, of an offensive
alliance against him, subsisting between herself and the empress of
Russia, together with the circumstances and pretended stipulations of
that alliance, were absolutely false and forged, for no such treaty
did exist, or ever had existed. She concluded with observing, that this
declaration would enable all Europe to judge of what weight and quality
those dreadful events were which Klingraafe’s memorial announced; and
to perceive that, in any case, they could not be imputed to her
imperial majesty. This answer, though seemingly explicit, was not deemed
sufficiently categorical, or, at least, not suitable to the purposes of
the king of Prussia, who, by his resident at Vienna, once more declared,
that if the empress-queen would sign a positive assurance that she would
not attack his Prussian majesty, either this year or the next, he would
directly withdraw his troops, and let things be restored to their former
footing. This demand was evaded, on pretence that such an assurance
could not be more binding than the solemn treaty by which he was already
secured; a treaty which the empress-queen had no intention to violate.
But, before an answer could be delivered, the king had actually invaded
Saxony, and published his declaration against the court of Vienna.
The court of Vienna believing that the king of Prussia was bent upon
employing his arms somewhere; being piqued at the dictatorial manner
in which his demands were conveyed; unwilling to lay themselves under
further restrictions; apprehensive of giving umbrage to their allies,
and confident of having provided for their own security, resolved to run
the risk of his resentment, not without hopes of being indemnified in
the course of the war, for that part, of Silesia which the queen had
been obliged to cede it in the treaty of Breslau.




THE PRUSSIAN ARMY ENTERS SAXONY.

Both sides being thus prepared, and perhaps equally eager for action,
the king of Prussia would no longer suspend his operations, and the
storm fell first upon Saxony. He resolved to penetrate through that
country into Bohemia; and even to take possession of it as a frontier,
as well as for the convenience of ingress and egress to and from the
Austrian dominions. Besides, he had reason to believe the king of
Poland, elector of Saxony, was connected with the czarina and the
empress-queen; therefore, he thought it would be impolitic to leave
that prince in any condition to give him the least disturbance. His army
entered the Saxon territory towards the latter end of August, when
he published a declaration, importing, that the unjust conduct and
dangerous views of the court of Vienna against his majesty’s dominions,
laid him under the necessity of taking proper measures for protecting
his territories and subjects; that for this purpose he could not
forbear taking the disagreeable resolution to enter with his troops
the hereditary dominions of his majesty the king of Poland, elector
of Saxony; but he protested before God and man, that on account of
his personal esteem, and friendship for that prince, he would not have
proceeded to this extremity, had he not been forced to it by the laws
of war, the fatality of the present conjuncture, and the necessity of
providing for the defence and security of his subjects. He reminded
the public of the tenderness with which he had treated the elector of
Saxony, during the campaign of the year one thousand seven hundred and
forty-four, and of the bad consequences resulting to that monarch
from his engagements with the enemies of Prussia. He declared that the
apprehensions of being exposed again to such enterprises, had obliged
him to take those precautions which prudence dictated; but he protested
in the most solemn manner, that he had no hostile views against his
Polish majesty, or his dominions; that his troops did not enter Saxony
as enemies, and he had taken care that they should observe the best
order, and the most exact discipline; that he desired nothing more
ardently than the happy minute that should procure him the satisfaction
of restoring to his Polish majesty his hereditary dominions, which he
had seized only as a sacred depositum. By his minister at Dresden, he
had demanded a free passage for his forces through the Saxon dominions;
and this the king of Poland was ready to grant, with reasonable
limitations, to be settled by commissaries appointed for that purpose.
But these were formalities which did not at all suit with his Prussian
majesty’s disposition or design. Even before this requisition was made,
a body of his troops, amounting to fifteen thousand, under the command
of prince Ferdinand, brother to the duke of Brunswick, took possession
of Leipsic on the twentieth day of September. Here he published a
declaration, signifying that it was his Prussian majesty’s intention to
consider and defend the inhabitants of that electorate as if they were
his own subjects; and that he had given precise orders to his troops to
observe the most exact discipline. As the first mark of his affection,
he ordered them to provide the army with all sorts of provisions,
according to a certain rate, on pain of military execution. That same
evening notice was given to the corporation of merchants, that their
deputies should pay all taxes and customs to the king of Prussia; then
he took possession of the custom-house, and excise office, and ordered
the magazines of corn and meal to be opened for the use of his soldiers.

The king of Poland, apprehensive of such a visitation, had ordered all
the troops of his electorate to leave their quarters, and assemble in a
strong camp marked out for them, between Pirna and Konigstein, which was
intrenched, and provided with a numerous train of artillery. Thither the
king of Poland repaired with his two sons Xaverius and Charles; but
the queen and the rest of the royal family remained at Dresden. Of this
capital his Prussian majesty, with the bulk of his army, took possession
on the eighth day of September, when he was visited by lord Stormont,
the English ambassador at that court, accompanied by count Salmour, a
Saxon minister, who, in his master’s name, proposed a neutrality.
The king of Prussia professed himself extremely well pleased with the
proposal; and, as the most convincing proof of his neutrality, desired
the king of Poland would separate his army, by ordering his troops to
return to their former quarters. His Polish majesty did not like to be
so tutored in his own dominions; he depended for his own safety more
upon the valour and attachment of his troops thus assembled, than
upon the friendship of a prince who had invaded his dominions, and
sequestered his revenue, without provocation; and he trusted too much to
the situation of his camp at Pirna, which was deemed impregnable. In the
meantime, the king of Prussia fixed his headquarters at Seidlitz, about
half a German league distant from Pirna, and posted his army in such a
manner, as to be able to intercept all convoys of provisions designed
for the Saxon camp; his forces extended on the right towards the
frontiers of Bohemia, and the vanguard actually seized the passes that
lead to the circles of Satzer and Leutmeritz, in that kingdom; while
prince Ferdinand of Brunswick marched with a body of troops along the
Elbe, and took post at this last place without opposition. At the same
time, the king covered his own dominions, by assembling two considerable
bodies in Upper and Lower Silesia, which occupied the passes that
communicated with the circles of Buntzlau and Koningsgratz. Hostilities
were commenced on the thirteenth day of September, by a detachment
of Prussian hussars, who attacked an Austrian escort to a convoy of
provisions, designed for the Saxon camp; and having routed them, carried
off a considerable number of loaded waggons. The magazines at Dresden
were filled with an immense quantity of provisions and forage for the
Prussian army, and the bakers were ordered to prepare a vast quantity of
bread, for which purpose thirty new ovens were erected. When the king of
Prussia first arrived at Dresden, he lodged at the house of the countess
Moczinska, and gave orders that the queen and royal family of Poland
should be treated with all due veneration and respect: [387] _[See note
3 C, at the end of this Vol.]_ even while the Saxon camp was blocked
up on every side, he sometimes permitted a waggon, loaded with fresh
provisions and game, to pass unmolested, for the use of his Polish
majesty.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PRUSSIANS PENETRATE INTO BOHEMIA.

During these transactions, the greatest part of the Prussian army
advanced into Bohemia, under the command of veldt-maresehal Keith,*
who reduced the town and palace of Tetchen, took possession of all the
passes, and encamped near Aussig, a small town in Bohemia, at no great
distance from the imperial army, amounting to fifty thousand men,
commanded by count Brown, an officer of Irish extract, who had often
distinguished himself in the field by his courage, vigilance, and
conduct.

     * Brother to the earl mareschal of Scotland, a gentleman who
     had signalized himself as a general in the Russian army, and
     was accounted one of the best officers of his time; not more
     admired for his warlike genius, than amiable in his
     disposition.

His Prussian majesty having left a considerable body of troops for the
blockade of Pirna, assumed in person the command of mareschal Keith’s
corps, and advanced to give battle to the enemy. On the twenty-ninth
day of September he formed his troops in two columns, and in the evening
arrived with his van at Welmina, from whence he saw the Austrian army
posted with his right at Lowoschutz, and its left towards the Egra.
Having occupied with six battalions a hollow way, and some rising
grounds which commanded the town of Lowoschutz, he remained all night
under arms at Welmina; and on the first day of October, early in the
morning, formed his whole army in order of battle; the first line,
consisting of the infantry, occupying two hills, and a bottom betwixt
them; the second line being formed of some battalions, and the third
composed of the whole cavalry. The Austrian general had taken possession
of Lowoschutz, with a great body of infantry, and placed a battery of
cannon in front of the town; he had formed his cavalry chequerwise, in
a line between Lowoschutz and the village of Sanschitz; and posted about
two thousand Croats and irregulars in the vineyards and avenues on his
right. The morning was darkened with a thick fog, which vanished about
seven: then the Prussian cavalry advanced to attack the enemy’s horse;
but received such a fire from the irregulars, posted in vineyards and
ditches, as well as from a numerous artillery, that they were obliged to
retire for protection to the rear of the Prussian infantry and cannon.
There, being formed, and led back to the charge, they made an impression
on the Austrian cavalry, and drove the irregulars, and other bodies of
infantry, from the ditches, defiles, and vineyards which they possessed;
but they suffered so severely in this dangerous service, that the
king ordered them to reascend the hill, and take post again behind the
infantry, from whence they no more advanced. In the meantime, a furious
cannonading was maintained on both sides with considerable effect. At
length the left of the Prussian infantry was ordered to attack the town
of Lowoschutz in flank; but met with a very warm reception, and in all
likelihood would have miscarried, had not veldt-mareschal Keith headed
them in person: when he drew his sword, and told them he would lead
them on, he was given to understand that all their powder and shot were
exhausted: he turned immediately to them with a cheerful countenance,
said he was very glad they had no more ammunition, being well assured
the enemy could not withstand them at push of bayonet; so saying, he
advanced at their head, and driving the Austrians from Lowoschutz, set
the suburbs on fire. The infantry had been already obliged to quit the
eminence on the right; and now their whole army retired to Budin, on the
other side of the Egra. Some prisoners, colours, and pieces of cannon,
were taken on both sides; and the loss of each might amount to two
thousand five hundred killed and wounded; so that, on the whole, it was
a drawn battle, though both generals claimed the victory. The detail of
the action, published at Berlin, declares, that the king of Prussia not
only gained the battle, but that same day established his head quarters
at Lowoschutz; whereas the Austrian gazette affirms, that the mareschal
count Brown obliged his Prussian majesty to retire, and remained all
night on the field of battle; but next day, finding his troops in want
of water, he repaired to the camp of Budin. If the battle was at
all decisive, the advantage certainly fell to the Austrians; for his
Prussian majesty, who in all probability had hoped to winter at Prague,
was obliged by the opposition he met with, to resign his plan, and
retreat before winter into the electorate of Saxony.




SAXON ARMY SURRENDERS.

The Prussian army having rejoined that body which had been left to block
up the Saxons at Pirna, his Polish majesty and his troops were reduced
to such extremity of want, that it became indispensably necessary either
to attempt an escape, or surrender to the king of Prussia. The former
part of the alternative was chosen, and the plan concerted with count
Brown, the Austrian general, who, in order to facilitate the execution,
advanced privately with a body of troops to Lichtendorf, near Schandeau;
but the junction could not be effected. On the fourteenth day of October
the Saxons threw a bridge of boats over the Elbe, near Konigstein, to
which castle they removed all their artillery; then striking their tents
in the night, passed the river undiscovered by the enemy. They continued
to retreat with all possible expedition; but the roads were so bad, they
made little progress. Next day, when part of them had advanced about
half way up a hill opposite to Konigstein, and the rest were entangled
in a narrow plain, where there was no room to act, they perceived that
the Prussians were in possession of all the passes, and found themselves
surrounded on every side, fainting with hunger and fatigue, and
destitute of every convenience. In this deplorable condition they
remained, when the king of Poland, from the fortress of Konigstein, sent
a letter to his general, the veldt-mareschal count Rutow-ski, vesting
him with full and discretionary power to surrender, or take such other
measures as he should judge most conducive to the preservation of the
officers and soldiers. [388] _[See note 3 D, at the end of this Vol.]_
By this time count Brown had retired to Budin, so that there was no
choice left. A capitulation was demanded; but, in effect, the whole
Saxon army was obliged to surrender at discretion; and the soldiers were
afterwards, by compulsion, incorporated with the troops of Prussia.
The king of Poland being thus deprived of his electoral dominions, his
troops, arms, artillery, and ammunition, thought it high time to provide
for his own safety, and retired with all expedition to Poland. His
Prussian majesty cantoned his forces in the neighbourhood of Seidlitz,
and along the Elbe towards Dresden. His other army, which had entered
Bohemia, under the command of the count de Ichwerin, retired to the
confines of the county of Glatz, where they were distributed in quarters
of cantonment; so that this short campaign was finished by the beginning
of November.




KING OF POLAND’S MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

The king of Poland, in his distress, did not fail to implore the
assistance and mediation of neutral powers. His minister at the Hague
presented a memorial to the states-general, complaining that the
invasion of Saxony was one of those attacks against the law of nations,
which from the great respect due to this law, demanded the assistance
of every power interested in the preservation of its own liberty
and independency. He observed, that from the first glimpse of
misunderstanding between the courts of Vienna and Berlin, he had
expressly enjoined his ministers at all the courts of Europe to declare,
that it was his firm resolution, in the present conjuncture of affairs,
to observe the strictest neutrality. He represented that a free and
neutral state had been, in the midst of peace, invaded by an enemy, who
disguised himself under the mask of friendship, without alleging the
least complaint, or any pretension whatsoever; but founding himself
solely on his own convenience, made himself master, by armed force,
of all the cities and towns of the electorate, dismantling some and
fortifying others; that he had disarmed the burghers; carried off
the magistrates as hostages for the payment of unjust and enormous
contributions of provisions and forage; seized the coffers; confiscated
the revenues of the electorate; broke open the arsenals, and transported
the arms and artillery to his own town of Magdeburgh; abolished the
privy-council, and, instead of the lawful government, established a
directory, which acknowledged no other law but his own arbitrary will.
He gave them to understand, that all these proceedings were no other
than preliminaries to the unheard of treatment which was reserved for
a queen, whose virtues ought to have commanded respect, even from her
enemies; that, from the hands of that august princess, the archives of
the state were forced away by menaces and violences, notwithstanding the
security which her majesty had promised herself under the protection of
all laws, human and divine; and notwithstanding the repeated assurances
given by the king of Prussia, that not only her person, but the place
of her residence, should be absolutely safe, and that even the Prussian
garrison should be under her direction. He observed, that a prince who
declared himself protector of the protestant religion, had begun the
war by crushing the very state to which that religion owes its
establishment, and the preservation of its most invaluable rights; that
he had broken through the most respectable laws which constitute the
union of the Germanic body, under colour of a defence which the empire
stood in no need of except against himself; that the king of Prussia,
while he insists on having entered Saxony as a friend, demands his army,
the administration of his dominions, and, in a word, the sacrifice
of his whole electorate; and that the Prussian directory, in the
declaration of motives, published under the nose of a prince to whom
friendship was pretended, thought it superfluous to allege even
any pretext, to colour the usurpation of his territories and
revenues.--Though this was certainly the case, in his Prussian majesty’s
first exposition of motives, the omission was afterwards supplied, in a
subsequent memorial to the states-general; in which he charged the king
of Poland as an accomplice in, if not an accessary to, the treaty of
Petersburgh; and even taxed him with having agreed to a partition of
some Prussian territories, when they should be conquered. This treaty
of partition, however, appears to have been made in time of actual war,
before all cause of dispute was removed by the peace of Dresden.




IMPERIAL DECREES PUBLISHED AGAINST THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

While the Austrian and Prussian armies were in the field, their
respective ministers were not idle at Ratisbon, where three imperial
decrees were published against his Prussian majesty; the first,
summoning that prince to withdraw his troops from the electorate of
Saxony; the second, commanding all the vassals of the empire employed
by the king of Prussia to quit that service immediately; and the third,
forbidding the members of the empire to suffer any levies of soldiers,
for the Prussian service, to be raised within their respective
jurisdictions. The French minister declared to the diet, that the
proceedings of his Prussian majesty having disclosed to the world the
project concerted between that prince and tie king of England, to
excite in the empire a religious war which might be favourable to their
particular views, his most christian majesty, in consequence of his
engagement with the empress-queen, and many other princes of the empire,
being resolved to succour them in the most efficacious manner, would
forthwith send such a number of troops to their aid, as might be thought
necessary to preserve the liberty of the Germanic body. On the other
hand, the Prussian minister assured the diet, that his master would
very soon produce the proofs that were come to his hands of the plan
concerted by the courts of Vienna and Dresden, for the subversion of
his electoral house, and for imposing upon him a yoke, which seemed to
threaten the whole empire.




DECLARATION OF DIFFERENT POWERS.

About the same time, the Russian resident at the Hague communicated to
the states-general a declaration from his mistress, importing, that her
imperial majesty having seen a memorial presented at the court of Vienna
by the king of Prussia’s envoy extraordinary, was thereby convinced that
his Prussian majesty’s intention was to attack the territories of the
empress-queen; in which case, she, the czarina, was inevitably obliged
to succour her ally with all her forces; for which end she had ordered
all her troops in Livonia to be forthwith assembled on the frontiers,
and hold themselves in readiness to march; that, moreover, the Russian
admiralty had been enjoined to provide immediately a sufficient number
of galleys for transporting a large body of troops to Lubeck. The
ministers of the empress-queen, both at the Hague and at London,
delivered memorials to the states-general and his Britannic majesty,
demanding the succours which these two powers were bound to afford
the house of Austria by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; but their high
mightinesses kept warily aloof, by dint of evasion, and the king of
Great Britain was far otherwise engaged. The invasion of Saxony had well
nigh produced tragedies in the royal family of France. The dauphiness,
who was far advanced in her pregnancy, no sooner learned the distressful
circumstances of her parents, the king and queen of Poland, than she was
seized with violent fits, which occasioned a miscarriage, and brought
her life into the most imminent danger. The Prussian minister was
immediately ordered to quit Versailles; and directions were despatched
to the French minister at Berlin, to retire from that court without
taking leave. Finally, the emperor of Germany concluded a new convention
with the French king, regulating the succours to be derived from that
quarter; he claimed, in all the usual forms, the assistance of the
Germanic body, as guarantee of the pragmatic sanction and treaty of
Dresden; and Sweden was also addressed on the same subject.




HIS PRUSSIAN MAJESTY’S ANSWER TO THE SAXON MEMORIAL.

The king of Prussia did not passively bear all the imputations that were
fixed upon his conduct. His minister at the Hague presented a memorial,
in answer to that of the Saxon resident, in which he accused the court
of Dresden of having adopted every part of the scheme which his enemies
had formed for his destruction. He affirmed that the Saxon ministers
had, in all the courts of Europe, played off every engine of
unwarrantable politics, in order to pave the way for the execution of
their project; that they had endeavoured to give an odious turn to
his most innocent actions; that they had spared neither malicious
insinuations, nor even the most atrocious calumnies, to alienate all the
world from his majesty, and raise up enemies against him everywhere. He
said, he had received information that the court of Saxony intended to
let his troops pass freely, and afterwards wait for events of which
they might avail themselves, either by joining his enemies, or making a
diversion in his dominions; that in such a situation he could not avoid
having recourse to the only means which were left him for preventing his
inevitable ruin, by putting it out of the power of Saxony to increase
the number of his enemies. He asserted, that all the measures he had
pursued in that electorate were but the Accessary consequences of the
first resolution he was forced to take for his own preservation; that
he had done nothing but deprived the court of Saxony of the means of
hurting him; and this had been done with all possible moderation; that
the country enjoyed all the security and all the quiet which could be
expected in the very midst of peace, the Prussian troops observing the
most exact discipline; that all due respect was shown to the queen
of Poland, who had been prevailed upon, by the most suitable
representations, to suffer some papers to be taken from the paper
office, of which his Prussian majesty already had copies; and thought
it necessary, to ascertain the dangerous design of the Saxon ministry
against him, to secure the originals; the existence and reality of which
might otherwise have been denied. He observed, that every man has a
right to prevent the mischief with which he is threatened, and to retort
it upon its author; and that neither the constitutions nor the laws of
the empire could obstruct the exertion of a right so superior to all
others as that of self-preservation and self-defence; especially when
the depository of these laws is so closely united to the enemy, as
manifestly to abuse his power in her favour.

But the most important step which his Prussian majesty took in his own
justification, was that of publishing another memorial, specifying the
conduct of the courts of Vienna and Saxony, and their dangerous designs
against his person and interest, together with the original documents
adduced as proofs of these sinister intentions. As a knowledge of
these pieces is requisite to form a distinct idea of the motives which
produced the dreadful war upon the continent, it will not be amiss to
usher the substance of them to the reader’s acquaintance. His Prussian
majesty affirms, that to arrive at the source of the vast plan upon
which the courts of Vienna and Saxony had been employed against him
ever since the peace of Dresden, we must trace it as far back as the
war which preceded this peace; that the fond hopes which the two allied
courts had conceived upon the success of the campaign in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-four, gave occasion to a treaty of
eventual partition, stipulating that the court of Vienna should possess
the duchy of Silesia and the county of Glatz; while the king of Poland,
elector of Saxony, should share the duchies of Magdeburgh and Croissen;
the circles of Zullichow and Swibus, together with the Prussian part
of Lusatia; that after the peace of Dresden, concluded in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-five, there was no further room for
a treaty of this nature; yet the court of Vienna proposed to that of
Saxony a new alliance, in which the treaty of eventual partition should
be renewed; but this last thought it necessary, in the first place,
to give a greater consistency to their plan, by grounding it upon an
alliance between the empress-queen and the czarina. Accordingly, these
two powers did, in fact, conclude a defensive alliance at Petersburgh in
the course of the ensuing year; but the body, or ostensible part of this
treaty, was composed merely with a view to conceal from the knowledge of
the public six secret articles, the fourth of which was levelled singly
against Prussia, according to the exact copy of it which appeared among
the documents. In this article, the empress-queen of Hungary and Bohemia
sets out with a protestation, that she will religiously observe the
treaty of Dresden; but explains her real way of thinking upon the
subject, a little lower, in the following terms: “If the king of
Prussia should be the first to depart from this peace, by attacking
either her majesty the empress-queen of Hungary and Bohemia, or her
majesty the empress of Russia, or even the republic of Poland; in all
these cases, the rights of the empress-queen to Silesia and the county
of Glatz would again take place, and recover their full effect; the
two contracting parties should mutually assist each other with sixty
thousand men to achieve these conquests.” The king observes upon this
article, that every war which can arise between him and Russia, or the
republic of Poland, would be looked upon as a manifest infraction of the
peace of Dresden, and a revival of the rights of the house of Austria
to Silesia; though neither Russia nor the republic of Poland is at all
concerned in the treaty of Dresden; and though the latter, with which
the king lived in the most intimate friendship, was not even in alliance
with the court of Vienna; that, according to the principles of the law
of nature, received among all civilized nations, the most the court of
Vienna could be authorized to do in such cases, would be to send those
succours to her allies which are due to them by treaties, without her
having the least pretence on that account, to free herself from the
particular engagements subsisting between her and the king: he appealed,
therefore, to the judgment of the impartial world, whether in this
secret article the contracting powers had kept within the bounds of a
defensive alliance; or whether this article did not rather contain a
plan of an offensive alliance against the king of Prussia. He affirmed
it was obvious, from this article, that the court of Vienna had prepared
three pretences for the recovery of Silesia; and that she thought to
attain her end, either by provoking the king to commence hostilities
against her, or to kindle a war between his majesty and Russia, by her
secret intrigues and machinations. He alleged that the court of
Saxony, being invited to accede to this alliance, eagerly accepted the
invitation; furnished its ministers at Petersburgh with full powers for
that purpose; and ordered them to declare that their master was not only
ready to accede to the treaty itself, but also to the secret article
against Prussia; and to join in the regulations made by the two courts,
provided effectual measures should be taken, as well for the security of
Saxony, as for its indemnification and recompence, in proportion to
the efforts and progress that might be made; that the court of Dresden
declared, if upon any fresh attack from the king of Prussia, the
empress-queen should, by their assistance, not only reconquer Silesia
and the county of Gratz, but also reduce him within narrow bounds,
the king of Poland, as elector of Saxony, would abide by the partition
formerly stipulated between him and the empress-queen. He also declared
that count Loss, the Saxon minister at Vienna, was charged to open a
private negotiation for Settling an eventual partition of the conquest
which might be made on Prussia, by laying down, as the basis of it, the
treaty of Leipsic, signed on the eighteenth day of May, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-five, as would appear by the documents
affixed. He owned it had been supposed, through the whole of this
negotiation, that the king of Prussia should be the aggressor against
the court of Vienna; but he insisted, that even in this case the king of
Poland could have no right to make conquests on his Prussian majesty. He
likewise acknowledged, that the court of Saxony had not yet acceded
in form to the treaty of Petersburgh; but he observed, its allies were
given to understand again and again, that it was ready to accede
without restriction, whenever this could be done without risk; and the
advantages to be gained should be secured in its favour. Circumstances
proved by divers authentic documents, particularly by a letter from
count Fleming to count de Bruhl, informing him that count Uhlefield had
charged him to represent afresh to his court, that they could not take
too secure measures against the ambitious views of the king of Prussia;
that Saxony in particular ought to be cautious, as being the most
exposed; that it was of the highest importance to strengthen their old
engagements, upon the footing proposed by the late count de Harrach, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-five; a step which might
be taken on occasion of his Polish majesty’s accession to the treaty of
Petersburgh. The answer of count Bruhl to this despatch imported, that
the king of Poland was not averse to treat in the utmost secrecy
with the court of Vienna about succours, by private and confidential
declarations relating to the fourth secret article of the treaty of
Petersburgh, on condition of reasonable terms and advantages, which in
this case ought to be granted to his majesty. He quoted other despatches
to prove the unwillingness of his Polish majesty to declare himself
until the king of Prussia should be attacked, and his forces divided;
and that this scruple was admitted by the allies of Saxony. From these
premises he deduced this inference, that the court of Dresden, without
having acceded in form to the treaty of Petersburgh, was not less
an accomplice in the dangerous designs which the court of Vienna had
grounded upon this treaty; and that having been dispensed with from a
formal concurrence, it had only waited for that moment when it might,
without running any great risk, conquer in effect, and share the spoils
of its neighbour. In expectation of this period, he said, the Austrian
and Saxon ministers laboured in concert and underhand with the more
ardour to bring the _casus fæderus_ into existence; for it being laid
down as a principle in the treaty, that any war whatever between him
and Russia would authorise the empress-queen to take Silesia, there was
nothing more to be done but to kindle such a war; for which purpose no
method was found more proper than that of embroiling the king with the
empress of Russia; and to provoke that princess with all sorts of false
insinuations, impostures, and the most atrocious calumnies, in laying to
his majesty’s charge a variety of designs, sometimes against Russia,
and even the person of the czarina; sometimes views upon Poland, and
sometimes intrigues in Sweden. By these and other such contrivances, he
affirmed they had kindled the animosity of the empress to such a degree,
that in a council held in the month of October, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-three, she had resolved to attack the king of
Prussia, without any further discussion, whether he should fall upon
any of the allies of Russia, or one of them should begin with him; a
resolution which for that time was frustrated by their want of seamen
and magazines; but the preparations were continued under pretence
of keeping themselves in a condition to fulfil their engagements,
contracted in the last subsidiary convention with England; and when all
were finished, the storm would fall on the king of Prussia.

This is the substance of that famous memorial published by his Prussian
majesty, to which the justifying pieces or authentic documents were
annexed; and to which a circumstantial answer was exhibited by the
partisans of her imperial majesty. Specious reasons may, doubtless, be
adduced on either side of almost any dispute, by writers of ingenuity;
but, in examining this contest, it must be allowed that both sides
adopted illicit practices. The empress-queen and the elector of
Saxony had certainly a right to form defensive treaties for their own
preservation; and without all doubt, it was their interest and their
duty to secure themselves from the enterprises of such a formidable
neighbour; but at the same time, the contracting parties seem to have
carried their views much farther than defensive measures. Perhaps the
court of Vienna considered the cession of Silesia as a circumstance
altogether compulsive, and therefore not binding against the rights of
natural equity. She did not at all doubt that the king of Prussia would
be tempted by his ambition and great warlike power, to take some step
which might be justly interpreted into an infraction of the treaty of
Dresden; and in that case she was determined to avail herself of the
confederacy she had formed, that she might retrieve the countries she
had lost by the unfortunate events of the last war, as well as bridle
the dangerous power and disposition of the Prussian monarch; and in all
probability the king of Poland, over and above the same consideration,
was desirous of some indemnification for the last irruption into his
electoral dominions, and the great sums he had paid for the subsequent
peace. Whether they were authorised by the law of nature and nations
to make reprisals by an actual partition of the countries they might
conquer, supposing him to be the aggressor, we shall not pretend to
determine; but it does not at all appear, that his Prussian majesty’s
danger was such as entitled him to take those violent steps which he
now attempted to justify. By this time the flame of war was kindled up
to a blaze that soon filled the empire with ruin and desolation; and
the king of Prussia had drawn upon himself the resentment of the three
greatest powers of Europe, who laid aside their former animosities,
and every consideration of that balance which it had cost such blood
and treasure to preserve, in order to conspire his destruction. The king
himself could not but foresee this confederacy, and know the power it
might exert; but probably he confided so much in the number, the valour,
and discipline of his troops; in the skill of his officers; in his own
conduct and activity; that he hoped to crush the house of Austria by one
rapid endeavour at the latter end of the season, or at least establish
himself in Bohemia, before her allies could move to her assistance. In
this hope, however, he was disappointed by the vigilance of the Austrian
councils. He found the empress-queen in a condition to make head
against him in every avenue to her dominions; and in a fair way of being
assisted by the circles of the empire. He saw himself threatened with
the vengeance of the Russian empress, and the sword of France gleaming
over his head, without any prospect of assistance but that which he
might derive from his alliance with Great Britain. Thus the king of
England exchanged the alliance of Russia, who was his subsidiary, and
the friendship of the empress queen, his old and natural ally, for a
new connexion with his Prussian majesty, who could neither act as an
auxiliary to Great Britain, nor as a protector to Hanover; and for this
connexion, the advantage of which was merely negative, such a price
was paid by England as had never been given by any other potentate of
Europe, even for services of the greatest importance.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DISPUTES BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS AND THE CLERGY.

About the latter end of November, the Saxon minister at Ratisbon
delivered to the diet a new and ample memorial, explaining the
lamentable state of that electorate, and imploring afresh the assistance
of the empire. The king of Prussia had also addressed a letter to
the diet, demanding succour of the several states, agreeable to their
guarantees of the treaties of Westphalia and Dresden; but the minister
of Mentz, as director of the diet, having refused to lay it before that
assembly, the minister of Brandenburgh ordered it to be printed, and
sent to his court for further instructions. In the meantime his Prussian
majesty thought proper to intimate to the king and senate of Poland,
that should the Russian troops be permitted to march through that
kingdom, they might expect to see their country made a scene of war and
desolation. In France, the prospect of a general and sanguinary war
did not at all allay the disturbance which sprang from the dissension
between the clergy and parliament, touching the bull Unigenitus. The
king being again brought over to the ecclesiastical side of the dispute,
received a brief from the pope, laying it down as a fundamental article,
that whosoever refuses to submit to the bull Unigenitus, is in the way
of damnation; and certain cases are specified, in which the sacraments
are to be denied. The parliament of Paris, considering this brief or
bull as a direct attack upon the rights of the Gallican church, issued
an _arret_ or decree, suppressing the said bull; reserving to themselves
the right of providing against the inconveniences with which it might be
attended, as well as the privilege to maintain in their full force the
prerogatives of the crown, the power and jurisdiction of the bishops,
the liberties of the Gallican church, and the customs of the realm. The
king, dissatisfied with their interposition, declared his design to hold
a bed of justice in person at the palace. Accordingly, on the twelfth
day of November, the whole body of his guards, amounting to ten thousand
men, took post in the city of Paris; and next day the king repaired with
the usual ceremony to the palace, where the bed of justice was held:
among other regulations, an edict was issued for suppressing the fourth
and fifth chambers of inquests, the members of which had remarkably
distinguished themselves by their opposition to the bull Unigenitus.




DEARTH OF CORN IN ENGLAND.

In England, the dearth of corn, arising in a great measure from the
iniquitous practice of engrossing, was so severely felt by the common
people, that insurrections were raised in Shropshire and Warwickshire by
the populace, in conjunction with the colliers, who seized by violence
all the provisions they could find; pillaging without distinction the
millers, farmers, grocers, and butchers, until they were dispersed
by the gentlemen of the country, at the head of their tenants and
dependants. Disorders of the same nature were excited by the colliers on
the forest of Dean, and those employed in the works in Cumberland.
The corporations, noblemen, and gentlemen, in different parts of the
kingdom, exerted themselves for the relief of the poor, who were greatly
distressed; and a grand council being assembled at St. James’ on the
same subject, a proclamation was published, for putting the laws in
speedy and effectual execution against the forestallers and engrossers
of corn.

The fear of an invasion having now subsided, and Hanover being supposed
in greater danger than Great Britain, the auxiliaries of that electorate
were transported from England to their own country. At the latter end of
the season, when the weather became severe, the inn-keepers of England
refused to admit the Hessian soldiers into winter-quarters, as no
provision had been made for that purpose by act of parliament; so that
they were obliged to hut their camp, and remain in the open fields till
January; but the rigour of this uncomfortable situation was softened
by the hand of generous charity, which liberally supplied them with all
manner of refreshment, and other conveniences; a humane interposition,
which rescued the national character from the imputation of cruelty and
ingratitude.




SESSION OPENED.

On the second day of December, his majesty opened the session of
parliament with a speech that seemed to be dictated by the genius of
England. He expressed his confidence, that, under the guidance of Divine
Providence, the union, fortitude, and affection of his people would
enable him to surmount all difficulties, and vindicate the dignity of
his crown against the ancient enemy of Great Britain. He declared, that
the succour and preservation of America constituted a main object of
his attention and solicitude; and observed, that the growing dangers to
which the British colonies might stand exposed, from late losses in
that country, demanded resolutions of vigour and despatch. He said, an
adequate and firm defence at home should maintain the chief place in his
thoughts; and in this great view he had nothing so much at heart as to
remove all grounds of dissatisfaction from his people; for this end, he
recommended to the care and diligence of the parliament the framing of
a national militia, planned and regulated with equal regard to the just
rights of his crown and people; an institution which might become
one good resource in time of general danger. He took notice that the
unnatural union of councils abroad, the calamities which, in consequence
of this unhappy conjunction, might, by irruptions of foreign armies into
the empire, shake its constitution, overturn its system, and threaten
oppression to the protestant interest on the continent, were events
which must sensibly affect the minds of the British nation, and had
fixed the eyes of Europe on this new and dangerous crisis. He gave them
to understand that the body of his electoral troops, which were brought
hither at the desire of his parliament, he had now directed to return to
his dominions in Germany, relying with pleasure on the spirit and zeal
of his people, in defence of his person and realm. He told the commons
that he confided in their wisdom, for preferring more vigorous efforts,
though more expensive, to a less effectual, and therefore less frugal
plan of war; that he had placed before them the dangers and necessities
of the public; and it was their duty to lay the burdens they should
judge unavoidable in such a manner as would least disturb and exhaust
his people. He expressed his concern for the sufferings of the poor,
arising from the present dearth of corn, and for the disturbances to
which it had given rise; and exhorted his parliament to consider of
proper provisions for preventing the like mischiefs hereafter. He
concluded with remarking, that unprosperous events of war in the
Mediterranean, had drawn from his subjects signal proofs how dearly
they tendered the honour of his crown; therefore, they could not, on his
part, fail to meet with just returns of unwearied care, and unceasing
endeavours for the glory, prosperity, and happiness of his people.




DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS.

The king having retired from the house of peers, the speech was read by
lord Sandys, appointed to act as speaker to that house; then earl Gower
moved for an address, which, however, was not carried without objection.
In one part of it his majesty was thanked for having caused a body of
electoral troops to come into England at the request of his parliament;
and this article was disagreeable to those who had disapproved of the
request in the last session. They said they wished to see the present
address unanimously agreed to by the lords; a satisfaction they could
not have, if such a paragraph should be inserted; for they still thought
the bringing over Hanoverian troops a preposterous measure; because
it had not only loaded the nation with an enormous expense, but also
furnished the court of France with a plausible pretence for invading the
electorate, which otherwise it would have no shadow of reason to attack;
besides, the expedient was held in reprobation by the subjects in
general, and such a paragraph might be considered as an insult on the
people. Notwithstanding these exceptions, which did not seem to be very
important, the address, including this paragraph, was approved by a
great majority.




BILL PASSED FOr PROHIBITING THE EXPORTATION OF CORN.

In the address of the commons no such paragraph was inserted. As soon
as the speaker had recited his majesty’s speech, Mr. Charles Townshend
proposed the heads of an address, to which the house unanimously agreed;
and it was presented accordingly. This necessary form was no sooner
discussed, than the house, with a warmth of humanity and benevolence
suitable to such an assembly, resolved itself into a committee, to
deliberate on that part of his majesty’s speech which related to the
dearth of corn that so much distressed the poorer class of people.
A bill was immediately framed to prohibit, for a time limited, the
exportation of corn, malt, meal, flour, bread, biscuit, and starch; and
a resolution unanimously taken to address the sovereign, than an embargo
might be forthwith laid upon all ships laden or to be laden with these
commodities, to be exported from the ports of Great Britain and Ireland.
At the same time, vice-admiral Boscawen, from the board of admiralty,
informed the house, that the king and the board having been dissatisfied
with the conduct of admiral Byng, in a late action with the French fleet
in the Mediterranean, and for the appearance of his not having acted
agreeably to his instructions for the relief of Minorca, he was then
in custody of the marshal of the admiralty, in order to be tried by a
court-martial; that although this was no more than what was usual in
like cases, yet as admiral Byng was then a member of the house, and
as his confinement might detain him some time from his duty there, the
board of admiralty thought it a respect due to the house to inform them
of the commitment and detainer of the said admiral. This message being
delivered, the journal of the house in relation to rear-admiral Knowles
[392] _[See note 3 E, at the end of this Vol]_ was read, and what Mr.
Boscawen now communicated was also inserted.

The committees of supply, and of ways and means, being appointed, took
into consideration the necessities of the state, and made very ample
provision for enabling his majesty to maintain the war with vigour.

{1757}

They granted fifty-five thousand men for the sea-service, including
eleven thousand four hundred and nineteen marines; and for the
land-service, forty-nine thousand seven hundred and forty-nine effective
men, comprehending four thousand and eight invalids. The supply was
granted for the maintenance of these forces, as well as for the troops
of Hesse and Hanover; for the ordnance; the levy of new regiments; for
assisting his majesty in forming and maintaining an army of observation,
for the just and necessary defence and preservation of his electoral
dominions, and those of his allies; and towards enabling him to fulfil
his engagements with the king of Prussia; for the security of the empire
against the irruption of foreign armies,* as well as for the support of
the common cause; for building and repairs of ships, hiring transports,
payment of half-pay officers, and the pensions of widows; for enabling
his majesty to discharge the like sum, raised in pursuance of an act
passed in the last session of parliament, and charged upon the first
aids or supplies to be granted in this session; for enabling the
governors and guardians of the hospital for the maintenance and
education of exposed and deserted young children, to receive all such
children, under a certain age, as should be brought to the said hospital
within the compass of one year;** for maintaining and supporting the new
settlement of Nova Scotia; for repairing and finishing military
roads; for making good his majesty’s engagement with the landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel; for the expense of marching, recruiting, and remounting
German troops in the pay of Great Britain; for empowering his majesty
to defray any extraordinary expenses of the war, incurred, or to be
incurred, for the service of the ensuing year, and to take all such
measures as might be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprises
or designs of his enemies, as the exigency of affairs should require;
for the payment of such persons, in such a manner as his majesty should
direct; for the use and relief of his subjects in the several provinces
of North and South Carolina and Virginia, in recompence for such
services as, with the approbation of his majesty’s commander-in-chief in
America, they respectively had performed, or should perform, either by
putting these provinces in a state of defence, or by acting with vigour
against the enemy; for enabling the East India company to defray the
expense of a military force in their settlements, to be maintained in
them, in lieu of a battalion of his majesty’s forces withdrawn from
those forts and factories; for the maintenance and support of the forts
on the coast of Africa; for widening the avenues, and rendering more
safe and commodious the streets and passages leading from Charing Cross
to the two houses of parliament, the court of justice, and the new
bridge at Westminster.***

     * Nothing could more gloriously evince the generosity of a
     British parliament, than this interposition for defending
     the liberties of Germany, in conjunction with two electors
     only, against the sense of the other seven, and in direct
     opposition to the measures taken by the head of the empire,
     who, in the sequel, stigmatized these two princes as rebels,
     and treated one of them as an outlaw.

     ** This charity, established by voluntary contribution,
     might, under proper restrictions, prove beneficial to the
     commonwealth, by rescuing deserted children from misery and
     death, and qualifying them for being serviceable members of
     the community; but since the liberality of parliament hath
     enabled the governors and corporation to receive all the
     children that are presented, without question or limitation,
     the yearly expense hath swelled into a national grievance,
     and the humane purposes of the original institution are, in
     a great measure, defeated. Instead of an asylum for poor
     forlorn orphans and abandoned foundlings, it is become a
     general receptacle for the offspring of the dissolute, who
     care not to work for the maintenance of their families. The
     hospital itself is a plain edifice, well contrived for
     economy and convenience, standing on the north side of the
     city, and a little detached from it, in an agreeable and
     salubrious situation. The hall is adorned with some good
     paintings, the chapel is elegant, and the regulations are
     admirable.

     *** The bridge at Westminster may be considered as a
     national ornament. It was built at the public expense, from
     the neighbourhood of Westminster Hall to the opposite side
     of the river, and consists of thirteen arches, constructed
     with equal elegance and simplicity.

Such were the articles under which we may specify the supplies of this
year, on the whole amounting to eight millions three hundred and fifty
thousand three hundred and twenty-five pounds, nine shillings and three
pence. It must be acknowledged, for the honour of the administration,
that the house of commons could not have exhibited stronger marks of
their attachment to the crown and person of their sovereign, as well
as of their desire to see the force of the nation exerted with becoming
spirit. The sums granted by the committee of supply did not exceed eight
millions three hundred and fifty thousand three hundred and twenty-five
pounds, nine shillings and three pence; the funds established amounted
to eight millions six hundred and eighty-nine thousand and fifty-one
pounds, nineteen shillings and seven-pence; so that there was an
overplus of three hundred and thirty-eight thousand seven hundred and
twenty-six pounds, ten shillings and four pence; an excess which was
thought necessary, in case the lottery, which was founded on a new plan,
should not succeed.




REFLECTIONS ON THE CONTINENTAL WAR.

Some of these impositions were deemed grievous hardships by those upon
whom they immediately fell; and many friends of their country
exclaimed against the projected army of observation in Germany, as the
commencement of a ruinous continental war, which it was neither the
interest of the nation to undertake, nor in their power to maintain,
without starving the operations by sea, and in America, founded on
British principles; without contracting such an additional load of debts
and taxes, as could not fail to terminate in bankruptcy and distress.
To those dependents of the ministry, who observed that as Hanover was
threatened by France for its connexion with Great Britain, it ought, in
common gratitude, to be protected, they replied, that every state, in
assisting any ally, ought to have a regard to its own preservation:
that, if the king of England enjoyed by inheritance, or succession, a
province in the heart of France, it would be equally absurd and unjust,
in case of a rupture with that kingdom, to exhaust the treasures of
Great Britain in the defence of such a province; and yet the inhabitants
of it would have the same right to complain that they suffered for their
connexion with England. They observed, that other dominions, electorates,
and principalities in Germany, were secured by the constitutions of the
empire, as well as by fair and equal alliances with their co-estates;
whereas Hanover stood solitary, like a hunted deer avoided by the herd,
and had no other shelter but that of shrinking under the extended shield
of Great Britain: that the reluctance expressed by the German princes to
undertake the defence of these dominions, flowed from a firm persuasion,
founded on experience, that England would interpose as a principal,
and not only draw her sword against the enemies of the electorate, but
concentrate her chief strength in that object, and waste her treasures
in purchasing their concurrence; that exclusive of an ample revenue
drained from the sweat of the people, great part of which had been
expended in continental efforts, the whole national debt incurred, since
the accession of the late king, had been contracted in pursuance of
measures totally foreign to the interest of these kingdoms: that, since
Hanover was the favourite object, England would save money, and great
quantities of British blood, by allowing France to take possession of
the electorate, paying its ransom at the peace, and indemnifying the
inhabitants for the damage they might sustain; an expedient that would
be productive of another good consequence, it would rouse the German
princes from their affected indifference, and oblige them to exert
themselves with vigour, in order to avoid the detested neighbourhood of
such an enterprising invader.




MESSAGES FROM THE KING TO THE PARLIAMENT.

The article of the supply relating to the army of observation, took rise
from a message signed by his majesty, and presented by Mr. Pitt, now
promoted to the office of principal secretary of state; a gentleman who
had, upon sundry occasions, combated the gigantic plan of continental
connexions with all the strength of reason, and all the powers of
eloquence. He now imparted to the house an intimation, importing, it was
always with reluctance that his majesty asked extraordinary supplies of
his people; but as the united councils, and formidable preparations
of France and her allies threatened Europe in general with the most
alarming consequence; and as these unjust and vindictive designs were
particularly and immediately bent against his majesty’s electoral
dominions, and those of his good ally the king of Prussia, his majesty
confided in the experienced zeal and affection of his faithful commons,
that they would cheerfully assist him in forming and maintaining an army
of observation, for the just and necessary defence and preservation of
those territories, and enable him to fulfil his engagements with his
Prussian majesty, for the security of the empire against the irruption
of foreign armies, and for the support of the common cause. Posterity
will hardly believe, that the emperor and all the princes of Germany
were in a conspiracy against their country, except the king of Prussia,
the elector of Hanover, and the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; and they
will, no doubt, be surprised, that Great Britain, after all the treaties
she had made, and the numberless subsidies she had granted, should not
have an ally left, except one prince, so embarrassed in his own affairs,
that he could grant lier no succour, whatever assistance he might
demand. The king’s message met with as favourable a reception as he
could have desired. It was read in the house of commons, together
with, a copy of the treaty between his majesty and the king of Prussia,
including the secret and separate article, and the declaration signed
on each side by the plenipotentiaries at Westminster: the request was
granted, and the convention approved. With equal readiness did they
gratify his majesty’s inclination, signified in another message,
delivered on the seventeenth day of May, by lord Bateman, intimating,
that in this critical juncture, emergencies might arise of the utmost
importance, and be attended with the most pernicious consequences, if
proper means should not be immediately applied to prevent or defeat
them; his majesty was, therefore, desirous that the house would enable
him to defray any extraordinary expenses of the war, incurred or to
be incurred for the service of the current year; and to take all such
measures as might be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprises
or designs of his enemies, as the exigency of affairs might require.
The committee of supply forthwith granted a very large sum for these
purposes, including the charge of German mercenaries. A like message
being at the same time communicated to the upper house, their lordships
voted a very loyal address upon the occasion; and when the article
of supply, which it produced among the commons, fell under their
inspection, they unanimously agreed to it, by way of a clause of
appropriation.




MEASURES TAKEN TO REMOVE THE SCARCITY OF CORN.

We have already observed, that the first bill which the commons passed
in this session, was for the relief of the poor, by prohibiting the
exportation of corn; but this remedy not being judged adequate to the
evil, another bill was framed, removing, for a limited time, the duty
then payable upon foreign corn and flour imported; as also permitting,
for a certain time, all such foreign corn, grain, meal, bread, biscuit,
and flour, as had been or should be taken from the enemy, to be landed
and expended in the kingdom duty free. In order still more to reduce the
high price of corn, and to prevent any supply of provisions from
being sent to our enemies in America, a third bill was brought in,
prohibiting, for a time therein limited, the exportation of corn, grain,
meal, malt, flour, bread, biscuit, starch, beef, pork, bacon, or other
victual, from any of the British plantations, unless to Great Britain
or Ireland, or from one colony to another. To this act two clauses were
added, for allowing those necessaries, mentioned above, to be imported
in foreign built ships, and from any state in amity with his majesty,
either into Great Britain or Ireland; and for exporting from Southampton
or Exeter to the Isle of Man, for the use of the inhabitants, a quantity
of wheat, barley, oats, meal, or flour, not exceeding two thousand five
hundred quarters. The commons would have still improved their humanity,
had they contrived and established some effectual method to punish those
unfeeling villains, who, by engrossing and hoarding up great quantities
of grain, had created this artificial scarcity, and deprived their
fellow-creatures of bread, with a view to their own private advantage.
Upon a subsequent report of the committee, the house resolved, that,
to prevent the high price of wheat and bread, no spirits should be
distilled from wheat for a limited time. While the bill, formed on this
resolution, was in embryo, a petition was presented to the house by
the brewers of London, Westminster, Southwark, and parts adjacent,
representing, that, when the resolution passed, the price of malt,
which was before too high, immediately rose to such a degree, that the
petitioners found themselves utterly incapable of carrying on business
at the price malt then bore, occasioned, as they conceived, from an
apprehension of the necessity the distillers would be under to make use
of the best pale malt, and substitute the best barley in lieu of
wheat: that, in such a case, the markets would not be able to supply
a sufficient quantity of barley for the demands of both professions,
besides other necesssary uses: they therefore prayed, that, in regard
to the public revenue, to which the trade of the petitioners so largely
contributed, proper measures might be taken for preventing the public
loss, and relieving their particular distress. The house would not lend
a deaf ear to a remonstrance in which the revenue was concerned. The
members appointed to prepare the bill, immediately received instructions
to make provision in it to restrain, for a limited time, the distilling
of barley, malt, and all grain whatsoever. The bill was framed
accordingly, but did not pass without strenuous opposition. To this
prohibition it was objected, that there are always large quantities of
wheat and barley in the kingdom so much damaged, as to be unfit for any
use but the distillery, consequently a restriction of this nature
would ruin many farmers, and others employed in the trade of malting.
Particular interests, however, must often be sacrificed to the welfare
of the community; and the present distress prevailed over the prospect
of this disadvantage. If they had allowed any sort of grain to be
distilled, it would have been impossible to prevent the distilling
of every kind. The prohibition was limited to two months; but at
the expiration of that term, the scarcity still continuing, it was
protracted by a new bill to the eleventh day of December, with a
proviso, empowering his majesty to put an end to it at any time after
the eleventh day of May, if such a step should be judged for the
advantage of the kingdom.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MILITIA BILL.

The next bill that engaged the attention of the commons, was a measure
of the utmost national importance, though secretly disliked by many
individuals of the legislature, who, nevertheless, did not venture to
avow their disapprobation. The establishment of a militia was a very
popular and desirable object, but attended with numberless difficulties,
and a competition of interests which it was impossible to reconcile.
It had formerly been an inexhaustible source of contention between the
crown and the commons; but now both apparently concurred in rendering it
serviceable to the commonwealth, though some acquiesced in the scheme,
who were not at all hearty in its favour. On the fourth day of December,
a motion was made for the bill, by colonel George Townshend, eldest son
of lord viscount Townshend, a gentleman of courage, sense, and probity;
endued with penetration to discern, and honesty to pursue, the real
interest of his country, in defiance of power, in contempt of private
advantages. Leave being given to bring in a bill for the better ordering
of the militia forces in the several counties of England, the task of
preparing it was allotted to Mr. Townshend, and a considerable number of
the most able members in the house, comprehending his own brother, Mr.
Charles Townshend, whose genius shone with distinguished lustre: he
was keen, discerning, eloquent, and accurate; possessed a remarkable
vivacity of parts, with a surprising solidity of understanding; was
a wit without arrogance, a patriot without prejudice, and a courtier
without dependance.

While the militia bill remained under consideration in the house, a
petition for a constitutional and well-regulated militia was presented
by the mayor, jurats, and commonalty of the king’s town and parish
of Maidstone, in Kent, in common-council assembled. At the same time
remonstrances were offered by the protestant dissenting ministers of the
three denominations in and about the cities of London and Westminster;
by the protestant dissenters of Shrewsbury; the dissenting ministers of
Devonshire; the protestant dissenters, being freeholders and burgesses
of the town and county of the town of Nottingham, joined with other
inhabitants of the church of England, expressing their apprehension,
that, in the bill then depending, it might be proposed to enact, that
the said militia should be exercised on the Lord’s day, commonly called
Sunday, and praying that no clause for such purpose might pass into a
law. Though nothing could be more ridiculously fanatic and impertinent
than a declaration of such a scruple against a practice so laudable and
necesssary, in a country where that day of the week is generally spent
in merry-making, riot, and debauchery, the house paid so much regard to
the squeamish consciences of those puritanical petitioners, that Monday
was pitched upon for the day of exercise to the militia, though on
such working days they might be much more profitably employed, both for
themselves and their country; and that no religious pretence should be
left for opposing the progress and execution of the bill, proper clauses
were inserted for the relief of the quakers. Another petition and
counter-petition were delivered by the magistrates, freeholders, and
burgesses of the town of Nottingham, in relation to their particular
franchises, which were accordingly considered in framing the bill.

After mature deliberation, and divers alterations, it passed the
lower house, and was sent to the lords for their concurrence: here it
underwent several amendments, one of which was the reduction of the
number of militia-men to one half of what the commons had proposed;
namely, to thirty-two thousand three hundred and forty men for the whole
kingdom of England and Wales. The amendments being canvassed in the
lower house, met with some opposition, and divers conferences with their
lordships ensued; at length, however, the two houses agreed to every
article, and the bill soon received the royal sanction. No provision,
however, was made for clothes, arms, accoutrements, and pay: had
regulations been made for these purposes, the act would have become a
money-bill, in which the lords could have made no amendment: in order,
therefore, to prevent any difference between the two houses, on a
dispute of privileges not yet determined, and that the house of peers
might make what amendments they should think expedient, the commons left
the expense of the militia to be regulated in a subsequent bill, during
the following session, when they could, with more certainty, compute
what sum would be necessary for these purposes. After all, the bill
seemed to be crude, imperfect, and ineffectual, and the promoters of it
were well aware of its defects; but they were apprehensive that it would
have been dropped altogether, had they insisted upon the scheme being
executed in its full extent. They were eager to seize this opportunity
of trying an experiment, which might afterwards be improved to a greater
national advantage; and, therefore, they acquiesced in many restrictions
and alterations, which otherwise would not have been adopted.




BILL FOR QUARTERING FOREIGN TROOPS, &c.

The next measure that fell under the consideration of the house, was
rendered necessary by the inhospitable perseverance of the publicans and
inn-holders, who conceived themselves not obliged by law to receive or
give quarters in their houses to any foreign troops, and accordingly
refused admittance to the Hessian auxiliaries, who began to be
dreadfully incommoded by the severity of the weather. This objection
implying an attack upon the prerogative, the government did not think
fit, at this juncture, to dispute any other way, than by procuring a
new law in favour of those foreigners. It was intituled, “A bill to
make provision for quartering the foreign troops now in this kingdom,”
 prepared by lord Barrington, the chancellor of the exchequer, and the
solicitor-general, and immediately passed without opposition. This step
being taken, another bill was brought in, for the regulation of the
marine forces while on shore. This was almost a transcript of the mutiny
act, with this material difference: it empowered the admiralty to grant
commissions for holding general courts-martial, and to do every thing,
and in the same manner, as his majesty is empowered to do by the usual
mutiny bill; consequently every clause was adopted without question.




BILL FOR THE MORE SPEEDY RECRUITING THE LAND-FORCES AND MARINES, &c.

The same favourable reception was given to a bill for the more speedy
and effectual recruiting his majesty’s land-forces and marines; a law
which threw into the hands of many worthless magistrates an additional
power of oppressing their fellow-creatures: all justices of the peace,
commissioners of the land-tax, magistrates of corporations and
boroughs, were empowered to meet by direction of the secretary at war,
communicated in precepts issued by the high sheriffs, or their deputies,
within their respective divisions, and at their usual place of meeting,
to qualify themselves for the execution of the act: then they were
required to appoint the times and places for their succeeding meetings;
to issue precepts to the proper officers for these succeeding meetings;
and to give notice of the time and place of every meeting to such
military officer, as, by notice from the secretary at war, should be
directed to attend that service. The annual bill for preventing mutiny
and desertion met with no objections, and indeed contained nothing
essentially different from that which had passed in the last session.
The next law enacted, was, for further preventing embezzlement of goods
and apparel, by those with whom they are intrusted, and putting a stop
to the practice of gaming in public houses. By this bill a penalty was
inflicted on pawnbrokers, in a summary way, for receiving goods, knowing
them not to be the property of the pledger, and pawned without the
authority of the owner. [395] _[See note 3 F, at the end of this Vol.]_
With respect to gaming, the act ordained that all publicans suffering
journeymen, labourers, servants, or apprentices, to game with cards,
dice, shuffleboards, mississippi, or billiard tables, skittles,
nine-pins, &c. should forfeit forty shillings for the first offence, and
for every subsequent offence, ten pounds shall be levied by distress.

Divers inconveniences having resulted from the interposition of
justices, who, in pursuance of an act of parliament passed in the
present reign, assumed the right of establishing rates for the payment
of wages to weavers, several petitions wore offered to the house of
commons, representing the evil consequences of such an establishment;
and although these arguments were answered and opposed in
counter-petitions, the commons, actuated by a laudable concern for the
interest of the woolen manufacture, after due deliberation, removed
the grievance by a new bill, repealing so much of the former act as
empowered justices of peace to make rates for the payment of wages.
[396]_ [See note 3 G, at the end of this Vol.]_ The commons were not
more forward to provide supplies for prosecuting the war with vigour,
than ready to adopt new regulations for the advantage of trade and
manufactures. The society of the free British fishery presented a
petition, alleging, that they had employed the sum of one hundred and
thirty thousand three hundred and five pounds, eight shillings and
sixpence, together with the entire produce of their fish, and all the
monies arising from the several branches allowed on the tonnage of their
shipping, and on the exportation of their fish, in carrying on the
said fishery; and that, from their being obliged, in the infancy of
the undertaking, to incur a much larger expense than was at that time
foreseen, they now found themselves so far reduced in their capital, as
to be utterly incapable of further prosecuting the fisheries with
any hope of success, unless indulged with the further assistance of
parliament. They prayed, therefore, that, towards enabling them to carry
on the said fisheries, they might have liberty to make use of such
nets as they should find best adapted to the said fisheries; each buss,
nevertheless, carrying to sea the same quantity and depth of netting,
which, by the fishery acts, they were then bound to carry: that the
bounty of thirty shillings per ton, allowed by the said acts on the
vessels employed in the fishery, might be increased; and forasmuch as
many of the stock proprietors were unable to advance any further sum for
prosecuting this branch of commerce; and others unwilling in the present
situation, and under the present restraints, to risk any further sum in
the undertaking; that the stock of the society, by the said acts made
unalienable, except in case of death or bankruptcy, for a term of years,
might forthwith be made transferable; and that the petitioners might be
at liberty, between the intervals of the fishing seasons, to employ the
busses in such a manner as they should find for the advantage of
the society. While the committee was employed in deliberating on the
particulars of this remonstrance, another was delivered from the free
British fishery chamber of Whitehaven in Cumberland, representing, that
as the law then stood, they went to Shetland, and returned at a great
expense and loss of time; and while the war continued, durst not stay
there to fish, besides being obliged to run the most imminent risks, by
going and returning without convoy: that, ever since the institution of
the present fishery, experience had fully shown the fishery of Shetland
not worth following, as thereby the petitioners had lost two months of
a much better fishery in St. George’s channel, within one day’s sail of
Whitehaven: they took notice, that the free British fishery society had
applied to the house for further assistance and relief; and prayed that
Campbelton, in Argyleshire, might be appointed the place of rendezvous
for the busses belonging to Whitehaven, for the summer as well as
the winter fishery, that they might be enabled to fish with greater
advantage. The committee having considered the matter of both petitions,
were of opinion that the petitioners should be at liberty to use such
nets as they should find best adapted to the white herring fishery: that
the bounty of thirty shillings per ton should be augmented to fifty:
that the petitioners should be allowed, during the intervals of the
fishing seasons, to employ their vessels in any other lawful business,
provided they should have been employed in the herring fishery during
the proper seasons: that they might use such barrels for packing the
fish as they then used, or might hereafter find best adapted for that
purpose: that they should have liberty to make use of any waste or
uncultivated land, one hundred yards at the least above high water mark,
for the purpose of drying their nets; and that Campbelton would be
the most proper and convenient place for the rendezvous of the busses
belonging to Whitehaven. This last resolution, however, was not inserted
in the bill which contained the other five, and in a little time
received the royal assent.




ACT FOR IMPORTING AMERICAN IRON DUTY FREE.

Such are the connexions, dependencies, and relations subsisting between
the mechanical arts, agriculture, and manufactures of Great Britain,
that it requires study, deliberation, and inquiry in the legislature
to discern and distinguish the whole scope and consequences of many
projects offered for the benefit of the commonwealth. The society of
merchant adventurers in the city of Bristol, alleged, in a petition to
the house of commons, that great quantities of bar-iron were imported
into Great Britain from Sweden, Russia, and other parts, chiefly
purchased with ready money, some of which iron was exported again to
Africa and other places: and the rest wrought up by the manufacturers.
They affirmed that bar-iron, imported from North America, would answer
the same purposes; and the importation of it tend not only to the great
advantage of the kingdom, by increasing its shipping and navigation, but
also to the benefit of the British colonies: that by an act passed in
the twenty-third year of his present majesty’s reign, the importation of
bar-iron from America into the port of London, duty free, was permitted;
but being carried coastwise, or farther by land than ten miles, had been
prohibited; so that several very considerable manufacturing towns were
deprived of the use of American iron, and the out-ports prevented from
employing it in their export commerce: they requested, therefore, that
bar-iron might be imported from North America into Great Britain, duty
free, by all his majesty’s subjects. This request being reinforced by
many other petitions from different parts of the kingdom, other classes
of men, who thought their several interests would be affected by such
a measure, took the alarm; and, in divers counter-petitions, specified
many ill consequences which they alleged would arise from its being
enacted into a law. Pamphlets were published on both sides of the
question, and violent disputes were kindled upon this subject, which was
justly deemed a matter of national importance. The opposers of the bill
observed, that large quantities of iron were yearly produced at home,
and employed multitudes of poor people, there being no less than one
hundred and nine forges in England and Wales, besides those erected in
Scotland, the whole producing eighteen thousand tons of iron: that as
the mines in Great Britain are inexhaustible, the produce would of late
years have been considerably increased, had not the people been kept
under continual apprehension of seeing American iron admitted duty
free: a supposition which had prevented the traders from extending their
works, and discouraged many from engaging in this branch of traffic;
they alleged that the iron works, already carried on in England,
occasioned a consumption of one hundred and ninety-eight thousand cords
of wood, produced in coppices that grow upon barren lands, which could
not otherwise be turned to any good account: that as the coppices
afford shade, and preserve a moisture in the ground, the pasture is more
valuable with the wood, than it would be if the coppices were grubbed
up; consequently all the estates, where these now grow, would sink in
their yearly value; that these coppices, now cultivated and preserved
for the use of the iron works, are likewise absolutely necessary for the
manufacture of leather, as they furnish bark for the tanners, and that,
according to the management of these coppices, they produced a great
number of timber trees, so necessary for the purposes of building. They
asserted, that neither the American iron, nor any that had yet been
found in Great Britain, was so proper for converting into steel as that
which conies from Sweden, particularly that sort called ore ground; but
as there are mines in the northern parts of Britain, nearly in the same
latitude with those of Sweden, furnished with sufficient quantities of
wood, and rivers for mills and engines, it was hardly to be doubted but
that people would find metal of the same quality, and, in a few years,
be able to prevent the necessity of importing iron either from Sweden or
Russia. They inferred that American iron could never interfere with that
which Great Britain imported from Sweden, because it was not fit for
edged-tools, anchors, chain plates, and other particulars necessary in
ship building; nor diminish the importation of Russian iron, which
was not only harder than the American and British, but also could be
afforded cheaper than that brought from our own plantations, even though
the duty of this last should be removed. The importation of American
iron, therefore, duty free, could interfere with no other sort but that
produced in Britain, with which, by means of this advantage, it would
clash so much, as to put a stop in a little time to all the iron works
now carried on in the kingdom, and reduce to beggary a great number of
families whom they support. To these objections the favourers of the
bill solicited replied, that when a manufacture is much more valuable
than the rough materials, and these cannot be produced at home in
sufficient quantities, and at such a price as is consistent with the
preservation of the manufacture, it is the interest of the legislature,
to admit a free importation of these materials, even from foreign
countries, although it should put an end to the production of that
material in this island: that as the neighbours of Great Britain are now
more attentive than ever to their commercial interests, and endeavouring
to manufacture their rough materials at home, this nation must take
every method for lowering the price of materials, otherwise in a few
years it will lose the manufacture; and, instead of supplying other
countries, be furnished by them with all the fine toys and utensils
made of steel and iron; that being in danger of losing not only the
manufacture but the produce of iron, unless it can be procured at a
cheaper rate than that for which it is sold at present, the only way
of attaining this end is by diminishing the duty payable upon the
importation of foreign iron, or by rendering it necessary for the
undertakers of the iron mines in Great Britain to sell their produce
cheaper than it has been for some years afforded; that the most
effectual method for this purpose is to raise up a rival, by permitting
a free importation of all sorts of iron from the American plantations;
that American iron can never be sold so cheap as that of Britain can be
afforded; for, in the colonies, labour of all kinds is much dearer
than in England: if a man employs his own slaves, he must reckon in
his charge a great deal more than the common interest of their purchase
money, because, when one of them dies, or escapes from his master, he
losses both interest and principal; that the common interest of money in
the plantations is considerably higher than in England, consequently
no man in that country will employ his money in any branch of trade by
which he cannot gain considerably more per cent, than is expected
in Great Britain, where the interest is low, and profit moderate; a
circumstance which will always give a great advantage to the British
miner, who likewise enjoys an exemption from freight and insurance,
which lie heavy upon the American adventurer, especially in time of war.
With respect to the apprehension of the leather tanners, they observed,
that as the coppices generally grew on barren lands, not fit for
tillage, and improved the pasturage, no proprietor would be at the
expense of grubbing up the wood to spoil the pasture, as he could make
no other use of the land on which it was produced. This wood must be
always worth something, especially in counties where there is not plenty
of coal, and the timber trees would produce considerable advantage;
therefore, if there was not one iron mine in Great Britain, no coppice
would be grubbed up, unless it grew on a rich soil, which would produce
corn instead of cord-wood; consequently, the tanners have nothing to
fear, especially as planting hath become a prevailing taste among the
landholders of the island. The committee appointed to prepare the bill,
seriously weighed and canvassed these arguments, examined disputed
facts, and inspected papers and accounts relating to the produce,
importation, and manufactory of iron. At length Mr. John Pitt reported
to the house their opinion, implying that the liberty granted by an act
passed in the twenty-third year of his majesty’s reign, of importing
bar-iron from the British colonies in America into the port of London,
should be extended to all the other ports of Great Britain; and that so
much of that act as related to this clause should be repealed. The
house having agreed to these resolutions, and the bill being-brought
in accordingly, another petition was presented by several noblemen,
gentlemen, freeholders, and other proprietors, owners, and possessors of
coppices and woodlands, in the West Biding of Yorkshire, alleging, that
a permission to import American bar-iron, duty-free, would be attended
with numberless ill consequences both of a public and private nature;
specifying certain hardships to which they in particular would be
exposed; and praying, that, if the bill should pass, they might be
relieved from the pressure of an act passed in the reign of Henry VIII.
obliging the owners of coppice woods to preserve them, under severe
penalties; and be permitted to fell and grub up their coppice woods, in
order to a more proper cultivation of the soil, without being restrained
by the fear of malicious and interested prosecutions. In consequence of
this remonstrance, a clause was added to the bill, repealing so much
of the act of Henry VIII. as prohibited the conversion of coppice or
under-woods into pasture or tillage; then it passed through both houses,
and received the royal sanction. As there was not time, after this
affair came upon the carpet, to obtain any new accounts from America,
and as it was thought necessary to know the quantities of iron made in
that country, the house presented an address to his majesty, desiring
he would be pleased to give directions that there should be laid before
them, in the next session of parliament, an account of the quantity
of iron made in the American colonies, from Christmas, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, to the fifth day of January,
in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, each year being
distinguished.




REGULATIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE IMPORTATION OF SILK.

From this important object, the parliament converted its attention to a
regulation of a much more private nature. In consequence of a petition
by the lord-mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, a bill
was brought in, and passed into a law without opposition, for the more
effectual preservation and improvement of the fry and spawn of fish in
the river Thames, and waters of Medway, and for the better regulating
the fishery in those rivers. The two next measures taken for the benefit
of the public were, first, a bill to render more effectual the several
laws then in being, for the amendment and preservation of the highways
and turnpike-roads of the kingdom; the other for the more effectually
preventing the spreading of the contagious distemper which, at that
time, raged among the horned cattle. A third arose from the distress of
poor silk manufacturers, who were destitute of employment, and deprived
of all means of subsisting, through the interruption of the Levant
trade; occasioned by the war, and the delay of the merchant ships from
Italy. In order to remedy this inconvenience, a bill was prepared,
enacting, that any person might import from any place, in any ship or
vessel whatsoever, till the first day of December, one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-seven, organzine thrown silk of the growth
or production of Italy, to be brought to the custom-house of London,
wheresoever landed; but that no Italian thrown silk, coarser than
Bologna, nor any tram of the growth of Italy, nor any other thrown silk
of the growth or production of Turkey, Persia, East Indies, or China,
should be imported by this act, under the penalty of the forfeiture
thereof. Notwithstanding several petitions, presented by the merchants,
owners, and commanders of ships, and others trading to Leghorn, and
other ports of Italy, as well as by the importers and manufacturers of
raw silks, representing the evil consequences that would probably attend
the passing of such a bill, the parliament agreed to this temporary
deviation from the famous act of navigation, for a present supply to the
poor manufacturers.

The next civil regulation established in this session of parliament was
in itself judicious, and, had it been more earnestly suggested, might
have been more beneficial to the public. In order to discourage the
practice of smuggling, and prevent the desperadoes concerned therein
from enlisting in the service of the enemy, a law was passed, enacting,
that every person who had been, before the first of May in the present
year, guilty of illegally running, concealing, receiving, or carrying
any wool, or prohibited goods, or any foreign commodities liable to
duties, the same not having been paid or secured; or of aiding therein,
or had been found with fire-arms or weapons, in order to be aiding
to such offenders; or had been guilty of receiving such goods after
seizure; or of any act whatsoever, whereby persons might be deemed
runners of foreign goods; or of hindering, wounding, or beating any
officer in the execution of his duty, or assisting therein,--should be
indemnified from all such offences, concerning which no suit should then
have been commenced, or composition made, on condition that he should,
before being apprehended or prosecuted, and before the first day of
December, enter himself with some commissioned officer of his majesty’s
fleet, to serve as a common sailor; and should, for three years from
such entry, unless sooner duly discharged, actually serve and do duty in
that station, and register his name, &c, with the clerk of the peace of
the county where he resided, as the act prescribes. An attempt was
made in favour of the seamen employed in the navy, who had been very
irregularly paid, and subject to grievous hardships in consequence of
this irregularity. Mr. Grenville, brother to earl Temple, moved for
leave to bring in a bill for the encouragement of seamen employed in his
majesty’s navy, and for establishing a regular method for the punctual,
speedy, and certain payment of their wages, as well as for rescuing them
from the arts and frauds of imposition. The proposal was corroborated
by divers petitions: the bill was prepared, read, printed, and, after it
had undergone some amendment, passed into the house of lords, where it
was encountered with several objections, and dropped for this session of
parliament.




INQUIRY INTO THE SCARCITY OF CORN.

The house of commons being desirous of preventing, for the future, such
distresses as the poor had lately undergone, appointed a committee to
consider of proper provisions to restrain the price of corn and bread
within due bounds for the future. For this purpose they were empowered
to send for persons, papers, and records; and it was resolved, that all
who attended the committee should have voices. Having inquired into the
causes of the late scarcity, they agreed to several resolutions, and
a bill was brought in to explain and amend the laws against regraters,
forestalled, and engrossers of corn. The committee also received
instructions to inquire into the abuses of millers, mealmen, and bakers,
with regard to bread, and to consider of proper methods to prevent
them in the sequel; but no further progress was made in this important
affair, which was the more interesting, as the lives of individuals, in
a great measure, depended upon a speedy reformation; for the millers and
bakers were said to have adulterated their flour with common whiting,
lime, bone ashes, alum, and other ingredients pernicious to the human
constitution; a consummation of villany for which no adequate punishment
could be inflicted. Among the measures proposed in parliament which did
not succeed, one of the most remarkable was a bill prepared by Mr. Rose
Fuller, Mr. Charles Townshend, and Mr. Banks, to explain, amend, and
render more effectual a law passed in the reign of king William the
Third, intituled,

“An act to punish governors of plantations, in this kingdom, for
crimes committed by them in the plantation.” This bill was proposed in
consequence of some complaints, specifying acts of cruelty, folly,
and oppression, by which some British governors had been lately
distinguished; but, before the bill could be brought in, the parliament
was prorogued.




INVESTIGATION OF THE LOSS OF MINORCA.

But no step taken by the house of commons, in the course of this
session, was more interesting to the body of the people than the inquiry
into the loss of Minorca, which had excited such loud and universal
clamour. By addresses to the king, unanimously voted, the commons
requested that his majesty would give directions for laying before
them copies of all the letters and papers containing any intelligence
received by the secretaries of state, the commissioners of the
admiralty, or any others of his majesty’s ministers, in relation to the
equipment of the French fleet at Toulon, or the designs of the French on
Minorca, or any other of his majesty’s possessions in Europe, since
the first day of January, in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-five, to the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-six. They likewise desired to peruse a list of the ships of war
that were equipped and made ready for sea, from the first of August, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-five, to the thirtieth day
of April in the following year; with the copies of all sailing orders
sent to the commanders during that period; as also the state and
condition of his majesty’s ships in the several ports of Great Britain
at the time of admiral Byng’s departure, with the squadron under his
command, for the relief of fort St. Philip, during the period of time
above-mentioned, according to the monthly returns made by the admiralty,
with the number of seamen mustered and borne aboard the respective
ships. They demanded copies of all orders and instructions given to that
admiral, and of letters written to and received from him, during his
continuance in that command, either by the secretaries of state, or
lords of the admiralty, relating to the condition of his squadron, and
to the execution of his orders. In a word, they required the inspection
of all papers which could, in any manner, tend to explain the loss
of Minorca, and the miscarriage of Mr. Byng’s squadron. His majesty
complied with every article of their request: the papers were presented
to the house, ordered to lie upon the table for the perusal of the
members, and finally referred to the consideration of a committee of
the whole house. In the course of their deliberations they addressed
his majesty for more information, till at length the truth seemed to be
smothered under such an enormous burden of papers, as the efforts of a
whole session could not have properly removed. Indeed, many discerning
persons without doors began to despair of seeing the mystery unfolded,
as soon as the inquiry was undertaken by a committee of the whole house.
They observed, that an affair of such a dark, intricate, and suspicious
nature, ought to have been referred to a select and secret committee,
chosen by ballot, empowered to send for persons, papers, and records,
and to examine witnesses in the most solemn and deliberate manner;
that the names of the committee ought to have been published for the
satisfaction of the people, who could have judged, with some certainty,
whether the inquiry would be carried on with such impartiality as the
national misfortune required. They suspected that this reference to a
committee of the whole house was a mal-contrivance, to prevent a regular
and minute investigation, to introduce confusion and contest, to puzzle,
perplex, and obumbrate; to teaze, fatigue, and disgust the inquirers,
that the examination might be hurried over in a superficial and
perfunctory manner; and the ministry, from this anarchy and confusion of
materials, half explored and undigested, derive a general parliamentary
approbation, to which they might appeal from the accusations of the
people. A select committee would have probably examined some of the
clerks of the respective offices, that they might certainly know whether
any letters or papers had been suppressed, whether the extracts had been
faithfully made, and whether there might not be papers of intelligence,
which, though proper to be submitted to a select and secret committee,
could not, consistently with the honour of the nation, be communicated
to a committee of the whole house. Indeed, it does not appear that the
ministers had any foreign intelligence or correspondence that could be
much depended upon in any matter of national importance, and no evidence
was examined on the occasion; a circumstance the less to be regretted,
as, in times past, evil ministers have generally found means to render
such inquiries ineffectual; and the same arts would, at any rate, have
operated with the same efficacy, had a secret committee been employed at
this juncture. Be that as it may, several resolutions were reported
from the committee, though some of them were not carried by the majority
without violent dispute and severe altercation. The first and last of
their resolutions require particular notice. By the former, it appeared
to the committee, that his majesty, from the twenty-seventh day of
August, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-five, to the
twentieth day of April in the succeeding year, received such repeated
and concurrent intelligence, as gave just reason to believe that
the French king intended to invade his dominions of Great Britain or
Ireland. In the latter they declared their opinion, that no greater
number of ships of war could be sent into the Mediterranean, than were
actually sent thither under the command of admiral Byng; nor any greater
reinforcement than the regiment which was sent, and the detachment,
equal to a battalion, which was ordered to the relief of fort St.
Philip, consistently with the state of the navy, and the various
services essential to the safety of his majesty’s dominions, and the
interest of his subjects. It must have been something more powerful
than ordinary conviction that suggested these opinions. Whatever reports
might have been circulated by the French ministry, in order to amuse,
intimidate, and detach the attention of the English government from
America and the Mediterranean, where they really intended to exert
themselves, yet, the circumstances of the two nations being considered,
one would think there could have been no just grounds to fear an
invasion of Great Britain or Ireland, especially when other intelligence
seemed to point out much more probable scenes of action. But the last
resolution is still more incomprehensible to those who know not exactly
the basis on which it was raised. The number of ships of war in actual
commission amounted to two hundred and fifty, having on board fifty
thousand seamen and marines. Intelligence and repeated information of
the French design upon Minorca had been conveyed to the ministry
of England, about six months before it was put in execution. Is it
credible, that in all this time the nation could not equip or spare
above eleven ships of the line and six frigates, to save the important
island of Minorca? Is it easy to conceive, that from a standing army of
fifty thousand men, one regiment of troops could not have been detached
to reinforce a garrison, well known to be insufficient for the works
it was destined to defend? To persons of common intellects it appeared,
that intelligence of the armament at Toulon was conveyed to the
admiralty as early as the month of September, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-five, with express notice that it would consist
of twelve ships of the line: that the design against Minorca was
communicated as early as the twenty-seventh day of August, by consul
Banks, of Carthagena; confirmed by letters from consul Bertes, at Genoa,
dated on the seventeenth and twenty-sixth of January, and received by
Mr. Fox, secretary of state, on the fourth and eleventh of February,
as well as by many subsequent intimations; that, notwithstanding these
repeated advices, even after hostilities had commenced in Europe,
when the garrison of Minorca amounted to no more than four incomplete
regiments, and one company of artillery, forty-two officers being
absent, and the place otherwise unprovided for a siege, when the
Mediterranean squadron, commanded by Mr. Edgecumbe, consisted of two
ships of the line, and five frigates; neither stores, ammunition, or
provisions, the absent officers belonging to the garrison, recruits for
the regiments, though ready raised, miners, nor any additional troops,
were sent to the island, nor the squadron augmented, till admiral Byng
sailed from Spithead on the sixth day of April, with no more ships
of the line than, by the most early and authentic intelligence, the
government were informed would sail from Toulon, even when Mr. Byng
should have been joined by commodore Edgecumbe; a junction upon which
no dependence ought to have been laid; that this squadron contained no
troops but such as belonged to the four regiments in garrison, except
one battalion to serve in the fleet as marines, unless we include the
order for another to be embarked at Gibraltar; which order was neither
obeyed nor understood: that, considering the danger to which Minorca
was exposed, and the forwardness of the enemy’s preparations at Toulon,
admiral Osborne, with thirteen ships of the line and one frigate, who
returned on the sixteenth of February, after having convoyed a fleet of
merchant ships, might have been detached to Minorca, without hazarding
the coast of Great Britain; for at that time, exclusive of this
squadron, there were eight ships of the line and thirty-two frigates
ready manned, and thirty-two ships of the line and five frigates almost
equipped; that admiral Hawke was sent with fourteen ships of the
line and one frigate to cruise in the bay of Biscay, after repeated
intelligence had been received that the French fleet had sailed for the
West Indies, and the eleven ships remaining at Brest and Rochefort were
in want of hands and cannon, so that they could never serve to cover
any embarkation or descent, consequently Mr. Hawke’s squadron might have
been spared for the relief of Minorca; that, instead of attending to
this important object, the admiralty, on the eighth day of March, sent
two ships of the line and three frigates to intercept a coasting convoy
off Cape Barfleur: on the eleventh of the same month they detached two
ships of the line to the West Indies, and on the nineteenth two more to
North America, where they could be of little immediate service; on the
twenty-third, two of the line and three frigates a convoy-hunting off
Cherbourg; and on the first of April five ships of the line, including
three returned from this last service, to reinforce sir Edward Hawke,
already too strong for the French fleet bound to Canada; that all these
ships might have been added to Mr. Byng’s squadron, without exposing
Great Britain or Ireland to any hazard of invasion: that at length Mr.
Byng was detached with ten great ships only, and even denied a frigate
to repeat signals, for which he petitioned; although at that very time
there were in port, exclusive of his squadron, seventeen ships of the
line and thirteen frigates ready for sea, besides eleven of the line and
nineteen frigates almost equipped. From these and other circumstances,
particularized and urged with great vivacity, many individuals
inferred, that a greater number of ships might have been detached to the
Mediterranean than were actually sent with admiral Byng; that the not
sending an earlier and stronger force was one great cause of Minorca’s
being lost, and co-operated with the delay of the ministry in sending
thither reinforcements of troops, their neglect in suffering the
officers of the garrison to continue absent from their duty, and their
omitting to give orders for raising miners to serve in the fortress of
Mahon.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




EXAMINATION of the AMERICAN CONTRACT.

The next inquiry in which the house of commons engaged, related to the
contracts for victualling the forces in America, which were supposed by
some patriots to be fraudulent and unconscionable. This suspicion arose
from an ambiguous expression, on which the contractor being interrogated
by the committee appointed to examine the particulars, he prudently
interpreted it in such a manner, as to screen himself from the
resentment of the legislature. The house, therefore, resolved that the
contract entered into on the twenty-sixth day of March, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, by the commissioners of the
treasury, with William Baker, Christopher Kilby, and Richard Baker, of
London, merchants, for furnishing provisions to the forces under the
command of the earl of Loudon, was prudent and necessary, and properly
adapted to the securing a constant and effectual supply for those forces
in America.




INQUIRY INTO THE CONDUCT OF ADMIRAL KNOWLES, &c.

The preceding session an address had been presented to the king by the
house of commons, desiring his majesty would give orders for laying
before them several papers relating to disputes which had lately
happened between his excellency Charles Knowles, esq., and some of
the principal inhabitants of the island of Jamaica. This governor was
accused of many illegal, cruel, and arbitrary acts, during the course of
his administration; but these imputations he incurred by an exertion
of power, which was in itself laudable, and well intended for the
commercial interest of the island. This was his changing the seat of
government, and procuring an act of assembly for removing the several
laws, records, books, papers, and writings belonging to several offices
in that island, from Spanish Town to Kingston; and for obliging the
several officers to keep their offices, and hold a supreme court of
judicature, at this last place, to which he had moved the seat of
government. Spanish Town, otherwise called St. Jago de la Vega, the old
capital, was an inconsiderable inland place, of no security, trade, or
importance; whereas Kingston was the centre of commerce, situated on the
side of a fine harbour filled with ships, well secured from the insults
of an enemy, large, wealthy, and flourishing. Here the merchants dwell,
and ship the greatest part of the sugars that grow upon the island.
They found it extremely inconvenient and expensive to take out their
clearances at Spanish Town, which stands at a considerable distance;
and the same inconvenience and expense being felt by the rest of the
inhabitants, who had occasion to prosecute suits at law, or attend the
assembly of the island, they joined in representations to the governor,
requesting, that, in consideration of these inconveniences, added to
that of the weakness of Spanish Town and the importance of Kingston, the
seat of government might be removed. He complied with their request, and
in so doing entailed upon himself the hatred and resentment of certain
powerful planters, who possessed estates in and about the old town of
St. Jago de la Vega, thus deserted. This seems to have been the real
source of the animosity and clamour incurred by Mr. Knowles, against
whom a petition, signed by nineteen members of the assembly, had been
sent to England, and presented to his majesty.--In the two sessions
preceding this year, the affair had been brought into the house of
commons, where this governor’s character was painted in frightful
colours, and divers papers relating to the dispute were examined. Mr.
Knowles having by this time returned to England, the subject of his
administration was revived, and referred to a committee of the whole
house. In the meantime, petitions were presented by several merchants of
London and Liverpool, concerned in the trade to Jamaica, alleging, that
the removal of the public courts, offices, and records of the island of
Jamaica to Kingston, and fixing the seat of government there, had been
productive of many important advantages, by rendering the strength of
the island more formidable, the property of the traders and inhabitants
more secure, and the prosecution of all commercial business more
expeditious and less expensive than formerly; therefore, praying that
the purposes of the act passed in Jamaica for that end might be carried
into effectual execution, in such manner as the house should think
proper. The committee, having examined a great number of papers,
agreed to some resolutions, importing, that a certain resolution of the
assembly of Jamaica, dated on the twenty-ninth day of October, in the
year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-three, implying a claim of
right in that assembly to raise and apply public money without the
consent of the governor and council, was illegal, repugnant to the terms
of his majesty’s commission to his governor of the said island, and
derogatory of the rights of the crown and people of Great Britain;
that the six last resolutions taken in the assembly of Jamaica, on the
twenty-ninth day of October, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifty-three, proceeded on a manifest misapprehension of the king’s
instruction to his governor, requiring him not to give his assent to any
bill of an unusual or extraordinary nature and importance, wherein
his majesty’s prerogative, or the property of his subjects, might be
prejudiced, or the trade or shipping of the kingdom any-ways affected,
unless there should be a clause inserted, suspending the execution
of such bill until his majesty’s pleasure should be known; that
such instruction was just and necessary, and no alteration of the
constitution of the island, nor any way derogatory to the rights of the
subjects in Jamaica. From these resolutions the reader may perceive the
nature of the dispute which had arisen between the people of Jamaica
and their governor, vice-admiral Knowles, whose conduct on this occasion
seems to have been justified by the legislature. The parliament,
however, forebore to determine the question, whether the removal of
the courts of judicature from Spanish Town to Kingston was a measure
calculated for the interest of the island in general.




RESOLUTIONS concerning MILFORD-HAVEN.

The last object which we shall mention, as having fallen under the
cognizance of the commons during this session of parliament, was the
state of Milford-haven on the coast of Wales, one of the most capacious,
safe, and commodious harbours in Great Britain. Here the country affords
many conveniences for building ships of war, and erecting forts, docks,
quays, and magazines. It might be fortified at a very small expense, so
as to be quite secure from any attempts of the enemy, and rendered by
far the most useful harbour in the kingdom for fleets, cruisers, trading
ships, and packet boats, bound to and from the westward; for from hence
they may put sea almost with any wind, and even at low water; they may
weather Scilly and Cape Clear when no vessel can stir from the British
channel, or out of the French ports of Brest and Rochefort, and as a
post can travel from hence in three days to London, it might become
the centre of very useful sea intelligence. A petition from several
merchants in London was presented, and recommended to the house in a
message from the king, specifying the advantages of this harbour, and
the small expense at which it might be fortified, and praying that the
house would take this important subject into consideration. Accordingly,
a committee was appointed for this purpose, with power to send for
persons, papers, and records and every circumstance relating to it was
examined with accuracy and deliberation. At length the report being made
to the house by Mr. Charles Townshend, they unanimously agreed to an
address, representing to his majesty, that many great losses had been
sustained by the trade of the kingdom, in time of war, from the want of
a safe harbour on the western coast of the island, for the reception
and protection of merchants’ ships, and sending out cruisers; that
the harbour of Milford-haven, in the county of Pembroke, is most
advantageously situated, and if properly defended and secured, in
every respect adapted to the answering those important purposes; they,
therefore, humbly besought his majesty, that he would give immediate
directions for erecting batteries, with proper cover, on the sides
of the said harbour, in the most convenient places for guarding the
entrance called Hubber-stone-road, and also such other fortifications
as might be necessary to secure the interior parts of the harbour, and
that, until such batteries and fortifications could be completed, some
temporary defence might be provided for the immediate protection of the
ships and vessels lying in the said harbour; finally, they assured him
the house would make good to his majesty all such expenses as should be
incurred for these purposes. The address met with a gracious reception,
and a promise that such directions should be given. The harbour was
actually surveyed, the places were pitched upon for batteries, and the
estimates prepared, but no further progress hath since been made.




SESSION CLOSED.

We have now finished the detail of all the material transactions of
this session, except what relates to the fate of admiral Byng, which
now claims our attention. In the meantime, we may observe, that on the
fourth day of July the session was closed with his majesty’s harangue,
the most remarkable and pleasing paragraph of which turned upon his
royal assurance, that the succour and preservation of his dominions in
America had been his constant care, and, next to the security of his
kingdoms, should continue to be his great and principal object. He told
them he had taken such measures as, he trusted, by the blessing of God,
might effectually disappoint the designs of the enemy in those parts;
that he had no further view but to vindicate the just rights of his
crown and subjects from the most injurious encroachments; to preserve
tranquillity, as far as the circumstances of things might admit; to
prevent the true friends of Britain, and the liberties of Europe,
from being oppressed and endangered by any unprovoked and unnatural
conjunction.

[Illustration: 400.jpg PORTSMOUTH HARBOUR]




TRIAL OF ADMIRAL BYNG.

Of all the transactions that distinguished this year, the most
extraordinary was the sentence executed on admiral Byng, the son of that
great officer who had acquired such honour by his naval exploits in the
preceding reign, and was ennobled for his services by the title of lord
viscount Torrington. His second son, John Byng, had from his earliest
youth been trained to his father’s profession; and was generally
esteemed one of the best officers in the navy, when he embarked in that
expedition to Minorca, which covered his character with disgrace, and
even exposed him to all the horrors of an ignominious death. On the
twenty-eighth day of December his trial began before a court-martial,
held on board the ship St. George, in the harbour of Portsmouth, to
which place Mr. Byng had been conveyed from Greenwich by a party of
horse-guards, and insulted by the populace in every town and village
through which he passed. The court having proceeded to examine the
evidences for the crown and the prisoner, from day to day, in the course
of a long sitting, agreed unanimously to thirty-seven resolutions,
implying their opinion, that admiral Byng, during the engagement between
the British and French fleets, on the twentieth day of May last, did
not do his utmost endeavour to take, seize, and destroy the ships of the
French king, which it was his duty to have engaged, and to assist such
of his majesty’s ships as were engaged, which it was his duty to have
assisted; and that he did not exert his utmost-power for the relief of
St. Philip’s castle. They, therefore, unanimously agreed that he fell
under part of the twelfth article of an act of parliament passed in the
twenty-second year of the present reign, for amending, explaining, and
reducing into one act of parliament, the laws relating to the government
of his majesty’s ships, vessels, and forces by sea; and as that article
positively prescribed death, without any alternative left to the
discretion of the court under any variation of circumstances, they
unanimously adjudged the said admiral John Byng to be shot to death, at
such time, and on board of such ship, as the lords commissioners of the
admiralty should please to direct. But as it appeared, by the evidence
of the officers who were near the admiral’s person, that no backwardness
was perceivable in him during the action, nor any mark of fear or
confusion either in his countenance or behaviour; but that he delivered
his orders coolly and distinctly, without seeming deficient in personal
courage; and, from other circumstances, they believed his misconduct did
not arise either from cowardice or disaffection, they unanimously and
earnestly recommended him as a proper object of mercy. The admiral
himself behaved through the whole trial with the most cheerful
composure, seemingly the effect of conscious innocence, upon which,
perhaps, he too much relied. Even after he heard the evidence examined
against him, and finished his own defence, he laid his account in being
honourably acquitted; and ordered his coach to be ready for conveying
him directly from the tribunal to London. A gentleman, his friend, by
whom he was attended, having received intimation of the sentence to be
pronounced, thought it his duty to prepare him for the occasion, that he
might summon all his fortitude to his assistance, and accordingly made
him acquainted with the information he had received. The admiral gave
tokens of surprise and resentment, but betrayed no marks of fear or
disorder, either then or in the court when the sentence was pronounced.
On the contrary, while divers members of the court-martial manifested
grief, anxiety, and trepidation, shedding tears, and sighing with
extraordinary emotion, he heard his doom denounced without undergoing
the least alteration of feature, and made a low obeisance to the
president and the other members of the court, as he retired.

The officers who composed this tribunal were so sensible of the law’s
severity, that they unanimously subscribed a letter to the board of
admiralty containing this remarkable paragraph:--“We cannot help laying
the distresses of our minds before your lordships on this occasion, in
finding ourselves under necessity of condemning a man to death, from
the great severity of the twelfth article of war, part of which he falls
under, which admits of no mitigation if the crime should be committed by
an error in judgment; and, therefore, for our own consciences’ sake, as
well as in justice to the prisoner, we pray your lordships, in the most
earnest manner, to recommend him to his majesty’s clemency.” The
lords of the admiralty, instead of complying with the request of the
court-martial, transmitted their letter to the king, with copies
of their proceedings, and a letter from themselves to his majesty,
specifying a doubt with regard to the legality of the sentence, as the
crime of negligence, for which the admiral had been condemned, was not
expressed in any part of the proceedings. At the same time, copies of
two petitions from George lord viscount Torrington, in behalf of his
kinsman admiral Byng, were submitted to his majesty’s royal wisdom and
determination. All the friends and relations of the unhappy convict
employed and exerted their influence and interest for his pardon;
and, as the circumstances had appeared so strong in his favour, it
was supposed that the sceptre of royal mercy would be extended for his
preservation; but infamous arts were used to whet the savage appetite
of the populace for blood. The cry of vengeance was loud throughout the
land: sullen clouds of suspicion and malevolence interposing, were said
to obstruct the genial beams of the best virtue that adorns the throne;
and the sovereign was given to understand, that the execution of admiral
Byng was a victim absolutely necessary to appease the fury of the
people. His majesty, in consequence of the representation made by the
lords of the admiralty, referred the sentence to the consideration of
the twelve judges, who were unanimously of opinion that the sentence
was legal. This report being transmitted from the privy-council to the
admiralty, their lordships issued a warrant for executing the sentence
of death on the twenty-eighth day of February. One gentleman at the
board, however, refused to subscribe the warrant, assigning for his
refusal the reasons which we have inserted by way of note, for the
satisfaction of the reader. [401] _[See note 3 H, at the end of this
Vol.]_

Though mercy was denied to the criminal, the crown seemed determined
to do nothing that should be thought inconsistent with law. A member of
parliament, who had sat upon the court-martial at Portsmouth, rose up
in his place, and made application to the house of commons in behalf of
himself and several other members of that tribunal, praying the aid
of the legislature to be released from the oath of secrecy imposed on
courts-martial, that they might disclose the grounds on which sentence
of death had passed on admiral Byng, and, perhaps, discover such
circumstances as might show the sentence to be improper. Although
this application produced no resolution in the house, the king, on
the twenty-sixth day of February, sent a message to the commons by Mr.
Secretary Pitt, importing, that, though he had determined to let the
law take its course with relation to admiral Byng, and resisted all
solicitations to the contrary, yet, as a member of the house had
expressed some scruples about the sentence, his majesty had thought fit
to respite the execution of it, that there might be an opportunity
of knowing, by the separate examination of the members of the
court-martial, upon oath, what grounds there were for such scruples, and
that his majesty was resolved still to let the sentence be carried
into execution, unless it should appear from the said examination, that
admiral Byng was unjustly condemned. The sentence might be strictly
legal, and, at the same time very severe, according to the maxim,
_summum jus, summa injuria_. In such cases, and perhaps in such cases
only, the rigour of the law ought to be softened by the lenient hand of
the royal prerogative. That this was the case of admiral Byng appears
from the warm and eager intercession of his jury, a species of
intercession which hath generally, if not always, prevailed at the foot
of the throne, when any thing favourable for the criminal had appeared
in the course of the trial. How much more then might it have been
expected to succeed, when earnestly urged as a case of conscience, in
behalf of a man whom his judges had expressly acquitted of cowardice and
treachery, the only two imputations that rendered him criminal in the
eyes of the nation! Such an interposition of the crown in parliamentary
transactions was irregular, unnecessary, and at another juncture might
have been productive of violent heats and declamation. At present,
however, it passed without censure, as the effect of inattention, rather
than a design to encroach upon the privileges of the house.




BILL TO RELEASE THE MEMBERS OF THE COURT-MARTIAL, &c

The message being communicated, a bill was immediately brought in, to
release the members of the court-martial from the obligation of secrecy,
and passed through the lower house without opposition; but in the house
of lords it appeared to be destitute of a proper foundation. They sent
a message to the commons, desiring them to give leave that such of the
members of the court-martial as were members of that house might attend
their lordships, in order to be examined on the second reading of the
bill; accordingly they, and the rest of the court-martial, attended, and
answered all questions without hesitation. As they did not insist upon
any excuse, nor produce any satisfactory reason for showing that the man
they had condemned was a proper object of mercy, their lordships were
of opinion that there was no occasion for passing any such bill, which,
therefore, they almost unanimously rejected. It is not easy to conceive
what stronger reasons could be given for proving Mr. Byng an object of
mercy, than those mentioned in the letter sent to the board of admiralty
by the members of the court-martial, who were empowered to try the
imputed offence, consequently must have been deemed well qualified to
judge of his conduct.




EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG.

The unfortunate admiral being thus abandoned to the stroke of justice,
prepared himself for death with resignation and tranquillity. He
maintained a surprising cheerfulness to the last; nor did he, from his
condemnation to his execution, exhibit the least sign of impatience
or apprehension. During that interval he had remained on board of
the Monarque, a third-rate ship of war, anchored in the harbour of
Portsmouth, under a strong guard, in custody of the marshal of the
admiralty. On the fourteenth of March, the day fixed for his execution,
the boats belonging to the squadron at Spithead being manned and armed,
containing their captains and officers, with a detachment of marines,
attended this solemnity in the harbour, which was also crowded with an
infinite number of other boats and vessels filled with spectators. About
noon, the admiral having taken leave of a clergyman, and two friends
who accompanied him, walked out of the great cabin to the quarter-deck,
where two files of marines were ready to execute the sentence.
He advanced with a firm deliberate step, a composed and resolute
countenance, and resolved to suffer with his face uncovered, until
his friends, representing that his looks would possibly intimidate the
soldiers, and prevent their taking aim properly, he submitted to their
request, threw his hat on the deck, kneeled on a cushion, tied one white
handkerchief over his eyes, and dropped the other as a signal for his
executioners, who fired a volley so decisive, that five balls passed
through his body, and he dropped down dead in an instant. The time in
which this tragedy was acted, from his walking out of the cabin to his
being deposited in the coffin, did not exceed three minutes.

Thus fell, to the astonishment of all Europe, admiral John Byng; who,
whatever his errors and indiscretions might have been, seems to have
been rashly condemned, meanly given up, and cruelly sacrificed to vile
considerations. The sentiments of his own fate he avowed on the verge
of eternity, when there was no longer any cause of dissimulation, in the
following declaration, which, immediately before his death, he delivered
to the marshal of the admiralty: “A few moments will now deliver me
from the virulent persecution, and frustrate the further malice of
my enemies: nor need I envy them a life subject to the sensations my
injuries, and the injustice done me, must create. Persuaded I am, that
justice will be done to my reputation hereafter: the manner and cause
of raising and keeping up the popular clamour and prejudice against me,
will be seen through. I shall be considered (as I now perceive myself)
a victim destined to divert the indignation and resentment of an injured
and deluded people from the proper objects. My enemies themselves must
now think me innocent. Happy for me, at this my last moment, that I
know my own innocence, and am conscious that no part of my country’s
misfortunes can be owing to me. I heartily wish the shedding my blood
may contribute to the happiness and service of my country; but cannot
resign my just claim to a faithful discharge of my duty according to
the best of my judgment, and the utmost exertion of my ability for
his majesty’s honour, and my country’s service. I am sorry that my
endeavours were not attended with more success, and that the armament
under my command proved too weak to succeed in an expedition of such
moment. Truth has prevailed over calumny and falsehood, and justice has
wiped off the ignominious stain of my supposed want of personal courage,
and the charge of disaffection. My heart acquits me of these crimes; but
who can be presumptuously sure of his own judgment? If my crime is an
error in judgment, or differing in opinion from my judges, and if yet
the error in judgment should be on their side, God forgive them, as
I do; and may the distress of their minds, and uneasiness of their
consciences, which in justice to me they have represented, be relieved,
and subside as my resentment has done. The supreme judge sees all hearts
and motives, and to him I must submit the justice of my cause.”

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




REMARKS ON ADMIRAL BYNG’S FATE.

Notwithstanding all that has been said in his favour, notwithstanding
the infamous arts that were practised to keep up the cry against him,
notwithstanding this solemn appeal to heaven in his last moments, and
even self-conviction of innocence, the character of admiral Byng,
in point of personal courage, will still, with many people, remain
problematical. They will still be of opinion, that if the spirit of a
British admiral had been properly exerted, the French fleet would have
been defeated, and Minorca relieved. A man’s opinion of danger varies at
different times, in consequence of an irregular tide of animal spirits,
and he is actuated by considerations which he dares not avow. After an
officer, thus influenced, has hesitated or kept aloof in the hour
of trial, the mind, eager for its own justification, assembles, with
surprising industry, every favourable circumstance of excuse, and broods
over them with parental partiality, until it becomes not only satisfied,
but even enamoured of their beauty and complexion, like a doating
mother, blind to the deformity of her own offspring. Whatever Mr. Byng’s
internal feelings might have been, whatever consequences might have
attended his behaviour on that occasion; as the tribunal before which
he was tried acquitted him expressly of cowardice and treachery, he was,
without all doubt, a proper object for royal clemency; and so impartial
posterity will judge him, after all those dishonourable motives of
faction and of fear, by which his fate was influenced, shall be lost
in oblivion, or remembered with disdain. The people of Great Britain,
naturally fierce, impatient, and clamorous, have been too much
indulged, upon every petty miscarriage, with trials, courts-martial, and
dismissions, which tend only to render their military commanders rash
and precipitate, the populace more licentious and intractable, and to
disgrace the national character in the opinion of mankind.

[Illustration: 403.jpg PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM PITT]




CHAPTER XIII.

     _Mr. Pitt and Mr. Legge taken into the Administration.....
     Obliged to resign..... Restored to their Employments.....
     Coalition of Parties..... Descent on the Coast of France
     meditated..... Command of the Fleet given to Sir Edward
     Hawke, and of the Land-Forces to Sir John. Mordaunt.....
     Fleet sails September 8..... Admiral Knowles sent to take
     Aix..... Attack and Surrender of Aix..... A Descent resolved
     on..... The Fleet returns to Spithead..... His Majesty
     appoints a Board of Inquiry into the Reasons of the Fleet’s
     Return..... Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry..... Its
     Report..... Sir John Mordaunt tried by a Court-Martial, and
     acquitted..... Fleets sent to the East and West Indies.....
     Success of the English Privateers..... Riots occasioned by
     the Price  of  Corn..... Operations   in America..... Lord
     Loudon’s  Conduct  in America..... Fort William-Henry taken
     by the French..... Naval Transactions in America.....
     Attempt of M. de Kersin on Cape Coast Castle in Africa.....
     State of Affairs in the East Indies..... Calcutta
     recovered..... The Suba’s Camp forced, and a new Treaty
     concluded with him..... Reduction, of Chandernagore.....
     Colonel Clive defeats the Suba at Plaissey, who is
     afterwards deposed and put to Death..... King of France
     assassinated..... Tortures inflicted on the Assassin.....
     Changes in the French Ministry..... State of the Confederacy
     against the King of Prussia..... Precautions taken by his
     Prussian Majesty..... Skirmishes between the Prussians and
     Austrians..... Neutrality of the Emperor, and Behaviour of the
     Dutch..... The French take Possession of several Towns in
     the Low Countries belonging to the King of Prussia.....
     Declaration of the Czarina against the King of Prussia.....
     Factions in Poland..... Fruitless Endeavours of the English
     to restore the Tranquillity of Germany..... King of Prussia
     enters Bohemia..... Prince of Bevern defeats the Austrians
     at Richenberg..... King of Prussia obtains a complete
     Victory over the Austrians near Prague..... Mareschal
     Schwerin killed..... Prague invested..... and bombarded.....
     Brave defence of the Besieged..... Count Daun takes the Command
     of the Austrian Army..... His Character..... King of Prussia
     defeated at Kolin..... He raises the Siege of Prague, and
     quits Bohemia..... Preparations for the Defence of
     Hanover..... The allied Army assembles under the Duke of
     Cumberland..... Skirmishes with the French..... Duke of
     Cumberland passes the Weser..... The French follow him, and
     take Minden and Emden, and lay Hanover under
     Contribution..... Battle of Hastenbeck..... The French take
     Hamelen..... Duke de Richelieu supersedes Mareschal d’Etrées
     in the Command of the French Army..... The French take
     Possession of Hanover and Hesse-Cassel..... and reduce
     Verden and Bremen..... Duke of Cumberland signs the
     Convention of Closter-Seven_

{1757}




MR. PITT AND MR. LEGGE TAKEN INTO THE ADMINISTRATION.

Though the parliament of Great Britain unanimously concurred in
strengthening the hands of government for a vigorous prosecution of the
war, those liberal supplies had like to have proved ineffectual through
a want of harmony in her councils. In the course of the last year
the clamorous voice of dissatisfaction had been raised by a series
of disappointments and miscarriages, which were imputed to want of
intelligence, sagacity, and vigour in the administration. The defeat of
Braddock, the reduction of Oswego, and other forts in America, the delay
of armaments, the neglect of opportunities, ineffectual cruises, absurd
dispositions of fleets and squadrons, the disgrace in the Mediterranean,
and the loss of Minorca, were numbered among the misfortunes that flowed
from the crude designs of a weak dispirited ministry; and the prospect
of their acquiescing in a continental war brought them still farther
in contempt and detestation with the body of the people. In order to
conciliate the good-will of those whom their conduct had disobliged, to
acquire a fresh stock of credit with their fellow-subjects, and remove
from their own shoulders part of what future censure might ensue, they
admitted into a share of the administration a certain set of gentlemen,
remarkable for their talents and popularity, headed by Mr. Pitt and
Mr. Legge, esteemed the two most illustrious patriots of Great Britain,
alike distinguished and admired for their unconquerable spirit and
untainted integrity. The former of these was appointed secretary of
state, and the other chancellor of the exchequer; and their friends were
vested with other honourable though subordinate offices.

So far the people were charmed with the promotion of individuals, upon
whose virtues and abilities they had the most perfect reliance; but
these new ingredients would never thoroughly mix with the old leaven.
The administration became an emblem of the image that Nebuchadnezzar
saw in his dream, the leg was of iron, and the foot was of clay. The
old junta found their new associates very unfit for their purposes. They
could neither persuade, cajole, nor intimidate them into measures which
they thought repugnant to the true interest of their country. The new
ministers combated in council every such plan, however patronised; they
openly opposed in parliament every design which they deemed unworthy of
the crown, or prejudicial to the people, even though distinguished by
the predilection of the sovereign. Far from bargaining for their places,
and surrendering their principles by capitulation, they maintained
in office their independency and candour with the most vigilant
circumspection, and seemed determined to show, that he is the best
minister to the sovereign who acts with the greatest probity towards the
subject. Those who immediately surrounded the throne were supposed to
have concealed the true characters of these faithful servants from the
knowledge of their royal master; to have represented them as obstinate,
imperious, ignorant, and even lukewarm in their loyalty; and to have
declared, that with such colleagues it would be impossible to move the
machine of government according to his majesty’s inclination. These
suggestions, artfully inculcated, produced the desired effect: on the
ninth day of April, Mr. Pitt, by his majesty’s command, resigned the
seals of secretary of state for the southern department. In the room of
Mr. Legge, the king was pleased to grant the office of chancellor of the
exchequer to the right honourable lord Mansfield, chief-justice of the
court of king’s bench, the same personage whom we have mentioned before
under the name of Mr. Murray, solicitor-general, now promoted and
ennobled for his extraordinary merit and important services. The fate
of Mr. Pitt was extended to some of his principal friends: the board of
admiralty was changed, and some other removals were made with the same
intention.

What was intended as a disgrace to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Legge turned out one
of the most shining circumstances of their characters. The whole nation
seemed to rise up, as one man, in the vindication of their fame; every
mouth was opened in their praise; and a great number of respectable
cities and corporations presented them with the freedom of their
respective societies, enclosed in gold boxes of curious workmanship, as
testimonies of their peculiar veneration. What the people highly
esteem, they in a manner idolize. Not contented with making offerings
so flattering and grateful to conscious virtue, they conceived the
most violent prejudices against those gentlemen who succeeded in the
administration; fully convinced, that the same persons who had sunk the
nation in the present distressful circumstances, who had brought on her
dishonour, and reduced her to the verge of destruction, were by no means
the fit instruments of her delivery and redemption. The whole kingdom
caught fire at the late changes; nor could the power, the cunning, and
the artifice of a faction, long support itself against the united voice
of Great Britain, which soon pierced the ears of the sovereign. It was
not possible to persuade the people that salutary measures could be
suggested or pursued, except by the few, whose zeal for the honour of
their country, and steady adherence to an upright disinterested conduct,
had secured their confidence, and claimed their veneration. A great
number of addresses, dutifully and loyally expressed, solicited the
king, ever ready to meet half-way the wishes of his faithful people, to
restore Mr. Pitt and Mr. Legge to their former employments. Upon this
they rested the security and honour of the nation, as well as the
public expectation of the speedy and successful issue of a war, hitherto
attended with disgraces and misfortunes. Accordingly, his majesty was
graciously pleased to redeliver the seals to Mr. Pitt, appointing him
secretary of state for the southern department, on the twenty-ninth day
of June; and, five days after, the office of chancellor of the
exchequer was restored to Mr. Legge; promotions that afforded universal
satisfaction.




COALITION OF PARTIES.

It would not, perhaps, be possible to exclude, from a share in the
administration, all who were not perfectly agreeable to the people:
however unpopular the late ministry might appear, still they possessed
sufficient influence in the privy-council, and credit in the house
of commons, to thwart every measure in which they did not themselves
partake. This consideration, and very recent experience, probably
dictated the necessity I of a coalition, salutary in itself, and
prudent, because it was the only means of assuaging the rage of faction,
and healing those divisions, more pernicious to the public than the most
mistaken and blundering councils. Sir Robert Henley was made lord-keeper
of the great seal, and sworn of his majesty’s privy-council, on the
thirteenth day of June; the custody of the privy-seal was committed to
earl Temple; his grace the duke of Newcastle, Mr. Legge, Mr.
Nugent, lord viscount Dun-cannon, and Mr. Grenville, were appointed
commissioners for executing the office of treasurer to his majesty’s
exchequer. Lord Anson, admirals Boscawen and Forbes, Dr. Hay, Mr. West,
Mr. Hunter, and Mr. Elliot, to preside at the board of admiralty; Mr.
Fox was gratified with the office of receiver and paymaster-general of
all his majesty’s guards, garrisons, and land-forces; and the earl of
Thomond was made treasurer of the king’s household, and sworn of his
majesty’s privy-council. Other promotions likewise took place, with a
design to gratify the adherents of either party; and so equally was
the royal favour distributed, that the utmost harmony for a long time
subsisted. Ingredients, seemingly heterogeneous, consolidated into one
uniform mass, so as to produce effects far exceeding the most sanguine
expectations; and this prudent arrangement proved displeasing only
to those whom violent party attachment had inspired with a narrow and
exclusive spirit.




DESCENT ON THE COAST OF FRANCE MEDITATED.

The accumulated losses and disappointments of the preceding year, made
it absolutely necessary to retrieve the credit of the British arms and
councils by some vigorous and spirited enterprise, which should, at
the same time, produce some change in the circumstances of his Prussian
majesty, already depressed by the repulse at Kolin, and in danger of
being attacked by the whole power of France, now ready to fall upon
him, like a torrent, which had so lately swept before it the army of
observation, now on the brink of disgrace. A well-planned and vigorous
descent on the coast of France, it was thought, would probably give a
decisive blow to the marine of that kingdom, and at the same time effect
a powerful diversion in favour of the Prussian monarch and the duke of
Cumberland, driven from all his posts in the electorate of Hanover, by
drawing a part of the French forces to the defence and protection of
their own coasts. Both were objects of great concern, upon which the
sovereign and ministry were sedulously bent. His royal highness the
duke, in a particular manner, urged the necessity of some enterprise of
this nature, as the only expedient to obviate the shameful convention
now in agitation. The ministry foresaw, that, by destroying the enemy’s
shipping, all succours would be cut off from America, whither they were
daily transporting troops; the British commerce secured, without those
convoys so inconvenient to the board of admiralty, and to the merchants;
and those ideal fears of an invasion, that had in some measure affected
the public credit, wholly dispelled.




COMMAND OF THE FLEET GIVEN TO SIR EDWARD HAWKE, &c.

From these considerations, a powerful fleet was ordered to be got in
readiness to put to sea on the shortest notice, and ten regiments of
foot were marched to the Isle of Wight. The naval armament, consisting
of eighteen ships of the line, besides frigates, fireships,
bomb-ketches, and transports, was put under the command of sir Edward
Hawke, an officer whose faithful services recommended him, above all
others, to this command; and rear-admiral Knowles was appointed his
subaltern. Sir John Mordaunt was preferred to take the command of the
land-forces: and both strictly enjoined to act with the utmost unanimity
and harmony. Europe beheld with astonishment these mighty preparations.
The destination of the armament was wrapped in the most profound
secrecy: it exercised the penetration of politicians, and filled France
with very serious alarms. Various were the impediments which obstructed
the embarkation of the troops for several weeks, while Mr. Pitt
expressed the greatest uneasiness at the delay, and repeatedly urged the
commander-in-chief to expedite his departure; but a sufficient number
of transports, owing to some blunder in the contractors, had not
yet arrived. The troops expressed an eager impatience to signalize
themselves against the enemies of the liberties of Europe; but the
superstitious drew unfavourable presages from the dilatoriness of the
embarkation. At last the transports arrived, the troops were put on
board with all expedition, and the fleet got under sail on the eighth
day of September, attended with the prayers of every man warmed with the
love of his country, and solicitous for her honour. The public, big with
expectation, dubious where the stroke would fall, but confident of its
success, were impatient for tidings from the fleet; but it was not till
the fourteenth, that even the troops on board began to conjecture that
a descent was meditated on the coast of France, near Rochefort or
Rochelle.




ADMIRAL KNOWLES SENT TO TAKE AIX.

On the twentieth, the fleet made the isle of Oleron, and then sir Edward
Hawke sent an order to vice-admiral Knowles, requiring him, if the wind
permitted the fleet, to proceed to Basque road, to stand in as near to
the isle of Aix as the pilot would carry him, with such ships of his
division as he thought necessary for the service, and to batter the
fort till the garrison should either abandon or surrender it. But the
immediate execution of this order was frustrated by a French ship of
war standing in to the very middle of the fleet, and continuing in that
station for some time before she discovered her mistake, or any of the
captains had a signal thrown out to give chase. Admiral Knowles, when
too late, ordered the Magnanime, captain Howe, and Torbay, captain
Keppel, on that service, and thereby retarded the attack upon which he
was immediately sent. A stroke of policy greatly to be admired, as
from hence he gained time to assure himself of the strength of the
fortifications of Aix, before he ran his majesty’s ships into danger.




ATTACK AND SURRENDER OF AIX.

While the above ships, with the addition of the Royal William, were
attending the French ship of war safe into the river Garonne, the
remainder of the fleet was beating to windward off the isle of Oleron;
and the commander-in-chief publishing orders and regulations which did
credit to his judgment, and would have been highly useful, had there
ever been occasion to put them in execution. On the twenty-third the van
of the fleet, led by captain Howe in the Magnanime, stood towards Aix, a
small island situated in the mouth of the river Charente, leading up
to Rochefort, the fortifications half finished, and mounted with about
thirty cannon and mortars, the garrison composed of six hundred men,
and the whole island about five miles in circumference. As the Magnanime
approached, the enemy fired briskly upon her; but captain Howe,
regardless of their faint endeavours, kept on his course without
flinching, dropping his anchors close to the walls, and poured in so
incessant a fire as soon silenced their artillery. It was, however, near
an hour before the fort struck, when some forces were landed to take
possession of so important a conquest, with orders to demolish the
fortifications, the care of which was intrusted to vice-admiral Knowles.

Inconsiderable as this success might appear, it greatly elated the
troops, and was deemed a happy omen of further advantages; but, instead
of embarking the troops that night, as was universally expected, several
successive days were spent in councils of war, soundings of the coast,
and deliberations whether the king’s express orders were practicable, or
to be complied with. Eight days were elapsed since the first appearance
of the fleet on the coast, and the alarm was given to the enemy. Sir
Edward Hawke, indeed, proposed laying a sixty gun ship against Fouras,
and battering that fort, which it was thought would help to secure the
landing of the troops, and facilitate the enterprise on Rochefort. This
a French pilot on board, Thierry, undertook; but after a ship had
been lighted for the purpose, vice-admiral Knowles reported, that a
bomb-ketch had run a-ground at above the distance of two miles from the
fort; upon which the project of battering or bombarding the fort was
abandoned. The admiral likewise proposed to bombard Koch elle; but this
overture was over-ruled, for reasons which we need not mention. It was
at length determined, in a council of war held on the eighth, to make a
descent, and attack the forts leading to and upon the mouth of the river
Charente. An order, in consequence of this resolution, was immediately
issued for the troops to be ready to embark from the transports in the
boats precisely at twelve o’clock at night. Accordingly the boats were
prepared and filled with the men at the time appointed, and now they
remained beating against each other, and the sides of the ships, for the
space of four hours, while the council were determining whether, after
all the trouble given, they should land; when at length an order was
published for the troops to return to their respective transports, and
all thoughts of a descent, to appearance, were wholly abandoned.
The succeeding days were employed in blowing up and demolishing the
fortifications of Aix; after which, the land officers, in a council
of war, took the final resolution of returning to England without any
further attempts, fully satisfied they had done all in their power to
execute the designs of the ministry, and choosing rather to oppose the
frowns of an angry sovereign, the murmurs of an incensed nation, and the
contempt of mankind, than fight a handful of dastardly militia. Such was
the issue of an expedition that raised the expectations of all Europe,
threw the coasts of France into the utmost confusion, and cost the
people of England little less than a million of money.




THE FLEET RETURNS TO SPITHEAD.

The fleet was no sooner returned than the whole nation was in a ferment.
The public expectation had been wound up to the highest pitch, and now
the disappointment was proportioned to the sanguine hopes conceived,
that the pride of France would have been humbled by so formidable an
armament. The ministry, and with them the national voice, exclaimed
against the commanding officers, and the military men retorted the
calumny by laying the blame on the projectors of the enterprise, who had
put the nation to great expense before they had obtained the necessary
information. Certain it was, that blame must fall somewhere, and the
ministry resolved to acquit themselves and fix the accusation, by
requesting his majesty to appoint a board of officers of character and
ability, to inquire into the causes of the late miscarriage. This
alone it was that could appease the public clamours, and afford
general satisfaction. The enemies of Mr. Pitt endeavoured to wrest the
miscarriage of the expedition to his prejudice, but the whispers of
faction were soon drowned in the voice of the whole people of England,
who never could persuade themselves that a gentleman raised to
the height of power and popularity by mere dint of superior merit,
integrity, and disinterestedness, would now sacrifice his reputation
by a mock armament, or hazard incurring the derision of Europe, by
neglecting to obtain all the necessary previous information, or doing
whatever might contribute to the success of the expedition. It was
asked, Whether reason or justice dictated, that a late unfortunate
admiral should be capitally punished for not trying and exerting his
utmost ability to relieve fort St. Philip, invested by a powerful army,
and surrounded with a numerous fleet, while no charge of negligence or
cowardice was brought against those who occasioned the miscarriage of
a well-concerted and well-appointed expedition? The people, they
said, were not to be quieted with the resolutions of a council of war,
composed of men whose inactivity might frame excuses for declining
to expose themselves to danger. It was publicly mentioned, that such
backwardness appeared among the general officers before the fleet
reached the isle of Oleron, as occasioned the admiral to declare, with
warmth, that he would comply with his orders, and go into Basque-road,
whatever might be the consequence. It was asked, Why the army did not
land on the night of the twenty-third or twenty-fourth, and whether the
officers sent out to reconnoitre, had returned with such intelligence
as seemed to render a descent impracticable? It was asked, Whether the
commander-in-chief had complied with his majesty’s orders, “To attempt,
as far as should be found practicable, a descent on the coast of France,
at or near Rochefort, in order to attack, and, by a vigorous impression,
force that place; and to burn and destroy, to the utmost of his power,
all docks, magazines, arsenals, and shipping, as shall be found there?”
 Such rumours as these, everywhere propagated, rendered an inquiry no
less necessary to the reputation of the officers on the expedition, than
to the minister who had projected it. Accordingly, a board consisting
of three officers of rank, reputation, and ability, was appointed by
his majesty, to inquire into the reasons why the fleet returned without
having executed his majesty’s orders.

The three general officers, who met on the twenty-first of the
same month, were, Charles duke of Marlborough, lieutenant-general,
major-generals lord George Sackville and John Waldegrave. To judge of
the practicability of executing his majesty’s orders, it was necessary
to inquire into the nature of the intelligence upon which the expedition
was projected. The first and most important was a letter sent to sir
John, afterwards lord Ligonier, by lieutenant-colonel Clark.. This
letter had been frequently examined in the privy-council, and contained,
in substance, that colonel Clark, in returning from Gibraltar, in the
year one thousand-seven hundred and fifty four, had travelled along the
western coast of France, to observe the condition of the fortifications,
and judge how far a descent would be practicable, in case of a rupture
between Great Britain and France. On his coming to Rochefort, where he
was attended by an engineer, he was surprised to find the greatest
part of a good rampart, with a revetment, flanked only with redans;
no outworks, no covered-way, and in many places no ditch, so that the
bottom of the wall was seen at a distance. He remembered, that in other
places, where the earth had been taken out to form the rampart, there
was left around them a considerable height of ground, whence an enemy
might draw a great advantage; that for above the length of a front, or
two or three hundred yards, there was no rampart, or even intrenchment,
but only small ditches, in the low and marshy grounds next the river,
which, however, were dry at low water, yet the bottom remained muddy
and slimy. Towards the river, no rampart, no batteries, no parapet, on
either side appeared, and on the land-side he observed some high ground
within the distance of one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards of
the town; in which condition, the colonel was told by the engineer, the
place had remained for above seventy years. To prevent giving umbrage,
he drew no plan of the place, and even burnt the few sketches he had
by him: however, as to utility, the colonel declared himself as much
satisfied as if he had taken a plan. He could not ascertain the direct
height of the rampart, but thought it could not exceed twenty-five feet,
including the parapet. The river might be about one hundred and thirty
feet broad, and the entrance defended by two or three small redoubts. As
to forces, none are ever garrisoned at Eochefort, except marines, which
at the time the colonel was on the spot amounted to about one thousand.
This was the first intelligence the ministry received of the state of
Rochefort, which afforded sufficient room to believe, that an attack
by surprise might be attended with happy consequences. It was true
that colonel Clark made his observations in time of peace; but it was
likewise probable that no great alterations were made on account of the
war, as the place had remained in the same condition during the two or
three last wars with France, when they had the same reasons as now to
expect their coasts would be insulted. The next information was obtained
from Joseph Thierry, a French pilot, of the protestant religion, who
passed several examinations before the privy-council. This person
declared, that he had followed the business of a pilot on the coast
of France for the space of twenty years, and served as first pilot in
several of the king’s ships; that he had, in particular, piloted the
Magnanime, before she was taken by the English, for about twenty-two
months, and had often conducted her into the road of the isle of Aix;
and that he was perfectly acquainted with the entrance, which indeed is
so easy as to render a pilot almost unnecessary. The road, he said,
afforded good anchorage in twelve or fourteen fathoms water, as far as
Bayonne; the channel between the islands of Oleron and Rhé was three
leagues broad, and the banks necessary to be avoided lay near the land,
except one called the Board, which is easily discerned by the breakers.
He affirmed, that the largest vessels might draw up close to the fort of
Aix, which he would undertake the Magnanime alone should destroy; that
the largest ships might come up to the Vigerot, two miles distant from
the mouth of the river, with all their cannon and stores; that men might
be landed to the north of fort Fouras, out of sight of the fort, upon a
meadow where the ground is firm and level, under cover of the cannon
of the fleet. This landing-place he reckoned at about five miles from
Rochefort, the way dry, and no way intercepted by ditches and morasses.
He said, great part of the city was encompassed by a wall; but towards
the river, on both sides, for about sixty paces, it was enclosed only
with pallisadoes, without a fosse. To the intelligence of colonel
Clark and Thierry, the minister added a secret account obtained of
the strength and distribution of the French forces, whence it appeared
highly probable that no more than ten thousand men could be allowed
for the defence of the whole coast, from St. Valéry to Bourdeaux. In
consequence of the above information the secret expedition was planned;
instructions were given to sir John Mordaunt and admiral Hawke to make
a vigorous impression on the French coast, and all the other measures
projected, which, it was imagined, would make an effectual diversion,
by obliging the enemy to employ a great part of their forces at home,
disturb and shake the credit of their public loans, impair the strength
and resources of their navy, disconcert their extensive and dangerous
operations of war, and, finally, give life, strength, and lustre to the
common cause and his majesty’s arms. The board of inquiry took next into
consideration the several letters and explanatory instructions sent
to sir John Mordaunt, in consequence of some difficulties which might
possibly occur, stated by that general in letters to the minister,
previous to his sailing. Then they examined the report made to sir
Edward Hawke by admiral Broderick, and the captains of the men of war
sent to sound the French shore from Rochelle to fort Fouras, dated
September the twenty-ninth; the result of the councils af war on the
twenty-fifth and twenty-eighth; sir Edward Hawke’s letter to sir
John Mordaunt on the twenty-seventh, and the general’s answer on the
twenty-ninth: after which sir John Mordaunt was called upon to give
his reasons for not putting his majesty’s instructions and orders
into execution. This he did in substance as follows: the attempt on
Rochefort, he understood, was to have been on the footing of a _coup de
main_ or surprise, which it would be impossible to execute if the design
was discovered, or the alarm taken. He also understood that an attempt
could not be made, nay that his majesty did not require it should,
unless a proper place for debarking, and a safe retreat for the troops
was discovered, particularly where the ships could protect them; and a
safe communication with the fleet, and conveyance of supplies from it,
were found. His sentiments, he said, were confirmed by a paper to this
purpose, delivered to him by sir John Ligonier, on his first being
appointed to command the expedition. It was likewise probable, he
thought, that although Rochefort should have remained in the situation
in which colonel Clark and the pilot Thierry had seen it three years
before, yet that a few days’ preparation could make it sufficiently
defensible against a _coup de main_. Judging therefore the dependence
on such an operation alone improper, he applied to the ministry for two
more old battalions, and artillery for a regular attack to force the
place, which, from its construction, appeared as difficult to be made
defensible against the latter, as easily secured against the former.
But this request being refused, he still thought it his duty to obey his
orders on the footing on which the expedition was planned, especially
as he understood his instructions were discretionary, regarding the
circumstances of the time, the condition of the place, and the nature of
the service. He recited the positive and credible intelligence received,
as well before the embarkation as during the voyage, of the alarm given
to France, and the preparations made along the French coasts from Brest
and St. Maloes to Rochefort; the accidents that kept the fleet hovering
along the coasts, and prevented the possibility of an attempt by
surprise; the reports of all the gentlemen employed in sounding the
coasts, so contrary to the intelligence given by Thierry the pilot; the
opinion of the council of war, by which he was enjoined to act, and
with which his own judgment concurred; the endeavours used, after the
twenty-sixth, to find out some expedient for annoying the enemy and
executing his majesty’s instructions; the attempt made to land, in
consequence of the resolution of the second council of war, which was
prevented by boisterous and stormy weather; and lastly, the reasons that
determined him, in concert with the other land officers, to return to
England.

Having considered all these circumstances, and examined several officers
who served in the expedition, the court of inquiry gave in the following
report to his majesty:--“It appears to us, that one cause of the
expedition having failed is, the not attacking fort Fouras by sea, at
the same time that it could have been attacked by land, agreeably to
the first design, which certainly must have been of the greatest utility
towards carrying your majesty’s instructions into execution. It was at
first resolved by admiral Hawke; (Thierry, the pilot, having undertaken
the safe conduct of a ship to fort Fouras for that purpose), but
afterwards laid aside, upon the representation of vice-admiral Knowles,
that the Bar-fleur, the ship designed for that service, was a-ground,
at the distance of between four and five miles from the shore; but
as neither sir Edward Hawke nor the pilot could attend to give any
information upon that head, we cannot presume to offer any certain
opinion thereupon. We conceive another cause of the failure of the
expedition to have been, that, instead of attempting to land when
the report was received, on the twenty-fourth of September, from
rear-admiral Broderick, and the captains who had been out to sound and
reconnoitre, a council of war was summoned and held on the twenty-fifth,
in which it was unanimously resolved not to land, as the attempt on
Rochefort was neither advisable nor practicable; but it does not appear
to us that there were then or at any time afterwards, either a body of
troops or batteries on shore sufficient to have prevented the attempting
a descent, in pursuance of the instructions signed by your majesty;
neither does it appear to us that there were any reasons sufficient to
induce the council of war to believe that Rochefort was so changed in
respect to its strength, or posture of defence, since the expedition was
first resolved on in England, as to prevent all attempts of an attack
upon the place, in order to burn and destroy the docks, magazines,
arsenals, and shipping, in obedience to your majesty’s command. And
we think ourselves obliged to remark, in the council of war on the
twenty-eighth of September, that no reason could have existed sufficient
to prevent the attempt of landing the troops, as the council then
unanimously resolved to land with all possible despatch. We beg leave
also to remark, that after its being unanimously resolved to land, in
the council of war of the twenty-eighth of September, the resolution was
taken of returning to England, without any regular or general meeting of
the said council; but as the whole operation was of so inconsiderable a
nature, we do not offer this to your majesty as a cause of the failure
of the expedition; since we cannot but look upon the expedition to
have failed from the time the great object of it was laid aside in the
council of war of the twenty-fifth.”

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SIR JOHN MORDAUNT TRIED BY A COURT-MARTIAL.

This report, signed by the general officers, Marlborough, Sackville, and
Waldegrave, probably laid the foundation for the court-martial which sat
soon after upon the conduct of the commander-in-chief of the expedition.
The enemies of the minister made a handle of the miscarriage to lessen
him in the esteem of the public, by laying the whole blame on his
forming a project so expensive to the nation, on intelligence not only
slight at the first view, but false upon further examination. But the
people were still his advocates; they discerned something mysterious in
the whole conduct of the commander-in-chief. They plainly perceived that
caution took the place of vigour, and that the hours for action were
spent in deliberations and councils of war. Had he debarked the troops,
and made such an attack as would have distinguished his courage, the
voice of the people would have acquitted him, however unsuccessful,
though prudence perhaps might have condemned him. Even Braddock’s
rashness they deemed preferable to Mor-daunt’s inactivity: the loss of
so many brave lives was thought less injurious and disgraceful to
the nation, than the too safe return of the present armament. The one
demonstrated that the British spirit still existed; the other seemed to
indicate the too powerful influence of wealth, luxury, and those manners
which tend to debauch and emasculate the mind. A public trial of the
commander-in-chief was expected by the people, and it was graciously
granted by his majesty. It is even thought that Sir John Mordaunt
himself demanded to have his conduct scrutinized, by which method alone
he was sensible his character could be re-established. His majesty’s
warrant for holding a court-martial was accordingly signed on the third
day of December. The court was composed of nine lieutenant-generals,
nine major-generals, and three colonels, who sat on the fourteenth, and
continued by several adjournments to the twentieth. Lieutenant-general
Sir John Mordaunt came prisoner before the court, and the following
charge was exhibited against him; namely, that he being appointed,
by the king, commander-in-chief of his majesty’s forces sent on an
expedition to the coast of France, and having received orders and
instructions relative thereto, from his majesty, under his royal
sign-manual, and also by one of his principal secretaries of state, had
disobeyed his majesty’s said orders and instructions. The proceedings
of this court were nearly similar to those of the court of inquiry. The
same evidences were examined, with the addition of sir Edward Hawke’s
deposition; and a defence, differing in no essential point from the
former, made by the prisoner; but the judgment given was clear and
explicit. Sir John Mordaunt was unanimously found Not Guilty, and
therefore acquitted, while the public opinion remained unaltered, and
many persons inveighed as bitterly against the lenity of the present
court-martial, as they had formerly against the severity of the sentence
passed upon a late unfortunate admiral. The evidence of one gentleman
in particular drew attention: he was accused of tergiversation, and
of showing that partial indulgence which his own conduct required.
He publicly defended his character: his performance was censured, and
himself dismissed the service of his sovereign.




FLEETS SENT TO THE EAST AND WEST INDIES.

Besides the diversion intended by a descent on the coast of France,
several other methods were employed to amuse the enemy, as well as
to protect the trade of the kingdom, secure our colonies in the West
Indies, and ensure the continuance of the extraordinary success which
had lately blessed his majesty’s arms in the East Indies; but these we
could not mention before without breaking the thread of our narration.
On the ninth of February, admiral West sailed with a squadron of men
of war to the westward, as did admiral Coates with the fleet under his
convoy to the West Indies, and commodore Stevens with the trade to
the East Indies, in the month of March. Admiral Holbourn and commodore
Holmes, with eleven ships of the line, a fire-ship, bomb-ketch, and
fifty transports, sailed from St. Helen’s for America in April. The
admiral had on board six thousand two hundred effective men, exclusive
of officers, under the command of general Hopson, assisted by lord
Charles Hay. In May, admiral Osborne, who had been forced back to
Plymouth with his squadron by stress of weather, set sail for the
Mediterranean, as did two ships of war sent to convoy the American
trade.

In the meantime, the privateers fitted out by private merchants and
societies, greatly annoyed the French commerce. The Antigallican, a
private ship of war, equipped by a society of men who assumed that
name, took the duke de Penthievre Indiaman, off the part of Corunna,
and carried her into Cadiz. The prize was estimated worth two hundred
thousand pounds, and immediate application was made by France to
the court of Spain for restitution, while the proprietors of the
Anti-gallican were squandering in mirth, festivity, and riot, the
imaginary wealth so easily and unexpectedly acquired. Such were
the remonstrances made to his catholic majesty with respect to the
illegality of the prize, which the French East India company asserted
was taken within shot of a neutral port, that the Penthievre was first
violently wrested out of the hands of the captors, then detained as a
deposit, with sealed hatches, and a Spanish guard on board, till the
claims of both parties could be examined, and at last adjudged to be an
illegal capture, and consequently restored to the French, to the great
disappointment of the owners of the privateer. Besides the success which
attended a great number of other privateers, the lords of the admiralty
published a list of above thirty ships of war and privateers taken from
the enemy in the space of four mouths, by the English sloops and ships
of war, exclusive of the duke de Aquitaine Indiaman, now fitted out as
a ship of war, taken by the Eagle and Medway; the Pondicherry Indiaman,
valued at one hundred and sixty thousand pounds, taken by the Doverman
of war; and above six privateers brought into port by the diligent and
brave captain Lockhart, for which he was honoured with a variety of
presents of plate by several corporations, in testimony of their esteem
and regard. This run of good fortune was not, however, without some
retribution on the side of the enemy, who, out of twenty-one ships
homeward bound from Carolina, made prize of nineteen, whence the
merchants sustained considerable damage, and a great quantity of
valuable commodities, indigo in particular, was lost to this country.




RIOTS OCCASIONED BY THE HIGH PRICE OF CORN.

Notwithstanding the large imports of grain from different parts of
Europe and America, the artifice of engrossers still kept up the price
of corn. So incensed were the populace at the iniquitous combinations
entered into to frustrate the endeavours of the legislature, and to
oppress the poor, that they rose in a tumultuous manner in several
counties, sometimes to the number of five or six thousand, and seized
upon the grain brought to market. Nor was it indeed to be wondered
at, considering the distress to which many persons were reduced. The
difficulty of obtaining the necessaries of life, raised the price
of labour at the most unseasonable time, when all manufacturers were
overstocked for want of a proper market, which obliged them to dismiss
above half the hands before employed. Hence arose the most pitiable
condition of several thousands of useful industrious subjects; a
calamity attended only with one advantage to the public, namely, the
facility with which recruits were raised for his majesty’s service. At
last the plentiful crops with which it pleased Providence to bless
these kingdoms, the prodigious quantities of corn imported from foreign
countries, and the wise measures of the legislature, broke all the
villanous schemes set on foot by the forestallers and engrossers, and
reduced the price of corn to the usual standard. The public joy on this
occasion was greatly augmented by the safe arrival of the fleet from
the Leeward islands, consisting of ninety-two sail, and of the Straits
fleet, estimated worth three millions sterling, whereby the silk
manufacturers in particular were again employed, and their distresses
relieved. About the same time the India company was highly elated with
the joyful account of the safe arrival and spirited conduct of three of
their captains, attacked in their passage homewards by two French men
of war, one of sixty-four, the other of twenty-six guns. After a warm
engagement, which continued for three hours, they obliged the French
ships to sheer of, with scarce any loss on their own side. When the
engagement began, the captains had promised a reward of a thousand
pounds to the crews, by way of incitement to their valour; and the
company doubled the sum, in recompence of their fidelity and courage.
His majesty having taken into consideration the incredible damage
sustained by the commerce of these kingdoms, for want of proper harbours
and forts on the western coast to receive and protect merchantmen,
was graciously pleased to order, that a temporary security should be
provided for the shipping which might touch at Milford-haven, until
the fortifications voted in parliament could be erected. How far his
majesty’s directions were complied with, the number of merchant ships
taken by the enemy’s privateers upon that coast sufficiently indicated.




OPERATIONS IN AMERICA.

Whatever reasons the government had to expect the Campaign should be
vigorously pushed in America, almost every circumstance turned out
contrary to expectation. Not all the endeavours of the earl of Loudon
to quiet the dissensions among the different provinces, and to establish
unanimity and harmony, could prevail. Circumstances required that he
should act the part of a mediator, in order to raise the necessary
supplies for prosecuting the war, without which it was impossible he
could appear in the character of a general. The enemy, in the meantime,
were pursuing the blow given at Oswego, and taking advantage of the
distraction that appeared in the British councils. By their successes
in the preceding campaign, they remained masters of all the lakes. Hence
they were furnished with the means of practising on the Indians, in all
the different districts, and obliging them, by rewards, promises, and
menaces, to act in their favour. Every accession to their strength,
was a real diminution of that of the British commander; but then the
ignorance or pusillanimity of some of the inferior officers in our back
settlements was, in effect, more beneficial to the enemy than all the
vigilance and activity of Montcalm. In consequence of the shameful loss
of Oswego, they voluntarily abandoned to the mercy of the French general
the whole country of the Five Nations, the only body of Indians who had
inviolably performed their engagements, or indeed who had preserved any
sincere regard for the British government. The communication with these
faithful allies was now cut off, by the imprudent demolition of the
forts we possessed at the great Carrying-place. A strong fort indeed
was built at Winchester, and called fort Loudon, after the
commander-in-chief, and four hundred Cherokee Indians joined the
English forces at fort Cumberland; but this reinforcement by no means
counterbalanced the losses sustained in consequence of our having
imprudently stopped up Wood-creek, and filled it with logs. Every person
the least acquainted with the country, readily perceived the weakness of
these measures, by which our whole frontier was left open and exposed to
the irruptions of the savages in the French interest, who would not fail
to profit by our blunders, too notorious to escape them. By the removal
of these barriers, a path was opened to our fine settlements on those
grounds called the German Flats, and along the Mohawk’s river, which the
enemy destroyed with fire and sword before the end of the campaign.




LORD LOUDON’S CONDUCT IN AMERICA.

In the meantime, lord Loudon was taking the most effectual steps
to unite the provinces, and raise a force sufficient to strike some
decisive blow. The attack on Crown-Point, which had been so long
meditated, was laid aside as of less importance than the intended
expedition to Louisbourg, now substituted in its place, and undoubtedly
a more considerable object in itself. Admiral Holbourn arrived at
Halifax, with the squadron and transports under his command, on the
ninth day of July; and it was his lordship’s intention to repair thither
with all possible diligence, in order to take upon him the command of
the expedition; but a variety of accidents interposed. It was with the
utmost difficulty he at length assembled a body of six thousand men,
with which he instantly began his march to join the troops lately
arrived from England. When the junction was effected, the whole forces
amounted to twelve thousand men; an army that raised great expectations.
Immediately some small vessels were sent out to examine and reconnoitre
the condition of the enemy, and the intermediate time was employed in
embarking the troops as soon as the transports arrived. The return
of the scouts totally altered the face of affairs: they brought the
unwelcome news, that M. de Bois de la Mothe, who sailed in the month of
May from Brest, with a large fleet of ships of war and transports, was
now safe at anchor in the harbour of Louisbourg. Their intelligence
AAras supported by the testimony of several deserters; yet still it
wanted confirmation, and many persons believed their account of the
enemy’s strength greatly magnified. Such advices, however, could not but
occasion extraordinary fluctuations in the councils of war at Halifax.
Some were for setting aside all thoughts of the expedition for that
season; while others, more warm in their dispositions, and sanguine in
their expectations, were for prosecuting it with vigour, in spite of
all dangers and difficulties. Their disputes were carried on with great
vehemence, when a packet bound from Louisbourg for France, was taken by
one of the English ships stationed at Newfoundland. She had letters on
board, which put the enemy’s superiority beyond all doubt, at least
by sea. It clearly appeared, there were at that time in Louisbourg six
thousand regular troops, three thousand natives, and one thousand three
hundred Indians, with seventeen ships of the line and three frigates
moored in the harbour; that the place was well supplied with ammunition,
provisions, and every kind of military stores; and that the enemy wished
for nothing more than an attack, which it was probable would terminate
to the disgrace of the assailants, and ruin of the British affairs
in America. The commanders at Halifax were fully apprized of the
consequences of an unsuccessful attempt; it was, therefore, almost
unanimously resolved to postpone the expedition to some more convenient
opportunity, especially as the season was now far advanced, which
alone would be sufficient to frustrate their endeavours, and render the
enterprise abortive. This resolution seems, indeed, to have been the
most eligible in their circumstances, whatever construction might
afterwards be given, with intention to prejudice the public against the
commander-in-chief.




FORT WILLIAM-HENRY TAKEN by the FRENCH.

Lord Loudon’s departure from New-York, with all the forces he was able
to collect, afforded the marquis de Montcalm the fairest occasion of
improving the successes of the former campaign. That general had, in the
very commencement of the season, made three different attacks on
fort William-Henry, in all of which he was repulsed by the vigour and
resolution of the garrison. But his disappointment here was balanced by
an advantage gained by a party of regulars and Indians at Ticonderoga.
Colonel John Parker, with a detachment of near four hundred men, went by
water, in whale and bay boats, to attack the enemy’s advanced guard at
that place. Landing at night on an island, he sent before dawn three
boats to the main land, which the enemy waylaid and took. Having
procured the necessary intelligence from the prisoners of the colonel’s
designs, they contrived their measures, placed three hundred men in
ambush behind the point where he proposed landing, and sent three
batteaux to the place of rendezvous. Colonel Parker mistaking these
for his own boats, eagerly put to shore, was surrounded by the enemy,
reinforced with four hundred men, and attacked with such impetuosity,
that, of the whole detachment, only two officers and seventy private
men escaped. Flushed with this advantage, animated by the absence of the
British commander-in-chief, then at Halifax, and fired with a desire to
revenge the disgrace he had lately sustained before fort Henry, Montcalm
drew together all his forces, with intention to lay siege to that place.
Fort William-Henry stands on the southern coast of Lake George; it was
built with a view to protect and cover the frontiers of the English
colonies, as well as to command the lake; the fortifications were good,
defended by a garrison of near three thousand men, and covered by an
army of four thousand, under the conduct of general Webb, posted at
no great distance. When the marquis de Montcalm had assembled all the
forces at Crown-Point, Ticonderoga, and the adjacent posts, together
with a considerable body of Canadians and Indians, amounting in the
whole to near ten thousand men, he marched directly to the fort,
made his approaches, and began to batter it with a numerous train of
artillery. On the very day he invested the place he sent a letter to
colonel Monro the governor, telling him, he thought himself obliged,
in humanity, to desire he would surrender the fort, and not provoke
the great number of savages in the French army by a vain resistance.
“A detachment of your garrison has lately,” say she, “experienced their
cruelty; I have it yet in my power to restrain them, and oblige them
to observe a capitulation, as none of them hitherto are killed. Your
persisting in the defence of your fort can only retard its fate a few
days, and must of necessity expose an unfortunate garrison, who can
possibly receive no relief, considering the precautions taken to prevent
it. I demand a decisive answer, for which purpose I have sent the sieur
Funtbrane, one of my aids-de-camp. You may credit what he will inform
you of, from Montcalm.” General Webb beheld his preparations with an
indifference and security bordering on infatuation. It is credibly
reported, that he had private-intelligence of all the French general’s
designs and motions; yet, either despising his strength, or discrediting
the information, he neglected collecting the militia in time; which, in
conjunction with his own forces, would probably have obliged Montcalm
to relinquish the attempt, or at least have rendered his success very
doubtful and hazardous. The enemy meeting with no disturbance from the
quarter they most dreaded, prosecuted the siege with vigour, and were
warmly received by the garrison, who fired with great spirit till
they had burst almost all their cannon, and expended their ammunition.
Neither Montcalm’s promises or threats could prevail upon them to
surrender, while they were in a condition to defend themselves, or could
reasonably expect assistance from general Webb. They even persisted to
hold out after prudence dictated they ought to surrender. Colonel Monro
was sensible of the importance of his charge, and imagined that general
Webb, though slow in his motions, would surely make some vigorous
efforts either to raise the siege, or force a supply of ammunition,
provisions, and other necessaries, into the garrison. At length
necessity obliged him, after sustaining a siege from the third to the
ninth day of August, to hang out a flag of truce, which was immediately
answered by the French commander. Hostages were exchanged, and articles
of capitulation signed by both parties. It was stipulated, that the
garrison of fort William-Henry, and the troops in the intrenched camp,
should march out with their arms, the baggage of the officers and
soldiers, and all the usual necessaries of war, escorted by a detachment
of French troops, and interpreters attached to the savages; that the
gate of the fort should be delivered to the troops of the most christain
king, immediately after signing the capitulation; and the retrenched
camp, on the departure of the British forces; that the artillery,
warlike stores, provisions, and in general every thing, except the
effects of soldiers and officers, should, upon honour, be delivered
to the French troops; for which purpose it was agreed there should be
delivered, with the capitulation, an exact inventory of the stores and
other particulars specified; that the garrison of the fort, and the
troops in the retrenchment and dependencies, should not serve for the
space of eighteen months, from the date of the capitulation, against his
most christian majesty, or his allies; that with the capitulation there
should be delivered an exact state of the troops, specifying the
names of the officers, engineers, artillery-men, commissaries, and all
employed; that the officers and soldiers, Canadians, women, and savages,
made prisoners by land since the commencement of the war in North
America, should be delivered in the space of three months at Carillon;
in return for whom an equal number of the garrison of fort William-Henry
should be capacitated to serve agreeably to the return given by the
English officer, and the receipt of the French commanding officers, of
the prisoners so delivered: that an officer should remain as an hostage,
till the safe return of the escort sent with the troops of his Britannic
majesty; that the sick and wounded, not in a condition to be transported
to fort Edward, should remain under the protection of the marquis de
Montcalm; who engaged to use them with tenderness and humanity, and to
return them as soon as recovered: that provisions for two days should be
issued out for the British troops: that in testimony of his esteem and
respect for colonel Monro and his garrison, on account of their
gallant defence, the marquis do Montcalm should return one cannon, a
six-pounder. Whether the marquis de Montcalm was really assiduous to
have these articles punctually executed we cannot pretend to determine;
but certain it is, they were perfidiously broke in almost every
instance. The savages in the French interest either paid no regard to
the capitulation, or were permitted, from views of policy, to act
the most treacherous, inhuman, and insidiuous part. They fell upon
the British troops as they marched out, despoiled them of their few
remaining effects, dragged the Indians in the English service out of
their ranks, and assassinated them with circumstances of unheard-of
barbarity. Some British soldiers, with their wives and children, are
said to have been savagely murdered by those brutal Indians, whose
ferocity the French commander could not effectually restrain. The
greater part of the English garrison, however, arrived at fort Edward,
under the protection of the French escort. The enemy demolished the
fort, carried off the effects, provisions, artillery, and every thing
else left by the garrison, together with the vessels preserved in the
lake, and departed, without pursuing their success by any other attempt.
Thus ended the third campaign in America, where, with an evident
superiority over the enemy, an army of twenty thousand regular troops,
a great number of provincial forces, and a prodigious naval power, not
less than twenty ships of the line, we abandoned our allies, exposed our
people, suffered them to be cruelly massacred in sight of our troops,
and relinquished a large and valuable tract of country, to the eternal
reproach and disgrace of the British name.




NAVAL TRANSACTIONS IN AMERICA.

As to the naval transactions in this country, though less infamous, they
were not less unfortunate. Immediately on lord Loudon’s departure from
Halifax, admiral Holbourn, now freed from the care of the transports,
set sail for Louisbourg, with fifteen ships of the line, one ship of
fifty guns, three small frigates, and a fire-ship. What the object
of this cruise might have been can only be conjectured. Some imagine
curiosity was the admiral’s sole motive, and the desire of informing
himself with certainty of the enemy’s strength, while others persuade
themselves that he was in hopes of drawing M. de la Mothe to an
engagement, notwithstanding his superiority in number of ships and
weight of metal. Be this as it may, the British squadron appeared off
Louisbourg on the twentieth day of August, and approaching within
two miles of the batteries, saw the French admiral make the signal to
unmoor. Mr. Holbourn was greatly inferior in strength, and it is obvious
that his design was not to fight the enemy, as he immediately made
the best of his way to Halifax. About the middle of September,
being reinforced with four ships of the line, he again proceeded to
Louisbourg, probably with intention, if possible, to draw the enemy
to an engagement; but he found de la Mothe too prudent to hazard an
unnecessary battle, the loss of which would have greatly exposed all the
French colonies. Here the English squadron continued cruising until
the twenty-fifth, when they were overtaken by a terrible storm from the
southward. When the hurricane began, the fleet were about forty leagues
distant from Louisbourg; but were driven in twelve hours within
two miles of the rocks and breakers on that coast, when the wind
providentially shifted. The ship Tilbury was wrecked upon the rocks, and
half her crew drowned. Eleven ships were dismasted, others threw their
guns overboard; and all returned in a very shattered condition to
England, at a very unfavourable season of the year. In this manner ended
the expedition to Louisbourg, more unfortunate to the nation than the
preceding designs upon Rochefort; less disgraceful to the commanders,
but equally the occasion of ridicule and triumph to our enemies.
Indeed, the unhappy consequences of the political disputes at home, the
instability of the administration, and the frequent revolutions in our
councils, were strongly manifested by that langour infused into all our
military operations, and general unsteadiness in our pursuits. Faction,
in the mother-country, produced divisions and misconduct in the
colonies. No ambition to signalize themselves appeared among the
officers, from the uncertainty whether their services were to be
rewarded or condemned. Their attachment to particular persons weakened
the love they ought to have entertained for their country in general,
and destroyed that spirit of enterprise, that firmness and resolution
which constitutes the commander, and without which the best capacity,
joined to the most uncorruptible integrity, can effect nothing.

The French king not only exerted himself against the English in America,
but even extended his operations to their settlements in Africa, where
he sent one of his naval commanders with a small squadron, to reduce.
This gentleman, whose name was Kersin, had scoured the coast of Guinea,
and made prize of several English trading ships; but his chief aim was
to reduce the castle at Cape-coast, of which, had he gained possession,
the other subordinate forts would have submitted without opposition.
When Mr. Bell, the governor of this castle, received intelligence that
M. de Kersin was a few leagues to windward, and certainly intended to
attack Cape-coast, his whole garrison did not exceed thirty white men,
exclusive of a few mulatto soldiers: his stock of ammunition was reduced
to half a barrel of gunpowder; and his fortifications were so crazy and
inconsiderable, that, in the opinion of the best engineers, they could
not have sustained for twenty minutes the fire of one great ship, had
it been properly directed and maintained. In these circumstances, few
people would have dreamed of making any preparation for defence; but
Mr. Bell entertained other sentiments, and acquitted himself with equal
courage and discretion. He forthwith procured a supply of gunpowder, and
a reinforcement of about fifty men, from certain trading vessels that
happened to be upon that part of the coast. He mounted some spare cannon
upon an occasional battery, and assembling a body of twelve hundred
negroes, well armed, under the command of their chief, on whose
attachment he could depend, and ordered them to take post at the
place where he apprehended the enemy would attempt a landing. These
precautions were hardly taken, when the French squadron, consisting of
two ships of the line and a large frigate, appeared, and in a little
time their attack began; but they met with such a warm reception, that
in less than two hours they desisted, leaving the castle very little
damaged, and immediately made sail for the West Indies, very much to the
disappointment and mortification of the Dutch officers belonging to
the fort of Elmina, in the same neighbourhood, who made no scruple of
expressing their wishes publicly in favour of the French commodore, and
at a distance viewed the engagement with the most partial eagerness and
impatience. M. de Kersin was generally blamed for his want of conduct
and resolution in this attempt; but he is said to have been deceived in
his opinion of the real state of Capecoast castle, by the vigorous and
resolute exertions of the governor, and was apprehensive of losing a
mast in the engagement; a loss which he could not have repaired on the
whole coast of Africa. Had the fort of Cape-coast been reduced on
this occasion, in all probability every petty republic of the negroes,
settled under the protection of the forts on the Gold-coast, would have
revolted from the British interest; for while the French squadron, in
their progress along-shore, hovered in the offing at Annamaboe,
an English settlement a few leauges to leeward of Cape-coast, John
Corrantee, the caboceiro, chief magistrate and general of the blacks on
that part of the coast, whose adopted son had a few years before been
caressed, and even treated as a prince in England, taking it for granted
that this enterprise of the French would be attended with success,
actually sent some of his dependants, with a present of refreshments for
their commodore; the delivery of which, however, was prevented by Mr.
Brew, the English chief of the fort, who shattered in pieces the canoe
before it could be launched, and threatened with his cannon to level the
black town with the dust. The caboceiro, though thus anticipated in
his design, resolved to be among the first who should compliment M. de
Kersin on his victory at Cape-coast; and, with this view, prepared an
embassy or deputation to go there by land; but understanding that the
French had failed in their attempt, he shifted his design, without the
least hesitation, and despatched the same embassy to Mr. Bell, whom he
congratulated on his victory, assuring him he had kept his men ready
armed, to march at the first summons to his assistance.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE EAST INDIES.

In the East Indies the scene was changed greatly to the honour and
advantage of Great Britain. There the commanders acted with that
harmony, spirit, and unanimity becoming Britons, zealous for the credit
of their king and the interest of their country. We left admiral Watson
and colonel Clive advancing to Calcutta, to revenge the cruel tragedy
acted upon their countrymen the preceding year. On the twenty-eighth
of December, the fleet proceeded up the river: next day colonel Clive
landed, and with the assistance of the squadron, in twenty-four hours
made himself master of Busbudgia, a place of great strength, though
very ill defended. On the first of January the admiral, with two ships,
appeared before the town of Calcutta, and was received by a brisk fire
from the batteries. This salute was returned so warmly, that the enemy’s
guns were soon silenced, and in less than two hours the place and fort
were abandoned. Colonel Clive, on the other side, had invested the
town, and made his attack with that vigour and intrepidity peculiar
to himself, which greatly contributed to the sudden reduction of the
settlement. As soon as the fort was surrendered, the brave and active
captain Coote, with his majesty’s troops, took possession, and found
ninety-one pieces of cannon, four mortars, abundance of ammunition,
stores, and provisions, with every requisite for sustaining an obstinate
siege. Thus the English were re-established in the two strongest
fortresses in the Ganges, with the inconsiderable loss of nine seamen
killed, and three soldiers. A few days after, Hughley, a city of
great trade, situated higher up the river, was reduced with as little
difficulty, but infinitely greater prejudice to the nabob, as here his
storehouses of salt, and vast granaries for the support of his army,
were burnt and destroyed. Incensed at the almost instantaneous loss of
all his conquests, and demolition of the city of Hughley, the viceroy of
Bengal discouraged all advances to an accommodation which was proposed
by the admiral and chiefs of the company, and assembled an army of
twenty thousand horse and fifteen thousand foot, fully resolved to
expel the English out of his dominions, and take ample vengeance for the
disgraces he had lately sustained. He was seen marching by the English
camp in his way to Calcutta on the second of February, where he
encamped, about a mile from the town. Colonel Clive immediately made
application to the admiral for a reinforcement; and six hundred men,
under the command of captain Warwick, were accordingly drafted from the
different ships, and sent to assist his little army. Clive drew out
his forces, advanced in three columns towards the enemy, and began
the attack so vigorously, that the viceroy retreated, after a feeble
resistance, with the loss of a thousand men killed, wounded, and taken
prisoners, five hundred horses, great numbers of draft bullocks, and
four elephants. Though this advantage was less decisive than could be
wished, yet it sufficiently intimidated the nabob into concessions much
to the honour and advantage of the company. Admiral Watson gave him to
understand in a letter, that this was no more than a specimen of what
the British arms, when provoked, could perform. The suba desired
the negotiation might be renewed, and in a few days the treaty was
concluded. He promised not to disturb the English in any of those
privileges or possessions specified in the firm, and granted by the
Mogul; that all merchandise belonging to the company should pass and
repass, in every part of the province of Bengal, free of duty; that all
the English factories seized the preceding year, or since, should be
restored, with the money, goods, and effects appertaining; that all
damages sustained by the English should be repaired, and their losses
repaid: that the English should have liberty to fortify Calcutta in
whatever manner they thought proper without interruption: that they
should have the liberty of coining all the gold and bullion they
imported, which should pass current in the province: that he would
remain in strict friendship and alliance with the English, use his
utmost endeavours to heal up the late divisions, and restore the former
good understanding between them.

All which several articles were solemnly signed and sealed with the
nabob’s own hand.




SEDUCTION OF CHANDERNAGORE.

Such were the terms obtained for the company, by the spirited and
gallant conduct of the two English commanders. They had, however, too
much discernment to rely on the promises of a barbarian, who had so
prefidiously broken former engagements; but they prudently dissembled
their sentiments, until they had thoroughly reinstated the affairs of
the company, and reduced the French power in this province. In order to
adjust the points that required discussion, the select committee for the
company’s affairs appointed Mr. Watts, who had been released from his
former imprisonment, as their commissary at the court of the suba, to
whom he was personally known, as well as to his ministers, among whom he
had acquired a considerable influence. Nothing less could have balanced
the interest which the French, by their art of intriguing, had raised
among the favourites of the viceroy. While Mr. Watts was employed at
Muxadavad in counter-working those intrigues, and keeping the suba
steady to his engagements, the admiral and Mr. Clive resolved to avail
themselves of their armament in attacking the French settlements
in Bengal. The chief object of their designs was the reduction
of Chandernagore, situated higher up the river than Calcutta, of
considerable strength, and the chief in importance of any possessed by
that nation in the bay. Colonel Clive being reinforced by three hundred
men from Bombay, began his march to Chandernagore, at the head of seven
hundred Europeans and one thousand six hundred Indians, where, on
his first arrival, he took possession of all the out-posts except
one redoubt mounted with eight pieces of cannon, which he left to be
silenced by the admiral. On the eighteenth day of March, the admirals
Watson and Pocoke arrived within two miles of the French settlement,
with the Kent, Tiger, and Salisbury men of war, and found their passage
obstructed by booms laid across the river, and several vessels sunk in
the channel. These difficulties being removed, they advanced early on
the twenty-fourth, and drew up in a line before the fort, which they
battered with great fury for three hours; while colonel Clive was
making his approaches on the land side, and playing vigorously from the
batteries he had raised. Their united efforts soon obliged the enemy
to submission. A flag of truce was waved over the walls, and the place
surrendered by capitulation. The keys were delivered to captain Latham
of the Tiger; and in the afternoon colonel Clive, with the king’s
troops, took possession. Thus the reduction of a strong fortress,
garrisoned by five hundred Europeans, and one thousand two hundred
Indians, defended by one hundred and twenty-three pieces of cannon, and
three mortars, well provided with all kinds of stores and necessaries,
and of very great importance to the enemy’s commerce in India, was
accomplished with a loss not exceeding forty men on the side of the
conquerors. By the treaty of capitulation the director; counsellors, and
inferior servants of the settlement, were allowed to depart with their
wearing apparel: the Jesuits were permitted to take away their church
ornaments, and the natives to remain in the full exertion of their
liberties; but the garrison were to continue prisoners of war. The
goods and money found in the place were considerable; but the principal
advantage arose from the ruin of the head settlement of the enemy on the
Ganges, which could not but interfere with the English commerce in these
parts.




COLONEL CLIVE DEFEATS THE SUBA AT PLAISSEY, &c.

Success had hitherto attended all the operations of the British
commanders, because they were concerted with foresight and unanimity;
and executed with that vigour and spirit which deservedly raised
them high in the esteem of their country. They reduced the nabob to
reasonable terms of accommodation before they alarmed the French; and
now the power of the latter was destroyed, they entered upon measures to
oblige the treacherous viceroy to a strict performance of the treaty he
had so lately signed. However specious his promises were, they found him
extremely dilatory in the execution of several articles of the treaty,
which, in effect, was the same to the English commerce as if none had
been concluded. The company’s goods were loaded with high duties, and
several other infractions of the peace committed, upon such frivolous
pretences, as evidently demonstrated that he sought to come to an open
rupture as soon as his projects were ripe for execution. In a word,
he discovered all along a manifest partiality to the French, whose
emissaries cajoled him with promises that he should be joined by such a
body of their European troops, under M. de Bussy, as would enable him to
crush the power of the English, whom they had taught him to fear and to
hate. As recommencing hostilities against so powerful a prince was in
itself dangerous, and if possible to be avoided, the affair was
laid before the council of Culcutta, and canvassed with all the
circumspection and caution that a measure required, on which depended
the fate of the whole trade of Bengal. Mr. Watts, from time to time,
sent them intelligence of every transaction in the suba’s cabinet; and
although that prince publicly declared he would cause him to be impaled
as soon as the English troops should be put in motion within the kingdom
of Bengal, he bravely sacrificed his own safety to the interest of the
company, and exhorted them to proceed with vigour in their military
operations. During these deliberations a most fortunate incident
occurred, that soon determined the council to come to an open rupture.
The leading persons in the viceroy’s court found themselves oppressed
by his haughtiness and insolence. The same spirit of discontent appeared
among the principal officers of his army; they were well acquainted with
his prefidy, saw his preparations for war, and were sensible that the
peace of the country could never be restored, unless either the
English were expelled, or the nabob deposed. In consequence, a plan was
concerted for divesting him of all his power; and the conspiracy was
conducted by Jaffier Ali Khan, his prime minister and chief commander,
a nobleman of great influence and authority in the province. The project
was communicated by Ali Khan to Mr. Watts, and so improved by the
address of that gentleman, as in a manner to ensure success. A treaty
was actually concluded between this Meer Jaffier Ali Khan and the
English company; and a plan concerted with this nobleman and the
other malcontents for their defection from the viceroy. These previous
measures being-taken, colonel Clive was ordered to take the field with
his little army. Admiral Watson undertook the defence of Chandernagore,
and the garrison was detached to reinforce the colonel, together with
fifty seamen to be employed as gunners, and in directing the artillery.
Then Mr. Watts, deceiving the suba’s spies by whom he was surrounded,
withdrew himself from Muxadavad, and reached the English camp in safety.
On the nineteenth of June a detachment was sent to attack Cutwa fort
and town, situated on that branch of the river forming the island of
Cassimbuzzar. This place surrendered at the first summons; and here the
colonel halted with the army for three days, expecting advices from Ali
Khan. Disappointed of the hoped for intelligence, he crossed the river,
and marched to Plaissey, where he encamped. On the twenty-third, at day
break, the suba advanced to attack him, at the head of fifteen thousand
horse, and near thirty thousand infantry, with about forty pieces of
heavy cannon, conducted and managed by French gunners, on whose courage
and dexterity he placed great dependence. They began to cannonade the
English camp about six in the morning; but a severe shower falling
at noon they withdrew their artillery. Colonel Clive seized this
opportunity to take possession of a tank and two other posts of
consequence, which they in vain endeavored to retake. Then he stormed an
angle of their camp, covered with a double breastwork, together with an
eminence which they occupied. At the beginning of this attack, some of
their chiefs being slain, the men were so dispirited, that they soon
gave way; but still Meer Jaffier Ali Khan, who commanded their left
wing, forbore declaring himself openly. After a short contest the enemy
were put to flight, the nabob’s camp, baggage, and fifty pieces of
cannon taken, and a most complete victory obtained. The colonel,
pursuing his advantage, marched to Muxadavad, the capital of the
province, and was there joined by Ali Khan and the malcontents. It was
before concerted that this nobleman should be invested with the dignity
of nabob; accordingly, the colonel proceeded solemnly to depose Surajah
Dowlat, and, with the same ceremony, to substitute Ali Khan in his room,
who was publicly acknowledged by the people as suba, or viceroy, of the
provinces of Bengal, Banar, and Orixa. Soon after, the late viceroy was
taken, and put to death by his successor, who readily complied with all
the conditions of his elevation. He conferred on his allies very liberal
rewards, and granted the company such extraordinary privileges, as fully
demonstrated how justly he merited their assistance. By this alliance,
and the reduction of Chandernagore, the French were entirely excluded
the commerce of Bengal and its dependencies; the trade of the English
company was restored, and increased beyond their most sanguine hopes; a
new ally was acquired, whose interest obliged him to remain firm to his
engagements: a vast sum was paid to the company and the sufferers at
Calcutta, to indemnify them for their losses: the soldiers and seamen
were gratified with six hundred thousand pounds, as a reward for the
courage and intrepidity they exerted; and a variety of other advantages
gained, which it would be unnecessary to enumerate. In a word, in
the space of fourteen days a great revolution was effected, and the
government of a vast country superior in wealth, fertility, extent,
and number of inhabitants to most European kingdoms, transferred by a
handful of troops, conducted by an officer untutored in the art of war,
and a general rather by intuition, than instruction and experience. But
the public joy at these signal successes was considerably diminished
by the death of admiral Watson, and the loss of Vizagapatam, an English
settlement on the Coromandel coast. The admiral fell a victim to the
unwholesomeness of the climate, on the sixteenth of August, universally
esteemed and regretted; and the factory and fort at Vizagapatam were
surrendered to the French, a few days after colonel Clive had defeated
the nabob.




ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF THE KING OF FRANCE.

We now turn our eyes to the continent of Europe, where we see the
beginning of the year marked with a striking instance of the dreadful
effects of frantic enthusiasm. France had long enjoyed a monarch, easy,
complying, good-natured, and averse to all that wore the appearance of
business or of war. Contented with the pleasures of indolence, he sought
no greatness beyond what he enjoyed, nor pursued any ambitious aim
through the dictates of his own disposition. Of all men on earth such a
prince had the greatest reason to expect an exemption from plots against
his person, and cabals among his subjects; yet was an attempt made upon
his life by a man, who though placed in the lowest sphere of fortune,
had resolution to face the greatest dangers, and enthusiasm sufficient
to sustain, without shrinking, all the tortures which the cruelty of man
could invent, or his crimes render necessary. The name of this fanatic
was Robert Francis Damien, born in the suburb of St. Catharine, in the
city of Arras. He had lived in the service of several families, whence
he was generally dismissed on account of the impatience, the melancholy,
and sullenness of his disposition. So humble was the station of a
person, who was resolved to step forth from obscurity, and, by one
desperate effort, draw upon himself the attention of all Europe. On the
fifth day of January, as the king was stepping into his coach to return
to Trianon, whence he had that day come to Versailles, Damien, mingling
among his attendants, stabbed him with a knife on the right side,
between the fourth and fifth ribs. His majesty applying his hand
immediately to his side, cried out, “I am wounded! Seize him; but do not
hurt him.” Happily the wound was not dangerous; as the knife taking an
oblique direction, missed the vital parts. As for the assassin, he made
no attempts to escape; but suffering himself quietly to be seized, was
conveyed to the guard-room, where, being interrogated if he committed
the horrid action, he boldly answered in the affirmative. A process
against him was instantly commenced at Versailles: many persons,
supposed accessaries to the design upon the king’s life, were sent to
the Bastile; the assassin himself was put to the torture, and the
most excruciating torments were applied, with intention to extort a
confession of the reasons that could induce him to so execrable an
attempt upon his sovereign. Incisions were made into the muscular parts
of his legs, arms, and thighs, into which boiling oil was poured. Every
refinement on cruelty, that human invention could suggest, was practised
without effect; nothing could overcome his obstinacy; and his silence
was construed into a presumption, that he must have accomplices in
the plot. To render his punishment more public and conspicuous, he
was removed to Paris, there to undergo a repetition of all his former
tortures, with such additional circumstances as the most fertile and
cruel dispositions could devise for increasing his misery and torment.
Being conducted to the Concergerie, an iron bed, which likewise served
for a chair, was prepared for him, and to this he was fastened with
chains. The torture was again applied, and a physician ordered to
attend, to see what degree of pain he could support. Nothing, however,
material was extorted; for what he one moment confessed, he recanted the
next. It is not within our province, and we consider it as a felicity,
to relate all the circumstances of this cruel and tragical event.
Sufficient it is, that, after suffering the most exquisite torments that
human nature could invent, or man support, his judges thought proper to
terminate his misery by a death shocking to imagination, and shameful to
humanity. On the twenty-eighth day of March he was conducted, amidst
a vast concourse of the populace, to the Grève, the common place of
execution, stripped naked, and fastened to the scaffold by iron gyves.
One of his hands was then burnt in liquid flaming sulphur; his thighs,
legs, and arms, were torn with red hot pincers; boiling oil, melted
lead, resin, and sulphur, were poured into the wounds; tight ligatures
tied round his limbs to prepare him for dismemberment; young and
vigorous horses applied to the draft, and the unhappy criminal pulled,
with all their force, to the utmost extension of his sinews, for the
space of an hour; during all which time he preserved his senses and
constancy. At length the physician and surgeon attending declared, it
would be impossible to accomplish the dismemberment, unless the tendons
were separated; upon which orders were given to the executioner to cut
the sinews at the joints of the arms and legs. The horses drew afresh;
a thigh and an arm were separated, and, after several pulls, the
unfortunate wretch expired under the extremity of pain. His body and
limbs were reduced to ashes under the scaffold; his father, wife,
daughter, and family banished the kingdom for ever; the name of Damien
effaced and obliterated, and the innocent involved in the punishment of
the guilty. Thus ended the procedure against Damien and his family, in
a manner not very favourable to the avowed clemency of Louis, or the
acknowledged humanity of the French nation. It appeared from undoubted
evidence, that the attempt on the king’s life was the result of
insanity, and a disturbed imagination. Several instances of a disordered
mind had before been observed in his conduct, and the detestation justly
due to the enormity of his crime ought now to have been absorbed in
the consideration of his misfortune, the greatest that can befal human
nature.




CHANGES IN THE FRENCH MINISTRY.

Another remarkable event in France, in the beginning of this year,
was the change in the ministry of that nation, by the removal of M. de
Machault, keeper of the seals, from the post of secretary of state for
the marine; and of M. d’Argenson from that of secretary at war. Their
dismission was sudden and unexpected; nor was any particular reason
assigned for this very unexpected alteration. The French king, to
show the queen of Hungary how judiciously she had acted in forming an
alliance with the house of Bourbon, raised two great armies; the first
of which, composed of near eighty thousand men, the flower of the French
troops, with a large train of artillery, was commanded by M. d’Etrées,
a general of great reputation; under whom served M. de Contades, M.
Chevert, and the count de Saint Germain, all officers of high character.
This formidable army passed the Rhine early in the spring, and marched
by Westphalia, in order to invade the king of Prussia’s dominions, in
quality of allies to the empress-queen, and guardians of the liberties
of the empire. But their real view was to invade Hanover, a scheme which
they knew would make a powerful diversion of the British force from the
prosecution of the war in other parts of the world, where the strength
of France could not be fully exerted, and where their most valuable
interests were at stake. They flattered themselves, moreover, that
the same blow, by which they hoped to crush the king of Prussia, might
likewise force his Britannic majesty into some concessions with regard
to America. The other army of the French, commanded by the prince de
Soubise, was destined to strengthen the imperial army of execution,
consisting of twenty-five thousand men, beside six thousand Bavarians,
and four thousand Wirtembergers. But before these troops, under Soubise,
passed the Rhine, they made themselves masters of several places
belonging to the king of Prussia, upon the borders of the low
Countries;* whilst a detachment from d’Etrées’s army seized upon the
town of Embden, and whatever else belonged to the same monarch in East
Friesland.

     * The king of Prussia had withdrawn his garrison from
     Cleves, not without suspicion of having purposely left this
     door open to the enemy, that their irruption into Germany
     might hasten the resolutions of the British ministry.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




STATE OF THE CONFEDERACY.

At the close of the last campaign, the king of Prussia, having gained
a petty advantage over the Imperialists under the command of mareschal
Brown, and incorporated into his own troops a great part of the Saxon
army taken prisoners at Pima, as was observed before, retired into
winter-quarters, until the season should permit him to improve these
advantages. His majesty and mareschal Keith wintered in Saxony, having
their cantonments between Pirna and the frontier along the Elbe; and
mareschal Schwerin, returning into Silesia, took up his quarters in the
country of Glatz. In the meantime, the empress-queen, finding the force
which she had sent out against the king of Prussia, was not sufficient
to prevent his designs, made the necessary requisitions to her allies,
for the auxiliaries they had engaged to furnish. In consequence of these
requisitions, the czarina, true to her engagements, despatched above an
hundred thousand of her troops, who began their march in the month
of November, and proceeded to the borders of Lithuania, with design
particularly to invade Ducal Prussia, whilst a strong fleet was equipped
in the Baltic, to aid the operations of this numerous army. The Austrian
army, assembled in Bohemia, amounted to upwards of fourscore thousand
men, commanded by prince Charles of Lorraine and mareschal Brown. The
Swedes had not yet openly declared themselves; but it was well known,
that though their king was allied in blood and inclination to
his Prussian majesty, yet the jealousy which the senate of Sweden
entertained of their sovereign, and the hope of recovering their ancient
possessions in Pomerania, by means of the present troubles, together
with their old attachment to France, newly cemented by intrigues and
subsidies, would certainly induce them to join the general confederacy.
The duke of Mecklenburgh took the same party, and agreed to join the
Swedish army, when it should be assembled, with six thousand men.
Besides all these preparations against the king of Prussia, he was, in
his quality of elector of Brandenburgh, put under the ban of the empire
by the Aulic council; declared deprived of all his rights, privileges,
and prerogatives; his fiefs were escheated into the exchequer of
the empire; and all the circles accordingly ordered to furnish their
respective contingencies for putting this sentence in execution.

In this dangerous situation, thus menaced on all sides, and seemingly on
the very brink of inevitable destruction, the Prussian monarch owed his
preservation to his own courage and activity. The Russians, knowing that
the country they were to pass through in their way to Lithuania would
not be able to subsist their prodigious numbers, had taken care to
furnish themselves with provisions for their march, depending upon the
resources they expected to find in Lithuania after their arrival in that
country. These provisions were exhausted by the time they reached the
borders of that province, where they found themselves suddenly and
unexpectedly destitute of subsistence, either to return back or to
proceed forward. The king of Prussia had, with great prudence and
foresight, secured plenty to himself, and distress and famine to his
enemies, by buying up all the corn and forage of the country which these
last were entering. Notwithstanding these precautions, his Prussian
majesty, to guard as much as could be against every possible event, sent
a great number of gunners and matrasses from Pomerania to Memel, with
three regiments of his troops, to reinforce the garrison of that place.
He visited all the posts which his troops possessed in Silesia, and gave
the necessary orders for their security. He repaired to Neiss, where he
settled with mareschal Schwerin the general plan of the operations of
the approaching campaign. There it was agreed, that the mareschal’s
army in Silesia, which consisted of fifty thousand men, should have in
constant view the motions of the royal army, by which its own were to be
regulated, that they might both act in concert, as circumstances should
require. At the same time, other armies were assembled by the king of
Prussia in Lusatia and Voigt-land; twenty thousand men were collected at
Zwickaw, on the frontiers of Bohemia, towards Egra, under the command of
prince Maurice of Anhault-Dessau; and sixty thousand chosen troops
began their march towards Great Seidlitz, where their head quarters
were settled. In the meanwhile, the Austrian troops began to form on the
frontiers of Saxony, where some of their detachments appeared, to
watch the motions of the Prussians, who still continued to pursue their
operations with great activity and resolution. All possible care was
taken by the Prussians at Dresden to secure a retreat in case of a
defeat. As only one regiment of Prussians could be spared to remain
there in garrison, the burghers were disarmed, their arms deposited in
the arsenal, and a detachment was posted at Konigstein, to oblige that
fortress to observe a strict neutrality. All correspondence with the
enemy was strictly prohibited; and it having been discovered that the
countess of Ogilvie, one of the queen’s maids of honour, had
disobeyed his majesty’s commands, she was arrested; but on the queen’s
intercession afterwards released. The countess of Bruhl, lady of the
Saxon prime minister, was also arrested by his Prussian majesty’s
order; and on her making light of her confinement, and resolving to see
company, she was ordered to quit the court, and retire from Saxony. M.
Henwin, the French minister, was told that his presence was unnecessary
at Dresden; and on his replying, that his master had commanded him to
stay, he was again desired to depart; on which he thought proper to
obey. The count de Wackerbath, minister of the cabinet, and grand
master of the household to the prince royal of Poland, was arrested, and
conducted to Custrin, by the express command of his majesty. The king of
Prussia, having thrown two bridges over the Elbe, early in the spring,
ordered the several districts of the electorate of Saxony to supply him
with a great number of waggons, each drawn by four horses. The circles
of Misnia and Leipsic were enjoined to furnish four hundred each, and
the other circles in proportion.




SKIRMISHES BETWEEN THE PRUSSIANS AND AUSTRIANS.

While the king of Prussia was taking these measures in Saxony, two
skirmishes happened on the frontiers of Bohemia, between his troops
and the Austrians. On the twentieth of February, a body of six thousand
Austrians surrounded the little town of Hirschfeld, in Upper Lusatia,
garrisoned by a battalion of Prussian foot. The first attack was made
at four in the morning, on two redoubts without the gates, each of which
was defended by two field pieces: and though the Austrians were several
times repulsed, they at last made themselves masters of one of the
redoubts, and carried off the two pieces of cannon. In their retreat
they were pursued by the Prussians, who fell upon their rear, killed
some, and took many prisoners: this affair cost the Austrians at least
five hundred men. About a fortnight after, the prince of Bevern marched
out of Zittau, with a body of near nine thousand men, in order to
destroy the remaining strongholds possessed by the Austrians on the
frontiers. In this expedition he took the Austrian magazine at Friedland
in Bohemia, consisting of nine thousand sacks of meal, and great store
of ammunition; and after making himself master of Reichenberg, he
returned to Zittau. The van of his troops, consisting of an hundred
and fifty hussars of the regiment of Putkammer, met with a body of six
hundred Croats, sustained by two hundred Austrian dragoons of Bathiania,
at their entering Bohemia; and immediately fell upon them sword in hand,
killed about fifty, took thirty horses, and made ten dragoons prisoners.
The Prussians, it is said, did not lose a single man on this occasion;
and two soldiers only were slightly wounded, the Austrians having made
but a slight resistance.




NEUTRALITY OF THE EMPEROR, AND BEHAVIOUR OF THE DUTCH.

Whatever the conduct of the court of Vienna might have been to the
allies of Great Britain, still, however, proper regard was shown to the
subjects of this crown: for an edict was published at Florence on the
thirteenth of February, wherein his imperial majesty, as grand duke
of Tuscany, declared his intention of observing the most scrupulous
neutrality in the then situation of affairs. All the ports in that duchy
were accordingly enjoined to pay a strict regard to this declaration, in
all cases relating to the French or English ships in the Mediterranean.
The good effects of this injunction soon appeared; for two prizes taken
by the English having put into Porto Ferraro, the captains of two French
privateers addressed themselves to the governor, alleging, that they
were captures of a pirate, and requesting that they might be obliged
to put to sea; but the governor prudently replied, that as they came in
under English colours he would protect them, and forbade the privateers,
at their peril, to commit any violence. They, however, little regarding
the governor’s orders, prepared for sailing, and sent their boats to cut
out one of the prizes, The captain, firing at their boats, killed one
of their men, which, alarming the sentinels, notice was sent to the
governor; and he, in consequence, ordered the two privateers immediately
to depart.--The conduct of the Dutch was rather cautious than spirited.
Whilst his Prussian majesty was employed on the side of Bohemia
and Saxony, the French auxiliaries began their march to harass his
defenceless territories in the neighbourhood of the Low Countries.
A free passage was demanded of the states-general through Namur and
Maastricht, for the provisions, ammunition, and artillery belonging to
this new army; and though the English ambassador remonstrated against
their compliance, and represented it as a breach of the neutrality
their high mightinesses declared they would observe, yet, after some
hesitation, the demand was granted; and their inability to prevent the
passage of the French troops, should it be attempted by force, pleaded
in excuse of their conduct.

Scarce had the French army, commanded by the prince de Soubise, set foot
in the territories of Juliers and Cologn, when they found themselves in
possession of the duchy of Cloves and the country of Marck, where all
things were left open to them, the Prussians, who evacuated their
posts, taking their route along the river Lippe, in order to join some
regiments from Magdeburgh, who were sent to facilitate their retreat.
The distressed inhabitants, thus exposed to the calamities of war from
an unprovoked enemy, were instantly ordered to furnish contributions,
forage, and provisions for the use of their invaders; and what was still
more terrifying to them, the partisan Fischer, whose cruelties the last
war they still remembered with horror, was again let loose upon them by
the inhumanity of the empress-queen. Wesel was immediately occupied by
the French; Emmerick and Maseyk soon shared the same fate; and the city
of Gueldres was besieged, the Prussians seeming resolved to defend this
last place; to which end they opened the sluices, and laid the country
under water. Those who retreated, filing off to the north-west of
Paderborn, entered the county of Ritberg, the property of count Caunitz
Ritberg, great chancellor to the empress-queen. After taking his castle,
in which they found thirty pieces of cannon, they raised contributions
in the district to the amount of forty thousand crowns. As the Prussians
retired, the French took possession of the country they quitted in
the name of the empress-queen, whose commissary attended them for that
purpose. The general rendezvous of these troops, under prince Soubise,
was appointed at Neuss, in the electorate of Cologn, where a large body
of French was assembled by the first of April. The Austrians, in their
turn, were not idle. Mareschal Brown visited the fortifications of Brinn
and Koninsgratz; reviewed the army of the late prince Picolomini, now
under the command of general Serbelloni; and put his own army in
march for Kostlitz on the Elbe, where he proposed to establish his
headquarters.




DECLARATION OF THE CZARINA AGAINST THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

During the recess of the armies, while the rigours of winter forced them
to suspend their hostile operations, and the greatest preparations were
making to open the campaign with all possible vigour, count Bestucheff,
great chancellor of Russia, wrote a circular letter to the primate,
senators, and ministers of the republic of Poland, setting forth, “That
the empress of Russia was extremely affected with the king of Poland’s
distress, which she thought could not but excite the compassion of
all other powers, but more especially of his allies: that the fatal
consequences which might result from the rash step by the king of
Prussia, not only with respect to the tranquillity of Europe in
general, but of each power in particular, and more especially of the
neighbouring countries, were so evident, that the interest and safety of
the several princes rendered it absolutely necessary they should make it
a common cause; not only to obtain proper satisfaction for those courts
whose dominions had been so unjustly attacked, but likewise to prescribe
such bounds to the king of Prussia as might secure them from any future
apprehensions from so enterprising and restless a neighbour: that with
this view the empress was determined to assist the king of Poland with
a considerable body of troops, which were actually upon their march,*
under the command of general Apraxin; and that, as there would be an
absolute necessity for their marching through part of the territories
of Poland, her imperial majesty hoped the republic would not fail to
facilitate their march as much as possible.”

     * This letter was written in December, and the Russians, as
     we observed before, began their march in November.

She further recommended to the republic, to take some salutary measures
for frustrating the designs of the king of Prussia, and restoring
harmony among themselves, as the most conducive measure to these good
purposes. In this, however, the Poles were so far from following her
advice, that, though sure of being sacrificed in this contest, which
side soever prevailed, they divided into parties with no less zeal than
if they had as much to hope from the prevalence of one side, as to fear
from that of the other. Some of the Palatines were for denying a
passage to the Russians, and others were for affording them the utmost
assistance in their power. With this cause of contention, others of a
more private nature fatally concurred, by means of a misunderstanding
between the prince Czartorinski and count Muisnec. Almost every
inhabitant of Warsaw was involved in the quarrel; and the violence
of these factions was so great that scarce a night passed without
bloodshed, many dead bodies, chiefly Saxons, being found in the streets
every morning.

In the meantime, Great Britain, unsettled in her ministry and councils
at home, unsuccessful in her attempts abroad, judging peace, if it
could be obtained on just and honourable terms, more eligible than a
continental war, proposed several expedients to the empress-queen
for restoring the tranquillity of Germany; but her answer was, “That
whenever she perceived that the expedients proposed would indemnify
her for the extraordinary expenses she had incurred in her own defence,
repair the heavy losses sustained by her ally the king of Poland, and
afford a proper security for their future safety, she would be ready
to give the same proofs she had always given of her desire to restore
peace; but it could not be expected she should listen to expedients of
which the king of Prussia was to reap the whole ad vantage, after having
begun the war, and wasted the dominions of a prince, who relied for
his security upon the faith of treaties, and the appearance of harmony
between them.” Upon the receipt of this answer, the court of London made
several proposals to the czarina, to interpose as mediatrix between
the courts of Vienna and Berlin, but they were rejected with marks
of displeasure and resentment. When sir Charles Hanbury Williams, the
British ambassador, continued to urge his solicitations very strongly,
and even with some hints of menaces, an answer was delivered to him,
by order of the empress, purporting, “That her imperial majesty was
astonished at his demand, after he had already been made acquainted with
the measures she had taken to effect a reconciliation between the courts
of Vienna and Berlin. He might easily conceive, as matters were
then situated, that the earnestness with which he now urged the same
propositions, must necessarily surprise her imperial majesty, as
it showed but little regard to her former declaration. The empress,
therefore, commanded his excellency to be told, that as her intentions
contained in her first answer remained absolutely invariable, no
ulterior propositions for a mediation would be listened to; and that as
for the menaces made use of by his excellency, and particularly that the
king of Prussia himself would soon attack the Russian army, such threats
served only to weaken the ambassador’s proposals; to confirm still more,
were it possible, the empress in her resolutions; to justify them to the
whole world, and to render the king of Prussia more blameable.”




KING OF PRUSSIA ENTERS BOHEMIA.

The season now drawing on in which the troops of the contending powers
would be able to take the field, and the alarming progress of the
Russians being happily stopped, his Prussian majesty, whose maxim it
has always been to keep the seat of war as far as possible from his own
dominions, resolved to carry it into Bohemia, and there to attack the
Austrians on all sides. To this end he ordered his armies in Saxony,
Misnia, Lusatia, and Silesia, to enter Bohemia in four different and
op-opposite places, nearly at the same time. The first of these he
commanded in person, assisted by mareschal Keith; the second was led
by prince Maurice of Anhault-Dessau, the third by prince Ferdinand of
Brunswick-Bevern, and the fourth by mareschal Schwerin. In consequence
of this plan, mareschal Schwerin’s army entered Bohemia on the
eighteenth of April, in five columns, at as many different places.
The design was so well concerted, that the Austrians had not the least
suspicion of their approach until they were past the frontiers, and
then they filled the dangerous defile of Guelder-Oesle with pandours,
to dispute that passage; but they were no sooner discovered than two
battalions of Prussian grenadiers attacked them with their bayonets
fixed, and routed them. The prince of Anhault passed the frontiers
from Misnia, and penetrated into Bohemia on the twenty-first of April,
without any resistance. The prince of Bevern, on the twentieth of the
same month, having marched at the head of a body of the army, which
was in Lusatia, from the quarters of cantonment near Zittau, possessed
himself immediately of the first post on the frontier of Bohemia, at
Krouttau and Grasenstein, without the loss of a single man; drove away
the enemy the same day from Kratzen, and proceeded to Machendorf, near
Reichenberg. The same morning Putkammer’s hussars, who formed part of
a corps, commanded by a colonel and major, routed some hundreds of the
enemy’s cuirassiers, posted before Kolin, under the conduct of prince
Lichenstein, took three officers and upwards of sixty horse prisoners,
and so dispersed the rest, that they were scarcely able to rally near
Kratzen. Night coming on obliged the troops to remain in the open air
till the next morning, when, at break of day, the Prussians marched
in two columns by Habendorf, towards the enemy’s army, amounting to
twenty-eight thousand men, commanded by count Konigsegg, and posted near
Roichenberg. As soon as the troops were formed, they advanced towards
the enemy’s cavalry, drawn up in three lines of about thirty squadrons.
The two wings were sustained by the infantry, which was posted among
felled trees and intrenchments. The Prussians immediately cannonaded the
enemy’s cavalry, who received it with resolution, having on their right
hand a village, and on their left a wood whore they had intrenched
themselves. But the prince of Bevern having caused fifteen squadrons of
dragoons of the second line to advance, and the wood on his right to be
attacked at the same time by the battalions of grenadiers of Kahlden
and of Moellendorf, and by the regiment of the prince of Prussia, his
dragoons, who, by clearing the ground and possessing the intrenchment,
had their flanks covered, entirely routed the enemy’s cavalry. In the
meantime colonel Putkammer and major Schenfield, with their hussars,
though flanked by the enemy’s artillery, gave the Austrian horse
grenadiers a very warm reception, whilst general Lestewitz, with
the left wing of the Prussians, attacked the redoubts that covered
Reichenberg. Though there were many defiles and rising grounds to pass,
all occupied by the Austrians, yet the regiment of Darmstadt forced the
redoubt, and put to flight and pursued the enemy, after some discharge
of their artillery and small arms, from one eminence to another, for the
distance of a mile, when they left off the pursuit. The action began at
half an hour after six, and continued till eleven. About one thousand
of the Austrians were killed and wounded; among the former were general
Porporati and count Hohenfelds, and among the latter prince Lichtenstein
and count Mansfeld. Twenty of their officers, and four hundred soldiers,
were taken prisoners, and they also lost three standards. On the side of
the Prussians seven subalterns and about an hundred men were killed, and
sixteen officers and an hundred and fifty men wounded. After this battle
mareschal Schwerin joined the prince of Bevern, made himself master of
the greatest part of the circle of Buntzlau, and took a considerable
magazine from the Austrians, whom he dislodged. The prince
Anhault-Dessau, with his corps, drew near the king of Prussia’s army;
then the latter advanced as far as Budin, from whence the Austrians who
had an advantageous camp there, retired to Westwarn, half way between
Budin and Prague; and his Prussian majesty having passed the Egra, his
army, and that of mareschal Schwerin, were so situated, as to be able to
act jointly.

These advantages were but a prelude to a much more decisive victory,
which the king himself gained a few days after. Preparing to enter
Bohemia, at a distance from any of the corps commanded by his generals,
he made a movement as if he had intended to march towards Egra. The
enemy, deceived by this feint, and imagining he was going to execute
some design, distinct from the object of the other armies, detached
a body of twenty thousand men to observe his motions; then he made
a sudden and masterly movement to the left, by which he cut off
all communication between that detachment and the main army of the
Austrians, which, having been reinforced by the army of Moravia, by the
remains of the corps lately defeated by the prince of Bevern, and by
several regiments of the garrison of Prague, amounted to near a hundred
thousand men. They were strongly intrenched on the banks of the Moldaw,
to the north of Prague, in a camp so fortified by every advantage
of nature, and every contrivance of art, as to be deemed almost
impregnable. The left wing of the Austrians, thus situated, was guarded
by the mountains of Ziscka, and the right extended as far as Herboholi;
prince Charles of Lorraine, and mareschal Brown, who commanded them,
seemed determined to maintain this advantageous post; but the king of
Prussia overlooked all difficulties. Having thrown several bridges over
the Moldaw on the fifth of May, he passed that river in the morning of
the sixth, with thirty thousand men, leaving the rest of the army under
the command of the prince of Anhault-Dessau; and being immediately
joined by the troops under mareschal Schwerin and the prince of Bevern,
resolved to attack the enemy on the same day. In consequence of this
resolution, his army filed off on the left by Potschernitz; and at the
same time count Brown wheeled to the right, to avoid being flanked. The
Prussians continued their march to Richwitz, traversing several defiles
and morasses, which for a little time separated the infantry from the
rest of the army. The foot began the attack too precipitately, and were
at first repulsed, but they soon recovered themselves. While the king of
Prussia took the enemy in flank, mareschal Schwerin advanced to a marshy
ground, which suddenly stopping his army, threatened to disconcert the
whole plan of operation. In this emergency, he immediately dismounted,
and taking the standard of the regiment in his hand, boldly entered the
morass, crying out, “Let all brave Prussians follow me.” Inspired by the
example of this great commander, now eighty-two years of age, all the
troops pressed forward, and though he was unfortunately killed by the
first fire, their ardour abated not till they had totally defeated the
enemy. Thus fell mareschal Schwerin, loaded with years and glory, an
officer whose superior talents in the military art had been displayed
in a long course of faithful service. In the meantime, the Prussian
infantry, which had been separated in the march, forming themselves
afresh, renewed the attack on the enemy’s right, and entirely broke it,
while their cavalry, after three charges, obliged that of the Austrians
to retire in great confusion, the centre being at the same time totally
routed. The left wing of the Prussians then marched immediately towards
Michely, and being there joined by the horse, renewed their attack,
while the enemy were retreating hastily towards Saszawar. Meanwhile the
troops on the right of the Prussian army attacked the remains of the
left wing of the Aus-trians, and made themselves masters of three
batteries. But the behaviour of the infantry in the last attack was so
successful, as to leave little room for this part of the cavalry to act.
Prince Henry of Prussia, and the prince of Bevern, signalized themselves
on this occasion in storming two batteries; prince Ferdinand of
Brunswick took the left wing of the Austrians in flank, while the king
with his left, and a body of cavalry, secured the passage of the Moldaw.
In short, after a very long and obstinate engagement, and many signal
examples of valour on both sides, the Austrians were forced to abandon
the field of battle, leaving behind sixty pieces of cannon, all their
tents, baggage, military chest, and, in a word, their whole camp. The
weight of the battle fell upon the right wing of the Austrians, the
remains of which, to the amount of ten or twelve thousand men, fled
towards Beneschau, where they afterwards assembled under M. Pretlach,
general of horse. The infantry retired towards Prague, and threw
themselves into that city with their commanders, prince Charles of
Lorraine, and mareschal Brown; but they were much harassed in their
retreat by a detachment of the Prussians under mareschal Keith. The
Prussians took, on this occasion, ten standards, and upwards of four
thousand prisoners, thirty of whom were officers of rank. Their loss
amounted to about two thousand five hundred killed, and about three
thousand wounded. Among the former were general d’Amstel, the prince of
Holstein-Beck, the colonels Goltze and Manstein, and lieutenant-colonel
Boke. Among the latter, the generals Wenterfield, De la Mothe, Feuque,
Hautcharmoy, Blankensee and Plettenberg. The number of the killed and
wounded on the side of the Austrians was much greater. Among these last
was mareschal Brown, who received a wound, which, from the chagrin he
suffered, rather than from its own nature, proved mortal. The clay after
the battle, colonel Meyer was detached with a battalion of Prussian
pandours, and four hundred hussars, to destroy a very considerable
and valuable magazine of the Austrians at Pilsen, and this service lie
performed. He also completed the destruction of several others of
less importance; by the loss of which, however, all possibility of
subsistence was cut off from any succours the Austrians might have
expected from the empire.




PRAGUE INVESTED.

The Prussians, following their blow, immediately invested Prague on both
sides of the river, the king commanding on one side, and mareschal Keith
on the other. In four days the whole city was surrounded with lines and
intrenchments, by which all communication from without was entirely cut
off: prince Charles of Lorraine and mareschal Brown, the two princes
of Saxony, the prince of Modena, the duke d’Aremberg, count Lascy, and
several other persons of great distinction, were shut up within the
walls, together with above twenty thousand of the Austrian army, who had
taken refuge in Prague after their defeat. Every thing continued quiet
on both sides, scarce a cannon-shot being fired by either for some time
after this blockade was formed; and in the meanwhile the Prussians made
themselves masters of Cziscaberg, an eminence which commands the
town, where the Austrians had a strong redoubt, continuing likewise to
strengthen their works. Already they had made a sally, and taken some
other ineffectual steps to recover this post; but a more decisive
stroke was necessary. Accordingly, a design was formed of attacking the
Prussian army in the night with a body of twelve thousand men, to be
sustained by all the grenadiers, volunteers, pandours, and Hungarian
infantry. In case an impression could be made on the king’s lines,
it was intended to open a way, sword in hand, through the camp of the
besiegers, and to ease Prague of the multitude of forces locked up
useless within the walls, serving only to consume the provisions of the
garrison, and hasten the surrender of the place. Happily a deserter gave
the prince of Prussia intelligence of the enemy’s design about eleven
o’clock at night. Proper measures were immediately taken for their
reception, and, in less than a quarter of an hour, the whole army was
under arms. This design was conducted with so much silence, that though
the Prussians were warned of it, they could, discover nothing before the
enemy had charged their advanced posts. Their attack was begun on the
side of the little town, against mareschal Keith’s camp, and the left
wing of the Prussian army encamped on the Moldaw. From hence it is
probable the Austrians proposed not only to destroy the batteries that
were raising, but to attack the bridges of communication which the
Prussians threw over the Moldaw, at about a quarter of a German mile
above and below Prague, at Branig and Podbaba. The greatest alarm
began about two o’clock, when the enemy hoped to have come silently and
unexpectedly upon the miners, but they had left work about a quarter of
an hour before. At the report of the first piece which they fired, the
piquet of the third battalion of Prussian guards, to the number of
an hundred men, who marched out of the camp to sustain the body which
covered the works, was thrown into some confusion, from the darkness of
the night, which prevented their distinguishing the Austrian troops from
their own. Lieutenant Jork, detached with two platoons to reconnoitre
the enemy, attempting to discover their disposition by kindling a
fire, captain Rodig, by the light of this fire, perceived the enemy’s
situation, immediately formed the design of falling upon them in flank,
and gave orders to his men to fire in platoons, which they performed,
mutually repeating the signal given by their commander. The enemy fled
with the greater precipitation, as they were ignorant of the weakness
of the piquet, and as the shouting of the Prussian soldiers made them
mistake it for a numerous body. Many of them deserted, many took shelter
in Prague, and many more were driven into the river and drowned. At the
same time this attack began, a regiment of horse-grenadiers fell upon
a redoubt which the Prussians had thrown up, supported by the Hungarian
infantry: they returned three times to the assault, and were as often
beat back by the Prussians, whom they found it impossible to dislodge;
though prince Ferdinand of Brunswick’s battalion, which guarded this
post, suffered extremely. During this attack the enemy kept an incessant
fire with their musquetry upon the whole front of the Prussians, from
the convent of St. Margaret to the river. At three in the morning the
Prussians quitted their camp to engage the enemy. The battalion of
Pannewitz attacked a building called the Red-house, situated at the
bottom of a declivity, before Wellastowitz. The pandours who had taken
possession of this house, fired upon them incessantly from all the doors
and windows until they were dislodged; and the Prussian battalions were
obliged to sustain the fire both of cannon and musquetry for above two
hours, when the enemy retired to the city, except the pandours, who
again took possession of the Red-house, which the Prussians were forced
to abandon, because the artillery of Prague kept a continual fire upon
it from the moment it was known to be in their hands. The Austrians left
behind them many dead and wounded, besides deserters; and the Prussians,
notwithstanding the loss of several officers and private men, made some
prisoners. Prince Ferdinand, the king of Prussia’s youngest brother, had
a horse killed under Mm, and was slightly wounded in the face.

The Prussian works being completed, and heavy artillery arrived, four
batteries, erected on the banks of the Moldaw, began to play with great
fury. Near three hundred bombs, besides an infinity of ignited balls,
were thrown into the city in the space of twenty-four hours. The scene
was lamentable, houses, men, and horses wrapped in flames and reduced to
ashes. The confusion within, together with the want of proper artillery
and ammunition, obliged the Austrians to cease firing, and furnished
his Prussian majesty with all the opportunity he could wish of pouring
destruction upon this unfortunate city. The horrors of war seemed to
have extinguished the principles of humanity. No regard was paid to
the distress of the inhabitants; the Austrians obstinately maintained
possession, and the Prussians practised every stratagem, every barbarous
refinement, that constitutes the military art, to oblige them to
capitulate. After the conflagration had lasted three days, and consumed
a prodigious number of buildings, the principal inhabitants, burghers,
and clergy, perceiving their city on the point of being reduced to a
heap of rubbish, besought the commander, in a body, to hearken to terms;
but he was deaf to the voice of pity, and, instead of being moved with
their supplications, drove out twelve thousand persons, the least useful
in defending the city. These, by order of his Prussian majesty, were
again forced back, which soon produced so great a scarcity of provisions
within the walls, that the Austrians were reduced to the necessity of
eating horseflesh, forty horses being daily distributed to the troops,
and the same food sold at four-pence a pound to the inhabitants.
However, as there still remained great abundance of corn, they were
far from being brought to the last extremity. Two vigorous and
well-conducted sallies were made, but they proved unsuccessful. The only
advantage resulting from them, was the perpetual alarm in which they
kept the Prussian camp, and the vigilance required to guard against the
attacks of a numerous, resolute, and desperate garrison.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




COUNT DAUN COMMANDS THE AUSTRIANS.

Whatever difficulties might have attended the conquest of Prague,
certain it is, that the affairs of the empress-queen were in the most
critical and desperate situation. Her grand army dispersed in parties,
and dying for subsistence in small corps; their princes and commanders
cooped up in Prague; that capital in imminent danger of being taken,
the flourishing kingdom of Bohemia ready to fall into the hands of the
conqueror; a considerable army on the point of surrendering prisoners
of war; all the queen’s hereditary dominions open and exposed, the whole
fertile tract of country from Egra to the Moldaw in actual possession
of the Prussians, the distance to the archduchy of Austria not very
considerable, and secured only by the Danube; Vienna under the utmost
apprehensions of a siege, and the imperial family ready to take refuge
in Hungary; the Prussian forces deemed invincible, and the sanguine
friends of that monarch already sharing with him, in imagination, the
spoils of the ancient and illustrious house of Austria. Such was the
aspect of affairs, and such the difficulties to be combated, when
Leopold, count Daun, was appointed to the command of the Austrian
forces, to stem the torrent of disgrace, and turn the fortune of the
war. This general, tutored by long experience under the best officers of
Europe, and the particular favourite of the great Kevenhuller, was now,
for the first time, raised to act in chief, at the head of an army,
on which depended the fate of Austria and the empire. Born of a noble
family, he relied solely upon his own merit, without soliciting court
favour; he aspired after the highest preferment, and succeeded by mere
dint of superior worth. His progress from the station of a subaltern was
slow and silent; his promotion to the chief command was received with
universal esteem and applause. Cautious, steady, penetrating, and
sagacious, he was opposed as another Fabius to the modern Hannibal, to
check the fire and vigour of that monarch by prudent foresight and wary
circumspection. Arriving at Romischbrod, within a few miles of Prague,
the day after the late defeat, he halted to collect the fugitive corps
and broken remains of the Austrian army, and soon drew together a force
so considerable as to attract the notice of his Prussian majesty,
who detached the prince of Bevern, with twenty battalions, and thirty
squadrons, to attack him before numbers should render him formidable.
Daun was too prudent to give battle, with dispirited troops, to an army
flushed with victory. He retired on the first advice that the Prussians
were advancing, and took post at Kolin, where he intrenched himself
strongly, opened the way for the daily supply of recruits sent to
his army, and inspired the garrison of Prague with fresh courage, in
expectation of being soon relieved. Here he kept close within his camp,
divided the Prussian force, by obliging the king to employ near half
his army in watching his designs, weakened his efforts against Prague,
harassed the enemy by cutting off their convoys, and restored by degrees
the languishing and almost desponding spirits of his troops. Perfectly
acquainted with the ardour and discipline of the Prussian forces, with
the enterprising and impetuous disposition of that monarch, and sensible
that his situation would prove irksome and embarrassing to the enemy,
he improved it to the best advantage, seemed to foresee all the
consequences, and directed every measure to produce them. Thus he
retarded the enemy’s operations, and assiduously avoided precipitating
an action until the Prussian vigour should be exhausted, their strength
impaired by losses and desertion, the first fire and ardour of their
genius extinguished by continual fatigue and incessant alarms, and until
the impression made on his own men, by the late defeat, should in some
degree be effaced. The event justified Daun’s conduct. His army grew
every day more numerous, while his Prussian majesty began to express the
utmost impatience at the length of the siege. When that monarch first
invested Prague, it was on the presumption that the numerous forces
within the walls would, by consuming all the provisions, oblige it to
surrender in a few days; but perceiving that the Austrians had still
a considerable quantity of corn, that count Daun’s army was daily
increasing, and would soon be powerful enough not only to cope with the
detachment under the prince of Bevern, but in a condition to raise the
siege, he determined to give the count battle with one part of his army,
while he kept Prague blocked up with the other. The Austrians, amounting
now to sixty thousand men, were deeply intrenched, and defended by a
numerous train of artillery, placed on redoubts and batteries erected
on the most advantageous posts. Every accessible part of the camp was
fortified with lines and heavy pieces of battering cannon, and the foot
of the hills secured by difficult defiles. Yet, strong as this situation
might appear, formidable as the Austrian forces certainly were, his
Prussian majesty undertook to dislodge them with a body of horse and
foot not exceeding thirty-two thousand men.




KING OF PRUSSIA DEFEATED AT KOLIN.

On the thirteenth day of June, the king of Prussia quitted the camp
before Prague, escorted by a few battalions and squadrons, with which he
joined the prince of Bevern at Milkowitz, Mareschal Keith, it is said,
strenuously opposed this measure, and advised either raising the siege
entirely, and attacking the Austrians with the united forces of Prussia,
or postponing the attack on the camp at Kolin, until his majesty should
either gain possession of the city, or some attempts should be made to
oblige him to quit his posts. From either measure an advantage would
have resulted. With his whole army he might probably have defeated count
Daun, or at least have obliged him to retreat. Had he continued within
his lines at Prague, the Austrian general could not have constrained him
to raise the siege without losing his own advantageous situation,
and giving battle upon terms nearly equal. But the king, elated with
success, impetuous in his valour, and confident of the superiority of
his own troops in point of discipline, thought all resistance must sink
under the weight of his victorious arm, and yield to that courage which
had already surmounted such difficulties, disregarded the mareschal’s
sage counsel, and inarched up to the attack undaunted, and even assured
of success. By the eighteenth the two armies were in sight, and his
majesty found that count Daun had not only fortified his camp with all
the heavy cannon of Olmutz, but was strongly reinforced with troops from
Moravia and Austria, which had joined him after the king’s departure
from Prague. He found the Austrians drawn up in three lines upon the
high grounds between Gen-litz, and St. John the Baptist. Difficult as it
was to approach their situation, the Prussian infantry marched up with
firmness, while shot was poured like hail from the enemy’s batteries,
and began the attack about three in the afternoon. They drove the
Austrians with irresistible intrepidity from two eminences secured with
heavy cannon, and two villages defended by several battalions; but, in
attacking the third eminence, were flanked by the Austrian cavalry, by
grape-shot poured from the batteries; and, after a violent conflict, and
prodigious loss of men, thrown into disorder. Animated with the king’s
presence, they rallied, and returned with double ardour to the charge,
but were a second time repulsed. Seven times successively did prince
Ferdinand renew the attack, performing every duty of a great general and
valiant soldier, though always with the same fortune. The inferiority
of the Prussian infantry, the disadvantages of ground, where the cavalry
could not act, the advantageous situation of the enemy, their numerous
artillery, their intrenchments, numbers, and obstinacy, joined to the
skill and conduct of their general, all conspired to defeat the hopes of
the Prussians, to surmount their valour, and oblige them to retreat. The
king then made a last and furious effort, at the head of the cavalry,
on the enemy’s left wing, but with as little success as all the former
attacks. Every effort was made, and every attempt was productive only
of greater losses and misfortunes. At last, after exposing his person in
the most perilous situations, his Prussian majesty drew off his forces
from the field of battle, retiring in such good order, in sight of the
enemy, as prevented a pursuit, or the loss of his artillery and baggage.
Almost all the officers on either side distinguished themselves;
and count Daun, whose conduct emulated that of his Prussian majesty,
received two slight wounds, and had a horse killed under him. The losses
of both armies were very considerable; on that of the Prussians, the
killed and wounded amounted to eight thousand; less pernicious,
however, to his majesty’s cause than the frequent desertion, and other
innumerable ill consequences that ensued.

When the Prussian army arrived at Nimburgh, his majesty, leaving the
command with the prince of Be-vern, took horse, and, escorted by twelve
or fourteen hussars, set out for Prague, where he arrived next morning
without halting, after having been the whole preceding day on
horseback. Immediately he gave orders for sending off all his artillery,
ammunition, and baggage; these were executed with so much expedition,
that the tents were struck, and the army on their march, before the
garrison were informed of the king’s defeat. Thus terminated the battle
of Kolin and siege of Prague, in which the acknowledged errors of his
Prussian majesty were, in some measure, atoned by the candour with which
he owned his mistake, both in a letter to the earl mareschal, [419]
_[See note 3 I, at the end of this Vol.]_ and in conversation with
several of his general officers. Most people, indeed, imagined the king
highly blameable for checking the ardour of his troops to stop and lay
siege to Prague. They thought he should have pursued his conquests,
over-run Austria, Moravia, and all the hereditary dominions, from which
alone the empress-queen could draw speedy succours. A body of twenty or
thirty thousand men would have blocked up Prague, while the remainder
of the Prussian forces might have obliged the imperial family to retire
from Vienna, and effectually prevented count Daun from assembling
another army. It was universally expected he would have bent his march
straight to this capital; but he dreaded leaving the numerous army in
Prague behind, and it was of great importance to complete the conquest
of Bohemia. The prince of Prussia marched all night with his corps to
Nimburgh, where he joined the prince of Bevern, and mareschal Keith
retreated next day. Count Brown having died before, of the wounds he
received on the sixth of May, prince Charles of Lorraine sallied out
with a large body of Austrians, and attacked the rear of the Prussians;
but did no further mischief than killing about two hundred of their men.
The siege of Prague being thus raised, the imprisoned Austrians received
their deliverer, count Daun, with inexpressible joy, and their united
forces became greatly superior to those of the king of Prussia, who was
in a short time obliged to evacuate Bohemia, and take refuge in Saxony.
The Austrians harassed him as much as possible in his retreat; but their
armies, though superior in numbers, were not in a condition, from their
late sufferings, to make any decisive attempt upon him, as the frontiers
of Saxony abound with situations easily defended.




PREPARATIONS FOR THE DEFENCE OF HANOVER.

Having thus described the progress of the Prussians in Bohemia, we must
cast our eyes on the transactions which distinguished the campaign
in Westphalia. To guard against the storm which menaced Hanover in
particular, orders were transmitted thither to recruit the troops that
had been sent back from England, to augment each company, to remount
the cavalry with the utmost expedition; not to suffer any horses to be
conveyed out of the electorate; to furnish the magazines in that country
with all things necessary for fifty thousand men. Of these, twenty-six
thousand were to be Hanoverians, and, in consequence of engagements
entered into for that purpose, twelve thousand Hessians, six thousand
Brunswickers, two thousand Saxe-Gothans, and a thousand Lunenburghers,
to be joined by a considerable body of Prussians, the whole commanded
by his royal highness the duke of Cumberland. The king of England having
published a manifesto, dated at Hanover, specifying his motives for
taking the field in Westphalia, the troops of the confederated states
that were to compose the allied army, under the name of an army
of observation, began to assemble with all possible diligence near
Bielefeldt. Thither the generals, appointed to command the several
divisions, repaired to settle the plan of operations with their
commander, the duke of Cumberland, who having left London on the ninth
of April, arrived on the sixteenth at Hanover, and from thence repaired
to the army, which, having been joined by three Prussian regiments that
retired from Wesel, consisted of thirty-seven battalions and thirty-four
squadrons. Of these, six battalions and six squadrons were posted at
Bielefeldt, under the command of lieutenant-general baron de Sporcken;
six battalions, under lieutenant-general de Block, at Hervorden; six
battalions and four squadrons, under major-general Ledebour, between
Hervorden and Minden; seven battalions and ten squadrons, under
lieutenant-general d’Oberg, in the neighbourhood of Hamelen; and five
battalions and four squadrons, under major-general de Hauss, near
Nienburgh. The head-quarters of his royal highness were at Bielefeldt.




SKIRMISHES WITH THE FRENCH.

In the meantime, the French on the Lower Rhine continued filing off
incessantly. The siege of Gueldres was converted into a blockade,
occasioned by the difficulties the enemy found in raising batteries; and
a party of Hanoverians having passed the Weser, as well to ravage the
country of Paderborn as to reconnoitre the French, carried off several
waggons loaded with wheat and oats, destined for the territories of
the elector of Cologn. On the other hand, colonel Fischer having had
an engagement with a small body of Hanoverians, in the county of
Tecklenburgh, routed them, and made some prisoners. After several other
petty skirmishes between the French and the Hanoverians, the duke of
Cumberland altered the position of his camp, by placing it between
Bielefeldt and Hervorden, in hopes of frustrating the design of the
enemy; who, declining to attack him on the side of Bracwede, after
having reconnoitred his situation several days, made a motion on their
left, as if they meant to get between him and the Weser. This step
was no sooner taken, than, on the thirteenth of June in the afternoon,
having received advice that the enemy had caused a large body of troops,
followed by a second, to march on his right to Burghotte, he ordered
his army to march that evening towards Hervorden; and, at the same time,
major-general Hardenberg marched with four battalions of grenadiers,
and a regiment of horse, to reinforce that post. Count Schulenberg
covered the left of the march with a battalion of grenadiers, a regiment
of horse, and the light troops of Buckenburgh. The whole army marched
in two columns. The right, composed of horse, and followed by two
battalions, to cover their passage through the enclosures and defiles,
passed by the right of Bielefeldt; and the left, consisting of infantry,
marched by the left of the same town. The vanguard of the French army
attacked the rear guard of the allies, commanded by major-general
Einsiedel, very briskly, and at first put them into some confusion, but
they immediately recovered themselves. This was in the beginning of
the night. At break of day the enemy’s reinforcements returned to the
charge, but were again repulsed, nor could they once break through
lieutenant-colonel Al-feldt’s Hanoverian guards, which closed the army’s
march with a detachment of regular troops and a new raised corps of
hunters.




DUKE OF CUMBERLAND PASSES THE WESER.

The allies encamped at Cofeldt on the fourteenth, and remained there
all the next day, when the enemy’s detachments advanced to the gates
of Hervorden, and made a feint as if they would attack the town, after
having summoned it to surrender; but they retired without attempting
any thing further; and, in the meantime, the troops that were posted at
Hervorden, and formed the rear guard, passed the Weser on the side of
Remen, without any molestation, and encamped at Holtzuysen. A body of
troops which had been left at Bielefeldt, to cover the duke’s retreat,
after some skirmishes with the French, rejoined the army in the
neighbourhood of Herfort; and a few days after, his royal highness drew
near his bridges on the Weser, and sent over his artillery, baggage, and
ammunition. At the same time some detachments passed the river on
the right, between Minden and Oldendorp, and marked out a new camp
advantageously situated, having the Weser in front, and the right and
left covered with eminences and marshes. There the army under his royal
highness re-assembled, and the French fixed their head-quarters at
Bielefeldt, which the Hanoverians had quitted, leaving in it only a part
of a magazine, which had been set on fire. By this time the French were
in such want of forage, that M. d’Etrées himself, the princes of the
blood, and all the officers without exception, were obliged to send back
part of their horses. However, on the tenth of June, their whole army,
consisting of seventy battalions and forty squadrons, with fifty-two
pieces of cannon, besides a body of cavalry left at Ruremonde for the
conveniency of forage, was put in motion. In spite of almost impassable
forests, famine, and every other obstacle that could be thrown in their
way by a vigilant and experienced general, they at length surmounted
all difficulties, and advanced into a country abounding with plenty, and
unused to the ravages of war. It was imagined that the passage of the
Weser, which defends Hanover from foreign attacks, would have been
vigorously opposed by the army of the allies; but whether, in the
present situation of affairs, it was thought advisable to act only upon
the defensive, and not to begin the attack in a country that was not
concerned as a principal in the war, or the duke of Cumberland found
himself too weak to make head against the enemy, is a question we shall
not pretend to determine. However that may have been, the whole French
army passed the Weser on the tenth and eleventh of July, without the
loss of a man. The manner of effecting this passage is thus related:
mareschal d’Etrées, being informed that his magazines of provisions were
well furnished, his ovens established, and the artillery and pontoons
arrived at the destined places, ordered lieutenant-general Broglio, with
ten battalions, twelve squadrons, and ten pieces of cannon, to march
to Engheren; lieutenant-general M. de Chevert, with sixteen battalions,
three brigades of carabineers, the royal hunters, and six hundred
hussars, to march to Hervorden, and lieutenant-general marquis
d’Armentieres, with twelve battalions, and ten squadrons, to march to
Ulrickhausen. All these troops being arrived in their camp on the fourth
of July, halted the fifth. On the sixth, twenty-two battalions, and
thirty-two squadrons, under the command of the duke of Orleans, who
was now arrived at the army, inarched to Ulrickhausen, from whence M.
d’Armentieres had set out early in the morning, with the troops under
his command, and by hasty marches got on the seventh, by eleven at
night, to Blankenhoven, where he found the boats which had gone
from Ahrensberg. The bridges were built, the cannon planted, and the
intrenchments at the head of the bridges completed in the night between
the seventh and eighth. The mareschal having sent away part of his
baggage from Bielefeldt on the sixth, went in person on the seventh at
eleven o’clock to Horn, and on the eighth to Braket. On advice that M.
d’Armentieres had thrown his bridges across without opposition, and was
at work on his intrenchments, he went on the ninth to Blankenhoven, to
see the bridges and intrenchments; and afterwards advanced to examine
the first position he intended for this army, and came down to the right
side of the Weser to the abbey of Corvey, where he forded the river,
with the princes of the blood, and their attendants. On the tenth in the
morning he got on horseback by four o’clock, to see the duke of Orlean’s
division file off, which arrived at Corvey at ten o’clock; as also that
of M. d’Armentieres, which arrived at eleven, and that of M. Souvre,
which arrived at noon. The mareschal having examined the course of the
river, caused the bridges of pontoons to be laid within gunshot of the
abbey, where the viscount de Turenne passed that river in the year one
thousand six hundred and seventy-three, and where the divisions under
Broglio and Chevert now passed, it on the twelfth and thirteenth. These
two generals being informed of what was to be done upon the Upper Weser,
attacked Minden, and carried it, whilst a detachment of the French
entered the country of East Friesland, under the command of the marquis
d’Auvel; and, after taking possession of Lier, inarched on the right
side of the Ems to Embden, the only sea-port the king of Prussia had,
which at first seemed determined to make a defence; but the inhabitants
were not agreed upon the methods to be taken for that purpose. They
therefore met to deliberate, but in the meantime, their gates being
shut, M. d’Auvel caused some cannon to be brought to beat them down;
and the garrison, composed of four hundred Prussians, not being strong
enough to defend the town, the soldiers mutinied against their officers,
whereupon a capitulation was agreed on, and the gates were opened to the
French commander, who made his troops enter with a great deal of order,
assured the magistrates that care should be taken to make them observe
a good discipline, and published two ordinances, one for the security of
the religion and commerce of the city, and the other for prohibiting the
exportation of corn and forage out of that principality. The inhabitants
were; however, obliged to take an oath of allegiance to the French king.




BATTLE OF HASTENBECK.

On Sunday, the twenty-fourth of July, the French, after having laid
part of the electorate of Hanover under contribution, marched in three
columns, with their artillery, towards the village of Latford, when
major-general Furstenburgh, who commanded the out-ports in the village,
sent an officer to inform the duke of Cumberland of their approach. His
royal highness immediately reinforced those posts with a body of
troops, under the command of lieutenant-general Sporcken; but finding
it impossible to support the village, as it was commanded by the heights
opposite to it, which were possessed by the enemy, and being sensible
that it would be always in his power to retake it, from its situation
in a bottom between two hills, he withdrew his post from Latford. The
French then made two attacks, one at the point of the wood, and the
other higher up in the same wood, opposite to the grenadiers commanded
by major-general Hardenberg, but they failed in both; and though the
fire of their artillery was very hot, they were obliged to retire.
The French army encamping on the heights opposite to the duke of
Cumberland’s posts, the intelligence received, that M. d’Etrées had
assembled all his troops, and was furnished with a very considerable
train of artillery, left his royal highness no room to doubt of his
intending to attack him. He, therefore, resolved to change his camp for
a more advantageous situation, by drawing up his army on the eminence
between the Weser and the woods, leaving the Hamelen river on his right,
the village of Hasten-beck in his front, and his left close to the
wood, at the point of which his royal highness had a battery of twelve
pounders and haubitzers. There was a hollow way from the left of the
village to the battery, and a morass on the other side of Hastenbeck
to his right. Major-general Schulenberg, with the hunters, and two
battalions of grenadiers, was posted in the corner of the wood upon
the left of the battery; his royal highness ordered the village of
Hastenbeck to be cleared to his front, to prevent it being in the power
of the enemy to keep possession of it, and the ways by which the allies
had a communication with that village during their encampment to be
rendered impassable. In the evening-he withdrew all his outposts, and
in this position the army lay upon their arms all night. On the
twenty-fifth, in the morning, the French army marched forwards in
columns, and began to cannonade the allies very severely, marching and
counter-marching continually, and seeming to intend three attacks, on
the right, the left, and the centre. In the evening their artillery
appeared much superior to that of the allies. The army was again ordered
to lie all night on their arms; his royal highness caused a battery at
the end of the wood to be repaired; count Schulenberg to be reinforced
with a battalion of grenadiers, and two field pieces of cannon; and
that battery to be also supported by four more battalions of grenadiers,
under the command of major-general Hardenberg. He likewise caused a
battery to be erected of twelve six-pounders, behind the village of
Hastenbeck, and took all the precautions he could think of to give
the enemy a warm reception. As soon as it was day light, he mounted on
horseback to reconnoitre the position of the enemy, whom he found in the
same situation as the day before. At a little after five a very smart
cannonading began against the battery behind the village, which was
supported by the Hessian infantry and cavalry, who stood a most severe
fire with surprising steadiness and resolution. Between seven and eight
the firing of small arms began on the left of the allies, when his royal
highness ordered major-general Behr, with three battalions of Brunswick,
to sustain the grenadiers in the wood, if their assistance should be
wanted; The cannonading continued above six hours, during which the
troops, that were exposed to it, never once abated of their firmness.
The fire of the small arms on the left increasing, and the French
seeming to gain ground, his royal highness detached the colonels
Darkenhausen and Bredenbach, with three Hanoverian battalions and six
squadrons, round the wood by Afferde, who, towards the close of the day,
drove several squadrons of the enemy back to their army, without giving
them any opportunity to charge. At length the grenadiers in the wood,
apprehensive of being surrounded, from the great numbers of the enemy
that appeared there, and were marching round on that side, though they
repulsed every thing that appeared in their front, thought it advisable
to retire nearer the left of the army, a motion which gave the enemy an
opportunity of possessing themselves of that battery without opposition.
Here the hereditary prince of Brunswick distinguished himself at the
head of a battalion of Wolfenbuttle guards, and another of Hanoverians,
who attacked and repulsed, with their bayonets, a superior force of the
enemy, and retook the battery. But the French being in possession of an
eminence which commanded and flanked both the lines of the infantry and
the battery of the allies, and where they were able to support their
attack under the cover of a hill, his royal highness, considering the
superior numbers of the enemy, near double to his, and the impossibility
of dislodging them from their post, without exposing his own troops too
much, ordered a retreat; in consequence of which his army retired, first
to Hamelen, where he left a garrison, then to Nienburgh, and afterwards
to Hoya; in the neighbourhood of which town, after sending away all the
magazines, sick, and wounded, he encamped, in order to cover Bremen and
Verden, and to preserve a communication with Stade, to which place the
archives, and most valuable effects of Hanover had been removed. In
this engagement, colonel Bredenbach attacked four brigades very strongly
posted, with a battery of fourteen pieces of cannon, repulsed, and drove
them down a precipice, and took all their artillery and ammunition; but
preferring the care of his wounded to the glory of carrying away the
cannon, he brought off only six, nailing up and destroying the rest. The
loss of the allies in all the skirmishes, which lasted three days,
was three hundred and twenty-seven men killed, nine hundred and seven
wounded, and two hundred and twenty missing, or taken prisoners; whilst
that of the French, according to their own accounts, amounted to fifteen
hundred men.

The French, being left masters of the field, soon reduced Hamelen, which
was far from being well fortified, obliged the garrison to capitulate,
and took out of the town sixty brass cannon, several mortars, forty
ovens, part of the equipage of the duke’s army, and large quantities of
provisions and ammunition, which they found in it, together with a great
many sick and wounded, who, not being included in the capitulation, were
made prisoners of war. Whether the court of France had any reason to
find fault with the conduct of the mareschal d’Etrées, or whether
its monarch was blindly guided by the counsels of his favourite the
marquese de Pompadour, who, desirous to testify her gratitude to the
man who had been one of the chief instruments of her high promotion, was
glad of an opportunity to retrieve his shattered fortunes, and, at the
same time, to add to her own already immense treasures, we shall not
pretend to determine; though the event seems plainly to speak the last.
Even at the time, no comparison was made between the military skill of
the mareschal d’Etrées, and that of the duke de Richelieu; but, however
that may have been, this last, who, if he had not shone in the character
of a soldier, excelled all, or at least most of his contemporaries in
the more refined arts of a courtier, was, just before the battle we have
been speaking of, appointed to supersede the former in the command
of the French army in Lower Saxony, where he arrived on the sixth
of August, with the title of mareschal of France; and M. d’Etrees
immediately resigned the command.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE FRENCH TAKE POSSESSION OF HANOVER AND HESSE-CASSEL.

Immediately after the battle of Hastenbeck, the French sent a detachment
of four thousand men to lay under contribution the countries of Hanover
and Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel, as well as the duchies of Bremen and Verden;
and two days after the arrival of this new commander, the duke de
Chevreuse was detached with two thousand men to take possession of
Hanover itself, with the title of governor of that city. He accordingly
marched thither; and upon his arrival the Hanoverian garrison was
disarmed, and left at liberty to retire where they pleased. About the
same time M. de Con-tades, with a detachment from the French army, was
sent to make himself master of the territories of Hesse-Cassel, where
he found no opposition. He was met at Warberg by that prince’s master of
the horse, who declared, that they were ready to furnish the French
army with all the succours the country could afford; and accordingly the
magistrates of Cassel presented him with the keys as soon as he entered
their city. Gottingen was ordered by M. d’Armentieres to prepare for him
within a limited time, upon pain of military execution, four thousand
pounds of white bread, two thousand bushels of oats, a greater quantity
than could be found in the whole country, an hundred loads of hay, and
other provisions.




THE FRENCH REDUCE VERDEN and BREMEN.

The duke of Cumberland remained encamped in the neighbourhood of Hoya
till the twenty-fourth of August, when, upon advice that the enemy had
laid two bridges over the Aller in the night, and had passed that river
with a large body of troops, he ordered his army to march, to secure the
important post and passage of Rothenbourg, lest they should attempt
to march round on his left. He encamped that night at Hausen, having
detached lieutenant-general Oberg, with eight battalions and six
squadrons, to Ottersberg, to which place he marched next day, and
encamped behind the Wummer, in a very strong situation, between
Ottersberg and Eothenbourg. The French took possession of Verden on
the twenty-sixth of August, and one of their detachments went on the
twenty-ninth to Bremen, where the gates were immediately opened to them.
The duke of Cumberland, now closely pressed on all sides, and in danger
of having his communication with the Stade cut off, which the enemy was
endeavouring to effect, by seizing upon all the posts round him, found
it necessary to decamp again; to abandon Eothenbourg, of which the
French immediately took possession; to retreat to Selsingen, where his
head-quarters were, on the first of September; and from thence, on the
third of the same month, to retire under the cannon of Stade. Here it
was imagined that his army would have been able to maintain their ground
between the Aller and the Elbe, till the severity of the season should
put an end to the campaign. Accordingly, his royal highness, upon his
taking this position, sent a detachment of his forces to Buck-Schantz,
with some artillery, and orders to defend that place to the utmost; but
as it could not possibly have held out many days, and as the French, who
now hemmed him in on all sides, by making themselves masters of a
little fort at the mouth of the river Swinga, would have cut off his
communication with the Elbe, so that four English men of war, then
in that river, could have been of no service to him, he was forced to
accept of a mediation offered by the king of Denmark, by his minister
the count de Lynar, and to sign the famous convention of Closter-Seven,
[422] _[See note 3K, at the end of this Vol.]_ by which thirty-eight
thousand Hanoverians laid down their arms, and were dispersed into
different quarters of cantonment.




CHAPTER XIV.

     _The French enter the Prussian Dominions, where they commit
     great Disorders..... Reflections on the Misconduct of the
     Allied Army..... Russian Fleet blocks up the Prussian Ports
     in the Baltic..... Russians take Memel..... Declaration of
     the King of Prussia on that occasion..... Army of the Empire
     raised with Difficulty..... The Austrians take Gabel.....
     and destroy Zittau..... The Prince of Prussia leaves the
     Army..... Communication between England and Ostend broke
     off..... Gueldres capitulates..... Skirmishes between the
     Prussians and Austrians..... and between the Prussians and
     Russians..... Mareschal Lehwald attacks the Russians in their
     Intrenchments near Norkitten..... Hasty Retreat of the
     Russians out of Prussia..... French and Imperialists take
     Gotha..... Action between the Prussians and Austrians near
     Goerlitz..... The French oblige Prince Ferdinand to
     retire..... Berlin laid under Contribution by the Austrians;
     and Leipsic subjected to military Execution by the
     Prussians..... Battle of Rosbach..... The Austrians take
     Schweidnitz; and defeat the Prince of Bevern near
     Breslau..... Mareschal Keith lays Bohemia under
     Contribution..... King of Prussia defeats the Austrians at
     Lissa; retakes Breslau and Schweidnitz, and becomes Master
     of all Silesia..... Hostilities of the Swedes in
     Pomerania..... Mareschal Lehwald forces the Swedes to
     retire...... Memorial presented to the Dutch by Colonel
     Yorke, relative to Ostend and Nieuport..... King of
     Prussia’s Letter to the King of Great Britain..... His
     Britannic Majesty’s Declaration..... Disputes concerning the
     Convention of Closter-Seven..... Progress of the Hanoverian
     Army..... Death of the Queen of Poland..... Transactions at
     Sea..... Fate of Captain Death..... Session opened.....
     Supplies granted..... Funds for raising the Supplies.....
     Messages from the King to the House of Commons..... Second
     Treaty with the King of Prussia..... Bill for fortifying
     Milford Haven..... Regulations with respect to Corn.....
     Bills for the Encouragement of Seamen, and for explaining
     the Militia Act..... Act for repairing London Bridge..... Act
     for ascertaining the Qualification of voting..... Bill for
     more effectually manning the Navy..... Amendments in the
     Habeas-Corpus Act..... Scheme in Favour of the Foundling
     Hospital..... Proceedings relative to the African
     Company..... Session closed..... Vigorous Preparations for
     War..... Death of the Princess Caroline..... Sea Engagement
     off Cape Francois..... Remarkable success of Captain
     Forest..... French evacuate Embden..... Success of Admiral
     Osborne..... French Fleet driven ashore in Basque Road.....
     Admiral Broderick’s Ship burnt at Sea..... Descent at
     Cancalle-Bay..... Expedition against Cherbourg...... Descent
     at St. Maloes..... English defeated at St. Cas..... Captures
     from the Enemy..... Clamours of the Dutch Merchants on
     Account of the Capture of their Ships..... Their famous
     Petition to the States-general_




THE FRENCH ENTER THE PRUSSIAN DOMINIONS.

The Hanoverians being now quite subdued, and the whole force of the
French let loose against the king of Prussia by this treaty, mareschal
Richelieu immediately ordered lieutenant-general Berchini to march with
all possible expedition, with the troops under his command, to join the
prince de Soubise: the gens-d’-arms, and other troops that were in
the landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel, received the same order; and sixty
battalions of foot, and the greatest part of the horse belonging to the
French army, were directed to attack the Prussian territories. Mareschal
Richelieu himself arrived at Brunswick on the fifteenth of September;
and having, in a few days after, assembled an hundred and ten
battalions, and an hundred and fifty squadrons, with an hundred pieces
of cannon, near Wolfenbuttel, he entered the king of Prussia’s dominions
with his army on the twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth of
the same month, in three columns, which penetrated into Halberstadt
and Brandenburgh, plundering the towns, exacting contributions, and
committing many enormities, at which their general is said to have
connived. In the meantime the duke of Cumberland returned to England,
where he arrived on the eleventh of October, and shortly after resigned
all his military commands.

Had the allied army, after the battle of Hastenbeck, marched directly
to the Leine, as it might easily have done, and then taken post on the
other side of Wolfenbuttel, Halberstadt, and Magdeburgh, it might have
waited securely under the cannon of the latter place for the junction of
the Prussian forces; instead of which, they injudiciously turned off
to the Lower Weser, retiring successively from Hamelen to Nienburgh,
Verden, Rothenburgh, Buxtehude, and lastly to Stade, where, for want of
subsistence and elbow-room, the troops were all made prisoners of war at
large. They made a march of an hundred and fifty miles to be cooped up
in a nook, instead of taking the other route, which was only about an
hundred miles, and would have led them to a place of safety. By this
unaccountable conduct, the king of Prussia was not only deprived of the
assistance of near forty thousand good troops, which, in the close of
the campaign, might have put him upon an equality with the French and
the army of the empire; but also exposed to, and actually invaded by,
his numerous enemies on all sides, insomuch that his situation became
now more dangerous than ever; and the fate which seemed to have
threatened the empress a few months before, through his means, was,
to all appearance, turned against himself. His ruin was predicted,
nor could human prudence foresee how he might be extricated from his
complicated distress; for, besides the invasion of his territories by
the French under the duke de Richelieu, the Russians, who had made for
a long time a dilatory march, and seemed uncertain of their own
resolutions, all at once quickened their motions, and entered Ducal
Prussia, under mareschal Apraxin and general Fermor, marking their
progress by every inhumanity that unbridled cruelty, lust, and rapine,
can be imagined capable of committing. A large body of Austrians entered
Silesia, and penetrated as far as Breslau; then, turning back, they laid
seige to the important fortress of Schweidnitz, the key of that
country. A second body entered Lusa-tia, another quarter of the Prussian
territories, and made themselves masters of Zittau. Twenty-two thousand
Swedes penetrated into Prussian Pomerania, took the towns of Anclam and
Demmin, and laid the whole country under contribution. The army of the
empire, reinforced by that of prince Soubise, after many delays, was at
last in full march to enter Saxony; and this motion left the Austrians
at liberty to turn the greatest part of their forces to the reduction of
Silesia. An Austrian general penetrating through Lusatia, passed by the
Prussian armies, and suddenly presenting himself before the gates of
Berlin, laid the whole country under contribution; and though he retired
on the approach of a body of Prussians, yet he still found means to
interrupt the communication of these last with Silesia. The Prussians,
it is true, exerted themselves bravely on all sides, and their enemies
fled before them; but whilst one body was pursuing, another gained upon
them in some other part. The winter approached, their strength decayed,
and their adversaries multiplied daily. Their king harassed, and almost
spent with incessant fatigue both of body and of mind, was in a manner
excluded from the empire. The greatest part of his dominions were
either taken from him, or laid under contribution, and possessed by
his enemies, who collected the public revenues, fattened on the
contributions, and with the riches which they drew from the electorate
of Hanover, and other conquests, defrayed the expenses of the war; and
by the convention of Closter-Seven he was deprived of his allies,
and left without any assistance whatever, excepting what the British
parliament might think fit to supply. How different is this picture
from that which the king of Prussia exhibited when he took arms to
enter Saxony! But, in order to form a clear idea of these events, of the
situation of his Prussian majesty, and of the steps he took to defeat
the designs of his antagonists, and extricate himself from his great and
numerous distresses, it will be proper now to take a view of the several
transactions of his enemies, as well during his stay in Bohemia, as from
the time of his leaving it, down to that which we are now speaking of.




A RUSSIAN FLEET BLOCKS UP THE PRUSSIAN PORTS IN THE BALTIC.

Whilst the king of Prussia was in Bohemia, the empress of Russia ordered
notice to be given to all masters of ships, that if any of them
were found assisting the Prussians, by the transportation of troops,
artillery, and ammunition, they should be condemned as legal prizes;
and her fleet, consisting of fifteen men of war and frigates, with two
bomb-ketches, was sent to block up the Prussian ports in the Baltic,
where it took several ships of that nation, which were employed in
carrying provisions and merchandise from one port to another. One of
these ships of war appearing before Memel, a town of Poland, but subject
to Prussia, the commandant sent an officer to the captain, to know
whether he came as a friend or an enemy? to which interrogation the
Russian captain replied, that, notwithstanding the dispositions of
the empress of both the Russias were sufficiently known, yet he would
further explain them, by declaring that his orders, and those of the
other Russian commanders, were, in conformity to the laws of war, to
seize on all the Prussian vessels they met with on their cruise. Upon
which the commandant of Memel immediately gave orders for pointing the
cannon to fire upon all Russian ships that should approach that place.

The land-forces of the Russians had now lingered on their march upwards
of six months; and it was pretty generally doubted, by those who were
supposed to have the best intelligence, whether they ever were designed
really to pass into the Prussian territories, not only on account of
their long stay on the borders of Lithuania, but also because several of
their cossacks had been severely punished for plundering the waggons of
some Prussian peasants upon the frontiers of Courland, and the damage of
the peasants compensated with money, though general Apraxin’s army was
at the same time greatly distressed by the want of provisions; when, on
a sudden, they quickened their motions, and showed they were in earnest,
determined to accomplish the ruin of Prussia. Their first act of
hostility was the attack of Memel, which surrendered: and, by the
articles of capitulation, it was agreed that the garrison should march
out with all the honours of war, after having engaged not to serve
against the empress, or any of her allies, for the space of one year.

His Prussian majesty, justly foreseeing the great enormities that were
to be expected from these savage enemies, who were unaccustomed to make
war, except upon nations as barbarous as themselves, who looked upon war
only as an opportunity for plunder, and every country through which
they happened to march as theirs by right of conquest, published the
following declaration: “It is sufficiently known, that the king of
Prussia, after the example of his glorious predecessors, has, ever
since his accession to the crown, laid it down as a maxim to seek the
friendship of the imperial court of Russia, and cultivate it by every
method. His Prussian majesty hath had the satisfaction to live, for
several successive years, in the strictest harmony with the reigning
empress: and this happy union would be still subsisting, if evil-minded
potentates had not broke it by their secret machinations, and carried
things to such a height, that the ministers on both sides have been
recalled, and the correspondence broken off. However melancholy these
circumstances might be for the king, his majesty was nevertheless most
attentive to prevent any thing that might increase the alienation of
the Russian court. He hath been particularly careful, during the
disturbances of the war that now unhappily rages, to avoid whatever
might involve him in a difference with that court, notwithstanding the
great grievances he hath to allege against it; and that it was publicly
known the court of Vienna had at last drawn that of Russia into its
destructive views, and made it serve as an instrument for favouring the
schemes of Austria. His majesty hath given the whole world incontestible
proofs, that he was under an indispensable necessity of having recourse
to the measures he hath taken against the courts of Vienna and Saxony,
who forced him by their conduct to take up arms for his defence. Yet,
even since things have been brought to this extremity, the king hath
offered to lay down his arms, if proper securities should be granted to
him. His majesty hath not neglected to expose the artifices by which the
imperial court of Russia hath been drawn into measures so opposite to
the empress’s sentiments, and which would excite the utmost indignation
of that great princess, if the truth could be placed before her without
disguise. The king did more: he suggested to her imperial majesty
sufficient means either to excuse her not taking any part in the present
war, or to avoid, upon the justest grounds, the execution of those
engagements which the court of Vienna claimed by a manifest abuse of
obligations, which they employed to palliate their unlawful views. It
wholly depended upon the empress of Russia to extinguish the flames of
the war, without unsheathing the sword, by pursuing the measures
suggested by the king. This conduct would have immortalized her reign
throughout all Europe. It would have gained her more lasting glory than
can be acquired by the greatest triumphs. The king finds with regret,
that all his precautions and care to maintain peace with the Russian
empire are fruitless, and that the intrigues of his enemies have
prevailed. His majesty sees all the considerations of friendship and
good neighbourhood set aside by the imperial court of Russia, as well as
the observance of its engagements with his majesty. He sees that court
marching its troops through the territories of a foreign power, and,
contrary to the tenor of treaties, in order to attack the king in his
dominions; and thus taking part in a war, in which his enemies have
involved the Russian empire. In such circumstances, the king hath no
other part to take, but to employ the power which God hath intrusted to
him in defending himself, protecting his subjects, and repelling every
unjust attack. His majesty will never lose sight of the rules which are
observed, even in the midst of war, among civilized nations. But if,
contrary to all hope and expectation, these rules should be violated by
the troops of Russia, if they commit in the king’s territories disorders
and excesses disallowed by the law of arms, his majesty must not be
blamed if he makes reprisals in Saxony; and if, instead of that good
order and rigorous discipline which have hitherto been observed by his
army, avoiding all sorts of violence, he finds himself forced, contrary
to his inclination, to suffer the provinces and subjects of Saxony to be
treated in the same manner as his own territories shall be treated. As
to the rest, the king will soon publish to the whole world the futility
of the reasons alleged by the imperial court of Russia to justify its
aggression; and as his majesty is forced upon making his defence, he
has room to hope, with confidence, that the Lord of Hosts will bless his
righteous arms: that he will disappoint the unjust enterprises of his
enemies, and grant him his powerful assistance to enable him to make
head against them.”




ARMY OF THE EMPIRE RAISED.

When the king of Prussia was put under the ban of the empire, the
several princes who compose that body were required, by the decree of
the Aulic council, as we observed before, to furnish their respective
contingents against him. Those who feared him looked upon this as a fair
opportunity of reducing him; and those who stood in awe of the house of
Austria were, through necessity, compelled to support that power which
they dreaded. Besides, they were accustomed to the influence of a family
in which the empire had, for a long time, been in a manner hereditary;
and were also intimidated by the appearance of a confederacy the most
formidable, perhaps, that the world had ever seen. Yet, notwithstanding
all this, the contingents, both of men and money, were collected slowly;
the troops were badly composed; and many of those, not only of the
protestant princes, but also of the catholics, showed the utmost
reluctance to act against his Prussian majesty, which, indeed, none of
them would have been able to do had it not been for the assistance of
the French under the prince de Soubise. The elector palatine lost above
a thousand men by desertion. Four thousand of the troops belonging to
the duke of Wirtemberg being delivered to the French commissary on the
twenty-fourth of June, were immediately reviewed; but the review was
scarcely finished, when they began to cry aloud that they were sold.
Next morning thirty of them deserted at once, and were soon followed
by parties of twenty and thirty each, who forced their way through the
detachments that guarded the gates of Stutgard, and in the evening the
mutiny became general. They fired upon the officers in their barracks,
and let their general know that if he did not immediately withdraw, they
would put him to death. Meanwhile, some of the officers having pursued
the deserters, brought back a part of them prisoners, when the rest of
the soldiers declared, that if they were not immediately released, they
would set fire to the stadthouse and barracks; upon which the prisoners
were set at liberty late in the evening. Next morning the soldiers
assembled, and having seized some of the officers, three or four hundred
of them marched out of the town at that time, with the music of the
regiments playing before them; and in this manner near-three thousand of
them filed off, and the remainder were afterwards discharged.




THE AUSTRIANS TAKE GABEL.

The king of Prussia, upon his leaving Bohemia after the battle of Kolin,
retired towards Saxony, as we observed before; and having sent his heavy
artillery and mortars up the Elbe to Dresden, fixed his camp on the
banks of the river, at Leitmeritz, where his main army was strongly
intrenched, whilst mareschal Keith, with the troops under his command,
encamped on the opposite shore; a free communication being kept open by
means of a bridge. At the same time detachments were ordered to
secure the passes into Saxony. As this position of the king of Prussia
prevented the Austrians from being able to penetrate into Saxony by
the way of the Elbe, they moved, by slow marches, into the circle
of Buntzla, and, at last, with a detachment commanded by the duke
d’Aremberg and M. Macguire, on the eighteenth! of June fell suddenly
upon, and took the important post at Gabel, situated between Boemish
Leypa and Zittau, after an obstinate defence made by the Prussian
garrison, under major-general Putkammer, consisting of four battalions,
who were obliged to surrender prisoners of war. The Austrians having by
this motion gained a march towards Lusatia, upon a corps which had been
detached under the command of the prince of Prussia to watch them, his
Prussian majesty thought proper to leave Leitmeritz on the twentieth
in the morning, and lay that night at Lickowitz, a village opposite to
Leitmeritz, of which a battalion of his troops still kept possession,
while the rest of his army remained encamped in the plain before that
place. Next morning, at break of day, prince Henry decamped, and made so
good a disposition for his retreat, that he did not lose a single man,
though he marched in sight of the whole body of Austrian irregulars. He
passed the bridge at Leitmeritz, after withdrawing the battalion that
was in the town, and having burnt the bridge, the whole army united, and
made a small movement towards the passes of the mountains; the king then
lying at Sulowitz, near the field where the battle of Lowoschutz was
fought on the first of October of the preceding year. The heavy baggage
was sent on in the afternoon, with a proper escort; and in the morning
of the twenty-second the army marched in two columns, and encamped on
the high grounds at Lusechitz, a little beyond Lenai, where it halted on
the twenty-third. No attack was made upon the rear-guard, though great
numbers of Austrian hussars, and other irregulars, had appeared
the evening before within cannon-shot of the Prussian camp. On the
twenty-fourth the army marched to Nellendorf; on the twenty-fifth, it
encamped near Cotta, on the twenty-sixth near Pirna, where it halted the
next day; and on the twenty-eighth it crossed the river near that place,
and entered Lusatia, where, by the end of the month, it encamped at
Bautzen.

The king’s army made this retreat with all the success that could be
wished; but the corps under the prince of Prussia had not the same good
fortune. For the Austrians, immediately after their taking Gabel, sent a
strong detachment against Zittau, a trading town in the circle of Upper
Saxony, where the Prussians had large magazines, and a garrison of six
battalions, and, in his sight, attacked it with uncommon rage. Paying no
regard to the inhabitants as being friends or allies, but determined to
reduce the place before the king of Prussia could have time to march to
its relief, they no sooner arrived before it, than they bombarded
and cannonaded it with such fury, that most of the garrison, finding
themselves unable to resist, made their escape, and carried off as much
as they could of the magazines, leaving only three or four hundred men
in the town, under colonel Diricke, to hold it out as long as possible;
which he accordingly did, till the whole place was almost destroyed. The
cannonading began on the twenty-third of July, at eleven in the morning,
and lasted till five in the evening. In this space of time four thousand
balls, many of them red hot, were fired into this unfortunate city, with
so little intermission, that it was soon set on fire in several places.
In the confusion which the conflagration produced, the Austrians entered
the town, and the inhabitants imagined that they had then nothing
further to fear; and that their friends the Austrians would assist
them in extinguishing the flames, and saving the place; but in this
particular their expectations were disappointed. The pan-dours and
Sclavonians, who rushed in with regular troops, made no distinction
between the Prussians and the inhabitants of Zittau: instead of helping
to quench the flames, they began to plunder the warehouses which
the fire had not readied: so that all the valuable merchandise they
contained was either carried off, or reduced to ashes. Upwards of six
hundred houses, and almost all the public buildings, the cathedrals of
St. John and St. James, the orphan house, eight parsonage-houses, eight
schools, the town-house and every thing contained in it, the public
weigh-house, the prison, the archives, and all the other documents of
the town-council, the plate and other things of value presented to the
town, from time to time, by the emperors, kings, and other princes and
noblemen, were entirely destroyed, and more than four hundred citizens
were killed in this assault. Of the whole town there was left standing
only one hundred and thirty-eight houses, two churches, the council,
library, and the salt-work. The queen of Poland was so affected by this
melancholy account, that she is said to have fainted away upon hearing
it. As this city belonged to their friend the king of Poland, the
Austrians thought proper to publish an excuse for their conduct,
ascribing it entirely to the necessity they were under, and the
obstinate defence made by the Prussian garrison. But what excuses can
atone for such barbarity?

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA LEAVES THE ARMY.

The corps under the prince of Prussia, which had been witnesses to the
destruction of this unhappy place, was by the king’s march to Bautzen,
fortunately extricated from the danger of being surrounded by the
Austrians, who, upon his majesty’s approach, retired from their posts
on the right. Soon after this event, the prince of Prussia, finding his
health much impaired by the fatigues of the campaign,* quitted the army,
and returned to Berlin.

     * This was the reason that was publicly assigned for his
     quitting the army; but a much more probable one, which was
     only whispered, seems to have been, that this prince, than
     whom none ever was more remarkable for humanity and the
     social virtues, disliking the violent proceedings of the
     king his brother, could not refrain from expostulating with
     him on that subject: upon which his majesty, with an air of
     great disapprobation, told him, “That the air of Berlin
     would be better for him than that of the camp.” The prince
     accordingly retired to Berlin, where he died soon after;
     grief and concern for the welfare of his brother, and for
     the steps taken by him, having no small share in his death.

In the meantime, mareschal Keith, who had been left upon the frontier
to guard the passes of the mountains of Bohemia, arrived at Pima, having
been much harassed in his march by the enemy’s irregular troops, and
lost some waggons of provisions and baggage. After resting a day at
Pirna, he pursued his march through Dresden with twenty battalions and
forty squadrons, and encamped on the right of the Elbe, before the gate
of the new city, from whence he joined the king between Bautzen and
Coerlitz. The Prussian array, now re-assembled at this place, amounted
to about sixty thousand men, besides twelve battalions and ten squadrons
which remained in the famous camp at Pirna, under the prince of
Anhault-Dessau, to cover Dresden, secure the gorges of the mountains,
and check the incursions of the Austrian irregulars, with whom, as they
were continually flying about the skirts of the Prussian army, as
well in their encampments as on their marches, almost daily skirmishes
happened, with various success. Though some of these encounters were
very bloody, they cost the Prussians much fewer men than they lost by
desertion since the battle of Kolin. The reason seems obvious:--the
Prussian army had been recruited, in times of peace, from all parts of
Germany; and though this way of recruiting may be very proper in such
times, yet it cannot be expected to answer in a state of actual war,
especially an unfortunate war: because the fidelity of such soldiers can
never be so much depended on as that of natives, who serve their natural
sovereign from principle, and not merely for pay, and who must desert
their country, their parents, and their friends, at the same time that
they desert their prince.




COMMUNICATION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND OSTEND BROKE OFF.

It will be proper here to take notice of some events which could not
easily be mentioned before, without breaking through the order we
have proposed to ourselves in the writing of this history.--The
empress-queen, more embittered than ever against the king of Prussia and
his allies, recalled her ministers, count Coloredo and monsieur Zohern,
from London, towards the beginning of July; and about the same time
count Kaunitz, great chancellor of the empire, informed Mr. Keith, the
British minister at Vienna, that the court of London, by the succours it
had given, and still continued to give, the king of Prussia, as well as
by other circumstances relating to the present state of affairs, having
broken the solemn engagements which united this crown with the house of
Austria, her majesty the empress-queen had thought proper to recall her
minister from England, and consequently to break off all correspondence.
Mr. Keith, in pursuance of this notice, set out from Vienna on the
twenty-ninth of July; as did also Mr. Desrolles, his Britannic majesty’s
minister at the court of Brussels, from this last place, about the
same time. On the seventh of July, general Pisa, commandant of Ostend,
Nieuport, and the maritime ports of Flanders, sent his adjutant to the
English vice-consul at Ostend, at six o’clock in the morning, to tell
him, that by orders from his court all communication with England was
broke off; and desired the vice-consul to intimate to the packet-boats
and British shipping at Ostend, Bruges, and Nieuport, to depart in
twenty-four hours, and not to return into any of the ports of the
empress-queen till further disposition should be made. The reasons
alleged by the court of Vienna for debarring the subjects of his
Britannic majesty from the use of these ports, obtained for the house
of Austria by the arms and treasures of Great Britain, were, “That her
imperial majesty the empress-queen, could not, with indifference, see
England, instead of giving the succours due to her by the most solemn
treaties, enter into an alliance with her enemy the king of Prussia,
and actually afford him all manner of assistance, assembling armies to
oppose those which the most christian king, her ally, had sent to her
aid, and suffering privateers to exercise open violence in her roads,
under the cannon of her ports and coasts, without giving the least
satisfaction or answer to the complaints made on that account; and the
king of Great Britain himself, at the very time she was offering him a
neutrality for Hanover, publishing, by a message to his parliament, that
she had formed, with the most christian king, dangerous designs against
that electorate; therefore, her majesty, desirous of providing for the
security of her ports, judged it expedient to give the forementioned
orders; and at the same time to declare, that she could no longer permit
a free communication between her subjects and the English, which had
hitherto been founded upon treaties that Great Britain had, without
scruple, openly violated.” Notwithstanding these orders, the English
packet-boats, with letters, were allowed to pass as usual to and from
Ostend; the ministers of her imperial majesty wisely considering
how good a revenue the postage of English letters brings in to the
post-office of the Austrian Netherlands. Ostend and Nieuport, by order
of her imperial majesty, received each of them a French garrison; the
former on the nineteenth of July, and the latter next day, under the
command of M. de la Motte, upon whose arrival the Austrian troops
evacuated those places; though the empress-queen still reserved to
herself, in both of them, the full and free exercise of all her rights
of sovereignty; to which purpose an oath was administered to the French
commandant by her majesty’s minister-plenipotentiary for the government
of the Low-Countries. At the same time, their imperial and most
christian majesties notified to the magistracy of Hamburgh, that they
must not admit any English men of war, or transports, into their
port, on pain of having a French garrison imposed on them. The city
of Gueldres, which had been blocked up by the French ever since
the beginning of summer, was forced by famine to capitulate on the
twenty-fourth of August, and the garrison marched out with all the
honours of war, in order to be conducted to Berlin; but so many of them
deserted, that when they passed by Cologn, the whole garrison consisted
only of the commandant and forty-seven men. By the surrender of this
place the whole country lay open to the French and their allies quite
up to Magdeburgh; and the empress-queen immediately received two hundred
thousand crowns from the revenues of Cleves and la Marcke alone. To
return to the affairs more immediately relating to the king of Prussia.
The advanced posts of the prince of Anhault-Dessau at Pirna were
attacked, on the tenth of August, by a body of hussars and other
irregular troops of the Austrians; but the Prussians soon obliged them
to retire, with the loss of several men and two pieces of cannon. On the
nineteenth of the same month, early in the morning, a great number of
Austrian pan-dours surrounded a little town called Gotliebe, in which a
Prussian garrison was quartered, with a design to take it by surprise.
The pandours attacked it on all sides, and in the beginning killed
twenty-three Prussians, and wounded many; but the Prussians having
rallied, repulsed the assailants with great loss. These, however, were
but a sort of preludes to much more decisive actions which happened soon
after. Silesia, which had hitherto been undisturbed this year, began now
to feel the effects of war. Baron Jahnus, an Austrian colonel, entering
that country with only an handful of men, made himself master of
Hirschberg, Waldenberg, Gottesberg, Frankenstein, and Landshut. They
were, indeed, but open places; and he was repulsed in an attempt upon
Strigau. On the side of Franconia the army of the empire was assembling
with all speed, under the prince of Saxe-Hildburghausen; the French were
marching a second army from their interior provinces into Alsace, in
order to join the Imperialists: the first division of their troops
had already entered the empire, and were advanced as far as Hanau.
The Swedes were now preparing, with the utmost expedition, to send a
numerous army into Pomerania; and the Russians, who since the taking
of Memel had not done the king of Prussia much damage, besides that of
obliging him to keep an army in Prussia to oppose them, and interrupting
the trade of Konigsberg by their squadrons, were again advancing
with hasty strides towards Prussia, marking their steps with horrid
desolation. Field-mareschal Lehwald, who had been left in Prussia with
an army of thirty thousand men, to guard that kingdom during the absence
of his master, was encamped near Velau, when the Russians, to the number
of eighty thousand, after taking Memel, advanced against the territories
of the Prussian king, whose situation now drew upon him the attention
of all Europe. In the night between the seventh and eighth of August,
colonel Malachowsti, one of mareschal Lehwald’s officers, marched to
reconnoitre the position of the enemy, when a skirmish happened,
which lasted near two hours, between his advanced ranks and a Russian
detachment three times stronger than the Prussians. The Russians were
repulsed, and fled into the woods, after having fifty men killed and a
great number wounded. The Prussians lost but one man, and had fourteen
wounded.




MARESCHAL LEHWALD ATTACKS THE RUSSIANS NEAR NORKITTEN.

Several other little skirmishes happened between straggling parties
of the two armies; and the Russians went on pillaging and laying waste
every thing before them, till at length the two armies having approached
one another in Brandenburgh-Prussia, mareschal Lehwald, finding it
impossible to spare detachments from so small a number as his was,
compared to that of the enemy, to cover the wretched inhabitants from
the outrages committed on them by the Russian cossacks, and other
barbarians belonging to them, judged it absolutely necessary to attack
their main army; and accordingly, notwithstanding his great disadvantage
in almost every respect, he resolved to hazard a battle on the thirtieth
of August. The Russians, consisting, as we before observed, of eighty
thousand regulars, under the command of mareschal Apraxin, avoiding the
open field, were intrenched in a most advantageous camp near Norkitten
in Prussia. Their army was composed of four lines, each of which was
guarded by an intrenchment, and the whole was defended by two hundred
pieces of cannon, batteries being placed upon all the eminences.
Mareschal Lehwald’s army scarcely amounted to thirty thousand men.
The action began at five in the morning, and was carried on with so much
vigour, that the Prussians entirely broke the whole first line of the
enemy, and forced all their batteries. The prince of Holstein-Grottorp,
brother to the king of Sweden, at the head of his regiment of dragoons,
routed the Russian cavalry, and afterwards fell upon a regiment of
grenadiers, which was cut to pieces; but when the Prussians came to the
second intrenchment, mareschal Lehwald, seeing that he could not attempt
to carry it without exposing his army too much, took the resolution to
retire. The Prussians returned to their former camp at Velau, and the
Russians remained in their present situation. The loss of the Prussians
little exceeding two thousand killed and wounded, was immediately
replaced out of the disciplined militia. The Russians lost a much
greater number. General Lapuchin was wounded and taken prisoner, with
a colonel of the Russian artillery; but the former was sent back on his
parole. The Prussia*: Army had, at first, made themselves masters of
above eighty pieces of cannon; but were afterwards obliged to abandon
them, with eleven of their own, for want of carriages. Three Russian
generals were killed; but the Prussians lost no general or officer
of distinction, of which rank count Dohna was the only one that was
wounded.




HASTY RETREAT OF THE RUSSIANS OUT OF PRUSSIA.

After this engagement, mareschal Lehwald changed the position of his
army, by drawing towards Peters-wald; and the Russians, after remaining
quite inactive till the thirteenth of September, on a sudden, to
the great surprise of every one, retreated out of Prussia with such
precipitation, that they left all their sick and wounded behind them,
to the amount of fifteen or sixteen thousand men, together with eighty
pieces of cannon, and a considerable part of their military stores.
Mareschal Apraxin masked his design by advancing all his irregulars
towards the Prussian army; so that mareschal Lehwald was not informed of
it till the third day, when he detached prince George of Plolstein with
ten thousand horse to pursue them but with little hopes of coming up
with them as they made forced marches, in order to be the sooner in
their own country. However, the Prussians took some of them prisoners,
and many stragglers were killed by the country people in their flight
towards Tilsit, which they abandoned, though they still kept Memel, and
shortly after added some new fortifications to that place. They made
their retreat in two columns, one of which directed its course towards
Memel; while the other took the nearest way through the bailiwick of
Absternen, and threw bridges over the river Jura. Both columns burnt
every village they passed through without distinction. The Prussians
were obliged to desist from the pursuit of these barbarians, because the
bridges, thrown over the river Memel, had been destroyed by the violence
of the stream. The Russian army suffered greatly for want of bread,
as all the countries were ruined through which it passed, so that they
could procure no sort of subsistence but herbage and rye-bread. All the
roads were strewed with dead bodies of men and horses. The real cause of
this sudden retreat is as great a mystery as the reason of stopping so
long, the year before, on the borders of Lithuania; though the occasion
of it is said to have been the illness of the czarina, who was seized
with a kind of apoplectic fit, and had made some new regulations in case
of a vacancy of the throne, which rendered it expedient that the
regular forces should be at hand to support the measures taken by the
government.




FRENCH AND IMPERIALISTS TAKE GOTHA.

The king of Prussia, after remaining for some time encamped between
Bautzen and Goerlitz, removed his head-quarters to Bernstedel; and on
the fifteenth of August his army came in sight of the Austrian camp, and
within cannon-shot of it: upon which the Austrians struck their tents,
and drew up in order of battle before their camp. The king formed his
army over against them, and immediately went to reconnoitre the ground
between the armies; but, as it was then late, he deferred the more
exact examination of that circumstance till the next day. The two armies
continued under arms all night. Next morning at break of day, the king
found the Austrians encamped with their right at the river Weisle; the
rest of their army extended along a rising ground, at the foot of a
mountain covered with wood, which protected their left; and before their
front, at the bottom of the hill on which they were drawn up, was a
small brook, passable only in three places, and for no more than four or
five men a-breast. Towards the left of their army was an opening, where
three or four battalions might have marched in front; but behind it they
had placed three lines of infantry, and on a hill which flanked this
opening, within musket-shot, were placed four thousand foot, with forty
or fifty pieces of cannon; so that, in reality, this was the strongest
part of their camp. The king left nothing undone to bring the Austrians
to battle; but finding them absolutely bent on avoiding it, after
lying four days before them, he and his army returned to their camp
at Bernstedel. They were followed by some of the enemy’s hussars and
pan-dours, who, however, had not the satisfaction to take the smallest
booty in this retreat. The Austrian army, which thus declined engaging,
was, by their own account, an hundred and thirty thousand strong, more
than double the number of the king of Prussia, who, the day he returned
to Bernstedel, after he had retired about two thousand yards, again drew
up his army in line of battle, and remained so upwards of an hour,
but not a man stirred from the Austrian camp. The army of the empire,
commanded by the prince of Saxe-Hildburghausen, and that of the French
under the prince de Soubise, making together about fifty thousand men,
half of which were French, had by this time joined, and advanced as far
as Erfurth in Saxony; upon which his Prussian majesty, finding that all
his endeavours could not bring the Austrians to an engagement, set out
from Lusatia, accompanied by mareschal Keith, with sixteen battalions
and forty squadrons of his troops, and arrived at Dresden on the
twenty-ninth of August, leaving the rest of the army in a strong camp,
under the prince of Bevern. With this detachment, which, by the junction
of several bodies of troops, amounted to about forty thousand men,
he made a quick march, by the way of Leipsic towards Erfurth, to give
battle to the united army of the French and the empire. But by the time
he arrived at Erfurth, which was on the fourteenth of September, the
enemy had retreated towards Gotha; and upon his further approach, they
retired to Eyesenach, where they intrenched themselves in a very strong
camp. His majesty’s headquarters were at Kirschlaben, near Erfurth.
While the two armies were thus situated, major-general Seydelitz, who
occupied the town of Gotha, being informed, on the nineteenth, that a
large body of the enemy was coming towards him, and that it consisted of
two regiments of Austrian hussars, one regiment of French hussars, and
a detachment made up of French grenadiers, troops of the army of the
empire, and a great number of croats and pandours, retired, and posted
himself at some distance. The enemy immediately took possession of the
town and castle; but general Seydelitz, having been reinforced, attacked
the enemy with such vigour, that he soon obliged them to abandon this
new conquest, and to retire with great precipitation; a report having
been spread, that the Prussian army was advancing against them, with the
king himself in person. The Prussian hussars took a considerable booty
on this occasion, and general Seydelitz sent prisoners to the camp,
one lieutenant-colonel, three majors, four lieutenants, and sixty-two
soldiers of the enemy, who had also about an hundred and thirty killed.
After this action his Prussian majesty advanced near Eyesenach, with
a design to attack the combined army; but they were so strongly
intrenched, that he found it impracticable. His provisions falling
short, he was obliged to retire towards Erfurth, and soon after to
Naumburgh, on the river Sala; whereupon the combined army inarched, and
again took possession of Gotha, Erfurth, and Weiman: which last place,
however, they soon after quitted.




ACTION BETWEEN THE PRUSSIANS AND AUSTRIANS NEAR GOERLITZ.

Upon the king of Prussia’s leaving Bernstedel, the Austrians took
possession of it on the sixth of September, and made prisoners a
Prussian battalion which had been left there. The next day fifteen
thousand Austrians attacked two battalions of general Winterfield’s
troops, being part of the prince of Bevern’s army, who were posted on
a high ground on the other side of the Neiss, near Hennersdorff, in the
neighbourhood of Goerlitz; and, after being repulsed several times, at
last made themselves masters of the eminence. The loss, in this action,
was considerable on both sides, but greatest on that of the Prussians,
not so much by the number of their slain, which scarcely exceeded that
of the Austrians, as by the death of their brave general Win-terfield,
who, as he was leading up succours to the battalions that were engaged,
received a shot from a cannon, of which he died the night following.
The-generals Nadasti and Clerici, count d’Arberg, colonel Elrickhausen,
and several other persons of distinction, were wounded, and the young
count of Groesbeck and the marquis d’Asque killed, on the side of the
Austrians, who took six pieces of the Prussian cannon, six pair of their
colours, and made general Kemeke, the count d’Anhalt, and some other
officers, prisoners. After this skirmish, the prince of Bevern, with the
Prussian army under his command, retreated from Goerlitz to Rothen-berg,
then passed the Queiss at Sygersdorff, from whence he marched to
Buntzlau, in Silesia, and on the first of October reached Breslau,
without suffering any loss, though the numerous army of the Austrians
followed him for some days. Upon his arrival there, he chose a very
strong camp on the other side of the Oder, in order to cover the city of
Breslau, to the fortifications of which he immediately added several
new works. Though neither side had any very signal advantage in this
engagement, more than that the Austrians remained masters of the field,
yet great rejoicings were made at Vienna on account of it. The death of
general Win-terfield was, indeed, an irreparable loss to his Prussian
majesty, who received at the same time the news of this misfortune, and
of the Swedes having now actually begun hostilities in Pomerania.




THE FRENCH OBLIGE FERDINAND TO RETIRE.

A body of the French, who, let loose against the king of Prussia by the
ever-memorable and shameful convention of Closter-Seven, had entered the
territories of Halberstadt and Magdeburgh, were worsted at Eglen by a
party of six hundred men, under the command of count Horn, whom prince
Ferdinand of Brunswick had detached from a body of troops with which his
Prussian majesty had sent him to defend those countries. The Prussians
took prisoners the count de Lusignan, colonel, eighteen other French
officers, and four hundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of a
considerable booty in baggage, &c, with the loss of only two men;
and, moreover, a French officer and forty men were made prisoners
at Halberstadt. Upon this check the French evacuated the country of
Halberstadt for a little while, but returning again on the twenty-ninth
of September, with a considerable reinforcement from mareschal
Richelieu’s army, which he now could easily spare, prince Ferdinand was
obliged to retire to Winsleben, near the city of Magdeburgh. The dangers
which had been hitherto kept at a distance from the Prussian dominions,
by the surprising activity of their king, now drew nearer, and menaced
them on all sides. Mareschal Richelieu, with eighty battalions and
an hundred squadrons, entered the country of Halberstadt, and levied
immense contributions; whilst the allied army of the French and
Imperialists, being joined by six thousand men under general Laudohn,
who had just defeated a regiment of Prussian cavalry near Erfurt,
marched to Weissenfells, a city in the very centre of Thuringia. The
Swedes had actually taken some towns in Pomerania, and were advancing to
besiege Stetin, and the Austrians, who had made themselves masters
of Lignitz, and a considerable part of Silesia, had now laid siege to
Schweidnitz, and were preparing to pass the Oder, in order to attack
the prince of Bevern in his camp near Breslau. In the meantime they made
frequent and always destructive incursions into Brandenburgh; to oppose
which his Prussian majesty ordered detachments from all his regiments in
those parts to join the militia of the country, and sent the prince of
Anhault-Dessau from Leipsic, with a body of ten thousand men, to guard
Berlin, whilst he himself marched with the troops under his command to
Interbeck, on the frontier of the Lower Lusatia, to be the more at hand
to cover Brandenburgh, and to preserve the communication with Silesia.

While these precautions were taking, general Had-dick, with fifteen or
sixteen thousand Austrians, entered Brandenburgh on the sixteenth
of October, and the next day arrived before Berlin, of which city he
demanded a contribution of six hundred thousand crowns; but contented
himself with two hundred and ten thousand. The Austrians pillaged two
of the suburbs; but before they could do any further mischief, they
were obliged to retire in great haste, at the approach of the prince of
Anhault-Dessau, whose vanguard entered the city in the evening of their
departure. This alarm, however, obliged the queen and the royal family
of Prussia to remove to Magdeburgh on the twenty-third; and the most
valuable records were sent to the fort of Spandau, at the conflux of the
Havel and the Sphre. On the other hand, the unfortunate inhabitants of
Leipsic now felt most severely the cruel effects of the power of their
new master. The Prussian commandant in that city had, by order of the
king, demanded of them three hundred thousand crowns, a sum far greater
than it was in their power to raise. This truth they represented, but
in vain. The short time allowed them to furnish their contingents being
expired, and all their efforts to comply with this demand having proved
ineffectual, they were subjected to the rigours of military execution;
in consequence of which their houses were occupied by the soldiery, who
seized upon the best apartments, and lived at discretion; but the sum
demanded could not be found. Such was the situation of this distressed
city, when, on the fifteenth of October, an express arrived, with
advice that his Prussian majesty would soon be there; and accordingly
he arrived a few minutes after, attended by his life-guards. At the
same time, a rumour was spread that the city would be delivered up to
pillage, which threw the inhabitants into the utmost consternation.
Their fears, however, in that respect were soon abated, by his majesty’s
declaring, that he was willing to spare the place, upon condition that
half the sum required should be immediately paid. All that could be done
was to collect among the merchants, traders, and others, fifty thousand
crowns; bills of exchange were drawn upon Amsterdam and London for
seventy thousand crowns, and hostages were given, by way of security,
for the payment of thirty thousand more within a time which was
agreed on. But still, notwithstanding this, the military execution was
continued, even with greater rigour than before, and all the comfort
the wretched inhabitants could obtain was, that it should cease whenever
advice should be received that their bills were accepted.




BATTLE OF ROSBACH.

The king of Prussia had tried several times to bring the combined army
under the princes Saxe-Hilburghausen and Soubise to an engagement upon
fair ground, but finding them bent on declining it, notwithstanding the
superiority of their numbers, he had recourse to one of those strokes in
war, by which a general is better seen than by the gaining of a victory.
He made a feint, soon after the beginning of October, as if he intended
nothing more than to secure his own dominions, and march his army into
winter-quarters back to Berlin, leaving mareschal Keith, with only
seven or eight thousand men, to defend Leipsic. Upon this the enemy took
courage, passed the Sala, and having marched up to the city, summoned
the mareschal to surrender; to which he answered, that the king, his
master, had ordered him to defend the place to the last extremity, and
he would obey his orders. The enemy then thought of besieging the city;
but, before they could prepare any one implement for that purpose, they
were alarmed by the approach of the king of Prussia, who, judging that
his feint would probably induce them to take the step they did, had,
by previous and private orders, collected together all his distant
detachments, some of which were twenty leagues asunder, and was
advancing, by long marches, to Leipsic; upon notice of which the
enemy repassed the Sala. The Prussian army was re-assembled on the
twenty-seventh of October, and remained at Leipsic the twenty-eighth and
twenty-ninth, when everybody expected a battle would be fought in the
plains of Lutzen. On the thirtieth, the king drew nigh that place, and
on the thirty-first, in his way through Weissenfells and Meresbourg, he
made five hundred men prisoners of war. The combined army had repassed
the Sala at Weissenfells, Meresbourg, and Halle, where they broke down
the bridges; but these were soon repaired, and the whole Prussian army,
amounting to no more than twenty thousand men, having passed that river,
through these towns, in each of which they left a battalion, joined
again on the third of November, in the evening, over against the
enemy, whose forces consisted of forty thousand French, and twenty-five
thousand Imperialists. On the fifth, about nine o’clock in the morning,
the Prussians received intelligence that the enemy were every where in
motion. They likewise heard the drums beating the march, and, so near
were the two armies to each other, plainly perceived from their camp
that their whole infantry, which had drawn nearer upon the rising
grounds over against them, was filing off towards their right. No
certain judgment could, however, yet be formed of the enemy’s real
design, and as they were in want of bread, it was thought probable that
they intended to repass the Un-strut; but it was soon perceived that
their several motions were contradictory to each other. At the same time
that some of their infantry were filing off towards their right, a large
body of cavalry wheeled round towards their left, directing its march
all along to the rising grounds with which the whole Prussian camp,
that lay in a bottom between the villages of Eederow and Rosbach, was
surrounded within the reach of large cannon. Soon after that the cavalry
were seen to halt, and afterwards to fall back to the right; though some
of them still remained where they were, whilst the rest marched back.
About two in the afternoon the doubts of the Prussians were cleared up;
it plainly appearing then that the enemy intended to attack them, and
that their dispositions were made with a view to surround them, and to
open the action by attacking them in the rear. A body of reserve was
posted over against Eederow, to fall upon their routed troops, in case
they should be defeated, and to prevent their retiring to Meresbourg,
the only retreat which could then have been left them. In thiss
situation the king of Prussia resolved to attack them. His majesty had
determined to make the attack with one wing only, and the disposition
of the enemy made it necessary that it should be the left wing. The very
instant the battle was going to begin, his majesty ordered the general
who commanded the right wing to decline engaging, to take a proper
position in consequence thereof, and, above all, to prevent his being
surrounded. All the cavalry of the right wing of the Prussians, except
two or three squadrons, had already marched to the left at full gallop;
and being arrived at the place assigned them, they formed over against
that of the enemy. They then moved on immediately, the enemy advanced
to meet them, and the charge was very fierce, several regiments of the
French coming on with great resolution. The advantage, however, was
entirely on the side of the Prussians. The enemy’s cavalry being routed,
were pursued for a considerable time with great spirit, but having
afterwards reached an eminence, which gave them an opportunity of
rallying, the Prussian cavalry fell upon them afresh, and gave them so
total a defeat, that they fled in the utmost disorder. This happened
at four in the afternoon. Whilst the cavalry of the Prussians charged,
their infantry opened. The enemy cannonaded them briskly during this
interval, and did some execution, but the Prussian artillery was not
idle. After this cannonading had continued on both sides a full quarter
of an hour, without the least intermission, the fire of the infantry
began. The enemy could not stand it, nor resist the valour of the
Prussian foot, who gallantly marched up to their batteries. The
batteries were carried one after another, and the enemy were forced to
give way, which they did in great confusion. As the left wing of the
Prussians advanced, the right changed its position, and having soon met
with a small rising ground, they availed themselves of it, by planting
it with sixteen pieces of heavy artillery. The fire from thence was
partly pointed at the enemy’s right, to increase the disorder there, and
took their left wing in front, which was excessively galled thereby. At
five the victory was decided, the cannonading ceased, and the enemy
fled on all sides. They were pursued as long as there was any light
to distinguish them, and it may be said, that night alone was the
preservation of this army, which had been so formidable in the morning.
They took the benefit of the darkness to hurry into Fribourg, and there
to repass the Unstrut, which they did on the morning of the sixth, after
a whole night’s inarch. The king of Prussia set out early in the morning
to pursue them with all his cavalry, supported by four battalions of
grenadiers, the infantry following them in two columns. The enemy had
passed the Unstrut at Fribourg, when the Prussians arrived on its banks,
and as they had burnt the bridge, it became necessary to make another,
which, however, was soon done. The cavalry passed first, but could
not come up with the enemy till five in the evening, upon the hills of
Eckersberg. It was then too late to force them there, for which reason
the king thought proper to canton his army in the nearest villages, and
to be satisfied with the success his hussars had in taking near three
hundred baggage waggons, and every thing they contained. The whole
loss of the Prussians in this important engagement, did not exceed five
hundred men killed and wounded. Among the former was general Meincke,
and among the latter prince Henry and general Seydelitz. The enemy lost
sixty-four pieces of cannon, a great many standards and colours, near
three thousand men killed on the field of battle, and upwards of eight
thousand taken prisoners, among whom were several generals, and other
officers of distinction. Three hundred waggons were sent to Leipsic,
laden with wounded French and Swiss. Upon the approach of the Prussians
towards Eckersberg, the enemy retreated with great precipitation; and,
after marching all night, arrived the next day at Erfurth, in the utmost
want of every necessary of life, not having had a morsel of bread for
two days, during which they had been obliged to live upon turnips,
radishes, and other roots, which they dug out of the earth. The French,
under the duke de Richelieu, were preparing to go into winter-quarters;
but, upon the news of this defeat of the combined army, they again put
themselves in motion, and a large detachment of them advanced as far as
Duderstadt, to favour the retreat of their countrymen under the prince
de Soubise, who, with great precipitancy, made the best of their way
from Erfurth to the county of Hohenstein, and from thence bent their
march towards Halberstadt. Of the remains of the imperial army, which
was now almost entirely dispersed, whole bodies deserted, and went over
to the king of Prussia soon after the battle.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE AUSTRIANS TAKE SCHWEIDNITZ.

Whilst his Prussian majesty was thus successful against the French and
Imperialists, the Austrians, who had carefully avoided coming to an open
engagement with him, gained ground apace in Silesia. A detachment of
their army, under the command of count Nadasti, had already invested
Schweidnitz, and opened the trenches before it on the twenty-sixth
of October. The Prussian garrison, commanded by general de la Motte
Fouquet, determined to defend the place as long as possible; and
accordingly on the thirtieth they made a sally, in which they killed,
wounded, and took prisoners, eight hundred of the besiegers, and did
some damage to their works; but on the sixth of November the Austrians
began to cannonade the city furiously, and on the eleventh made
themselves masters of the ramparts by assault. The garrison, however,
having taken care, during the siege, to throw up a strong in-trenchment
in the market-place, retreated thither, and held out till the next day,
when they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. After the reduction
of this place, general Nadasti, leaving in it a sufficient garrison,
marched with the remainder of his troops, and joined the main army
of the Austrians, under the command of prince Charles of Lorraine and
mareschal Daun, who, whilst he was busied in the siege of Schweidnitz,
had invested Breslau on the left of the Oder; the prince of Bevern
defending it on the right, where he was strongly encamped, with his
little army, under the cannon of the city. The whole army of the
Austrians being now re-assembled, and intelligence having been brought
not only of the king of Prussia’s late victory near Leipsic, but also
that he was advancing to the relief of the prince of Bevern, it
was resolved immediately to attack the last in his intrenchments.
Accordingly, on the twenty-second of November, about nine in the
morning, the Austrians began a most furious discharge of their cannon,
forty of which were twenty-four pounders, and this continued without
ceasing till one, when it was succeeded by a severe fire of their
small arms, which lasted till five in the evening. The Prussians, with
undaunted resolution, stood two of the most violent attacks that were
ever made; but at the third, overpowered by numbers, and assailed on
both sides, they began to lose ground, and were forced to retire from
one intrenchment to another. In this extremity, night coming on, the
Prussian generals fearing their intrenchments would be entirely forced,
and that they should then be totally defeated, thought proper to
retreat. The prince of Bevern, with the greatest part of the army,
retired to an eminence on the banks of the Oder, whilst the rest of the
troops threw themselves into Breslau, which they might have defended,
in all probability, till the king had come to its relief. But, on the
twenty-fourth, their commander-in-chief, the prince of Bevern, going to
reconnoitre the enemy, with only a single groom to attend him, fell in
among a party of croats, who took him prisoner.*

     * We are told, that he mistook these croats for Prussian
     hussars. But some of the circumstances of this mysterious
     affair were interpreted into a premeditated design in the
     prince to be taken prisoner. It cannot otherwise he supposed
     that a man of his rank, a prince, a commander-in-chief,
     should officiously undertake the always dangerous task of
     reconnoitering the enemy with so slight an attendance as
     only one man, and that but a groom, even if he had judged it
     necessary to see things with his own eyes. Some secret
     dissatisfaction, hitherto unknown to us, may possibly have
     been the cause of his taking this step; or, which seems
     still more probable, he might he ashamed, or, perhaps, even
     afraid, to see the king his master, after having so
     injudiciously abandoned the defence of Breslau, by quitting
     his lines, which, it is asserted, his Prussian majesty had
     sent him express orders not to quit on any account whatever,
     for that he would certainly be with him by the fifth of
     December, in which we shall find he kept his word.

His army, thus deprived of their general, retreated northward that
night, leaving in Breslau only four battalions, who, the next day,
surrendered the place by capitulation, one of the articles of which was,
that they should not serve against the empress, or her allies, for two
years. All the magazines, chests, artillery, &c, remained in the hands
of the Austrians. The garrison marched out with all military honours,
conducted by general Leswitz, governor of Breslau. Though the Austrians
sung _Te Deum_ for this victory, they owned that such another would put
an end to their army, for it cost them the lives of twelve thousand
men; a number almost equal to the whole of the Prussian army before
the battle. They had four almost inaccessible intrenchments to force,
planted thick with cannon, which fired cartridge shot from nine in the
morning till the evening, and the Prussians, when attacked, were never
once put into the least confusion. Among the slain on the side of
the Austrians, were general Wurben, and several other officers of
distinction. The loss of the Prussians did not much exceed three
thousand men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of which last there
were about sixteen hundred. Their general Kleist was found dead on the
field of battle.




MARESCHAL KEITH LAYS BOHEMIA UNDER CONTRIBUTION.

The king of Prussia, who, like Caesar, thought nothing was done while
any thing was left undone, stayed no longer at Rosbach than till the
routed forces of the French and Imperialists, whom he had defeated
there on the fifth of November, were totally dispersed. Then he marched
directly with the greatest part of his army for Silesia, and on the
twenty-fourth of that month arrived at Naumburgh on the Queiss, a little
river which runs into the Bobber, having in his route detached mareschal
Keith, with the rest of his army, to clear Saxony from all the Austrian
parties, and then to make an irruption into Bohemia, a service which he
performed so effectually, as to raise large contributions in the circles
of Satz and Leitmeritz, and even to give an alarm to Prague itself. His
majesty reserved for himself only fifteen thousand men, with whom he
advanced, with his usual rapidity, to Barchweitz, where, notwithstanding
all that had happened at Schweidnitz and at Breslau, he was joined by
twenty-four thousand more; part of them troops which he had ordered from
Saxony, part the remains of the army lately commanded by the prince of
Bevern, and part the late garrison of Schweidnitz, which had found means
to escape from the Austrians, and accidentally joined their king upon
his march.*

     * While the Austrians were conducting them to prison, on
     their route they chanced to hear of the victory their master
     had gained at Rosbach. Animated by these tidings, they
     unanimously rose upon the escort that guarded them, which
     happening not to be very strong, they entirely dispersed.
     Thus freed, they marched on, not very certain of their way,
     in hopes to rejoin some corps of the Prussian troops, their
     countrymen. The same fortune which freed them led them
     directly to the army commanded by the king himself, which
     was hastening to their relief, as well as to that of the
     prince of Bevern. This unexpected meeting was equally
     pleasing to both, the prisoners not having heard any thing
     of his majesty’s march; and, at the same time, this lucky
     incident, whilst it added a considerable strength to the
     army, added likewise to its confidence, for the slightest
     occurrence is construed into an omen by an army at the eve
     of an engagement.

With this force, though greatly inferior in number to that of the enemy,
he resolved to attack the Austrians, who were intrenched at Lissa,
near Breslau. On the fourth of December he seized upon their ovens at
Neu-marck, and upon a considerable magazine, guarded by two regiments
of croats, who retired to a rising ground, where his majesty ordered his
hussars to surround them, and send a trumpet to summon them to surrender
themselves prisoners of war. Upon their refusal, the hussars of Ziethen
fell upon them sabre in hand, and some hundreds of them having been cut
in pieces, the rest threw down their arms, begging for quarter on their
knees. After this seizure, and after having distributed to his army
the bread prepared for his enemies, he began again the next morning
his march towards Lissa. General Ziethen, who led the vanguard of
light-horse, about seven in the morning fell in with a body of Austrian
hussars, and three regiments of Saxon dragoons, which were the very best
cavalry the enemy had left after the battle of the twenty-second. They
had been detached by the Austrians, in order to retard the king’s march,
and to conceal their own, till their batteries should be completed;
for, as they held the small number of the Prussians in contempt,
their intention was to have met the king two German miles from their
intrenchments. The Austrian cavalry having been vigorously repulsed to
a considerable distance, general Ziethen perceived that their whole
army was forming. He immediately acquainted the king with what he
had discovered, and his majesty, after having himself observed the
disposition of the enemy, made his own with that sagacity and despatch
for which he has always been remarkable. The action began by attacking a
battery of forty pieces of large cannon, which covered the right wing
of the enemy. The two battalions of guards, with the regiments of the
margrave Charles and of Itzenplitz, marched up amidst a most terrible
fire to the very mouths of the cannon, with their bayonets screwed.
In this attack the Prussians sustained their greatest loss, though the
battery was carried as soon almost as they could reach it; then the
enemy’s artillery, now turned against themselves, played furiously upon
them with their own powder. From that instant the two wings and the
centre of the Prussians continued to drive the enemy before them,
advancing all the time with that firm and regular pace for which they
have always been renowned, without ever halting or giving way. The
ground which the Austrians occupied was very advantageous, and every
circumstance that could render it more so had been improved to the
utmost by the diligence and skill of count Daun, who, remembering his
former success, was emboldened to enter the lists again with his royal
antagonist. The Prussians, however, no way terrified by the enemy’s
situation nor their numbers, went calmly and dreadfully forward. It was
almost impossible in the beginning for the Prussian cavalry to act, on
account of the impediments of fallen trees, which the enemy had cut
down and laid in the field of battle, to retard their approach; but a
judicious disposition which the king made overcame that disadvantage.
When he first formed his army, he had placed four battalions behind
the cavalry of his right wing, foreseeing that general Nadasti, who was
placed with a corps of reserve on the enemy’s left, designed to take him
in flank. It happened as he had foreseen, this general’s horse attacked
the king’s right wing with great fury; but he was received with so
severe a fire from the four battalions, that he was obliged to retire
in disorder. The enemy gave way on all sides; out at some distance
recovered themselves, and rallied three times, animated by their
officers, and by the superiority of their numbers. Every time they made
a stand, the Prussians attacked them with redoubled vigour, and
with success equal to their bravery. Towards night, the enemy, still
retreating, fell into disorder. Their two wings fled in confusion;
one of them, closely pressed by the king, retired towards Breslau, and
took shelter under the cannon of that city; the other, pursued by the
greatest part of the light cavalry, took their flight towards Canth and
Schweidnitz. Six thousand Austrians fell in this engagement, and the
Prussians, who had only five hundred men killed, and two thousand three
hundred wounded, made upwards of ten thousand of the enemy prisoners,
among whom were two hundred and ninety-one officers. They took also an
hundred and sixteen cannon, fifty-one colours and standards, and four
thousand waggons of ammunition and baggage. The consequences that
followed this victory declared its importance. Future ages will read
with astonishment, that the same prince, who but a few months before
seemed on the verge of inevitable ruin, merely by the dint of his own
abilities, without the assistance of any friend whatever, with troops
perpetually harassed by long and painful marches, and by continual
skirmishes and battles, not only retrieved his affairs, which almost
every one, except himself, thought past redress; but, in the midst of
winter, in countries where it was judged next to impossible for any
troops to keep the field at that season, conquered the united force of
France and the empire at Rosbach, on the fifth of November; and on the
same day of the very next month, with a great part of the same army, was
at Lissa, where he again triumphed over all the power of the house of
Austria. Pursuing his advantage, he immediately invested Breslau, and
within two days after this great victory every thing was in readiness to
besiege it in form. His troops, flushed with success, were at first for
storming it, but the king, knowing the strength of the garrison, which
consisted of upwards of thirteen thousand men, and considering both
the fatigues which his own soldiers had lately undergone, and the fatal
consequences that might ensue, should they fail of success in this
attempt, ordered the approaches to be carried on in the usual form. His
commands were obeyed, and Breslau surrendered to him on the twentieth of
December in the morning. The garrison, of which ten thousand bore arms,
and between three and four thousand lay sick or wounded, were made
prisoners of war. Fourteen of these prisoners were officers of high
rank. The military chest, a vast treasure, with eighty pieces of cannon,
fell into the hands of the victors, who lost only about twenty men in
their approaches. During the siege, a magazine of powder was set on
fire by a bomb, which occasioned great confusion among the besieged, and
damaged one of the bastions. The strong fortress of Schweidnitz still
remained in the enemy’s possession, defended by a garrison so numerous,
that it might be compared to a small army, and whilst that continued so,
the king of Prussia’s victories in Silesia were of no decisive effect.
For this reason, though it was now the dead of winter, and the soldiers
stood in need of repose, his majesty resolved, if possible, to become
master of that place before the end of the year; but as a close siege
was impracticable, a blockade was formed, as strictly as the rigour of
the season would permit.*

     * Such was the rigour of the season, that some hundreds of
     the sentinels dropped down dead on their several posts,
     unable to sustain the severity of the cold. The Germans lie
     under the general reproach of paying very little regard to
     the lives of their soldiers, and indeed this practice of
     winter campaigns, in such a cold country, bespeaks very
     little regard to the dictates of humanity.

It was not, however, till the beginning of the ensuing campaign that
this place was taken. The Prussians opened their trenches before it
on the third of April, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-eight, and
erected two large batteries, which kept a continual fire upon the town.
The artillery of the besiegers consisted of three hundred pieces
of cannon, of different dimensions, and eighty mortars; an amazing
artillery, and such as we have never heard of in former campaigns. On
the night of the fourteenth, the Prussians carried one of the chief
works by assault, and lodged themselves therein: the commandant
capitulated the next day, with the garrison, which was now greatly
reduced in number, being not half of what it amounted to at the
beginning of the blockade. Thus, all the parts of Silesia which the
king of Prussia had lost by one unfortunate blow, fell again into
his possession; and his affairs, which but a few months before seemed
irretrievable, were now re-established upon a firmer basis than ever.
The Prussian parties not only re-possessed themselves of those parts of
Silesia which belonged to their king, but penetrated into the Austrian
division, reduced Jagerndorf, Troppau, Tretchen, and several other
places, and left the empress-queen scarce any footing in that country,
in which, a few days before, she reckoned her dominion perfectly
established.




HOSTILITIES of the SWEDES in POMERANIA.

The Swedes, after many debates between their king and senate, had at
length resolved upon an open declaration against the king of Prussia,
and, in consequence of that resolution, sent so many troops into
Pomerania, that by the end of August, their army in that country
amounted to twenty-five thousand men. Their first act of hostility was
the seizure of Anclam and Dem-min, two towns that lay in the way to
Stetin, against which their principal design was levelled. But before
they proceeded farther, general Hamilton, their commander, by way of
justifying the conduct of his master, published a declaration,
setting forth, “That the king of Sweden, as guarantee of the treaty of
Westphalia, could not help sending his troops into the upper part of
the duchy of Pomerania belonging to the king of Prussia; and that,
therefore, all the officers appointed to receive the public revenue in
that country must pay what money they had in their hands to him, who was
commissioned to receive it for his Swedish majesty; that, moreover, an
exact account was required, within eight days, of the revenues of the
country; but that no more than ordinary contributions would be demanded
of the inhabitants, who might rest assured that the Swedish troops
should observe the strictest discipline.” After this declaration, they
attacked the little fortress of Penemunde, upon the river Pene, and on
the twenty-third of September, after a siege of nine days, obliged
the garrison, which consisted only of militia, to surrender themselves
prisoners of war. This alternative the commanding officer chose,
rather than engage not to serve for two years, observing, that such an
engagement was inconsistent with his honour, whilst his prince had so
much occasion for his service; and the Swedish general, touched with
this noble way of thinking, was, on his part, so generous as to give him
his liberty. On the other hand, general Manteuffel, who commanded the
Prussian forces then in Pomerania, amounting to twelve thousand men,
with whom he was encamped before Stetin, to cover that place, published
in answer to this a declaration, enjoining the inhabitants of Pomerania
to remain faithful to the king of Prussia, their lawful sovereign, under
pain of incurring his just indignation, and absolutely forbidding them
to pay any regard to the Swedish manifesto.

In the meantime, maresehal Lehwald, immediately after the battle of
Norkitten, when the Russians began their retreat, detached prince George
of Holstein-Got-torp, with a considerable body of forces, to the relief
of Pomerania; and, shortly after, the Russian forces having totally
evacuated every part of Prussia, except Memel, and most of them
being actually gone into winter-quarters, he himself followed with an
additional reinforcement of sixteen thousand men. Upon his approach, the
Swedes, who were then encamped at Ferdinandshoff, and had begun to fill
up the harbour of Swinnemunde, by way of previous preparation for the
siege of Stetin, retired with such precipitation, that they did not
allow themselves time to draw off a little garrison they had at Wollin,
consisting of two hundred and ten men, who were made prisoners of war.
Dem-min was cannonaded by the Prussians on the twenty-ninth of December;
and the Swedes having lost one officer and forty men, desired to
capitulate. As, in order to ease the troops, it was not thought proper
to continue the siege in so sharp a season, their request was granted,
and they had leave to retire with two pieces of cannon. The Prussians
took possession of the town on the second day of January, after the
Swedes had, on the thirtieth of December, likewise given up Anclam,
where the conquerors took an hundred and fifty prisoners, and found a
considerable magazine of provisions and ammunition. Maresehal Lehwald
then passed the Pene, entered Swedish Pomerania, and reduced Gutzkow,
Loitz, Tripsus, and Nebringen. At the same time, lieutenant-general
Schorlemmer passed with his corps from the isle of Wollin into the isle
of Usedom, and from thence to Wolgast, the Swedes having abandoned this
town, as well as Schwinemunde, and the fort of Penemunde. The prince
of Holstein advanced as far as Grimm and Grieffwalde, and the Swedes,
losing one town after another, till they had nothing left in Pomerania
but the port of Stralsund, continued retreating till they had reached
this last place. The French party in Sweden, to comfort the people,
called this retreat, or rather flight, going into winter-quarters. The
Prussian hussars were not idle wherever they penetrated; for, besides
plundering and pillaging, they raised a contribution of an hundred and
sixty thousand crowns in Swedish Pomerania. The Mecklenburghers, who had
joined the Swedes with six thousand of their troops, now found cause to
repent of their forwardness, being left quite exposed to the resentment
of the victors, who chastised them with the most severe exactions.
The army of the Swedes, though they did not fight a battle, was, by
sickness, desertion, and other accidents, reduced to half the number it
consisted of when they took the field. The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel,
soon after his territories were invaded by the French, in consequence of
their advantage in the affair of Hastenbeck, had applied to the king of
Sweden, as one of the guarantees of the treaty of Westphalia, desiring
him to employ his good offices with the court of France, to obtain a
more favourable treatment for his dominions; but his Swedish majesty, by
the advice of the senate, thought proper to refuse complying with this
request, alleging, that as the crown of Sweden was one of the principal
guarantees of the treaty of Westphalia, it would be highly improper to
take such a step in favour of a prince who had not only broke the laws
and constitution of the empire, in refusing to furnish his contingent,
but had even assisted, with his troops, a power known to be its
declared enemy. The Aulic council too, seeing, or pretending to see, the
behaviour of the landgrave in the same light, issued a decree against
his serene highness towards the end of this year.




MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE DUTCH.

The court of Great Britain, justly displeased with the Dutch, on account
of the extreme facility with which they had granted the French a free
passage through Namur and Maestricht for their provisions, ammunition,
and artillery, in the beginning of this campaign, had very properly
remonstrated against that step, before it-was absolutely resolved on,
or at least declared to be so; but in vain; a pusillanimous answer being
all the satisfaction that was obtained. The tameness and indifference
with which the states-general has since seen Os-tend and Nieuport
put into the hands of the French, drew upon their high mightinesses a
further remonstrance, which was delivered to them on the twenty-eighth
of November of this year by colonel Yorke, his Britannic majesty’s
plenipotentiary at the Hague, in the following terms, well calculated to
awaken in them a due sense of their own danger, as well as to evince the
injustice of the proceedings of the house of Austria:--Considering the
critical situation which Europe has been in during the course of this
year, in consequence of measures concerted to embroil all Europe, the
king of Great Britain was willing to flatter himself that the courts of
Vienna and Versailles, out of regard to the circumspect conduct observed
by your high mightinesses, would have at least informed you of the
changes they have thought proper to make in the Austrian Netherlands. It
was with the utmost surprise the king heard, that without any previous
consent of yours, and almost without giving you any notice, the court of
Vienna had thought proper to put the towns of Ostend and Nieuport into
the hands of the French troops, and to withdraw her own, as well as
her artillery and stores, whilst France continues to send thither a
formidable quantity of both. The conduct of the court of Vienna towards
his majesty is indeed so unmerited and so extraordinary, that it is
difficult to find words to express it; but whatever fallacious pretexts
she may have made use of to palliate her behaviour towards England,
it doth not appear that they can be extended so far as to excuse the
infringement, in concert with France, of the most solemn treaties
between her and your high mightinesses. The king never doubted that
your high mightinesses would have made proper representations to the two
courts newly allied, to demonstrate the injustice of such a proceeding,
and the danger that might afterwards result from it. Your high
mightinesses will have perceived that your silence on the first step
encouraged the two courts, newly allied, to attempt others, and who can
say where they will stop? The pretext at first was, the need which the
empress-queen stood in of the troops for the war kindled in the empire,
and the necessity of providing for the safety of those important places,
and afterwards of their imaginary danger from England. But, high and
mighty lords, it is but too evident that the two powers who have taken
these measures in concert, have other projects in view, and have made
new regulations with regard to that country, which cannot but alarm the
neighbouring states. The late demand made to your high mightinesses, of
a passage for a large train of warlike implements through some of the
barrier towns, in order to be sent to Ostend and Nieuport, could not
fail to awaken the king’s attention. The sincere friendship, and parity
of interests, of Great Britain and Holland, require that they should
no longer keep silence, lest in the issue it should be considered as
a tacit consent, and as a relinquishment of all our rights. The king
commands me, therefore, to recall to your high mightinesses the two-fold
right you have acquired to keep the Austrian Netherlands under the
government of the house of Austria; and that no other has a title to
make the least alteration therein, without the consent of your high
mightinesses; unless the new allies have resolved to set aside all prior
treaties, and to dispose at pleasure of everything that may suit their
private interest. In the treaty between your high mightinesses and
the crown of France, signed at Utrecht on the eleventh of April, one
thousand seven hundred and thirteen, in the fifteenth article are these
words: “It is also agreed, that no province, fort, town, or city of
the said Netherlands, or of those which are given up by his catholic
majesty, shall ever be ceded, transferred, or given, or shall ever
devolve to the crown of France, or any prince or princess of the house
or line of France, either by virtue of any gift, exchange, marriage
contract, succession by will, or by any other title whatever, to the
power and authority of the most christian king, or of any prince or
princess of the house or line of France.” In the barrier-treaty these
very stipulations are repeated in the first article: “His imperial and
catholic majesty promises and engages, that no province, city, town,
fortress, or territory of the said country, shall be ceded, transferred,
given, or devolve to the crown of France, or to any other but the
successor of the German dominions of the house of Austria, either by
donation, sale, exchange, marriage-contract, heritage, testamentary
succession, nor under any other pretext whatsoever; so that no province,
town, fortress, or territory of the said Netherlands shall ever be
subject to any other prince, but to the successor of the states of the
house of Austria alone, excepting what has been yielded by the present
treaty to the said lords the states-general. A bare reading of these
two articles is sufficient to evince all that I have just represented
to your high mightinesses: and whatever pretext the courts of Vienna and
Versailles may allege, to cover the infraction of these treaties, the
thing remains nevertheless evident, whilst these two courts are unable
to prove that the towns of Ostend and Nieuport are not actually in
the power of France. If their designs are just, or agreeable to those
treaties, they will doubtless not scruple, in the least, to make your
high mightinesses easy on that head, by openly explaining themselves to
a quiet and pacific neighbour, and by giving you indisputable proofs
of their intentions to fulfil the stipulations of the said two treaties
with regard to the Netherlands. The king hath so much confidence in the
good sense, prudence, and friendship of your high mightinesses, that he
makes not the least doubt of your taking the most efficacious measures
to clear up an affair of such importance; and of your being pleased,
in concert with his majesty, to watch over the fate of a country whose
situations and independence have, for more than a century, been regarded
as one of the principal supports of your liberty and commerce.” It
does not appear that this remonstrance had the desired effect upon the
states-general, who were apprehensive of embroiling themselves with an
enemy so remarkably alert in taking all advantages. The truth is,
they were not only unprepared for a rupture with France, but extremely
unwilling to forego the commercial profits which they derived from their
neutrality.

The king of Prussia, about this period, began to harbour a suspicion
that certain other powers longed eagerly to enjoy the same respite from
the dangers and inconveniences of war, and that he ran the risk of being
abandoned by his sole patron and ally, who seemed greatly alarmed at his
defeat in Bohemia, and desirous of detaching himself from a connexion
which might be productive of the most disagreeable consequences to his
continental interest. Stimulated by this opinion, his Prussian majesty
is said to have written an expostulatory letter [433] _[See note 3 L,
at the end of this Vol.]_ to the king of Great Britain, in which he
very plainly taxes that monarch with having instigated him to commence
hostilities; and insists upon his remembering the engagements by which
he was so solemnly bound. From the strain of this letter, and the
Prussian king’s declaration to the British minister when he first
set out for Saxony, importing that he was going to fight the king of
England’s battles, a notion was generally conceived that those
two powers had agreed to certain private pacts or conventions,
the particulars of which have not yet transpired. Certain it is, a
declaration was delivered to the Prussian resident at London, which
appears to have been calculated as an answer to the letter. In that
paper the king of Great Britain declared, that the overtures made by his
majesty’s electoral ministers in Germany, touching the checks received
on the continent, should have no influence on his majesty as king; that
he saw, in the same light as before, the pernicious effects of the union
between the courts of Vienna and Versailles, threatning a subversion
of the whole system of public liberty, and of the independence of the
European powers; that he considered as a fatal consequence of this
dangerous connexion, the cession made by the court of Vienna of the
ports in the Netherlands to France, in such a critical situation, and
contrary to the faith of the most solemn treaties; that, whatever
might be the success of his arms, his majesty was determined to act
in constant concert with the king of Prussia in employing the most
efficacious means to frustrate the unjust and oppressive designs of
their common enemies. He concluded with assuring the king of Prussia,
that the British crown would continue to fulfil, with the greatest
punctuality, its engagements with his Prussian majesty, and to support
him with firmness and vigour. Such a representation could not fail of
being agreeable to a prince, who, at this juncture, stood in need of an
extraordinary cordial. He knew he could securely depend, not only on the
good faith of an English ministry, but also on the good plight of the
British nation, which, like an indulgent nurse, hath always presented
the nipple to her meagre German allies. Those, however, who pretended to
consider and canvas events, without prejudice and prepossession, could
not help owning their surprise at hearing an alliance stigmatized
as pernicious to the system of public liberty, and subversive of the
independence of the European powers, as they remembered that this
alliance was the effect of necessity, to which the house of Austria was
reduced for its own preservation; reduced, as its friends and partisans
affirm, by those very potentates that now reproached her with these
connexions.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DISPUTES CONCERNING THE CONVENTION OF CLOSTER-SEVEN.

His Britannic majesty was resolved that the king of Prussia should have
no cause to complain of his indifference, whatever reasons he had
to exclaim against the convention of Closter-Seven, which he did not
scruple to condemn as a very scandalous capitulation, as much as he
disapproved of the conduct, in consequence of which near forty
thousand men were so shamefully disarmed, and lost to his cause. Those
stipulations also met with a very unfavourable reception in England,
where the motions of the allied army, in their retreat before the enemy,
were very freely censured, and some great names exposed to the ridicule
and contempt of the public. This event, so singular in itself, and
so important in its consequences, attracted the attention of the
privy-council, where it is said to have been canvassed with great
warmth and animosity of altercation. The general complained that he was
restricted by peremptory orders from the regency of Hanover; and they
were reported to have used recriminations in their defence. In all
probability, every circumstance of the dispute was not explained to the
satisfaction of all parties, inasmuch as that great commander quitted
the harvest of military glory, and, like another Cincinnatus, retired to
his plough. The convention of Closter-Seven was equally disagreeable to
the courts of London and Versailles. The former saw the electorate of
Hanover left, by this capitulation, at the mercy of the enemy, who had
taken possession of the whole country, seized the revenues, exacted
contributions, and changed the whole form of government, in the name
of his most christian majesty; whilst the French army, which had been
employed in opposing the Hanoverian, was now at liberty to throw their
additional force into the scale against the king of Prussia, who, at
that period, seemed to totter on the verge of destruction. On the
other hand, the French ministry thought their general had granted too
favourable terms to a body of forces, whom he had cooped up in such a
manner that, in a little time, they must have surrendered at discretion.
They, therefore, determined either to provoke the Hanoverians by
ill usage to an infraction of the treaty, or, should that be found
impracticable, renounce it as an imperfect convention, established
without proper authority. Both expedients were used without reserve.
They were no sooner informed of the capitulation, than they refused to
acknowledge its validity, except on condition that the Hanoverian troops
should formally engage to desist from all service against France and her
allies during the present war, and be disarmed on their return to
their own country. At the same time her general, who commanded in the
electorate, exhausted the country by levying exorbitant contributions,
and connived at such outrages as degraded his own dignity, and reflected
disgrace on the character of his nation. The court of London, to make
a merit of necessity, affected to consider the conventional act as a
provisional armistice, to pave the way for a negotiation that might
terminate in a general peace, and proposals were offered for that
purpose; but the French ministry kept aloof, and seemed resolved that
the electorate of Hanover should be annexed to their king’s dominions.
At least, they were bent upon keeping it as a precious depositum,
which, in the plan of a general pacification, they imagined, would
counterbalance any advantage that Great Britain might obtain in other
parts of the world. Had they been allowed to keep this deposit, the
kingdom of Great Britain would have saved about twenty millions of
money, together with the lives of her best soldiers; and Westphalia
would have continued to enjoy all the blessings of security and peace.
But the king of England’s tenderness for Hanover was one of the chief
sources of the misfortunes which befel the electorate. He could not bear
the thoughts of seeing it, even for a season, in the hands of the
enemy; and his own sentiments in this particular were reinforced by the
pressing remonstrances of the Prussian monarch, whom, at this juncture,
he thought it dangerous to disoblige. Actuated by these motives, he was
pleased to see the articles of the convention so palpably contravened,
because the violation unbound his hands, and enabled him, consistently
with good faith, to take effectual steps for the assistance of his ally,
and the recovery of his own dominions. He, therefore, in quality of
elector of Brunswick-Lunen-burgh, published a declaration, observing,
“That his royal highness the duke of Cumberland had, on his part,
honestly fulfilled all the conditions of the convention; but the duke
de Richelieu demanded that the troops should enter into an engagement
specified above, and lay down their arms; although it was expressly
stipulated in the convention, that they should not be regarded as
prisoners of war, under which quality alone they could be disarmed:
that the French court pretended to treat the convention as a military
regulation only; and, indeed, it was originally nothing more; but as
they had expressly disowned its validity, and a negotiation had been
actually begun for disarming the auxiliaries, upon certain conditions,
though the French general would never answer categorically, but waited
always for fresh instructions from Versailles, the nature of that act
was totally changed, and what was at first an agreement between general
and general, was now become a matter of state between the two courts
of London and Versailles: that, however hard the conditions of the
convention appeared to be for the troops of Hanover, his Britannic
majesty would have acquiesced in them, had not the French glaringly
discovered their design of totally ruining his army and his dominions;
and, by the most outrageous conduct, freed his Britannic majesty from
every obligation under which he had been laid by the contention: that,
in the midst of the armistice, the most open hostilities had been
committed; the castle of Schartzfels had been forcibly seized and
pillaged, and the garrison made prisoners of war; the prisoners made by
the French before the convention had not been restored, according to
an express article stipulated between the generals, though it had been
fulfilled on the part of the electorate, by the immediate release of the
French prisoners; the bailies of those districts, from which the French
troops were excluded by mutual agreement, had been summoned, on pain
of military execution, to appear before the French commissary, and
compelled to deliver into his hands the public revenue: the French had
appropriated to themselves part of those magazines, which, by express
agreement, were destined for the use of the electoral troops; and they
had seized the houses, revenue, and corn, belonging to the king of
England in the city of Bremen, in violation of their engagement to
consider that city as a place absolutely free and neutral. Pie took
notice, that they had proceeded to menaces unheard of among civilized
people, of burning, sacking, and destroying every thing that fell
in their way, should the least hesitation be made in executing the
convention according to their interpretation.”--Such were the professed
considerations that determined his Britannic majesty to renounce the
agreement which they had violated, and have recourse to arms for
the relief of his subjects and allies. It was in consequence of this
determination that he conferred the command of his electoral army on
prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, brother to the duke of that name, who
had distinguished himself in the Prussian army by his great military
talents, and was, by blood and inclination, as well as interest,
supposed warmly attached to his Britannic majesty. The truth is, the
king of Prussia recommended him to this command, because he knew he
could depend upon his concurring with all his measures, in conducting
the operations of the British army. The duke de Richelieu was no
sooner informed of these particulars, than he sent a letter to prince
Ferdinand, specifying, “That although for some days he had perceived
the Hanoverian troops in motion, in order to form themselves into a
body, he could not imagine the object of these movements was to infringe
the convention of neutrality which had been established between the
duke of Cumberland and himself, as French general; that he was blinded
so far by his confidence in the good faith of the elector of Hanover,
who had signed that convention, as to believe the troops were assembled
for no other purpose than to be distributed into winter-quarters, which
had been assigned them by the agreement; but his eyes were at last
opened by repeated advices which he had received from all quarters,
importing, that the Hanoverians intended to infringe those articles
which ought to be sacred and inviolable; he affirmed, the king his
master was still willing to give fresh proofs of his moderation, and his
desire to spare the effusion of human blood: with that view he declared
to his serene highness, in the name of his most christian majesty, that
he persisted in his resolution of fulfilling exactly all the points of
the convention, provided that they should be equally observed by the
Hanoverian army; but he could not help apprising his serene highness,
that if this army should take any equivocal step, and, still more,
should it commit any act of hostility, he would then push matters to the
last extremity, looking upon himself as authorized so to do by the rules
of war: that he would set fire to all palaces, houses, and gardens;
sack all the towns and villages, without sparing the most inconsiderable
cottage, and subject the country to all the horrors of war and
devastation. He conjured his serene highness to reflect on these
particulars, and begged he would not lay him under the necessity of
taking steps so contrary to his own personal character, as well as to
the natural humanity of the French nation.” To this letter, which was
seconded by the count de Lynar, the Danish ambassador, who had mediated
the convention, prince Ferdinand returned a very laconic answer,
intimating, that he would give the duke de Richelieu his answer in
person at the head of his army. At this particular juncture, the
French general was disposed to abide by the original articles of the
convention, rather than draw upon himself the hostilities of an army
which he knew to be brave, resolute, and well appointed, and which he
saw at present animated with an eager desire of wiping out the disgrace
they had sustained by the capitulation, as well as of relieving their
country from the grievous oppression wider which it groaned.




PROGRESS OF THE HANOVERIAN ARMY.

About the latter end of November, the Hanoverian army was wholly
assembled at Stade, under the auspices of prince Ferdinand, who resolved
without delay to drive the French from the electorate, whither they now
began their march. Part of the enemy’s rear, consisting of two thousand
men, was, in their march back to Zell, attacked in the bailiwick of
Ebstorff, and entirely defeated by general Schuylenbourg; and, in a few
days after this action, another happened upon the river Aller, between
two considerable bodies of each army, in which the Hanoverians,
commanded by general Zastrow, remained masters of the field. These petty
advantages served to encourage the allies, and put them in possession of
Lunen-burgh, Zell, and part of the Brunswick dominions, which the enemy
were obliged to abandon. The operations of prince Ferdinand, however,
were retarded by the resolution and obstinate perseverance of the French
officer who commanded the garrison of Harbourg. When the Hanoverian
troops made themselves masters of the town, he retired into the castle,
which he held out against a considerable detachment of the allied army,
by whom it was invested; at length, however, the fortifications being
entirely demolished, he surrendered upon capitulation. On the sixth day
of December, prince Ferdinand began his march towards Zell, where the
French army had taken post, under the command of the duke de Richelieu,
who, at the approach of the Hanoverians, called in his advanced parties,
abandoned several magazines, burned all the farm-houses and buildings
belonging to the sheep-walks of his Britannic majesty, without paying
the least regard to the representations made by prince Ferdinand on this
subject; reduced the suburbs of Zell to ashes, after having allowed his
men to plunder the houses, and even set fire to the orphan hospital, in
which a great number of helpless children are said to have perished. One
cannot, without horror, reflect upon such brutal acts of inhumanity. The
French troops on divers occasions, and in different parts of the empire,
acted tragedies of the same nature, which are not easily reconcileable
to the character of a nation famed for sentiment and civility. The
Hanoverians having advanced within a league of Zell, the two armies
began to cannonade each other; the French troops, posted on the right of
the Aller, burned their magazines, and retired into the town, where they
were so strongly intrenched, that prince Ferdinand could not attempt the
river, the passes of which were strongly guarded by the enemy. At the
same time, his troops were exposed to great hardships from the severity
of the weather; he, therefore, retreated to Ultzen and Lunenburgh,
where his army was put into winter-quarters, and executed several
small enterprises by detachment, while the French general fixed his
headquarters in the city of Hanover, his cantonments extending as far
as Zell, in the neighbourhood of which many sharp skirmishes were fought
from the out-parties with various success. Their imperial majesties
were no sooner apprized of these transactions, which they considered as
infractions of the convention, than they sent an intimation to the baron
de Steinberg, minister from the king of Great Britain as elector of
Hanover, that he should appear no more at court, or confer with their
ministers; and that his residing at Vienna, as he might easily conceive,
could not be very agreeable: in consequence of which message he retired,
after having obtained the necessary passports for his departure. The
chagrin occasioned at the court of Vienna by the Hanoverian army’s
having recourse to their arms again, was, in some measure, alleviated
by the certain tidings received from Petersburgh, that the czarina had
signed her accession in form to the treaty between the courts of Vienna,
Versailles, and Stockholm.




DEATH OF THE QUEEN OF POLAND, &c.

In closing our account of this year’s transactions on the continent, we
may observe, that on the sixteenth day of November the queen of Poland
died at Berlin of an apoplexy, supposed to be occasioned by the shock
she received on hearing that the French were totally defeated
at Rosbach. She was a lady of exemplary virtue and piety; whose
constitution had been broke by grief and anxiety conceived from the
distress of her own family, as well as from the misery to which she saw
her people exposed. With respect to the European powers that were not
actually engaged as principals in the war, they seemed industriously
to avoid every step that might be construed as a deviation from the
most scrupulous neutrality. The states-general proceeded with great
circumspection, in the middle course between two powerful neighbours,
equally jealous and formidable; and the king of Spain was gratified
for his forbearance with a convention settled between him and the
belligerent powers, implying, that his subjects should per-sue their
commerce at sea without molestation, provided they should not transport
those articles of merchandise which were deemed contraband by all
nations. The operations at sea, during the course of this year, either
in Europe or America, were far from being decisive or important.
The commerce of Great Britain sustained considerable damage from the
activity and success of French privateers, of which a great number had
been equipped in the islands of Martinique and Gaudaloupe. The Greenwich
ship of war, mounted with fifty guns, and a frigate of twenty, fell
into the hands of the enemy, together with a very considerable number of
trading vessels. On the other hand, the English cruisers and privateers
acquitted themselves with equal vigilance and valour. The duc
d’Aquitaine, a large ship of fifty guns, was taken in the month of June
by two British ships of war, after a severe engagement; and, about the
same time, the Aquilon, of nearly the same force, was driven ashore and
destroyed near Brest by the Antelope, one of the British cruisers. A
French frigate of twenty-six guns, called the Emeraude, was taken in the
channel, after a warm engagement, by an English ship of inferior force,
under the command of captain Gilchrist, a gallant and alert officer,
who, in the sequel, signalized himself on divers occasions, by very
extraordinary acts of valour. All the sea officers seemed to be animated
with a noble emulation to distinguish themselves in the service of their
country, and the spirit descended even to the captains of privateers,
who, instead of imitating the former commanders of that class, in
avoiding ships of force, and centering their whole attention in
advantageous prizes, now encountered the armed ships of the enemy, and
fought with the most obstinate valour in the pursuit of national glory.




FATE OF CAPTAIN DEATH.

Perhaps history cannot afford a more remarkable instance of desperate
courage than that which was exerted in December of the preceding year,
by the officers and crew of an English privateer, named the Terrible,
under the command of captain William Death, equipped with twenty-six
carriage guns, and manned with two hundred sailors. On the twenty-third
day of the month he engaged and made prize of a large French ship from
St. Domingo, after an obstinate battle, in which he lost his own brother
and sixteen seamen; then he secured with forty men his prize, which
contained a valuable cargo, and directed his course to England; but in
a few days he had the misfortune to fall in with the Vengeance, a
privateer of St. Maloes, carrying thirty-six large cannon, with a
complement of three hundred and sixty men. Their first step was to
attack the prize, which was easily retaken; then the two ships bore down
upon the Terrible, whose main-mast was shot away by the first broadside.
Notwithstanding this disaster, the Terrible maintained such a furious
engagement against both as can hardly be paralleled in the annals of
Britain. The French commander and his second was killed, with two-thirds
of his company; but the gallant Captain Death, with the greater part of
his officers, and almost his whole crew, having met with the same fate,
his ship was boarded by the enemy, who found no more than twenty-six
persons alive, sixteen of whom were mutilated by the loss of leg or arm,
and the other ten grievously wounded. The ship itself was so shattered,
that it could scarce be kept above water, and the whole exhibited a
scene of blood, horror, and desolation. The victor itself lay like
a wreck on the surface; and in this condition made shift, with great
difficulty, to tow the Terrible* into St. Maloes, where she was not
beheld without astonishment and terror.

     * There was a strange combination of names belonging to this
     privateer; the Terrible, equipped at Execution Dock,
     commanded by captain Death, whose lieutenant was called
     Devil, and who had one Ghost for surgeon.

This adventure was no sooner known in England, than a liberal
subscription was raised for the support of Death’s widow, and that
part of the crew which survived the engagement. In this, and every sea
reincounter that happened within the present year, the superiority in
skill and resolution was ascertained to the British mariners; for even
when they fought against great odds, their courage was generally crowned
with success. In the month of November, captain Lockhart, a young
gentleman who had already rendered himself a terror to the enemy as
commander of a small frigate, now added considerably to his reputation
by reducing the Melampe, a French privateer of Bayonne, greatly superior
to his own ship in number of men and weight of metal. This exploit
was seconded by another of the same nature, in his conquest of another
French adventurer, called the Countess of Gramont; and a third large
privateer of Bayonne was taken by captain Saumarez, commander of the
Antelope. In a word, the narrow seas were so well guarded, that in a
little time scarce a French ship durst appear in the English channel,
which the British traders navigated without molestation.




SESSION OPENED.

On the first day of December, the king of Great Britain opened the
session of parliament with a speech from the throne, which seemed
calculated to prepare the nation for the expense of maintaining a new
war on the continent of Europe. His majesty graciously declared that it
would have given him a most sensible pleasure to acquaint them, at the
opening of the session, that his success in carrying on the war had
been equal to the justice of his cause, and the extent and vigour of the
measures formed for that purpose. He expressed the firmest confidence,
that the spirit and bravery of the nation, so renowned in all times,
which had formerly surmounted so many difficulties, were not to be
abated by a few disappointments, which, he trusted, might be retrieved
by the blessing of God, and the zeal and ardour of his parliament for
his majesty’s honour and the advantage of their country. He said it was
his determined resolution to apply his utmost efforts for the security
of his kingdoms, and for the recovery and protection of the possessions
and rights of his crown and subjects in America and elsewhere, as well
by the strongest exertion of his naval force, as by all other methods.
He signified, that another great object which he had at heart, was the
preservation of the protestant religion and the liberties of Europe;
and, in that case, to encourage and adhere to his allies. For this
cause, he assured them, he would decline no inconveniencies, and in
this cause he earnestly solicited their hearty concurrence and vigorous
assistance. He observed, that the late signal success in Germany
had given a happy turn to affairs, which it was incumbent on them to
improve; and that, in such a critical conjuncture, the eyes of all
Europe were upon them. He particularly recommended to them, that his
good brother and ally the king of Prussia might be supported in such a
manner as his magnanimity and active zeal for the common cause appeared
to deserve. To the commons he expressed his concern that the large
supplies they had already granted did not produce all the good fruits
they had reason to expect; but he had so great a reliance on their
wisdom, as not to doubt of their perseverance. He only desired suck
supplies as should be necessary for the public service, and told them
they might depend upon it, that the best and most faithful economy
should be used. He took notice of that spirit of disorder which had
shown itself among the common people in some parts of the kingdom; he
laid injunctions upon them to use their endeavours for discouraging
and suppressing such abuses, and for maintaining the laws and
lawful authority. He concluded with observing, that nothing would so
effectually conduce to the defence of all that was clear to the nation,
as well as to the reducing their enemies to reason, as union and harmony
among themselves. The time was, when every paragraph of this harangue,
which the reader will perceive is not remarkable for its elegance and
propriety, would have been canvassed and impugned by the country party
in the house of commons. They would have imputed the bad success of
the war to the indiscretion of the ministry, in taking preposterous
measures, and appointing commanders unequal to the service. They would
have inquired in what manner the protestant religion was endangered;
and, if it was, how it could be preserved or promoted by adhering to
allies, who, without provocation, had well nigh ruined the first and
principal protestant country of the empire. They would have started
doubts with respect to the late signal success in Germany, and hinted,
that it would only serve to protract the burden of a continental war.
They would have owned that the eyes of all Europe were upon them, and
drawn this consequence, that it therefore behoved them to act with the
more delicacy and caution in discharge of the sacred trust reposed in
them by their constituents: a trust which their consciences would not
allow to be faithfully discharged, should they rush precipitately into
the destructive measures of a rash and prodigal ministry; squander away
the wealth of the nation, and add to the grievous incumbrances under
which it groaned, in support of connexions and alliances that were
equally foreign to her consideration, and pernicious to her interest.
They would have investigated that cause which was so warmly recommended
for support, and pretended to discover that it was a cause in which
Great Britain ought to have had no concern, because it produced a
certainty of loss without the least prospect of advantage. They would
have varied essentially in their opinions of the necessary supplies,
from the sentiments of those who prepared the estimates, and even
declared some doubts about the economy to be used in managing the
national expense: finally, they would have represented the impossibility
of union between the two parties, one of which seemed bent upon reducing
the other to beggary and contempt. Such was the strain that used to
flow from an opposition, said to consist of disloyalty and disappointed
ambition. But that malignant spirit was now happily extinguished. The
voice of the sovereign was adored as the oracle of a divinity, and those
happy days were now approaching that saw the commons of England pour
their treasures, in support of a German prince, with such a generous
hand, that posterity will be amazed at their liberality.

{1758}

To the speech of his majesty the house of lords returned an address,
in such terms of complacency as had long distinguished that illustrious
assembly. The commons expressed their approbation and confidence with
equal ardour, and not one objection was made to the form or the nature
of the address, though one gentleman, equally independent in his mind
and fortune, took exceptions to some of the measures which had been
lately pursued. Their complaisance was more substantially specified in
the resolutions of the house, as soon as the two great committees of
supply were appointed They granted for the sea-service of the ensuing
year sixty thousand men, including fourteen thousand eight hundred and
forty-five marines; and the standing army, comprehending four
thousand invalids, was fixed at fifty-three thousand seven hundred and
seventy-seven effective men, commission and non-commission officers
included. For the maintenance of these forces, by sea and land, the
charge of guards and garrisons at home and abroad, the expense of the
ordnance, and in order to make good the sum which had been issued by his
majesty’s orders, in pursuance of the address from the commons, they
now allotted four millions twenty-two thousand eight hundred and seven
pounds, seven shillings and three-pence. They unanimously granted, as
a present supply in the then critical exigency, towards enabling his
majesty to maintain and keep together the army formed last year in his
electoral dominions, and then again put in motion, and actually employed
against the common enemy, in concert with the king of Prussia, the sum
of one hundred thousand pounds; for the ordinary of the navy, including
half pay to the sea-officers, they allowed two hundred and twenty-four
thousand four hundred and twenty-one pounds, five shillings and
eight-pence; towards the building and support of the three hospitals for
seamen at Gosport, Plymouth, and Greenwich, thirty thousand pounds; for
the reduced officers of the land-forces and marines, pensions to
the widows of officers, and other such military contingencies, forty
thousand nine hundred and twenty-six pounds, seventeen shillings and
eleven-pence; towards building, rebuilding, and repairs of his majesty’s
ships for the ensuing year, the sum of two hundred thousand pounds; for
defraying the charge of two thousand nine hundred and twenty horse,
and nine thousand nine hundred infantry, together with the general and
staff-officers, the officers of the hospital and the train of artillery,
being the troops of the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel in the pay of Great
Britain, for sixty days, together with the subsidy for the said time,
pursuant to treaty, they assigned thirty-eight thousand three hundred
and sixty pounds, nineteen shillings and ten-pence three farthings.
To the Foundling hospital they gave forty thousand pounds, for the
maintenance and education of deserted young children, as well as for the
reception of all such as should be presented under a certain age, to be
limited by the governors and guardians of that charity. Three hundred
thousand pounds were given towards discharging the debt of the navy, and
two hundred and eighty-four thousand eight hundred and two pounds for
making up the deficiency of the grants for the service of the preceding
year. The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel was, moreover, gratified with
the further sum of two hundred and three thousand five hundred and
thirty-six pounds, four shillings and nine-pence farthing, for the
maintenance of his forces, and the remainder of his subsidy. They
granted six hundred and seventy thousand pounds for enabling his majesty
to make good his engagements with the king of Prussia, pursuant to
a convention lately concluded with that potentate. For defraying
the charge of thirty-eight thousand men of the troops of Hanover,
Wolfenbuttel, Saxe-Gotha, and the count of Buckebourg, together with
that of general and staff-officers actually employed against the common
enemy, in concert with the king of Prussia, from the twenty-eighth day
of November in the last, to the twenty-fourth of December in the present
year, inclusive, to be issued in advance every two months, they allotted
the sum of four hundred and sixty-three thousand and eighty-four pounds,
six shillings and ten-pence; and furthermore, they granted three hundred
and eighty-six thousand nine hundred and fifteen pounds, thirteen
shillings and two-pence, to defray the charges of forage, bread-waggons,
train of artillery, provisions, wood, straw, and all other extraordinary
expenses, contingencies, and losses whatsoever, incurred, or to be
incurred, on account of his majesty’s army, consisting of thirty-eight
thousand men, actually employed against the common enemy, in concert
with the king of Prussia, from November last to next December inclusive.
For the extraordinary expenses of the land-forces, and other services,
incurred in the course of the last year, and not provided for by
parliament, they allowed one hundred and forty-five thousand four
hundred and fifty-four pounds, fifteen shillings and one farthing. They
provided eight hundred thousand pounds to enable his majesty to defray
the like sum raised in pursuance of an act made in the last session of
parliament, and charged upon the first aids and supplies to be granted
in the current session. Twenty-six thousand pounds were bestowed on
the out-pensioners of Chelsea hospital; above twenty thousand for the
expense of maintaining the colonies of Nova-Scotia and Georgia; for
reimbursing to the province of Massachusett’s-bay, and the colony of
Connecticut, their expense in furnishing provisions and stores to the
troops raised by them for his majesty’s service, in the campaign of
the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, the sum of forty-one
thousand one hundred and seventeen pounds, seventeen shillings and
sixpence halfpenny; to be applied towards the rebuilding of London
bridge, carrying on the works for fortifying and securing the harbour
of Milford, and repairing the parish church of St. Margaret, in
Westminster, they allotted twenty-nine thousand pounds. The East India
company were indulged with twenty thousand pounds on account, towards
enabling them to defray the expense of a military force in their
settlements, to be maintained by them in lieu of the battalion of
his majesty’s forces withdrawn from those settlements; the sum of ten
thousand pounds was given, as usual, for maintaining and supporting
the British forts and settlements on the coast of Africa; and eleven
thousand four hundred and fifty pounds were granted as an augmentation
to the salaries of the judges in the superior courts of judicature. They
likewise provided one hundred thousand pounds for defraying the charge
of pay and clothing to the militia, and advanced eight hundred thousand
pounds to enable his majesty to defray any extraordinary expenses of the
war, incurred, or to be incurred, for the service of the current year;
and to take all such measures as might be necessary to disappoint or
defeat any enterprise or designs of his enemies, as the exigency of his
affairs might require. The whole supplies of thig session amounted to
the enormous sum of ten millions four hundred and eighty-six thousand
four hundred and fifty-seven pounds, and one penny. Nothing could so
plainly demonstrate the implicit confidence which the parliament, at
this juncture, reposed in the sovereign and the ministry, as their
conduct in granting such liberal supplies, great part of which were
bestowed in favour of our German allies, whom the British nation thus
generously paid for fighting their own battles. Besides the sum of
one million eight hundred and sixty-one thousand eight hundred and
ninety-seven pounds, four shillings and eight-pence, expressly assigned
for the support of these continental connexions, a sum considerably
exceeding the whole of the revenue raised in the reign of Charles the
Second, and what part of the sum granted to the king for extraordinary
expenses might be applied to the same use, the article might not
improperly be swelled with the vast expense incurred by expeditions to
the coast of France; the chief, if not sole, design of which seemed
to be a diversion in favour of the nation’s allies in Germany, by
preventing France from sending such numerous armies into that country
as it could have spared, had not its sea-coasts required a considerable
body of forces for its defence against the attempts of the English.
Indeed, the partisans of the ministry were at great pains to suggest and
inculcate a belief, that the war in Germany was chiefly supported as
a necessary diversion in favour of Great Britain and her plantations,
which would have been exposed to insult and invasion had not the enemy’s
forces been otherwise employed. But the absurdity of this notion will at
once appear to those who consider, that by this time Great Britain was
sole mistress of the sea; that the navy of France was almost ruined, and
her commerce on the ocean quite extinguished; that she could not, with
the least prospect of success, hazard any expedition of consequence
against Great Britain, or any part of her dominions, while the ocean was
covered with such powerful navies belonging to that nation; and that if
one-third part of the money, annually engulphed in the German vortex,
had been employed in augmenting the naval forces of England, and those
forces properly exerted, not a single cruiser would have been able to
stir from the harbours of France; all her colonies in the West Indies
would have fallen an easy prey to the arms of Great Britain; and, thus
cut off from the resources of commerce, she must have been content to
embrace such terms of peace as the victor should have thought proper to
prescribe.

The funds established by the committee of ways and means, in order
to realize those articles of supply, consisted of the malt-tax, the
land-tax at four shillings in the pound, sums remaining in the exchequer
produced from the sinking fund, four millions five hundred thousand
pounds to be raised by annuities at three pounds ten shillings per cent,
per annum, and five hundred thousand pounds by a lottery, attended with
annuities redeemable by parliament, after the rate of three pounds per
cent, per annum; these several annuities to be transferable at the bank
of England, and charged upon a fund to be established in this session of
parliament for payment thereof, and for which the sinking fund should
be a collateral security--[438] _[See note 3 M, at the end of this
Vol.]_--one million six hundred and six thousand and seventy-six pounds,
five shillings and one penny farthing, issued and applied out of such
monies as should or might arise from the surpluses, excesses, and other
revenues composing the sinking fund--a tax of one shilling in the pound
to be annually paid from all salaries, fees, and perquisites of offices
and employments in Great Britain, and from all pensions and other
gratuities payable out of any revenues belonging to his majesty in Great
Britain, exceeding the yearly value of one hundred pounds--an imposition
of one shilling annually upon every dwelling-house inhabited within
the kingdom of Great Britain, over and above all other duties already
chargeable upon them, to commence from the fifth day of April--an
additional tax of sixpence yearly for every window or light in every
dwelling-house inhabited in Britain which shall contain fifteen windows
or upwards; a continuation of certain acts near expiring, with respect
to the duties payable on foreign sailcloth imported into Great Britain,
the exportation of British gunpowder, the securing and encouraging the
trade of his majesty’s sugar colonies in America, and the empowering the
importers and proprietors of spirits from the British sugar plantations,
to land them before payment of the duties of excise, and to lodge them
in warehouses at their own expense--an annual tax of forty shillings
for a license to be taken out by every person trading in, selling, or
vending gold or silver plate, in lieu of the duty of sixpence per ounce
on all silver plate, made or wrought, or which ought to be touched,
assayed, or marked in this kingdom, which duty now ceased and
determined--a cessation of all drawbacks payable on the exportation of
silver plate--a law prohibiting all persons from selling, by retail,
any sweet or made wine, without having first procured a license for
that purpose--and a loan, by exchequer bills, for eight hundred thousand
pounds, to be charged on the first aids to be granted in the next
session of parliament. These provisions amounted to the sum of eleven
millions and seventy-nine thousand seven hundred and twenty-two pounds,
six shillings and ten-pence, exceeding the grants in the sum of five
hundred and ninety-three thousand two hundred and sixty-five pounds,
six shillings and nine-pence, so that the nation had reason to hope
that this surplus of above half a million would prevent any demand for
deficiencies in the next session. By these copious grants of a house of
commons, whose complaisance knew no bounds, the national debt was, at
this juncture, swelled to the astonishing sum of eighty-seven millions
three hundred and sixty-seven thousand two hundred and ten pounds,
nineteen shillings and ten-pence farthing; a load that would have
crushed the national credit of any other state in Christendom.

The liberality of the parliament was like the rock in the wilderness,
which flowed with the welcome stream when touched by the rod of Moses.
The present supply which the commons granted for the subsistence of
the Hanoverian army, was, in pursuance of a message from his majesty,
communicated to the house by Mr. Secretary Pitt, signifying, that the
king had ordered his electoral army to be put again in motion, that it
might act with vigour against the common enemy, in concert with his
good brother and ally the king of Prussia; that the exhausted and ruined
state of the electorate having rendered it incapable of maintaining that
army, until the further necessary charge thereof, as well as the more
particular measures then concerting for the effectual support of his
Prussian majesty, could be laid before the house; the king, relying
on the constant zeal of his faithful commons for the support of
the protestant religion and of the liberties of Europe, against the
dangerous designs of France and her confederates, found himself, in the
meantime, under the absolute necessity of recommending to the house
the speedy consideration of such a present supply as might enable his
majesty, in this critical conjuncture, to subsist and keep together the
said army. This address was no sooner recited by the speaker, than it
was unanimously referred to the committee of supply, who gratified his
majesty’s wish with an immediate resolution; and, considering their
generous disposition, doubtless the same compliance would have appeared,
even though no mention had been made of the protestant religion, which,
to men of ordinary penetration, appeared to have no natural concern
in the present dispute between the belligerent powers, although former
ministers had often violently introduced it into messages and speeches
from the throne, in order to dazzle the eyes of the populace, even while
they insulted the understanding of those who were capable of exercising
their own reason. This pretext was worn so threadbare, that, among the
sensible part of mankind, it could no longer be used without incurring
contempt and ridicule. In order to persuade mankind that the protestant
religion was in danger, it would have been necessary to specify the
designs that were formed against it, as well as the nature of the
conspiracy, and to descend to particulars properly authenticated. In
that case, great part of Europe would have been justly alarmed. The
states-general of the United Provinces, who have made such glorious
and indefatigable efforts in support of the protestant religion, would
surely have lent a helping hand towards its preservation. The Danes
would not have stood, tamely neutral, and seen the religion they profess
exposed to the rage of such a powerful confederacy. It is not to be
imagined that the Swedes, who have so zealously maintained the purity
of the protestant faith, would now join an association whose aim was the
ruin of that religion. It is not credible that even the Hungarians, who
profess the same faith, and other protestant states of the empire, would
enter so heartily into the interests of those who were bent upon its
destruction; or that the Russians would contribute to the aggrandizement
of the catholic faith and discipline, so opposite to that of the Greek
church, which they espouse. As, therefore, no particular of such a
design was explained, no act of oppression towards any protestant
state or society pointed out, except those that were exercised by the
protestants themselves; and as the court of Vienna repeatedly disavowed
any such design, in the most solemn manner, the unprejudiced part of
mankind will be ‘apt to conclude that the cry of religion was used, as
in former times, to arouse, alarm, and inflame; nor did the artifice
prove altogether unsuccessful. Notwithstanding the general lukewarmth
of the age in matters of religion, it produced considerable effect among
the fanatic sectaries that swarm through the kingdom of England. The
leaders of those blind enthusiasts, either actuated by the spirit of
delusion, or desirous of recommending themselves to the protection of
the higher powers, immediately seized the hint, expatiating vehemently
on the danger that impended over God’s people; and exerting all their
faculties to impress the belief of a religious war, which never fails
to exasperate and impel the minds of men to such deeds of cruelty and
revenge as must discredit all religion, and even disgrace humanity. The
signal trust and confidence which the parliament of England reposed
in the king, at this juncture, was in nothing more conspicuous than in
leaving to the crown the unlimited application of the sum granted for
augmenting the salaries of the judges. In the reign of king William,
when the act of settlement was passed, the parliament, jealous of the
influence which the crown might acquire over the judges, provided, by
an express clause of that act, that the commissions of the judges should
subsist _quamdiu se bene gesserint_, and that their salaries should be
established; but now we find a sum of money granted for the augmentation
of their salaries, and the crown vested with a discretionary power
to proportion and apply this augmentation; a stretch of complaisance,
which, how safe soever it may appear during the reign of a prince famed
for integrity and moderation, will perhaps one day be considered as a
very dangerous accession to the prerogative.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SECOND TREATY WITH PRUSSIA.

So fully persuaded were the ministry that the commons would cheerfully
enable them to pay what subsidies they might promise to their German
allies, that on the eleventh of April they concluded a new treaty of
convention with his Prussian majesty, which, that it might have the
firmer consistence and the greater authority, was, on the part of Great
Britain, transacted and signed by almost all the privy-counsellors who
had any share in the administration.*

     * These were, sir Robert Henly, lord keeper of the great
     seal; John, earl of Granville, president of the council;
     Thomas Holies, duke of Newcastle, first commissioner of the
     treasury; Kohert, earl of Holdernesse, one of the principal
     secretaries of state; Philip, earl of Hardwicke; and William
     Pitt, esq., another of the principal secretaries of state.
     In the name and on the part of his Prussian majesty, the
     Sieurs Dado Henry, baron of Knyphausen, his privy-counsellor
     of embassy, and minister-plenipotentiary at the court of
     London; and Louis Michel, his resident and chargé
     d’affaires.

This treaty, which was signed at Westminster, imported, “That the
contracting powers having mutually resolved to continue their efforts
for their reciprocal defence and security, for the recovery of their
possessions, the protection of their allies, and the support of the
liberties of the Germanic body, his Britannic majesty had, from these
considerations, determined to grant to his Prussian majesty an immediate
succour in money, as being the most ready and the most efficacious;
and their majesties having judged it proper that thereupon a convention
should be made, for declaring and fixing their intentions upon this
head, they had nominated and authorized their respective ministers, who,
after having communicated their full powers to one another, agreed to
the following stipulations:--The king of Great Britain engaged to pay in
the city of London, to such persons as should be authorized to receive
it by his Prussian majesty, the sum of four millions of German crowns,
amounting to six hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling, to be
paid at once, and in one whole sum, immediately after the exchange of
ratification, upon being demanded by his Prussian majesty. This prince,
on his part, obliged himself to apply that sum to the maintaining and
augmenting his forces, which should act in the best manner for the
good of the common cause, and for the purpose of reciprocal defence and
mutual security proposed by their said majesties. Moreover, the high
contracting parties engage not to conclude any treaty of peace, truce,
or neutrality, nor any other sort of convention or agreement, with
the powers engaged in the present war, but in concert and by mutual
agreement, wherein both should be nominally comprehended. Finally,
it was stipulated that this convention should be ratified, and the
ratifications exchanged on both sides, within the term of six weeks, to
be computed from the day of signing this present convention, or sooner,
if possible.”

All the resolutions to which the committee of ways and means agreed were
executed by bills, or clauses in bills, which afterwards received
the royal sanction. The militia still continued to be an object of
parliamentary care and attention; but the institution was not yet
heartily embraced, because seemingly discountenanced by the remnant of
the old ministry, which still maintained a capital place in the late
coalition, and indeed almost wholly engrossed the distribution of
pensions and places. The commons having presented an address to his
majesty, with respect to the harbour of Milford-haven, a book of plans
and estimates for fortifying that harbour was laid before the house, and
a committee appointed to examine the particulars. They were of
opinion that the mouth of the harbour was too wide to admit of any
fortification, or effectual defence; but that the passage called
Nailand-point, lying higher than Hubberstone-road, might be fortified,
so as to afford safe riding and protection to the trade and navy
of Great Britain; that if it should be thought proper hereafter to
establish a yard and dock for building and equipping fleets at Milford,
no place could, from the situation, nature, soil, and a general
concurrence of all necessary local circumstances, be more fitted for
such a design; that if a proper use were made of this valuable, though
long-neglected harbour, the distressful delays too often embarrassing
and disappointing the nation in her naval operations, might be in a
great measure happily removed, to the infinite relief and enlargement
of the kingdom in the means of improving its naval force; the necessary
progress and free execution of which was now so unhappily and frequently
restrained and frustrated, by the want of a harbour like that of
Milford-haven, framed by nature with such local advantages. This report
appeared to be so well supported by evidence, that a bill was framed,
and passed into an act, for granting ten thousand pounds towards
carrying on the works for fortifying and securing the harbour of Milford
in the county of Pembroke. Other laws of national consequence were
enacted, in the course of this session, with little or no opposition.
On the very first day of their sitting, the commons received a petition
from the mayor, magistrates, merchants, and inhabitants of Liverpool,
complaining of the high price of wheat and other grain; expressing their
apprehension that it would continue to rise, unless the time for the
importation of foreign corn, duty free, should be prolonged, or some
other salutary measure taken by parliament, to prevent dealers
from engrossing corn; submitting to the wisdom of the house a total
prohibition of distilling and exporting grain while the high
price should continue; praying they would take the premises into
consideration, and grant a seasonable relief to the petitioners, by a
continuance of a free importation, and taking such other effectual means
to reduce the growing price of corn as to them should seem necessary
and expedient. This being an urgent case, that equally interested the
humanity of the legislature and the manufacturers of the kingdom, it was
deliberated upon, and discussed with remarkable despatch. In a few days
a bill was prepared, passed through both houses, and enacted into a law,
continuing till the twenty-fourth day of December, in the present year,
the three acts of last session; for prohibiting the exportation of
corn; for prohibiting the distillation of spirits; and for allowing the
importation of corn, duty free. A second law was established, regulating
the price and assize of bread, and subjecting to severe penalties those
who should be concerned in its adulteration. In consequence of certain
resolutions taken in a committee of the whole house, a bill was
presented for prohibiting the payment of the bounty upon the exportation
of corn, unless sold at a lower price than is allowed in an act passed
in the first year of the reign of William and Mary; but this bill, after
having been read a second time and committed, was neglected, and proved
abortive.




BILLS FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF SEAMEN, &c.

In consequence of a motion made by Mr. Grenville, a humane bill was
prepared and brought in for the encouragement of seamen employed in the
royal navy, establishing a regular method for the punctual, frequent,
and certain payment of their wages; enabling them more easily and
readily to remit money for the support of their wives and families,
and preventing the frauds and abuse attending such payments. This bill,
having passed the lower house, engaged in a very particular manner the
attention of the lords, who, by divers messages to the house of commons,
desired the attendance of several members. These messages being taken
into consideration, several precedents were recited; a debate arose
about their formality, and the house unanimously resolved that a message
should be sent to the lords, acquainting them that the house of commons,
not being sufficiently informed by their messages upon what grounds, or
for what purposes, their lordships desired the house would give leave to
such of their members as were named in the said messages to attend the
house of lords, in order to be examined upon the second reading of the
bill, the commons hoped their lordships would make them acquainted
with their intention. The lords, in answer to this intimation, gave the
commons to understand, that they desired the attendance of the members
mentioned in their messages, that they might be examined as witnesses
upon the second reading of the bill. This explanation being deemed
satisfactory, the members attended the house of lords, where they were
carefully and fully examined, as persons conversant in sea affairs,
touching the inconveniencies which had formerly attended the
sea-service, as well as the remedies now proposed; and the bill having
passed through their house, though not without warm opposition, was
enacted into a law by his majesty’s assent. The militia act, as it
passed in the last session, being found upon trial defective, Mr.
Townshend moved for leave to bring in a new bill, to explain, amend, and
enforce it; this was accordingly allowed, prepared, and passed into a
law, though it did not seem altogether free from material objections,
some of which were of an alarming nature. The power vested by law in
the crown over the militia, is even more independent than that which it
exercises over the standing army; for this last expires at the end
of the year, if not continued by a new act of parliament; whereas the
militia is subjected to the power of the crown for the term of five
years, during which it may be called out into actual service without
consent of parliament, and consequently employed for sinister purposes.
A commission-officer in the militia may be detained, as subject to the
articles of war, until the crown shall allow the militia to return to
their respective parishes; and thus engaged, he is liable to death as a
mutineer, or deserter, should he refuse to appear in arms, and fight in
support of the worst measures of the worst minister. Several merchants
and manufacturers of silk offered a petition, representing, that
in consequence of the act passed in the last session, allowing the
importation of fine organzine Italian thrown silk till the first day of
December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven, they
had given orders to their correspondents abroad to send large quantities
of such silk through Germany to Hamburgh and Holland, which, in the
common course of things, might probably have arrived in London before
the act expired, if their carriage had not been protracted by the great
rains and inundations in Italy and Germany, in the months of August and
September last, which rendered the roads for many weeks impassable; that
from unlucky accidents on shore, and storms and contrary winds after the
silk was shipped, it could not possibly arrive within the time limited
by the act; and unless it should be admitted to an entry, they, the
petitioners, would be great sufferers, the manufacturers greatly
prejudiced, and the good end and purpose of the act in a great measure
frustrated; they, therefore, prayed leave to bring in a bill for
allowing the introduction of all such fine Italian organized silk as
should appear to have been shipped in Holland and Hamburgh for London,
on or before the first day of December. The petition being referred to
a committee, which reported that these allegations were true, the house
complied with their request, and the bill having passed, was enacted
into a law in the usual form. A speedy passage was likewise granted to
the mutiny bill, and the other annual measure for regulating the marine
forces, which contained nothing new or extraordinary. A committee being
appointed to inquire what laws were already expired, or near expiring,
they performed this difficult task with indefatigable patience and
perseverance; and, in pursuance of their resolutions, three bills were
prepared and passed into laws, continuing some acts for a certain time,
and rendering others perpetual. [440] _[See note 3N, at the end of this
Vol.]_

The lord-mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common
council assembled, having drawn up a petition to the house of commons,
alleging that the toll upon loaded vessels or other craft, passing
through the arches of London bridge, granted by a former act, passed in
the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, for improving, widening,
and enlarging the passage both under and over the said bridge, was
altogether precarious, and insufficient to defray the expense, including
that of a temporary wooden bridge already erected; and praying that a
bill might be prepared, for explaining and rendering that act effectual;
a committee was appointed to examine the contents, and a bill brought
in according to their request. This, however, was opposed by a petition
from several persons, owners of barges, and other craft navigating the
river Thames, who affirmed, that if the bill should pass into a law as
it then stood, it would be extremely injurious to the petitioners in
particular, and to the public in general. These were heard by their
counsel before the committee, but no report was yet given, when the
temporary bridge was reduced to ashes. Then the mayor, aldermen,
and commons of London presented another petition, alleging that, in
pursuance of the powers vested in them by act of parliament, they had
already demolished a good number of the houses on London bridge,
and directed the rest that were standing to be taken down with all
convenient expedition; that two of the arches might be laid into one
for the improvement of the navigation; that they had, at a very great
expense, erected a temporary wooden bridge, to preserve a public passage
to and from the city, until the great arch could be finished, which
temporary bridge being consumed by fire, they must rebuild it with the
greatest expedition, at a further considerable expense; that the sum
necessary for carrying on and completing this great and useful work,
including the rebuilding of the said temporary bridge, was estimated at
fourscore thousand pounds; and as the improving, widening, and enlarging
London bridge was calculated for the general good of the public, for the
advancement of trade and commerce, and for making the navigation upon
the river Thames more safe and secure; they, therefore, prayed the house
to take the premises into consideration. This petition being recommended
by his majesty to the consideration of the house, was referred to the
committee of supply, and produced the resolution of granting fifteen
thousand pounds towards the rebuilding of London bridge. A bill was
prepared, under the title of an act to improve, widen, and enlarge the
passage over and through London bridge, enforcing the payment of
the toll imposed upon loaded vessels, which had been found extremely
burdensome to trade; but this incumbrance was prevented by another
petition of several merchants, tradesmen, and other inhabitants of
the borough of Southwark, taking notice of the fifteen thousand pounds
granted towards the repair of London bridge, and, as they were informed,
intended to make the said bridge free for all his majesty’s subjects:
they said they hoped to partake of this public bounty; but afterwards
hearing that the bill then depending was confined to the tolls formerly
granted for repairing the said bridge, they represented the hardships
which they and all traders would continue to labour under; they alleged,
that the surveyors and workmen then employed upon this work, had
discovered the true principles on which the bridge was built; that the
foundation of the piers consisted of hard durable stone, well cemented
together, and now as strong and firm as when first built; that when the
bridge should be finished, great savings would be made in keeping it in
repair, from the sums formerly expended, on a mistaken opinion, that
the foundation was of wood: that there were very considerable estates
appointed solely for the repairs of the bridge, which they apprehended
would be sufficient to maintain it without any toll; or if they should
not be thought adequate to that purpose, they hoped the deficiency
would not be made up by a toll upon trade and commerce, but rather by
an imposition on coaches, chariots, chaises, and saddle-horses. This
remonstrance made no impression on the house. The bill being, on a
motion of sir John Philips, read a third time, passed through both
houses, and obtained the royal assent.




ACT FOR ASCERTAINING THE QUALIFICATION OF VOTING.

The interest of the manufacturers was also consulted in an act
encouraging the growth of madder, a plant essentially necessary in dying
and printing calicoes, which may be raised in England without the least
inconvenience. It was judged, upon inquiry, that the most effectual
means to encourage the growth of this commodity would be to ascertain
the tithe of it; and a bill was brought in for that purpose. The rate of
the tithe was established at five shillings an acre; and it was enacted,
that this law should continue in force for fourteen years, and to the
end of the next session of parliament; but wherefore this encouragement
was made temporary it is not easy to determine.--The laws relating to
the poor, though equally numerous and oppressive to the subject, having
been found defective, a new clause, relating to the settlement of
servants and apprentices, was now added to an act passed in the
twentieth year of the present reign, intituled, “An act for the better
adjusting and more easily recovering of the wages of certain servants,
and of certain apprentices.” No country in the universe can produce
so many laws made in behalf of the poor as those that are daily
accumulating in England: in no other country is there so much money
raised for their support, by private charity, as well as public
taxation; yet this, as much as any country, swarms with vagrant beggars,
and teems with objects of misery and distress; a sure sign either of
misconduct in the legislature, or a shameful relaxation in the executive
part of the civil administration.--The scenes of corruption, perjury,
riot, and intemperance, which every election for a member of parliament
had lately produced, were now grown so infamously open and intolerable,
and the right of voting was rendered so obscure and perplexed by the
pretensions and proceedings of all the candidates for Oxfordshire in
the last election, that the fundamentals of the constitution seemed to
shake, and the very essence of parliaments to be in danger. Actuated
by these apprehensions, sir John Philips, a gentleman of Wales, who
had long distinguished himself in the opposition by his courage and
independent spirit, moved for leave to bring in a bill that should
obviate any doubts which might arise concerning the electors of knights
of the shire to serve in parliament for England, and further regulate
the proceedings of such elections. He was accordingly permitted to bring
in such a bill, in conjunction with Mr. Townshend, Mr. Cornwall, and
lords North and Craysfort; and in the usual course, the bill being
prepared, was enacted into a law, under the title of, “An act for
further explaining the laws touching the electors of knights of the
shire to serve in parliament for that part of Great Britain called
England.” The preamble specified, that though, by an act passed in the
eighteenth year of the present reign, it was provided, that no person
might vote at the election of a knight or knights of a shire within
England and Wales, without having a freehold estate in the county for
which he votes, of the clear yearly value of forty shillings, over and
above all rents and charges, payable out of or in respect to the
same; nevertheless, certain persons, who hold their estates by copy
of court-roll, pretend to a right of voting, and have at certain times
presumed to vote at such elections; this act, therefore, ordained, that
from and after the twenty-ninth day of June in the present year, no
person who holds his estate by copy of court-roll should be entitled
thereby to vote at the election of any knight or knights of a shire
within England or Wales; but every such vote should be void, and the
person so voting should forfeit fifty pounds to any candidate for whom
such vote should not have been given, and who should first sue for the
same, to be recovered with full costs, by action of debt, in any court
of judicature.*

     * For the more easy recovery of this forfeit, it was
     enacted, that the plaintiff in such action might only set
     forth, in the declaration or hill, that the defendant was
     indebted to him in the sum of fifty pounds, alleging the
     offence for which the suit should be brought, and that the
     defendant had acted contrary to this act, without mentioning
     the writ of summons to parliament, or the return thereof;
     and, upon trial of any issue, the plaintiff should not be
     obliged to prove the writ of summons to parliament, or the
     return thereof, or any warrant or authority to the sheriff
     upon any such writ; that every such action should be
     commenced within nine months after the fact committed; and
     that, if the plaintiff should discontinue his action, or be
     non-suited, or have judgment given against him, the
     defendant should recover treble costs.

So far the act, thus procured, may be attended with salutary
consequences; but, in all probability, the intention of its first movers
and patrons was not fully answered; inasmuch as no provision was
made for putting a stop to that spirit of license, drunkenness, and
debauchery, which prevails at almost every election, and has a very
pernicious effect upon the morals of the people.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BILL FOR MORE EFFECTUALLY MANNING THE NAVY.

Among the bills that miscarried in the course of this session, some
turned on points of great consequence to the community. Lord Barrington,
Mr. Thomas Gore, and Mr. Charles Townshend, were ordered by the house
to prepare a bill for the speedy and effectual recruiting his majesty’s
land-forces and marines, which was no more than a transcript of the
temporary act passed in the preceding session under the same title; but
the majority were averse to its being continued for another year, as
it was attended with some prejudice to the liberty of the subject.
Objections of the same nature might have been as justly started against
another bill, for the more effectually manning of his majesty’s navy,
for preventing desertion, and for the relief and encouragement of seamen
belonging to ships and vessels in the service of the merchants. The
purport of this project was to establish registers or muster-rolls of
all seamen, fishermen, lightermen, and watermen; obliging ship-masters
to leave subscribed lists of their respective crews at offices
maintained for that purpose, that a certain number of them might be
chosen by lot for his majesty’s service, in any case of emergency. This
expedient, however, was rejected, as an unnecessary and ineffectual
incumbrance on commerce, which would hamper navigation, and, in a little
time, diminish the number of seamen, of consequence act diametrically
opposite to the purpose for which it was contrived.--Numberless frauds
having been committed, and incessant law-suits produced, by private and
clandestine conveyances, a motion was made, and leave given, to form a
bill for the public registering of all deeds, conveyances, wills,
and other incumbrances, that might effect any honours, manors, lands,
tenements, and hereditaments, within the kingdom of England, wherein
public registers were not already appointed by act of parliament;
but this measure, so necessary to the ascertainment and possession of
property, met with a violent opposition; and was finally dropped, as
some people imagine, through the influence of those who, perhaps, had
particular reasons for countenancing the present mysterious forms
of conveyancing. Such a bill must also have been disagreeable and
mortifying to the pride of those landholders whose estates were
incumbered, because, in consequence of such a register, every mortgage
under which they laboured would be exactly known.--The next object
to which the house converted its attention, was a bill explaining
and amending a late act for establishing a fish-market in the city of
Westminster, and preventing scandalous monopolies of a few engrossing
fishmongers, who imposed exorbitant prices on their fish, and, in this
particular branch of traffic, gave law to above six hundred thousand of
their fellow-citizens. Abundance of pains were taken to render this bill
effectual, for putting an end to such flagrant impositions. Inquiries
were made, petitions read, counsel heard, and alterations proposed; at
length the bill, having passed through the lower house, was conveyed to
the lords, among whom it was suffered to expire, on pretence that there
was not time sufficient to deliberate maturely on the subject.




HABEAS-CORPUS ACT AMENDED.

The occasion that produced the next bill which miscarried we shall
explain, as an incident equally extraordinary and interesting. By an
act passed in the preceding session, for recruiting his majesty’s
land-forces and marines, we have already observed, that the
commissioners thereby appointed were vested with a power of judging
ultimately, whether the persons brought before them were such as ought,
by the rules prescribed in the act, to be impressed into the service;
for it was expressly provided, that no person, so impressed by those
commissioners, should be taken out of his majesty’s service by any
process, other than for some criminal accusation. During the recess of
parliament, a gentleman having been impressed before the commissioners,
and confined in the Savoy, his friends made application for a
_habeas-corpus_, which produced some hesitation, and indeed
an insurmountable difficulty; for, according to the writ of
_habeas-corpus_, passed in the reign of Charles the Second, this
privilege relates only to persons committed for criminal or supposed
criminal matters, and the gentleman did not stand in that predicament.
Before the question could be determined he was discharged, in
consequence of an application to the secretary at war; but the nature of
the case plainly pointed out a defect in the act, seemingly of the most
dangerous consequence to the liberty of the subject. In order to remedy
this defect, a bill for giving a more speedy relief to the subject, upon
the writ of _habeas-corpus_, was prepared, and presented to the house
of commons, which formed itself into a committee, and made several
amendments. It imported, that the several provisions made in the
aforesaid act, passed in the reign of Charles II. for the awarding of
writs of _habeas-corpus_, in cases of commitment or detainer for any
criminal or supposed criminal matter, should, in like manner, extend
to all cases where any person, not being committed or detained for any
criminal or supposed criminal matter, should-be confined, or restrained
of his or her liberty, under any colour or pretence whatsoever; that,
upon oath made by such person so confined or arrested, or by any other
on his or her behalf, of any actual confinement or restraint, and that
such confinement or restraint, to the best of the knowledge and belief
of the person so applying, was not by virtue of any commitment
or detainer for any criminal or supposed criminal matter, an
_habeas-corpus_, directed to the person or persons so confining or
restraining the party, as aforesaid, should be awarded and granted,
in the same manner as is directed, and under the same penalties as are
provided by the said act, in the case of persons committed and detained
for any criminal or supposed criminal matter; that the person or persons
before whom the party so confined or restrained should be brought, by
virtue of any _habeas-corpus_ granted in the vacation time, under the
authority of this act, might and should, within three days after the
return made, proceed to examine into the facts contained in such return,
and into the cause of such confinement and restraint; and thereupon
either discharge, or bail, or remand the parties so brought, as the case
should require, and as to justice should appertain. The rest of the
bill related to the return of the writ in three days, and the penalties
incurred by those who should neglect or refuse to make the due return,
or to comply with any other clause of this regulation. The commons
seemed hearty in rearing up this additional buttress to the liberty
of their fellow-subjects, and passed the bill with the most laudable
alacrity; but in the house of lords such a great number of objections
were started, that it sunk at the second reading, and the judges were
ordered to prepare a bill for the same purpose, to be laid before that
house in the next session.




SCHEME IN FAVOUR OF THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL.

His majesty having recommended the care of the Foundling hospital to the
house of commons, which cheerfully granted forty thousand pounds for
the support of that charity, the growing annual expense of it appeared
worthy of further consideration, and leave was granted to bring in
a bill for obliging all the parishes of England and Wales to keep
registers of all their deaths, births, and marriages, that from these a
fund might be raised towards the support of the said hospital. The bill
was accordingly prepared by a committee appointed for the purpose;
but before the house could take the report into consideration, the
parliament was prorogued.--The proprietors of the privateer called the
Antigallican, which had taken a rich French ship homeward bound from
China, and carried her into Cadiz, where the Spanish government had
wrested her by violence from the captors, and delivered her to the
French owners, now presented a petition to the house of commons,
complaining of this interposition as an act of partiality and injustice;
representing the great expense at which the privateer had been equipped,
the legality of the capture, the loss and hardships which they the
petitioners had sustained, and imploring such relief as the house should
think requisite. Though these allegations were supported by a species
of evidence that seemed strong and convincing, and it might be thought
incumbent on the parliament to vindicate the honour of the nation, when
thus insulted by a foreign power, the house, upon this occasion, treated
the petition with the most mortifying neglect, either giving little
credit to the assertions it contained, or unwilling to take any step
which might at this juncture embroil the nation with the court of Spain
on such a frivolous subject. True it is, the Spanish government alleged,
in their own justification, that the prize was taken under the guns
of Corunna, insomuch that the shot fired by the privateer entered that
place, and damaged some houses; but this allegation was never properly
sustained, and the prize was certainly condemned as legal by the court
of admiralty at Gibraltar.




PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE AFRICAN COMPANY.

As we have already given a detail of the trial of sir John Mordaunt, it
will be unnecessary to recapitulate any circumstances of that affair,
except such as relate to its connexion with the proceedings of
parliament. In the beginning of this session, lord Barrington, as
secretary at war, informed the house, by his majesty’s command, that
lieutenant-general sir John Mordaunt, a member of that house, was in
arrest for disobedience of his majesty’s orders, while employed on
the late expedition to the coast of France. The commons immediately
resolved, that an address should be presented to his majesty, returning
him the thanks of this house for his gracious message of that day, in
the communication he had been pleased to make of the reason for putting
lieutenant-general sir, John Mordaunt in arrest.--Among the various
objects of commerce that employed the attention of the house, one of
the most considerable was the trade to the coast of Africa, for the
protection of which an annual sum had been granted for some years, to be
expended in the maintenance and repairs of castles and factories. While
a committee was employed in perusing the accounts relating to the sum
granted in the preceding session for this purpose, a petition from the
committee of the African company, recommended in a message from his
majesty, was presented to the house, soliciting further assistance for
the ensuing year. In the meantime, a remonstrance was offered by certain
planters and merchants, interested in trading to the British sugar
colonies in America, alleging, that the price of negroes was greatly
advanced since the forts and settlements on the coast of Africa had been
under the direction of the committee of the company of merchants trading
to that coast; a circumstance that greatly distressed and alarmed the
petitioners, prevented the cultivation of the British colonies, and was
a great detriment to the trade and navigation of the kingdom; that
this misfortune, they believed, was in some measure owing to the
ruinous state and condition of the forts and settlements; that, in their
opinion, the most effectual method for maintaining the interest of
that trade on a respectable footing, next to that of an incorporated
joint-stock company, would be putting those forts and settlements under
the sole direction of the commissioners for trade and plantations; that
the preservation or ruin of the American sugar colonies went hand in
hand with that of the slave trade to Africa; that, by an act passed
in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, for extending and
improving this trade, the British subjects were debarred from lodging
their slaves and merchandise in the forts and settlements on the coast;
they, therefore, prayed that this part of the act might be repealed;
that all commanders of British and American vessels, free merchants, and
all other his majesty’s subjects, who were settled, or might at any time
thereafter settle in Africa, should have free liberty, from sunrise to
sunset, to enter the forts and settlements, and to deposit their goods
and merchandise in the warehouses thereunto belonging; to secure their
slaves or other purchases without paying any consideration for the same;
but the slaves to be victualled at the proper cost and charge of
their respective owners. The house having taken this petition into
consideration, inquired into the proceedings of the company, and revised
the act for extending and improving the trade to Africa, resolved, that
the committee of the African company had faithfully discharged the trust
reposed in them, and granted ten thousand pounds for maintaining the
British forts and settlements in that part of the world. The enemy were
perfectly well acquainted with the weakness of the British castles on
the coast of Africa; and had they known as well how to execute with
spirit, as to plan with sagacity, the attempt which, in the course of
the preceding year, they made upon the principal British fort in Guinea,
would have succeeded, and all the other settlements would have fallen
into their hands without opposition.*

     * Robert Hunter Morris represented, in a petition to the
     house, that as no salt was made in the British colonies in
     America, they were obliged to depend upon a precarious
     supply of that commodity from foreigners; he, therefore,
     offered to undertake the making of marine salt at a moderate
     price in one of those colonies, at his own risk and charge,
     provided he could be secured in the enjoyment of the profits
     which the work might produce, for such a term of years as
     might seem to the house a proper and adequate compensation
     for so great an undertaking. The petition was ordered to lie
     upon the table; afterwards read and referred to a committee,
     which, however, made no report. A circumstance not easily
     accounted for, unless we suppose the house of commons were
     of opinion, that such an enterprise might contribute towards
     rendering our colonies too independent of their mother-
     country.--Equally unaccountable was the miscarriage of
     another bill, brought in for regulating the manner of
     licensing alehouses, which was read for the first time; but
     when a motion was made for a second reading, the question
     was put, and it passed in the negative.




SESSION CLOSED.

The longest and warmest debate which was maintained in the course of
this session, arose from a motion for leave to bring in a bill for
shortening the term and duration of future parliaments; a measure truly
patriotic, against which no substantial argument could be produced,
although the motion was rejected by the majority, on pretence, that
whilst the nation was engaged in such a dangerous and expensive war, it
would be improper to think of introducing such an alteration in the
form of government. Reasons of equal strength and solidity will never
be wanting to the patrons and ministers of corruption and venality.
The alteration proposed was nothing less than removing and annulling an
encroachment which had been made on the constitution; it might have
been effected without the least pang or convulsion, to the general
satisfaction of the nation; far from being unreasonable at this
juncture, it would have enhanced the national reputation abroad, and
rendered the war more formidable to the enemies of Great Britain, by
convincing them that it was supported by a ministry and parliament who
stood upon such good terms with the people. Indeed, a quick succession
of parliaments might have disconcerted, and perhaps expelled that
spirit of confidence and generosity which now so remarkably espoused
and gratified the sovereign’s predilection for the interest of
Hanover.--Other committees were established, to enquire into the expense
incurred by new lines and fortifications raised at Gibraltar; to examine
the original standards of weights and measures used in England; consider
the laws relating to them, and report their observations, together with
their opinion of the most effectual means for ascertaining and enforcing
uniform standards to be used for the future. The commons were perfectly
satisfied with the new works which had been raised at Gibraltar; and
with respect to the weights and measures, the committee agreed to
certain resolutions, but no further progress was made in this inquiry,
except an order for printing these resolutions, with the appendix;
however, as the boxes containing the standards were ordered to be locked
up by the clerk of the house, in all probability their intention was to
proceed on this subject in some future session. On the ninth day of June
sundry bills received the royal assent by commission, his majesty
being indisposed; and on the twentieth day of the same month, the
lords commissioners closed the session with a speech to both houses,
expressing his majesty’s deep sense of their loyalty and good affection,
demonstrated in their late proceedings, in their zeal for his honour
and real interest in all parts, in their earnestness to surmount every
difficulty, in their ardour to maintain the war with the utmost vigour;
proofs which must convince mankind that the ancient spirit of the
British nation still subsisted in its full force. They were given to
understand that the king had taken all such measures as appeared the
most conducive to the accomplishment of their public-spirited views and
wishes; that with their assistance, crowned by the blessing of God
upon the conduct and bravery of the combined army, his majesty had
been enabled, not only to deliver his dominions in Germany from the
oppressions and devastations of the French, but also to push his
advantages on this side the Rhine; that he had cemented the union
between him and his good brother the king of Prussia, by new
engagements; that the British fleets and armies were now actually
employed in such expeditions as appeared likely to annoy the enemy in
the most sensible manner, and to promote the welfare and prosperity
of these kingdoms; in particular, to preserve the British rights and
possessions in America, and to make France feel, in those parts, the
real strength and importance of Great Britain. The commons were thanked
for the ample supplies which they had so freely and unanimously given,
and assured on the part of his majesty that they should be managed with
the most frugal economy. They were desired, in consequence of the king’s
earnest recommendation, to promote harmony and good agreement amongst
his faithful subjects; to make the people acquainted with the rectitude
and purity of his intentions and measures, and to exert themselves
in maintaining the peace and good order of the country, by enforcing
obedience to the laws and Lawful authority.




VIGOROUS PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, &c.

Never, surely, had any sovereign more reason to be pleased with the
conduct of his ministers, and the spirit of his people. The whole nation
reposed the most unbounded confidence in the courage and discretion,
as well as in the integrity of the minister, who seemed eager upon
prosecuting the war with such vigour and activity as appeared almost
unexampled in the annals of Great Britain. New levies were made,
new ships put in commission, fresh expeditions undertaken, and fresh
conquests projected. Such was the credit of the administration, that
people subscribed to the government loans with surprising eagerness. An
unusual spirit of enterprise and resolution seemed to inspire all the
individuals that constituted the army and navy; and the passion for
military fame diffused itself through all ranks in the civil departments
of life, even to the very dregs of the populace; such a remarkable
change from indolence to activity, from indifference to zeal, from
timorous caution to fearless execution, was effected by the influence
and example of an intelligent and intrepid minister, who, chagrined at
the inactivity and disgraces of the preceding campaign, had on a very
solemn occasion, lately declared his belief that there was a determined
resolution, both in the naval and military commanders, against any
vigorous exertion of the national power in the service of the country.
He affirmed, that though his majesty appeared ready to embrace every
measure proposed by his ministers for the honour and interest of
his British dominions, yet scarce a man could be found with whom the
execution of any one plan in which there was the least appearance of
any danger could with confidence be trusted. He particularised the
inactivity of one general in North America, from whose abilities
and personal bravery the nation had conceived great expectations;
he complained, that this noble commander had expressed the most
contemptuous disregard for the civil power, from which he derived his
authority, by neglecting to transmit, for a considerable length of time,
any other advice of his proceedings but what appeared on a written scrap
of paper; he observed, that with a force by land and sea greater than
ever the nation had heretofore maintained, with a king and ministry
ardently desirous of redeeming her glory, succouring her allies,
and promoting her true interest, a shameful dislike to the service
everywhere prevailed, and few seemed affected with any other zeal
than that of aspiring to the highest posts, and grasping the largest
salaries. The censure levelled at the commander in America was founded
on mistake; the inactivity of that noble lord was not more disappointing
to the ministry than disagreeable to his own inclination. He used his
utmost endeavours to answer the expectation of the public, but his hands
were effectually tied by an absolute impossibility of success, and his
conduct stood justified in the eyes of his sovereign. A particular and
accurate detail of his proceedings he transmitted through a channel,
which he imagined would have directly conveyed it to the foot of the
throne; but the packet was said to have been purposely intercepted
and suppressed. Perhaps he was not altogether excusable for having
corresponded so slightly with the secretary of state; but he was said to
have gone abroad in full persuasion that the ministry would be changed,
and therefore his assiduities were principally directed to the great
personage, who, in that case, would have superintended and directed
all the operations of the army. All sorts of military preparations
in founderies, docks, arsenals, raising and exercising troops, and
victualling transports, were now carried on with such diligence and
despatch as seemed to promise an exertion that would soon obliterate
the disagreeable remembrance of past disgrace. The beginning of the year
was, however, a little clouded by a general concern for the death of
his majesty’s third daughter, the princess Caroline, a lady of the
most exemplary virtue and amiable character, who died at the age of
forty-five, sincerely regretted as a pattern of unaffected piety, and
unbounded benevolence.

The British cruisers kept the sea during all the severity of winter,
in order to protect the commerce of the kingdom, and annoy that of the
enemy. They exerted themselves with such activity, and their vigilance
was attended with such success, that a great number of prizes were
taken, and the trade of France almost totally extinguished. A very
gallant exploit was achieved by one captain Bray, commander of the
Adventure, a small armed vessel in the government’s service: falling in
with the Machault, a large privateer of Dunkirk, near Dungenness, he
ran her aboard, fastened her boltsprit to his capstan, and, after a
warm engagement, compelled her commander to submit. A French frigate
of thirty-six guns was taken by captain Parker, in a new fire-ship of
inferior force. Divers privateers of the enemy were sunk, burned, or
taken, and a great number of merchant ships fell into the hands of the
English. Nor was the success of the British ships of war confined to
the English channel. At this period the board of admiralty received
information from admiral Coats, in Jamaica, of an action which happened
off the island of Hispaniola, in the month of October of the preceding
year, between three English ships of war and a French squadron. Captain
Forrest, an officer of distinguished merit in the service, had, in the
ship Augusta, sailed from Port Eoyal in Jamaica, accompanied by the
Dreadnought and Edinburgh, under the command of the captains Suckling
and Langdon. He was ordered to cruise off Cape François, and this
service he literally performed in the face of the French squadron under
Kersin, lately arrived at that place from the coast of Africa. This
commander, piqued at seeing himself thus insulted by an inferior
armament, resolved to come forth and give them battle; and that he
might either take them, or at least drive them out of the seas, so as to
afford a free passage to a great number of merchant ships then lying at
the Cape, bound for Europe, he took every precaution which he thought
necessary to ensure success. He reinforced his squadron with some store
ships, mounted with guns, and armed for the occasion, and supplied
the deficiency in his complements, by taking on board seamen from
the merchant ships, and soldiers from the garrison. Thus prepared, he
weighed anchor, and stood out to sea, having under his command four
large ships of the line, and three stout frigates. They were no sooner
perceived advancing, than captain Forrest held a short council with his
two captains. “Gentlemen,” said he, “you know your own strength, and
see that of the enemy; shall we give them battle?” They replying in the
affirmative, he added, “Then fight them we will: there is no time to be
lost; return to your ships, and get them ready for engaging.” After this
laconic consultation among these three gallant officers, they bore down
upon the French squadron without further hesitation, and between three
and four in tire afternoon the action began with great impetuosity.
The enemy exerted themselves with uncommon spirit, conscious that their
honour was peculiarly at stake, and that they fought in sight, as it
were, of their own coast, which was lined with people, expecting to see
them return in triumph. But, notwithstanding all their endeavours, their
commodore, after having sustained a severe engagement, that lasted two
hours and a half, found his ship in such a shattered condition, that he
made signal for one of his frigates to come and tow him out of the line.
His example was followed by the rest of his squadron, which, by this
assistance, with the favour of the land breeze and the approach of
night, made shift to accomplish their escape from the three British
ships, which were too much disabled in their masts and rigging to
prosecute their victory. One of the French squadron was rendered
altogether unserviceable for action. Their loss in men amounted to three
hundred killed, and as many wounded; whereas that of the English did not
much exceed one-third of this number. Nevertheless, they were so much
damaged, that, being unable to keep the sea, they returned to Jamaica,
and the French commodore seized the opportunity of sailing with a
great convoy for Europe. The courage of captain Forrest was not more
conspicuous in this engagement with the French squadron near Cape
Francois, than his conduct and sagacity in a subsequent adventure near
Port-au-Prince, a French harbour, situated at the bottom of a bay on the
western part of Hispaniola, behind the small island of Gonave. After M.
de Kersin had taken his departure from Cape François for Europe, admiral
Coats, beating up to windward from Port-Royal in Jamaica with three
ships of the line, received intelligence that there was a French fleet
at Port-au-Prince, ready to sail on their return to Europe. Captain
Forrest then presented the admiral with a plan for an attack on this
place, and urged it earnestly. This, however, was declined, and captain
Forrest directed to cruise off the island Gonave for two days only,
the admiral enjoining him to return at the expiration of the time, and
rejoin the squadron at Cape Nicholas. Accordingly captain Forrest,
in the Augusta, proceeded up the bay, between the island Gonave
and Hispaniola, with a view to execute a plan which he had himself
projected. Next day, in the afternoon, though he perceived two sloops,
he forbore chasing, that he might not risk a discovery; for the
same purpose he hoisted Dutch colours, and disguised his ship with
tarpaulins. At five in the afternoon he discovered seven sail of ships
steering to the westward, and hauled from them to avoid suspicion; but
at the approach of night gave chase with all the sail he could carry.
About ten he perceived two sail, one of which fired a gun, and the other
made the best of her way for Leoganne, another harbour in the bay. At
this period captain Forrest reckoned eight sail to leeward, near another
port called Petit Goave. Coming up with the ship which had fired the
gun, she submitted without opposition, after he had hailed and told her
captain what he was, produced two of his largest cannon, and threatened
to sink her if she should give the least alarm. He forthwith shifted the
prisoners from this prize, and placed on board of her five-and-thirty of
his own crew, with orders to stand for Petit Goave, and intercept any
of the fleet that might attempt to reach that harbour. Then he made sail
after the rest, and in the dawn of the morning, finding himself in the
middle of their fleet, he began to fire at them all in their turns, as
he could bring his guns to bear. They returned the fire for sometime;
at length the Marguerite, the Solide, and the Theodore struck their
colours. These being secured, were afterwards used in taking the
Maurice, Le Grand, and La Flore; the Brilliant also submitted, and the
Mars made sail, in hopes of escaping, but the Augusta coming up with her
about noon, she likewise fell into the hands of the victor. Thus, by
a well-conducted stratagem, a whole fleet of nine sail were taken by a
single ship, in the neighbourhood of four or five harbours, in any
one of which they would have found immediate shelter and security.
The prizes, which happened to be richly laden, were safely conveyed
to Jamaica, and there sold at public auction, for the benefit of the
captors, who may safely challenge history to produce such another
instance of success.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE FRENCH EVACUATE EMBDEN.

The ministry having determined to make vigorous efforts against the
enemy in North America, admiral Boscawen was vested with the command of
the fleet destined for that service, and sailed from St. Helen’s on the
nineteenth day of February, when the Invincible, of seventy-four guns,
one of the best ships that constituted his squadron, ran aground, and
perished; but her men, stores, and artillery were saved. In the course
of the succeeding month, sir Edward Hawke steered into the bay of Biscay
with another squadron, in order to intercept any supplies from France
designed for Cape Breton or Canada; and about the same time the town
of Embden, belonging to his Prussian majesty, which had fallen into the
hands of the enemy, was suddenly retrieved by the conduct of commodore
Holmes, stationed on that coast, who sent up two of his small ships to
anchor in the river between Knok and the city. The garrison, amounting
to three thousand seven hundred men, finding themselves thus cut off
from all communication with the country below, abandoned the place with
great precipitation, and some of their baggage being sent off by water,
was taken by the boats which the commodore armed for that purpose. It
was in the same month that the admiralty received advice of another
advantage by sea, which had been gained by admiral Osborne, while he
cruised between Cape de Gatt and Carthagena, on the coast of Spain.
On the twenty-eighth day of March he fell in with a French squadron,
commanded by the marquis du Quesne, consisting of four ships, namely,
the Foudroyant, of eighty guns, the Orphée, of sixty-four, the
Oriflamme, of fifty, and the Pléiade frigate, of twenty-four, in their
passage from Toulon to reinforce M. de la Clue, who had for some time
been blocked up by admiral Osborne in the harbour of Carthagena. The
enemy no sooner perceived the English squadron than they dispersed, and
steered different courses: then Mr. Osborne detached divers ships in
pursuit of each, while he himself, with the body of his fleet, stood off
for the bay of Carthagena, to watch the motions of the French squadron
which lay there at anchor. About seven in the evening, the Orphée,
having on board five hundred men, struck to captain Storr, in the
Revenge, who lost the calf of one leg in the engagement, during which
he was sustained by the ships Berwick and Preston. The Monmouth, of
sixty-four guns, commanded by captain Gardener, engaged the Foudroyant,
one of the largest ships in the French navy, mounted with fourscore
cannon, and containing eight hundred men, under the direction of the
marquis du Quesne. The action was maintained with great fury on both
sides, and the gallant captain Gardener lost his life; nevertheless,
the fight was continued with unabating vigour by his lieutenant,
Mr. Carkett, and the Foudroyant disabled in such a manner, that her
commander struck, as soon as the other English ships, the Swiftsure and
the Hampton-court, appeared. This mortifying step, however, he did not
take until he saw his ship lie like a wreck upon the water, and the
decks covered with carnage. The Oriflamme was driven on shore under the
castle of Aiglos, by the ships Montague and Monarque, commanded by the
captains Rowley and Montague, who could not complete their destruction
without violating the neutrality of Spain. As for the Pléiade frigate,
she made her escape by being a prime sailer. This was a severe stroke
upon the enemy, who not only lost two of her capital ships, but saw them
added to the navy of Great Britain; and the disaster was followed close
by another, which they could not help feeling with equal sensibility of
mortification and chagrin. In the beginning of April, sir Edward Hawke,
steering with his squadron into Basque-road, on the coast of Poictou,
discovered, off the isle of Aix, a French fleet at anchor, consisting of
five ships of the line, with six frigates, and forty transports, having
on board three thousand troops, and a large quantity of stores and
provisions intended as a supply for their settlements in North America.
They no sooner saw the English Admiral advancing, than they began to
slip their cables, and fly in the utmost confusion. Some of them escaped
by sea, but a great number ran into shoal water, where they could not
be pursued; and next morning they appeared aground, lying on their
broadsides. Sir Edward Hawke, who had rode all night at anchor abreast
of the isle of Aix, furnished the ships Intrepid and Medway with trusty
pilots, and sent them farther in when the flood began to make, with
orders to sound ahead, that he might know whether there was any
possibility of attacking the enemy; but the want of a sufficient depth
of water rendered the scheme impracticable. In the meantime, the
French threw overboard their cannon, stores, and ballast; and boats and
launches from Rochefort were employed in carrying out warps, to drag
their ships through the soft mud, as soon as they should be water-borne
by the flowing tide. By these means their large ships of war, and many
of their transports, escaped into the river Charente; but their loading
was lost, and the end of their equipment totally defeated. Another
convoy of merchant ships under the protection of three frigates, sir
Edward Hawke, a few days before, had chased into the harbour of Saint
Martin’s, in the isle of Rhé, where they still remained, waiting an
opportunity for hazarding a second departure. A third, consisting of
twelve sail, bound from Bourdeaux to Quebec, under convoy of a frigate
and armed vessel, was encountered at sea by one British ship of the line
and two fire-ships, which took the frigate and armed vessel, and two
of the convoy afterwards met with the same fate; but this advantage was
overbalanced by the loss of captain James Hume, commander of the Pluto
fire-ship, a brave accomplished officer, who, in an unequal combat with
the enemy, refused to quit the deck even when he was disabled, and fell
gloriously, covered with wounds, exhorting the people, with his latest
breath, to continue the engagement while the ship could swim, and acquit
themselves with honour in the service of their country.




ADMIRAL BRODERICK’S SHIP BURNT.

On the twenty-ninth day of May, the Raisonable, a French ship of the
line, mounted with sixty-four cannon, having on board six hundred and
thirty men, commanded by the prince de Mombazon, chevalier de Rohan,
was, in her passage from Port l’Orient to Brest, attacked by captain
Dennis, in the Dorsetshire, of seventy guns, and taken after an
obstinate engagement, in which one hundred and sixty men of the prince’s
complement were killed or wounded, and he sustained great damage in his
hull, sails, and rigging. These successes were, moreover, chequered by
the tidings of a lamentable disaster that befel the ship Prince George,
of eighty guns, commanded by rear-admiral Broderick, in his passage to
the Mediterranean. On the thirteenth day of April, between one and two
in the afternoon, a dreadful fire broke out in the fore part of the
ship, and raged with such fury, that notwithstanding all the efforts of
the officers and men for several hours, the flames increased, and the
ship being consumed to the water’s edge, the remnant sunk about six
o’clock in the evening. The horror and consternation of such a scene are
not easily described. When all endeavours proved fruitless, and no
hope of preserving the ship remained, the barge was hoisted out for
the preservation of the admiral, who entered it accordingly; but all
distinction of persons being now abolished, the seamen rushed into it in
such crowds, that in a few moments it overset. The admiral, foreseeing
that this would be the case, stripped off his clothes, and committing
himself to the mercy of the waves, was saved by the boat of a merchant
ship, after he had sustained himself in the sea a full hour by swimming.
Captain Payton, who was the second in command, remained upon the
quarter-deck as long as it was possible to keep that station, and then
descending by the stern ladder, had the good fortune to be taken into a
boat belonging to the Aklerney sloop. The hull of the ship, masts, and
rigging, were now in a blaze, bursting tremendously in several parts
through horrid clouds of smoke; nothing was heard but the crackling of
the flames, mingled with the dismal cries of terror and distraction;
nothing was seen but acts of frenzy and desperation. The miserable
wretches, affrighted at the horrors of such a conflagration, sought a
fate less dreadful by plunging into the sea, and about three hundred men
were preserved by the boats belonging to some ships that accompanied the
admiral in his voyage, but five hundred perished in the ocean.




DESCENT AT CANCALLE BAY.

The king of Great Britain being determined to renew his attempt upon the
coast of France, ordered a very formidable armament to be equipped
for that purpose. Two powerful squadrons by sea were destined for the
service of this expedition: the first, consisting of eleven great ships,
was commanded by lord Anson and sir Edward Hawke; the other, composed of
four ships of the line, seven frigates, six sloops, two fire-ships, two
bombs, ten cutters, twenty tenders, ten store-ships, and one hundred
transports, was put under the direction of commodore Howe, who had
signalized himself by his gallantry and conduct in the course of the
last fruitless expedition. The plan of a descent upon France having
been adopted by the ministry, a body of troops, consisting of sixteen
regiments, nine troops of light horse, and six thousand marines, was
assembled for the execution of this design, and embarked under the
command of the duke of Marlborough; a nobleman, who though he did not
inherit all the military genius of his grandfather, yet far excelled him
in the amiable and social qualities of the heart: he was brave beyond
all question, generous to profusion, and good-natured to excess. On
this occasion he was assisted by the councils of lord George Sackville,
second in command, son to the duke of Dorset; an officer of experience
and reputation, who had, in the civil departments of government,
exhibited proofs of extraordinary genius and uncommon application. The
troops, having been encamped for some time upon the Isle of Wight, were
embarked in the latter end of May, and the two fleets sailed in the
beginning of June for the coast of Bretagne, leaving the people of
England flushed with the gayest hopes of victory and conquest. The two
fleets parted at sea: lord Anson, with his squadron, proceeded to the
bay of Biscay, in order to watch the motions of the enemy’s ships, and
harass their navigation; while commodore Howe, with the land-forces,
steered directly towards St. Maloes, a strong place of considerable
commerce, situated on the coast of Bretagne, against which the purposed
invasion seemed to be chiefly intended. The town, however, was found too
well fortified, both by art and nature, to admit of an attempt by sea
with any prospect of success; and, therefore, it was resolved to make
a descent in the neighbourhood. After the fleet had been, by contrary
winds, detained several days in sight of the French coast, it arrived
in the bay of Cancalle, about two leagues to the eastward of St.
Maloes; and Mr. Howe having silenced a small battery which the enemy
had occasionally raised upon the beach, the troops were landed without
further opposition on the sixth day of June. The duke of Marlborough
immediately began his march towards St. Servan, with a view to destroy
such shipping and magazines as might be in any accessible parts of the
river; and this scheme was executed with success. A great quantity of
naval stores, two ships of war, several privateers, and about fourscore
vessels of different sorts, were set on fire and reduced to ashes,
almost under the cannon of the place, which, however, they could not
pretend to besiege in form. His grace having received repeated advices
that the enemy were busily employed in assembling forces to march
against him, returned to Cancalle, where Mr. Howe had made such
a masterly disposition of the boats and transports, that the
re-embarkation of the troops was performed with surprising ease and
expedition. The forces, while they remained on shore were restrained
from all outrage by the most severe discipline; and the French houses,
which their inhabitants had abandoned, were left untouched. Immediately
after their landing, the duke of Marlborough, as commander-in-chief,
published and distributed a manifesto, addressed to the people of
Bretagne, giving them to understand, that his descent upon the coast was
not effected with a design to make war on the inhabitants of the open
country, except such as should be found in arms, or otherwise opposing
the operations of his Britannic majesty; that all who were willing
to continue in peaceable possession of their effects, might remain
unmolested in their respective dwellings, and follow their usual
occupations; that, besides the customs and taxes they used to pay
to their own king, nothing should be required of them but what was
absolutely necessary for the subsistence of the army; and that, for all
provisions brought in, they should be paid in ready money. He concluded
this notice with declaring, that if, notwithstanding these assurances
of protection, they should carry off their effects and provisions, and
abandon the places of their habitation, he would treat them as enemies,
and destroy their houses with fire and sword. To the magistracy of St.
Maloes he likewise sent a letter, importing, that as all the inhabitants
of the towns and villages between Dinant, Rennes, and Doll, now in
his possession, had deserted their habitations, probably to avoid the
payment of the usual contributions; and he being informed that the
magistrates had compelled the people of the country to retire into
the town of St. Maloes; he now gave them notice, that if they did not
immediately send them back to their houses, and come themselves to his
head-quarters, to settle the contributions, he should think himself
obliged to proceed to military execution. These threats, however, were
not put in force, although the magistrates of St. Maloes did not think
proper to comply with his injunction. But it was found altogether
impossible to prevent irregularities among troops that were naturally
licentious. Some houses were pillaged, and not without acts of
barbarity; but the offenders were brought to immediate justice; and it
must be owned, as an incontestable proof of the general’s humanity, that
in destroying the magazines of the enemy at St. Servan, which may be
termed the suburbs of St. Maloes, he ordered one small-store house to
be spared, because it could not be set on fire without endangering the
whole district. The British forces being re-embarked, including about
five hundred light-horse, which had been disciplined and carried over
with a view to scour the country, the fleet was detained by contrary
winds in the bay of Cancalle for several days, during which a design
seems to have been formed for attacking Granville, which had been
reconnoitred by some of the engineers; but, in consequence of their
report, the scheme was laid aside, and the fleet stood out to sea, where
it was exposed to some rough weather. In a few days, the wind blowing in
a northern direction, they steered again towards the French coast, and
ran in with the land near Havre-de-Grace, where the flat-bottomed boats,
provided for landing, were hoisted out, and a second disembarkation
expected. But the wind blowing violently towards the evening, the boats
were re-shipped, and the fleet obliged to quit the land in order to
avoid the dangers of a lee-shore. Next day, the weather being more
moderate, they returned to the same station, and orders were given to
prepare for a descent; but the duke of Marlborough having taken a view
of the coast in an open cutter, accompanied by commodore Howe, thought
proper to waive the attempt. Their next step was to bear away before the
wind for Cherbourg, in the neighbourhood of which place the fleet
came to anchor. Here some of the transports received the fire of six
different batteries; and a considerable body of troops appeared in arms
to dispute the landing; nevertheless, the general resolved that the
forts Querqueville, l’Hommet, and Gallet, should be attacked in the
night by the first regiment of guards. The soldiers were actually
distributed in the flat-bottomed boats, and every preparation made for
this enterprise, when the wind began to blow with such violence, that
the troops could not be landed without the most imminent danger and
difficulty, nor properly sustained in case of a repulse, even if the
disembarkation could have been effected. This attempt, therefore, was
laid aside, but at the same time a resolution taken to stand in
towards the shore with the whole fleet, to cover a general landing.
A disposition was made accordingly; but the storm increasing, the
transports ran foul of each other, and the ships were exposed to all
the perils of a lee-shore, for the gale blew directly upon the coast;
besides, the provisions began to fail, and the hay for the horses was
almost consumed. These concurring reasons induced the commanders to
postpone the disembarkation to a more favourable opportunity. The fleet
stood out to sea, and the tempest abating, they steered for the Isle of
Wight, and next day anchored at St. Helen’s. Such was the issue of an
enterprise achieved with considerable success, if we consider the damage
done to the enemy’s shipping, and the other objects which the minister
had in view; namely, to secure the navigation of the channel, and make
a diversion in favour of the German allies, by alarming the French king,
and obliging him to employ a great number of troops to defend his
coast from insult and invasion; but whether such a mighty armament was
necessary for the accomplishment of these petty aims, and whether the
same armament might not have been employed in executing schemes of
infinitely greater advantage to the nation, we shall leave to the
judicious reader’s own reflection.




EXPEDITION AGAINST CHERBOURG.

The designs upon the coast of France, though interrupted by tempestuous
weather, were not as yet laid aside for the whole season; but, in the
meantime, the troops were disembarked on the Isle of Wight; and one
brigade marched to the northward, to join a body of troops, with which
the government resolved to augment the army of the allies in Germany,
commanded by prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. The duke of Marlborough and
lord George Sackville being appointed to conduct this British corps
upon the continent, the command of the marine expeditions devolved to
lieutenant-general Bligh, an old experienced officer, who had served
with reputation; and his royal highness prince Edward, afterwards
created duke of York, entered as a volunteer with commodore Howe, in
order to learn the rudiments of the sea-service. The remainder of
the troops being re-embarked, and everything prepared for the second
expedition, the fleet sailed from St. Helen’s on the first of August;
and after a tedious passage, from calms and contrary winds, anchored
on the seventh in the bay of Cherbourg. By this time the enemy
had intrenched themselves within a line, extending from the fort
Ecoeurdeville, which stands about two miles to the westward of
Cherbourg, along the coast for the space of four miles, fortified with
several batteries at proper distances. Behind this retrenchment a body
of horse and infantry appeared in red and blue uniforms; but as they
did not advance to the open beach, the less risk was run in landing the
British forces. At first a bomb-ketch had been sent to anchor near the
town, and throw some shells into the place, as a feint to amuse the
enemy, and deceive them with regard to the place of disembarkation,
while the general had determined to land about a league to the
westward of Querqueville, the most western fort in the bay. The other
bomb-ketches, being posted along shore, did considerable execution upon
the intrench-ments, not only by throwing shells in the usual way, but
also by using ball-mortars, filled with great quantities of balls, which
may be thrown to a great distance, and, by scattering as they fly, do
abundance of mischief. While the ketches fired without ceasing, the
grenadiers and guards were rowed regularly ashore in the flat-bottomed
boats, and, landing without opposition, instantly formed on a small open
portion of the beach, with a natural breast-work in their front, having
on the other side a hollow way, and a village rising beyond it with a
sudden ascent; on the left, the ground was intersected by hedges, and
covered with orchards, and from this quarter the enemy advanced in
order. The British troops immediately quitted the breast-work, in order
to meet them half way, and a straggling fire began; but the French
edging to the left, took possession of the hill, from whence they
piqueered with the advanced posts of the English. In the meantime, the
rest of the infantry were disembarked, and the enemy at night retired.
As the light troops were not yet landed, general Bligh encamped that
night at the village of Erville, on a piece of ground that did not
extend above four hundred paces; so that the tents were pitched in a
crowded and irregular manner. Next morning, the general having received
intelligence that no parties of the enemy were seen moving on the hill,
or in the plain, and that fort Querqueville was entirely abandoned,
made a disposition for marching in two columns to Cherbourg. An advanced
party took immediate possession of Querqueville; and the lines and
batteries along the shore were now deserted by the enemy. The British
forces marching behind St. Aulne, Ecoeurdeville, Hommet, and La Galet,
found the town of Cherbourg likewise abandoned, and the gates being
open, entered it without opposition. The citizens, encouraged by a
manifesto containing a promise of protection, which had been published
and distributed in order to quiet their apprehensions, received their
new guests with a good grace, overwhelming them with civilities, for
which they met with a very ungrateful return; for as the bulk of the
army was not regularly encamped and superintended, the soldiers were at
liberty to indulge themselves in riot and licentiousness. All night long
they ravaged the adjacent country without restraint; and as no guards
had been regularly placed in the streets and avenues of Cherbourg, to
prevent disorders, the town itself was not exempted from pillage and
brutality. These outrages, however, were no sooner known, than the
general took immediate steps for putting a stop to them for the present,
and preventing all irregularities for the future. Next morning, the
place being reconnoitred, he determined to destroy, without delay, all
the forts and the basin; and the execution of this design was left to
the engineers, assisted by the officers of the fleet and artillery.
Great sums of money had been expended upon the harbour and basin of
Cherbourg, which at one time was considered by the French court as an
object of great importance, from its situation respecting the river
Seine, as well as the opposite coast of England; but as the works
were left unfinished, in all appearance the plan had grown into
disreputation. The enemy had raised several unconnected batteries along
the bay; but the town itself was quite open and defenceless While
the engineers were employed in demolishing the works, the light horse
scoured the country, and detachments were every day sent out towards
Walloign, at the distance of four leagues from Cherbourg, where the
enemy were encamped, and every hour received reinforcements. Several
skirmishes were fought by the out-parties of each army, in one of
which captain Lindsay, a gallant young officer, who had been very
instrumental in training the light horse, was mortally wounded. The
harbour and basin of Cherbourg being destroyed, together with all the
forts in the neighbourhood, and about twenty pieces of brass cannon
secured on board the English ships, a contribution, amounting to about
three thousand pounds sterling, was exacted upon the town, and a plan
of re-embarkation concerted; as it appeared from the reports of peasants
and deserters, that the enemy were already increased to a formidable
number. A slight intrench-ment being raised, sufficient to defend the
last division that should be re-embarked, the stores and artillery
were shipped, and the light horses conveyed on board their respective
transports, by means of platforms laid in the flat-bottomed vessels. On
the sixteenth day of August, at three o’clock in the morning, the forces
marched from Cherbourg down to the beach, and re-embarked at fort Galet,
without the least disturbance from the enemy.




DESCENT AT ST. MALOES.

This service being happily performed, the fleet set sail for the coast
of England, and anchored in the road of Weymouth, under the high land of
Portland. In two days it weighed and stood again to the southward; but
was obliged by contrary winds to return to the same riding. The second
effort, however, was more effectual. The fleet with some difficulty kept
the sea, and steering to the French coast, came to anchor in the bay of
St. Lunaire, two leagues to the westward of St. Maloes, against which
it was determined to make another attempt. The sloops and ketches being
ranged along shore to cover the disembarkation, the troops landed on a
fair open beach, and a detachment of grenadiers was sent to the harbour
of St. Briac, above the town of St. Maloes, where they destroyed about
fifteen small vessels; but St. Maloes itself being properly surveyed,
appeared to be above insult, either from the land-forces or the
shipping. The mouth of the river that forms its basin extends above two
miles in breadth at its narrowest part, so as to be out of the reach of
land batteries, and the entrance is defended by such forts and batteries
as the ships of war could not pretend to silence, considering the
difficult navigation of the channels; besides fifty pieces of large
cannon planted on these forts and batteries, the enemy had mounted forty
on the west side of the town; and the basin was, moreover, strengthened
by seven frigates or armed vessels, whose guns might have been brought
to bear upon any batteries that could be raised on shore, as well as
upon ships entering by the usual channel. For these substantial reasons
the design against St. Maloes was dropped; but the general being
unwilling to re-embark, without having taken some step for the further
annoyance of the enemy, resolved to penetrate into the country;
conducting his motions, however, so as to be near the fleet, which had
by this time quitted the bay of St. Lunaire, where it could not ride
with any safety, and anchored in the bay of St. Cas, about three leagues
to the westward.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ENGLISH DEFEATED AT ST. CAS.

On Friday the eighth of September, general Bligh, with his little army,
began his march for Guildo, at the distance of nine miles, which he
reached in the evening; next day he crossed a little gut or inlet of the
sea, at low water, and his troops being incommoded by the peasants, who
fired at them from hedges and houses, he sent a priest with a message,
intimating, that if they would not desist, he would reduce their houses
to ashes. No regard being paid to this intimation, the houses were
actually set on fire as soon as the troops had formed their camp about
two miles on the other side of the inlet. Next morning he proceeded to
the village of Matignon, where, after some smart skirmishing, the French
piquets appeared, drawn up in order, to the number of two battalions;
but having sustained a few shots from the English field-pieces, and
seeing the grenadiers advance, they suddenly dispersed. General Bligh
continuing his route through the village, encamped in the open
ground, about three miles from the bay of St. Cas, which was this
day reconnoitred for re-embarkation; for he now received undoubted
intelligence, that the duke d’Aiguillon had advanced from Brest to
Lambale, within six miles of the English camp, at the head of twelve
regular battalions, six squadrons, two regiments of militia, eight
mortars, and ten pieces of cannon. The bay of St. Cas was covered by
an intrenchment which the enemy had thrown up, to prevent or oppose any
disembarkation; and on the outside of this work there was a range of
sand hills extending along shore, which could have served as a cover
to the enemy, from whence they might have annoyed the troops in
re-embarking; for this reason a proposal was made to the general, that
the forces should be re-embarked from a fair open beach on the left,
between St. Cas and Guildo; but this advice was rejected, and, indeed,
the subsequent operations of the army savoured strongly of blind
security and rash presumption. Had the troops decamped in the night
without noise, in all probability they would have arrived at the beach
before the French had received the least intelligence of their motion;
and in that case, the whole army, consisting of about six thousand men,
might have been re-embarked without the least interruption; but instead
of this cautious manner of proceeding, the drums were beaten at two
o’clock in the morning, as if with intention to give notice to the
enemy, who forthwith repeated the same signal. The troops were in motion
before three, and though the length of the march did not exceed three
miles, the halts and interruptions were so numerous and frequent,
that they did not arrive on the beach of St. Cas till nine. Then the
embarkation was begun, and might have been happily finished, had the
transports lain near the shore and received the men as fast as the boats
could have conveyed them on board, without distinction; but many ships
rode at a considerable distance, and every boat carried the men on
board the respective transports to which they belonged; a punctilio of
disposition by which a great deal of time was unnecessarily consumed.
The small ships and bomb-ketches were brought near the shore, to
cover the embarkation; and a considerable number of sea-officers were
stationed on the beach, to superintend the boats’ crews, and regulate
the service; but notwithstanding all their attention and authority,
some of the boats were otherwise employed than in conveying the unhappy
soldiers. Had all the cutters and small craft belonging to the fleet
been properly occupied in this service, the disgrace and disaster of
the day would scarce have happened. The British forces had skirmished
a little on the march, but no considerable body of the enemy appeared
until the embarkation was begun; then they took possession of an
eminence by a windmill, and forthwith opened a battery of ten cannon and
eight mortars, from whence they fired with considerable effect upon
the soldiers on the beach, and on the boats in their passage. They
afterwards began to march down the hill, partly covered by a hollow way
on their left, with a design to gain a wood, where they might form and
extend themselves along the front of the English, and advance against
them under shelter of the sand-hills: but in their descent they suffered
extremely from the cannon and mortars of the shipping, which made great
havock and threw them into confusion. Their line of march down the hill
was staggered, and for some time continued in suspense; then they turned
off to one side, extended themselves along a hill to their left, and
advanced in a hollow way, from whence they suddenly rushed out to the
attack. Though the greater part of the British troops were already
embarked, the rear-guard, consisting of all the grenadiers and half of
the first regiment of guards, remained on the shore, to the number of
fifteen hundred, under the command of major-general Dury. This
officer, seeing the French advance, ordered his troops to form in grand
divisions, and march from behind the bank that covered them, in order to
charge the enemy before they could be formed on the plain. Had this step
been taken when it was first suggested to Mr. Dury, before the French
were disengaged from the hollow way, perhaps it might have so far
succeeded as to disconcert and throw them into confusion; but by this
time they had extended themselves into a very formidable front, and no
hope remained of being able to withstand such a superior number. Instead
of attempting to fight against such odds in an open field of battle,
they might have retreated along the beach to a rock on the left,
in which progress their right flank would have been secured by the
in-trenchment; and the enemy could not have pursued them along the
shore, without being exposed to such a fire from the shipping, as in
all probability they could not have sustained. This scheme was likewise
proposed to Mr. Dury; but he seemed to be actuated by a spirit of
infatuation. The English line being drawn up in uneven ground, began
the action with an irregular fire from right to left, which the enemy
returned; but their usual fortitude and resolution seemed to forsake
them on this occasion. They saw themselves in danger of being surrounded
and cut in pieces; their officers dropped on every side; and all hope
of retreat was now intercepted. In this cruel dilemma, their spirits
failed; they were seized with a panic; they faultered, they broke; and
in less than five minutes after the engagement began, they fled in the
utmost confusion, pursued by the enemy, who no sooner saw them give way
than they fell in among them with their bayonets fixed, and made a great
carnage. General Dury being dangerously wounded, ran into the sea, where
he perished; and this was the fate of a great number, officers as well
as soldiers. Many swam towards the boats and vessels, which were ordered
to give them all manner of assistance; but by far the greater number
were either butchered on the beach, or drowned in the water: a small
body, however, instead of throwing themselves into the sea, retired to
the rock on the left, where they made a stand, until they had exhausted
their ammunition, and then surrendered at discretion The havock was
moreover increased by the shot and shells discharged from the battery
which the enemy had raised on the hill. The slaughter would not have
been so great, had not the French soldiers been exasperated by the fire
from the frigates, which was still maintained even after the English
troops were routed; but this was no sooner silenced by a signal from the
commodore, than the enemy exhibited a noble example of moderation
and humanity, in granting immediate quarter and protection to the
vanquished. About one thousand chosen men of the English army were
killed and taken prisoners on this occasion: nor was the advantage
cheaply purchased by the French troops, among whom the shot and shells
from the frigates and ketches had done great execution. The clemency
of the victors was the more remarkable, as the British troops in this
expedition had been shamefully guilty of marauding, pillaging, burning,
and other excesses. War is so dreadful in itself, and so severe in its
consequences, that the exercise of generosity and compassion, by which
its horrors are mitigated, ought ever to be applauded, encouraged,
and imitated. We ought also to use our best endeavours to deserve this
treatment at the hands of a civilised enemy. Let us be humane in our
turn to those whom the fate of war has subjected to our power: let
us, in prosecuting our military operations, maintain the most rigid
discipline among the troops, and religiously abstain from all acts of
violence and oppression. Thus a laudable emulation will undoubtedly
ensue, and the powers at war vie with each other in humanity and
politeness. In other respects the commander of an invading armament
will always find his account in being well with the common people of the
country in which the descent is made. By civil treatment and seasonable
gratifications, they will be encouraged to bring into the camp regular
supplies of provision and refreshment; they will mingle with the
soldiers, and even form friendships among them; serve as guides,
messengers, and interpreters; let out their cattle for hire as
draft-horses; work with their own persons as day-labourers; discover
proper fords, bridges, roads, passes, and defiles; and, if artfully
managed, communicate many useful hints of intelligence. If great
care and circumspection be not exerted in maintaining discipline, and
bridling the licentious dispositions of the soldiers, such invasions
will be productive of nothing but miscarriage and disgrace: for this at
best is but a piratical way of carrying on war; and the troops engaged
in it are, in some measure, debauched by the nature of the service.
They are crowded together in transports, where the minute particulars of
military order cannot be observed, even though the good of the service
greatly depends upon a due observance of these forms. The soldiers grow
negligent, and inattentive to cleanness and the exterior ornaments of
dress: they become slovenly, slothful, and altogether unfit for a return
of duty: they are tumbled about occasionally in ships and boats, landed
and re-embarked in a tumultuous manner, under a divided and disorderly
command: they are accustomed to retire at the first report of an
approaching enemy, and to take shelter on another element; nay,
their small pillaging parties are often obliged to fly before unarmed
peasants. Their duty on such occasions is the most unmanly part of a
soldier’s office; namely, to ruin, ravage, and destroy. They soon yield
to the temptation of pillage, and are habituated to rapine: they
give loose to intemperance, riot, and intoxication; commit a thousand
excesses; and, when the enemy appears, run on board the ships with their
booty. Thus the dignity of the service is debased; they lose all sense
of honour and of shame; they are no longer restricted by military laws,
nor overawed by the authority of officers; in a word, they degenerate
into a species of lawless buccaneers. From such a total relaxation of
morals and discipline, what can ensue but riot, confusion, dishonour,
and defeat? All the advantage that can be expected from these sudden
starts of invasion, will scarce overbalance the evils we have mentioned,
together with the extraordinary expense of equipping armaments of this
nature. True it is, these descents oblige the French king to employ
a considerable number of his troops for the defence of his maritime
places: they serve to ruin the trade of his subjects, protect the
navigation of Great Britain, and secure its coast from invasion; but
these purposes might be as effectually answered, at a much smaller
expense, by the shipping alone. Should it be judged expedient, however,
to prosecute this desultory kind of war, the commanders employed in it
will do well to consider, that a descent ought never to be hazarded in
an enemy’s country, without having taken proper precautions to secure a
retreat; that the severest discipline ought to be preserved during all
the operations of the campaign; that a general ought never to disembark
but upon a well-concerted plan, nor commence his military transactions
without some immediate point or object in view; that a re-embarkation
ought never to be attempted, except from a clear open beach, where the
approaches of an enemy may be seen, and the troops covered by the fire
of their shipping. Those who presume to reflect upon the particulars
of this last expedition, owned themselves at a loss to account for the
conduct of the general, in remaining on shore after the design upon St.
Maloes was laid aside; in penetrating so far into the country without
any visible object; neglecting the repeated intelligence which he
received; communicating, by beat of drum, his midnight motions to an
enemy of double his force; loitering near seven hours in a march of
three miles; and, lastly, attempting the re-embarkation of the troops
at a place where no proper measures had been taken for their cover
and defence. After the action of St. Cas, some civilities, by message,
passed between the duke d’Aiguillon and the English commanders, who were
favoured with a list of the prisoners, including four sea captains;
and assured that the wounded should receive all possible comfort and
assistance. These matters being adjusted, commodore Howe returned with
the fleet to Spithead, and the soldiers were disembarked.

The success of the attempt upon Cherbourg had elevated the people to a
degree of childish triumph; and the government thought proper to indulge
this petulant spirit of exultation, by exposing twenty-one pieces of
French cannon in Hyde-park, from whence they were drawn in procession to
the Tower, amidst the acclamations of the populace. From this pinnacle
of elation and pride they were precipitated to the abyss of despondence
or dejection, by the account of the miscarriage at St. Cas, which buoyed
up the spirits of the French in the same proportion. The people of that
nation began to stand in need of some such cordial after the losses they
had sustained, and the ministry of Versailles did not fail to make the
most of this advantage: they published a pompous narrative of the battle
of St. Cas, and magnified into a mighty victory the puny check which
they had given to the rear-guard of an inconsiderable detachment. The
people received it with implicit belief, because it was agreeable to
their passions, and congratulated themselves upon their success in
hyperboles, dictated by that vivacity so peculiar to the French nation.
Indeed, these are artifices which the ministers of every nation find it
necessary to use at certain conjunctures, in governing the turbulent and
capricious multitude. After the misfortune at St. Cas, nothing further
was attempted by that armament; nor was any enterprise of importance
achieved by the British ships in Europe during the course of this
summer. The cruisers, however, still continued active and alert. Captain
Hervey, in the ship Monmouth, destroyed a French ship of forty guns in
the island of Malta; an exploit of which the Maltese loudly complained,
as a violation of their neutrality. About twenty sail of small French
vessels were driven ashore on the rocks of Bretagne, by some cruisers
belonging to the fleet commanded by lord Anson, after a smart engagement
with two frigates, under whose convoy they sailed. In the month of
November, the Belliqueux, a French ship of war mounted with sixty-four
guns, having by mistake run up St. George’s channel, and anchored in
Lundy-road, captain Saumarez of the Antelope, then lying in King-road,
immediately weighed and went in quest of her, according to the advice he
had received. When he appeared, the French captain heaved up his anchor,
and made a show of preparing for an engagement; but soon hauled down his
colours, and, without firing a shot, surrendered, with a complement
of four hundred and seventeen men, to a ship of inferior force both in
number of hands and weight of metal. By this time the English privateers
swarmed to such a degree in the channel, that scarce a French vessel
durst quit the harbour, and consequently there was little or no booty
to be obtained. In this dearth of legal prizes, some of the adventurers
were tempted to commit acts of piracy, and actually rifled the ships
of neutral nations. A Dutch vessel, having on board the baggage and
domestics belonging to the marquis de Pignatelli, ambassador from
the court of Spain to the king of Denmark, was boarded three times
successively by the crews of three different privateers, who forced the
hatches, rummaged the hold, broke open and rifled the trunks and boxes
of the ambassador, insulted and even cruelly bruised his officers,
stripped his domestics, and carried off his effects, together with
letters of credit, and a bill of exchange. Complaints of these outrages
being made to the court of London, the lords of the admiralty promised,
in the gazette, a reward of five hundred pounds, without deduction, to
any person who should discover the offenders concerned in these acts of
piracy. Some of them were detected accordingly, and brought to condign
punishment.




CLAMOURS OF THE DUTCH MERCHANTS, &c.

The Dutch had for some time carried on a very considerable traffic,
not only in taking the fair advantages of their neutrality, but also in
supplying the French with naval stores, and transporting the produce
of the French sugar-colonies to Europe, as carriers hired by the
proprietors. The English government, incensed at this unfair commerce,
prosecuted with such flagrant partiality for their enemies, issued
orders for the cruisers to arrest all ships of neutral powers that
should have French property on board; and these orders were executed
with rigour and severity. A great number of Dutch ships were taken and
condemned as legal prizes, both in England and Jamaica: sometimes
the owners met with hard measures, and some crews were treated with
insolence and barbarity. The subjects of the United Provinces raised
a loud clamour against the English, for having, by these captures,
violated the law of nations and the particular treaty of commerce
subsisting between Great Britain and the republic. Remonstrances were
made to the English ministry, who expostulated, in their turn, with
the deputies of the states-general; and the two nations were inflamed
against each other with the most bitter animosity. The British resident
at the Hague, in a conference with the states, represented that the king
his master could not hope to see peace speedily re-established, if the
neutral princes should assume a right of carrying on the trade of his
enemies; that he expected, from their known justice, and the alliance
by which they were so nearly connected with his subjects, they would
honestly abandon this fraudulent commerce, and agree that naval stores
should be comprehended in the class of contraband commodities.
He answered some articles of the complaints they had made with an
appearance of candour and moderation; declared his majesty’s abhorrence
of the violences which had been committed upon the subjects of the
United Provinces; explained the steps which had been taken by the
English government to bring the offenders to justice, as well as
to prevent such outrages for the future; and assured them that his
Britannic majesty had nothing more at heart, than to renew and maintain,
in full force, the mutual confidence and friendship by which the
maritime powers of England and Holland had been so long united.

These professions of esteem and affection were not sufficient to quiet
the minds and appease the resentment of the Dutch merchants; and the
French party, which was both numerous and powerful, employed all their
art and influence to exasperate their passions, and widen the breach
between the two nations. The court of Versailles did not fail to seize
this opportunity of insinuation: while, on one hand, their ministers and
emissaries in Holland exaggerated the indignities and injuries which
the states had sustained from the insolence and rapacity of the
English; they, on the other hand, flattered and cajoled them with little
advantages in trade, and formal professions of respect.--Such was
the memorial delivered by the count d’Affry, intimating that the
empress-queen being under an absolute necessity of employing all her
forces to defend her hereditary dominions in Germany, she had been
obliged to withdraw her troops from Ostend and Nieuport, and applied
to the French king, as her ally nearest at hand, to garrison these two
places; which, however, should be restored at the peace, or sooner,
should her imperial majesty think proper. The spirit of the Dutch
merchants, at this juncture, and their sentiments with respect to
England, appeared with very high colouring in a memorial to the
states-general, subscribed by two hundred and sixty-nine traders,
composed and presented with equal secrecy and circumspection. In this
famous remonstrance they complained, that the violences and unjust
depredations committed by the English ships of war and privateers, on
the vessels and effects of them and their fellow-subjects, were not only
continued, but daily multiplied; and cruelty and excess carried to such
a pitch of wanton barbarity, that the petitioners were forced to implore
the assistance of their high mightinesses to protect, in the most
efficacious manner, the commerce and navigation, which were the two
sinews of the republic. For this necessary purpose they offered to
contribute each his contingent, and to arm at their own charge; and
other propositions were made for an immediate augmentation of the
marine. While this party industriously exerted all their power and
credit to effect a rupture with England, the princess-gouvernante
employed all her interest and address to divert them from this object,
and alarm them with respect to the power and designs of France; against
which she earnestly exhorted them to augment their military forces
by land, that they might be prepared to defend themselves against all
invasion. At the same time she spared no pains to adjust the differences
between her husband’s country and her father’s kingdom; and without
doubt, her healing councils were of great efficacy in preventing matters
from coming to a very dangerous extremity.




CHAPTER XV.

     _Expedition against Senegal..... Fort Louis and Senegal
     taken..... Unsuccessful attempt upon Goree..... Expedition
     to Cape Breton..... Louisbourg taken..... and  St.
     John’s..... Unsuccessful  attempt   upon   Ticonderoga.....
     Fort Frontenac taken and destroyed by the English.....
     Brigadier Forbes takes Fort du Quesne..... Goree taken.....
     Shipwreck of Captain Barton..... Gallant Exploit of Captain
     Tyrrell..... Transactions in the East Indies..... Admiral
     Pococke engages the French Fleet..... Fort St. David’s taken
     by the French..... Second Engagement between Admiral Pococke
     and M. d’Apehé..... Progress of M. Lally..... Transactions
     on the Continent of Europe..... King of Prussia raises
     Contributions in Saxony and the Dominions of the Duke of
     Wirtemberg..... State of the Armies on the Continent.....
     The French King changes the Administration of Hanover.....
     Plan of a Treaty between the French King and the Landgrave
     of Hesse-Cassel..... Treaty between the French King and the
     Duke of Brunswick..... Decree of the Aulic Council against
     the Elector of Hanover and others..... Bremen taken by the
     Duke de Broglio, and retaken by Prince Ferdinand..... Duke
     de Richelieu recalled..... Generous Conduct of the Duke de
     Randan..... The French abandon Hanover..... Prince of
     Brunswick reduces Hoya and Minden..... Prince Ferdinand
     defeats the French at Creveldt, and takes Dusseldorp.....
     Prince of Ysembourg defeated by the Duke de Broglio.....
     General Imhoff defeats M. de Chevert..... General Oberg
     defeated by the French at Landwernhagen..... Death of the
     Duke of Marlborough..... Operations of the King of Prussia at
     the  beginning of the  Campaign..... He enters Moravia,  and
     invests Olmutz..... He is obliged to raise the Siege, and
     retires into Bohemia, where he takes Koningsgratz.....
     Progress of the Russians..... King of Prussia defeats the
     Russians at Zorndorf..... and is defeated by the Austrians at
     Hoch-kirchin..... He retires to Silesia..... Suburbs of
     Dresden burned by the Prussian Governor..... The King of
     Prussia raises the Siege of Neiss, and relieves Dresden.....
     Inhabitants of Saxony grievously oppressed..... Progress of
     the Swedes in Pomerania..... Prince Charles of Saxony
     elected Duke of Courland..... The King of England’s Memorial
     to the Diet of the Empire..... Death of Pope Benedict.....
     The King of Portugal assassinated..... Proceedings of the
     French Ministry..... Conduct of the King of Denmark.....
     Answers to the Charges brought by the Dutch against the
     English Cruisers..... Conferences between the British
     Ambassador and the States-general..... Further Proceedings_




EXPEDITION AGAINST SENEGAL.

The whole strength of Great Britain, during this campaign, was not
exhausted in petty descents upon the coast of France. The continent of
America was the great theatre on which her chief vigour was displayed;
nor did she fail to exert herself in successful efforts against the
French settlements on the coast of Africa. The whole gum trade, from
Cape Blanco to the river Gambia, an extent of five hundred miles, had
been engrossed by the French, who built Fort Louis within the mouth of
the Senegal, extending their factories near three hundred leagues up
that river, and on the same coast had fortified the island of Goree, in
which they maintained a considerable garrison. The gum senega, of which
a great quantity is used by the manufacturers of England, being wholly
in the hands of the enemy, the English dealers were obliged to buy it at
second-hand from the Dutch, who purchased it of the French, and exacted
an exorbitant price for that commodity. This consideration forwarded the
plan for annexing the country to the possession of Great Britain. The
project was first conceived by Mr. Thomas Gumming, a sensible quaker,
who, as a private merchant, had made a voyage to Portenderrick, an
adjoining part of the coast, and contracted a personal acquaintance with
Amir, the moorish king of Legibelli.*

     * The name the natives give to that part of South Barbary,
     known to merchants and navigators by that of the Gum Coast,
     and called in maps, the Sandy Desert of Sara, and sometimes
     Zaia.

He found this African prince extremely well disposed towards the
subjects of Great Britain, whom he publicly preferred to all other
Europeans, and so exasperated against the French, that he declared he
should never be easy till they were exterminated from the river Senegal.
At that very time he had commenced hostilities against them, and
earnestly desired that the king of England would send out an armament
to reduce Fort Louis and Goree, with some ships of force to protect
the traders. In that case, he promised to join his Britannic majesty’s
forces, and grant an exclusive trade to his subjects. Mr. Gumming not
only perceived the advantages that would result from such an exclusive
privilege with regard to the gum, but foresaw many other important
consequences of an extensive trade in a country, which, over and above
the gum senega, contains many valuable articles, such as gold dust,
elephants’ teeth, hides, cotton, bees’ wax, slaves, ostrich feathers,
indigo, ambergris, and civet. Elevated with a prospect of an acquisition
so valuable to his country, this honest quaker was equally minute and
indefatigable in his inquiries touching the commerce of the coast, as
well as the strength and situation of the French settlements on the
river Senegal; and, at his return to England, actually formed the plan
of an expedition for the conquest of Fort Louis. This was presented to
the board of trade, by whom it was approved, after a severe examination;
but it required the patriotic zeal, and invincible perseverance of
Cumming, to surmount a variety of obstacles before it was adopted by the
ministry; and even then it was not executed in its full extent. He was
abridged of one large ship, and in lieu of six hundred land-forces, to
be drafted from different regiments, which he in vain demanded, first
from the duke of Cumberland, and afterwards from lord Ligonier, the
lords of the admiralty allotted two hundred marines only for this
service. After repeated solicitation, he, in the year one thousand seven
hundred and fifty-seven, obtained an order, that the two annual ships
bound to the coast of Guinea should be joined by a sloop and two busses,
and make an attempt upon the French settlement in the river Senegal.
These ships, however, were detained by contrary winds until the season
was too far advanced to admit a probability of success, and therefore
the design was postponed. In the beginning of the present year, Mr.
Cumming being reinforced with the interest of a considerable merchant in
the city, to whom he had communicated the plan, renewed his application
to the ministry, and they resolved to hazard the enterprise. A small
squadron was equipped for this expedition, under the command of captain
Marsh, having on board a body of marines, commanded by major Mason, with
a detachment of artillery, ten pieces of cannon, eight mortars, and a
considerable quantity of warlike stores and ammunition. Captain Walker
was appointed engineer; and Mr. Cumming was concerned as a principal
director and promoter of the expedition.*

     * On this occasion Mr. Cumming may seem to have acted
     directly-contrary to the tenets of his religious profession;
     hut he ever declared to the ministry, that he was fully
     persuaded his schemes might be accomplished without the
     effusion of human blood; and that if he thought otherwise,
     he would by no means have concerned himself about them. He
     also desired, let the consequence be what it might, his
     brethren should not be chargeable with what was his own
     single act. If it was the first military scheme of any
     quaker, let it be remembered it was also the first
     successful expedition of this war, and one of the first that
     ever was carried on according to the pacific system of the
     quakers, without the loss of a drop of blood on either side.

This little armament sailed in the beginning of March; and in their
passage touched at the island of Teneriffe, where, while the ships
supplied themselves with wine and water, Mr. Cumming proceeded in the
Swan sloop to Portenderrick, being charged with a letter of credence
to his old friend the king of that country, who had favoured him in his
last visit with an exclusive trade on that coast, by a former charter,
written in the Arabic language. This prince was now up the country,
engaged in a war with his neighbours, called the Diable Moors;* and
the queen-dowager, who remained at Portenderrick, gave Mr. Cumming to
understand, that she could not at present spare any troops to join the
English in their expedition against Senegal; but she assured him, that,
should the French be exterminated, she and their subjects would go
thither and settle.

     * This is the name by which the subjects of Legibelli
     distinguish those of Brackna, who inhabit the country
     farther up the river Senegal, and are in constant alliance
     with tha French.

In the meantime, one of the chiefs, called prince Amir, despatched
a messenger to the king, with advice of their arrival and design. He
declared that he would, with all possible diligence, assemble three
hundred warriors to join the English troops, and that, in his opinion,
the king would reinforce them with a detachment from his army. By this
time, captain Marsh, with the rest of the armament, had arrived at
Portenderrick, and fearing that the enemy might receive intimation of
his design, resolved to proceed on the expedition without waiting for
the promised auxiliaries. On the twenty-second clay of April he weighed
anchor, and next day, at four o’clock, discovered the French flag flying
upon Fort Louis, situated in the midst of a pretty considerable town,
which exhibited a very agreeable appearance. The commodore having
made prize of a Dutch ship, richly laden with gum, which lay at anchor
without the bar, came to anchor in Senegal-road at the mouth of the
river; and here he perceived several armed sloops which the enemy had
detached to defend the passage of the bar, which is extremely dangerous.
All the boats were employed in conveying the stores into the small
craft, while three of the sloops continued exchanging fire over a narrow
tongue of land with the vessels of the enemy, consisting of one brig
and six armed sloops, mounted with great guns and swivels. At length the
channel being discovered, and the wind, which generally blows down the
river, chopping about, captain Millar, of the London buss, seized that
opportunity; and, passing the bar with a flowing sheet, dropped anchor
on the inside, where he lay till night exposed to the whole fire of the
enemy. Next day he was joined by the other small vessels, and a regular
engagement ensued. This was warmly maintained on both sides, until the
busses and one dogger running aground, immediately bulged, and were
filled with water. Then the troops they contained took to their boats,
and with some difficulty reached the shore; when they formed in a body,
and were soon joined by their companions from the other vessels; so that
now the whole amounted to three hundred and ninety marines, besides the
detachment of artillery. As they laid their account with being
attacked by the natives who lined the shore at some distance,
seemingly determined to oppose the descent, they forthwith threw up an
intrench-ment, and began to disembark the stores, great part of which
lay under water. While they were employed in raising this occasional
defence, the negroes came in great numbers and submitted; and on the
succeeding day they were reinforced by three hundred and fifty seamen,
who passed the bar in sloops, with their ensigns and colours flying.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




FORT LOUIS AND SENEGAL TAKEN.

They had made no further progress in their operations, when two French
deputies arrived at the intrench-ment, with proposals for a capitulation
from the governor of Fort Louis. After some hesitation, captain Marsh
and major Mason agreed, that all the white people belonging to the
French company at Senegal should be safely conducted to France in
an English vessel, without being deprived of their private effects,
provided all the merchandise and uncoined treasure should be delivered
up to the victors; and that all the forts, store-houses, vessels, arms,
provisions, and every article belonging to the company in that river,
should be put into the hands of the English immediately after the
capitulation could be signed. They promised that the free natives living
at Fort Louis should remain in quiet possession of their effects, and
in the free exercise of their religion; and that all negroes, mulattoes,
and others, who could prove themselves free, should have it in their
option either to remain in the place, or remove to any other part of the
country.*

     * The victors, however, committed a very great mistake in
     allowing them to carry off their books and accounts, the
     perusal of which would have been of infinite service to the
     English merchants, by informing them of the commodities,
     their value, the proper seasons, and methods of prosecuting
     the trade.

The captains Campbell and Walker were immediately sent up the river with
a flag of truce, to see the articles signed and executed; but they were
so retarded by the rapidity of the stream, that they did not approach
the fort till three in the morning. As soon as the day broke they
hoisted their flag, and rowed up towards a battery on a point of the
island, where they lay upon their oars very near a full hour, beating
the chamade; but no notice was taken of their approach. This
reserve appearing mysterious, they retired down the river to their
in-trenchment, where they understood that the negroes on the island
were in arms, and had blocked up the French in Fort Louis, resolving to
defend the place to the last extremity, unless they should be included
in the capitulation. This intelligence was communicated in a second
letter from the governor, who likewise informed the English commander,
that unless the French director-general should be permitted to remain
with the natives, as a surety for that article of the capitulation in
which they were concerned, they would allow themselves to be cut in
pieces rather than submit. This request being granted, the English
forces began their march to Fort Louis, accompanied by a number of long
boats, in which the artillery and stores had been embarked. The French
seeing them advance, immediately struck their flag; and major Mason took
possession of the castle, where he found ninety-two pieces of cannon,
with treasure and merchandise to a considerable value. The corporation
and burghers of the town of Senegal submitted, and swore allegiance to
his Britannic majesty: the neighbouring princes, attended by numerous
retinues, visited the commander, and concluded treaties with the English
nation; and the king of Portenderrick, or Legibelli, sent an
ambassador from his camp to major Mason, with presents, compliments
of congratulation, and assurances of friendship. The number of free
independent negroes and mulattoes, settled at Senegal, amounted to three
thousand; and many of these enjoyed slaves and possessions of their own.
The two French factories of Podore and Galam, the latter situated nine
hundred miles farther up the river, were included in the capitulation;
so that Great Britain, almost without striking a blow, found herself
possessed of a conquest, from which, with proper management, she may
derive inconceivable riches. This important acquisition was in a great
measure, if not entirely, owing to the sagacity, zeal, and indefatigable
efforts of Mr. Cumming, who not only formed the plan, and solicited the
armament, but also attended the execution of it in person, at the hazard
of his life, and to the interruption of his private concerns.

Fort Louis being secured with an English garrison, and some armed
vessels left to guard the passage of the bar, at the mouth of the river,
the great ships proceeded to make an attempt upon the island of Goree,
which lies at the distance of thirty leagues from Senegal. There the
French company had considerable magazines and warehouses, and lodged
the negro slaves until they could be shipped for the West Indies. If
the additional force which Mr. Cumming proposed for the conquest of this
island had been added to the armament, in all probability the island
would have been reduced, and in that case the nation would have saved
the considerable expense of a subsequent expedition against it, under
the conduct of commodore Keppel. At present, the ships by which Goree
was attacked were found unequal to the attempt, and the expedition
miscarried accordingly, though the miscarriage was attended with little
or no damage to the assailants.




EXPEDITION TO CAPE-BRETON.

Scenes of still greater importance were acted in North America, where,
exclusive of the fleet and marines, the government had assembled about
fifty thousand men, including two-and-twenty thousand regular troops.
The earl of Loudoun having returned to England, the chief command in
America devolved on major-general Abercrombie; but as the objects of
operation were various, the forces were divided into three detached
bodies, under as many different commanders. About twelve thousand
were destined to undertake the siege of Louisbourg, on the island of
Cape-Breton. The general himself reserved near sixteen thousand for
the reduction of Crown-Point, a fort situated on lake Champlain; eight
thousand under the conduct of brigadier-general Forbes, were allotted
for the conquest of Fort du Quesne, which stood a great way to the
southward, near the river Ohio; and a considerable garrison was left at
Annapolis, in Nova-Scotia. The reduction of Louisbourg and the island of
Cape-Breton being an object of immediate consideration, was undertaken
with all possible despatch. Major-general Amherst being joined by
admiral Boscawen with the fleet and forces from England, the whole
armament, consisting of one hundred and fifty-seven sail, took
their departure from the harbour of Halifax, in Nova-Scotia, on the
twenty-eighth of May; and on the second of June part of the transports
anchored in the bay of Gabarus, about seven miles to the westward of
Louisbourg. The garrison of this place, commanded by the chevalier
Dru-cour, consisted of two thousand five hundred regular troops, three
hundred militia, formed of the burghers, and towards the end of the
siege they were reinforced by three hundred and fifty Canadians,
including threescore Indians. The harbour was secured by six ships of
the line, and five frigates,* three of which the enemy sunk across
the harbour’s mouth, in order to render it inaccessible to the English
shipping.

     * The Prudent, of seventy-four guns; the Entreprenant, of
     seventy-four guns; the Capricieux, Célèbre, and Bienfaisant,
     of sixty-four guns each; the Apollo, of fifty guns; the
     Cheyre, Riche, Fidelle, Diana, and Echo, frigates.

The fortifications were in bad repair, many parts of them crumbling down
the covered way, and several bastions exposed in such a manner as to
be enfiladed by the besiegers, and no part of the town secure from the
effects of cannonading and bombardment. The governor had taken all the
precautions in his power to prevent a landing, by establishing a
chain of posts, that extended two leagues and a half along the most
inaccessible part of the beach; intrench-ments were thrown up, and
batteries erected; but there were some intermediate places, which could
not be properly secured, and in one of these the English troops were
disembarked. The disposition being made for landing, a detachment, in
several sloops under convoy, passed by the mouth of the harbour towards
Lorembec, in order to draw the enemy’s attention that way, while the
landing should really be effected on the other side of the town. On
the eighth day of June, the troops being assembled in the boats before
day-break, in three divisions, several sloops and frigates, that were
stationed along shore in the bay of Gabarus, began to scour the beach
with their shot; and after the fire had continued about a quarter of an
hour, the boats, containing the division on the left, were rowed toward
the shore, under the command of brigadier-general Wolfe, an accomplished
officer, who, in the sequel, displayed very extraordinary proofs of
military genius. At the same time the two other divisions, on the right
and in the centre, commanded by the brigadiers Whitmore and Laurence,
made a show of landing, in order to divide and distract the enemy.
Notwithstanding an impetuous surf, by which many boats were overset, and
a very severe fire of cannon and musketry from the enemy’s batteries,
which did considerable execution, brigadier Wolfe pursued his point with
admirable courage and deliberation. The soldiers leaped into the water
with the most eager alacrity, and, gaining the shore, attacked the enemy
in such a manner, that in a few minutes they abandoned their works and
artillery, and fled in the utmost confusion. The other divisions landed
also, but not without an obstinate opposition; and the stores, with the
artillery, being brought on shore, the town of Louisbourg was formally
invested. The difficulty of landing stores and implements in boisterous
weather, and the nature of the ground, which being marshy, was unfit for
the conveyance of heavy cannon, retarded the operations of the siege.
Mr. Amherst made his approaches with great circumspection, securing his
camp with redoubts and epaulements from any attacks of Canadians,
of which he imagined there was a considerable body behind him on the
island, as well as from the fire of the French shipping in the harbour
which would otherwise have annoyed him extremely in his advances.




LOUISBOURG TAKEN.

The governor of Louisbourg having destroyed the grand battery, which
was detached from the body of the place, and recalled his out-posts,
prepared for making a vigorous defence. A very severe fire, well
directed, was maintained against the besiegers and their works, from
the town, the island battery, and the ships in the harbour; and divers
sallies were made, though without much effect. In the meantime brigadier
Wolfe, with a strong detachment, had marched round the north-east part
of the harbour, and taken possession of the Lighthouse-point, where
he erected several batteries against the ships and the island
fortification, which last was soon silenced. On the nineteenth day of
June, the Echo, a French frigate, was taken by the English cruisers,
after having escaped from the harbour. From the officers on board of
this ship the admiral learned that the Bizarre, another frigate, had
sailed from thence on the day of the disembarkation, and the Comète had
successfully followed her example. Besides the regular approaches to
the town, conducted by the engineers under the immediate command and
inspection of general Amherst, divers batteries were raised by the
detached corps under brigadier Wolfe, who exerted himself with amazing
activity, and grievously incommoded the enemy, both of the town and
shipping. On the twenty-first day of July the three great ships, the
Entreprenant, Capricieux, and Célèbre, were set on fire by a bomb-shell,
and burned to ashes, so that none remained but the Prudent and
Bienfaisant, which the admiral undertook to destroy. For this purpose,
in the night between the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth days of the
month, the boats of the squadron were in two divisions detached into the
harbour, under the command of two young captains, Laforey and Balfour.
They accordingly penetrated in the dark through a terrible fire of
cannon and musketry, and boarded the enemy sword in hand. The Prudent,
being aground, was set on fire and destroyed, but the Bienfaisant was
towed out of the harbour in triumph. In the prosecution of the siege,
the admiral and general co-operated with remarkable harmony; the former
cheerfully assisting the latter with cannon and other implements; with
detachments of marines to maintain posts on shore, with parties of
seamen to act as pioneers, and concur in working the guns and mortars.
The fire of the town was managed with equal skill and activity, and kept
up with great perseverance; until, at length, their shipping being all
taken and destroyed, the caserns ruined in two principal bastions,*
forty out of fifty-two pieces of cannon dismounted, broke, or rendered
unserviceable, and divers practicable breaches effected, the governor,
in a letter to Mr. Amherst, proposed a capitulation on the same articles
that were granted to the English at Port-Mahon.

     * It may not be amiss to observe, that a cavalier, which
     admiral Knowles had built at an enormous expense to the
     nation, while Louisbourg remained in the hands of the
     English in the last war, was, in the course of this siege,
     entirely demolished by two or three shots from one of the
     British batteries; so admirably had this piece of
     fortification been contrived and executed, under the eye of
     that profound engineer.

In answer to this proposal he was given to understand, that he and his
garrison must surrender themselves prisoners of war, otherwise he might
next morning expect a general assault by the shipping under admiral
Boscawen. The chevalier Dru-cour, piqued at the severity of these terms,
replied, that he would, rather than comply with them, stand an assault;
but the commissary-general, and intendant of the colony, presented a
petition from the traders and inhabitants of the place, in consequence
of which he submitted. On the twenty-seventh day of July, three
companies of grenadiers, commanded by major Farquhar, took possession
of the western gate; and brigadier Whitmore was detached into the town,
to see the garrison lay down their arms, and deliver up their colours
on the esplanade, and to post the necessary guards on the stores,
magazines, and ramparts. Thus, at the expense of about four hundred men
killed and wounded, the English obtained possession of the important
island of Cape-Breton, and the strong town of Louisbourg, in which the
victors found two hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, with eighteen
mortars, and a considerable quantity of stores and ammunition. The
merchants and inhabitants were sent to France in English bottoms; but
the garrison, together with the sea-officers, marines, and mariners,
amounting in all to five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven
prisoners, were transported to England. The loss of Louisbourg was the
more severely felt by the French king, as it had been attended by the
destruction of so many considerable ships and frigates. The particulars
of this transaction were immediately brought to England in a vessel
despatched for that purpose, with captain Amherst, brother to the
commander, who was also intrusted with eleven pair of colours taken
at Louisbourg; these were, by his majesty’s order, carried in pompous
parade, escorted by detachments of horse and foot-guards, with
kettle-drums and trumpets, from the palace of Kensington to St. Paul’s
cathedral, where they were deposited as trophies, under a discharge of
cannon, and other noisy expressions of triumph and exultation. Indeed,
the public rejoicings for the conquest of Louisbourg were diffused
through every part of the British dominions, and addresses of
congratulation were presented to the king, by a great number of
flourishing towns and corporations.

After the reduction of Cape-Breton, some ships were detached, with a
body of troops under the command of lieutenant-colonel lord Rollo, to
take possession of the island of St. John, which also lies in the gulf
of St. Laurence, and by its fertility in corn and cattle, had, since the
beginning of the war, supplied Quebec with considerable quantities of
provisions. It was likewise the asylum to which the French neutrals of
Annapolis fled for shelter from the English government; and the retreat
from whence they and the Indians used to make their sudden irruptions
into Nova-Scotia, where they perpetrated the most inhuman barbarities
on the defenceless subjects of Great Britain. The number of inhabitants
amounted to four thousand one hundred, who submitted and brought in
their arms; then lord Rollo took possession of the governor’s quarters,
where he found several scalps of Englishmen, whom the savages had
assassinated, in consequence of the encouragement they received from
their French patrons and allies, who gratified them with a certain
premium for every scalp they produced. The island was stocked with above
ten thousand head of black cattle, and some of the farmers raised each
twelve hundred bushels of corn annually for the market of Quebec.




ATTEMPT UPON TICONDEROGA.

The joy and satisfaction arising from the conquest of Louisbourg and St.
John, was not a little checked by the disaster which befel the main body
of the British forces in America, under the immediate conduct of
general Abercrombie, who, as we have already observed, had proposed the
reduction of the French forts on the lakes George and Champlain, as the
chief objects of his enterprise, with a view to secure the frontier
of the British colonies, and open a passage for the future conquest of
Canada. In the beginning of July his forces, amounting to near seven
thousand regular troops, and ten thousand provincials, embarked on the
lake George, in the neighbourhood of lake Champlain, on board of nine
hundred batteaux, and one hundred and thirty-five whale-boats, with
provisions, artillery, and ammunition; several pieces of cannon being
mounted on rafts to cover the purposed landing, which was next day
effected without opposition. The general’s design was to invest:
Ticonderoga, a fort situated on a tongue of land, extending between
lake George and a narrow gut that communicates with lake Champlain. This
fortification was on three sides surrounded with water, and in
front nature had secured it with a morass. The English troops being
disembarked, were immediately formed into three columns, and began
their march to the enemy’s advanced post, consisting of one battalion,
encamped behind a breast-work of logs, which they now abandoned with
precipitation, after having set them on fire, and burned their tents and
implements. The British forces continued their march in the same order;
but the route lying through a thick wood that did not admit of any
regular progression or passage, and the guides proving extremely
ignorant, the troops were bewildered, and the columns broken by falling
in one upon another. Lord Howe being advanced at the head of the right
centre column, encountered a French detachment who had likewise lost
their way in the retreat from the advanced post, and a warm skirmish
ensuing, the enemy were routed with considerable loss, a good number
were killed, and one hundred and forty-eight were taken prisoners,
including five officers. This petty advantage was dearly bought
with the loss of lord Howe, who fell in the beginning of the action,
unspeakably regretted as a young nobleman of the most promising talents,
who had distinguished himself in a peculiar manner by his courage,
activity, and rigid observation of military discipline, and had acquired
the esteem and affection of the soldiery by his generosity, sweetness
of manners, and engaging address. The general perceiving the troops
were greatly fatigued and disordered, from want of rest and refreshment,
thought it advisable to march back to the landing-place, which they
reached about eight in the morning. Then he detached lieutenant-colonel
Bradstreet, with one regular regiment, six companies of the Royal
Americans, with the batteaux-men, and a body of rangers, to take
possession of a saw-mill in the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga, which the
enemy had abandoned. This post being secured, the general advanced again
towards Ticonderoga, where, he understood from the prisoners, the enemy
had assembled eight battalions, with a body of Canadians and Indians,
amounting in all to six thousand. These, they said, being encamped
before the fort, were employed in making a formidable intrenchment,
where they intended to wait for a reinforcement of three thousand
men, who had been detached under the command of M. de Levi, to make a
diversion on the side of the Mohawk river;* but, upon intelligence
of Mr. Abercrombie’s approach, were now recalled for the defence of
Ticonderoga.

     * This officer intended to have made an irruption through
     the pass of Oneida on the Mohawk river, but was recalled
     before he could execute his design. General Abercrombie
     afterwards sent thither brigadier Stanwix, with a
     considerable body of provincials, and this important pass
     was secured by a fort built at that juncture.

This information determined the English general to strike, if possible,
some decisive stroke before the junction could be effected. He therefore,
early next morning, sent his engineer across the river on the opposite
side of the fort, to reconnoitre the enemy’s intrenchments; and he
reported that the works being still unfinished, might be attempted with
a good prospect of success. A disposition was made accordingly for the
attack, and, after proper guards had been left at the saw-mill and the
landing-place, the whole army was put in motion. They advanced with
great alacrity towards the intrenchment, which, however, they found
altogether impracticable. The breastwork was raised eight feet high,
and the ground before it covered with an abbatis, of felled trees, with
their boughs pointing outwards, and projecting in such a manner as
to render the intrenchment almost inaccessible. Notwithstanding these
discouraging difficulties, the British troops marched up to the assault
with an undaunted resolution, and sustained a terrible fire
without flinching. They endeavoured to cut their way through these
embarrassments with their swords, and some of them even mounted
the parapet; but the enemy were so well covered, that they could
deliberately direct their fire without the least danger to themselves:
the carnage was therefore considerable, and the troops began to fall
into confusion, after several repeated attacks, which lasted above four
hours, under the most disadvantageous circumstances. The general, by
this time, saw plainly that no hope of success remained; and, in order
to prevent a total defeat, took measures for the retreat of the army,
which retired unmolested to their former camp, with the loss of about
eighteen hundred men killed or wounded, including a great number of
officers. Every corps of regular troops behaved, on this unfortunate
occasion, with remarkable intrepidity; but the greatest loss was
sustained by lord John Murray’s Highland regiment, of which above one
half of the private men, and twenty-five officers, were either slain
upon the spot, or desperately wounded. Mr. Abercrombie, unwilling to
stay in the neighbourhood of the enemy with forces which had received
such a dispiriting check, retired to his batteaux, and re-embarking the
troops, returned to the camp at lake George, from whence he had taken
his departure. Censure, which always attends miscarriage, did not spare
the character of this commander; his attack was condemned as rash, and
his retreat as pusillanimous. In such a case allowances must be made for
the peevishness of disappointment, and the clamour of connexion. How far
Mr. Abercrombie acquitted himself in the duty of a general we shall
not pretend to determine; but if he could depend upon the courage and
discipline of his forces, he surely had nothing to fear, after the
action, from the attempts of the enemy, to whom he would have been
superior in number, even though they had been joined by the expected
reinforcement; he might therefore have remained on the spot, in order to
execute some other enterprise when he should be reinforced in his turn;
for general Amherst no sooner heard of his disaster, than he returned
with the troops from Cape-Breton to New England, after having left a
strong garrison in Louis-bourg. At the head of six regiments he began
his march to Albany about the middle of September, in order to join the
forces on the lake, that they might undertake some other service before
the season should be exhausted.




FORT FRONTENAC TAKEN AND DESTROYED BY THE ENGLISH.

In the meantime, general Abercrombie had detached lieutenant-colonel
Bradstreet, with a body of three thousand men, chiefly provincials, to
execute a plan which this officer had formed against Cadaraqui, or fort
Frontenac, situated on the north side of the river St. Laurence, just
where it takes its origin from the lake Ontario. To the side of this
lake he penetrated with his detachment, and embarking in some sloops
and batteaux, provided for the purpose, landed within a mile of fort
Frontenac, the garrison of which, consisting of one hun dred and
ten men, with a few Indians, immediately surrendered at discretion.
Considering the importance of this post, which in a great measure
commanded the mouth of the river St. Laurence, and served as a magazine
to the more southern castles, the French general was inexcusable for
leaving it in such a defenceless condition. The fortification itself
was inconsiderable and ill-contrived; nevertheless, it contained sixty
pieces of cannon, sixteen small mortars, with an immense quantity of
merchandise and provisions, deposited for the use of the French forces
detached against brigadier Forbes, their western garrisons, and Indian
allies, as well as for the subsistence of the corps commanded by M. de
Levi, on his enterprise against the Mohawk river. Mr. Bradstreet not
only reduced the fort without bloodshed, but also made himself master of
all the enemy’s shipping on the lake, amounting to nine armed vessels,
some of which carried eighteen guns. Two of these Mr. Bradstreet
conveyed to Oswego, whither he returned with his troops, after he had
destroyed fort Frontenac, with all the artillery, stores, provisions,
and merchandise, which it contained. In consequence of this exploit, the
French troops to the southward were exposed to the hazard of starving;
but it is not easy to conceive the general’s reason for giving orders
to abandon and destroy a fort, which, if properly strengthened and
sustained, might have rendered the English masters of the lake Ontario,
and grievously harassed the enemy both in their commerce and expeditions
to the westward. Indeed, great part of the Indian trade centered at
Frontenac, to which place the Indians annually repaired from all parts
of America, some of them at the distance of a thousand miles, and here
exchanged their furs for European commodities. So much did the French
traders excel the English in the art of conciliating the affection of
those savage tribes, that great part of them, in their yearly progress
to this remote market, actually passed by the British settlement of
Albany, in New York, where they might have been supplied with what
articles they wanted, much cheaper than they could purchase them
at Frontenac or Montreal; nay, the French traders used to furnish
themselves with those very commodities from the merchants of New York,
and found this traffic much more profitable than that of procuring the
same articles from France, loaded with the expense of a tedious and
dangerous navigation, from the sea to the source of the river St.
Laurence.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BRIGADIER FORBES TAKES FORT DU QUESNE.

In all probability, the destruction of Frontenac facilitated the
expedition against Fort du Quesne, intrusted to the conduct of brigadier
Forbes, who, with his little army, began his march in the beginning
of July from Philadelphia for the river Ohio, a prodigious tract of
country very little known, destitute of military roads, incumbered with
mountains, morasses, and woods, that were almost impenetrable. It was
not without incredible exertion of industry, that he procured provisions
and carriages for this expedition, formed new roads, extended scouting
parties, secured camps, and surmounted many other difficulties in the
course of his tedious march, during which he was also harassed by small
detachments of the enemy’s Indians. Having penetrated with the main
body as far as Ray’s-Town, at the distance of ninety miles from Fort du
Quesne, and advanced colonel Bouquet with two thousand men, about fifty
miles farther, to a place called Lyal-Henning, this officer detached
major Grant at the head of eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the fort
and its out-works. The enemy perceiving him approach, sent a body of
troops against him, sufficient to surround his whole detachment; a
very severe action began, which the English maintained with their
usual courage for three hours, against cruel odds; but at length, being
overpowered by numbers, they were obliged to give way, and retired
in disorder to Lyal-Henning, with the loss of about three hundred men
killed or taken, including major Grant, who was carried prisoner to Fort
du Quesne, and nineteen officers. Notwithstanding this mortifying check,
brigadier Forbes advanced with the army, resolved to prosecute his
operations with vigour; but the enemy, dreading the prospect of a siege,
dismantled and abandoned the fort, and retired down the river Ohio,
to their settlements on the Mississippi. They quitted the fort on the
twenty-fourth day of November, and next clay it was possessed by the
British forces. As for the Indians of this country, they seemed heartily
to renounce their connexions with France, and be perfectly reconciled
to the government of his Britannic majesty. Brigadier Forbes having
repaired the fort, changed its name from du Quesne to Pittsburgh,
secured it with a garrison of provincials, and concluded treaties of
friendship and alliance with the Indian tribes. Then he marched back to
Philadelphia, and in his retreat built a block-house, near Lyal-Henning,
for the defence of Pennsylvania; but he himself did not long survive
these transactions, his Constitution having been exhausted by the
incredible fatigues of the service.--Thus have we given a particular
detail of all the remarkable operations by which this campaign was
distinguished on the continent of America; the reader will be convinced,
that, notwithstanding the defeat of Ticonderoga, and the disaster of the
advanced party in the neighbourhood of Fort du Quesne, the arms of Great
Britain acquired many important advantages; and indeed paved the way
for the reduction of Quebec, and the conquest of all Canada. In the
meantime, the admirals Boscawen and Hardy, having left a considerable
squadron at Halifax in Nova-Scotia, returned with four ships of the
line to England, where they arrived in the beginning of November, after
having given chase to six large French ships, which they descried to the
westward of Scilly, but could not overtake or bring to an engagement.

The conquest of the French settlement in the river Senegal being deemed
imperfect and incomplete, whilst France still kept possession of the
island of Goree, the ministry of Great Britain resolved to crown the
campaign in Africa with the reduction of that fortress. For this purpose
commodore Keppel, brother to the earl of Albemarle, was vested with the
command of a squadron, consisting of four ships of the line, several
frigates, two bomb-ketches, and some transports, having on board seven
hundred men of the regular troops, commanded by colonel Worge, and
embarked in the harbour of Cork in Ireland, from whence this whole
armament took its departure on the eleventh day of November. After a
tempestuous passage, in which they touched at the isle of Teneriffe,
they arrived at Goree in the latter end of December, and the commodore
made a disposition for attacking this island, which was remarkably
strong by nature, but very indifferently fortified. Goree is a small
barren island, extending about three quarters of a mile in length, of a
triangular form; and on the south-west side rising into a rocky hill, on
which the paltry fort of St. Michael is situated. There is another still
more inconsiderable, called St. Francis, towards the other extremity of
the island; and several batteries were raised around its sweep, mounted
with about one hundred pieces of cannon, and four mortars. The French
governor, M. de St. Jean, had great plenty of ammunition, and his
garrison amounted to about three hundred men, exclusive of as many negro
inhabitants. The flat-bottomed boats, for disembarking the troops, being
hoisted out, and disposed alongside of the different transports, the
commodore stationed his ships on the west side of the island, and the
engagement began with a shell from one of the ketches. This was a
signal for the great ships, which poured in their broadsides without
intermission, and the fire was returned with equal vivacity from all
the batteries of the island. In the course of the action the cannonading
from the ships became so severe and terrible, that the French garrison
deserted their quarters, in spite of all the efforts of the governor,
who acquitted himself like a man of honour; but he was obliged to
strike his colours, and surrender at discretion, after a short but warm
dispute, in which the loss of the British commodore did not exceed one
hundred men killed and wounded. The success of the day was the more
extraordinary, as the French garrison had not lost a man, except one
negro killed by the bursting of a bomb-shell, and the number of their
wounded was very inconsiderable. While the attack lasted, the opposite
shore of the continent was lined with a concourse of negroes, assembled
to view the combat, who expressed their sentiments and surprise in loud
clamour and tin-couth gesticulations, and seemed to be impressed with
awe and astonishment at the power and execution of the British squadron.
The French colours being struck, as a signal of submission, the
commodore sent a detachment of marines on shore, who disarmed the
garrison, and hoisted the British flag upon the castle of St. Michael.
In the meantime, the governor and the rest of the prisoners were secured
among the shipping. Thus the important island of Goree fell into the
hands of the English, together with two trading vessels that chanced
to be at anchor in the road; and stores, money, and merchandise, to
the value of twenty thousand pounds. Part of the troops being left in
garrison at Goree, under the command of major Newton, together with
three sloops for his service, the squadron, being watered and refreshed
from the continent, that part of which is governed by one of the Jalof
kings, and the prisoners, with their baggage, being dismissed in
three cartel ships to France, the commodore set sail for Senegal, and
reinforced fort Louis with the rest of the troops, under colonel Worge,
who was at this juncture favoured with a visit by the king of Legibelli;
but very little pains were taken to dismiss this potentate in good
humour, or maintain the disposition he professed to favour the commerce
of Great Britain. True it is, he was desirous of engaging the English in
his quarrels with some neighbouring nations; and such engagements were
cautiously and politically avoided, because it was the interest of
Great Britain to be upon good terms with every African prince who could
promote and extend the commerce of her subjects.




SHIPWRECK OF CAPTAIN BARTON.

Commodore Keppel having reduced Goree, and reinforced the garrison of
Senegal, returned to England, where all his ships arrived, after a
very tempestuous voyage, in which the squadron had been dispersed.
This expedition, however successful in the main, was attended with one
misfortune, the loss of the Lichfield ship of war, commanded by captain
Barton, which, together with one transport and a bomb-tender, was
wrecked on the coast of Barbary, about nine leagues to the northward
of Saffy, in the dominions of Morocco. One hundred and thirty men,
including several officers, perished on this occasion; but the captain
and the rest of the company, to the number of two hundred and twenty,
made shift to reach the shore, where they ran the risk of starving, and
were cruelly used by the natives, although a treaty of peace at that
time subsisted between Great Britain and Morocco; nay, they were even
enslaved by the emperor, who detained them in captivity until they were
ransomed by the British government: so little dependence can be placed
on the faith of such barbarian princes, with whom it is even a disgrace
for any civilized nation to be in alliance, whatever commercial
advantages may arise from the connexion.




GALLANT EXPLOIT OF CAPTAIN TYRREL.

The incidents of the war that happened in the West Indies, during these
occurrences, may be reduced to a small compass. Nothing extraordinary
was achieved in the neighbourhood of Jamaica, where admiral Coats
commanded a small squadron, from which he detached cruisers occasionally
for the protection of the British commerce; and at Antigua the trade was
effectually secured by the vigilance of captain Tyrrel, whose courage
and activity were equal to his conduct and circumspection. In the month
of March, this gentleman, with his own ship the Buckingham, and the
Cambridge, another of the line, demolished a fort on the island of
Martinique, and destroyed four privateers riding under its protection;
but his valour appeared much more conspicuous in a subsequent
engagement, which happened in the month of November. Being detached on
a cruise in his own ship, the Buckingham, by commodore Moore, who
commanded at the Leeward Islands, he fell in with the Weazle sloop,
commanded by captain Boles, between the islands of Montserrat and
Gaudaloupe, and immediately discovered a fleet of nineteen sail, under
convoy of a French ship of war carrying seventy-four cannon, and two
large frigates. Captain Tyrrel immediately gave chase with all the sail
he could carry, and the Weazle running close to the enemy, received
a whole broadside from the large ship, which, however, she sustained
without much damage; nevertheless, Mr. Tyrrel ordered her commander to
keep aloof, as he could not be supposed able to bear the shock of large
metal, and he himself prepared for the engagement. The enemy’s large
ship, the Florissant, though of much greater force than the Buckingham,
instead of lying-to for his coming up, made a running fight with her
stern-chase, while the two frigates annoyed him in his course, sometimes
raking him fore and aft, and sometimes lying on his quarter. At length
he came alongside of the Florissant, within pistol shot, and poured in
a whole broadside, which did considerable execution. The salutation was
returned with equal vivacity, and a furious engagement ensued. Captain
Tyrrel was wounded in the face, and lost three fingers of his right
hand; so that, being entirely disabled, he was obliged to delegate the
command of the ship to his first lieutenant, Mr. Marshal, who continued
the battle with great gallantry until he lost his life; then the charge
devolved to the second lieutenant, who acquitted himself with equal
honour, and sustained a desperate fight against three ships of the
enemy. The officers and crew of the Buckingham exerted themselves
with equal vigour and deliberation, and captain Troy, who commanded a
detachment of marines on the poop, plied his small arms so effectually,
as to drive the French from their quarters. At length, confusion,
terror, and uproar, prevailing on board the Florissant, her firing
ceased, and her colours were hauled down about twilight; but her
commander perceiving that the Buckingham was too much damaged in her
rigging to pursue in any hope of success, ordered all his sails to
be set, and fled in the dark with his two consorts. Nothing but this
circumstance could have prevented a British ship of sixty-five guns,
indifferently manned in respect to numbers, from taking a French ship
of the line, mounted with seventy-four pieces of cannon, provided
with seven hundred men, and assisted by two large frigates, one of
thirty-eight guns, and the other wanting two of this number. The loss
of the Buckingham, in this action, did not exceed twenty men killed and
wounded; whereas the number of the slain on board the Florissant did not
fall short of one hundred and eighty, and that of her wounded is said to
have exceeded three hundred. She was so disabled in her hull, that she
could hardly be kept afloat until she reached Martinique, where she was
repaired; and the largest frigate, together with the loss of forty men,
received such damage as to be for some time quite unserviceable.




TRANSACTIONS IN THE EAST INDIES.

In the East Indies the transactions of the war were chequered with a
variety of success; but, on the whole, the designs of the enemy were
entirely defeated. The French commander, M. de Bussy, had, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, quarrelled with Salabatzing,
viceroy of Decan, because this last would not put him in possession
of the fortress of Golconda. In the course of the next year, while the
English forces were employed in Bengal, M. de Bussy made himself master
of the British factories of Ingeram, Bandermalanka, and Vizagapatam,
and the reduction of this last left the enemy in possession of the whole
coast of Coro-mandel, from Ganjam to Massulapatam. While a body of the
English company’s forces, under captain Caillaud, endeavoured to
reduce the important fortress and town of Madura, the French, under
M. d’Anteuil, invested Trichinopoly. Caillaud no sooner received
intelligence of the danger to which this place was exposed, than he
hastened to its relief, and obliged the enemy to abandon the siege. Then
he returned to Madura, and, after an unsuccessful assault, made himself
master of it by capitulation. During these transactions, colonel
Forde made an attempt upon the fort of Nelloure, a strong place at the
distance of twenty-four miles from Madras, but miscarried; and this was
also the fate of an expedition against Wandewash, undertaken by colonel
Aldercron. The first was repulsed in storming the place, the other was
anticipated by the French army, which marched from Pondicherry to
the relief of the garrison. The French king had sent a considerable
reinforcement to the East Indies, under the command of general Lally,
an officer of Irish extraction, together with such a number of ships as
rendered the squadron of M. d’Apché superior to that of admiral Pococke,
who had succeeded admiral Watson, lately deceased, in the command of
the English squadron stationed on the coast of Coromandel, which, in the
beginning of this year, was reinforced from England with several
ships, under the direction of commodore Stevens. Immediately after this
junction, which was effected in the road of Madras on the twenty-fourth
day of March, admiral Pococke, who had already signalized himself by
his courage, vigilance, and conduct, sailed to windward, with a view to
intercept the French squadron, of which he had received intelligence.
In two days he descried in the road of fort St. David the enemy’s fleet,
consisting of nine ships, which immediately stood out to sea, and formed
the line of battle a-head. The admiral took the same precaution, and
bearing down upon M. d’Apché, the engagement began about three in the
afternoon. The French commodore, having sustained a warm action for
about two hours, bore away with his whole fleet, and being joined by two
ships, formed a line of battle again to leeward. Admiral Pococke’s own
ship, and some others, being greatly damaged in their masts and rigging,
two of his captains having misbehaved in the action, and night coming
on, he did not think it advisable to pursue them with all the sail he
could carry; but, nevertheless, he followed them at a proper distance,
standing to the south-west, in order to maintain the weather-gage,
in case he should be able to renew the action in the morning. In this
expectation, however, he was disappointed; the enemy showed no lights,
nor made any signals that could be observed; and in the morning not the
least vestige of them appeared. Mr. Pococke, on the supposition that
they had weathered him in the night, endeavoured to work up after them
to windward; but finding he lost ground considerably, he dropped
anchor about three leagues to the northward of Madras, and received
intelligence from the chief of that settlement, that one of the largest
French ships, having been disabled in the engagement, was run ashore to
the southward of Alem-parve, where their whole squadron lay at anchor.
Such was the issue of the first action between the English and French
squadrons in the East Indies, which, over and above the loss of a
capital ship, is said to have cost the enemy about five hundred men,
whereas the British admiral did not lose one-fifth part of that number.
Being dissatisfied with the behaviour of three captains, he, on his
return to Madras, appointed a court-martial to inquire into their
conduct; two were dismissed from the service, and the third was
sentenced to lose one year’s rank as a post-captain.

In the meantime, Mr. Lally had disembarked his troops at Pondicherry,
and, taking the field, immediately invested the fort of St. David, while
the squadron blocked it up by sea, Two English ships being at anchor in
the road when the enemy arrived, their captains seeing no possibility
of escaping, ran them on shore, set them on fire, and retired with their
men into the fortress, which, however, was in a few days surrendered. A
much more resolute defence was expected from the courage and conduct of
major Polier, who commanded the garrison. When he arrived at Madras he
was subjected to a court of inquiry, which acquitted him of cowardice,
but were of opinion that the place might have held out much longer, and
that the terms on which it surrendered were shameful, as the enemy were
not even masters of the outward covered way, as they had made no breach,
and had a wet ditch to fill up and pass, before the town could have been
properly assaulted. Polier, in order to wipe off this disgrace, desired
to serve as a volunteer with colonel Draper, and was mortally wounded
in a sally at the siege of Madras. Admiral Pococke having, to the best
of his power, repaired his shattered ships, set sail again on the
tenth of May, in order to attempt the relief of fort St. David’s; but,
notwithstanding his utmost endeavours, he could not reach it in time to
be of any service. On the thirtieth day of the month, he came in sight
of Pondicherry, from whence the French squadron stood away early next
morning, nor was it in his power to come up with them, though he made
all possible efforts for that purpose. Then receiving intelligence that
fort St. David’s was surrendered to the enemy, he returned again to
Madras, in order to refresh his squadron. On the twenty-fifth day of
July, he sailed a third time in quest of M. d’Apché, and in two days
perceived his squadron, consisting of eight ships of the line and a
frigate, at anchor in the road of Pondicherry. They no sooner descried
him advancing than they stood out to sea as before, and he continued
to chase, in hopes of bringing them to an engagement; but all his
endeavours proved fruitless till the third day of August, when, having
obtained the weather-gage, he bore down upon them in order of battle.
The engagement began with great impetuosity on both sides; but in little
more than ten minutes, M. d’Apché set his foresail, and bore away, his
whole squadron following his example, and maintaining a running fight in
a very irregular line. The British admiral then hoisted the signal for
a general chase, which the enemy perceiving, thought proper to cut away
their boats, and crowd with all the sail they could carry. They escaped,
by favour of the night, into the road of Pondicherry, and Mr. Pococke
anchored with his squadron off Cari-cal, a French settlement, having
thus obtained an undisputed victory, with the loss of thirty men killed,
and one hundred and sixteen wounded, including commodore Stevens and
captain Martin, though their wounds were not dangerous. The number of
killed and wounded on board the French squadron amounted, according to
report, to five hundred and forty; and their fleet was so much damaged,
that in the beginning of September their commodore sailed for the island
of Bourbon, in the same latitude with Madagascar, in order to refit;
thus leaving the command and sovereignty of the Indian seas to the
English admiral, whose fleet, from the beginning of this campaign, had
been much inferior to the French squadron in number of ships and men, as
well as in weight of metal.

Mr. Lally having reduced Cuddalore and fort St. David’s,* resolved to
extort a sum of money from the king of Tanjour, on pretence that, in
the last war, he had granted an obligation to the French governor for a
certain sum, which had never been paid.

     * Cuddalore was in such a defenceless condition, that it
     could make no resistance; and there being no place in fort
     St. David’s bomb-proof, nor any provisions or fresh water,
     the garrison surrendered in twelve days, on capitulation,
     after having sustained a severe bombardment.

Lally accordingly marched with a body of three thousand men into the
dominions of Tanjour, and demanded seventy-two lacs of rupees. This
extravagant demand being rejected, he plundered Negare, a trading town
on the sea-coast, and afterwards invested the capital; but after he
had prosecuted the siege until a breach was made, his provisions and
ammunition beginning to fail, several vigorous sallies being made by the
forces of the king of Tanjour, and the place well defended by European
gunners, sent from the English garrison at Trichinopoly, he found
himself obliged to raise the siege, and retreat with precipitation,
leaving his cannon behind. He arrived at Carical about the middle
of August, and from thence retired to Pondicherry towards the end of
September. He afterwards cantoned his troops in the province of Arcot,
entered the city without opposition, and began to make preparations for
the siege of Madras, which shall be recorded among the incidents of the
succeeding year. In the meantime, the land-forces belonging to the East
India company were so much out-numbered by the reinforcements which
arrived with Mr. Lally, that they could not pretend to keep the field,
out were obliged to remain on the defensive, and provide as well as they
could for the security of fort St. George, and the other settlements in
that part of India.




TRANSACTIONS on the CONTINENT of EUROPE.

Having particularized the events of the war which distinguished this
year in America, Africa, and Asia--those remote scenes in which the
interest of Great Britain was immediately and intimately concerned--it
now remains to record the incidents of the military operations in
Germany, supported by British subsidies, and enforced by British
troops, to favour the abominable designs of an ally, from whose solitary
friendship the British nation can never reap any solid benefit; and to
defend a foreign elector, in whose behalf she had already lavished an
immensity of treasure. Notwithstanding the bloodshed and lavages which
had signalized the former campaign, the mutual losses of the belligerent
powers, the incredible expense of money, the difficulty of recruiting
armies thinned by sword and distemper, the scarcity of forage and
provisions, the distresses of Saxony in particular, and the calamities
of war, which desolated the greatest part of the empire--no proposition
of peace was hinted by either of the parties concerned; but the powers
at variance seemed to be exasperated against each other with the most
implacable resentment. Jarring interests were harmonized, old prejudices
rooted up, inveterate jealousies assuaged, and even inconsistencies
reconciled, in connecting the confederacy which was now formed and
established against the king of Prussia; and, on the other hand, the
king of Great Britain seemed determined to employ the whole power and
influence of his crown in supporting this monarch. Yet the members of
the grand confederacy were differently actuated by disagreeing motives,
which, in the sequel, operated for the preservation of his Prussian
majesty, by preventing the full exertion of their united strength. The
empress-queen, over and above her desire of retrieving Silesia, which
was her primary aim, gave way to the suggestions of personal hatred
and revenge, to the gratification of which she may be said to have
sacrificed, in some measure, the interests of her family, as well as the
repose of the empire, by admitting the natural enemies of her house into
the Austrian Netherlands, and inviting them to invade the dominions of
her co-states with a formidable army. France, true to her old political
maxims, wished to see the house of Austria weakened by the divisions in
the empire, which she accordingly fomented: for this reason it could
not be her interest to effect the ruin of the house of Brandenburgh;
and therefore she had, no doubt, set bounds to the prosecution of her
schemes in concert with the court of Vienna. But her designs against
Hanover amounted to absolute conquest. In pursuance of these, she sent
an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men across the Rhine, instead
of four and twenty thousand, which she had engaged to furnish by the
original treaty with the empress-queen of Hungary, who is said to have
shared in the spoils of the electorate. The czarina, by co-operating
with the houses of Bourbon and Austria, gratified her personal disgust
towards the Prussian monarch, augmented her finances by considerable
subsidies from both, and perhaps amused herself with the hope of
obtaining an establishment in the German empire; but whether she
waivered in her own sentiments, or her ministry fluctuated between the
promises of France and the presents of Great Britain, certain it is, her
forces had not acted with vigour in Pomerania; and her general Apraxin,
instead of prosecuting his advantage, had retreated immediately after
the Prussians miscarried in their attack. He was indeed disgraced, and
tried for having thus retired without orders; but in all probability,
this trial was no other than a farce, acted to amuse the other
confederates while the empress of Russia gained time to deliberate upon
the offers that were made, and determine with regard to the advantages
or disadvantages that might accrue to her from persevering in the
engagements which she had contracted. As for the Swedes, although they
had been instigated to hostilities against Prussia by the intrigues
of France, and flattered with hopes of retrieving Pomerania, they
prosecuted the war in such a dispirited and ineffectual manner, as
plainly proved that either the ancient valour of that people was
extinct, or that the nation was not heartily engaged in the quarrel.

When the Russian general Apraxin retreated from Pomerania, mareschal
Lehwald, who commanded the Prussians in that country, was left at
liberty to turn his arms against the Swedes, and accordingly drove them
before him almost without opposition. By the beginning of January
they had evacuated all Prussian Pomerania, and Lehwald invaded their
dominions in his turn. He, in a little time, made himself master of all
Swedish Pomerania, except Stralsund and the isle of Rugen, and possessed
himself of several magazines which the enemy had erected. The Austrian
army, after their defeat at Breslau, had retired into Bohemia, where
they were cantoned, the head-quarters being fixed at Koningsgratz. The
king of Prussia having cleared all his part of Silesia, except the town
of Schweidnitz, which he circumscribed with a blockade, sent detachments
from his army cantoned in the neighbourhood of Breslau, to penetrate
into the Austrian or southern part of Silesia, where they surprised
Troppau and Jaggernsdorf, while he himself remained at Breslau,
entertaining his officers with concerts of music. Not that he suffered
these amusements to divert his attention from subjects of greater
importance. He laid Swedish Pomerania under contribution, and made a
fresh demand of five hundred thousand crowns from the electorate of
Saxony. Having received intimation that the duke of Mecklenburgh was
employed in providing magazines for the French army, he detached a body
of troops into that country, who not only secured the magazines, but
levied considerable contributions; and the duke retired to Lubeck,
attended by the French minister. The states of Saxony having proved a
little dilatory in obeying his Prussian majesty’s injunction, received a
second intimation, importing that they should levy and deliver, within
a certain time, eighteen thousand recruits for his army, pay into the
hands of his commissary one year’s revenue of the electorate in advance;
and Leipsic was taxed with an extraordinary subsidy of eight hundred
thousand crowns, on pain of military execution. The states were
immediately convoked at Leipsic in order to deliberate on these demands;
and the city being unable to pay such a considerable sum, the Prussian
troops began to put their monarch’s threats in execution. He justified
these proceedings, by declaring that the enemy had practised the same
violence and oppression on the territories of his allies; but how
the practice of his declared enemies, in the countries which they had
invaded and subdued in common course of war, should justify him in
pillaging and oppressing a people with whom neither he nor his allies
were at war, it is not easy to conceive. As little can we reconcile this
conduct to the character of a prince, assuming the title of protector of
the protestant religion, which is the established faith among those very
Saxons who were subjected to such grievous impositions; impositions the
more grievous and unmerited, as they had never taken any share in the
present war, but cautiously avoided every step that might be construed
into provocation, since the king of Prussia declared they might depend
upon his protection.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




STATE of the ARMIES on the CONTINENT.

Before we proceed to enumerate the events of the campaign, it may be
necessary to inform the reader, that the forces brought into the field
by the empress-queen of Hungary, and the states of the empire, the
czarina, the kings of France and Sweden, fell very little short of three
hundred thousand men; and all these were destined to act against the
king of Prussia and the elector of Hanover. In opposition to this
formidable confederacy, his Prussian majesty was, by tha subsidy from
England, the spoils of Saxony, and the revenues of Brandenbourg, enabled
to maintain an army of one hundred and forty thousand men: while the
elector of Hanover assembled a body of sixty thousand men, composed
of his own electoral troops, with the auxiliary mercenaries of
Hesse-Cassel, Buckebourg, Saxe-Gotha, and Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, all of
them maintained by the pay of Great Britain. At this juncture, indeed,
there was no other fund for their subsistence, as the countries of
Hanover and Hesse were possessed by the enemy, and in the former the
government was entirely changed.




THE FRENCH KING CHANGES THE ADMINISTRATION OF HANOVER.

In the month of December in the preceding year, a fanner of the revenues
from Paris arrived at Hanover, where he established his office, in order
to act by virtue of powers from one John Faidy, to whom the French king
granted the direction, receipt, and administration of all the duties
and revenues of the electorate. This director was, by a decree of
the council of state, empowered to receive the reveiraes, not only of
Hanover, but also of all other countries that should be subjected to
his most christian majesty in the course of the campaign; to remove the
receivers who had been employed in any part of the direction, receipt,
and administration of the duties and revenues of Hanover, and appoint
others in their room. The French king, by the same decree, ordained,
that all persons who had been intrusted under the preceding government,
with titles, papers, accounts, registers, or estimates, relating to the
administration of the revenues, should communicate them to John Faidy,
or his attorneys; that the magistrates of the towns, districts, and
commonalties, as well as those who directed the administration of
particular states and provinces, should deliver to the said John Faidy,
or his attorneys, the produce of six years of the duties and revenues
belonging to the said towns, districts, and provinces, reckoning
from the first of January in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-one, together with an authentic account of the sums they had
paid during that term to the preceding sovereign, and of the charges
necessarily incurred. It appears from the nature of this decree, which
was dated on the eighteenth day of October, that immediately after the
conventions of Closter-Seven and Bremenworden,* the court of Versailles
had determined to change the government and system of the electorate,
contrary to an express article of the capitulation granted to the city
of Hanover, when it surrendered on the ninth day of August; and that the
crown of France intended to take advantage of the cessation of arms,
in seizing places and provinces which were not yet subdued; for, by the
decree above-mentioned, the administration of John Faidy extended to the
countries which might hereafter be conquered.

     * Six days after the convention was signed at Closter-Seven,
     another act of accommodation was concluded at Bremenworden,
     between the generals Sporcken and Villemur, relating to the
     release of prisoners, and some other points omitted in the
     convention.

With what regard to justice, then, could the French government charge
the elector of Hanover with the infraction of articles? or what respect
to good faith and humanity did the duke de Richelieu observe, in the
order issued from Zell, towards the end of the year, importing, that as
the treaty made with the country of Hanover had been rendered void by
the violation of the articles signed at Closter-Seven, all the effects
belonging to the officers, or others, employed in the Hanoverian army,
should be confiscated for the use of his most christian majesty?

The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, being desirous of averting a like storm
from his dominions, not only promised to renounce all connexion with
the kings of Great Britain and Prussia, but even solicited the court of
France to receive him among the number of its dependents; for, on
the eighteenth day of October, the minister of the duke de Deuxponts,
delivered at Versailles, in the name of the landgrave, the plan of a
treaty founded on the following conditions: The landgrave, after having
expressed an ardent desire of attaching himself wholly to France,
proposed these articles--That he should enter into no engagement against
the king and his allies; and give no assistance, directly or indirectly,
to the enemies of his majesty and his allies: that he should never give
his vote, in the general or particular assemblies of the empire, against
his majesty’s interest; but, on the contrary, employ his interest,
jointly with France, to quiet the troubles of the empire: that, for this
end, his troops, which had served in the Hanoverian army, should engage
in the service of France, on condition that they should not act in the
present war against his Britannic majesty: that, immediately after the
ratification of the treaty, his most christian majesty should restore
the dominions of the landgrave in the same condition they were in when
subdued by the French forces: that these dominions should be exempted
from all further contributions, either in money, corn, forage, wood, or
cattle, though already imposed on the subjects of Hesse; and the French
troops pay for all the provisions with which they might be supplied;
in which case the landgrave should exact no toll for warlike stores,
provisions, or other articles of that nature, which might pass through
his dominions: that the king of France should guarantee all his estates,
all the rights of the house of Hesse-Cassel, particularly the act of
assurance signed by his son, the hereditary prince, with regard to
religion; use his interest with the emperor and the empress-queen,
that, in consideration of the immense losses and damages his most serene
highness had suffered since the French invaded his country, and of the
great sums he should lose with England in arrears and subsidies by this
accommodation, he might be excused from furnishing his contingent to the
army of the empire, as well as from paying the Roman months granted by
the diet of the empire; and if, in resentment of this convention, the
states of his serene highness should be attacked, his most christian
majesty should afford the most speedy and effectual succours.--These
proposals will speak for themselves to the reader’s apprehension; and if
he is not blinded by the darkest mists of prejudice, exhibit a clear and
distinct idea of a genuine German ally. The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel
had been fed with the good things of England, even in time of peace,
when his friendship could not avail, nor his aversion prejudice, the
interests of Great Britain; but he was retained in that season of
tranquillity as a friend, on whose services the most implicit dependence
might be placed in any future storm or commotion. How far he merited
this confidence and favour might have been determined by reflecting on
his conduct during the former war: in the course of which his troops
were hired to the king of Great Britain and his enemies alternately,
as the scale of convenience happened to preponderate. Since the
commencement of the present troubles, he had acted as a mercenary to
Great Britain, although he was a principal in the dispute, and stood
connected with her designs by solemn treaty, as well as by all the ties
of gratitude and honour; but now that the cause of Hanover seemed to be
on the decline, and his own dominions had suffered by the fate of the
war, he not only appeared willing to abandon his benefactor and ally,
but even sued to be enlisted in the service of his adversary. This
intended defection was, however, prevented by a sudden turn of fortune,
which he could not possibly foresee; and his troops continued to act in
conjunction with the Hanoverians.




TREATY BETWEEN THE FRENCH KING AND THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK.

The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel was not singular in making such advances
to the French monarch. The duke of Brunswick, still more nearly
connected with the king of Great Britain, used such uncommon expedition
in detaching himself from the tottering fortune of Hanover, that in ten
days after the convention of Closter-Seven, he had concluded a treaty
with the courts of Vienna and Versailles; so that the negotiation must
have been begun before that convention took place. On the twentieth day
of September, his minister at Vienna, by virtue of full powers from the
duke of Brunswick, accepted and signed the conditions which the French
king and his Austrian ally thought proper to impose. These imported,
that his most christian majesty should keep possession of the cities
of Brunswick and Wolfenbuttel during the war, and make use of the
artillery, arms, and military stores deposited in their arsenals:
that the duke’s forces, on their return from the camp of the duke of
Cumberland, should be disbanded and disarmed; and take an oath that
they should not, during the present war, serve against the king or his
allies: that the duke should be permitted to maintain a battalion
of foot, and two squadrons of horse, for the guard of his person
and castles; but the regulations made by mareschal Richelieu and the
intendant of his army, should subsist on their present footing: that the
duke should furnish his contingent in money and troops, agreeably to the
laws of the empire: that his forces should immediately join those which
the Germanic body had assembled; and that he should order his minister
at Ratisbon to vote conformably to the resolutions of the diet, approved
and confirmed by the emperor. In consideration of all these concessions,
the duke was restored to the favour of the French king, who graciously
promised that neither his revenues nor his treasure should be touched,
nor the administration of justice invaded; and that nothing further
should be demanded, but winter-quarters for the regiments which should
pass that season in the country of Brunswick. How scrupulously soever
the duke might have intended to observe the articles of this treaty,
his intentions were frustrated by the conduct of his brother prince
Ferdinand, who, being invested with the command of the Hanoverian army,
and ordered to resume the operations of war against the enemy, detained
the troops of Brunswick, as well as his nephew the hereditary prince,
notwithstanding the treaty which his brother had signed, and the
injunctions which he had laid upon his son to quit the army, and make
a tour to Holland, The duke wrote an expostulatory letter to prince
Ferdinand, pathetically complaining that he had seduced his troops,
decoyed his son, and disgraced his family; insisting upon the prince’s
pursuing his journey, as well as upon the return of the troops; and
threatening, in case of non-compliance, to use other means that should
be more effectual. [461] _[See note 3 O, at the end of this Vol.]_
Notwithstanding this warm remonstrance, prince Ferdinand adhered to his
plan. He detained the troops and the hereditary prince, who, being
fond of the service, in a little time signalized himself by very
extraordinary acts of bravery and conduct; and means were found to
reconcile his father to measures that expressly contradicted his
engagements with the courts of Vienna and Versailles.




DECREE OF THE AULIC COUNCIL.

The defeat of the French army at Rosbach, and the retreat of the
Russians from Pomerania, had entirely changed the face of affairs in
the empire. The French king was soon obliged to abandon his conquests
on that sida of the Rhine, and his threats sounded no longer terrible
in the ears of the Hanoverian and Prussian allies. As little formidable
were the denunciations of the emperor, who had, by a decree of the Aulic
council, communicated to the diet certain mandates, issued in the month
of August in the preceding year, on pain of the ban of the empire, with
avocatory letters annexed against the king of Great Britain, elector
of Hanover, and the other princes acting in concert with the king of
Prussia. The French court likewise published a virulent memorial, after
the convention of Closter-Seven had been violated and set aside, drawing
an invidious parallel between the conduct of the French king and the
proceedings of his Britannic majesty; in which the latter is taxed
with breach of faith, and almost every meanness that could stain the
character of a monarch. In answer to the emperor’s decree and
this virulent charge, baron Gimmengen, the electoral minister of
Brunswick-Lunenbourg, presented to the diet, in November, a long
memorial, recapitulating the important services his sovereign had done
the house of Austria, and the ungrateful returns he had reaped, in the
queen’s refusing to assist him, when his dominions were threatened with
an invasion. He enumerated many instances in which she had assisted,
encouraged, and even joined the enemies of the electorate, in contempt
of her former engagements, and directly contrary to the constitution
of the empire. He refuted every article of the charge which the French
court had brought against him in their virulent libel, retorted the
imputations of perfidy and ambition, and, with respect to France,
justified every particular of his own conduct.




BREMEN TAKEN AND RETAKEN.

While the French and Hanoverian armies remained in their
winter-quarters, the former at Zell, and the latter at Lemenbourg,
divers petty enterprises were executed by detachments with various
success. The Hanoverian general Juncheim, having taken post at
Halberstadt and Quedlimbourg, from whence he made excursions even to
the gates of Brunswick, and kept the French army in continual alarm,
was visited by a large body of the enemy, who compelled him to retire to
Achersleben, committed great excesses in the town of Halberstadt and
its neighbourhood, and carried off hostages for the payment of
contributions. General Hardenberg, another Hanoverian officer, having
dislodged the French detachments that occupied Burgh, Vogelsack, and
Ritterhude, and cleared the whole territory of Bremen, in the month of
January the duke de Broglio assembled a considerable corps of troops
that were cantoned at Ottersburg, Rothenburg, and the adjacent country,
and advancing to Bremen, demanded admittance, threatening that, in case
of a refusal, he would have recourse to extremities, and punish the
inhabitants severely, should they make the least opposition. When their
deputies waited upon him, to desire a short time for deliberation, he
answered, “Not a moment--the duke de Richelieu’s orders are peremptory,
and admit of no delay.” He accordingly ordered the cannon to advance;
the wall was scaled, and the gates would have been forced open, had not
the magistrates, at the earnest importunity of the people, resolved to
comply with his demand. A second deputation was immediately despatched
to the duke de Broglio, signifying their compliance; and the gates being
opened, he marched into the city at midnight, after having promised upon
his honour that no attempt should be made to the prejudice of its
rights and prerogatives, and no outrage offered to the privileges of the
regency, to the liberty, religion, and commerce of the inhabitants.
This conquest, however, was of short duration. Prince Ferdinand of
Brunswick being joined by a body of Prussian horse, under the command of
prince George of Holstein-Gottorp, the whole army was put in motion,
and advanced to the country of Bremen about the middle of February. The
enemy were dislodged from Rothenburg, Ottersburg, and Verden, and they
abandoned the city of Bremen at the approach of the Hanoverian general,
who took possession of it without opposition.

By this time the court of Versailles, being dissatisfied with the
conduct of the duke de Richelieu, had recalled that general from
Germany, where his place was supplied by the count de Clermont, to the
general satisfaction of the army, as well as the joy of the Hanoverian
subjects, among whom Richelieu had committed many flagrant and inhuman
acts of rapine and oppression. The new commander found his master’s
forces reduced to a deplorable condition, by the accidents of war,
and distempers arising from hard duty, severe weather, and the want of
necessaries. As he could not pretend, with such a wretched remnant, to
oppose the designs of prince Ferdinand in the field, or even maintain
the footing which his predecessor had gained, he found himself under the
necessity of retiring with all possible expedition towards the Rhine.
As the allies advanced, his troops retreated from their distant quarters
with such precipitation, as to leave behind all their sick, together
with a great part of their baggage and artillery, besides a great number
of officers and soldiers, that fell into the hands of those parties
by whom they were pursued. The inhabitants of Hanover, perceiving the
French intended to abandon that city, were overwhelmed with the fear
of being subjected to every species of violence and abuse; but their
apprehensions were happily disappointed by the honour and integrity of
the duke de Randan, the French governor, who not only took effectual
measures for restraining the soldiers within the bounds of the most
rigid discipline and moderation, but likewise exhibited a noble proof of
generosity, almost without example. Instead of destroying his magazine
of provisions, according to the usual practice of war, he ordered the
whole to be either sold at a low price, or distributed among the poor of
the city, who had been long exposed to the horrors of famine: an act of
godlike humanity, which ought to dignify the character of that worthy
nobleman above all the titles that military fame can deserve, or
arbitrary monarchs bestow. The regency of Hanover were so deeply
impressed with a sense of his heroic behaviour on this occasion, that
they gratefully acknowledged it, in a letter of thanks to him and the
count de Clermont; and on the day of solemn thanksgiving to heaven for
their being delivered from their enemies, the clergy, in their sermons,
did not fail to celebrate and extol the charity and benevolence of the
duke de Randan. Such glorious testimonies, even from enemies, must have
afforded the most exquisite pleasure to a mind endued with sensibility;
and this, no doubt, may be termed one of the fairest triumphs of
humanity.




THE FRENCH ABANDON HANOVER.

The two grand divisions of the French army, quartered at Zell and
Hanover, retired in good order to Hamelen, where they collected all
their troops, except those that were left in Hoya, and about four
thousand men placed in garrison at Minden, to retard the operations of
the combined army. Towards the latter end of February, prince Ferdinand
of Brunswick, having received intelligence that the count de Chabot
was posted with a considerable body of troops at Hoya, upon the Weser,
detached the hereditary prince of Brunswick, with four battalions,
and some light troops and dragoons, to dislodge them from that
neighbourhood. This enterprise was executed with the utmost intrepidity.
The hereditary prince passed the Weser at Bremen with part of his
detachment, while the rest advanced on this side of the river: and the
enemy, being attacked in front and rear, were in a little time forced,
and thrown into confusion. The bridge being abandoned, and near seven
hundred men taken prisoners, the count de Chabot threw himself, with two
battalions, into the castle, where he resolved to support himself, in
hope of being relieved. The regiment of Bretagne, and some detachments
of dragoons, were actually on the march to his assistance. The
hereditary prince being made acquainted with this circumstance, being
also destitute of heavy artillery to besiege the place in form, and
taking it for granted he should not be able to maintain the post after
it might be taken, he listened to the terms of capitulation proposed by
the French general, whose garrison was suffered to march out with
the honours of war; but their cannon, stores, and ammunition were
surrendered to the victor. This was the first exploit of the hereditary
prince, whose valour and activity on many subsequent occasions shone
with distinguished lustre. He had no sooner reduced Hoya, than he
marched to the attack of Minden, which he invested on the fifth day of
March, and on the fourteenth the garrison surrendered at discretion.
After the reduction of this city, the combined army advanced towards
Hamelen, where the French general had established his head-quarters; but
he abandoned them at the approach of the allies, and leaving behind
all his sick and wounded, with part of his magazines, retired without
halting to Paderborn, and from thence to the Rhine, recalling in his
march the troops that were in Embden, Cassel, and the land-graviate of
Hesse, all which places were now evacuated. They were terribly harassed
in their retreat by the Prussian hussars, and a body of light horse,
distinguished by the name of Hanoverian hunters, who took a great number
of prisoners, together with many baggage-waggons, and some artillery.
Such was the precipitation of the enemy’s retreat, that they could not
find time to destroy all their magazines of provision and forage; and
even forgot to call in the garrison of Vecht, a small fortress in the
neighbourhood of Diepholt, who were made prisoners of war, and here was
found a complete train of battering cannon and mortars. The count de
Clermont, having reached the banks of the Rhine, distributed his forces
into quarters of cantonment in Wesel and the adjoining country, while
prince Ferdinand cantoned the allied army in the bishopric of Munster;
here, however, he did not long remain inactive. In the latter end of
May he ordered a detachment to pass the Rhine at Duysbourg, under the
command of colonel Scheither, who executed his order without loss,
defeated three battalions of the enemy, and took five pieces of cannon.
In the beginning of June the whole army passed the Rhine on a bridge
constructed for the occasion, defeated a body of French cavalry,
and obtained divers other advantages in their march towards Wesel.
Keiserwaert was surprised, the greater part of the garrison either
killed or taken; and prince Ferdinand began to make preparations for
the siege of Dusseldorp. In the meantime, the count de Clermont, being
unable to stop the rapidity of his progress, was obliged to secure
his troops with strong intrenchments, until he should be properly
reinforced.




PRINCE FERDINAND DEFEATS THE FRENCH, &c.

The court of Versailles, though equally mortified and confounded at the
turn of their affairs in Germany, did not sit tamely and behold this
reverse; but exerted their usual spirit and expedition in retrieving
the losses they had sustained. They assembled a body of troops at Hanau,
under the direction of the prince de Soubise, who, it was said, had
received orders to penetrate, by the way of Donawert, Ingoldstadt, and
Arnberg, into Bohemia. In the meantime, reinforcements daily arrived in
the camp of the count de Clermont; and, as repeated complaints had been
made of the want of discipline and subordination in that army, measures
were taken for reforming the troops by severity and example. The
mareschal duke de Belleisle, who now acted as secretary at war with
uncommon ability, wrote a letter, directed to all the colonels of
infantry, threatening them, in the king’s name, with the loss of their
regiments, should they connive any longer at the scandalous practice
of buying commissions; an abuse which had crept into the service under
various pretexts, to the discouragement of merit, the relaxation of
discipline, and the total extinction of laudable emulation. The prince
of Clermont having quitted his strong camp at Rhinefeldt, retired to
Nuys, a little higher up the river, and detached a considerable corps,
under the command of the count de St. Germain, to take post at Creveldt,
situated in a plain between his army and the camp of the allies, which
fronted the town of Meurs. After several motions on both sides, prince
Ferdinand resolved to attack the enemy, and forthwith made a disposition
for this purpose. He assigned the command of the whole left wing,
consisting of eighteen battalions and twenty-eight squadrons, to
lieutenant-general Sporcken; the conduct of the right wing, composed
of sixteen battalions and fourteen squadrons, was intrusted to the
hereditary prince and major-general Wangenheim; the squadrons, with the
addition of two regiments of Prussian dragoons, were under the immediate
direction of the prince of Holstein, while the hereditary prince
commanded the infantry. The light troops, consisting of five
squadrons of hussars, were divided between the prince of Holstein and
lieutenant-general Sporcken. Major Luckner’s squadron, together with
Scheither’s corps, were ordered to observe the flank of the enemy’s
right, and with this view were posted in the village of Papendeick;
and a battalion of the troops of Wolfenbuttel were left in the town of
Hulste, to cover the rear of the army. Prince Ferdinand’s design was
to attack the enemy on their left flank; but the execution was rendered
extremely difficult by the woods and ditches that embarrassed the route,
and the numerous ditches that intersected this part of the country. On
the twenty-third day of June, at four in the morning, the army began to
move; the right advancing in two columns as far as St. Anthony, and
the left marching up within half a league of Crevelt. The prince having
viewed the position of the enemy from the steeple of St. Anthony,
procured guides, and having received all the necessary hints of
information, proceeded to the right, in order to charge the enemy’s left
flank by the villages of Worst and Anrath; but, in order to divide their
attention, and keep them in suspense with respect to the nature of his
principal attack, he directed the generals Sporcken and Oberg to advance
against them by the way of Crevelt and St. Anthony, and, in particular,
to make the most of their artillery, that, being employed in three
different places at once, they might be prevented from sending any
reinforcement to the left, where the chief attack was intended. These
precautions being taken, prince Ferdinand, putting himself at the head
of the grenadiers of the right wing, continued his march in two columns
to the village of Anrath, where he fell in with an advanced party of the
French, which, after a few discharges of musketry, retired to their camp
and gave the alarm. In the meantime, both armies were drawn up in order
of battle; the troops of the allies in the plain between the villages
of Anrath and Willich, opposite to the French forces, whose left was
covered with a wood. The action began about one in the afternoon, with
a severe cannonading on the part of prince Ferdinand, which, though well
supported, proved ineffectual in drawing the enemy from their cover;
he therefore determined to dislodge them from the wood by dint of small
arms. The hereditary prince immediately advanced with the whole front,
and a very obstinate action ensued. Meanwhile, the cavalry on the right
in vain attempted to penetrate the wood on the other side, where the
enemy had raised two batteries, which were sustained by forty squadrons
of horse. After a terrible fire had been maintained on both sides till
five in the afternoon, the grenadiers forced the intrenchments in
the wood, which were lined by the French infantry. These giving way,
abandoned the wood in the utmost disorder; but the pursuit was
checked by the conduct and resolution of the enemy’s cavalry, which,
notwithstanding a dreadful fire from the artillery of the allies,
maintained their ground, and covered the foot in their retreat to Nuys.
The success of the day was in a good measure owing to the artillery on
the left and in the centre, with which the generals Sporcken and Oberg
had done great execution, and employed the attention of the enemy on
that side, while prince Ferdinand prosecuted his attack on the other
quarter. It must be owned, however, that their right wing and centre
retired in great order to Nuys, though the left was defeated, with the
loss of some standards, colours, and pieces of cannon, and six thousand
men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners.*

     * Among the French officers who lost their lives in this
     engagement, was the count de Gisors, only son of the
     mareschal duke de Belleisle, and last hope of that
     illustrious family, a young nobleman of extraordinary
     accomplishments, who finished a short life of honour in the
     embrace of military glory, and fell gallantly fighting at
     the head of his own regiment, to the inexpressible grief of
     his aged father, and the universal regret of his country.

This victory, however, which cost the allies about fifteen hundred
men, was not at all decisive in its consequences; and, indeed, the
plan seemed only calculated to display the enterprising genius of the
Hanoverian general. True it is, the French army took refuge under the
cannon of Cologn, where they remained without hazarding any step for the
relief of Dusseldorp, which prince Ferdinand immediately invested, and
in a few days reduced, the garrison being allowed to march out with the
honours of war, on condition that they should not, for the space of one
year, carry arms against the allies.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PRINCE OF YSEMBOURG DEFEATED.

It was at this period that count de Clermont resigned his command, which
was conferred upon M. de Contades, and the French army was considerably
reinforced. He even threatened to attack prince Ferdinand in his turn,
and made some motions with that design, but was prevented by the little
river Erff, behind which the prince resolved to lie quiet, until he
should be joined by the body of the British troops under the command of
the duke of Marlborough, the first division of which had just landed at
Embden. He flattered himself that the prince of Ysembourg, at the head
of the Hessian troops, would find employment for the prince de Soubise,
who had marched from Hanau, with a design to penetrate into the
landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel: his vanguard had been already surprised
and defeated by the militia of the country; and the prince Ysembourg
was at the head of a considerable body of regular forces, assembled to
oppose his further progress. Prince Ferdinand therefore hoped that the
operations of the French general would be effectually impeded, until he
himself, being joined by the British troops, should be in a condition to
pass the Maese, transfer the seat of war into the enemy’s country,
thus make a diversion from the Rhine, and perhaps oblige the prince de
Soubise to come to the assistance of the principal French army commanded
by M. de Contades. He had formed a plan which would have answered these
purposes effectually, and, in execution of it, marched to Ruremond on
the Maese, when his measures were totally disconcerted by a variety of
incidents which he could not foresee. The prince of Ysembourg was, on
the twenty-third day of July, defeated at San-garshausen by the duke
de Broglio, whom the prince de Soubise had detached against him with
a number of troops greatly superior to that which the Hessian general
commanded. The duke de Broglio, who commanded the corps that formed the
vanguard of Soubise’s army, having learned at Cassel that the Hessian
troops, under the prince of Ysembourg, were retiring towards Munden,
he advanced, on the twenty-third of July, with a body of eight thousand
men, to the village of Sangarshausen, where he found them drawn up in
order of battle, and forthwith made a disposition for the attack. At
first his cavalry were repulsed by the Hessian horse, which charged
the French infantry, and were broke in their turn. The Hessians,
though greatly inferior in number to the enemy, made a very obstinate
resistance, by favour of a rock in the Fulde that covered their
right, and a wood by which their left was secured. The dispute was so
obstinate, that the enemy’s left was obliged to give ground; but the
duke de Broglio, ordering a fresh corps to advance, changed the fortune
of the day. The Hessians, overpowered by numbers, gave way; part plunged
into the river, where many perished, and part threw themselves into the
wood, through which they escaped from the pursuit of the hussars, who
took above two hundred soldiers and fifty officers, including the count
de Canitz, who was second in command. They likewise found on the field
of battle seven pieces of cannon, and eight at Munden; but the carnage
was pretty considerable, and nearly equal on both sides. The number
of the killed and wounded, on the side of the French, exceeded two
thousand; the loss of the Hessians was not so great. The prince of
Ysembourg, having collected the remains of his little army, took post at
Eimbeck, where he soon was reinforced, and found himself at the head of
twelve thousand men; but, in consequence of this advantage, the enemy
became masters of the Weser, and opened to themselves a free passage
into Westphalia.




GENERAL IMHOFF DEFEATS M. DE CHEVERT.

The progress of prince Ferdinand upon the Maese, had been retarded by a
long succession of heavy rains, which broke up the roads, and rendered
the country impassable; and now the certain information of this unlucky
check left him no alternative but a battle or a retreat across the
Rhine: the first was carefully avoided by the enemy; the latter
resolution, therefore, he found himself under a necessity to embrace. In
his present position he was hampered by the French army on one wing, on
the other by the fortress of Gueldres, the garrison of which had
been lately reinforced, as well as by divers other posts, capable of
obstructing the convoys and subsistence of the combined army; besides,
he had reason to apprehend, that the prince de Soubise would endeavour
to intercept the British troops in their march from Embden. Induced by
these considerations, he determined to repass the Rhine, after having
offered battle to the enemy, and made several motions for that purpose.
Finding them averse to an engagement, he made his dispositions for
forcing the strong pass of Waehtendonck, an island surrounded by Niers,
of very difficult approach, and situated exactly in his route to the
Rhine. This service was performed by the hereditary prince of Brunswick,
who, perceiving the enemy had drawn up the bridge, rushed into the river
at the head of his grenadiers, who drove them away with their bayonets,
and cleared the bridges for the passage of the army towards Rhinebergen.
At this place prince Ferdinand received intelligence that M. de Chevert,
reputed one of the best officers in the French service, had passed
the Lippe with fourteen battalions and several squadrons, to join
the garrison of Wesel, and fall upon lieutenant-general Imhoff, who
commanded a detached corps of the combined army at Meer, that he might
be at hand to guard the bridge which the prince had thrown over the
Rhine at Rees. His serene highness was extremely desirous of sending
succours to general Imhoff; but the troops were too much fatigued to
begin another march before morning; and the Rhine had overflowed its
banks in such a manner as to render the bridge at Rees impassable, so
that M. Imhoff was left to the resources of his own conduct and the
bravery of his troops, consisting of six battalions and four squadrons,
already weakened by the absence of different detachments. This general
having received advice, on the fourth of August, that the enemy
intended to pass the Lippe the same evening with a considerable train of
artillery, in order to burn the bridge at Rees, decamped with a view to
cover this place, and join two battalions which; had passed the Rhine
in boats, under the command of general Zastrow, who reinforced him
accordingly; but the enemy not appearing, he concluded the information
was false, and resolved to resume his advantageous post at Meer. Of
this he had no sooner repossessed himself, than his advanced guards were
engaged with the enemy, who marched to the attack from Wesel, under the
command of lieutenant-general de Chevert, consisting of the whole corps
intended for the siege of Dusseldorp. Imhoffs front was covered by
coppices and ditches, there being a rising ground on his right, from
whence he could plainly discern the whole force that advanced against
him, together with the manner of their approach. Perceiving them engaged
in that difficult ground, he posted one regiment in a coppice, with
orders to fall upon the left flank of the enemy, which appeared quite
uncovered; and as soon as their fire began, advanced with the rest
of his forces to attack them in front. The bayonet was used on this
occasion, and the charge given with such impetuosity and resolution,
that after a short resistance, the enemy fell into confusion, and fled
towards Wesel, leaving on the spot eleven pieces of cannon, with a great
number of waggons and other carriages; besides the killed and wounded,
who amounted to a pretty considerable number, the victor took three
hundred and fifty-four prisoners, including eleven officers; whereas, on
his part the victory was purchased at a very small expense.




GENERAL OBERG DEFEATED by the FRENCH.

Immediately after this action, general Wangenheim passed the Rhine
with several squadrons and battalions, to reinforce general Imhoff,
and enable him to prosecute the advantage he had gained, while prince
Ferdinand marched with the rest of the army to Santen: from whence he
proceeded to Rhinebergen, where he intended to pass; but the river had
overflowed to such a degree, that here, as well as at Rees, the shore
was inaccessible; so that he found it necessary to march farther down
the river, and lay a bridge at Griethuyzen. The enemy had contrived
four vessels for the destruction of this bridge; but they were all taken
before they could put the design in execution, and the whole army passed
on the tenth day of August, without any loss or further interruption. At
the same time the prince withdrew his garrison from Dusseldorp, of which
the French immediately took possession. Immediately after his passage he
received a letter from the duke of Marlborough, acquainting him that the
British troops had arrived at Lingen, in their route to Coesfeldt:
to which place general Imhoff was sent to receive them, with a strong
detachment. Notwithstanding this junction, the two armies on the Rhine
were so equally matched, that no stroke of importance was struck on
either side during the remaining part of the campaign. M. de Contades,
seeing no prospect of obtaining the least advantage over prince
Ferdinand, detached prince Xaverius of Saxony with a strong
reinforcement to the prince de Soubise, who had taken possession of
Gottengen, and seemed determined to attack the prince of Ysembourg at
Eimbeck. That this officer might be able to give him a proper reception,
prince Ferdinand detached general Oberg with ten thousand men to
Lipstadt, from whence, should occasion require, they might continue
their march, and join the Hessians. The whole body, when thus
reinforced, did not exceed twenty thousand men, of whom general Oberg
now assumed the command: whereas the troops of Soubise were increased to
the number of thirty thousand. The allies had taken post upon the river
Fulde at Sangarshausen, where they hoped the French would attack
them; but the design of Soubise was first to dislodge them from that
advantageous situation. With this view, he made a motion, as if he had
intended to turn the camp of the allies by the road of Munden. In order
to prevent the execution of this supposed design, general Oberg decamped
on the tenth of October, and, passing by the village of Landwernhagen,
advanced towards Lutten-berg, where, understanding the enemy were at his
heels, he forthwith formed his troops in order of battle, his right to
the Fulde, and his left extending to a thicket upon an eminence, where
he planted five field-pieces. The cavalry supported the wings in a third
line, the village of Luttenberg was in the rear, and four pieces of
cannon were mounted on a rising ground that flanked this village. The
French having likewise passed Landwernhagen, posted their left towards
the Fulde, their right extending far beyond the left of the allies, and
their front being strengthened with above thirty pieces of cannon.
At four in the afternoon the enemy began the battle with a severe
cannonading, and at the same time the first line of their infantry
attacked major-general Zastrow, who was posted on the left wing of the
allies. This body of the French was repulsed; but in the same moment, a
considerable line of cavalry advancing, charged the allies in front and
flank. These were supported by a fresh body of infantry with cannon,
which, after a warm dispute, obliged the confederates to give way; and
general Oberg, in order to prevent a total defeat, made a disposition
for a retreat, which was performed in tolerable order; not but that
he suffered greatly, in passing through a defile, from the fire of the
enemy’s cannon, which was brought up and managed under the direction
of the duke de Broglio. Having marched through Munden by midnight,
the retiring army lay till morning under arms in the little plain near
Grupen, on the other side of the Weser; but at day-break prosecuted
their march, after having withdrawn the garrison from Munden, until they
arrived in the neighbourhood of Guntersheim, where they encamped.
In this engagement general Oberg lost about fifteen hundred men, his
artillery, baggage, and ammunition. He was obliged to abandon a magazine
of hay and straw at Munden, and leave part of his wounded men in that
place to the humanity of the victor. But, after all, the French general
reaped very little advantage from his victory.




DEATH OF THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.

By this time prince Ferdinand had retired into Westphalia, and fixed his
head-quarters at Munster, while M. de Contades encamped near Ham upon
the Lippe; so that, although he had obliged the French army to evacuate
Hanover and Hesse in the beginning of the year, when they were weakened
by death and distemper, and even driven them beyond the Rhine, where
they sustained a defeat; yet they were soon put in a condition to baffle
all his future endeavours, and penetrate again into Westphalia, where
they established their winter-quarters, extending themselves in such a
manner as to command the whole course of the Rhine on both sides, while
the allies were disposed in the landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel, and in the
bishoprics of Munster, Paderborn, and Hildesheim. The British troops
had joined them so late in the season that they had no opportunity to
signalize themselves in the field; yet the fatigues of the campaign,
which they had severely felt, proved fatal to their commander, the
duke of Marlborough, who died of a dysentery at Munster, universally
lamented.




OPERATIONS OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Having thus particularized the operations of the allied army since the
commencement of the campaign, we shall now endeavour to trace the steps
of the king of Prussia, from the period to which his army was assembled
for action. Having collected his force as soon as the season
would permit, he undertook the siege of Schweidnitz in form on the
twenty-first day of March; and carried on his operations with such
vigour, that in thirteen days the garrison surrendered themselves
prisoners of war, after having lost one half of their number in the
defence of the place. While one part of Lis troops were engaged in this
service, he himself, at the head of another, advanced to the eastern
frontier of Bohemia, and sent a detachment as far as Trautenaw,
garrisoned by a body of Austrians, who, after an obstinate resistance,
abandoned the place, and retreated towards their grand army. By this
success he opened to himself a way into Bohemia, by which he poured
in detachments of light troops, to raise contributions and harass the
out-posts of the enemy. At the same time the baron de la Mothe Fouquet
marched with another body against the Austrian general Jahnus, posted
in the county of Glatz, whom he obliged to abandon all the posts he
occupied in that country, and pursued as far as Nashod, within twenty
miles of Koningsgratz, where the grand Austrian army was encamped, under
the command of mareschal Daun, who had lately arrived from Vienna. Over
and above these excursions, the king ordered a body of thirty thousand
men to be assembled, to act under the command of his brother prince
Henry,* an accomplished warrior, against the army of the empire, which
the prince de Deux-ponts, with great difficulty, made a shift to form
again near Bamberg, in Franconia.

     * At this juncture the Prussian commandant of Dresden being
     admitted into the Japan palace, to see the curious
     porcelaine with which it is adorned, perceived a door built
     up; and ordering the passage to be opened, entered a large
     apartment, where he found three thousand tents, and other
     field utensils. These had been concealed here when the
     Prussians first took possession of the city; they were
     immediately seized by the commandant, and distributed among
     the troops of prince Henry’s army.

The king of Prussia, whose designs were perhaps even greater than he
cared to own, resolved to shift the theatre of the war, and penetrate
into Moravia, a fertile country, which had hitherto been kept sacred
from ravage and contribution. Having formed an army of fifty thousand
choice troops, near Neiss, in Silesia, he divided them into three
columns; the first commanded by mareschal Keith, the second by himself
in person, and the third conducted by prince Maurice of Anhault-Dessau.
In the latter end of April they began their march towards Moravia; and
general De la Ville, who commanded a body of troops in that country,
retired as they advanced, after having thrown a strong reinforcement
into Olmutz, which the king was determined to besiege. Had he passed
by this fortress, which was strongly fortified and well provided for a
vigorous defence, he might have advanced to the gates of Vienna, and
reduced the emperor to the necessity of suing for peace on his own
terms; but it seems he was unwilling to deviate so far from the common
maxims of war as to leave a fortified place in the rear; and, therefore,
he determined to make himself master of it before he should proceed. For
this purpose it was immediately invested: orders were issued to hasten
up the heavy artillery, and mareschal Keith was appointed to superintend
and direct the operations of the siege. Meanwhile the Austrian
commander, count Daun, being informed of his Prussian majesty’s motions
and designs, quitted his camp at Leutomyssel in Bohemia, and entered
Moravia by the way of Billa. Being still too weak to encounter the
Prussians in the field, he extended his troops in the neighbourhood of
the king’s army, between Gewitz and Littau, in a mountainous situation,
where he ran little or no risk of being attacked. Here he remained for
some time in quiet, with the fertile country of Bohemia in his
rear, from whence he drew plentiful supplies, and received daily
reinforcements. His scheme was to relieve the besieged occasionally, to
harass the besiegers, and to intercept their convoys from Silesia; and
this scheme succeeded to his wish. Olmutz is so extensive in its works,
and so peculiarly situated on the river Morava, that it could not be
completely invested without weakening the posts of the besieging army,
by extending them to a prodigious circuit; so that, in some parts,
they were easily forced by detachments in the night, who fell upon them
suddenly, and seldom failed to introduce into the place supplies of men,
provisions, and ammunition. The forage in the neighbourhood of the city
having been previously destroyed, the Prussian horse were obliged to
make excursions at a great distance, consequently exposed to fatigue,
and liable to surprise; and, in a word, the Prussians were not very
expert in the art of town-taking.

Count Daun knew how to take advantage of these circumstances without
hazarding a battle, to which the king provoked him in vain. While
the garrison made repeated sallies to retard the operations of the
besiegers, the’ Austrian general harassed their foraging parties, fell
upon different quarters of their army in the night, and kept them in
continual alarm. Nevertheless, the king finished his first parallel; and
proceeded with such vigour as seemed to promise a speedy reduction
of the place, when his design was entirely frustrated by an untoward
incident. Mareschal Daun, having received intelligence that a large
convoy had set out from Silesia for the Prussian camp, resolved to seize
this opportunity of compelling the king to desist from his enterprise.
He sent general Jahnus, with a strong body of troops, towards Bahrn,
and another detachment to Stadtoliebe, with instructions to attack
the convoy on different sides; while he himself advanced towards the
besiegers, as if he intended to give them battle. The king of Prussia,
far from being deceived by this feint, began, from the motions of the
Austrian general, to suspect his real scheme, and immediately despatched
general Ziethen, with a strong reinforcement, to protect the convoy,
which was escorted by eight battalions, and about four thousand men, who
had been sick, and were just recovered. Before this officer joined them,
the convoy had been attacked on the twenty-eighth day of June; but
the assailants were repulsed with considerable loss. Mareschal Daun,
however, took care that they should be immediately reinforced; and
next day the attack was renewed with much greater effect. Four hundred
waggons, guarded by four battalions, and about one thousand troopers,
had just passed the defiles of Domstadt, when the Austrians charged them
furiously on every side; the communication between the head and the rest
of the convoy was cut off; and general Ziethen, after having exerted all
his efforts for its preservation, being obliged to abandon the waggons,
retired to Troppau. Thus the whole convoy fell into the hands of the
enemy, who took above six hundred prisoners, together with general
Putkammer; and the king of Prussia was obliged to relinquish his
enterprise. This was a mortifying necessity to a prince of his high
spirit, at a time when he saw himself on the eve of reducing the place,
notwithstanding the gallant defence which had been made by general
Marshal the governor. Nothing now remained but to raise the siege, and
retire without loss in the face of a vigilant enemy, prepared to seize
every opportunity of advantage: a task which, how hard soever it may
appear, he performed with equal dexterity and success. Instead of
retiring into Silesia, he resolved to avert the war from his own
dominions, and take the route to Bohemia, the frontiers of which were
left uncovered by mareschal Daun’s last motion, when he advanced his
quarters to Posnitz, in order to succour Olmutz the more effectually.
After the king had taken his measures, he carefully concealed his design
from the enemy, and, notwithstanding the loss of his convoy, prosecuted
the operations of the siege with redoubled vigour till the first day of
July, when he decamped in the night, and began his march to Bohemia. He
himself, with one division, took the road to Konitz; and mareschal
Keith having brought away all the artillery, except four mortars and one
disabled cannon, pursued his march by the way of Littau to Muglitz and
Tribau. Although his Prussian majesty had gained an entire march upon
the Austrians, their light troops, commanded by the generals Buccow and
Laudohn, did not fail to attend and harass his army in their retreat;
but their endeavours were in a great measure frustrated by the conduct
and circumspection of the Prussian commanders. After the rear of the
army had passed the defiles of Krenau, general Lasci, who was posted
at Gibau with a large body of Austrian troops, occupied the village of
Krenau with a detachment of grenadiers, who were soon dislodged; and
the Prussians pursued their march by Zwittau to Leutomyssel, where they
seized a magazine of meal and forage. In the meantime general de Ratzow,
who conducted the provisions and artillery, found the hills of Hollitz
possessed by the enemy, who cannonaded him as he advanced; but mareschal
Keith coming up, ordered them to be attacked in the rear, and they fled
into a wood with precipitation, with the loss of six officers and three
hundred men, who were taken prisoners. While’ the mareschal was thus
employed, the king proceeded from Leutomyssel to Koningsgratz, where
general Buccow, who had got the start of him, was posted with seven
thousand men behind the Elbe, and in the intrenchments which they had
thrown up all around the city. The Prussian troops as they arrived
passed over the little river Adler, and as the enemy had broken down
the bridges over the Elbe, the king ordered them to be repaired with all
expedition, being determined to attack the Austrian intrenchments;
but general Buccow did not wait for his approach: he abandoned his
intrenchments, and retired with his troops to Clumetz; so that the
king took possession of the most important post of Koningsgratz without
further opposition. An Austrian corps having taken post between him and
Hollitz, in order to obstruct the march of the artillery, he advanced
against them in person, and having driven them from the place, all
his cannon, military stores, provisions, with fifteen hundred sick and
wounded men, arrived in safety at Koningsgratz, where the whole army
encamped. His intention was to transfer the seat of war from Moravia to
Bohemia, where he should be able to maintain a more easy communication
with his own dominions; but a more powerful motive soon obliged him to
change his resolution.




PROGRESS OF THE RUSSIANS.

After the Russian troops under Apraxin had retreated from Pomerania in
the course of the preceding year, and the czarina seemed ready to
change her system, the courts of Vienna and Versailles had, by dint
of subsidies, promises, presents, and intrigues, attached her, in all
appearance, more firmly than ever to the confederacy, and even induced
her to augment the number of troops destined to act against the Prussian
monarch. She not only signed her accession in form to the quadruple
alliance with the empress-queen and the kings of France and Sweden; but,
in order to manifest her zeal to the common cause, she disgraced her
chancellor, count Bestuchef, who was supposed averse to the war: she
divided her forces into separate bodies, under the command of the
generals Fermer and Browne, and ordered them to put their troops in
motion in the middle of winter. Fermer accordingly began his march in
the beginning of January, and on the twenty-second his light troops took
possession of Koningsberg, the capital of Prussia, without opposition:
for the king’s forces had quitted that country in order to prosecute the
war in the western parts of Pomerania. They did not, however, maintain
themselves in this part of the country; but, after having ravaged some
districts, returned to the main body, which halted on the Vistula, to
the no small disturbance of the city of Dantzic. The resident of the
czarina actually demanded that the magistrates should receive a Russian
garrison; a demand which they not only peremptorily refused, but ordered
all the citizens to arms, and took every other method to provide for
their defence. At length, after some negotiation with general Fermer,
the affair was compromised: he desisted from the demand, and part of his
troops passed the Vistula, seemingly to invade Pomerania, in the eastern
part of which count Dohna had assembled an army of Prussians to oppose
their progress. But after they had pillaged the open country, they
rejoined their main body; and general Fermer, turning to the left,
advanced to Silesia in order to co-operate with the other Russian army
commanded by Browne, who had taken his route through Poland, and already
passed the Posna. By the first of July both bodies had reached the
frontiers of Silesia, and some of their cossacks, penetrating into
that province, had committed dreadful ravages, and overwhelmed the
inhabitants with consternation. Count Bohna, with the Prussian army
under his command, had attended their motions, and even passed the Oder
at Frankfort, as if he had intended to give them battle; but he was too
much inferior in number to hazard such a step, which became an object of
his sovereign’s own personal attention. Mareschal Daun had followed the
king into Bohemia, and, on the twenty-second day of July, encamped
on the hills of Libischau, a situation almost inaccessible, where he
resolved to remain and watch the motions of the Prussian monarch, until
some opportunity should offer of acting to advantage. Nature seems
to have expressly formed this commander with talents to penetrate
the designs, embarrass the genius, and check the impetuosity, of
the Prussian monarch. He was justly compared to Fabius Maximus,
distinguished by the epithet of Cunctator. He possessed all the
vigilance, caution, and sagacity of that celebrated Roman. Like him, he
hovered on the skirts of the enemy, harassing their parties, accustoming
the soldiers to strict discipline, hard service, and the face of a
formidable foe, and watching for opportunities, which he knew how to
seize with equal courage and celerity.




THE PRUSSIANS DEFEAT THE RUSSIANS.

The king of Prussia, being induced by a concurrence of motives to stop
the progress of the Russians in Silesia, made his dispositions for
retreating from Bohemia, and on the twenty-fifth day of July quitted the
camp at Koningsgratz. He was attended in his march by three thousand
Austrian light troops, who did not fail to incommode his rear; but,
notwithstanding these impediments, he passed the Mittau, proceeded on
his route, and on the ninth day of August arrived at Landshut. From
thence he hastened with a detachment towards Frankfort on the Oder, and
joined the army commanded by lieutenant-general Dohna at Gorgas. Then
the whole army passed the Oder by a bridge thrown over at Gatavise, and
having rested one day, advanced to Dert-mitzel, where he encamped. The
Russians, under general Fermer, were posted on the other side of the
little river Mitzel, their right extending to the village of Zicker, and
their left to Quertchem. The king being determined to hazard a battle,
passed the Mitzel on the twenty-fifth in the morning, and turning the
flank of the enemy, drew up his army in order of battle in the plain
between the little river and the town of Zorndorf. The Russians, by whom
he was outnumbered, did not decline the dispute; but as the ground
did not permit them to extend themselves, they appeared in four
lines, forming a front on every side, defended by cannon and a
chevaux-de-frise, their right flank covered by the village of Zwicker.
After a warm cannonade, the Prussian infantry were ordered to attack
the village, and a body of grenadiers advanced to the assault; but this
brigade unexpectedly giving way, occasioned a considerable opening
in the line, and left the whole left flank of the infantry uncovered.
Before the enemy could take advantage of this incident, the interval was
filled up by the cavalry under the command of general Seydlitz; and the
king, with his usual presence of mind, substituted another choice body
of troops to carry on the attack. This began about noon, and continued
for some time, during which both sides fought with equal courage and
perseverance: at length general Seydlitz, having routed the Russian
cavalry, fell upon the flank of the infantry with great fury, which
being also dreadfully annoyed by the Prussian artillery, they abandoned
the village, together with their military chest, and great part of their
baggage. Notwithstanding this loss, which had greatly disordered their
right wing, they continued to stand their ground, and terrible havoc was
made among them, not only with the sword and bayonet, but also by
the cannon, which were loaded with grape shot, and, being excellently
served, did great execution. Towards evening the confusion among them
increased to such a degree, that in all probability they would have been
entirely routed, had they not been favoured by the approaching darkness,
as well as by a particular operation which was very gallantly performed.
One of the Russian generals perceiving the fortune of the day turned
against him, rallied a select body of troops, and made a vigorous
impression on the right wing of the Prussians. This effort diverted
their attention so strongly to that quarter, that the right of the
Russians enjoyed a respite, during which they retired in tolerable
order, and occupied a new post on the right, where the rest of their
forces were the more easily assembled. In this battle they are said
to have lost above fifteen thousand men, thirty-seven colours, five
standards, twelve mortars, the greater part of their baggage, and above
one hundred pieces of cannon. Among the prisoners that fell into the
hands of the victor, were several general officers, and a good number
lost their lives on the field of battle. The victory cost the king above
two thousand men, including some officers of distinction, particularly
two aide-de-camps, who attended his own person, which he exposed without
scruple to all the perils of the day. It would have redounded still
more to his glory, had he put a stop to the carnage; for, after all
resistance was at an end, the wretched Russians were hewn down without
mercy. It must be owned, indeed, that the Prussian soldiers were, in a
peculiar manner, exasperated against this enemy, because they had
laid waste the country, burned the villages, ruined the peasants, and
committed many horrid acts of barbarity, which the practice of war
could not authorize. [467] _[See note 3 P, at the end of this Vol.]_
The Prussian army passed the night under arms, and next morning the
cannonade was renewed against the enemy, who, nevertheless, maintained
their position without flinching. On the twenty-seventh, they seemed
determined to hazard another action, and even attack the conquerors;
instead of advancing, however, they took the route of Lands-berg; but
afterwards turned off towards Vietzel, and posted themselves between
the rivers Warta and that village. Immediately after the battle, general
Fermer,* who had received a slight wound in the action, sent a trumpet
with a letter to lieutenant-general Dohna, desiring a suspension of arms
for two or three days to bury the dead, and take care of the wounded;
and presenting to his Prussian majesty the humble request of general
Browne, who was much weakened with the loss of blood, that he might have
a passport, by virtue of which he could be removed to a place where he
should find such accommodation as his situation required.

     * General Fermer was of Scottish extract, and general Browne
     actually a native of North Britain.

In answer to this message, count Dohna gave the Russian general to
understand, that as his Prussian majesty remained master of the field,
he would give the necessary orders for interring the dead, and taking
care of the wounded on both sides: he refused a suspension of arms,
but granted the request of general Browne; and concluded his letter by
complaining of the outrages which the Russian troops still continued to
commit, in pillaging and burning the king’s villages.

The king of Prussia had no sooner repulsed the enemy in one quarter,
than his presence was required in another. When he quitted Bohemia,
mareschal Daun, at the head of the Austrian army, and the prince de
Deuxponts, who commanded the forces of the empire, advanced to the Elbe,
in order to surround the king’s brother, prince Henry, who, without
immediate succour, would not have been able to preserve his footing in
Saxony. The Prussian monarch, therefore, determined to support him with
all possible expedition. In a few days after the battle he began his
march from Custrin, with a reinforcement of twenty-four battalions and
great part of his cavalry, and pursued his route with such unwearied
diligence, that by the fifth day of September lie reached Torgau, and
on the eleventh joined his brother. Mareschal Daun had posted himself
at Stolpen, to the eastward of the Elbe, in order to preserve an easy
communication with the army of the empire encamped in the neighbourhood
of Koningstein, to favour the operations of general Laudohn, who had
advanced through the Lower Lusatia to the frontiers of Brandenburgh;
to make a diversion from the southern parts of Silesia, where a body of
Austrian troops acted under the command of the generals Harsche and de
Ville; and to interrupt the communication between prince Henry and the
capital of Saxony. On the fifth day of September, the garrison in the
strong fortress of Koningstein surrendered themselves prisoners of
war, after a very feeble resistance, to the prince de Detixponts, who
forthwith took possession of the strong camp at Pima. When the king of
Prussia therefore arrived at Dresden, he found the army of the empire
in this position, and mareschal Daun in a still stronger situation at
Stolpen, with bridges of communication thrown over the Elbe, so that he
could not attack them with any prospect of advantage. He had no other
resolution to take but that of endeavouring to cut them off from
supplies of provisions, and with this view he marched to Bautzen, which
he occupied. This motion obliged the Austrian general to quit his camp
at Stolpen, but he chose another of equal strength at Libau; yet he
afterwards advanced to Rittlitz, that he might be at hand to seize the
first favourable occasion of executing the resolution he had formed to
attack the Prussians. The king having detached general Ratzow on his
left, to take possession of Weissenberg, marched forwards with the body
of his army, and posted himself in the neighbourhood of Hochkirchen,
after having dislodged the Austrians from that village. Matters were now
brought to such a delicate crisis, that a battle seemed inevitable,
and equally desired by both parties, as an event that would determine
whether the Austrians should be obliged to retreat for winter-quarters
into Bohemia, or be enabled to maintain their ground in Saxony. In
this situation mareschal Daun resolved to act offensively; and formed a
scheme for attacking the right flank of the Prussians by surprise. This
measure was suggested to him by an oversight of the Prussians, who
had neglected to occupy the heights that commanded the village of
Hochkirchen, which was only guarded by a few free companies. He
determined to take the advantage of a very dark night, and to employ the
flower of his whole army on this important service, well knowing, that
should they penetrate through the flank of the enemy, the whole Prussian
army would be disconcerted, and in all probability entirely ruined.
Having taken his measures with wonderful secrecy and circumspection, the
troops began to move in the night between the thirteenth and fourteenth
of October, favoured by a thick fog, which greatly increased the
darkness of the night. Their first care was to take possession of the
hill that commanded Hochkirchen, from whence they poured down upon the
village, of which they took possession, after having cut in pieces the
free companies posted there. The action began in this quarter about
four in the morning, and continued several hours with great fury, for,
notwithstanding the impetuous efforts of the Austrian troops, and the
confusion occasioned among the Prussians by the surprise, a vigorous
stand was made by some general officers, who, with admirable expedition
and presence of mind, assembled and arranged the troops as they could
take to their arms, and led them up to the attack without distinction
of regiment, place, or precedence. While the action was obstinately
and desperately maintained in this place, amidst all the horrors of
darkness, carnage, and confusion, the king being alarmed, exerted all
his personal activity, address, and recollection, in drawing regularity
from disorder, arranging the different corps, altering positions,
reinforcing weak posts, encouraging the soldiery, and opposing the
efforts of the enemy; for although they made their chief impression upon
the right, by the village of Hochkirchen, mareschal Daun, in order to
divide the attention of the king, made another attack upon the left,
which was with difficulty sustained, and effectually prevented him from
sending reinforcements to the right, where mareschal Keith, under the
greatest disadvantages, bore the brunt of the enemy’s chief endeavours.
Thus the battle raged till nine in the morning, when this gallant
officer was shot through the heart. Prince Francis of Brunswick had
met with the same fate; prince Maurice of Anhault was wounded and taken
prisoner, and many others were either slain or disabled. As the right
wing had been surprised, the tents continued standing, and greatly
embarrassed them in their defence. The soldiers had never been properly
drawn up in order; the enemy still persevered in their attack with
successive reinforcements and redoubled resolution; and a considerable
slaughter was made by their artillery, which they had brought up to the
heights of Hochkirchen. All these circumstances concurring, could not
fail to increase the confusion and disaster of the Prussians; so that
about ten the king was obliged to retire to Dobreschutz, with the loss
of seven thousand men, of all his tents, and part of his baggage. Nor
had the Austrian general much cause to boast of his victory. His loss
of men was pretty nearly equal to that of the Prussian monarch; and,
whatever reputation he might have acquired in foiling that enterprising
prince, certainly his design did not take effect in its full extent,
for the Prussians were next day in a condition to hazared another
engagement. The king of Prussia had sustained no damage which he could
not easily repair, except the death of mareschal Keith, which was
doubtless an irreparable misfortune. [468] _[See note 3 Q, at the end of
this Vol.]_

His Prussian majesty remained with his army ten days at Dobreschutz,
during which he endeavoured to bring the Austrians to a second
engagement; but count Daun declined the invitation, and kept his forces
advantageously posted on eminences planted with artillery. His aim
having been frustrated at Hochkirchen, where he fought with many
advantages on his side, he would not hazard another battle upon equal
terms, with such an enterprising enemy, rendered more vigilant by the
check he had received, already reinforced from the army of prince Henry,
and eager for an opportunity to retrieve the laurel which had been
snatched from him by the wiles of stratagem, rather than by the hand
of valour. Count Daun, having nothing more to hope from the active
operations of his own army, contented himself with amusing the Prussian
monarch in Lusatia, while the Austrian generals, Harsche and De Ville,
should prosecute the reduction of Neiss and Cosel in Silesia, which
they now actually invested. As the Prussian monarch could not spare
detachments to oppose every different corps of his enemies that acted
against him in different parts of his dominions, he resolved to make
up in activity what he wanted in number, and, if possible, to raise the
siege of Neiss in person. With this view he decamped from Dobreschutz,
and, in sight of the enemy, marched to Goerlitz without the least
interruption. From thence he proceeded towards Silesia with his usual
expedition, notwithstanding all the endeavours and activity of general
Laudohn, who harassed the rear of the Prussians, and gained some petty
advantages over them.. Count Daun not only sent this detached corps
to retard them in their march; but at the same time, by another route,
detached a strong reinforcement to the army of the besiegers. In the
meantime, having received intelligence that the army of prince Henry in
Saxony was considerably weakened, he himself marched thither, in hopes
of expelling the prince from that country, and reducing the capital in
the king’s absence. Indeed, his designs were still more extensive, for
he proposed to reduce Dresden, Leipsic, and Torgau, at the same time;
the first with the main body under his own direction, the second by the
army of the empire under the prince de Deuxponts, and the third by a
corps under general Haddick, while the forces directed by Laudohn should
exclude the king from Lusatia. In execution of this plan he marched
directly to the Elbe, which he passed at Pima, and advanced to Dresden,
which he hoped would surrender without putting him to the trouble of
a formal siege. The army of prince Henry had already retired to the
westward of this capital before the prince de Deuxponts, who had found
means to cut off his communication with Leipsic, and even invested that
city. During these transactions general Haddick advanced against Torgau.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SUBURBS OF DRESDEN BURNT.

The field-mareschal count Daun appearing on the sixth day of November
within sight of Dresden, at the head of sixty thousand men, encamped
next day at Lockowitz, and on the eighth his advanced troops attacked
the Prussian hussars and independent battalions, which were posted at
Striessen and Gruenewiese. Count Schmettau, who commanded the garrison,
amounting to ten thousand men, apprehensive that, in the course of
skirmishing, the Austrian troops might enter the suburbs pell-mell,
posted colonel Itzenplitz, with seven hundred men, in the redoubts that
surrounded the suburbs, that in case of emergency they might support the
irregulars; at the same time, as the houses that constituted the suburbs
were generally so high as to overlook the ramparts and command the city,
he prepared combustibles, and gave notice to the magistrates that they
would be set on fire as soon as an Austrian should appear within the
place. This must have been a dreadful declaration to the inhabitants of
these suburbs, which compose one of the most elegant towns in Europe.
In these houses, which were generally lofty and magnificent, the
fashionable and wealthy class of people resided, and here a number
of artists carried on a variety of curious manufactures. In vain the
magistrates implored the mercy and forbearance of the Prussian governor,
and represented, in the most submissive strain, that as they were
unconcerned in the war, they hoped they should be exempted from the
horrors of devastation. In vain the royal family, who remained at
Dresden, conjured him to spare that last refuge of distressed royalty,
and allow them at least a secure residence, since they were deprived of
every other comfort. He continued inflexible, or rather determined to
execute the orders of his master, which indeed he could not disobey with
any regard to his own safety. On the ninth day of November, about
noon, the Austrian vanguard attacked the advanced post of the garrison,
repelled the hussars, drove the independent battalions into the suburbs,
and forced three of the redoubts, while their cannon played upon the
town. The governor, expecting a vigorous attack next day, recalled his
troops within the city after they had set fire to the suburbs. At three
in the morning the signal was made for this terrible conflagration,
which in a little time reduced to ashes the beautiful suburbs of Pirna,
which had so lately flourished as the seat of gaity, pleasure, and the
ingenious arts. Every bosom warmed with benevolence must be affected at
the recital of such calamities. It excites not only our compassion for
the unhappy sufferers, but also our resentment against the perpetrators
of such enormity. Next day mareschal Daun sent an officer to count
Schmettau, with a message, expressing his surprise at the destruction of
the suburbs in a royal residence, an act of inhumanity unheard of among
christians. He desired to know if it was by the governor’s order this
measure was taken; and assured him, that he should be responsible in his
person for whatever outrages had been or might be committed against a
place in which a royal family resided. Schmettau gave him to understand,
that he had orders to defend the town to the last extremity, and that
the preservation of what remained depended entirely on the conduct of
his excellency; for, should he think proper to attack the place, he (the
governor) would defend himself from house to house, and from street to
street, and even make his last effort in the royal palace, rather
than abandon the city. He excused the destruction of the suburbs as a
necessary measure, authorized by the practice of war; but he would have
found it a difficult task to reconcile this step to the laws of eternal
justice, and far less to the dictates of common humanity. Indeed, if the
scene had happened in an enemy’s country, or if no other step could
have saved the lives and liberties of himself and his garrison, such a
desperate remedy might have stood excused by the law of nature and of
nations; but on this occasion he occupied a neutral city, over which he
could exercise no other power and authority but that which he derived
from illegal force and violence; nor was he at all reduced to the
necessity of sacrificing the place to his own safety, inasmuch as he
might have retired unmolested, by virtue of an honourable capitulation,
which, however, he did not demand. Whether the peremptory order of
a superior will, _in foro conscientio_, justify an officer who hath
committed an illegal or inhuman action, is a question that an English
reader will scarce leave to the determination of a German casuist with
one hundred and fifty thousand armed men in his retinue. Be this as it
will, Mr. Ponickau, the Saxon minister, immediately after this tragedy
was acted, without waiting for his master’s orders, presented a memorial
to the diet of the empire, complaining of it as an action reserved for
the history of the war which the king of Prussia had kindled in Germany,
to be transmitted to future ages. He affirmed that, in execution of
Schmettau’s orders, the soldiers had dispersed themselves in the streets
of the Pirna and Witchen suburbs, broke open the houses and shops, set
fire to the combustibles, added fresh fuel, and then shut the doors;
that the violence of the flames was kept up by red-hot balls fired into
the houses, and along the streets; that the wretched inhabitants, who
forsook their burning houses, were slain by the fire of the cannon and
small arms; that those who endeavoured to save their persons and effects
were pushed down and destroyed by the bayonets of the Prussian soldiers
posted in the streets for that purpose: he enumerated particular
instances of inhuman barbarity, and declared that a great number of
people perished, either amidst the flames, or under the ruins of the
houses. The destruction of two hundred and fifty elegant houses, and
the total ruin of the inhabitants, were circumstances in themselves
so deplorable, as to need no aggravation; but the account of the Saxon
minister was shamefully exaggerated, and all the particular instances
of cruelty false in every circumstance. Baron Plotho, the minister
of Brandenburgh, did not fail to answer every article of the Saxon
memorial, and refute the particulars therein alleged, in a fair detail,
authenticated by certificates under the hands of the magistrates,
judges, and principal inhabitants of Dresden. The most extraordinary
part of this defence or vindication was the conclusion, in which the
baron solemnly assured the diet, that the king of Prussia, from his
great love to mankind, always felt the greatest emotion of soul, and
the most exquisite concern, at the effusion of blood, the devastation of
cities and countries, and the horrors of war, by which so many thousand
fellow-creatures were overwhelmed; and that if his sincere and honest
inclination to procure peace to Germany, his dear country, had met with
the least regard, the present war, attended with such bloodshed and
desolation, would have been prevented and avoided. He, therefore,
declared that those who excited the present troubles, who, instead of
extinguishing, threw oil upon the flames, must answer to God for the
seas of blood that had been and would be shed, for the devastation of
so many countries, and the entire ruin of so many innocent individuals.
Such declarations cost nothing to those hardened politicians,
who, feeling no internal check, are determined to sacrifice every
consideration to the motives of rapacity and ambition. It would be
happy, however, for mankind, were princes taught to believe that there
is really an omnipotent and all-judging power, that will exact a severe
account of their conduct, and punish them for their guilt, with out any
respect to their persons; that pillaging a whole people is more cruel
than robbing a single person; and that the massacre of thousands is, at
least, as criminal as a private murder.




THE PRUSSIANS RAISE THE SIEGE OF NEISS, AND RELIEVE DRESDEN.

While count Daun was employed in making a fruitless attempt upon the
capital of Saxony, the king of Prussia proceeded in his march to
Neiss, which was completely invested on the third day of October.
The operations of the siege were carried on with great vigour by the
Austrian general De Harsche, and the place was as vigorously defended by
the Prussian governor, Theskau, till the first day of November, when the
Prussian monarch approached, and obliged the besiegers to abandon their
enterprise. M. de Harsche having raised the siege, the king detached
general Pouquet with a body of troops across the river Neiss, and
immediately the blockade of Cosel was likewise abandoned. De Harsche
retired to Bohemia, and De Ville hovered about Jagernsdorf. The fortress
of Neiss was no sooner relieved, than the king of Prussia began
his march on his return to Saxony, where his immediate presence was
required. At the same time, the two bodies under the generals Dohna and
Wedel penetrated by different routes into that country. The former had
been left at Custrin, to watch the motions of the Russians, who had
by this time retreated to the Vistula, and even crossed that river at
Thorn; and the other had, during the campaign, observed the Swedes, who
had now entirely evacuated the Prussian territories, so that Wedel was
at liberty to co-operate with the king in Saxony. He accordingly marched
to Torgau, the siege of which had been undertaken by the Austrian
general Haddick, who was repulsed by Wedel, and even pursued to the
neighbourhood of Eulenbourg. Wedel, being afterwards joined by Dohna,
drove him from thence with considerable loss, and then raised the siege
of Leipsic. Meanwhile, the king prosecuted his march towards the capital
of Saxony, driving before him the body of Austrian troops under Laudohn,
who retreated to Zittau. On the tenth day of November count Daun retired
from Dresden, and with the army of the empire fell back towards Bohemia;
and on the twentieth the king arrived in that city, where he approved
of the governor’s conduct. The Russian general foreseeing that he should
not be able to maintain his ground during the winter in Poinerania,
unless he could secure some sea-port on the Baltic, by which he might
be supplied with provisions, detached general Palmbach, with fifteen
thousand men, to besiege the town of Colberg, an inconsiderable place,
very meanly fortified. It was accordingly invested on the third day
of October; but the besiegers were either so ill provided with proper
implements, or so little acquainted with operations of this nature,
that the garrison, though feeble, maintained the place against all
their attacks for six-and-twenty days; at the expiration of which they
abandoned their enterprise, and cruelly ravaged the open country in
their retreat. Thus, by the activity and valour of the Prussian monarch,
his generals and officers, six sieges were raised almost at the same
period, namely, those of Colberg, Neiss, Cosel, Torgau, Leipsic, and
Dresden.




INHABITANTS OF SAXONY OPPRESSED.

The variety of fortune which the king of Prussia experienced in the
course of this campaign was very remarkable; but the spirit of his
conduct, and the rapidity of his motions, were altogether without
example. In the former campaign we were dazzled with the lustre of his
victories; in this we admire his fortitude and skill in stemming
the different torrents of adversity, and rising superior to his evil
fortune. One can hardly without astonishment recollect, that in the
course of a few months he invaded Moravia, invested Olmutz, and was
obliged to relinquish that design, that he marched through an enemy’s
country, in the face of a great army, which, though it harassed him
in his retreat, could not, in a route of an hundred miles, obtain any
advantage over him; that in spite of his disaster at Olmutz, and the
difficulties of such a march, he penetrated into Bohemia, drove the
enemy from Koningsgratz, executed another dangerous and fatiguing march
to the Oder, defeated a great army of Russians, and returned by the way
of Saxony, from whence he drove the Austrian and Imperial armies; that
after his defeat at Hochkirchen, where he lost two of his best generals,
and was obliged to leave his tents standing, he baffled the vigilance
and superior number of the victorious army, rushed like a whirlwind to
the relief of Silesia, invaded by an Austrian army, which he compelled
to retire with precipitation from that province; that, with the same
rapidity of motion, he wheeled about to Saxony, and once more rescued
it from the hands of his adversaries; that in one campaign he made twice
the circuit of his dominions, relieved them all in their turns, and
kept all his possessions entire against the united efforts of numerous
armies, conducted by generals of consummate skill and undaunted
resolution. His character would have been still more complete, if his
moderation had been equal to his courage; but in this particular we
cannot applaud his conduct. Incensed by the persecuting spirit of his
enemies, he wrecked his vengeance on those who had done him no injury;
and the cruelties which the Russians had committed in his dominions were
retaliated upon the unfortunate inhabitants of Saxony. In the latter end
of September, the president of the Prussian military directory sent
a letter to the magistrates of Leipsic, requiring them, in the king’s
name, to pay a new contribution of six hundred thousand crowns, and
to begin immediately with the payment of one-third part, on pain
of military execution. In answer to this demand, the magistrates
represented that the city having been exhausted by the enormous
contributions already raised, was absolutely incapable of furnishing
further supplies; that the trade was stagnated and ruined, and the
inhabitants so impoverished, that they could no longer pay the ordinary
taxes. This remonstrance made no impression. At five in the morning
the Prussian soldiers assembled, and were posted in all the streets,
squares, market-places, cemeteries, towers, and steeples; then the gates
being shut, in order to exclude the populace of the suburbs from the
city, the senators were brought into the town-hall, and accosted by
general Hauss, who told them, the king his master would have money; and,
if they refused to part with it, the city should be plundered. To
this peremptory address they replied to this effect:--“We have no more
money,--we have nothing left but life; and we recommend ourselves to
the king’s mercy.” In consequence of this declaration, dispositions were
made for giving up the city to be plundered. Cannon were planted in all
the streets, the inhabitants were ordered to remain within doors, and
every house resounded with dismal cries and lamentations. The dreaded
pillage, however, was converted into a regular exaction. A party of
soldiers, commanded by a subaltern, went from house to house, signifying
to every burgher, that he should produce all his specie, on pain of
immediate pillage and massacre; and every inhabitant delivered up his
all without further hesitation. About six in the evening, the soldiers
returned to their quarters; but the magistrates were detained in
confinement, and all the citizens were overwhelmed with grief and
consternation. Happy Britain, who knowest such grievances only by
report! When the king of Prussia first entered Saxony, at the beginning
of the war, he declared he had no design to make a conquest of that
electorate, but only to keep it as a depositum for the security of
his own dominions, until he could oblige his enemies to acquiesce in
reasonable terms of peace; but upon his last arrival at Dresden he
adopted a new resolution. In the beginning of December, the Prussian
directory of war issued a decree to the deputies of the states of the
electorate, demanding a certain quantity of flour and forage, according
to the convention formerly settled; at the same time signifying, that
though the king of Prussia had hitherto treated the electorate as a
country taken under his special protection, the face of affairs was now
changed in such a manner, that for the future he would consider it in no
other light than that of a conquered country. The Russians had seized in
Prussia all the estates and effects belonging to the king’s officers:
a retaliation was now made upon the effects of the Saxon officers,
who served in the Russian army. Seals were put on all the cabinets
containing papers belonging to the privy-counsellors of his Polish
majesty, and they themselves ordered to depart for Warsaw at a
very short warning. Though the city had been impoverished by former
exactions, and very lately subjected to military execution, the king of
Prussia demanded fresh contributions, and even extorted them by dint
of severities that shock humanity. He surrounded the exchange
with soldiers, and confining the merchants to straw beds and naked
apartments, obliged them to draw bills for very large sums on their
foreign correspondents: a method of proceeding much more suitable to the
despotism of a Persian sophi towards a conquered people who professed
a different faith, than reconcileable to the character of a protestant
prince towards a peaceable nation of brethren, with whom he was
connected by the common ties of neighbourhood and religion. Even if
they had acted as declared enemies, and been subdued with arms in their
hands, the excesses of war on the side of the conqueror ought to have
ceased with the hostilities of the conquered, who, by submitting to his
sway, would have become his subjects, and in that capacity had a claim
to his protection. To retaliate upon the Saxons, who had espoused no
quarrel, the barbarities committed by the Russians, with whom he was
actually at war; and to treat as a conquered province a neutral country,
which his enemies had entered by violence, and been obliged to evacuate
by force of arms, was a species of conduct founded on pretences which
overturn all right, and confound all reason.




PROGRESS OF THE SWEDES IN POMERANIA.

Having recorded all the transactions of the campaign, except those
in which the Swedes were concerned, it now remains that we should
particularize the progress which was made in Pomerania by the troops
of that nation, under the command of count Hamilton. We have already
observed, that in the beginning of the year the Prussian general,
Lehwald, had compelled them to evacuate the whole province, except
Stralsund, which was likewise invested. This, in all probability, would
have been besieged in form, had not Lehwald resigned the command of
the Prussians, on account of his great age and infirmities; and his
successor, count Dohna, been obliged to withdraw his troops in order to
oppose the Russian army on the other side of Pomerania. The blockade of
Stralsund being consequently raised, and that part of the country being
entirely evacuated by the Prussians, the Swedish troops advanced again
from the isle of Rugen, to which, they had retired; but the supplies
and reinforcements they expected from Stockholm were delayed in such a
manner, either from a deficiency in the subsidies promised by France, or
from the management of those who were averse to the war, that great
part of the season was elapsed before they undertook any important
enterprise. Indeed, while they lay encamped under the cannon of
Stralsund, waiting for these supplies, their operations were retarded by
the explosion of a whole ship-load of gunpowder intended for their use;
an event imputed to the practices of the Prussian party in Sweden, which
at this period seemed to gain ground, and even threatened a change in
the ministry. At length the reinforcement arrived about the latter end
of June, and their general seemed determined to act with vigour. In the
beginning of July, his army being put in motion, he sent a detachment to
dislodge the few Prussian troops that were left at Anclam, Demmin, and
other places, to guard that frontier; and they retreated accordingly.
Count Hamilton having nothing further to oppose him in the field, in
a very little time recovered all Swedish Pomerania, and even made hot
incursions into the Prussian territories. Meanwhile, a combined fleet
of thirty-three Russian and seven Swedish ships of war appeared in the
Baltic, and anchored between the isles of Dragoe and Amagh; but they
neither landed troops nor committed hostilities. The Swedish
general advanced as far as Fehrbellin, sent out parties that raised
contributions within five and twenty miles of Berlin, and threw the
inhabitants of that capital into the utmost consternation. The king
of Prussia, alarmed at their progress, despatched general Wedel from
Dresden, with a body of troops that were augmented on their march; so
that, on the twentieth of September, he found himself at Berlin with
eleven thousand effective men, at the head of whom he proceeded against
count Hamilton, while the prince of Bevern, with five thousand, advanced
on the other side from Stetin. At their approach, the Swedish commander
retired, after having left a garrison of fourteen hundred men at
Fehrbellin in order to retard the Prussians, and secure the retreat
of his army. The place was immediately attacked by general Wedel; and
though the Swedes disputed the ground from house to house with uncommon
obstinacy, he at last drove them out of the town, with the loss of one
half of their number either killed or taken prisoners. The body of the
Swedish army, without hazarding any other action, immediately evacuated
the Prussian territories, and returned to the neighbourhood of
Stralsund, intending to take winter-quarters in the isle of Rugen. Count
Hamilton, either disgusted at the restrictions he had been laid under,
or finding himself unable to act in such a manner as might redound to
the advantage of his reputation, threw up his command, retired from the
army, and resigned all his other employments.




PRINCE CHARLES OF SAXONY ELECTED DUKE OF COURLAND.

The king of Prussia was not only favoured by a considerable party in
Sweden, but he had also raised a strong interest in Poland, among such
Palatines as had always opposed the measures of the reigning family.
These were now reinforced by many patriots, who dreaded the vicinity and
suspected the designs of the Russian army. The diet of the republic
was opened on the second day of November; and, after warm debates, M.
Malachowski was unanimously elected mareschal; but no sooner had the
chambers of nuncios begun their deliberations, than a number of voices
were raised against the encroachments of the Russian troops, who had
taken up their residence in Poland; and heavy complaints were made of
the damages sustained from their cruelty and rapine. Great pains were
taken to appease these clamours; and many were prevailed upon to refer
these grievances to the king in senate; but when this difficulty seemed
almost surmounted, Padhorski, the nuncio of Volhinia, stood up, and
declared that he would not permit any other point to be discussed in
the diet while the Russians maintained the least footing within the
territories of the republic. Vain were all the attempts of the courtiers
to persuade and mollify this inflexible patriot, he solemnly protested
against their proceedings, and hastily withdrew; so that the mareschal
was obliged to dissolve the assembly, and recourse was had to a _senatus
consilium_, to concert proper measures to be taken in the present
conjuncture. The king of Poland was on this occasion likewise
disappointed in his views of providing for his son, prince Charles, in
the duchy of Courland. He had been recommended by the court of Russia,
and even approved by the states of that country; but two difficulties
occurred. The states declared, they could not proceed to a new election
during the life of their former duke, count Biron, who was still alive,
though a prisoner in Siberia, unless their duchy should be declared
vacant by the king and republic of Poland; and, according to the laws of
that country, no prince could be elected until he should have declared
himself of the Augsburgh confession. His Polish majesty, however, being
determined to surmount all obstacles to his son’s interest, ordered
count Malachowski, high chancellor of Poland, to deliver to prince
Charles a diploma, by which the king granted permission to the states of
Courland to elect that prince for their duke, and appointed the day for
his election and instalment; which accordingly took place in the month
of January, notwithstanding the clamour of many Polish grandees,
who persisted in affirming that the king had no power to grant such
permission without the consent of the diet. The vicissitudes of the
campaign had produced no revolutions in the several systems adopted by
the different powers in Europe. The czarina, who in the month of June
had signified her sentiments and designs against the king of Prussia,
in a declaration delivered to all the foreign ministers at Petersburgh,
seemed now, more than ever, determined to act vigorously in behalf of
the empress-queen of Hungary, and the unfortunate king of Poland, who
still resided at Warsaw. The court of Vienna distributed among the
imperial ministers at the several courts of the empire, copies of a
rescript explaining the conduct of her generals since the beginning of
the campaign, and concluded with expressions of self-approbation to
this effect: “Though the issue of the campaign be not as yet entirely
satisfactory, and such as might be desired, the imperial court enjoys,
at least, the sincere satisfaction of reflecting, that, according to
the change of circumstances, it instantly took the most vigorous
resolutions; that it was never deficient in any thing that might
contribute to the good of the common cause, and is now employed in
making preparations, from which the most happy consequences may be
expected.”

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE KING OF ENGLAND’S MEMORIAL.

We have already hinted at a decree of the Aulic council of the empire,
published in the month of August, enjoining all directors of circles,
all imperial towns, and the noblesse of the empire, to transmit to
Vienna an exact list of all those who had disobeyed the avocatoria
of the empire, and adhered to the rebellion raised by the elector of
Brandenburgh; that their revenues might be sequestered, and themselves
punished in their honours, persons, and effects. As the elector of
Hanover was plainly pointed out, and, indeed, expressly mentioned in
this decree, the king of Great Britain, by the hands of baron Gemmegen,
his electoral minister, presented a memorial to the diet of the empire
in the month of November, enumerating the instances in which he
exerted himself, and even exposed his life, for the preservation and
aggrandizement of the house of Austria. In return for these important
services, he observed, that the empress-queen had refused him the
assistance stipulated in treaties against an invasion planned by
France, whose hatred he had drawn upon himself by his friendship to
that princess; and his imperial majesty even denied him the dictatorial
letters which he solicited; that the court of Vienna had signed a treaty
with the crown of France, in which it was stipulated that the French
troops should pass the Weser, and invade the electorate of Hanover,
where they were joined by the troops of the empress-queen, who ravaged
his Britannic majesty’s dominions with greater cruelty than even the
French had practised; and the same duke of Cumberland, who had been
wounded at Dettingen in the defence of her imperial majesty, was obliged
to fight at Hastenbeck against the troops of that very princess,
in defence of his father’s dominions; that she sent commissaries to
Hanover, who shared with the crown of France the contributions extorted
from that electorate; rejected all proposals of peace, and dismissed
from her court the minister of Brunswick-Lunenbourg; that his imperial
majesty, who had sworn to protect the empire, and oppose the entrance
of foreign troops destined to oppress any of the states of Germany,
afterwards required the king of England to withdraw his troops from the
countries which they occupied, that the French army might again have
free passage into his German dominions; that the emperor had recalled
these troops, released them from their allegiance to their sovereign,
enjoined them to abandon their posts, their colours, and the service in
which they were embarked, on pain of being punished in body, honour, and
estate: and that the king of England himself was threatened with the ban
of the empire. He took notice, that, in quality of elector, he had been
accused of refusing to concur with the resolutions of the diet taken in
the preceding year; of entering into alliance with the king of Prussia;
joining his troops to the armies of that prince; employing auxiliaries
belonging to the states of the empire; sending English forces into
Germany, where they had taken possession of Embden; and exacting
contributions in different parts of Germany. In answer to these
imputations, he alleged that he could not, consistent with his own
safety or the dictates of common sense, concur with a majority in
joining his troops, which were immediately necessary for his own
defence, to those which, from the arbitrary views of the court of
Vienna, were led against his friend and ally the king of Prussia, by a
prince who did not belong to the generality of the empire, and on whom
the command had been conferred without a previous conclusion of the
Germanic body; that, with respect to his alliance with the king of
Prussia, he had a right, when deserted by his former allies, to seek
assistance wheresoever it could be procured; and surely no just ground
of complaint could be offered against that which his Prussian majesty
lent, to deliver the electoral states of Brunswick, as well as those of
Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel, Hesse, and Ruckebourg, from the oppressions of
their common enemy. Posterity, he said, would hardly believe, that at
a time when the troops of Austria, the Palatinate, and Wirtemberg, were
engaged to invade the countries of the empire, other members of the
Germanic body, who employed auxiliaries in their defence, should be
threatened with outlawry and sequestration. He owned, that, in
quality of king, he had sent over English troops to Germany, and taken
possession of Embden; steps for which he was accountable to no power
upon earth, although the constitutions of the empire permit the
co-estates to make use of foreign troops, not indeed for the purpose of
invasion or conquest in Germany, but for their defence and preservation.
He also acknowledged that he had resented the conduct, and chastised the
injustice, of those co-estates who had assisted his enemies, and helped
to ravage his dominions; inferring, that if the crown of France was free
to pillage the estates of the duke of Brunswick and the landgrave
of Hesse-Cassel, because they had supplied the king of England with
auxiliaries; if the empress-queen had a right to appropriate to herself
half of the contributions raised by the French king in these countries;
surely his Britannic majesty had an equal right to make those feel
the burden of the war who had favoured the unjust enterprises of
his enemies. He expressed his hope, that the diet, after having duly
considered these circumstances, would, by way of advice, propose to his
imperial majesty that he should annul his most inconsistent mandates,
and not only take effectual measures to protect the electorate and its
allies, but also give orders for commencing against the empress-queen,
as archduchess of Austria, the elector Palatine, and the duke of
Wirtemberg, such proceedings as she wanted to enforce against his
Britannic majesty, elector of Brunswick-Lunenbourg. For this purpose
the minister now requested their excellencies to ask immediately the
necessary instructions for their principals. The rest of this long
memorial contained a justification of his Britannic majesty’s conduct in
deviating from the capitulation of Closter-Seven; with a refutation
of the arguments adduced, and a retortion of the reproaches levelled
against the king of England, in the paper or manifesto composed and
published under the direction of the French ministry, and intituled, “A
parallel of the conduct of the king of France with that of the king of
England, relative to the breach of the capitulation of Closter-Seven by
the Hanoverians.” But to this invective a more circumstantial answer
was published; in which, among other curious particulars, the letter of
expostulation, said to have been written by the Prussian monarch to
the king of Great Britain after the defeat of Kolin is treated as an
infamous piece of forgery, produced by some venal pen employed to impose
upon the public. The author also, in his endeavours to demonstrate his
Britannic majesty’s aversion to a continental war, very justly observes,
that “none but such as are unacquainted with the maritime force of
England, can believe, that, without a diversion on the continent, to
employ part of the enemy’s force, she is not in a condition to hope for
success, and maintain her superiority at sea. England, therefore, had no
interest to foment quarrels or wars in Europe; but, for the same reason,
there was room to fear that France would embrace a different system;
accordingly, she took no pains to conceal her views, and her envoys
declared publicly that a war upon the continent was inevitable, and
that the king’s dominions in Germany would be its principal object.” He
afterwards, in the course of his argumentation, adds, “That they must
be very ignorant indeed, who imagine that the forces of England are
not able to resist those of France, unless the latter be hindered from
turning all her efforts to the sea. In case of a war upon the continent,
the two powers must pay subsidies; only with this difference, that
France can employ her own land-forces, and aspire at conquests.” Such
were the professed sentiments of the British ministry, founded upon
eternal truth and demonstration, and openly avowed, when the business
was to prove that it was not the interest of Great Britain to maintain
a war upon the continent; but afterwards, when this continental war was
eagerly espoused, fostered, and cherished by the blood and treasure of
the English nation, then the partisans of that very ministry, which had
thus declared that England, without any diversion on the continent
of Europe, was an overmatch for France by sea, which maybe termed the
British element; then their partisans, their champions, declaimers,
and dependents, were taught to rise in rebellion against their former
doctrine, and, in defiance of common sense and reflection, affirm that a
diversion in Germany was absolutely necessary to the successful issue of
England’s operations in Asia, Africa, and America. Notwithstanding all
the facts and arguments assembled in this elaborate memorial, to expose
the ingratitude of the empress-queen, and demonstrate the oppressive
measures adopted by the imperial power, it remains to be proved, that
the member of a community is not obliged to yield obedience to the
resolutions taken, and the decrees published, by the majority of
those who compose this community; especially when reinforced with
the authority of the supreme magistrate, and not repugnant to the
fundamental constitution on which that community was established.




DEATH OF POPE BENEDICT.

If the empress-queen was not gratified to the extent of her wishes in
the fortune of the campaign, at least her self-importance was nattered
in another point, which could not fail of being interesting to a
princess famed for a glowing zeal and inviolable attachment to the
religion of Rome. In the month of August the pope conferred upon her the
title of apostolical queen of Hungary, conveyed by a brief, in which he
extolled her piety, and launched out into retrospective eulogiums of her
predecessors, the princes of Hungary, who had been always accustomed to
fight and overcome for the catholic faith under his holy banner. This
compliment, however, she did not derive from the regard of Prosper
Lambertini, who exercised the papal sway under the assumed name of
Benedict XIV. That pontiff, universally esteemed for his good sense,
moderation, and humanity, had breathed his last in the month of April,
in the eighty-fourth year of his age; and in July was succeeded in
the papacy by cardinal Charles Bezzonico, bishop of Padua, by birth a
Venetian. He was formerly auditor of the Rota; afterwards promoted to
the purple by pope Clement XII. at the nomination of the republic of
Venice; was distinguished by the title of St. Maria d’Ara Coeli, the
principal convent of the Cordeliers, and nominated protector of the
Pandours, or Illyrians. When he ascended the papal chair, he assumed the
name of Clement XIII. in gratitude to the last of that name, who was his
benefactor. Though of a disagreeable person, and even deformed in
his body, he enjoyed good health, and a vigorous constitution. As
an ecclesiastic, his life was exemplary; his morals were pure and
unimpeached; in his character he is said to have been learned, diligent,
steady, devout; and, in every respect, worthy to succeed such a
predecessor as Benedict.




KING OF PORTUGAL ASSASSINATED.

The king of Spain wisely persisted in reaping the advantages of a
neutrality, notwithstanding the intrigues of the French partisans at the
court of Madrid, who endeavoured to alarm his jealousy by the conquests
which the English had projected in America. The king of Sardina
sagaciously kept aloof, resolving, in imitation of his predecessors, to
maintain his power on a respectable footing, and be ready to seize all
opportunities to extend and promote the interest of his crown, and the
advantage of his country. As for the king of Portugal, he had prudently
embraced the same system of forbearance; but in the latter end of the
season, his attention was engrossed by a domestic incident of a very
extraordinary nature. Whether he had, by particular instances of
severity, exasperated the minds of certain individuals, and exercised
his dominion in such acts of arbitrary power as excited a general spirit
of disaffection among his nobility; or, lastly, by the vigorous
measures pursued against the encroaching Jesuits in Paraguay, and their
correspondents in Portugal, had incurred the resentment of that society,
we shall not pretend to determine: perhaps all these motives concurred
in giving birth to a conspiracy against his life, which was actually
executed at this juncture with the most desperate resolution. On the
third day of September, the king, according to custom, going out in
a carriage to take the air, accompanied by one domestic, was, in
the night, at a solitary place near Belem, attacked by three men on
horseback, armed with musquetoons, one of whom fired his piece at the
coachman without effect. The man, however, terrified both on his own
account and that of his sovereign, drove the mules at full speed;
a circumstance which, in some measure, disconcerted the other two
conspirators, who pursued him at full gallop, and having no leisure
to take aim, discharged their pieces at random through the back of the
carriage. The slugs with which they were loaded happened to pass between
the king’s right arm and his breast, dilacerating the parts from the
shoulder to the elbow, but without damaging the bone, or penetrating
into the cavity of the body. Finding himself grievously wounded, and
the blood flowing apace, he, with such presence of mind as cannot be
sufficiently admired, instead of proceeding to the palace, which was at
some distance, ordered the coachman to return to Junqueria, where
his principal surgeon resided, and there his wounds were immediately
dressed. By this resolution he not only prevented the irreparable
mischief that might have arisen from an excessive effusion of blood;
but, without all doubt, saved his life from the bands of other
assassins, posted on the road to accomplish the regicide, in case he
should escape alive from the first attack. This instance of the king’s
recollection was magnified into a miracle, on a supposition that it must
have been the effect of divine inspiration; and, indeed, among a people
addicted to superstition, might well pass for a favourable interposition
of Providence. The king being thus disabled in his right arm, issued a
decree, investing the queen with the absolute power of government. In
the meantime, no person had access to his presence but herself, the
first minister, the cardinal de Saldanha, the physicians, and surgeons.
An embargo was immediately laid on all the shipping in the port of
Lisbon. Rewards were publicly offered, together with the promise of
pardon to the accomplices, for detecting any of the assassins; and such
other measures used, that in a little time the whole conspiracy was
discovered: a conspiracy the more dangerous, as it appeared to have been
formed by persons of the first quality and influence. The duke de Weiro,
of the family of Mascarenhas; the marquis de Tavora, who had been
viceroy of Goa, and now actually enjoyed the commission of general of
the horse; the count de Attougui, the marquis de Alloria, together with
their wives, children, and whole families, were arrested immediately
after the assassination, as principals in the design; and many other
accomplices, including some Jesuits, were apprehended in the sequel.
The further proceedings on this mysterious affair, with the fate of
the conspirators, will be particularized among the transactions of the
following year. At present it will be sufficient to observe, that
the king’s wounds were attended with no bad consequences; nor did the
imprisonment of those noblemen produce any disturbance in the kingdom.




PROCEEDINGS OF THE FRENCH MINISTRY.

The domestic occurrences of France were tissued with a continuation
of the disputes between the parliaments and clergy, touching the
bull Unigenitus. In vain the king had interposed his authority: first
proposing an accommodation; then commanding the parliament to forbear
taking cognizance of a religious contest, which did not fall under their
jurisdiction; and, thirdly, banishing their persons, and abrogating
their power. He afterwards found it necessary to the peace of his
dominions to recall and reinstate those venerable patriots; and being
convinced of the intolerable insolence and turbulent spirit of the
archbishop of Paris, had exiled that prelate in his turn. He was no
sooner re-admitted to his function, than he resumed his former
conduct, touching the denial of the sacraments to those who refused
to acknowledge the bull Unigenitus: he even acted with redoubled zeal;
intrigued with the other prelates; caballed among the inferior clergy;
and not only revived, but augmented, the troubles throughout the whole
kingdom. Bishops, curates, and monks, presumed to withhold spiritual
consolation from persons in extremity, and were punished by the civil
power. Other parliaments of the kingdom followed the example exhibited
by that of Paris, in asserting their authority and privileges. The king
commanded them to desist, on pain of incurring his indignation;
they remonstrated, and persevered; while the archbishop repeated his
injunctions and censures, and continued to inflame the dispute to such
a dangerous degree, that he was given to understand he should be again
obliged to quit the capital, if he did not proceed with more moderation.
But the chief care of the French ministry was employed in regulating
the finances, and establishing funds of credit for raising money to pay
subsidies, and maintain the war in Europe and America. In the course
of this year they had not only considerably reinforced their armies in
Germany, but made surprising efforts to supply the colony of Canada with
troops, artillery, stores, and ammunition, for its defence against the
operations of the British forces, which greatly outnumbered the French
upon the continent. The court of Versailles practised every stratagem
to elude the vigilance of the English cruisers. The ships destined for
America they detached, both single and in convoys, sometimes from
the Mediterranean, sometimes from their harbours in the channel. They
assembled transports in one port, in order to withdraw the attention of
their enemies from another, where their convoys lay ready for sailing;
and in boisterous weather, when the English could no longer block up
their harbours, their store-ships came forth, and hazarded the voyage
for the relief of their American settlements. Those that had the good
fortune to arrive on the coast of that continent, were obliged to have
recourse to different expedients for escaping the British squadrons
stationed at Halifax, or cruising in the bay of St. Laurence. They
either ventured to navigate the river before it was clear of the ice, so
early in the spring, that the enemy had not yet quitted the harbour of
Nova-Scotia; or they waited on the coast of Newfoundland for such thick
fogs as might screen them from the notice of the English cruisers, in
sailing up the gulf; lastly, they penetrated through the straits of
Belleisle, a dangerous passage, which, however, led them directly into
the river St. Laurence, at a considerable distance above the station
of the British squadron. Though the French navy was by this time so
reduced, that it could neither face the English at sea nor furnish
proper convoys for commerce, her ministry nevertheless attempted to
alarm the subjects of Great Britain with the project of an invasion.
Flat-bottomed boats were built, transports collected, large ships of
the line equipped, and troops ordered to assemble on the coast
for embarkation; but this was no more than a feint to arouse the
apprehension of the English, disconcert the administration, prejudice
the national credit, and deter the government from sending forces to
keep alive the war in Germany. A much more effectual method they took to
distress the trade of England, by laying up their useless ships of
war, and encouraging the equipment of stout privateers, which did
considerable damage to the commerce of Great Britain and Ireland, by
cruising in the seas of Europe and America. Some of them lay close in
the harbours of the channel, fronting the coast of England, and darted
out occasionally on the trading ships of this nation, as they received
intelligence from boats employed for that purpose. Some chose their
station in the North sea, where a great number of captures were made
upon the coast of Scotland; others cruised in the chops of the channel,
and even to the westward of Ireland; but the far greater number scoured
the seas in the neighbourhood of the Leeward Islands in the West Indies,
where they took a prodigious number of British ships, sailing to and
from the sugar colonies, and conveyed them to their own settlements in
Martinique, Guadeloupe, or St. Domingo.




CONDUCT OF THE KING OF DENMARK.

With respect to the war that raged in Germany, the king of Denmark
wisely pursued that course, which happily preserved him from being
involved in those troubles by which great part of Europe was agitated,
and terminated in that point of national advantage which a king ought
ever to have in view for the benefit of his people. By observing a
scrupulous neutrality, he enhanced his importance among his neighbours:
he saw himself courted by all the belligerent powers: he saved the
blood and treasure of his subjects: he received large subsidies, in
consideration of his forbearance; and enjoyed, unmolested, a much more
considerable share of commerce than he could expect to carry on, even
in times of universal tranquillity. He could not perceive that the
protestant religion had anything to apprehend from the confederacy which
was formed against the Prussian monarch; nor was he misled into all the
expense, the perils, and disquiets of a sanguinary war, by that _ignis
fatuus_ which hath seduced and impoverished other opulent nations, under
the specious title of the balance of power in Germany. Howsoever he
might be swayed by private inclination, he did not think it was a point
of consequence to his kingdom, whether Pomeranians possessed by Sweden
or Prussia; whether the French army was driven back beyond the Rhine,
or penetrated once more into the electorate of Hanover: whether the
empress-queen was stripped of her remaining possessions in Silesia,
or the king of Prussia circumscribed within the original
bounds of his dominion. He took it for granted that France, for her own
sake, would prevent the ruin of that enterprising monarch; and that
the house of Austria would not be so impolitic and blind to its
own interest, as to permit the empress of Russia to make and retain
conquests in the empire; but even if these powers should be weak enough
to sacrifice all the maxims of sound policy to caprice or resentment,
he did not think himself so deeply concerned in the event, as for the
distant, prospect of what might possibly happen, to plunge headlong into
a war that must be attended with certain and immediate disadvantages.
True it is, he had no hereditary electorate in Germany that was
threatened with invasion; nor, if he had, is it to be supposed that
a prince of his sagacity and patriotism would have impoverished his
kingdom of Denmark, for the precarious defence of a distant territory.
It was reserved for another nation to adopt the pernicious absurdity of
wasting its blood and treasure, exhausting its revenues, loading its own
back with the most grievous impositions, incurring an enormous debt, big
with bankruptcy and ruin; in a word, of expending above an hundred
and fifty millions sterling in fruitless efforts to defend a distant
country, the entire property of which was never valued at one twentieth
part of that sum; a country with which it had no natural connexion, but
a common alliance arising from accident. The king of Denmark, though
himself a prince of the empire, and possessed of dominions in Germany
almost contiguous to the scenes of the present war, did not yet think
himself so nearly concerned in the issue, as to declare himself either
principal or auxiliary in the quarrel; yet he took care to maintain his
forces by sea and land upon a respectable footing; and by this conduct,
he not only provided for the security of his own country, but overawed
the belligerent powers, who considered him as a prince capable of making
either scale preponderate, just as he might choose to trim the balance.
Thus he preserved his wealth, commerce, and consequence undiminished;
and instead of being harassed as a party, was honoured as an umpire.

The United Provinces, though as adverse as his Danish majesty to any
participation in the war, did not, however, so scrupulously observe
the neutrality they professed; at least, the traders of that republic,
either from an inordinate thirst of lucre, or a secret bias in favour of
the enemies of Great Britain, assisted the French commerce with all the
appearance of the most flagrant partiality. We have, in the beginning of
this year’s transactions, observed, that a great number of their ships
were taken by the English cruisers, and condemned as legal prizes for
having French property on board: that the Dutch merchants, exasperated
by their losses, exclaimed against the English as pirates and robbers,
petitioned the states for redress in very high terms, and even loudly
clamoured for a war against Great Britain. The charge of violence
and injustice, which they brought against the English for taking and
confiscating the ships that transported to Europe the produce of the
French islands in the West Indies, they founded on the tenth article of
the treaty of commerce between Great Britain and the states-general of
the United Provinces, concluded in the year one thousand six hundred
and sixty-eight, stipulating, “That whatever shall be found on board
the ships of the subjects of the United Provinces, though the lading, or
part thereof, may belong to the enemies of Great Britain, shall be free
and unmolested, except these be prohibited goods, which are to be served
in the manner described by the foregoing articles.” From this article
the Dutch merchants argued, that, if there be no prohibited goods on
board, the English had no right to stop or molest any of their ships, or
make the least inquiry to whom the merchandise belonged, whence it was
brought, or whither bound. This plea the English casuists would by no
means admit, for the following reasons,--a general and perpetual license
to carry on the whole trade of their enemy would be such a glaring
absurdity, as no convention could authorize: common sense has dictated,
and Grotius declared, that no man can be supposed to have consented to
an absurdity; therefore, the interpretation given by the Dutch to this
article, could not be supposed to be its true and genuine meaning;
which, indeed, relates to nothing more than the common course of trade,
as it was usually carried on in time of peace. But even should this
interpretation be accepted, the article, and the treaty itself, would
be superseded and annulled by a subsequent treaty, concluded between the
two nations in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-five, and
often confirmed since that period, stipulating, in a secret article,
that neither of the contracting parties should give, nor consent, that
any of their subjects and inhabitants should give any aid, favour, or
counsel, directly or indirectly, by land or sea, or on the fresh waters;
nor should furnish, or permit the subjects or inhabitants of their
respective territories to furnish, any ships, soldiers, seamen,
victuals, monies, instruments of war, gunpowder, or any other
necessaries for making war, to the enemies of either party, of any rank
or condition soever. Now, the Dutch have infringed this article in many
instances during the present war, both in Europe and America; and, as
they have so openly contravened one treaty, the English are not
obliged to observe another. They, moreover, forfeited all right to the
observance of the treaty in question, by refusing the succours with
which they were bound, in the most solemn manner, to furnish the king
of Great Britain, in case any of his territories in Europe should
be attacked: for nothing could be more weak and frivolous than the
allegation upon which this refusal was founded, namely, that the
hostilities in Europe were commenced by the English, when they seized
and confiscated the vessels of France; and they, being the aggressors,
had no right to insist upon the succours stipulated in a treaty which
was purely defensive. If this argument has any weight, the treaty itself
can have no signification. The French, as in the present case, will
always commence the war in America; and when their ships, containing
reinforcements and stores for the maintenance of that war, shall be
taken on the European seas, perhaps in consequence of their being
exposed for that purpose, they will exclaim that the English were the
aggressors in Europe, consequently deprived of all benefit accruing from
the defensive treaty subsisting between them and the states-general of
the United Provinces. It being impossible for the English to terminate
the war, while their enemies derive the sinews of it from their commerce
carried on in neutral bottoms, they are obliged to suppress such
collusions, by that necessity which Grotius himself hath allowed to be
a sufficient excuse for deviating from the letter of any treaty
whatsoever. In time of peace no Dutch ships were permitted to carry
the produce of any French sugar island, or even to trade in any of the
French ports in America or the West Indies; consequently, the treaty
which they quote can never justify them in carrying on a commerce,
which, as it did not exist, and was not foreseen, could not possibly
be guarded against when that convention was ratified. Grotius, whose
authority is held in such veneration among the Dutch, has determined
that every nation has a right to seize and confiscate the goods of any
neutral power, which shall attempt to carry them into any place which is
blocked up by that nation, either by land or sea. The French islands in
the West Indies were so blocked up by the English cruisers, that they
could receive no relief from their own government, consequently no
neutral power could attempt to supply them without falling under this
predicament.*

     * In the reign of king William, when the English and Dutch
     were engaged in a war against France, the northern powers of
     Sweden and Denmark attempted to carry on the French
     commerce, under the shade of neutrality; but the Dutch and
     English joined in seizing the vessels that were thus
     employed. Complaints of these captures were made at London
     and the Hague, and the complainants were given to understand
     at both places, that they should not be allowed to carry on
     any trade with France, but what was usual in time of peace.
     In consequence of this declaration, Mr. Groning formed the
     design of writing a treatise on the freedom of navigation,
     and communicated the plan of his work to the celebrated
     Puffendorff, who signified his sentiments in a letter, which
     is preserved by the learned Barbeyrac in his notes upon
     that author’s treatise on the Law of Nature and Nations.

It was for these reasons that the king of England declared, by the mouth
of Mr. Yorke, his minister plenipotentiary at the Hague, in a conference
held in the mouth of August with the deputies of the states-general,
that though he was ready to concur in every measure that should be
proposed for giving satisfaction to their high mightinesses, with
whom he had always studied to live in the most perfect union, he was
nevertheless determined not to suffer the trade of the French colonies
in America to be carried on by the subjects of other powers, under the
specious pretext of neutrality: nor to permit words to be interpreted
as a license to drive a trade with his enemies, which, though not
particularly specified in the articles of contraband, was nevertheless
rendered such in all respects, and in every sense, by the nature of the
circumstances. It is not at all more surprising that the Dutch merchants
should complain, than that the English government should persist in
confiscating the ships that were found to contain the merchandise of
their enemies. The individual traders of every mercantile nation will
run considerable risks in extending their particular commerce, even
when they know it must be detrimental to the general interest of their
country. In the war maintained by the confederates against Louis XIV.
of France, the merchant ships of the Dutch carried on an uninterrupted
trade to the French ports; and, notwithstanding the repeated
solicitations of England, the states-general could never be prevailed
upon to prohibit this commerce, which undoubtedly enabled France to
protract the war. The truth is, they gave the British ministry to
understand, that unless they connived at this traffic, their subjects
could not possibly defray their proportion of the expense at which
the war was maintained. It is well known through all Europe, that the
subjects of the United Provinces reaped considerable advantage, not only
from this branch of illicit trade, but also by providing for both
armies in Flanders, and by the practice of stock-jobbing in England;
consequently, it was not the interest, either of the states-general, or
the English general, between whom there was a very good understanding,
to bring that war to a speedy conclusion: nor indeed ought we to fix the
imputation of partiality upon a whole nation, for the private conduct
of individuals, influenced by motives of self-interest, which co-operate
with the same energy in Holland, and among the subjects of Great
Britain. In the course of the former war, such a scandalous appetite
for gain prevailed in different parts of the British dominions, that
the French islands were actually supplied with provisions, slaves, and
lumber, from Ireland and the British colonies in North America; and
Martinique, in particular, must have surrendered to the commander of the
English squadron stationed in those seas, had it not been thus supported
by English subjects. Certain it is, the Dutch had some reason to
complain that they were decoyed into this species of traffic by the
article of a treaty, which, in their opinion, admitted of no limitation;
and that the government of Great Britain, without any previous warning,
or explaining its sentiments on this subject, swept the sea at once of
all their vessels employed in this commerce, and condemned them, without
mitigation, to the entire ruin of many thousand families. Considering
the intimate connexion of mutual interest subsisting between Great
Britain and the states of the United Provinces, they seem to have had
some right to an intimation of this nature, which, in all probability,
would have induced them to resign all prospect of advantage from the
prosecution of such traffic.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




CONFERENCES AT THE HAGUE.

Besides the universal clamour excited in Holland, and the famous
memorial presented to the states-general, which we have already
mentioned in another place, a deputation of merchants waited four times
successively on the princess regent to explain their grievances, and
demand her concurrence in augmenting the navy for the preservation of
their commerce. She promised to interpose her best offices with the
court of Great Britain; and these co-operating with representations
made by the states-general, the English minister was empowered to open
conferences at the Hague, in order to bring all matters in dispute to an
amicable accommodation. These endeavours, however, proved ineffectual.
The British cruisers continued to take, and the British courts to
condemn, all Dutch vessels containing the produce of the French sugar
islands. The merchants of Holland and Zealand renewed their complaints
with redoubled clamour, and all the trading part of the nation,
reinforced by the whole party that opposed the house of Orange, cried
aloud for an immediate augmentation of the marine, and reprisals upon
the pirates of England. The princess, in order to avoid extremities,
was obliged not only to employ all her personal influence with the
states-general, but also to play off one faction against another, in the
way of remonstrance and exclamation As far back as the month of June,
she presented a memorial to the states-general, reminding them, that in
the beginning of the war between France and England, she had advised
an augmentation should be made in their land-forces, to strengthen
the garrisons of the frontier towns, and cover the territories of the
republic from invasion. She gave them to understand, that the provinces
of Gueldres and Overyssel, intimidated by the proximity of two
formidable armies, had resolved to demand that the augmentation of their
land-forces should be taken into consideration by the other provinces;
and requested her to reinforce their solicitations that this measure
might immediately take place. This request, she said, she the more
readily granted, as she could not but be sensible of the imminent danger
that threatened the republic, especially since the Hanoverian army
had passed the Rhine; and as it behoved the state to put itself in a
condition to hinder either army from retiring into the territories of
the republic, if it should be defeated; for in that case the conqueror,
being authorized to pursue his enemy wherever he can find him, would
bring the war into the heart of their country. This representation had
no other effect than that of suspending the measure which each party
proposed. The princess, in her answer to the fourth deputation of the
merchants, declared that she beheld the present state of their trade
with the most anxious concern; that its want of protection was not
her fault, but that of the towns of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam, Torgau,
Rotterdam, and the Brille, to whose conduct it was owing, that the
forces of the state, by sea and land, were not now on a better footing.
The deputies were afterwards referred to her minister, M. de la Larrey,
to whom they represented, that the augmentation of the land-forces, and
the equipment of a fleet, were matters as distinct from each other
as light from darkness; that there was no pressing motive for an
augmentation of the army, whereas, innumerable reasons rendered the
equipment of a fleet a matter of the most urgent necessity. In a few
days after this representation was made, the princess, in an assembly
of the states-general, requested their high mightinesses, that, seeing
their earnest and repeated efforts to induce the provinces of Holland,
Zealand, Friesland, and West Friesland, to acquiesce in the proposed
augmentation of forces by sea and land, had not hitherto met with
success, they would now consider and deliberate upon some expedient for
terminating this affair, and the sooner the better, in order on one hand
to satisfy the strong and well-grounded instances made by the provinces
of Gueldres, Utrecht, Overyssel, and Groningen; and, on the other, to
comply with the ardent and just desires expressed by the commercial
inhabitants of the country. She told them, that the deputation which
waited on her consisted of forty merchants, a number that merited
attention, no less than the speech they pronounced, of which a great
number of printed copies were distributed through all parts of the
country. Without making any particular remarks on the harangue, she only
observed, that the drift of it did not tend to facilitate the negotiation
begun with Great Britain, nor to induce the nation to prefer a
convention to a rupture with that crown. From this circumstance she
inferred, it was more than time to finish the deliberations on the
proposal for augmenting the forces both by sea and land; a measure,
without which, she was convinced in her conscience, the state was, and
would always remain, exposed to all sorts of misfortune and danger both
now and hereafter.

In consequence of this interposition, the states-general that same day
sent a letter to the states of Holland and West Friesland, communicating
the sentiments of the princess-regent, and insisting upon the necessity
of complying with her proposal of the double augmentation. They
observed, that an augmentation of the land-forces, for the defence of
the frontiers, was unavoidable, as well as an equipment by sea for the
security of commerce: that the states of the provinces of Gueldres,
Utrecht, Overyssel, and Groningen, joined with them in the same opinion;
and accordingly had insisted, by divers letters and propositions, on
those two points so essential to the public interest. They represented
the danger of delay, and the fatal effects of discord; they proposed,
that by a reciprocal indulgence one party should comply with the
sentiments of the other, in order to avoid a schism and dangerous
division among the confederates, the consequences of which would be
very deplorable; while the republic, in the meantime, would remain in
a defenceless condition, both by sea and land, and depend upon the
arbitrary power of its neighbours. They conjured them, therefore, as
they valued the safety of their country, and all that was dear to them;
as they regarded the protection of the good inhabitants, the concord
and harmony which at all times but especially at the present critical
juncture, was of the last necessity, that they would seriously reflect
upon the exhortations of her royal highness, as well as on the repeated
instances of the majority of the confederates, and take a wise and
salutary resolution with regard to the proposed augmentation of the
land-forces, so that this addition, together with an equipment at sea,
might, the sooner the better, be unanimously brought to a conclusion.
It was undoubtedly the duty of all who wished well to their country,
to moderate the heat and precipitation of those, who, provoked by their
losses, and stimulated by resentment, endeavoured at this period to
involve their nation in a war with Great Britain. Had matters been
pushed to this extremity, in a few months the republic would, in all
probability, have been brought to the brink of ruin. The Dutch were
distracted by internal divisions; they were altogether unprovided for
hostilities by sea; the ocean was covered with their trading vessels;
and the naval armaments of Great Britain were so numerous and powerful,
as to render all resistance on that element equally vain and pernicious.
The English could not only have scoured the seas, and made prize of
their shipping, but were also in a condition to reduce or demolish
all their towns in Zealand, where they would hardly have met with any
opposition.






CHAPTER XVI.

     _Domestic Occurrences in Great Britain..... Trials of Dr.
     Hensey and Shebbeare..... Institution of the Magdalen
     Asylum..... Society for the encouragement of Arts.....
     Session opened..... New Treaty with the King of Prussia.....
     Supplies granted..... The King’s Message to the Commons.....
     Bill relating to ihe Distillery, and the Exportation of
     Corn..... Petition from the Justices of Norfolk---Bill for
     the Importation of salted Beef from Treland continued.....
     Regulations with respect to Privateers..... New Militia
     Laws..... Act for the Relief of Debtors revived..... Bills
     for the Importation of Irish Beef and Tallow..... Act
     relative to Milford-Haven..... Bill relative to the Duty on
     Pensions..... Act relative to the Duty on Plate..... Cambric
     Act..... Unsuccessful Bills..... Case of the Insolvent
     Debtors..... Case of Cant. Walker..... Remarks on the
     Bankrupt Laws..... Inquiry into the State of the Poor.....
     Regulations of Weights and Measures..... Resolutions
     concerning the Foundling   Hospital..... Messages from  the
     King to the   Parliament..... Session closed.....
     Preparations for War..... Death of the Princess of Orange
     and Princess Elizabeth Caroline..... Examples made of
     Pirates..... Accounts of some remarkable Murders..... Murder
     of Daniel Clarke..... Majority of the Prince of Wales.....
     Resolutions concerning a new Bridge at Blackfriars..... Pire
     in Cornhill..... Method contrived to find out the
     Longitude..... Installation at Oxford..... Deplorable
     Incident at Sea..... Captures made by separate Cruisers.....
     Captain Hood takes the Bellona..... and Captain Barrington
     the  Count do St. Florentin..... Captain Falkner takes a
     French East Indiaman..... Prize taken in the West
     Indies..... Engagement between the Hercules and the
     Florissant..... Havre-de-Grace   bombarded by Admiral
     Rodney..... Admiral Boscawen defeats M. de la Clue.....
     Preparations made by the French for invading England.....
     Account of Thurot..... French Fleet sails from  Brest.....
     Admiral Hawke defeats M. de Conflans..... Proceedings of the
     Irish Parliament..... Loyalty of the Irish-Catholics.....
     Dangerous Insurrection in Dublin..... Alarm of a Descent in
     Scotland_

While the operations of the war were prosecuted through the four
quarters of the globe, the island of Great Britain, which may be termed
the centre that gave motion to this vast machine, enjoyed all the
tranquillity of the most profound peace, and saw nothing of war but the
preparations and trophies, which served only to animate the nation to
a desire of further conquest; for the dejection occasioned by the
misfortune at St. Cas soon vanished before the prospect of victory and
success. Considering the agitation naturally produced among the common
people, by the practice of pressing men into the service of the navy,
which, in the beginning of the year, had been carried on with unusual
violence, the levy of so many new corps of soldiers, and the endeavours
used in forming the national militia, very few disturbances happened
to interrupt the internal repose of the nation. From private acts
of malice, fraud, violence, and rapine, no community whatsoever is
exempted. In the month of April, the temporary wooden bridge over the
Thames, built for the conveniency of carriages and passengers, while the
workmen should be employed in widening and repairing London bridge, was
maliciously set on fire in the night, and continued burning till noon
next day, when the ruins of it fell into the river. The destruction of
this conveniency proved very detrimental to the commerce of the city,
notwithstanding the vigilancy and discretion of the magistrates, in
applying remedies for this misfortune. A promise of the king’s pardon
was offered in a public advertisement, by the secretary of state, and
a reward of two hundred pounds by the city of London, to any person who
should discover the perpetrator of such wicked outrage; but nevertheless
he escaped detection. No individual, nor any society of men, could have
the least interest in the execution of such a scheme, except the body
of London watermen; but as no discovery was made to the prejudice of any
person belonging to that society, the deed was imputed to the malice of
some secret enemy to the public. Even after a new temporary bridge
was erected, another attempt was made (in all probability by the same
incendiary) to reduce the whole to ashes, but happily miscarried, and a
guard was appointed to prevent any such atrocious efforts in the sequel.
Dangerous tumults were raised in and about Manchester, by a prodigious
number of manufacturers who had left off working, and entered into a
combination to raise, by force, the price of their labour. They had
formed a regular plan, and collected large sums for the maintenance of
the poorer sort, while they refused to work for their families. They
insulted and abused all those who would not join in this defection,
dispersed incendiary letters; and denounced terrible threats against all
such as should presume to oppose their proceedings. But these menaces
had no effect upon the magistrates and justices, who did their duty with
such discretion and courage, that the ringleaders being singled out and
punished by law, the rest were soon reduced to order.




TRIALS OF DRS. HENSEY AND SHEBBEARE

In the month of June, Florence Hensey, an obscure physician, and native
of Ireland, who had been apprehended for treasonable practices, was
tried in the court of king’s-bench, on an indictment for high treason.
In the course of the trial it appeared that he had been employed as
a spy for the French ministry; to which, in consideration of a paltry
pension, he sent intelligence of every material occurrence in Great
Britain. The correspondence was managed by his brother, a Jesuit, who
acted as chaplain and secretary to the Spanish ambassador at the Hague.
The British resident at that court having learned from the Spanish
minister some secrets relating to England, even before they were
communicated to him from the English ministry, was induced to set
on foot an inquiry touching the source of this information, and soon
received an assurance, that the secretary of the Spanish ambassador had
a brother, a physician in London. The suspicion naturally arising from
this circumstance being imparted to the ministry of England, Hensey was
narrowly watched, and twenty-nine of his letters were intercepted. From
the contents of these he was convicted of having given the French court
the first notice of the expedition to North America, the capture of
the two ships, the Alcide and Lys, the sailing and destination of every
squadron and armament, and the difficulties that occurred in raising
money for the service of the public. He had even informed them, that the
secret expedition of the foregoing year was intended against Eochefort,
and advised a descent upon Great Britain, at a certain time and
place, as the most effectual method of distressing the government, and
affecting the public credit. After a long trial he was found guilty of
treason, and received the sentence of death usually pronounced on such
occasions; but whether he earned forgiveness by some material discovery,
or the minister found him so insensible and insignificant that he was
ashamed to take his life, he escaped execution, and was pardoned, on
condition of going into perpetual exile. The severity of the government
was much about the same period exercised on Dr. Shebbeare, a public
writer, who, in a series of printed letters to the people of England,
had animadverted on the conduct of the ministry in the most acrimonious
terms, stigmatized some great names with all the virulence of censure,
and even assaulted the throne itself with oblique insinuation and
ironical satire. The ministry, incensed at the boldness, and still more
enraged at the success of this author, whose writings were bought
with avidity by the public, determined to punish him severely for
his arrogance and abuse, and he was apprehended by a warrant from
the secretary’s office. His sixth letter to the people of England was
pitched upon as the foundation of a prosecution. After a short trial
in the court of king’s bench, he was found guilty of having written the
sixth letter to the people of England, adjudged a libellous pamphlet,
sentenced to stand in the pillory, to pay a small fine, to be imprisoned
three years, and give security for his future good behaviour; so that,
in effect, this good man suffered more for having given vent to the
unguarded effusions of mistaken zeal, couched in the language of passion
and scurrility, than was inflicted upon Hensey, a convicted traitor, who
had acted as spy for France, and betrayed his own country for hire.




INSTITUTION OF THE MAGDALEN AND OTHER ASYLUMS.

Amidst a variety of crimes and disorders, arising from impetuosity of
temper, unreined passions, luxury, extravagance, and an almost total
want of police and subordination, the virtues of benevolence are always
springing up to an extraordinary growth in the British soil; and here
charities are often established by the humanity of individuals, which
in any other country would be honoured as national institutions: witness
the great number of hospitals and infirmaries in London and Westminster,
erected and maintained by voluntary contributions, or raised by the
princely donations of private founders. In the course of this year the
public began to enjoy the benefit of several admirable institutions.
Mr. Henry Baine, a private gentleman of Middlesex, had, in his lifetime,
built and endowed an hospital for the maintenance of forty poor maidens.
By his will he bequeathed a certain sum of money to accumulate at
interest, under the management of trustees, until the yearly produce
should amount to two hundred and ten pounds, to be given in marriage
portions to two of the maidens educated in his hospital, at the age of
twenty-two, who should be the best recommended for piety and industry by
the masters or mistresses whom they had served. In the month of March,
the sum destined for this laudable purpose was completed: when the
trustees, by public advertisement, summoned the maidens educated in the
hospital to appear on a certain day, with proper certificates of their
behaviour and circumstances, that six of the most deserving might be
selected to draw lots for the prize of one hundred pounds, to be paid
as her marriage portion, provided she married a man of an unblemished
character, a member of the church of England, residing within certain
specified parishes, and approved by the trustees. Accordingly, on the
first of May the candidates appeared, and the prize being gained by one
young woman, in presence of a numerous assembly of all ranks, attracted
by curiosity, the other five maidens, with a sixth, added in lieu of her
who had been successsful, were marked for a second chance on the same
day of the following year, when a second prize of the same value would
be presented: thus a new candidate will be added every year, that
every maiden who has been educated in this hospital, and preserved her
character without reproach, may have a chance for the noble donation,
which is also accompanied with the sum of five pounds to defray the
expense of the wedding entertainment. One scarce knows whether most
to admire the plan, or commend the humanity of this excellent
institution.--Of equal and perhaps superior merit was another charitable
establishment, which also took effect about this period. A small number
of humane individuals, chiefly citizens of London, deeply affected with
the situation of common prostitutes, who are certainly the most forlorn
of all human creatures, formed a generous resolution in their favour,
such as even the best men of the kingdom had never before the courage to
avow. They considered that many of these unhappy creatures, so wretched
in themselves, and so productive of mischief to society, had been
seduced to vice in their tender years by the perfidious artifice of the
other sex, or the violence of unruly passion, before they had acquired
experience to guard against the one, or foresight to perceive the
fatal consequences of the other; that the jewel, reputation, being thus
irretrievably lost, perhaps in one unguarded moment, they were covered
with shame and disgrace, abandoned by their families, excluded from all
pity, regard, and assistance; that, stung by self-conviction, insulted
with reproach, denied the privilege of penitence and contrition, cut off
from all hope, impelled by indigence, and maddened by despair, they had
plunged into a life of infamy, in which they were exposed to deplorable
vicissitudes of misery, and the most excruciating pangs of reflection
that any human being could sustain; that whatever remorse they might
feel, howsoever they might detest their own vice, or long for an
opportunity of amendment, they were entirely destitute of all means of
reformation. They were not only deprived of all possibility of profiting
by those precious moments of repentance, and becoming again useful
members of society; but, in order to earn a miserable subsistence,
were obliged to persevere in the paths of prostitution, and act as
the instruments of heaven’s vengeance in propagating distemper and
profligacy, in ruining the bodies and debauching the minds of
their fellow-creatures. Moved to sympathy and compassion by these
considerations, this virtuous band of associates determined to provide
a comfortable asylum for female penitents, to which they might fly for
shelter from the receptacles of vice, the miseries of life, and the
scorn of mankind; where they might indulge the salutary sentiments of
remorse, make their peace with heaven, accustom themselves to industry
and temperance, and be profitably reunited to society, from which they
had been so unhappily dissevered. The plan of this excellent institution
being formed, was put in execution by means of voluntary subscription,
and the house opened in Goodman ‘s-fields, under the name of the
Magdalen-hospital, in the month of August, when fifty petitions were
presented by penitent prostitutes, soliciting admittance. Another asylum
was also opened by the hand of private charity, on the Surrey-side of
Westminster-bridge, for the reception and education of female orphans,
and children abandoned by their parents.




SOCIETY FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF ARTS.

Nor was encouragement refused to those who distinguished themselves by
extraordinary talents in any branch of the liberal and useful arts and
sciences, though no Maecenas appeared among the ministers, and not
the least ray of patronage glimmered from the throne. The protection,
countenance, and gratification secured in other countries by the
institution of academies, and the liberalities of princes, the ingenious
in England derived from the generosity of a public, endued with taste
and sensibility, eager for improvement, and proud of patronising
extraordinary merit. Several years had already elapsed since a society
of private persons was instituted at London, for the encouragement
of arts, manufactures, and commerce. It consisted of a president,
vice-president, secretary, register, collector, and other officers,
elected from a very considerable number of members, who pay a certain
yearly contribution for the purposes of the institution. In the course
of every year they held eight general meetings in a large assembly-room,
built and furnished at the common expense; besides the ordinary meetings
of the society, held every week, from the second Wednesday in November
to the last Wednesday in May; and in the intermediate time, on the first
and third Wednesday of every month. At these ordinary meetings, provided
the number then present exceeded ten, the members had a right to proceed
on business, and power to appoint such committees as they should
think necessary. The money contributed by this association, after the
necessary expense of the society had been deducted, was expended in
premiums for planting and husbandry; for discoveries and improvements
in chemistry, dying, and mineralogy; for promoting the ingenious arts of
drawing, engraving, casting, painting, statuary, and sculpture; for the
improvement of manufactures and machines, in the various articles
of hats, crapes, druggets, mills, marbled-paper, ship-blocks,
spinning-wheels, toys, yarn, knitting, and weaving. They likewise
allotted sums for the advantage of the British colonies in America,
and bestowed premiums on those settlers who should excel in curing
cochineal, planting logwood-trees, cultivating olive-trees, producing
myrtle-wax, making potash, preserving raisins, curing saffiour, making
silk and wines, importing sturgeon, preparing isinglass, planting
hemp and cinnamon, extracting opium and the gum of the persimon-tree,
collecting stones of the mango, which should be found to vegetate in the
West Indies; raising silk-grass, and laying out provincial gardens. They
moreover allowed a gold medal in honour of him who should compose the
best treatise on the arts of peace, containing an historical account of
the progressive improvements of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce
in the kingdom of England, with the effects of those improvements on the
morals and manners of the people, and pointing out the most proper means
for their future advancement. In a word, the society is so numerous,
the contributions so considerable, the plan so judiciously laid, and
executed with such discretion and spirit, as to promise much more
effectual and extensive advantage to the public than ever accrued from
all the boasted academies of Christendom. The artists of London had long
maintained a private academy for improvement in the art of drawing from
living figures; but in order to extend this advantage, which was not
attained without difficulty and expense, the duke of Richmond, a young
nobleman of the most amiable character, provided a large apartment
at Whitehall, for the use of those who studied the arts of painting,
sculpture, and engraving; and furnished it with a collection of original
plaster casts from the best antique statues and busts at Rome and
Florence. Here any learner had liberty to draw, or make models, under
the eye and instructions of two eminent artists and twice a year the
munificent founder bestowed premiums of silver medals on the four pupils
who excelled the rest in drawing from a certain figure, and making the
best model of it in basso-relievo. [479] _[See note 3 R, at the end of
this Vol.]_

On the twenty-third day of November both houses of parliament met at
Westminster, when his majesty being indisposed, the session was opened
by commission, and the lord-keeper harangued them to this effect. He
told them, his majesty had directed the lords of the commission to
assure his parliament that he always received the highest satisfaction
in being able to lay before them any event that might promote the honour
and interests of his kingdoms; that in consequence of their advice, and
enabled by the assistance which they unanimously gave, his majesty had
exerted his endeavours to carry on the war in the most vigorous manner,
in order to attain that desirable end, always to be wished, a safe and
honourable peace:* that it had pleased the Divine Providence to bless
his measures and arms with success in several parts, and to make the
enemies of the nation feel, that the strength of Great Britain is not to
be provoked with impunity: that the conquest of the strong fortress of
Louisbourg, with the islands of Cape-Breton and St. John; the demolition
of Frontenac, of the highest importance to his operations in America,
and the reduction of Senegal, could not fail to bring great distress on
the French commerce and colonies, and, in proportion, to procure great
advantages to those of Great Britain.

     * In the month of August, the king, in quality of elector of
     Hanover, having occasion for two hundred thousand pounds, a
     loan by subscription for that sum was opened at the bank,
     and filled immediately by seven or eight money-dealers of
     London.

He observed, that France had also been made sensible, that whilst
her forces are sent forth to invade and ravage the dominions of her
neighbours, her own coasts are not inaccessible to his majesty’s fleets
and armies--a truth which she had experienced in the demolition of the
works at Cherbourg, erected at a great expense, with a particular view
to annoy England, as well as in the loss of a great number of ships and
vessels; but no treatment, however injurious to his majesty, could tempt
him to make retaliation on the innocent subjects of that crown. He told
them, that in Germany his majesty’s good brother the king of Prussia,
and prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, had found full employment for
the enemies of France and her confederates, from which the English
operations, both by sea and in America, had derived the most evident
advantage: their successes owing, under God, to their able conduct, and
the bravery of his majesty’s troops, and those of his allies, having
been signal and glorious. The king, moreover, commanded them to declare,
that the common cause of liberty and independency was still making noble
and glorious efforts against the unnatural union formed to oppress it:
that the commerce of his subjects, the source of national riches, had,
by the vigilant protection received from his majesty’s fleet, flourished
in a manner not to be paralleled during such troubles. In this state of
things, he said, the king in his wisdom thought it unnecessary to
use many words to persuade them to bear up against all difficulties,
effectually to stand by and defend his majesty, vigorously to support
the king of Prussia and the rest of his majesty’s allies, and to exert
themselves to reduce their enemies to equitable terms of accommodation.
He observed to the house of commons, that the uncommon extent of this
war, in different parts, occasioned it to be uncommonly expensive: that
the king had ordered them to declare to the commons, that he sincerely
lamented, and deeply felt, for the burdens of his people: that the
several estimates were ordered to be laid before them: and that he
desired only such supplies as should be requisite to push the war with
advantage, and be adequate to the necessary services. In the last place,
he assured them the king took so much satisfaction in that good harmony
which subsisted among his faithful subjects, that it was more proper for
him now to thank them for it, than to repeat his exhortation to it:
that this union, necessary at all times, was more especially so in such
critical conjunctures; and his majesty doubted not but the good effects
the nation had found from it would be the strongest motives to them
to pursue it.--The reader will, no doubt, be surprised to find this
harangue abound with harshness of period and inelegancy of expression;
he will wonder that, in particularizing the successes of the year in
America, no mention is made of the reduction of fort Du Quesne on the
river Ohio; a place of great importance, both from its strength and
situation, the erection of which had been one great motive to the war
between the two nations; but he will be still more surprised to hear
it declared from the throne, that the operations, both by sea and in
America, had derived the most evident advantage from the war in Germany.
An assertion the more extraordinary, as the British ministry, in their
answer to the Parallel, which we have already mentioned, had expressly
affirmed, that “none but such as are unacquainted with the maritime
force of England can believe, that without a diversion on the continent,
to employ part of the enemy’s force, she is not in a condition to hope
for success and maintain her superiority at sea. That they must be very
ignorant indeed, who imagine that the forces of England are not able to
resist those of France unless the latter be hindered from turning all
her efforts to the sea.” It is very remarkable that the British ministry
should declare that the war in Germany was favourable to the English
operations by sea and in America, and almost in the same breath accuse
the French king of having fomented that war. Let us suppose that France
had no war to maintain in Europe; and ask in what manner she, in that
case, would have opposed the progress of the British arms by sea and in
America? Her navy was reduced to such a condition that it durst not quit
her harbours; her merchant ships were all taken, her mariners confined
in England, and the sea was covered with British cruisers: in these
circumstances, what expedients could she have contrived for sending
supplies and reinforcements to America, or for opposing the naval
armaments of Great Britain in any other part of the world?--None.
Without ships and mariners, her troops, ammunition, and stores were,
in this respect, as useless as money to a man shipwrecked on a desolate
island. But granting that the war in Germany had, in some measure,
diverted the attention of the French ministry from the prosecution of
their operations in America, (and this is granting more than ought to
be allowed,) the question is not, Whether the hostilities upon the
continent of Europe prevented France from sending a greater number of
troops to Canada; but whether the war in Germany was either necessary or
expedient for distressing the French more effectually in other parts of
the world? Surely every intelligent man of candour must answer in the
negative. The expense incurred by England for subsidies and armies in
the empire exceeded three millions sterling annually; and this enormous
expense, without being able to protect Hanover, only served to keep the
war alive in different parts of Germany. Had one half of this sum
been employed in augmenting and extending the naval armaments of Great
Britain, and in reinforcing her troops in America and the West Indies,
France would have been, at this day, deprived of all her sugar colonies,
as well as of her settlements on the continent of America; and being
absolutely cut off from these sources of wealth, would have found it
impracticable either to gratify her subsidiaries, or to maintain such
formidable armies to annoy her neighbours. These are truths, which will
appear to the conviction of the public, when the illusive spells of
unsubstantial victory are dissolved, and time shall have dispersed
the thick mists of prejudice which now seem to darken and perplex the
understanding of the people.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




NEW TREATY WITH THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

The conduct of the administration was so agreeable to both houses of
parliament, that in their address to the throne they expressed their
unshaken zeal and loyalty to his majesty’s person, congratulated him on
the success of his arms, and promised to support his measures and allies
with steadiness and alacrity. *

     * That the charge of disaffection to the king’s person,
     which was so loudly trumpeted by former ministers and their
     adherents against those who had honesty and courage to
     oppose the measures of a weak and corrupt administration,
     was entirely false and without foundation, appeared at this
     juncture, when in the midst of a cruel, oppressive, and
     continental war, maintained by the blood and treasure of
     Great Britain, all opposition ceased in both houses of
     parliament. The addresses of thanks to his majesty, which
     are always dictated by the immediate servants of the crown,
     were unanimously adopted in both houses, and not only
     couched in terms of applause, but even inflated with
     expressions of rapture and admiration. They declared
     themselves sensible, that the operations of Great Britain,
     both by sea and in America, had received the most evident
     and important advantages from the maintenance of the war in
     Germany, and seemed eager to espouse any measure that might
     gratify the inclination of the sovereign.

It was probably in consequence of this assurance that a new treaty
between Great Britain and Prussia was concluded at London on the seventh
day of December, importing, That as the burdensome war in which the
king of Prussia is engaged, lays him under the necessity of making fresh
efforts to defend himself against the multitude of enemies who attack
his dominions, he is obliged to take new measures with the king of
England, for their reciprocal defence and safety; and his Britannic
majesty hath at the same time signified his earnest desire to strengthen
the friendship subsisting between the two courts; and, in consequence
thereof, to conclude a formal convention, for granting to his Prussian
majesty speedy and powerful assistance, their majesties have nominated
and authorized their ministers to concert and settle the following
articles:--All formal treaties between the two crowns, particularly that
signed at Westminster on the sixteenth day of January in the year
1756, and the convention of the eleventh of April in the year 1758, are
confirmed by the present convention of the eleventh of April in the year
1758, in their whole tenor, as if they were herein inserted word for
word. The king of Great Britain shall cause to be paid at London, to
such person or persons as shall be authorized by the king of Prussia for
that end, the sum of four millions of rix-dollars, making six hundred
and seventy thousand pounds sterling, at one payment, immediately on the
exchange of the ratification, if the king of Prussia should so require.
His Prussian majesty shall employ the said sum in supporting and
augmenting his forces, which shall act in such manner as shall be of the
greatest service to the common cause, and contribute most to the mutual
defence and safety of their said majesties. The king of Great Britain,
both as king and elector, and the king of Prussia, reciprocally bind
themselves not to conclude with the powers that have taken part in the
present war, any treaty of peace, truce, or other such like convention,
but by common advice and consent, each expressly including therein the
other. The ratification of the present convention shall be exchanged
within six weeks, or sooner, if possible. In effect, this treaty was no
other than a renewal of the subsidy from year to year, because it was
not thought proper to stipulate in the first subsidiary convention an
annual supply of such importance until the war should be terminated,
lest the people of England should be alarmed at the prospect of such
successive burdens, and the complaisance of the commons be in some
future session exhausted. On the whole, this was perhaps the most
extraordinary treaty that ever was concluded; for it contains no
specification of articles, except the payment of the subsidy; every
other article was left to the interpretation of his Prussian majesty.

{1759}




SUPPLIES GRANTED.

The parliament, having performed the ceremony of addresses to the
throne, immediately proceeded to the great work of the supply. The two
committees in the house of commons were immediately established, and
continued by adjournments to the month of May, by the twenty-third day
of which all their resolutions were taken. They voted sixty thousand
men, including fourteen thousand eight hundred and forty-five marines,
for the service of the ensuing year; and for the operations by land,
a body of troops amounting to fifty-two thousand five hundred and
fifty-three effective men, besides the auxiliaries of Hanover, Hesse,
Brunswick, Saxe-Gotha, and Buckebourg, to the number of fifty thousand,
and five battalions on the Irish establishment in actual service in
America and Africa. For the maintenance of the sixty thousand men
employed in the sea-service, they granted three millions one hundred and
twenty thousand pounds; for the land-forces, one million two hundred and
fifty-six thousand one hundred and thirty pounds, fifteen shillings
and two-pence; for the charge of the additional five battalions, forty
thousand eight hundred and seventy-nine pounds, thirteen shillings and
nine-pence; for the pay of the general and staff-officers, and hospitals
of the land-forces, fifty-two thousand four hundred and eighty-four
pounds one shilling and eight-pence; for maintaining the garrisons
in the Plantations, Gibraltar, Nova-Scotia, Newfoundland, Providence,
Cape-Breton, and Senegal, the sum of seven hundred and forty-two
thousand five hundred and thirty-one pounds, five shillings and
seven-pence; for the charge of ordnance for land-service, two hundred
and twenty thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine pounds, eleven
shillings and nine-pence; for extraordinary service performed by the
same office, and not provided for by parliament in the course of the
preceding year, three hundred and twenty-three thousand nine hundred
and eighty-seven pounds, thirteen shillings and three-ponce; for the
ordinary of the navy, including half-pay to sea-officers, two hundred
and thirty-eight thousand four hundred and ninety-one pounds, nine
shillings and eight-pence; towards the support of Greenwich-hospital,
and for the out-pensioners of Chelsea-college, the sum of thirty-six
thousand pounds. They allotted for one year’s expense, incurred by the
foreign troops in the pay of Great Britain, one million two hundred
thirty-eight thousand one hundred and seventy-seven pounds, nineteen
shillings and ten-pence, over and above sixty thousand pounds for
enabling his majesty to fulfil his engagements with the landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel, pursuant to the separate article of a new treaty concluded
between them in the month of January of this current year, stipulating,
that this sum should be paid to his serene highness in order to
facilitate the means by which he might again fix his residence in his
own dominions, and by his presence give fresh courage to his faithful
subjects. Eighty thousand pounds were granted for enabling his majesty
to discharge the like sum raised in pursuance of an act passed in the
preceding session, and charged upon the first aids or supplies to be
granted in this session of parliament. The sum of two hundred thousand
pounds was voted towards the building and repairing ships of war for the
ensuing year. Fifteen thousand pounds were allowed for improving London
bridge; and forty thousand on account, for the Foundling-hospital. For
the charge of transports to be employed in the course of the year they
assigned six hundred sixty seven thousand seven hundred and twenty-one
pounds nineteen shillings and seven-pence: for maintaining the colonies
of Nova-Scotia and Georgia they bestowed twenty-five thousand two
hundred and thirty-eight pounds thirteen shillings and five-pence. To
replace sums taken from the sinking fund, thirty-three thousand two
hundred and fifty-two pounds eighteen shillings and ten-pence halfpenny;
for maintaining the British forts and settlements en the coast of
Africa, ten thousand pounds, and for paying off the mortgage on an
estate devised for the endowment of a professorship in the university of
Cambridge, the sum of twelve hundred and eighty pounds. For the expence
of the militia they voted ninety thousand pounds: for extraordinary
expenses relating to the land-forces, incurred in the course of
last year, and unprovided for by parliament, the sum of four hundred
fifty-six thousand seven hundred and eighty-five pounds ten shillings
and five-pence three farthings. For the purchase of certain lands
and hereditaments, in order to secure the king’s docks at Portsmouth,
Chatham, and Plymouth, they granted thirty-six thousand nine hundred
and sixty-six pounds two shillings and ten-pence. They voted two hundred
thousand pounds for enabling his majesty to give proper compensation
to the respective provinces in North-America, for the expenses that had
been incurred in levying and maintaining troops for the service of the
public. They granted twenty thousand pounds to the East-India company,
towards enabling them to defray the expense of a military force in
their settlements: and the same sum was granted for carrying on the
fortification to secure the harbour of Milford. To make good several
sums issued by his majesty, for indemnifying the inn-holders and
victuallers of Hampshire for the expenses they had incurred in
quartering the Hessian auxiliaries in England; for an addition to the
salaries of judges, and other less considerable purposes, they allowed
the sum of twenty-six thousand one hundred and seventy-eight pounds
sixteen shillings and six-pence. Finally, they voted one million, upon
account, for enabling the king to defray any extraordinary expense of
the war, incurred, or to be incurred, for the service of the current
year; and to take all such measures as might be necessary to disappoint
or defeat any enterprises or designs of his enemies, as the exigency of
affairs should require. The sum of all the grants voted by the committee
of supply, amounted to twelve millions seven hundred sixty-one thousand
three hundred and ten pounds nineteen shillings and five-pence.




KING’S MESSAGE TO THE COMMONS.

The commons were still employed in deliberations on ways and means on
the twenty-second day of May, when Mr. secretary Pitt communicated to
them a message from the king, couched in these terms: “His majesty,
relying on the experienced zeal and affection of his faithful commons,
and considering that, in this critical conjuncture, emergencies may
arise, which may be of the utmost importance, and be attended with the
most pernicious consequences, if proper means should not immediately
be applied to prevent or defeat them, is desirous that this house will
enable him to defray any extraordinary expenses of the war, incurred, or
to be incurred, for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifty-nine, and to take all such measures as may be necessary to
disappoint or defeat any enterprises or designs of his enemies, and
as the exigencies of affairs may require.” This message being read, a
motion was made, and agreed to _nem. con._ that it should be referred to
the committee, who forthwith formed upon it the resolution, whereby
one million was granted, to be raised by loans or exchequer bills,
chargeable on the first aids that should be given in the next session.
This produced a bill enabling his majesty to raise the sum of one
million, for the uses and purposes therein mentioned, comprehending a
clause, allowing the Bank of England to advance on the credit of the
loan therein mentioned any sum not exceeding a million, notwithstanding
the act of the fifth and sixth year in the reign of William and Mary, by
which the bank was established.




BILLS RELATING TO THE DISTILLERY, &c.

The bills relating solely to the supply being discussed and expedited,
the house proceeded, as usual, to an act other laws for the advantage of
the community. Petitions having been presented by the cities of Bristol
and New-Sarum, alleging, that since the laws prohibiting the making of
low wines and spirits from grain, meal, and flour, had been in force, the
commonalty appeared more sober, healthy, and industrious: representing
the ill consequences which they apprehended would attend the repeal of
these laws, and therefore praying their continuance. A committee of
the whole house resolved that the prohibition to export corn should be
continued to the twenty-fourth day of December, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and fifty nine; subject nevertheless to such provisions
for shortening the said term of its continuance as should therefore be
made by an act of that session, or by his majesty with the advice of
his privy-council during the recess of parliament; that the act for
discontinuing the duties upon corn and flour imported, or brought in as
prize, was not proper to be further continued; and that the prohibition
to make low wines or spirits from any sort of grain, meal, or flour,
should be continued to the twenty-fourth day of December, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine. Before the bill was formed
on these resolutions, petitions arrived from Liverpool and Bath, to the
same purport as those of Bristol and Sarum: while on the other hand, a
remonstrance was presented by a great number of the malt-distillers of
the city and suburbs of London, alleging, that it having been deemed
expedient to prohibit the distilling of spirits from any sort of
grain, to the twenty-fourth day of December then instant, some of the
petitioners had entirely ceased to carry on the business of distilling,
while others, merely with a view to preserve their customers, the
compound distillers, and employ some of their servants, horses, and
utensils, had submitted to carry on the distillation of spirits from
molasses and sugars under great disadvantages, in full hope that the
restraint would cease at the expiration of the limited time, or at least
when the necessity which occasioned that restraint should be removed;
that it was with great concern they observed a bill would be brought in
for protracting the said prohibition, at a time when the price of all
manner of grain, and particularly of wheat and barley, was considerably
reduced, and, as they humbly conceived, at a reasonable medium.
They expatiated on the great loss they, as well as many traders and
artificers dependent upon them, must sustain in case the said bill
should be passed into a law. They prayed the house to take these
circumstances into consideration, and either permit them to carry on the
distillation from wheat, malt, and other grain, under such restrictions
as should be judged necessary; or to grant them such other relief, in
respect of their several losses and incumbrances, as to the house shall
seem reasonable and expedient. This petition, though strenuously urged
by a powerful and clamorous body without doors, did not meet great
encouragement within. It was ordered to lie upon the table, and an
instruction was given to the committee, empowering them to receive a
clause or clauses to allow the transportation of certain quantities of
meal, flour, bread, and biscuit, to the islands of Guernsey and Jersey,
for the sole use of the inhabitants; and another to prohibit the making
of low wines and spirits from bran. Much more attention was paid to a
petition of several farmers in the county of Norfolk, representing,
that their farms consisted chiefly of arable land, which produced much
greater quantities of corn than could be consumed within that county;
that in the last harvest there was a great and plentiful crop of all
sorts of grain, the greatest part of which had by unfavourable weather
been rendered unfit for sale at London, or other markets for home
consumption; that large quantities of malt were then lying at London,
arising chiefly from the crops of barley growing in the year one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven, the sale of which was stagnated;
that the petitioners being informed the house had ordered in a bill to
continue the prohibition of corn exported, they begged leave to observe,
that, should it pass into a law, it would be extremely prejudicial to
all, and ruin many farmers of that county, as they had offered their
corn for sale at divers ports and markets of the said county: but the
merchants refused to buy it at any price, alleging, its being unfit for
the London market, the great quantity of corn with which that market was
already overstocked, and their not being allowed either to export it
or make it into malt for exportation. They therefore prayed this
prohibition might be removed, or they the petitioners indulged with some
other kind of relief. Although this remonstrance was duly considered,
the bill passed with the amendments because of the proviso, by which his
majesty in council was empowered to shorten the date of the prohibition
with respect to the exportation of corn during the recess of parliament;
but the temporary restraint laid upon distillation was made absolute,
without any such condition, to the no small disappointment and
mortification of the distillers, who had spared no pains and expense
by private solicitation, and strenuous dispute in the public papers, to
recommend their cause to the favour of the community. They urged that
malt-spirits, when used in moderation, far from being prejudicial to the
health of individuals, were in many damp and marshy parts of the kingdom
absolutely necessary for preserving the field labourers from agues and
other distempers produced by the cold and moisture of the climate; that
if they were debarred the use of malt-spirits, they would have recourse
to French brandy, with which, as they generally reside near the
sea-coast, the smugglers would provide them almost as cheap as the
malt-spirits could be afforded: thus the increased consumption of French
spirit would drain the nation of ready money to a considerable amount,
and prejudice the king’s revenue in the same proportion. They observed,
that many distillers had already quitted that branch of trade and
disposed of their materials; that all of them would probably take
the same resolutions should the bill pass into a law, as no man could
foresee when the prohibition would cease, should it be continued at
a time when all sorts of grain abounded in such plenty, that the very
waste of materials by disuse, over and above the lying out of the money,
would be of great prejudice to the proprietor: thus the business of
distilling, by which so many families were supported, would be banished
from the kingdom entirely; especially, as the expense of establishing
a large distillery was so great, that no man would choose to employ
his money for this purpose, judging from experience that some future
accidental scarcity of corn might induce the legislature to interpose a
ruinous delay in this branch of business. They affirmed, that from the
excessive use of malt-spirits no good argument could be drawn against
this branch of traffic, no more than against any other conveniency of
life; that the excessive use of common beer and ale was prejudicial
to the health and morals of the people, yet no person ever thought of
putting an end to the practice of brewing, in order to prevent the abuse
of brewed liquors. They urged that in all parts of Great Britain there
are some parcels of land that produce nothing to advantage but a coarse
kind of barley called big, which, though neither fit for brewing nor for
baking, may nevertheless be used in the distillery, and is accordingly
purchased by those concerned in this branch at such an encouraging
price, as enables many farmers to pay a higher rent to their landlords
than they could otherwise afford; that there are every year some parcels
of all sorts of grain so damaged by unseasonable weather, or other
accidents, as to be rendered altogether unfit for bread or brewery,
and would prove a very great misfortune to the farmer, if there was no
distillery, for the use of which he could sell his damaged commodity.
They asserted, that malt-spirits were absolutely necessary for
prosecuting some branches of foreign commerce, particularly the trade
to the coast of Africa, for which traffic no assortment could be made
up without a large quantity of geneva, of which the natives are so fond,
that they will not traffic with any merchant who has not a considerable
quantity, not only for sale, but also for presents to their chiefs
and rulers; that the merchants of Great Britain must either have this
commodity of their own produce, or import it at a great national expense
from Holland; that the charge of this importation, together with the
duties payable upon it, some part of which is not to be drawn back on
exportation, will render it impossible for the traders to sell it so
cheap on the coast of Africa as it might be sold by the Dutch, who are
the great rivals of Great Britain in this branch of commerce. To these
arguments, all of which were plausible, and some of them unanswerable,
it was replied, that malt-spirits might be considered as a fatal and
bewitching poison which had actually debauched the minds, and enervated
the bodies, of the common people to a very deplorable degree; that,
without entering further into a comparison between the use and abuse
of the two liquors, beer and geneva, it would be sufficient to observe,
that the use of beer and ale had produced none of those dreadful
effects which were the consequences of drinking geneva; and since the
prohibition of the distilling of malt-spirits had taken place, the
common people were become apparently more sober, decent, healthy, and
industrious: a circumstance sufficient to induce the legislature
not only to intermit, but even totally to abolish the practice of
distillation, which has ever been productive of such intoxication, riot,
disorder, and distemper, among the lower class of the people, as might
be deemed the greatest evils incident to a well-regulated commonwealth.
Their assertion with respect to the coarse kind of barley, called big,
was contradicted as a deviation from truth, inasmuch as it was used in
making malt, as well as in making bread: and with respect to damaged
corn, those who understood the nature of grain affirmed, that it was
spoiled to such a degree as to be altogether unfit for either of these
purposes, the distillers would not purchase it at such a price as would
indemnify the farmer for the charge of threshing and carriage; for the
distillers are very sensible, that their great profit is derived
from their distilling the malt made from the best barley, so that the
increase of the produce far exceeded in proportion the advance of
the price. It was not, however, an easy matter to prove that the
distillation of malt-spirits was not necessary to an advantageous
prosecution of the commerce on the coast of Guinea, as well as among the
Indians in some parts of North America. Certain it is, that, in these
branches of traffic, the want of geneva may be supplied by spirits
distilled from sugars and molasses. After all, it must be owned, that
the good and salutary effects of the prohibition were visible in every
part of the kingdom, and no evil consequence ensued, except a diminution
of the revenue in this article: a consideration which, at all times,
ought to be sacrificed to the health and morals of the people: nor will
this consideration be found of any great weight, when we reflect that
the less the malt-spirit is drunk, the greater quantity of beer and
ale will be consumed, and the produce of the duties and excise upon the
brewery be augmented accordingly.

In the meantime, all sorts of grain continuing to fall in price, and
great plenty appearing in every part of the kingdom, the justices of
the peace, and of the grand juries, assembled at the general quarter
sessions of the peace held for the county of Norfolk, composed and
presented to the house of commons, in the beginning of February, a
petition, representing, that the weather proving unfavourable in
the harvest, great part of the barley raised in that county was much
damaged, and rendered unfit for any other use than that of being
made into malt for exportation; that unless it should be speedily
manufactured for that purpose, it would be entirely spoiled, and perish
in the hands of the growers; a loss that must be very sensibly felt by
the land owners: they, therefore, entreated that leave might be given
for the exportation of malt; and that they might be favoured with such
further relief, as to the house should seem just and reasonable. In
consequence of this petition, the house resolved itself into a committee
to deliberate upon the subject; and as it appeared, upon examination,
that the price of grain was reduced very low, and great abundance
diffused through the kingdom, they resolved, that the continuance of
that part of the act, prohibiting the exportation of grain, ought to be
abridged and shortened, and the exportation of these commodities allowed
under proper regulations, with respect to the time of such exportation
and the allowance of bounties thereupon. A bill being founded on these
resolutions, was discussed, and underwent several amendments: at length
it was sent with a new title to the lords, who passed it without further
alteration, and then it obtained the royal sanction. While this affair
was under the deliberation of the committee, the commons unanimously
issued an order for leave to bring in a bill to continue, for a limited
time, the act of last session, permitting the importation of salted beef
from Ireland into Great Britain, with an instruction to receive a clause
extending this permission to all sorts of salted pork, or hog-meat, as
the officers of the customhouse had refused to admit hams from Ireland
to an entry. The bill likewise received another considerable alteration,
importing, That, instead of the duty of ona shilling and three-pence,
charged by the former act on every hundred weight of salted beef or pork
imported from Ireland, which was found not adequate to the duty payable
for such a quantity of salt as is requisite to be used in curing and
salting thereof; and to prevent as well the expense to the revenue, as
the detriment and loss which would accrue to the owner and importer from
opening the casks in which the provision is generally deposited,
with the pickle or brine proper for preserving the same, in order to
ascertain the net weight of the provision liable to the said duties: for
these reasons it was enacted, That from and after the twenty-fourth
day of last December, and during the continuance of this act, a duty of
three shillings and four-pence should be paid upon importation for every
barrel or cask of salted beef or pork containing thirty-two gallons;
and one shilling and three-pence for every hundred weight of salted beef
called dried beef, dried neats-tongues, or dried hog-meat, and so in
proportion for any greater or lesser quantity.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




REGULATIONS with RESPECT to PRIVATEERS.

Repeated complaints having been made to the government by neutral
nations, especially the Dutch, that their ships had been plundered,
and their crews maltreated by some of the English privateers, the
legislature resolved to provide effectually against any such outrageous
practices for the future: and with this view the commons ordered a bill
to be brought in for amending and explaining an act of the twenty-ninth
year of his late majesty’s reign, intituled, “An act for the
encouragement of seamen, and more speedy and effectual manning of
his majesty’s navy.” While the committee was employed in perusing
commissions and papers relating to private ships of war, that they
might be fully acquainted with the nature of the subject, a considerable
number of merchants and others, inhabiting the islands of Guernsey
and Jersey, presented a petition to the house, alleging, that the
inhabitants of those islands which lie in the British channel within
sight of the French coast, had now, as well as in former wars, embarked
their fortunes in equipping small privateers, which used to run in close
with the French shore, and being disguised like fishing boats, had not
only taken a considerable number of prizes, to the great annoyance of
the enemy, but also obtained material intelligence of their designs on
many important occasions; that these services could not be performed by
large vessels, which durst not approach so near the coast, and indeed
could not appear without giving the alarm, which was communicated from
place to place by appointed signals. Being informed that a bill was
depending, in order to prohibit privateers of small burden, they
declared that such a law, if extended to privateers equipped in those
islands, would ruin such as had invested their fortunes in small
privateers, and not only deprive the kingdom of the before-mentioned
advantages, but expose Great Britain to infinite prejudice from the
small armed vessels of France, which the enemy, in that case, could pour
abroad over the whole channel to the great annoyance of navigation and
commerce. They prayed, therefore, that such privateers as belonged to
the islands of Guernsey and Jersey might be wholly excepted from the
penalties contained in the bill, or that they, the petitioners, might
be heard by their counsel, and be indulged with such relief as the
house should judge expedient. This representation being referred to the
consideration of the committee, produced divers amendments to the
hill, which at length obtained the royal assent, and contained these
regulations: That, after the first day of January in the present year,
no commission should be granted to a privateer in Europe under the
burden of one hundred tons, the force of ten carriage guns, being
three-pounders or above, with forty men at the least, unless the lords
of the admiralty, or persons authorized by them, should think fit to
grant the same to any ship of inferior force or burden, the owners
thereof giving such bail or security as should be prescribed: that the
lords of the admiralty might at any time revoke, by an order in
writing under their hands, any commission granted to a privateer; this
revocation being subject to an appeal to his majesty in council, whose
determination should be final: that, previous to the granting any
commission, the persons proposing to be bound, and give security, should
severally make oath of their being respectively worth more money than
the sum for which they were then to be bound, over and above the payment
of all their just debts: that persons applying for such commissions
should make application in writing, and therein set forth a particular
and exact description of the vessel, specifying the burden, and the
number and nature of the guns on board, to what place belonging, as well
as the name or names of the principal owner or owners, and the number
of men: these particulars to be inserted in the commission; and every
commander to produce such commission to the custom-house officer who
should examine the vessel, and, finding her answer the description,
give a certificate thereof gratis, to be deemed a necessary clearance,
without which the commander should not depart: that if, after the first
day of July, any captain of a privateer should agree for the ransom of
any neutral vessel, or the cargo, or any part thereof, after it should
have been taken as prize, and in pursuance of such agreement should
actually discharge such prize, he should be deemed guilty of piracy; but
that with respect to contraband merchandise, he might take it on board
his own ship, with the consent of the commander of the neutral vessel,
and then set her at liberty; and that no person should purloin or
embezzle the said merchandise before condemnation: that no judge, or
other person belonging to any court of admiralty, should be concerned in
any privateer: that owners of vessels, not being under fifty, or above
one hundred tons, whose commissions are declared void, should be
indemnified for their loss by the public: that a court of oyer and
terminer, and gaol delivery, for the trial of offences committed within
the jurisdiction of the admiralty, should be held twice a-year in the
Old Bailey at London, or in such other place within England as the board
of admiralty should appoint: that the judge of any court of admiralty,
after an appeal interposed, as well as before, should, at the request of
the captor or claimant, issue an order for appraising the capture, when
the parties do not agree upon the value, and an inventory to be taken;
then exact security for the full value, and cause the capture to be
delivered to the person giving such security; but, should objection be
made to the taking such security, the judge should, at the request of
either party, order such merchandise to be entered, landed, and sold at
public auction, and the produce to be deposited at the bank, or in some
public securities: and in case of security being given, the judge should
grant a pass in favour of the capture. Finally, the force of this act
was limited to the duration of the then war with France only. This
regulation very clearly demonstrated, that whatever violences might have
been committed on the ships of neutral nations, they were by no means
countenanced by the legislature, or the body of the people.




NEW MILITIA LAWS.

Every circumstance relating to the reformation of the marine, must be
an important object to a nation whose wealth and power depend upon
navigation and commerce; but a consideration of equal weight was the
establishment of the militia, which, notwithstanding the repeated
endeavours of the parliament, was found still incomplete, and in want
of further assistance from the legislature. His majesty having, by
the chancellor of the exchequer, recommended to the house the making
suitable provision for defraying the charges of the militia during
the current year, the accounts of the expense already incurred by this
establishment were referred to the committee of supply, who, after
having duly perused them, resolved, that ninety thousand pounds should
be granted on account, towards defraying the charges of pay and clothing
for the militia, from the last day of the last year, to the twenty-fifth
day of March in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty, and for
repaying a sum advanced by the king for this service. Leave was given
to bring in one bill pursuant to this resolution, and another to enforce
the execution of the laws relating to the militia, remove certain
difficulties, and prevent the incenveniencies by which it might be
attended. So intent were the majority on both sides upon this national
measure, that they not only carried both bills to the throne, where they
received the royal assent, but they presented an address to the king,
desiring that his majesty would give directions to his lieutenants
of the several counties, ridings, and places in England, to use their
utmost diligence and attention for carrying into execution the several
acts of parliament relating to the militia. By this time all the
individuals that constituted the representatives of the people, except
such as actually served in the army, were become very well disposed
towards this institution. Those who really wished well to their country
had always exerted themselves in its favour; and it was now likewise
espoused by those who foresaw that the establishment of a national
militia would enable the administration to send the greater number of
regular troops to fight the battles of Germany. Yet how zealous
soever the legislature might be in promoting this institution, and
notwithstanding the success with which many patriots exerted their
endeavours through different parts of the kingdom, in raising and
disciplining the militia, it was found not only difficult, but almost
impracticable, to execute the intention of the parliament in some
particular counties, where the gentlemen were indolent and enervated,
or in those places where they looked upon their commander with contempt.
Even Middlesex itself, where the king resides, was one of the last
counties in which the militia could be arrayed. In allusion to this
backwardness, the preamble or first clause in one of the present acts
imported, that certain counties, ridings, and places in England had made
some progress in establishing the militia, without completing the same,
and that, in certain other counties, little progress had been made
therein, his majesty’s lieutenants and the deputy-lieutenants, and
all others within such counties or districts, were therefore strictly
required speedily and diligently to put these acts in execution. The
truth is, some of these unwarlike commanders failed through ignorance
and inactivity; others gave, or offered commissions to such people
as threw a ridicule and contempt upon the whole establishment, and
consequently hindered many gentlemen of worth, spirit, and capacity,
from engaging in the service. The mutiny-bill, and that for the
regulation of the marine-forces while on shore, passed through the usual
forms, as annual measures, without any dispute or alteration. [485]
_[See note 3 S, at the end of this Vol.]_




ACT FOR THE RELIEF OF DEBTORS REVIVED.

A committee having been appointed to inquire what laws were expired,
or near expiring, and to report their opinion to the house touching
the revival or continuation of these laws, they agreed to several
resolutions; in consequence of which the following bills were brought
in, and enacted into laws; namely, an act for regulating the lastage and
ballastage of the river Thames; an act for continuing the law relating
to the punishment of persons going armed or disguised; an act
for continuing several laws near expiring; an act concerning the
admeasurement of coals; an act for the relief of debtors, with respect
to the imprisonment of their persons. This last was almost totally
metamorphosed by alterations, amendments, and additions, among which
the most remarkable were these: that where more creditors than one shall
charge any prisoner in execution, and desired to have him detained in
prison, they shall only respectively pay him each such weekly sum, not
exceeding one shilling and sixpence per week, as the court, at the time
of his being remanded, shall direct; that if any prisoner, described by
the act, shall remain in prison three months after being committed, any
creditor may compel him to give into court, upon oath, an account of
his real and personal estate, to be disposed of for the benefit of his
creditors, they consenting to his being discharged. Why the humanity
of this law was confined to those prisoners only who are not charged in
execution with any debt exceeding one hundred pounds, cannot easily be
conceived. A man who, through unavoidable misfortunes, hath sunk from
affluence to misery and indigence, is generally a greater object of
compassion than he who never knew the delicacies of life, nor ever
enjoyed credit sufficient to contract debts to any considerable amount;
yet the latter is by this law entitled to his discharge, or at least to
a maintenance in prison; while the former is left to starve in gaol, or
undergo perpetual imprisonment amidst all the horrors of misery, if he
owes above one hundred pounds to a revengeful and unrelenting creditor.
Wherefore, in a country, the people of which justly pique themselves
upon charity and benevolence, an unhappy fellow-citizen, reduced to a
state of bankruptcy by unforeseen losses in trade, should be subjected
to a punishment, which of all others must be the most grievous to a
freeborn Briton, namely, the entire loss of liberty; a punishment which
the most flagrant crime can hardly deserve in a nation that disclaims
the torture; for, doubtless, perpetual imprisonment must be a torture
infinitely more severe than death, because protracted through a series
of years spent in misery and despair, without one glimmering ray of
hope, without the most distant prospect of deliverance? Wherefore the
legislature should extend its humanity to those only who are the
least sensible of the benefit, because the most able to struggle under
misfortune? and wherefore many valuable individuals should, for no
guilt of their own, be not only ruined to themselves, but lost to the
community? are questions which we cannot resolve to the satisfaction of
the reader. Of all imprisoned debtors, those who are confined for large
sums may be deemed the most wretched and forlorn, because they
have generally fallen from a sphere of life where they had little
acquaintance with necessity, and were altogether ignorant of the arts
by which the severities of indigence are alleviated. On the other hand,
those of the lower class of mankind, whose debts are small in proportion
to the narrowness of their former credit, have not the same delicate
feelings of calamity: they are inured to hardship, and accustomed to
the labour of their hands, by which, even in a prison, they can earn
a subsistence: their reverse of fortune is not so great, nor the
transition so affecting: their sensations are not delicate; nor are
they, like their betters in misfortune, cut off from hope, which is the
wretch’s last comfort. It is the man of sentiment and sensibility, who,
in this situation, is overwhelmed with a complication of misery and
ineffable distress: the mortification of his pride, his ambition
blasted, his family undone, himself deprived of liberty, reduced from
opulence to extreme want, from the elegancies of life to the most
squalid and frightful scenes of poverty and affliction; divested of
comfort, destitute of hope, and doomed to linger out a wretched being in
the midst of insult, violence, riot, and uproar; these are reflections
so replete with horror, as to render him, in all respects, the most
miserable object on the face of the earth. He, alas! though possessed
of talents that might have essentially served and even adorned society,
while thus restrained in prison, and affected in mind, can exert no
faculty, nor stoop to any condescension, by which the horrors of his
fate might be assuaged: he scorns to execute the lowest offices of
menial services, particularly in attending those who are the objects of
contempt or abhorrence; he is incapable of exercising any mechanic art,
which might afford a happy though a scanty independence: shrunk
within his dismal cell, surrounded by haggard poverty, and her gaunt
attendants, hollow-eyed famine, shivering cold, and wan disease, he
wildly casts his eyes around; he sees the tender partner of his heart
weeping in silent woe; he hears his helpless babes clamorous for
sustenance; he feels himself the importunate cravings of human nature,
which he cannot satisfy; and groans with all the complicated pangs of
internal anguish, horror, and despair. These are not the fictions of
idle fancy, but real pictures, drawn from nature, of which almost every
prison in England will afford but too many originals.




BILLS FOR THE IMPORTATION OF IRISH BEEF AND TALLOW.

Among other new measures, a successful attempt was made in favour of
Ireland, by a bill, permitting the free importation of cattle from that
kingdom for a limited time. This, however, was not carried through both
houses without considerable opposition, arising from the particular
interests of certain counties and districts in several parts of Great
Britain, from whence petitions against the bill were transmitted to the
commons. Divers artifices were also used within doors to saddle the bill
with such clauses as might overcharge the scheme, and render it odious
or alarming to the public; but the promoters of it being aware of the
design, conducted it in such a manner as to frustrate all their views,
and convey it safely to the throne, where it was enacted into a law. The
like success attended another effort in behalf of our fellow-subjects
of Ireland. The bill for the importation of Irish cattle was no
sooner ordered to be brought in, than the house proceeded to take into
consideration the duties then payable on the importation of tallow from
the same kingdom; and several witnesses being examined, the committee
agreed to a resolution, that these duties should cease and determine
for a limited time. A bill being formed accordingly, passed through both
houses without opposition, though in the preceding session a bill to
the same purpose had miscarried among the peers: a miscarriage probably
owing to their being unacquainted with the sentiments of his majesty, as
some of the duties upon tallow constituted part of one of the branches
appropriated for the civil list revenue. This objection, however, was
obviated in the case of the present bill, by the king’s message to
the house of commons, signifying his majesty’s consent, as far as
his interest was concerned in the affair. By this new act the free
importation of Irish tallow was permitted for the term of five years.

In the month of February the commons presented an address to his
majesty, requesting that he would give directions for laying before
the house an account of what had been done, since the beginning of
last year, towards securing the harbour of Milford, in pursuance of any
directions from his majesty. These accounts being perused, and the
king having, by the chancellor of the exchequer, exhorted them to make
provision for fortifying the said harbour, a bill was brought in to
explain, amend, and render more effectual, the act of the last session
relating to this subject; and, passing through both houses, received
the royal assent without opposition. By this act several engineers were
added to the commissioners formerly appointed; and it was ordained
that fortifications should be erected at Peter-church-point,
Westlanyon-point, and Neyland-point, as being the most proper and best
situated places for fortifying the interior parts of the harbour. It was
also enacted, that the commissioners should appoint proper secretaries,
clerks, assistants, and other officers, for carrying the two acts into
execution, and that an account of the application of the money should
be laid before parliament, within twenty days of the opening of every
session. What next attracted the attention of the house was an affair
of the utmost importance to the commerce of the kingdom, which equally
affected the interest of the nation, and the character of the natives.
In the latter end of February complaint was made to the house, that,
since the commencement of the war, an infamous traffic had been set
on foot by some merchants of London, of importing French cloths into
several ports of the Levant, on account of British subjects. Five
persons were summoned to attend the house, and the fact was fully
proved, not only by their evidence, but also by some papers submitted
to the house by the Turkey company. A bill was immediately contrived for
putting a stop to this scandalous practice, reciting in the preamble,
that such traffic was not only a manifest discouragement and prejudice
to the woollen manufactures of Great Britain, but also a relief to the
enemy, in consequence of which they were enabled to maintain the war
against these kingdoms.

The next object that employed the attention of the commons, was to
explain and amend a law made in the last session for granting to
his majesty several rates and duties upon offices and pensions. The
directions specified in the former act for levying this imposition
having been found inconvenient in many respects, new regulations were
now established, importing, that those deductions should be paid into
the hands of receivers appointed by the king for that purpose; that all
sums deducted under this act should be accounted for to such receivers,
and the accounts audited and passed by them, and not by the auditors
of the impress, or of the exchequer: that all disputes relating to
the collection of this duty should be finally, and in a summary way,
determined by the barons of the exchequer in England and Scotland
respectively: that the commissioners of the land-tax should fix and
ascertain the sum total or amount of the perquisites of every office and
employment within their respective districts, distinct from the salary
thereunto belonging, to be deducted under the said act, independently
of any former valuation or assessment of the same to the land-tax;
and should rate or assess all offices and employments, the perquisites
whereof should be found to exceed the sum of one hundred pounds per
annum, at one shilling for every twenty thence arising; that the
receivers should transmit to the commissioners in every district where
any office or employment is to be assessed, an account of such officers
and employments, that, upon being certified of the truth of their
amount, they might be rated and assessed accordingly; that in all future
assessments of the land-tax, the said offices and employments should not
be valued at higher rates than those at which they were assessed towards
the land-tax of the thirty-first year of the present reign; that the
word perquisite should be understood to mean such profits of offices and
employments as arise from fees established by custom or authority,
and payable either by the crown or the subjects, in consideration of
business done in the course of executing such offices and employments;
and that a commissioner possessed of any office or employment, might not
interfere in the execution of the said act, except in what might relate
to his own employment. By the four last clauses, several salaries were
exempted from the payment of this duty. The objections made without
doors to this new law, were the accession of pecuniary influence to the
crown by the creation of a new office and officers, whereas this duty
might have been easily collected and received by the commissioners of
the land-tax already appointed, and the inconsistency that appeared
between the fifth and seventh clause: in the former of these the
commissioners of the land-tax were vested with the power of assessing
the perquisites of every office within their respective districts,
independent of any former valuation or assessment of the same to the
land-tax; and by the latter, they are restricted from assessing any
office at a higher rate than that of the thirty-first year of the reign
of George II.

In the beginning of March, petitions were offered to the house by the
merchants of Birmingham in Warwickshire, and Sheffield in Yorkshire,
specifying that the toy trade of these and many other towns consisted
generally of articles in which gold and silver might be said to be
manufactured, though in a small proportion, inasmuch as the sale of
them depended upon slight ornaments of gold and silver: that by a clause
passed in the last session of parliament, obliging every person who
should sell goods or wares in which any gold or silver was manufactured
to take out an annual license of forty shillings, they the petitioners
were laid under great difficulties and disadvantages; that not only the
first seller, but every person through whose hands the goods or wares
passed to the consumer, was required to take out the said license:
they therefore requested that the house should take these hardships
and inequalities into consideration, and indulge them with reasonable
relief. The committee, to which this affair was referred, having
resolved that this imposition was found detrimental to the toy and
cutlery trade of the kingdom, the house agreed to the resolution, and a
bill being prepared, under the title of “An act to amend the act made in
the last session, for repealing the duty granted by an act of the sixth
year of the reign of his late majesty, on silver plate, and for granting
a duty on licenses to be taken out by all persons dealing in gold and
silver plate,” was enacted into a law by the royal sanction. By this new
regulation, small quantities of gold and silver plate were allowed to be
sold without license. Instead of the duty before payable upon licenses,
another was granted, to be taken out by certain dealers in gold and
silver plate, pawnbrokers, and refiners. This affair being discussed,
the house took into consideration the claims of the proprietors of lands
purchased for the better securing of his majesty’s docks, ships, and
stores at Chatham, Portsmouth, and Plymouth; and for better fortifying
the town of Portsmouth, and citadel of Plymouth, in pursuance of an act
passed in the last session. We have already specified the sum granted
for this purpose, in consequence of a resolution of the house, upon
which a bill being founded, soon passed into a law without opposition.*

     * The next bill which was brought into the house related to
     the summons issued by the commissioners of the excise, and
     justices of the peace, for the appearance of persons
     offending against, or for forfeitures incurred by, the laws
     of excise. As some doubts had arisen with respect to the
     method of summoning in such cases, this bill, which obtained
     the royal assent in due course, enacted, that the summons
     left at the houses, or usual place of residence, or with the
     wife, child, or menial servants of the person so summoned,
     should be held as legal notice, as well as the leaving such
     notice at the house, workhouse, warehouse, shop, cellar,
     vault, or usual place of residence, of such person, directed
     to him by his right or assumed name; and all dealers in
     coffee, tea, or chocolate, were subjected to the penalty of
     twenty pounds, as often as they should neglect to attend the
     commissioners of excise, when summoned in this manner.

In the month of April, a bill was brought in for the more effectual
preventing the fraudulent importation of cambrics; and while it was
under deliberation, several merchants and wholesale drapers of the city
of London presented a petition, representing the grievances to which
they, and many thousand of other traders, would be subjected, should
the bill, as it then stood, be passed into a law. According to their
request, they were heard by their counsel on the merits of this
remonstrance, and some amendments were made to the bill in their
favour. At length it received the royal assent, and became a law to the
following effect: It enacted, that no cambrics, French lawns, or linens
of this kind usually entered under the denomination of cambrics, should
be imported after the first day of next August, but in bales, cases,
or boxes, covered with sackcloth or canvas, containing each one hundred
whole pieces, or two hundred half pieces, on penalty of forfeiting the
whole; that cambrics and French lawns should be imported for exportation
only, lodged in the king’s warehouses, and delivered out under like
security, and restrictions as prohibited East India merchandise, and,
on importation, pay only the half subsidy: that all cambrics and French
lawns in the custody of any persons should be deposited, by the first of
August, in the king’s warehouses, the bonds thereupon be delivered
up, and the drawback on exportation paid; yet the goods should not be
delivered out again but for exportation: that cambrics and French lawns
exposed to sale, or found in the possession of private persons, after
the said day, should be forfeited, and liable to be searched for, and
seized, in like manner as other prohibited and uncustomed goods are; and
the offender should forfeit two hundred pounds over and above all other
penalties and forfeitures inflicted by any former act: that if any doubt
should arise concerning the species or quality of the goods, or the
place where they were manufactured, the proof should lie on the owner:
finally, that the penalty of five pounds inflicted by a former act, and
payable to the informer, on any person that should wear any cambric
or French lawns, should still remain in force, and be recoverable,
on conviction, by oath of one witness, before one justice of the
peace.--The last successful bill which this session produced, was
that relating to the augmentation of the salaries of the judges in his
majesty’s superior courts of justice. A motion having been made for
an instruction to the committee of supply, to consider of the said
augmentation, the chancellor of the exchequer acquainted the house, that
this augmentation was recommended to them by his majesty. Nevertheless,
the motion was opposed, and a warm debate ensued. At length, however,
being carried in the affirmative, the committee agreed to certain
resolutions, on which a bill was founded. While it remained under
discussion, a motion was made for an instruction to the committee, that
they should have power to receive a clause or clauses for restraining
the judges, comprehended within the provisions of the bill, from
receiving any fee, gift, present, or entertainment, from any city, town,
borough, or corporation, or from any sheriff, gaoler, or other officer,
upon their several respective circuits, and from taking any gratuity
from any officer or officers of any of the courts of law. Another motion
was made, for a clause restraining such judges, barons, and justices, as
were comprehended within the provisions of the bill, from interfering,
otherwise than by giving their own votes, in any election of members to
serve in parliament; but both these proposals, being put to the vote,
were carried in the negative. These two motions being over-ruled by the
majority, the bill underwent some amendments; and having passed through
both houses in the ordinary course, was enacted into a law by the royal
sanction. With respect to the import of this act, it is no other
than the establishment of the several stamp-duties, applied to the
augmentation, and the appropriation of their produce in such a manner,
that the crown cannot alter the application of the sums thus granted in
parliament. But on this occasion, no attempt was made in favour of the
independency of the judges, which seems to have been invaded by a late
interpretation of, or rather by a deviation from, the act of settlement;
in which it is expressly ordained, that the commissions of the judge?
should continue in force _quamdiu se bene gesserint_; that their
salaries should be fixed, and none of them remove-able but by an address
of both houses of parliament. It was then, without all doubt, the
intention of the legislature that every judge should enjoy his office
during life, unless convicted, by legal trial, of some misbehaviour, or
unless both houses of parliament should concur in desiring his removal:
but the doctrine now adopted imports, that no commission can continue
in force longer than the life of the king by whom it was granted; that
therefore the commissions of the judges must be renewed by a new king
at his accession, who should have it in his power to employ either those
whom he finds acting as judges at his accession, or confer their offices
on others, with no other restraint than that the condition of new
commissions, should be _quamdiu se bene gesserint_. Thus the office of
a judge is more precarious, and the influence of the crown receives a
considerable reinforcement.

Among the bills that miscarried in the course of the session, we may
number a second attempt to carry into execution the scheme which was
offered last year for the more effectual manning the navy, preventing
desertion, and relieving and encouraging the seamen of Great Britain. A
bill was accordingly brought in, couched in nearly the same terms
which had been rejected in the last session; and it was supported by
a considerable number of members, animated with a true spirit of
patriotism: but to the trading part of the nation it appeared one of
those plausible projects, which, though agreeable in speculation, can
never be reduced into practice, without a concomitancy of greater evils
than those they were intended to remove. While the bill remained under
the consideration of the house, petitions were presented against it by
the merchants of Bristol, Scarborough, Whitby, Ivingston-upon-Hull, and
Lancaster, representing, that by such a law, the trade of the kingdom,
which is the nursery and support of seamen at all times, and that spirit
of equipping private ships of war, which had been of distinguished
service to the nation, would be laid under such difficulties as might
cause a great stagnation in the former, and a total suppression of the
latter; the bill, therefore, would be highly prejudicial to the marine
of the kingdom, and altogether ineffectual for the purposes intended. A
great number of books and papers, relating to trading ships and vessels,
as well as to seamen and other persons protected or pressed into the
navy, and to expenses occasioned by pressing men into the navy, were
examined in a committee of the whole house, and the bill was improved
with many amendments: nay, after it was printed and engrossed, several
clauses were added by way of rider; yet still the experiment seemed
dangerous. The motion for its being past was violently opposed; warm
debates ensued; they were adjourned, and resumed; and the arguments
against the bill appeared at length in such a striking light, that,
when the question was put, the majority declared for the negative. The
regulations which had been made in parliament during the twenty-sixth,
the twenty-eighth, and thirtieth years of the present reign, for
the preservation of the public roads, being attended with some
inconveniencies in certain parts of the kingdom, petitions were
brought from some counties in Wales, as well as from the freeholders
of Hertfordshire, the farmers of Middlesex, and others, enumerating the
difficulties attending the use of broad wheels, in one case, and the
limitation of horses used in drawing carriages with narrow wheels,
in the other. The matter of these remonstrances was considered in a
committee of the whole house, which resolved, that the weight to be
carried by all waggons and carts, travelling on the turnpike roads,
should be limited. On this resolution a bill was framed, for amending
and reducing into one act of parliament the three acts before mentioned
for the preservation of the public highways; but some objections being
started, and a petition interposed by the land-holders of Suffolk and
Norfolk, alleging that the bill, if passed into a law, would render it
impossible to bring fresh provisions from those counties to London, as
the supply depended absolutely upon the quickness of conveyance, the
further consideration of it was postponed to a longer day, and never
resumed in the sequel: so that the attempt miscarried.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




CASE OF THE INSOLVENT DEBTORS.

Of all the subjects, which, in the course of this session, fell under
the cognizance of parliament, there was none that more interested the
humanity, or challenged the redress, of the legislature, than did
the case of the poor insolvent debtors, who languished under all the
miseries of indigence and imprisonment. In the month of February
a petition was offered to the commons in behalf of bankrupts, who
represented, that having scrupulously conformed to the laws made
concerning bankruptcy, by surrendering their all upon oath, for the
benefit of their creditors, they had nevertheless been refused their
certificates, without any probability of relief; that by this cruel
refusal, many bankrupts have been obliged to abscond, while others
were immured in prison, and these unhappy sufferers groaned under
the particular hardship of being excluded from the benefit of laws
occasionally made for the relief of insolvent debtors; that the power
vested in creditors of refusing certificates to their bankrupts, was,
as the petitioners conceived, founded upon a presumption that such power
would be tenderly exercised, and never but in notorious cases; but the
great increase in the number of bankrupts within two years past, and
in the small proportion of those who had been able to obtain their
certificates, seemed to demonstrate that the power had been used for
cruel and unjust purposes, contrary to the intention of the legislature:
that as the greater part of the petitioners, and their fellow-sufferers,
must inevitably and speedily perish, with their distressed families,
unless seasonably relieved by the interposition of parliament, they
implored the compassion of the house, from which they hoped immediate
favour and relief. This petition was accompanied with a printed case,
explaining the nature of the laws relating to bankrupts, and pointing
out their defects in point of policy as well as humanity; but little
regard was seemingly paid to either remonstrance. Other petitions,
however, being presented by insolvent debtors, imprisoned in different
gaols within the kingdom, leave was given to bring in a bill for their
relief, and a committee appointed to examine the laws relating to
bankruptcy.




CASE OF CAPTAIN WALKER.

Among other petitionary remonstrances on this subject, the members were
separately presented with the printed case of captain George Walker,
a prisoner in the gaol of the king’s bench, who had been declared a
bankrupt, and complained, that he had been subjected to some flagrant
acts of injustice and oppression. The case contained such extraordinary
allegations, and the captain’s character was so remarkably fair and
interesting, that the committee, which were empowered to send for
persons, papers, and records, resolved to inquire into the particulars
of his misfortune. A motion was made and agreed to, that the marshal
of the prison should bring the captain before the committee; and the
speaker’s warrant was issued accordingly. The prisoner was produced,
and examined at several sittings, and some of the members expressed
a laudable eagerness to do him justice; but his antagonists were very
powerful, and left no stone unturned to frustrate the purpose of the
inquiry, which was dropped of course at the end of the session. Thus
the unfortunate captain Walker, who had, in the late war, remarkably
distinguished himself at sea by his courage and conduct, repeatedly
signalizing himself against the enemies of his country, was sent back
without redress to the gloomy mansions of a gaol, where he had already
pined for several years, useless to himself, and lost to the community,
while he might have been profitably employed in retrieving his own
fortune, and exerting his talents for the general advantage of the
nation. While this affair was in agitation, the bill for the relief of
insolvent debtors was prepared, printed, and read a second time; but,
when the motion was made for its being committed, a debate arose, and
this was adjourned from time to time till the end of the session. In the
meantime, the committee continued to deliberate upon the laws relating
to bankruptcy; and in the beginning of June reported their resolution to
the house, that, in their opinion, some amendments might be made to the
laws concerning bankruptcy; to the advantage of creditors, and relief of
insolvents. Such was the notice vouchsafed to the cries of many British
subjects, deprived of liberty, and destitute of the common necessaries
of life.




REMARKS ON THE BANKRUPT-LAWS.

It would engage us in a long digressive discussion were we to inquire
how the spirit of the laws in England, so famed for lenity, has been
exasperated into such severity against insolvent debtors; and why,
among a people so distinguished for generosity and compassion, the gaols
should be more filled with prisoners than they are in any other part of
Christendom. Perhaps both these deviations from a general character are
violent efforts of a wary legislature made in behalf of trade, which
cannot be too much cherished in a nation that principally depends upon
commerce. The question is, whether this laudable aim may not be more
effectually accomplished, without subjecting individuals to oppression,
arising from the cruelty and revenge of one another. As the laws are
modelled at present, it cannot be denied that the debtor, in some cases,
lies in a peculiar manner at the mercy of his creditor. By the original
and common law of England, no man could be imprisoned for debt. The
plaintiff in any civil action could have no execution upon his judgment,
against either the body or the lands of the defendant: even with respect
to his goods and chattels, which were subject to execution, he was
obliged to leave him such articles as were necessary for agriculture.
But, in process of time, this indulgence being found prejudicial
to commerce, a law was enacted, in the reign of Edward I. allowing
execution on the person of the debtor, provided his goods and chattels
were not sufficient to pay the debt which he had contracted. This law
was still attended with a very obvious inconvenience: the debtor,
who possessed an estate in lands, was tempted to secrete his moveable
effects, and live in concealment on the produce of his lands, while
the sheriff connived at his retirement. To remove this evil, a second
statute was enacted in the same reign, granting immediate execution
against the body, lands, and goods of the debtor; yet his effects could
not be sold for the benefit of his creditors till the expiration of
three months, during which he himself could dispose of them for ready
money, in order to discharge his incumbrances. If the creditor was not
satisfied in this manner, he continued in possession of the debtor’s
lands, and detained the debtor himself in prison, where he was obliged
to supply him with bread and water for his support, until the debt
was discharged. Other severe regulations were made in the sequel,
particularly in the reign of Edward III. which gave rise to the writ
of _capias ad satisfaciendum_. This indeed rendered the preceding laws,
called statute-merchant, and statute-staple, altogether unnecessary.
Though the liberty of the subject, and the security of the landholder,
were thus in some measure sacrificed to the advantage of commerce, an
imprisoned debtor was not left entirely at the mercy of an inexorable
creditor. If he made all the satisfaction in his power, and could show
that his insolvency was owing to real misfortunes, the court of chancery
interposed on his petition, and actually ordered him to be discharged
from prison, when no good reason for detaining him could be assigned.
This interposition, which seems naturally to belong to a court of
equity, constituted with a view to mitigate the rigour of the common
law, ceased, in all probability after the restoration of Charles the
Second, and of consequence the prisons were filled with debtors. Then
the legislature charged themselves with the extension of a power, which
perhaps a chancellor no longer thought himself safe in exercising; and
in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy, passed the first act
for the relief of insolvent debtors, granting a release to all prisoners
for debt, without distinction or inquiry. By this general indulgence,
which has even in a great measure continued in all subsequent acts of
the same kind, the lenity of the parliament may be sometimes misapplied,
inasmuch as insolvency is often criminal, arising from profligacy and
extravagance, which deserve to be severely punished. Yet, even for
this species of insolvency, perpetual imprisonment, aggravated by the
miseries of extreme indigence, and the danger of perishing through
famine, may be deemed a punishment too severe. How cruel then must it be
to leave the most innocent bankrupt exposed to this punishment, from the
revenge or sinister design of a merciless creditor; a creditor, by whose
fraud the prisoner became a bankrupt, and by whoso craft he is detained
in gaol, lest by his discharge from prison, he should be enabled to seek
that redress in chancery to which he is entitled on a fair account! The
severity of the law was certainly intended against fraudulent bankrupts
only; and the statute of bankruptcy is, doubtless, favourable to
insolvents, as it discharges from all former debts those who obtained
their certificates. As British subjects, they are surely entitled to the
same indulgence which is granted to other insolvents. They were always
included in every act passed for the relief of insolvent debtors, till
the sixth year of George I. when they were first excepted from this
benefit. By a law enacted in the reign of queen Anne, relating to
bankruptcy, any creditor was at liberty to object to the confirmation
of the bankrupt’s certificate; but the chancellor had power to judge
whether the objection was frivolous or well-founded: yet, by a latter
act, the chancellor is obliged to confirm the certificate, if it is
agreeable to four-fifths in number and value of the creditors; whereas
he cannot confirm it, should he be opposed, even without any reason
assigned, by one creditor to whom the greatest part of the debt is
owing. It might, therefore, deserve the consideration of parliament,
whether, in extending their clemency to the poor, it should not be
equally diffused to bankrupts and other insolvents; whether proper
distinction ought not to be made between the innocent bankrupt who fails
through misfortune in trade, and him who becomes insolvent from fraud or
profligacy: and finally, whether the inquiry and trial of all such cases
would not properly fall within the province of chancery, a tribunal
instituted for the mitigation of common law.




INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE POOR.

The house of commons seems to have been determined on another measure,
which, however, does not admit of explanation. An order was made in
the month of February, that leave should be given to bring in a bill to
explain, amend, and render effectual, so much of an act passed in
the thirteenth year of George II. against the excessive increase of
horse-races, and deceitful gaming, as related to that increase. The bill
was accordingly presented, read, printed, and ordered to be committed to
a committee of the whole house; but the order was delayed from time to
time till the end of the session. Some progress was likewise made in
another affair of greater consequence to the community. A committee was
appointed in the month of March, to take into consideration the state of
the poor in England, as well as the laws enacted for their maintenance.
The clerks of the peace belonging to all the counties, cities, and towns
in England and Wales, were ordered to transmit, for the perusal of the
house, an account of the annual expense of passing vagrants through
their respective divisions and districts for four years: and the
committee began to deliberate on this important subject. In the latter
end of May the house was made acquainted with their resolutions,
importing, that the present methods of relieving the poor in the
respective parishes, where no workhouses have been provided for their
reception and employment, are, in general, very burdensome to the
inhabitants, and tend to render the poor miserable to themselves, and
useless to the community: that the present method of giving money out
of the parochial rates to persons capable of labour, in order to prevent
them from claiming an entire subsistence for themselves and their
families, is contrary to the spirit and intention of the laws for the
relief of the poor, is a dangerous power in the hands of parochial
officers, a misapplication of the public money, and a great
encouragement to idleness and intemperance; that the employment of
the poor, under proper direction and management, in such works and
manufactures as are suited to their respective capacities, would be of
great utility to the public: that settling the poor in Workhouses, to be
provided in the several counties and ridings in England and Wales, under
the direction and management of governors and trustees to be appointed
for that purpose, would be the most effectual method of relieving
such poor persons, as, by age, infirmities, or diseases, are rendered
incapable of supporting themselves by their labour: of employing
the able and industrious, reforming the idle and profligate, and of
educating poor children in religion and industry: and that the poor in
such workhouses would be better regulated and maintained, and managed
with more advantage to the public, by guardians, governors, or trustees,
to be especially appointed, or chosen for that purpose, and incorporated
with such powers, and under such restrictions, as the legislature
should deem proper, than by the annual parochial officers: that erecting
workhouses upon the waste lands, and appropriating a certain quantity of
such lands to be cultivated, in order to produce provisions for the
poor in the said houses, would not only be the means of instructing and
employing many of the said poor in agriculture, but lessen the
expense of the public: that controversies and law-suits concerning the
settlements of poor persons, occasioned a very great, and in general
an useless expense to the public, amounting to many thousand pounds
per annum; and that often more money is expended in ascertaining such
settlements by each of the contending parishes than would be sufficient
to maintain the paupers: that should workhouses be established for the
general reception of the poor, in the respective counties and ridings
of England, the laws relating to the settlements of the poor, and the
passing of vagrants, might be repealed: that while the present laws
relating to the poor subsist, the compelling parish-officers to grant
certificates to the poor, would in all probability prevent the hardships
they now suffer, in being debarred gaining their livelihood, where
they can do it most usefully to themselves and the public. From
these sensible resolutions, the reader may conceive some idea of the
misconduct that attends the management of the poor in England, as well
as of the grievous burdens entailed upon the people by the present
laws which constitute this branch of the legislature. The committee’s
resolves being read at the table, an order was made that they should be
taken into consideration on a certain day, when the order was again
put off, and in the interim the parliament was prorogued. While the
committee deliberated upon this affair, leave was given to prepare a
bill for preventing tenants, under a certain yearly rent, from gaining
settlements in any particular parish, by being there rated in any
land-tax assessment, and paying for the landlord the money so charged.
This order was afterwards discharged; and another bill brought in to
prevent any person from gaining a settlement, by being rated by
virtue of an act of parliament for granting an aid to his majesty by a
land-tax, and paying the same. The bill was accordingly presented,
read, committed, and passed the lower house; but among the lords it
miscarried. It can never be expected that the poor will be managed with
economy and integrity, while the execution of the laws relating to their
maintenance is left in the hands of low tradesmen, who derive private
advantage from supplying them with necessaries, and often favour the
imposition of one another with the most scandalous collusion. This is an
evil which will never be remedied, until persons of independent fortune,
and unblemished integrity, actuated by a spirit of true patriotism,
shall rescue their fellow-citizens from the power of such interested
miscreants, by taking the poor into their own management and protection.
Instead of multiplying laws with respect to the settlement and
management of the poor, which serve only to puzzle and perplex the
parish and peace officers, it would become the sagacity of the
legislature to take some effectual precautions to prevent the increase
of paupers and vagrants, which is become an intolerable nuisance to
the commonwealth. Towards this salutary end, surely nothing would more
contribute than a reformation of the police, that would abolish those
infamous places of entertainment, which swarm in every corner of the
metropolis, seducing people of all ranks to extravagance, profligacy,
and ruin; and would restrict within due bounds the number of
public-houses, which are augmented to an enormous degree, affording so
many asylums for riot and debauchery, and corrupting the morals of the
common people to such a pitch of licentious indecency, as must be a
reproach to every civilized nation. Let it not be affirmed, to the
disgrace of Great Britain, that such receptacles of vice and impurity
subsist under the connivance of the government, according to the narrow
views and confined speculation of those shallow politicians, who imagine
that the revenue is increased in proportion to the quantity of strong
liquors consumed in such infamous recesses of intemperance. Were this in
reality the case, that administration would deserve to be branded with
eternal infamy, which could sacrifice to such abase consideration the
health, the lives, and the morals of their fellow-creatures: but nothing
can be more fallacious than the supposition, that the revenue of any
government can be increased by the augmented intemperance of the people;
for intemperance is the bane of industry, as well as of population; and
what the government gains in the articles of the duty on malt, and the
excise upon liquors, will always be greatly overbalanced by the loss in
other articles, arising from the diminution of hands, and the neglect of
labour.




REGULATION OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

Exclusive of the bills that were actually prepared, though they did
not pass in the course of the session, the commons deliberated on other
important subjects, which, however, were not finally discussed. In the
beginning of the session, a committee being appointed to resume the
inquiry touching the regulation of weights and measures, a subject we
have mentioned in the history of the preceding session, the box which
contained a troy pound weight, locked up by order of the house, was
again produced by the clerk in whose custody it had been deposited. This
affair being carefully investigated, the committee agreed to fourteen
resolutions. [490] _[See note 3 T, at the end of this Vol.]_ In the
meantime, it was ordered that all the weights referred to in the report,
should be delivered to the clerk of the house, to be locked up and
brought forth occasionally.




THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL.

The house of commons, among other articles of domestic economy, bestowed
some attention on the hospital for foundlings, which was now, more than
ever, become a matter of national consideration. The accounts relating
to this charity having been demanded, and subjected to the inspection of
the members, were, together with the king’s recommendation, referred to
the committee of supply, where they produced the resolutions which we
have already specified among the other grants of the year. The house
afterwards resolved itself into a committee to deliberate on the state
of the hospital, and examine its accounts. On the third day of May,
their resolutions were reported to the following effect: that the
appointing, by the governors and guardians of the said hospital, places
in the several counties, ridings, or divisions in this kingdom, for
the first reception of exposed and deserted young children, would be
attended with many evil consequences; and that the conveying of children
from the country to the said hospital is attended with many evil
consequences, and ought to be prevented. A bill was ordered to be
brought in, founded upon this last resolution, but never presented;
therefore the inquiry produced no effect. Notwithstanding the
institution of this charity, for the support of which great sums are
yearly levied on the public, it does not appear that the bills of
mortality, respecting new-born children, are decreased, nor the shocking
crime of infant-murder rendered less frequent than heretofore. It may,
therefore, not be improperly styled a heavy additional tax for the
propagation of bastardy, and the encouragement of idleness among the
common people; besides the tendency it has to extinguish the feelings
of the heart, and dissolve those family ties of blood by which the
charities are connected. In the month of March, leave was given to bring
in a bill for the more effectual preventing of the melting down and
exporting the gold and silver coin of the kingdom, and the persons were
nominated to prepare it; but the bill never appeared, and no further
inquiry was made about the matter. Perhaps it was supposed that such
a measure might be thought an encroachment on the prerogative of the
crown, which hath always exercised the power of fixing the standard, and
regulating the currency of the coin. Perhaps such a step was deferred on
account of the war, during which a great quantity of gold and silver was
necessarily exported to the continent, for the support of the allies and
armies in the pay of Great Britain. The legislature, however, would do
well to consider this eternal maxim in computation, that when a greater
quantity of bullion is exported, in waste, than can be replaced by
commerce, the nation must be hastening to a state of insolvency. Over
and above these proceedings in this session of parliament, it may not be
unnecessary to mention several messages which were sent by the king
to the house of commons. That relating to the vote of credit we have
already specified in our account of the supply. On the twenty-sixth day
of April, the chancellor of the exchequer presented to the house two
messages signed by his majesty, one in favour of his subjects in North
America, and the other in behalf of the East India company: the former
recommending to their consideration the zeal and vigour with which his
faithful subjects in North America had exerted themselves in defence of
his just rights and possessions; desiring he might be enabled to give
them a proper compensation for the expenses incurred by the respective
provinces in levying, clothing, and paying the troops raised in that
country, according as the active vigour and strenuous efforts of the
several colonies should appear to merit: in the latter, he desired the
house would empower him to assist the East India company in defraying
the expense of a military force in the East Indies, to be maintained by
them, in lieu of a battalion of regular troops withdrawn from thence,
and returned to Ireland. Both these messages were referred to the
committee of supply, and produced the resolutions upon each subject
which we have already explained. The message relating to a projected
invasion by the enemies of Great Britain, we shall particularize in its
proper place, when we come to record the circumstances and miscarriage
of that design. In the meantime, it may not be improper to observe,
that the thanks of the house of commons were voted and given to admiral
Boscawen and major-general Amherst, for the services they had done their
king and country in North America; and the same compliment was paid to
admiral Osborne, for the success of his cruise in the Mediterranean.

The session was closed on the second day of June, with a speech to both
houses from the commissioners appointed by his majesty for that purpose.
In this harangue the parliament was given to understand, that the
king approved of their conduct, and returned them his thanks for their
condescension; that the hopes he had conceived of their surmounting the
difficulties which lay in the way, were founded on the wisdom, zeal, and
affection of so good a parliament, and that his expectations were
fully answered; that they had considered the war in all its parts,
and notwithstanding its long continuance, through the obstinacy of the
enemy, had made such provision for the many different operations as
ought to convince the adversaries of Great Britain, that it would be
for their interest, as well as for the ease and relief of all Europe, to
embrace equitable and honourable terms of accommodation. They were
told that, by their assistance, the combined army in Germany had
been completed; powerful squadrons, as well as numerous bodies of
land-forces, were employed in America, in order to maintain the British
rights and possessions, and annoy the enemy in the most sensible maimer
in that country: that, as France was making considerable preparations in
her different ports, he had taken care to put his fleet at home in the
best condition, both of strength and situation, to guard against and
repel any attempts that might be meditated against his kingdoms: that
all his measures had been directed to assert the honour of his crown;
to preserve the essential interests of his faithful subjects; to support
the cause of the protestant religion, and public liberty: he therefore
trusted that the uprightness of his intentions would draw down the
blessing of heaven upon his endeavours. He expressed his hope, that the
precautions they had taken to prevent and correct the excesses of the
privateers would produce the desired effect: a consideration which the
king had much at heart; for, though sensible of the utility of that
service, when under proper regulations, he was determined to do his
utmost to prevent any injuries or hardships which might be sustained
by the subjects of neutral powers, as far as might be practicable and
consistent with his majesty’s just right to hinder the trade of his
enemies from being collusively and fraudulently covered. He not only
thanked the commons, but applauded the firmness and vigour with
which they had acted, as well as their prudence in judging, that
notwithstanding the present burdens, the making ample provision for
carrying on the war was the most probable means to bring it to an
honourable and happy conclusion. He assured them that no attention
should be wanting, on his part, for the faithful application of what had
been granted. They were informed he had nothing further to desire, but
that they would carry down the same good dispositions, and propagate
them in their several counties, which they had shown in their
proceedings during the session. These declarations being pronounced, the
parliament was prorogued.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.

The people of England, provoked on one hand by the intrigues, the
hostilities and menaces of France, and animated on the other by the
pride and triumph of success, which never fails to reconcile them to
difficulties, howsoever great, and expense, however enormous, at this
period breathed nothing but war, and discoursed about nothing but new
plans of conquest. We have seen how liberally the parliament bestowed
the nation’s money; and the acquiescence of the subjects in general
under the additional burdens which had been imposed, appeared in the
remarkable eagerness with which they embarked in the subscription
planned by the legislature; in the vigorous assistance they contributed
towards manning the navy, recruiting the army, and levying additional
forces; and the warlike spirit which began to diffuse itself through
all ranks of the people, This was a spirit which the ministry carefully
cherished and cultivated, for the support of the war, which, it must
be owned, was prosecuted with an ardour and efficacy peculiar to the
present administration. True it is, the German war had been for some
time adopted as an object of importance by the British councils, and a
resolution was taken to maintain it without flinching: at the same time,
it must be allowed, that this consideration had not hitherto weakened
the attention of the ministry to the operations in America, where alone
the war may be said to have been carried on and prosecuted on British
principles, so as to distress the enemy in their most tender part,
and at the same time, acquire the most substantial advantages to the
subjects of Britain. For these two purposes, every preparation was made
that sagacity could suggest, or vigour execute. The navy was repaired
and augmented; and, in order to man the different squadrons, the
expedient of pressing, that disgrace to a British administration,
was practised both by land and water with extraordinary rigour and
vivacity. A proclamation was issued, offering a considerable bounty
for every seaman and every landman that should by a certain day enter
voluntarily into the service. As an additional encouragement to this
class of people, the king promised his pardon to all seamen who had
deserted from their respective ships to which they belonged, provided
they should return to their duty by the third day of July; but at the
same time he declared, that those who should neglect this opportunity,
at a time when their country so much required their service, would,
upon being apprehended, incur the penalty of a court-martial, and if
convicted, be deemed unfit objects of the royal mercy. All justices
of the peace, mayors, and magistrates of corporations throughout Great
Britain, were commanded to make particular search for straggling seamen
fit for the service, and to send all that should be found to the nearest
sea-port, that they might be sent on board by the sea-officer there
commanding. Other methods, more gentle and effectual, were taken to levy
and recruit the land-forces. New regiments were raised, on his majesty’s
promise that every man should be entitled to his discharge at the end
of three years, and the premiums for enlisting were increased. Over and
above these indulgences, considerable bounties were offered and given
by cities, towns, corporations, and even by individuals, so universally
were the people possessed with a spirit of chivalry and adventure. The
example was set by the metropolis, where the common-council resolved,
that voluntary subscriptions should be received in the chamber of
London, to be appropriated as bounty-money to such persons as should
engage in his majesty’s service. The city subscribed a considerable
sum for that purpose; and a committee of aldermen and commoners
was appointed to attend at Guildhall, to receive and apply the
subscriptions. Asa further encouragement to volunteers, they moreover
resolved, that every person so entering should be entitled to the
freedom of the city, at the expiration of three years, or sooner if
the war should be brought to a conclusion. These resolutions being
communicated to the king, he was pleased to signify his approbation, and
return his thanks to the city, in a letter from the secretary of state
to the lord-mayor. Large sums were immediately subscribed by different
companies, and some private persons; and, in imitation of the capital,
bounties were offered by many different communities in every quarter of
the United Kingdom. At the same time, such care and diligence were used
in disciplining the militia, that, before the close of the year, the
greater part of those truly constitutional battalions rivalled the
regular troops in the perfection of their exercise, and seemed to be, in
all respects, as fit for actual service.




DEATH OF THE PRINCESS OF ORANGE, &c.

Before we proceed to record the transactions of the campaign that
succeeded these preparations, we shall take notice of some domestic
events, which, though not very important in themselves, may nevertheless
claim a place in the History of England. In the beginning of the year,
the court of London was overwhelmed with affliction at the death of
the princess dowager of Orange and Nassau, governante of the United
Provinces in the minority of her son, the present stadtholder. She was
the eldest daughter of his Britannic majesty, possessed of many personal
accomplishments and exemplary virtues; pious, moderate, sensible, and
circumspect. She had exercised her authority with equal sagacity and
resolution, respected even by those who were no friends to the house of
Orange, and died with great fortitude and resignation.*

     * Feeling her end approaching, she delivered a key to one of
     her attendants, directing him to fetch two papers, which she
     signed with her own hand. One was a contract of marriage
     between her daughter and the prince of Nassau Weilburgh; the
     other was a letter to the states-general, beseeching them to
     consent to this marriage, and preserve inviolate the
     regulations she had made touching the education and tutelage
     of the young stadtholder. These two papers being signed and
     sealed, she sent for her children, exhorted them to make
     proper improvements on the education they had received, and
     to live in harmony with each other. Then she implored Heaven
     to shower its blessings on them both, and embraced them with
     the most affecting marks of maternal tenderness. She
     afterwards continued to converse calmly and deliberately
     with her friends, and in a few hours expired.

In her will she appointed the king her father, and the princess dowager
of Orange her mother-in-law, honorary tutors, and prince Louis of
Brunswick acting tutor to her children. In the morning after
her decease, the states-general and the states of Holland were
extraordinarily assembled, and having received notice of this event,
proceeded to confirm the regulations which had been made for the
minority of the stadtholder. Prince Louis of Brunswick was invited
to assist in the assembly of Holland, where he took the oaths, as
representing the captain-general of the union. Then he communicated to
the assembly the act by which the princess had appointed him guardian
of her children. He was afterwards invited to the assembly of the
states-general, who agreed to the resolution of Holland, with respect
to his guardianship; and in the evening the different colleges of the
government sent formal deputations to the young stadtholder, and the
princess Caroline, his sister, in whose names and presence they were
received, and answered by their guardian and representative. A formal
intimation of the death of the princess was communicated to the king her
father, in a pathetic letter, by the states-general; who condoled with
him on the irreparable loss which he as well as they had sustained by
this melancholy event, and assured him they would employ all their care
and attention in securing and defending the rights and interest of the
young stadtholder and the princess his sister, whom they considered
as the children of the republic. The royal family of England suffered
another disaster in the course of this year, by the decease of the
princess Elizabeth-Caroline, second daughter of his late royal highness
Frederick prince of Wales, a lady of the most amiable character, who
died at Kew in the month of September, before she had attained the
eighteenth year of her age.




EXAMPLES MADE OF PIRATES.

Certain privateers continuing their excesses at sea, and rifling neutral
ships without distinction or authority, the government resolved to
vindicate the honour of the nation, by making examples of those pirates,
who, as fast as they could be detected and secured, were brought to
trial, and upon conviction sacrificed to justice. While these steps were
taken to rescue the nation from the reproach of violence and rapacity,
which her neighbours had urged with such eagerness, equal spirit was
exerted in convincing neutral powers that they should not with impunity
contravene the law of nations, in favouring the enemies of Great
Britain. A great number of causes were tried relating to disputed
captures, and many Dutch vessels, with their cargoes, were condemned,
after a fair hearing, notwithstanding the loud clamours of that people,
and the repeated remonstrances of the states-general.

The reputation of the English was not so much affected by the
irregularities of her privateers, armed for rapine, as by the neglect
of internal police, and an ingredient of savage ferocity mingled in the
national character; an ingredient that appeared but too conspicuous in
the particulars of several shocking murders brought to light about this
period.--One Halsey, who commanded a merchant ship in the voyage from
Jamaica to England, having conceived some personal dislike to a poor
sailor, insulted him with such abuse, exposed him to such hardships,
and punished him with such wantonness of barbarity, that the poor wretch
leaped overboard in despair. His inhuman tyrant envying him that death,
which would have rescued a miserable object from his brutality, plunged
into the sea after him, and brought him on board, declaring, he
should not escape so while there were any torments left to inflict.
Accordingly, he exercised his tyranny upon him with redoubled rigour,
until the poor creature expired, in consequence of the inhuman treatment
he had sustained. This savage ruffian was likewise indicted for the
murder of another mariner, but being convicted on the first trial, the
second was found unnecessary, and the criminal suffered death according
to the law, which is perhaps too mild to malefactors convicted of such
aggravated cruelty.--Another barbarous murder was perpetrated in the
country, near Birmingham, upon a sheriff’s officer, by the sons of one
Darby, whose effects the bailiff had seized, on a distress for rent.
The two young assassins, encouraged by the father, attacked the unhappy
wretch with clubs, and mangled him in a terrible manner, so that
he hardly retained any signs of life. Not contented with this cruel
execution, they stripped him naked, and dragging him out of the house,
scourged him with a waggoner’s whip, until the flesh was cut from the
bones. In this miserable condition he was found weltering in his blood,
and conveyed to a neighbouring house, where he immediately expired.
The three barbarians were apprehended, after having made a desperate
resistance. They were tried, convicted, and executed; the sons were
hung in chains, and the body of the father dissected.--The widow of a
timber-merchant in Rotherhithe being cruelly murdered in her own house,
Mary Edmonson, a young woman, her niece, ran out into the street with
her arms cut across, and gave the alarm, declaring her aunt had been
assassinated by four men, who forced their way into the house, and that
she (the niece) had received those wounds in attempting to defend her
relation. According to the circumstances that appeared, this unnatural
wretch had cut the throat of her aunt and benefactress with a
case-knife, then dragged the body from the wash-house to the parlour;
that she had stolen a watch and some silver spoons, and concealed them,
together with the knife and her own apron, which was soaked with the
blood of her parent. After having acted this horrid tragedy, the bare
recital of which the humane reader will not peruse without horror, she
put on another apron, and wounded her own flesh, the better to conceal
her guilt. Notwithstanding these precautions she was suspected, and
committed to prison. Being brought to trial, she was convicted and
condemned upon circumstantial evidence, and finally executed on
Kennington-common, though she denied the fact to the last moment of her
life. At the place of execution she behaved with great composure, and,
after having spent some minutes in devotion, protested she was innocent
of the crime laid to her charge. What seemed to corroborate this
protestation, was the condition and character of the young woman,
who had been educated in a sphere above the vulgar, and maintained
a reputation without reproach in the country, where she was actually
betrothed to a clergyman. On the other hand, the circumstances that
appeared against her almost amounted to a certainty; though nothing
weaker than proof positive ought to determine a jury in capital cases
to give a verdict against the person accused. After all, this is one
of those problematic events which elude the force of all evidence, and
serve to confound the pride of Iranian reason.--A miscreant, whose
name was Haines, having espoused the daughter of a farmer in the
neighbourhood of Gloucester, who possessed a small estate, which he
intended to divide among seven children, was so abandoned as to form
the design of poisoning the whole family, that by virtue of his wife he
might enjoy the whole inheritance. For the execution of this infernal
scheme, he employed his own father to purchase a quantity of arsenic;
part of which he administered to three of the children, who were
immediately seized with the dreadful symptoms produced by this mineral,
and the eldest expired. He afterwards mixed it with three apple-cakes,
which he bought for the purpose, and presented to the three other
children, who underwent the same violence of operation which had proved
fatal to the eldest brother. The instantaneous effects of the poison
created a suspicion of Haines, who, being examined, the whole scene
of villany stood disclosed. Nevertheless, the villain found means
to escape.--The uncommon spirit of assassination which raged at this
period, seemed to communicate itself even to foreigners who breathed
English air. Five French prisoners confined on board the king’s ship the
Royal Oak, were convicted of having murdered one Jean de Manaux, their
countryman and fellow-prisoner, in revenge for his having discovered
that they had forged passes to facilitate their escape. Exasperated at
this detection, they seized this unfortunate informer in the place of
their confinement, gagged his mouth, stripped him naked, tied him with
a strong cord to a ring-bolt, and scourged his body with the most brutal
perseverance. By dint of struggling, the poor wretch disengaged himself
from the cord with which he had been tied: then they finished the
tragedy, by leaping and stamping on his breast, till the chest was
broke, and he expired. They afterwards severed the body into small
pieces, and these they conveyed at different times into the sea, through
the funnel of a convenience to which they had access: but one of the
other prisoners gave information of the murder; in consequence of
which they were secured, brought to trial, condemned, and punished with
death.--Nor were the instances of cruel assassination which prevailed
at this juncture confined to Great Britain. At the latter end of the
foregoing year, an atrocious massacre was perpetrated by two Genoese
mariners upon the master and crew of an English vessel, among whom they
were enrolled. These monsters of cruelty were in different watches, a
circumstance that favoured the execution of the horrid plan they had
concerted. When one of them retired to rest with his fellows of the
watch, consisting of the mate and two seamen, he waited till they were
fast asleep, and then butchered them all with a knife. Having so far
succeeded without discovery, he returned to the deck, and communicated
the exploit to his associate: then they suddenly attacked the master of
the vessel, and cleft his head with a hatchet, which they likewise
used in murdering the man that stood at the helm; a third was likewise
despatched, and no Englishman remained alive but the master’s son, a
boy, who lamented his father’s death with incessant tears and cries
for three days, at the expiration of which he was likewise sacrificed,
because the assassins were disturbed by his clamour. This barbarous
scene was acted within sixty leagues of the rock of Lisbon; but the
vessel was taken within the capes Ortugal and Finisterre, by the captain
of the French privateer called La Favourite, who seeing the deck stained
with blood, and finding all the papers of the ship destroyed, began to
suspect that the master and crew had been murdered. He accordingly taxed
them with the murder, and they confessed the particulars. The privateer
touched at Vigo, where the captain imparted this detail to the English
consul; but the prize, with the two villains on board, was sent to
Bayonne in France, where they were brought to condign punishment.




MURDER OF DANIEL CLARKE.

We shall close this register of blood with the account of a murder
remarkable in all its circumstances, for which a person, called Eugene
Aram, suffered at York, in the course of this year. This man, who
exercised the profession of a schoolmaster at Knaresborough, had, as
far back as the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-five, been
concerned with one Houseman, in robbing and murdering Daniel Clarke,
whom they had previously persuaded to borrow a considerable quantity of
valuable effects from different persons in the neighbourhood, on false
pretences, that he might retire with the booty. He had accordingly
filled a sack with these particulars, and began his retreat with his two
perfidious associates, who suddenly fell upon him, deprived him of life,
and, having buried the body in a cave, took possession of the plunder.
Though Clarke disappeared at once in such a mysterious manner, no
suspicion fell on the assassins; and Aram, who was the chief contriver
and agent in the murder, moved his habitation to another part of the
country. In the summer of the present year, Houseman being employed,
among other labourers, in repairing the public highway, they, in
digging for gravel by the road side, discovered the skeleton of a human
creature, which the majority supposed to be the bones of Daniel Clarke.
This opinion was no sooner broached, than Houseman, as it were by some
supernatural impulse which he could not resist, declared that it was
not the skeleton of Clarke, inasmuch as his body had been interred at a
place called St. Robert’s Cave, where they would find it, with the head
turned to a certain corner. He was immediately apprehended, examined,
admitted as evidence for the crown, and discovered the particulars of
the murder. The skeleton of Clarke being found exactly in the place
and manner he had described, Eugene Aram, who now acted as usher to a
grammar-school in the county of Norfolk, was secured, and brought
to trial at the York assizes. There, his own wife corroborating the
testimony of Houseman, he was found guilty, and received sentence of
death; notwithstanding a very artful and learned defence, in which he
proved, from argument and example, the danger of convicting a man upon
circumstantial evidence. Finding all his remonstrances ineffectual, he
recommended himself in pathetic terms to the king’s mercy; and if ever
murder was entitled to indulgence, perhaps it might have been extended
not improperly to this man, whose genius, in itself prodigious, might
have exerted itself in works of general utility. He had, in spite of all
the disadvantages attending low birth and straitened circumstances, by
the dint of his own capacity and inclination, made considerable progress
in mathematics and philosophy, acquired all the languages ancient and
modern, and executed part of a Celtic dictionary, which, had he lived
to finish it, might have thrown some essential light upon the origin
and obscurities of the European history. Convinced, at last, that he had
nothing to hope from the clemency of the government, he wrote a short
poem in defence of suicide; and, on the day fixed for his execution,
opened the veins of his left arm with a razor, which he had concealed
for that purpose. Though he was much weakened by the effusion of blood,
before this attempt was discovered, yet, as the instrument had missed
the artery, he did not expire until he was carried to the gibbet,
and underwent the sentence of the law. His body was conveyed to
Knaresborough-forest, and hung in chains, near the place where the
murder was perpetrated.--These are some of the most remarkable that
appeared amongst many other instances of homicide: a crime that prevails
to a degree alike deplorable and surprising, even in a nation renowned
for compassion and placability. But this will generally be the case
among people whose passions, naturally impetuous, are ill restrained by
laws, and the regulations of civil society; which the licentious do not
fear, and the wicked hope to evade.




MAJORITY OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

The prince of Wales having, in the beginning of June, entered the
two-and-twentieth year of his age, the anniversary of his birth was
celebrated with great rejoicings at court, and the king received
compliments of congratulation on the majority of a prince, who seemed
born to fulfil the hopes, and complete the happiness, of Great Britain.
The city of London presented an address to the king on this occasion,
replete with expressions of loyalty and affection, assuring his majesty,
that no hostile threats could intimidate a people animated by the
love of liberty, who, confiding in the Divine Providence, and in his
majesty’s experienced wisdom and vigorous councils, were resolved to
exert their utmost efforts towards enabling their sovereign to repel the
insults and defeat the attempts made by the ancient enemies of his crown
and kingdom. Congratulations of the same kind were offered by other
cities, towns, corporations, and communities, who vied with each other
in professions of attachment; and, indeed, there was not the least trace
of disaffection perceivable at this juncture in any part of the island.




A NEW BRIDGE AT BLACKFRIARS.

So little were the citizens of London distressed by the expense, or
incommoded by the operations of the war, that they found leisure to
plan, and funds to execute, magnificent works of art, for the ornament
of the metropolis, and the convenience of commerce. They had obtained
an act of parliament, empowering them to build a new bridge over the
Thames, from Blackfriars to the opposite shore, about midway between
those of London and Westminster. Commissioners were appointed to
put this act in execution; and, at a court of common-council, it was
resolved that a sum not exceeding one hundred and forty-four thousand
pounds should be forthwith raised, within the space of eight years, by
instalments, not exceeding thirty thousand pounds in one year, to be
paid into the chamber of London; that the persons advancing the money
should have an interest at the rate of four pounds per cent, per
annum, to be paid half-yearly by the chamberlain, yet redeemable at the
expiration of the first ten years; and that the chamberlain should affix
the city’s seal to such instruments as the committee might think fit to
give for securing the payment of the said annuities. Such were the first
effectual steps taken towards the execution of a laudable measure, which
met with the most obstinate opposition in the sequel, from the narrow
views of particular people, as well as from the prejudice of party.




FIRE IN CORNHILL.

The spirit that now animated the citizens of London was such as small
difficulties did not retard, and even considerable losses could not
discourage. In the month of November the city was exposed to a dangerous
conflagration, kindled in the night by accident in the neighbourhood of
the Royal Exchange, which burned with great fury, and, notwithstanding
the assistance of the firemen and engines, employed under the personal
direction of the magistracy, consumed a great number of houses, and
damaged many more. That whole quarter of the town was filled with
consternation: some individuals were beggared; one or two perished in
the flames, and some were buried in the ruins of the houses that sunk
under the disaster.




METHOD CONTRIVED TO FIND OUT THE LONGITUDE.

The ferment of mind so peculiar to the natives of Great Britain, excited
by a strange mixture of genius and caprice, passion and philosophy,
study and conjecture, produced at this period some flowers of
improvement, in different arts and sciences, that seemed to promise
fruit of public utility. Several persons invented methods for
discovering the longitude at sea, that great _desideratum_ in
navigation, for the ascertainment of which so many nations have
offered a public recompense, and in the investigation of which so many
mathematical heads have been disordered. Some of those who now appeared
candidates for the prize deserved encouragement for the ingenuity of
their several systems; but he who seemed to enjoy’ the pre-eminence in
the opinion and favour of the public was Mr. Irwin, a native of Ireland,
who contrived a chair so artfully poised, that a person sitting in it on
board a ship, even in a rough sea, can, through a telescope, observe
the immersion and emersion of Jupiter’s satellites, without being
interrupted or incommoded by the motion of the vessel. This gentleman
was favoured with the assistance and protection of commodore lord Howe,
in whose presence the experiment was tried in several ships at sea with
such success, that he granted a certificate, signifying his approbation;
and in consequence of this, Mr. Irwin is said to have obtained a
considerable reward from the board of admiralty.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




INSTALLATION AT OXFORD.

The people of England, happy in their situation, felt none of the storms
of war and desolation which ravaged the neighbouring countries; but,
enriched by a surprising augmentation of commerce, enjoyed all the
security of peace, and all the pleasures of taste and affluence. The
university of Oxford having conferred the office of their chancellor,
vacant by the death of the earl of Arran, upon another nobleman of equal
honour and integrity, namely, the earl of Westmoreland, he made a public
entrance into that celebrated seat of learning with great magnificence,
and was installed amidst the Encaenia, which were celebrated with such
classical elegance of pomp, as might have rivalled the chief Roman
festival of the Augustan age. The chancellor elect was attended by a
splendid train of the nobility and persons of distinction. The city of
Oxford was filled with a vast concourse of strangers. The processions
were contrived with taste, and conducted with decorum. The installation
was performed with the most striking solemnity. The congratulatory
verses and public speeches breathed the spirit of old Rome; and the
ceremony was closed by Dr. King, that venerable sage of St. Mary Hall,
who pronounced an oration in praise of the new chancellor with all the
flow of Tully, animated by the fire of Demosthenes.

We shall conclude the remarkable incidents of this year:*

     * In the spring of the year the liberal arts sustained a
     lamentable loss in the death of George Frederick Handel, the
     most celebrated master in music which this age had produced.
     He was by birth a German; but had studied in Italy, and
     afterwards settled in England, where he met with the most
     favourable reception, and resided above half a century,
     universally admired for his stupendous genius in the sublime
     parts of musical composition.

     One would be apt to imagine, that there was something in the
     constitution of the air at this period, which was
     particularly unfavourable to old age; inasmuch as, in the
     compass of a few months, the following persons, remarkable
     for their longevity, died in the kingdom of Scotland.
     William Barnes, who had been above seventy years a servant
     in the family of Brodie, died there, at the age of one
     hundred and nine. Catherine Mackenzie died in Ross-shire, at
     the age of one hundred and eighteen. Janet Blair, deceased
     at Monemusk, in the shire of Aberdeen, turned of one
     hundred and twelve. Alexander Stephens, in Banffshire, at
     the age of one hundred and eight. Janet Harper, of
     Bainsholes, at the age of one hundred and seven. Daniel
     Cameron, in Rannaeh, married when he was turned of one
     hundred, and survived his marriage thirty years.

These are detached from the prosecution of the war, with the detail of
an event equally surprising and deplorable:--A sloop called the Dolphin,
bound from the Canaries to New York, met with such unfavourable weather,
that she was detained one hundred and sixty-five days in the passage,
and the provision of the ship was altogether expended before the first
fifty days were elapsed. The wretched crew had devoured their dog, cat,
and all their shoes on board: at length, being reduced to the utmost
extremity, they agreed to cast lots for their lives, that the body of
him upon whom the lot should fall might serve for some time to support
the survivors. The wretched victim was one Antoni Ga-latia, a Spanish
gentleman and passenger. Him they shot with a musket; and having cut
off his head, threw it overboard; but the entrails and the rest of the
carcase they greedily devoured. This horrid banquet having, as it were,
fleshed the famished crew, they began to talk of another sacrifice, from
which, however, they were diverted by the influence and remonstrances of
their captain, who prevailed upon them to be satisfied with a miserable
allowance to each per diem, cut from a pair of leather breeches found
in the cabin. Upon this calamitous pittance, reinforced with the grass
which grew plentifully upon the deck, these poor objects made shift to
subsist for twenty days, at the expiration of which they were relieved,
and taken on board by one captain Bradshaw, who chanced to fall in with
them at sea. By this time the whole crew, consisting of seven men, were
so squalid and emaciated, as to exhibit an appearance at once piteous
and terrible; and so reduced in point of strength, that it was found
necessary to use ropes and tackle for hoisting them from one ship to the
other. The circumstance of the lot falling upon the Spaniard, who was
the only foreigner on board, encourages a suspicion that foul play was
offered to this unfortunate stranger; but the most remarkable part of
this whole incident is, that the master and crew could not contrive some
sort of tackle to catch fish, with which the sea every where abounds,
and which, no doubt, might be caught with the help of a little
ingenuity. If implements of this kind were provided in every ship,
they would probably prevent all those tragical events at sea that are
occasioned by famine.




CAPTURES MADE BY CRUISERS.

Previous to the more capital operations in war, we shall particularize
the most remarkable captures that were made upon the enemy by single
ships of war, during the course of this summer and autumn. In the month
of February, a French privateer belonging to Granville, called the
Marquis de Marigny, having on board near two hundred men, and mounted
with twenty cannon, was taken by captain Parker, commander of his
majesty’s ship the Montague; who likewise made prize of a smaller armed
vessel, from Dunkirk, of eight cannon and sixty men. About the same
period, captain Graves, of the Unicorn, brought in the Moras privateer,
of St. Maloes, carrying two hundred men, and two-and-twenty cannon. Two
large merchant-ships, laden on the French king’s account for Martinique,
with provisions, clothing, and arms, for the troops on that island, were
taken by captain Lendrick, commander of the Brilliant; and an English
transport from St. John’s, having four hundred French prisoners on
board, perished near the Western islands. Within the circle of the same
month, a large French ship from St. Domingo, richly laden, fell in with
the Favourite ship of war, and was carried into Gibraltar.

In the month of February, captain Hood, of his majesty’s frigate the
Vestal, belonging to a small squadron commanded by admiral Holmes, who
had sailed for the West Indies in January, being advanced a considerable
way ahead of the fleet, descried and gave chase to a sail, which proved
to be a French frigate called the Bellona, of two hundred and
twenty men, and two-and-thirty great guns, commanded by the count
de Beauhonoire. Captain Hood, having made a signal to the admiral,
continued the chase until he advanced within half musket-shot of the
enemy, and then poured in a broadside, which was immediately retorted.
The engagement thus begun was maintained with great vigour on both sides
for the space of four hours; at the expiration of which the Bellona
struck, after having lost all her masts and rigging, together with about
forty men killed in the action. Nor was the victor in a much better
condition. Thirty men were killed and wounded on board the Vestal.
Immediately after the enemy submitted, all her rigging being destroyed
by the shot, the topmasts fell overboard; and she was otherwise so
much damaged, that she could not proceed on her voyage. Captain Hood,
therefore, returned with his prize to Spithead; and afterwards met with
a gracious reception from his majesty, on account of the valour and
conduct he had displayed on this occasion. The Bellona had sailed in
January from the island of Martinique, along with the Florissant,
and another French frigate, from which she had been separated in the
passage. Immediately after this exploit, captain Elliot, of the AEolus
frigate, accompanied by the Isis, made prize of a French ship, the
Mignonne, of twenty guns, and one hundred and forty men, one of four
frigates employed as convoy to a large fleet of merchant-ships, near the
island of Rhé.

In the month of March, the English frigates the Southampton and Melampe,
commanded by the captains Gilchrist and Hotham, being at sea to the
northward on a cruise, fell in with the Danaë, a French ship of forty
cannon, and three hundred and thirty men, which was engaged by captain
Hotham in a ship of half the force, who maintained the battle a
considerable time with admirable gallantry, before his consort could
come to his assistance. As they fought in the dark, captain Gilchrist
was obliged to lie by for some time, because he could not distinguish
the one from the other; but no sooner did the day appear, than he bore
down upon the Danaë with his usual impetuosity, and soon compelled her
to surrender: she did not strike, however, until thirty or forty of her
men were slain; and the gallant captain Gilchrist received a grape-shot
in his shoulder, which, though it did not deprive him of life, yet
rendered him incapable of future service: a misfortune the more to be
lamented, as it happened to a brave officer in the vigour of his age,
and in the midst of a sanguinary war, which might have afforded him
many other opportunities of signalizing his courage for the honour and
advantage of his country. Another remarkable exploit was achieved
about the same juncture by captain Barrington, commander of the ship
Achilles, mounted with sixty cannon; who, to the westward of Cape
Finisterre, encountered a French ship of equal force, called the
Count de Saint Florintin, bound from Cape François, on the island of
Hispaniola, to Rochefort, under the command of the sieur de Montay, who
was obliged to strike, after a close and obstinate engagement, in which
he himself was mortally wounded, a great number of his men slain, and
his ship so damaged, that she was with difficulty brought into Falmouth.
Captain Barrington obtained the victory at the expense of about
five-and-twenty men killed and wounded, and all his rigging, which the
enemy’s shot rendered useless. Two small privateers from Dunkirk were
also taken: one called the Marquis de Bareil, by the Brilliant, which
carried her into Kin-sale in Ireland; the other called the Carrilloneur,
which struck to the Grace cutter, assisted by the boats of the ship
Rochester, commanded by captain Duff, who sent her into the Downs.

About the latter end of March, captain Samuel Falkner, in the ship
Windsor, of sixty guns, cruising to the westward, discovered four large
ships to leeward, which, when he approached them, formed the line of
battle ahead, in order to give him a warm reception. He accordingly
closed with the sternmost ship, which sustained his fire about an hour:
then the other three bearing away with all the sail they could carry,
she struck her colours, and was conducted to Lisbon. She proved to
be the Duc de Chartres, pierced for sixty cannon, though at that time
carrying no more than four-and-twenty, with a complement of three
hundred men, about thirty of whom were killed in the action. She
belonged, with the other three that escaped, to the French East India
company, was laden with gunpowder and naval stores, and bound for
Pondicherry. Two privateers, called Le Chasseur and Le Conquérant, the
one from Dunkirk, and the other from Cherbourg, were taken and carried
into Plymouth by captain Hughes, of his majesty’s frigate the Tamer. A
third, called the Despatch, from Morlaix, was brought into Penzance by
the Diligence sloop, under the command of captain Eastwood. A fourth,
called the Basque, from Bayonne, furnished with two-and-twenty guns,
and above two hundred men, fell into the hands of captain Parker of
the Brilliant, who conveyed her into Plymouth. Captain Antrobus of the
Surprise, took the Vieux, a privateer of Bourdeaux; and a fifth, from
Dunkirk, struck to captain Knight of the Liverpool, off Yarmouth. In
the month of May, a French frigate called the Arethusa, mounted with
two-and-thirty cannon, manned with a large complement of hands under the
command of the marquis de Vaudreuil, submitted to two British frigates,
the Venus and the Thames, commanded by the captains Harrison and Colby,
after a warm engagement, in which sixty men were killed and wounded on
the side of the enemy. In the beginning of June, an armed ship belonging
to Dunkirk was brought into the Downs by captain Angel, of the Stag; and
a privateer of force, called the Countess de la Serre, was subdued and
taken, after an obstinate action, by captain Moore, of his majesty’s
ship the Adventure.




PRIZES TAKEN IN THE WEST INDIES.

Several armed ships of the enemy, and rich prizes, were taken in the
West Indies, particularly two French frigates, and two Dutch ships
with French commodities, all richly laden, by some of the ships of the
squadron which vice-admiral Coats commanded on the Jamaica station. A
fifth, called the Velour, from St. Domingo, with a valuable cargo on
board, being fortified with twenty cannon, and above one hundred men,
fell in with the Favourite sloop of war, under the command of captain
Edwards, who, after’ art obstinate dispute, carried her in triumph
to Gibraltar. At St. Christopher’s, in the West Indies, captain
Collingwood, commander of the king’s ship the Crescent, attacked
two French frigates, the Améthyste and Berkeley; the former of which
escaped, after a warm engagement, in which the Crescent’s rigging was
so much damaged that she could not pursue; but the other was taken, and
conveyed into the harbour of Basseterre. Notwithstanding the vigilance
and courage of the English cruisers in those seas, the French privateers
swarmed to such a degree, that in the course of this year they took
above two hundred sail of British ships, valued at six hundred thousand
pounds sterling. This their success is the more remarkable, as by this
time the island of Guadaloupe was in possession of the English, and
commodore Moore commanded a numerous squadron in those very latitudes.




ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE HERCULES AND THE FLORISSANT.

In the beginning of October, the Hercules ship of war, mounted with
seventy-four guns, under the command of captain Porter, cruising in the
chops of the channel, descried to windward a large ship, which proved to
be the Florissant, of the same force with the Hercules. Her commander,
perceiving the English ship giving chase, did not seem to decline
the action, but bore down upon her in a slanting direction, and the
engagement began with great fury. In a little time, the Hercules having
lost her top-mast, and all her rigging being shot away, the enemy took
advantage of this disaster, made the best of his way, and was pursued
till eight o’clock next morning, when he escaped behind the isle of
Oleron. Captain Porter was wounded in the head with a grape-shot, and
lost the use of one leg in the engagement.




HAVRE-DE-GRACE BOMBARDED.

Having taken notice of all the remarkable captures and exploits that
were made and achieved by single ships since the commencement of the
present year, we shall now proceed to describe the actions that were
performed in this period by the different squadrons that constituted the
naval power of Great Britain. Intelligence having been received that the
enemy meditated an invasion upon some of the British territories, and
that a number of flat-bottomed boats were prepared at Havre-de-Grace,
for the purpose of disembarking troops, rear-admiral Rodney was, in the
beginning of July, detached with a small squadron of ships and bombs
to annoy and overawe that part of the coast of France. He accordingly
anchored in the road of Havre, and made a disposition to execute the
instructions he had received. The bomb vessels, being placed in the
narrow channel of the river leading to Ronfleur, began to throw their
shells, and continued the bombardment for two-and-fifty hours, without
intermission, during which a numerous body of French troops were
employed in throwing up intrenchments, erecting new batteries, and
firing both with shot and shells upon the assailants. The town was set
on fire in several places, and burned with great fury; some of the
boats were overturned, and a few of them reduced to ashes, while the
inhabitants forsook the place in the utmost consternation: nevertheless,
the damage done to the enemy was too inconsiderable to make amends for
the expense of the armament, and the loss of nineteen hundred shells
and eleven hundred carcasses, which were expended in this expedition.
Bombardments of this kind are at best but expensive and unprofitable
operations, and may be deemed a barbarous method of prosecuting war,
inasmuch as the damage falls upon the wretched inhabitants, who have
given no cause of offence, and who are generally spared by a humane
enemy, unless they have committed some particular act of provocation.




BOSCAWEN DEFEATS M. DE LA CLUE.

The honour of the British flag was much more effectually asserted by
the gallant admiral Boscawen, who, as we have already observed, was
intrusted with the conduct of a squadron in the Mediterranean. It must
be owned, however, that his first attempt savoured of temerity. Having
in vain displayed the British flag in sight of Toulon, by way of
defiance to the French fleet that lay there at anchor, he ordered three
ships of the line, commanded by the captains Smith, Harland, and
Barker, to advance and burn two ships that lay close to the mouth of the
harbour. They accordingly approached with great intrepidity, and met
with a very warm reception from divers batteries, which they had
not before perceived. Two small forts they attempted to destroy, and
cannonaded for some time with great fury; but being overmatched by
superior force, and the wind subsiding into a calm, they sustained
considerable damage, and were towed off with great difficulty in a
very shattered condition. The admiral seeing three of his best ships so
roughly handled in this enterprise, returned to Gibraltar in order
to refit; and M. de la Clue, the French commander of the squadron at
Toulon, seized this opportunity of sailing, in hopes of passing the
Straits’ mouth unobserved, his fleet consisting of twelve large ships
and three frigates. Admiral Boscawen, who commanded fourteen sail of
the line with two frigates, and as many fire-ships, having refitted
his squadron, detached one frigate to cruise off Malaga, and another
to hover between Estepona and Ceuta-point, with a view to keep a good
look-out, and give timely notice in case the enemy should approach. On
the seventeenth day of August, at eight in the evening, the Gibraltar
frigate made a signal that fourteen sail appeared on the Barbary shore,
to the eastward of Ceuta; upon which the English admiral immediately
heaved up his anchors and went to sea. At day-light he descried seven
large ships lying-to; but when the English squadron forbore to answer
their signal, they discovered their mistake, set all their sails, and
made the best of their way. This was the greater part of the French
squadron, commanded by M. de la Clue, from whom five of his large ships
and three frigates had separated in the night. Even now, perhaps, he
might have escaped, had he not been obliged to wait for the Souveraine,
which was a heavy sailer. At noon the wind, which had blown a heavy
gale, died away, and although admiral Boscawen had made signal to chase,
and engage in a line of battle ahead, it was not till half an hour after
two that some of his headmost ships could close with the rear of the
enemy, which, though greatly out-numbered, fought with uncommon bravery.
The English admiral, without waiting to return the fire of the
sternmost, which he received as he passed, used all his endeavours to
come up with the Ocean, which M. de la Clue commanded in person; and
about four o’clock in the afternoon, running athwart her hawse, poured
into her a furious broadside: thus the engagement began with equal
vigour on both sides. This dispute, however, was of short duration. In
about half an hour admiral Boscawen’s mizen-mast and topsail-yards were
shot away, and the enemy hoisted all the sail they could carry. Mr.
Boscawen having shifted his flag from the Namur to the Newark, joined
some other ships in attacking the Centaur, of seventy-four guns, which,
being thus overpowered, was obliged to surrender. The British admiral
pursued them all night, during which the Souveraine and the Guerrier
altered their course, and deserted their commander. At day-break, M. de
la Clue, whose left leg had been broke in the engagement, perceiving the
English squadron crowding all their sails to come up with him, and
finding himself on the coast of Portugal, determined to burn his ships
rather than they should fall into the hands of the victors. The Ocean
was run ashore two leagues from Lagos, near the fort of Almadana, the
commander of which fired three shots at the English; another captain of
the French squadron followed the example of his commander, and both
endeavoured to disembark their men; but the sea being rough, this proved
a very tedious and difficult attempt. The captains of the Téméraire and
Modeste, instead of destroying their ships, anchored as near as they
could to the forts Xavier and Lagres, in hopes of enjoying their
protection; but in this hope they were disappointed. M. de la Clue had
been landed, and the command of the Ocean was left to the count de
Carne, who, having received one broadside from the America, struck his
colours, and the English took possession of this noble prize, the best
ship in the French navy, mounted with eighty cannon. Captain Bentley of
the Warspite, who had remarkably signalized himself by his courage
during the action of the preceding day, attacked the Téméraire, of
seventy-four guns, and brought her off with little damage. Vice-admiral
Broderick, the second in command, advancing with his division, burned
the Redoubtable, of seventy-four guns, which was bulged, and abandoned
by her men and officers; but they made prize of the Modeste, carrying
sixty-four guns, which had not been much injured in the engagement. This
victory was obtained by the English admiral at a very small expense of
men; the whole number of the killed and wounded not exceeding two
hundred and fifty on board of the British squadron, though the carnage
among the enemy must have been much more considerable, as M. de la Clue,
in his letter to the French ambassador at Lisbon, owned, that on board
of his own ship, the Ocean, one hundred men were killed on the spot, and
seventy dangerously wounded. But the most severe circumstance of this
disaster was the loss of four capital ships, two of which were
destroyed, and the other two brought in triumph to England, to be
numbered among the best bottoms of the British navy. What augmented the
good fortune of the victors was, that not one officer lost his Life in
the engagement. Captain Bentley, whom the admiral despatched to England
with the tidings of his success, met with a gracious reception from the
king, who knighted him for his gallantry.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




PREPARATIONS MADE BY THE FRENCH FOR INVADING ENGLAND.

As we propose to throw together all the naval transactions of the year,
especially those that happened in the European seas, that they may be
comprehended, as it were, in one view, we must now, without regarding
the order of time, postpone many previous events of importance,
and record the last action by sea, that in the course of this year
distinguished the flag of Great Britain. The court of Versailles, in
order to embarrass the British ministry, and divert their attention
from all external expeditions, had in the winter projected a plan for
invading some part of the British dominions; and in the beginning of the
year had actually begun to make preparations on different parts of their
coast for carrying this design into execution. Even as far back as the
latter end of May, messages from the king to both houses of parliament
were delivered by the earl of Holdernesse and Mr. Pitt, the two
secretaries of state, signifying that his majesty had received advices
of preparations making by the French court, with a design to invade
Great Britain: that though persuaded, by the universal zeal and
affection of his people, any such attempt must, under the blessing
of God, end in the destruction of those who engaged in it; yet he
apprehended he should not act consistent with that paternal care and
concern which he had always shown for the safety and preservation of his
subjects, if he omitted any means in his power which might be necessary
for their defence: he, therefore, acquainted the parliament with his
having received repeated intelligence of the enemy’s preparations, to
the end that his majesty might, if he should think proper, in pursuance
of the late act of parliament, cause the militia, or such parts thereof
as should be necessary, to be drawn out and embodied, in order to march
as occasion should require. These messages were no sooner read, than
each house separately resolved to present an address, thanking his
majesty for having communicated this intelligence; assuring him, that
they would, with their lives and fortunes, support him against all
attempts whatever; that, warmed with affection and zeal for his person
and government, and animated by indignation at the daring designs of an
enemy whose fleet had hitherto shunned the terror of the British navy,
they would cheerfully exert their utmost efforts to repel all insults,
and effectually enable their sovereign not only to disappoint the
attempts of France, but, by the blessing of God, turn them to their own
confusion. The commons at the same time resolved upon another address,
desiring his majesty would give directions to his lieutenants of the
several counties, ridings, and places within South Britain, to use
their utmost diligence and attention in executing the several acts of
parliament made for the better ordering the militia.




ACCOUNT OF THUROT.

These and other precautionary steps were accordingly taken; but the
administration wisely placed their chief dependence upon the strength of
the navy, part of which was so divided and stationed as to block up
all the harbours of France in which the enemy were known to prepare any
naval armament of consequence. We have seen in what manner rear-admiral
Rodney visited the town and harbour of Havre-de-Grace, and scoured
that part of the coast in successive cruises: we have also recorded the
expedition and victory of admiral Boscawen over the squadron of La Clue,
which was equipped at Toulon, with a design to assist in the projected
invasion. Not withstanding this disaster, the French ministry persisted
in their design; towards the execution of which they had prepared
another considerable fleet, in the harbours of Rochefort, Brest, and
Port-Louis, to be commanded by M. de Conflans, and reinforced by a
considerable body of troops, which were actually assembled under the
duc d’Aiguillon, at Vannes, in Lower Bretagne. Flat-bottomed boats and
transports to be used in this expedition, were prepared in different
ports on the coast of France: and a small squadron was equipped at
Dunkirk, under the command of an enterprising adventurer called Thurot,
who had, in the course of the preceding year, signalized his courage and
conduct in a large privateer called the Belleisle, which had scoured
the North Seas, taken a number of ships, and at one time maintained an
obstinate battle against two English frigates, which were obliged to
desist, after having received considerable damage. This man’s name
became a terror to the merchants of Great Britain; for his valour was
not more remarkable in battle than his conduct in eluding the pursuit
of the British cruisers, who were successively detached in quest of
him, through every part of the German Ocean and North Sea, as far as the
islands of Orkney. It must be likewise owned, for the honour of human
nature, that this bold mariner, though destitute of the advantages of
birth and education, was remarkably distinguished by his generosity and
compassion to those who had the misfortune to fall into his power;
and that his deportment in every respect entitled him to a much more
honourable rank in the service of his country. The court of Versailles
was not insensible to his merit. He obtained a commission from the
French king, and was vested with the command of the small armament now
fitting out in the harbour of Dunkirk. The British government, being
apprized of all these particulars, took such measures to defeat the
purposed invasion, as must have conveyed a very high idea of the power
of Great Britain, to those who considered, that, exclusive of the
force opposed to this design, they at the same time carried on the most
vigorous and important operations of war in Germany, America, the East
and West Indies. Thurot’s armament at Dunkirk was watched by an English
squadron in the Downs, commanded by commodore Boys; the port of Havre
was guarded by rear-admiral Rodney; Mr. Boscawen had been stationed off
Toulon, and the coast of Vannes was scoured by a small squadron detached
from sir Edward Hawke, who had, during the summer, blocked up the
harbour of Brest, where Conflans lay with his fleet, in order to be
joined by the other divisions of the armament. These different squadrons
of the British navy were connected by a chain of separate cruisers;
so that the whole coast of France, from Dunkirk to the extremity of
Bretagne, was distressed by an actual blockade.




FRENCH FLEET SAILS FROM BREST.

The French fleet being thus hampered, forbore their attempt upon
Britain; and the projected invasion seemed to hang in suspense till the
month of August, in the beginning of which their army in Germany was
defeated at Minden. Their designs in that country being baffled by this
disaster, they seemed to convert their chief attention to their sea
armament; the preparations were resumed with redoubled vigour; and, even
after the defeat of La Clue, they resolved to try their fortune in a
descent. They now proposed to disembark a body of troops in Ireland.
Thurot received orders to sail from Dunkirk with the first opportunity,
and shape his course round the northern parts of Scotland, that he might
alarm the coast of Ireland, and make a diversion from that part where
Conflans intended to effectuate the disembarkation of his forces. The
transports and ships of war were assembled at Brest and Rochefort,
having on board a train of artillery, with saddles, and other
accoutrements for cavalry, to be mounted in Ireland; and a body
of French troops, including part of the Irish brigade, was kept
in readiness to embark. The execution of this scheme was, however,
prevented by the vigilance of sir Edward Hawke, who blocked up the
harbour of Brest with a fleet of twenty-three capital ships; while
another squadron of smaller ships and frigates, under the command of
captain Duff, continued to cruise along the French coast, from Port
L’Orient in Bretagne, to the point of St. Gilles in Poitou. At length,
however, in the beginning of November, the British squadron, commanded
by sir Edward Hawke, sir Charles Hardy, and rear-admiral Geary, were
driven from the coast of France by stress of weather, and on the ninth
day of the month anchored in Torbay. The French admiral, Conflans,
snatched this opportunity of sailing from Brest, with one-and-twenty
sail of the line and four frigates, in hopes of being able to destroy
the English squadron commanded by captain Duff, before the large
fleet could return from the coast of England. Sir Edward Hawke, having
received intelligence that the French fleet had sailed from Brest,
immediately stood to sea in order to pursue them; and, in the meantime,
the government issued orders for guarding all those parts of the coast
that were thought the most exposed to a descent. The land-forces were
put in motion, and quartered along the shore of Kent and Sussex: all the
ships of war in the different harbours, even those that had just arrived
from America, were ordered to put to sea, and every step was taken to
disconcert the designs of the enemy.




ADMIRAL HAWKE DEFEATS M. DE CONFLANS.

While these measures were taken with equal vigour and deliberation, sir
Edward Hawke steered his course directly for Quiberon, on the coast
of Bretagne, which he supposed would be the rendezvous of the French
squadron: but, notwithstanding his utmost efforts, he was driven by
a hard gale considerably to the westward, where he was joined by two
frigates, the Maidstone and the Coventry. These he directed to keep
ahead of the squadron. The weather growing more moderate, the former
made the signal for seeing a fleet on the twentieth day of November,
at half an hour past eight o’clock in the morning, and in an hour
afterwards discovered them to be the enemy’s squadron. They were at that
time in chase of captain Duff’s squadron, which now joined the large
fleet, after having run some risk of being taken. Sir Edward Hawke, who,
when the Maidstone gave the first notice, had formed the line abreast,
now perceiving that the French admiral endeavoured to escape with all
the sail he could carry, threw out a signal for seven of his ships that
were nearest the enemy to chase, and endeavour to detain them, until
they could be reinforced by the rest of the squadron, which were ordered
to form into a line-of-battle ahead, as they chased, that no time might
be lost in the pursuit. Considering the roughness of the weather, which
was extremely tempestuous; the nature of the coast, which is in this
place rendered very hazardous by a great number of sand-banks, shoals,
rocks, and islands, as entirely unknown to the British sailors as they
were familiar to the French navigators; the dangers of a short day,
dark night, and lee-shore--it required extraordinary resolution in the
English admiral to attempt hostilities on this occasion: but sir Edward
Hawke, steeled with the integrity and fortitude of his own heart,
animated by a warm love for his country, and well acquainted with the
importance of the stake on which the safety of that country in a
great measure depended, was resolved to run extraordinary risks in his
endeavours to frustrate, at once, a boasted scheme projected for the
annoyance of his fellow-subjects. With respect to his ships of the line,
he had but the advantage of one in point of number, and no superiority
in men or metal; consequently, M. de Conflans might have hazarded a
fair battle on the open sea, without any imputation of temerity; but
he thought proper to play a more artful game, though it did not succeed
according to his expectation. He kept his fleet in a body, and retired
close in shore, with a view to draw the English squadron among the
shoals and islands, on which he hoped they would pay dear for their
rashness and impetuosity, while he and his officers, who were perfectly
acquainted with the navigation, could either stay and take advantage of
the disaster, or, if hard pressed, retire through channels unknown to
the British pilots. At half an hour after two, the van of the
English fleet began the engagement with the rear of the enemy, in the
neighbourhood of Belleisle. Every ship, as she advanced, poured in a
broadside on the sternmost of the French, and bore down upon their van,
leaving the rear to those that came after. Sir Edward Hawke, in the
Royal George, of one hundred and ten guns, reserved his fire in passing
through the rear of the enemy, and ordered his master to bring him
alongside of the French admiral, who commanded in person on board the
Soliel Royal, a ship mounted with eighty cannon, and provided with a
complement of twelve hundred men. When the pilot remonstrated that he
could not obey his command without the most imminent risk of running
upon a shoal, the veteran replied, “You have done your duty in showing
the danger; now you are to comply with my order, and lay me alongside
the Soleil Royal.” His wish was gratified: the Royal George ranged up
with the French admiral. The Thesée, another large ship of the enemy,
running up between the two commanders, sustained the fire that was
reserved for the Soliel Royal; but in returning the first broadside
foundered, in consequence of the high sea that entered her lower
deck-ports, and filled her with water. Notwithstanding the boisterous
weather, a great number of ships on both sides fought with equal
fury and dubious success, till about four in the afternoon, when the
Formidable struck her colours. The Superb shared the fate of the Thésée
in going to the bottom. The Hero hauled down her colours in token of
submission, and dropped anchor; but the wind was so high that no boat
could be sent to take possession, By this time day-light began to fail,
and the greater part of the French fleet escaped under cover of the
darkness. Night approaching, the wind blowing with augmented violence
on a lee-shore, and the British squadron being entangled among unknown
shoals and islands, sir Edward Hawke made the signal for anchoring to
the westward of the small island Dumet; and here the fleet remained all
night in a very dangerous riding, alarmed by the fury of the storm, and
the incessant firing of guns of distress, without their knowing whether
it proceeded from friend or enemy. The Soliel Royal had, under favour
of the night, anchored also in the midst of the British squadron; but
at day-break M. de Conflans ordered her cable to be cut, and she drove
ashore to the westward of Crozie. The English admiral immediately made
signal to the Essex to slip cable and pursue her; and, in obeying this
order, she ran unfortunately on a sand-bank called Lefour, where the
Resolution, another ship of the British squadron, was already grounded.
Here they were both irrecoverably lost, in spite of all the assistance
that could be given; but all their men, and part of their stores, were
saved, and the wrecks were set on fire by order of the admiral. He
likewise detached the Portland, Chatham, and Vengeance, to destroy the
Soleil Royal, which was burned by her own people before the English
ships could approach; but they arrived in time enough to reduce the Hero
to ashes on the Lefour, where she had been also stranded; and the Juste,
another of their great ships, perished in the mouth of the Loire. The
admiral, perceiving seven large ships of the enemy riding at anchor
between Point Penvas and the mouth of the river Vilaine, made the signal
to weigh, in order to attack them; but the fury of the storm increased
to such a degree, that he was obliged to remain at anchor, and even
ordered the top-gallant masts to be struck. In the meantime, the French
ships being lightened of their cannon, their officers took advantage
of the flood, and a more moderate gale under the land, to enter the
Vilaine, where they lay within half a mile of the entrance, protected
by some occasional batteries erected on the shore, and by two large
frigates moored across the mouth of the harbour. Thus they were
effectually secured from any attempts of small vessels; and as for large
ships, there was not water sufficient to float them within fighting
distance of the enemy. On the whole, this battle, in which a very
considerable number of lives was lost, may be considered as one of
the most perilous and important actions that ever happened in any
war between the two nations; for it not only defeated the projected
invasion, which had hung menacing so long over the apprehensions of
Great Britain; but it gave the finishing blow to the naval power
of France, which was totally disabled from undertaking anything of
consequence in the sequel.*

     * During this war, the English had already taken and
     destroyed twenty-seven French ships of the line, and thirty-
     one frigates: two of their great ships and four frigates
     perished; so that their whole loss, in this particular,
     amounted to sixty-four: whereas, the loss of Great Britain
     did not exceed seven sail of the line and five frigates. It
     may be easily conceived how the French marine, at first
     greatly inferior to the naval power of Britain, must have
     been affected by this dreadful balance to its prejudice.

By this time, indeed, Thurot had escaped from Dunkirk, and directed his
course to the North Sea, whither he was followed by commodore Boys,
who nevertheless was disappointed in his pursuit; but the fate of that
enterprising adventurer falls under the annals of the ensuing year,
among the transactions of which it shall be recorded. As for sir
Edward Hawke, he continued cruising off the coast of Bretagne for a
considerable time after the victory he had obtained, taking particular
care to block up the mouth of the river Vilaine, that the seven French
ships might not escape and join M. Conflans, who made shift to reach
Rochefort with the shattered remains of his squadron. Indeed, this
service became such a considerable object in the eyes of the British
ministry, that a large fleet was maintained upon this coast, apparently
for no other purpose, during a whole year; and, after all, the enemy
eluded their vigilance. Sir Edward Hawke, having undergone a long and
dangerous conflict with tempestuous weather, was at length recalled,
and presented to his sovereign, who gratified him with a considerable
pension, for the courage and conduct he had so often and so long
displayed in the service of his country; and his extraordinary merit was
afterwards honoured with the approbation of the parliament. The people
of France were so dispirited by the defeat of their army at Minden, and
the disaster of their squadron at Lagos, that the ministry of Versailles
thought proper to conceal the extent of their last misfortunes under a
palliating detail published in the gazette of Paris, as a letter from M.
Conflans to the count de St. Florentin, secretary of the marine. In this
partial misrepresentation, their admiral was made to affirm, that the
British fleet consisted of forty ships of the line of battle, besides
frigates; that the Soleil Royal had obliged the Royal George to sheer
off; that the seven ships which retreated into the river Vilaine had
received very little damage, and would be soon repaired; and that, by
the junction of Bompart’s squadron, he should be soon able to give a
good account of the English admiral. These tumid assertions, so void of
truth, are not to be imputed to an illiberal spirit of vain glory, so
much as to a political design of extenuating the national calamity, and
supporting the spirit of the people.




THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The alarm of the French invasion, which was thus so happily frustrated,
not only disturbed the quiet of Great Britain, but also diffused itself
to the kingdom of Ireland, where it was productive of some public
disorder. In the latter end of October, the two houses of parliament,
assembled at Dublin, received a formal message from the duke of Bedford,
lord-lieutenant of that kingdom, to the following effect: That, by a
letter from the secretary of state, written by his majesty’s express
command, it appeared that France, far from resigning her plan of
invasion, on account of the disaster that befel her Toulon squadron, was
more and more confirmed in her purpose, and even instigated by despair
itself to attempt, at all hazards, the only resource she seemed to have
left for thwarting, by a diversion at home, the measures of England
abroad in prosecuting a war which hitherto opened, in all parts of the
world, so unfavourable a prospect to the views of French ambition: that,
in case the body of French troops, amounting to eighteen thousand men,
under the command of the duc d’Aiguillon, assembled at Vannes, where
also a sufficient number of transports was prepared, should be able to
elude the British squadron, Ireland would, in all probability, be one of
their chief objects; his grace thought it therefore incumbent upon him,
in a matter of such high importance to the welfare of that kingdom, to
communicate this intelligence to the Irish parliament. He told them, his
majesty would make no doubt but that the zeal of his faithful protestant
subjects in that kingdom had been already sufficiently quickened by the
repeated accounts received of the enemy’s dangerous designs and actual
preparations, made at a vast expense, in order to invade the several
parts of the British dominions. He gave them to understand he had
received his sovereign’s commands, to use his utmost endeavours to
animate and excite his loyal people of Ireland to exert their well-known
zeal and spirit in support of his majesty’s government, and in defence
of all that was dear to them, by timely preparation to resist and
frustrate any attempts of the enemy to disturb the quiet and shake
the security of this kingdom; he therefore, in the strongest manner,
recommended it to them to manifest, upon this occasion, that zeal for
the present happy establishment, and that affection for his majesty’s
person and government, by which the parliament of that nation had been
so often distinguished. Immediately after this message was communicated,
the house of commons unanimously resolved to present an address to the
lord-lieutenant, thanking his grace for the care and concern he had
shown for the safety of Ireland, in having imparted intelligence of
so great importance; desiring him to make use of such means as should
appear to him the most effectual for the security and defence of the
kingdom; and assuring him, that the house would make good whatever
expense should be necessarily incurred for that purpose. This
intimation, and the steps that were taken in consequence of it for the
defence of Ireland, produced such apprehensions and distraction among
the people of that kingdom, as had well nigh proved fatal to the public
credit. In the first transports of popular fear, there was such an
extraordinary run upon the banks of Dublin, that several considerable
bankers were obliged to stop payment; and the circulation was in danger
of being suddenly stagnated, when the lord-lieutenant, the members of
both houses of parliament, the lord-mayor, aldermen, merchants, and
principal traders of Dublin, engaged in an association to support public
credit, by taking the notes of bankers in payment: a resolution which
effectually answered the purpose intended.




LOYALTY OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS.

Howsoever the court of Versailles might have flattered itself that
their invading army would in Ireland be joined by a great number of
the natives, in all probability it would have been disappointed in this
hope, had their purposed descent even been carried into execution,
for no signs of disaffection to the reigning family appeared at this
juncture. On the contrary, the wealthy individuals of the Romish
persuasion offered to accommodate the government with large sums of
money, in case of necessity, to support the present establishment
against all its enemies; and the Roman catholics of the city of Cork,
in a body, presented an address to the lord-lieutenant, expressing their
loyalty, in the warmest terms of assurance. After having congratulated
his grace on the unparalleled success which had attended his majesty’s
arms, and expressed their sense of the king’s paternal tenderness for
his kingdom of Ireland, they acknowledged, with the deepest sense of
gratitude, that protection and indulgence they had enjoyed under
his majesty’s mild and auspicious reign. They professed the warmest
indignation at the threatened invasion of the kingdom by an enemy, who,
grown desperate from repeated defeats, might possibly make that attempt
as a last effort, vainly flattered with the imaginary hope of assistance
in Ireland, from the former attachment of their deluded predecessors.
They assured his grace, in the most solemn manner, that such schemes
were altogether inconsistent with their principles and intentions: that
they would, to the utmost exertion of their abilities, with their lives
and fortunes, join in the defence and support of his majesty’s royal
person and government against all invaders whatsoever: that they should
be always ready to concur in such measures, and to act such parts
in defence of the kingdom, in common with the rest of his majesty’s
subjects, as his grace in his great wisdom should be pleased to appoint;
and think themselves particularly happy to be under the direction
and command of so known an assertor of liberty, such an important and
distinguished governor. Finally, they expressed the most earnest wish,
that his majesty’s arms might be crowned with such a continuance of
success as should enable him to defeat the devices of all his enemies,
and obtain a speedy and honourable peace. This cordial address, which
was transmitted to the earl of Shannon, and by him presented to the duke
of Bedford, must have been very agreeable to the government at such a
critical conjuncture.




INSURRECTION IN DUBLIN.

Although no traces of disaffection to his majesty’s family appeared
on this trying occasion, it must nevertheless be acknowledged, that a
spirit of dissatisfaction broke out with extraordinary violence among
the populace of Dublin. The present lord-lieutenant was not remarkably
popular in his administration. He had bestowed one place of considerable
importance upon a gentleman whose person was obnoxious to many people
in that kingdom, and perhaps failed in that affability and condescension
which a free and ferocious nation expects to find in the character of
him to whose rule they are subjected. Whether the offence taken at his
deportment had created enemies to his person, or the nation in general
began to entertain doubts and jealousies of the government’s designs,
certain it is, great pains were taken to propagate a belief among the
lower sort of people, that an union would soon be effected between Great
Britain and Ireland; in which case this last kingdom would be deprived
of its parliament and independency, and be subjected to the same taxes
that are levied upon the people of England. This notion inflamed
the populace to such a degree, that they assembled in a prodigious
multitude, broke into the house of lords, insulted the peers, seated an
old woman on the throne, and searched for the journals, which, had they
been found, they would have committed to the flames. Not content with
this outrage, they compelled the members of both houses, whom they met
in the streets, to take an oath that they never would consent to such an
union, or give any vote contrary to the true interest of Ireland. Divers
coaches belonging to obnoxious persons were destroyed, and their horses
killed; and a gibbet was erected for one gentleman in particular, who
narrowly escaped the ungovernable rage of those riotous insurgents. A
body of horse and infantry were drawn out on this occasion, in order
to overawe the multitude, which at night dispersed of itself. Next
day addresses to the lord-lieutenant were agreed to by both houses of
parliament, and a committee of inquiry appointed, that the ringleaders
of the tumult might be discovered and brought to condign punishment.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ALARM OF A DESCENT IN SCOTLAND.

When the ministry of England received the first advice, that M. Thurot
had escaped from Dunkirk with a small squadron of armed ships, having
on board a body of land-troops, designed for a private expedition on the
coast of Scotland or Ireland, expresses were immediately despatched to
the commanding officers of the forces in North Britain, with orders to
put the forts along the coast of that kingdom in the best posture of
defence; and to hold every thing in readiness to repel the enemy,
in case they should attempt a descent. In consequence of these
instructions, beacons were erected for the immediate communication of
intelligence; places of rendezvous appointed for the regular troops and
militia; and strict orders issued that no officer should absent himself
from his duty, on any pretence whatever. The greatest encomium that can
be given to the character of this partisan, is an account of the alarm
which the sailing of his puny armament spread through the whole extent
of such a powerful kingdom, whose fleets covered the ocean. Perhaps
Thurot’s career would have been sooner stopped, had commodore Boys been
victualled for a longer cruise; but this commander was obliged to put
into Leith for a supply of provisions, at the very time when Thurot
was seen hovering on the coast near Aberdeen; and, before the English
squadron was provided for the prosecution of the cruise, the other had
taken shelter at Gottenburgh, in Sweden.




CHAPTER XVII.

     _State of the Island of Martinique..... Expedition against
     that Island..... Attempt upon St. Pierre..... Descent on the
     Island of Guadaloupe..... Skirmishes with the Islanders.....
     Fort Louis reduced..... Fate of Colonel Debrisay..... The
     English Fleet sails to Dominique..... General Harrington
     takes Gosier, and Storms the Post of Licorne..... He takes
     Petitbourg and St. Mary’s..... The Island capitulates.....
     Island of Marigalante taken by General Barrington..... He
     returns to England..... Treaty with the Indians in North
     America..... Plan of the Campaign..... Ticonderoga and Crown
     Point abandoned by the French..... General Amherst embarks
     on Lake Champlain..... Niagara reduced..... Introduction to
     the Expedition against Quebec..... General Wolfe lands on
     the Island of Orleans, and takes Point Levi..... The English
     Fleet damaged by a Storm..... General Wolfe encamps near the
     Falls of the River Montmorenci, and attacks the French
     Intrenchments there, but is repulsed..... Brigadier Murray
     detached up the River..... Council of War called..... The
     Troops land at the Heights of Abraham..... Battle of
     Quebec..... Quebec taken..... Rejoicings in England_




STATE OF THE ISLAND OF MARTINIQUE.

Having finished the detail of the actions achieved in the European seas
by the naval force of Great Britain, within the compass of the present
year, we shall now proceed to record the exploits of the British arms
within the tropics, and particularly the expedition to Martinique and
Guadaloupe, which is said to have succeeded even beyond the expectation
of the ministry. A plan had been formed for improving the success of
the preceding year in North America, by carrying the British arms up
the river St. Laurence, and besieging Quebec, the capital of Canada.
The armament employed against the French islands of Martinique and
Guadaloupe constituted part of this design, inasmuch as the troops
embarked on that expedition were, in case of a miscarriage at
Martinique, intended to reinforce the British army in North America,
which was justly considered as the chief seat of the war. What hope of
success the administration conceived from an attempt upon Martinique,
may be guessed from the state of that island, as it appeared in a
memorial presented by the French king’s lieutenants of its several
districts, to the general of the French island, in consequence of an
order issued in November, for holding them in readiness to march and
defend the island from the English, of whose design they were apprized.
They represented that the trade with the Dutch was become their sole
dependence: that they could expect no succour from Europe, by which
they had been abandoned ever since the commencement of the war: that the
traders vested with the privileges of trafficking among them had abused
the intention of the general; and, instead of being of service to the
colony, had fixed an arbitrary price for all the provisions which they
brought in, as well as for the commodities which they exported; of
consequence, the former was valued at as high a price as their avarice
could exact, and the latter sunk as low in value as their own selfish
hearts could conceive: that the colony for two months had been destitute
of all kinds of provision; the commodities of the planters lay upon
their hands, and their negroes were in danger of perishing through
hunger; a circumstance that excited the apprehension of the most
dreadful consequences; as to slaves, half starved, all kinds of bondage
were equal; and people reduced to such a situation were often driven
to despair, seeking in anarchy and confusion a remedy from the evils
by which they were oppressed; that the best provided of the inhabitants
laboured under the want of the common necessaries of life; and others
had not so much as a grain of salt in their houses: that there was an
irreparable scarcity of slaves to cultivate their land; and the planters
were reduced to the necessity of killing their own cattle to support
the lives of those who remained alive; so that the mills were no
longer worked, and the inhabitants consumed beforehand what ought to be
reserved for their sustenance, in case of being blocked up by the enemy.
They desired, therefore, that the general would suppress the permission
granted to particular merchants, and admit neutral vessels freely into
their ports, that they might trade with the colonists unmolested and
unrestrained. They observed, that the citadel of Port-Royal seemed
the principal object on which the safety and defence of the country
depended; as the loss of it would be necessarily attended with the
reduction of the whole island: they therefore advised that this fort
should be properly provided with every thing necessary for its safety
and defence; and that magazines of provision, as well as ammunition,
should be established in different quarters of the island.--This
remonstrance plainly proves that the island was wholly unprepared to
repel the meditated invasion, and justifies the plan adopted by the
ministry of Great Britain. The regular troops of Martinique consisted
of about twenty independent companies, greatly defective in point of
number. The militia was composed of burghers and planters distressed and
dissatisfied, mingled with a parcel of wretched negro slaves, groaning
under the most intolerable misery, from whence they could have no hope
of deliverance but by a speedy change of masters; their magazines were
empty, and their fortifications out of repair.




EXPEDITION AGAINST THAT ISLAND.

Such was the state of Martinique, when the inhabitants every day
expected a visit from the British armament, whose progress we shall now
relate. On the twelfth day of November in the preceding year, captain
Hughes sailed from St. Helen’s with eight sail of the line, one frigate,
four bomb-ketches, and a fleet of transports, having on board six
regiments of infantry, and a detachment of artillery, besides eight
hundred marines distributed among the ships of war; this whole force
being under the command of major-general Hopson, an old experienced
officer, assisted by major-general Barrington, the colonels Armigerand
Haldane, the lieutenant-colonels Trapaud and Clavering, acting in the
capacity of brigadiers. After a voyage of seven weeks and three days,
the fleet arrived at Barbadoes, and anchored in Carlisle-bay; where they
joined commodore Moore, appointed by his majesty to command the united
squadron, amounting to ten ships of the line, besides frigates and
bomb-ketches. Ten days were employed in supplying the fleet with
wood and water, in waiting for the hospital ship, in reviews,
re-embarkations, councils of war, assemblies of the council belonging to
the island, in issuing proclamations, and beating up for volunteers.
At length, every great ship being reinforced with forty negroes, to be
employed in drawing the artillery; and the troops, which did not
exceed five thousand eight hundred men, being joined by two hundred
Highlanders, belonging to the second battalion of the regiment commanded
by lord John Murray in North America, who were brought as recruits from
Scotland under convoy of the ship Ludlow-castle; the whole armament
sailed from Carlisle-bay on the thirteenth day of January; but by
this time the troops, unaccustomed to a hot climate, were considerably
weakened and reduced by fevers, diarrhoeas, the scurvy, and the
small-pox; which last disease had unhappily broke out amongst the
transports. Next morning the squadron discovered the island of
Martinique, which was the place of its destination. The chief
fortification of Martinique was the citadel of Port-Royal, a regular
fort, garrisoned by four companies, that did not exceed the number of
one hundred and fifty men, thirty-six bombardiers, eighty Swiss, and
fourteen officers. One hundred barrels of beef constituted their whole
store of provisions; and they were destitute of all other necessaries.
They were almost wholly unprovided with water in the cisterns, with
spare carriages for their cannon, match, wadding, and langrage; they had
but a small stock of other ammunition; and the walls were in many parts
decayed. The only preparations they had made for receiving the English
were some paltry intrenchments thrown up at St, Pierre, and a place
called Casdenavires, where they imagined the descent would probably
be attempted. On the fifteenth day of the month, the British squadron
entered the great bay of Port-Royal, some of the ships being exposed to
the shot of a battery erected on the isle de Ranieres, a little island
about half way up the bay. At their first appearance, the Florissant, of
seventy-four guns, which had been so roughly handled by captain Tyrrel
in the Buckingham, then lying under the guns of Fort-Negro, along with
two frigates, turned up under the citadel, and came to an anchor in
the Carenage, behind the fortification. One frigate, called the Vestal,
under favour of the night, made her escape through the transports, and
directed her course for Europe; where she was taken by captain Hood, as
we have already related. Next day three ships of the line were ordered
to attack Fort-Negro, a battery at the distance of three miles from the
citadel, which, being mounted with seven guns only, was soon silenced,
and immediately possessed by a detachment of marines and sailors; who,
being sanded in flat-bottomed boats, clambered up the rock, and entered
through the embrasures with their bayonets fixed. Here, however,
they met with no resistance: the enemy had abandoned the fort with
precipitation. The British colours were immediately hoisted, and
sentinels of marines posted upon the parapet. The next care was to spike
and disable the cannon, break the carriages, and destroy the powder
which they found in the magazine: nevertheless, the detachment
was ordered to keep possession of the battery. This service being
successfully performed, three ships were sent to reduce the other
battery at Casdenavires, which consisted only of four guns, and these
were soon rendered unserviceable. The French troops, reinforced
with militia which had been detached from the citadel to oppose the
disembarkation, perceiving the whole British squadron, and all the
transports, already within the bay, and Fort-Negro occupied by the
marines, retired to Port-Royal, leaving the beach open; so that the
English troops were landed without opposition; and, being formed,
advanced into the country towards Fort-Negro, in the neighbourhood of
which they lay all night upon their arms; while the fleet, which had
been galled by bomb-shells from the citadel, shifted their station,
and stood farther up the bay. By ten next day, the English officers had
brought up some field-pieces to an eminence, and scoured the woods,
from whence the troops had been greatly annoyed by the small shot of the
enemy during the best part of the night, and all that morning. At noon
the British forces advanced in order towards the hill that overlooked
the town and citadel of Port-Royal, and sustained a troublesome fire
from enemies they could not see; for the French militia were entirely
covered by the woods and bushes. This eminence, called the Morne
Tortueson, though the most important post of the whole island, was
neglected by the general of Martinique, who had resolved to blow up the
fortifications of the citadel: but, luckily for the islanders, he had
not prepared the materials for this operation, which must have been
attended with the immediate destruction of the capital, and indeed of
the whole country. Some of the inferior officers, knowing the importance
of the Morne Tortueson, resolved to defend that post with a body of
the militia, which was reinforced by the garrisons of Fort-Negro and
Casdenavires, as well as by some soldiers detached from the Florissant:
but, notwithstanding all their endeavours, as they were entirely
unprovided with cannon, extremely defective in point of discipline,
dispirited by the pusillanimity of their governor, and in a great
measure disconcerted by the general consternation that prevailed among
the inhabitants, in all probability they could not have withstood a
spirited and well-conducted attack by regular forces. About two o’clock
general Hopson thought proper to desist from his attempt. He gave the
commodore to understand that he could not maintain his ground, unless
the squadron would supply him with heavy cannon, landed near the town
of Port-Royal, at a savannah, where the boats must have been greatly
exposed to the fire of the enemy; or assist him in attacking the
citadel by sea, while he should make his approaches by land. Both these
expedients* being deemed impracticable by a council of war, the troops
were recalled from their advanced posts, and re-embarked in the evening,
without any considerable molestation from the enemy.

     * The commodore offered to land the cannon on the other side
     of Point-Negro, at a place equally near the road from the
     English army to Port-Royal, and even cause them to be drawn
     up by the seamen, without giving the troops the least
     trouble. But this offer was not accepted. General Hopson
     afterwards declared, that he did not understand Mr. Moore’s
     message in the sense which it was meant to imply.

Their attempt on the Morne Tortueson had cost them several men,
including two officers, killed or wounded in the attack; and, in revenge
for this loss, they burned the sugar-canes, and desolated the country,
in their retreat. The inhabitants of Martinique could hardly credit the
testimony of their own senses, when they saw themselves thus delivered
from all their fears, at a time when they were overwhelmed with terror
and confusion; when the principal individuals among them had resigned
all thought of further resistance, and were actually assembled at the
public hall in Port-Royal, to send deputies to the English general, with
proposals of capitulation and surrender.




ATTEMPT UPON ST. PIERRE.

The majority of the British officers, who constituted a council of war
held for this purpose,* having given their opinion, that it might be
for his majesty’s service to make an attack upon St. Pierre, the
fleet proceeded to that part of the island, and entered the bay on the
nineteenth.

     * The commodore did not attend at this council: it was
     convoked to deliberate upon the opinion of the chief
     engineer, who thought they should make another landing to
     the southward of the Carenage. In this case, the pilots
     declared it would be extremely difficult, if not
     impracticable, for the fleet to keep up a communication with
     the army.

The commodore told the general, that he made no doubt of being able to
reduce the town of St. Pierre; but as the ships might be disabled in
the attack so as not to be in a condition to proceed immediately on any
material service; as the troops might be reduced in their numbers, so as
to be incapable of future attacks; and as the reduction of the island
of Guadaloupe would be of great benefit to the sugar colonies; Mr. Mooro
proposed that the armament should immediately proceed to that island,
and the general agreed to the proposal. The reasons produced on this
occasion are, we apprehend, such as may be urged against every operation
of war. Certain it is, no conquest can be attempted, either by sea or
land, without exposing’ the ships and troops to a possibility of being
disabled and diminished; and the same possibility militated as strongly
against an attempt upon Guadeloupe, as it could possibly discourage
the attack of St. Pierre. Besides, Martinique was an object of greater
importance than Guadaloupe;* as being the principal place possessed
by the French in those seas, and that to which the operations of the
armament were expressly limited by the instructions received from the
ministry.

     * Only as being the seat of government; for Guadaloupe makes
     a much greater quantity of sugar, and equipped a much
     greater number of privateers, with the assistance of the
     Dutch of St. Eustatia, situated in its neighbourhood.

St. Pierre was a place of considerable commerce; and at that very
juncture, above forty sail of merchant ships lay at anchor in the bay.
The town was defended by a citadel regularly fortified, but at that time
poorly garrisoned, and so situated as to be accessible to the fire of
the whole squadron; for the shore was bold, and the water sufficient
to float any ship of the line. Before the resolution of proceeding to
Gua-daloupe was taken, the commodore had ordered the bay to be sounded;
and directed the Rippon to advance, and silence a battery situated a
mile and a half to the northward of St. Pierre. Accordingly, captain
Jekyll, who commanded that ship, stood in, and anchoring close to the
shore, attacked it with such impetuosity, that in a few minutes it was
abandoned. At the same time the Rippon was exposed to the fire of three
other batteries, from which she received considerable damage both in
her hull and rigging; and was in great danger of running aground, when
orders were given to tow her out of danger.




DESCENT ON GUADALOUPE.

The whole armament having abandoned the design on Martinique, directed
their course to Guadeloupe, another of the Caribbee islands, lying at
the distance of thirty leagues to the westward, about fifteen leagues
in length, and twelve in breadth; divided into two parts by a small
channel, which the inhabitants cross in a ferry-boat. The western
division is known by the name of Basseterre; and here the metropolis
stands, defended by the citadel and other fortifications. The eastern
part, called Grandterre, is destitute of fresh water, which abounds in
the other division; and is defended by fort Louis, with a redoubt, which
commands the road in the district of Gosier. The cut, or canal, that
separates the two parts, is distinguished by the appellation of the
Salt-river, having a road or bay at each end; namely, the great Cul
de Sac, and the small Cul de Sac. Gua-daloupe is encumbered with high
mountains and precipices, to which the inhabitants used to convey their
valuable effects in time of danger; but here are also beautiful plains
watered by brooks and rivers, which fertilize the soil, enabling it to
produce a great quantity of sugar, cotton, indigo, tobacco, and cassia;
besides plenty of rice, potatoes, all kinds of pulse, and fruit
peculiar to the island. The country is populous and flourishing, and
the government comprehends two smaller islands called All-Saints and
Deseada, which appear at a small distance from the coast, on the eastern
side of the island. The British squadron having arrived at Bassaterre,
it was resolved to make a general attack by sea upon the citadel, the
town, and other batteries by which it was defended. A disposition being
made for this purpose, the large ships took their respective stations
next morning, which was the twenty-third day of January. At nine, the
Lion, commanded by captain Trelawney, began the engagement against
a battery of nine guns; and the rest of the fleet continued to place
themselves abreast of the other batteries and the citadel, which mounted
forty-six cannon, besides two mortars. The action in a little time
became general, and was maintained on both sides for several hours with
great vivacity; while the commodore, who had shifted his pendant into
the Woolwrch frigate, kept aloof without gun-shot, that he might be the
more disengaged to view the state of the battle, * and give his orders
with the greater deliberation.

     * He shifted lus broad pendant on board the Woolwich, as
     well to direct and keep the transports together in a proper
     posture for the landing of the troops, as to cover the
     disembarkation; and also to consult proper measures with the
     general, who saw the necessity of Mr. Moore’s being with
     him; and requested that he, with the other general officers
     and engineers, might be admitted on board the Woolwich, in
     order to consult, and take the earliest opportunity of
     landing the troops, as the service necessarily required.

This expedient of an admiral’s removing his flag, and retiring from the
action while his own ship is engaged, however consonant to reason., we
do not remember to have seen practised upon any occasion, except in one
instance, at Carthagena, where sir Chaloner Ogle quitted his own ship,
when she was ordered to stand in and cannonade the fort of Boca-Chica.
In this present attack, all the sea-commanders behaved with
extraordinary spirit and resolution, particularly the captains Leslie,
Burnet, Gayton, Jekyll, Trelawney, and Shuldam, who, in the hottest
tumult of the action, distinguished themselves equally by their courage,
impetuosity, and deliberation. About five in the afternoon the fire of
the citadel slackened. The Burford and Berwick were driven out to
sea: so that captain Shuldam, in the Panther, was unsustained; and two
batteries played upon the Rippon, captain Jekyll, who, by two in the
afternoon, silenced the guns of one, called the Morne-rouge; but at the
same time could not prevent his ship from running aground. The enemy
perceiving her disaster, assembled in great numbers on the hill,
and lined the trenches, from whence they poured in, a severe fire of
musketry. The militia afterwards brought up a cannon of eighteen pound
ball, and for two hours raked her fore and aft with considerable effect:
nevertheless, captain Jekyll returned the fire with equal courage and
perseverance, though his people dropped on every side, until all his
grape-shot and wadding were expended, and all his rigging cut to pieces;
to crown his misfortune, a box, containing nine hundred cartridges,
blew up on the poop, and set the ship on fire: which, however, was
soon extinguished. In the meantime, the captain threw out a signal
of distress, to which no regard was paid,* till captain Leslie of the
Bristol, coming from sea, and observing his situation, ran in between
the Rippon and the battery, and engaged with such impetuosity, as made
an immediate diversion in favour of captain Jekyll, whose ship remained
aground, notwithstanding all the assistance that could be given,
till midnight, when she floated, and escaped from the very jaws of
destruction.

     * In all probability it was not perceived by the Commodore.

At seven in the evening, all the other large ships, having silenced the
guns to which they had been respectively opposed, joined the rest of the
fleet. The four bombs being anchored near the shore, began to ply the
town with shells and carcasses; so that in a little time the houses were
in flames, the magazines of gunpowder blew up with the most terrible
explosion; and about ten o’clock the whole place blazed out in one
general conflagration. Next day, at two in the afternoon, the fleet came
to an anchor in the road of Bassaterre, where they found the hulls of
divers ships which the enemy had set on fire at their approach: several
ships turned out and endeavoured to escape, but were intercepted and
taken by the English squadron. At five, the troops landed without
opposition, and took possession of the town and citadel, which they
found entirely abandoned. They learned from a Genoese deserter, that
the regular troops of the island consisted of five companies only, the
number of the whole not exceeding one hundred men; and that they had
lain a train to blow up the powder magazine in the citadel: but had been
obliged to retreat with such precipitation as did not permit them to
execute this design. The train was immediately cut off, and the magazine
secured. The nails with which they had spiked up their cannon were
drilled out by the matrosses; and in the meantime the British colours
were hoisted on the parapet. Part of the troops took possession of an
advantageous post on an eminence, and part entered the town, Which still
continued burning with great violence. In the morning at day-break, the
enemy appeared, to the number of two thousand, about four miles from the
town, as if they intended to throw up intrenchments in the neighbourhood
of a house where the governor had fixed his head-quarters, declaring
he would maintain his ground to the last extremity. To this resolution,
indeed, he was encouraged by the nature of the ground, and the
neighbourhood of a pass called the Dos d’Ane, a cleft through a
mountainous ridge, opening a communication with Capesterre, a more level
and beautiful part of the island. The ascent from Basseterre to this
pass was so very steep, and the way so broken and interrupted by rocks
and gullies, that there was no prospect of attacking it with success,
except at the first landing, when the inhabitants were under the
dominion of a panic. They very soon recovered their spirits and
recollection, assembled and fortified themselves among the hills,
armed and arrayed their negroes, and affected to hold the invaders at
defiance. A flag of truce being sent, with offers of terms to their
governor, the chevalier d’Etriel, he rejected them in a letter, with
which his subsequent conduct but ill agreed. [504] _[See note 3 U, at
the end of this Vol.]_ Indeed, from the beginning his deportment had
been such as gave a very unfavourable impression of his character. When
the British squadron advanced to the attack, instead of visiting in
person the citadel and the batteries, in order to encourage and animate
his people by his exhortation and example, he retired out of the reach
of danger to a distant plantation, where he remained a tame spectator of
the destruction in which his principal town and citadel were involved.
Next morning, when he ought to have exerted himself in preventing the
disembarkation of the English troops, who had a difficult shore
and violent surf to surmount, and when he might have defended the
intrenchments and lines which had been made to oppose their landing,
he abandoned all these advantages, and took shelter among the mountains
that were deemed inaccessible.

But, howsoever deficient the governor might have been in the article of
courage, certain it is, the inhabitants behaved with great spirit and
activity in defence of their country. They continually harassed
the scouring detachments, by firing upon them from woods and sugar
plantations, which last the English burned about their ears in
resentment. Their armed negroes were very expert in this kind of bush
fighting. The natives or militia appeared in considerable parties,
and even encountered detached bodies of the British army. A lady of
masculine courage, whose name was Ducharmy, having armed her slaves,
they made several bold attempts upon an advanced post occupied by major
Melville, and threw up intrenchments upon a hill opposite to the station
of this officer, who had all along signalized himself by his uncommon
intrepidity, vigilance, and conduct. At length the works of this virago
were stormed by a regular detachment, which, after an obstinate and
dangerous conflict, entered the intrenchment sword in hand, and burned
the houses and plantations. Some of the enemy were killed, and a great
number taken. Of the English detachment twelve soldiers were slain, and
thirty wounded, including three subaltern officers, one of whom lost his
arm. The greatest body of the enemy always appeared at the governor’s
head-quarters, where they had raised a redoubt, and thrown up
intrenchments. From these a considerable detachment advanced on the
sixth day of February, in the morning, towards the citadel, and fell in
with an English party, whom they engaged with great vivacity; but, after
a short though warm dispute, they were obliged to retire with some
loss. Without all doubt, the inhabitants of Guadaloupe pursued the most
sensible plan that could possibly have been projected for their own
safety. Instead of hazarding a general engagement against regular
troops, in which they could have no prospect of success, they resolved
to weary them out by maintaining a kind of petty war in separate
parties, to alarm and harass the English with hard duty in a sultry
climate, where they were but indifferently supplied with provisions and
refreshments. Nor were their hopes in this particular disappointed.
Both the army and the navy were invaded with fevers, and other diseases,
epidemical in those hot countries; and the regimental hospitals were so
crowded, that it was judged convenient to send five hundred sick men to
the island of Antigua, where they might be properly attended.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




FORT-LOUIS REDUCED, &c.

In the meantime, the reduction of the islanders on the side of
Guadaloupe appearing more and more impracticable, the general determined
to transfer the seat of war to the eastern and more fertile part of
the island, called Grandterre, which, as we have already observed, was
defended by a strong battery, called Fort-Louis. In pursuance of this
determination, the great ships were sent round to Grandterre, in order
to reduce this fortification, which they accordingly attacked on the
thirteenth day of February. After a severe cannonading, which lasted six
hours, a body of marines being landed, with the Highlanders,* they drove
the enemy from their intrenchments sword in hand; and, taking possession
of the fort, hoisted the English colours.

     * A reinforcement of two or three hundred Highlanders, had
     joined the fleet immediately before the troops landed on
     Guadaloupe.

In a few days after this exploit, general Hopson dying at Basseterre,
the chief command devolved on general Barrington, who resolved to
prosecute the final reduction of the island with vigour and despatch. As
one step towards this conquest, the commodore ordered two ships of
war to cruise off the island of Saint Eustatia, and prevent the Dutch
traders from assisting the natives of Guadaloupe, whom they had hitherto
constantly supplied with provisions since they retired to the mountains.
General Barrington, on the very first day of his command, ordered the
troops who were encamped to strike their tents and huts, that the enemy
might imagine he intended to remain in this quarter; but in a few days
the batteries in and about Basseterre were blown up and destroyed,
the detachments recalled from the advanced posts, and the whole army
re-embarked, except one regiment, with a detachment of artillery, left
in garrison at the citadel, the command of which was bestowed on colonel
Debrisay, an accomplished officer of great experience. The enemy no
sooner perceived the coast clear than they descended from the hills,
and endeavoured to take possession of the town, from which, however
they were driven by the fire of the citadel. They afterwards erected a
battery, from whence they annoyed this fortification both with shot
and shells, and even threatened a regular attack; but as often as they
approached the place, they were repulsed by sallies from the castle. *

     * The battery which they had raised was attacked at noon,
     taken, and destroyed by captain Blomer, of the sixty-first
     regiment.

In the midst of these hostilities, the gallant Debrisay, together with
major Trollop, one lieutenant, two bombardiers, and several common
soldiers, were blown up, and perished, by the explosion of a powder
magazine at the flanked angle of the south-east bastion. The confusion
necessarily produced by such an unfortunate accident, encouraged the
enemy to come pouring down from the hills, in order to make their
advantage of the disaster; but they were soon repulsed by the fire
of the garrison. The general, being made acquainted with the fate
of colonel Debrisay, conferred the government of the fort upon major
Melville, and sent thither the chief engineer to repair and improve the
fortifications.




ENGLISH FLEET SAILS TO DOMINIQUE.

In the meantime, commodore Moore having received certain intelligence
that monsieur de Bompart had arrived at Martinique, with a squadron
consisting of eight sail of the line and three frigates, having on board
a whole battalion of Swiss, and some other troops, to reinforce
the garrisons of the island, he called in his cruisers, and sailed
immediately to the bay of Dominique, an island to windward, at the
distance of nine leagues from Guadaloupe, whence he could always sail
to oppose any design which the French commander might form against the
operations of the British armaments. For what reason Mr. Moore did not
sail immediately to the bay of Port-Royal in Martinique, where he knew
the French squadron lay at anchor, we shall not pretend to determine.
Had he taken that step, M. Bompart must either have given him battle, or
retired into the Carenage, behind the citadel; in which last case,
the English commander might have anchored between Pigeon-Island
and Fort-Negro, and thus blocked him up effectually. By retiring to
Dominique, he left the sea open to French privateers, who rowed along
the coasts of these islands, and in a very little time carried into
Martinique above fourscore merchant-ships, belonging to the subjects of
Great Britain. These continual depredations, committed under the nose
of the English commodore, irritated the planters of the English islands,
some of whom are said to have circulated unfavourable reports of that
gentleman’s character. [505] _[See note 3 X, at the end of this Vol.]_




GENERAL BARRINGTON TAKES GOSIER, &c.

General Barrington being left with no more than one ship of forty guns
for the protection of the transports, formed a plan of prosecuting the
war in Guadaloupe by detachments, and the success fully answered his
expectation. He determined to make a descent on the division of the
island called Grandterre, and for that purpose allotted six hundred men;
who, under the command of colonel Crump, landed between the towns of St.
Anne and St. Francois, and destroyed some batteries of the enemy, from
whom he sustained very little opposition. While he was thus employed,
a detachment of three hundred men attacked the town of Gosier, which,
notwithstanding a severe fire, they took by storm, drove the garrison
into the woods, set fire to the place, and demolished the battery
and intrenchment raised for its defence. This service being happily
performed, the detachment was ordered to force their way to Fort-Louis,
while the garrison of that castle was directed to make two sallies in
order to favour their irruption. They accordingly penetrated, with
some loss sustained in forcing a strong pass, and took possession of
a battery which the enemy had raised against the English camp, in the
neighbourhood of Fort Louis. The general, having hitherto succeeded in
his designs, formed the scheme of surprising at one time the three towns
of Petitbourg, Gonoyave, and St. Mary’s situated on the Basseterre
side of the little Cul de Sac, and committed the execution of it to the
colonels Crump and Clavering: but the night appointed for the service
proved exceedingly dark and tempestuous; and the negro conductors were
so frightened, that they ran several of the flat-bottomed boats on the
shoals that skirt this part of the island. Colonel Clavering landed with
about eighty men; but found himself so entangled with mangrove trees,
and the mud so impassably deep, that he was obliged to re-embark, though
not before the enemy had discovered his design. This project having
miscarried, the general detached the same commanders, whose gallantry
and conduct cannot be sufficiently applauded, with a detachment of
fifteen hundred men, including one hundred and fifty volunteers from
Antigua, to land in a bay not far from the town of Arnonville, at the
bottom of the little Cul de Sac, under the protection of his majesty’s
ship Woolwich. The enemy made no opposition to their landing; but
retreated, as the English advanced, to a strong intrenchment thrown up
behind the river Licorne, a post of the utmost importance, as it covered
the whole country as far as the bay of Ma-haut, where provisions and
supplies of all sorts were landed from St. Eustatia. The river was
rendered inaccessible by a morass covered with mangroves, except at
two narrow passes, which they had fortified with a redoubt, and
intrenchments well pallisadoed, mounted with cannon, and defended by
a numerous militia: besides, the narrow roads, through which only
they could be attacked, were intersected with deep and wide ditches.
Notwithstanding these disadvantages, the English commanders determined
to hazard an assault. While four field-pieces and two howitzers
maintained a constant fire upon the top of the intrenchments, the
regiment of Duroure and the Highlanders advanced under this cover,
firing by platoons with the utmost regularity. The enemy, intimidated
by their cool and resolute behaviour, began to abandon the first
intrenchment on the left. Then the Highlanders, drawing their swords,
and sustained by part of the regiment, threw themselves in with their
usual impetuosity, and followed the fugitives pell-mell into the
redoubt, of which they took possession: but they still maintained their
ground within the intrenchments on the right, from whence they annoyed
the assailants both with musquetry and cannon. In half an hour, an
occasional bridge being made, the English troops passed the river in
order to attack this post, which the enemy abandoned with precipitation;
notwithstanding all their haste, however, about seventy were taken
prisoners, and among those some of the most considerable inhabitants of
the island. This advantage cost the English two officers and thirteen
men killed, and above fifty wounded.

The roads being mended for the passage of the artillery, the troops
advanced towards Petitbourg, harassed in their march by flying bodies of
the enemy, and arrived late at night on the banks of the river
Lizarde, the only ford of which the French had fortified with strong
intrenchments, protected by a battery of four cannon erected on a rising
ground in the rear. Colonel Clavering, while he amused them all night
at this place by a constant fire into their lines, transported in two
canoes, which he launched about a mile and a half farther down the
river, a sufficient number of troops, by day-break, to attack them on
the other side in flank, while he advanced in front at the head of his
little army; but they did not think proper to sustain the assault. On
the contrary, they no sooner perceived his intention, than they forsook
the post, and fled without order. Colonel Clavering, having passed the
river, pursued them to Petit bourg, which they had also fortified;
and here he found captain Uvedale, of the Grenada bomb-ketch, throwing
shells into the redoubt. He forthwith sent detachments to occupy the
neighbouring heights; a circumstance which the enemy no sooner observed,
than they deserted the place, and retired with great expedition. On the
fifteenth day of April, captain Steel destroyed a battery at Gonoyave, a
strong post, which, though it might have been defended against an
army, the French abandoned at his approach, after having made a hasty
discharge of their artillery. At the same time colonel Crump was
detached with seven hundred men to the bay of Mahaut, where he burned
the town and batteries which he found abandoned, together with a vast
quantity of provisions which had been brought from the island of St.
Eustatia. Colonel Clavering, having left a small garrison at Petitbourg,
began his march on the twentieth day of the month towards St. Mary’s,
where he understood the enemy had collected their whole force, thrown
up intrenchments, and raised barricadoes; but they had left their rear
unguarded. The English commander immediately detached colonel Barlow
with a body of troops to attack them from that quarter, while he himself
advanced against the front of their intrenchment. They stood but one
cannon-shot, and then fled to their lines and batteries at St. Mary’s,
the flanks of which were covered with woods and precipices. When
they perceived the English troops endeavouring to surmount these
difficulties, and turn their lines, they quitted them in order to oppose
the design, and were immediately attacked with such vivacity, in the
face of a severe fire of musketry and cannon, that they abandoned their
ground, and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving the field and all
their artillery to the victors, who took up their quarters for that
night at St. Mary’s. Next day they entered the charming country of
Capesterre, where eight hundred and seventy negroes belonging to one
planter surrendered at discretion. Here colonel Clavering was met
by messieurs de Clainvilliers and Duqueruy, deputed by the principal
inhabitants of the island to know what capitulation would be granted.
These he conducted to Petitbourg, where they were presented to general
Barrington; who, considering the absence of the fleet, the small number
of his forces daily diminishing, the difficulty of the country, and the
possibility of the enemy’s being reinforced from Martinique, wisely took
the advantage of the present panic, and settled terms of capitulation
without delay. The sanity of this resolution soon appeared. The
inhabitants had just signed the agreement, when a messenger arrived in
their camp with information that M. de Beauharnois, the general of
the French islands, had landed at St. Anne’s, to the windward, with a
reinforcement from Martinique, consisting of six hundred regulars from
Europe, about fifteen hundred volunteers, besides a great number of the
militia drafted from the companies of Martinique, with a great supply of
arms and ammunition, mortars and artillery, under convoy of the squadron
commanded by M. de Bompart, who no sooner learned that the capitulation
was signed, than he re-embarked the troops and stores with all possible
expedition, and returned to Martinique. Thus we see the conquest of this
important island, which is said to produce a greater quantity of sugar
than is made in any of the English plantations, was as much owing to
accident as to the valour of the troops and the conduct of the general;
for, had the reinforcement arrived an hour sooner than it actually
landed, in all probability the English would have found it impracticable
to finish the reduction of Guadaloupe. Be that as it may, the natives
certainly deserved great commendation, not only for persevering so
gallantly in defence of their country, but also for their fortitude in
bearing every species of distress. They now quitted the Dos d’Ane, and
all their other posts, and returned to their respective habitations.
The town of Basseterre being reduced to a heap of ashes, the inhabitants
began to clear away the rubbish, and erect occasional sheds, where they
resumed their several occupations with that good humour so peculiar to
the French nation; and general Barrington humanely indulged them with
all the assistance in his power.




ISLAND OF MARIGALANTE TAKEN.

The small islands of Deseada, Los Santos, and Petit-terre, were
comprised in the capitulation of Guadaloupe. The inhabitants of
Marigalante, which lies about three leagues to the south-east of
Grandterre, extending twenty miles in length, fifteen in breadth, flat
and fertile, but poorly watered and ill fortified, having refused to
submit when summoned by the squadron to surrender, general Barrington
resolved to reduce them by force. He embarked a body of troops on board
of transports, which sailed thither under convoy of three ships of war
and two bomb vessels from Prince Rupert’s Bay, and at their appearance
the islanders submitting, received an English garrison. Before this
period, commodore Moore having received intelligence that M. de Bompart
had sailed from Martinique, with a design to land a reinforcement on
Guadaloupe, and that his squadron was seen seven leagues to windward of
Marigalante, he sailed from Prince Rupert’s Bay, and turned to windward.
After having been beating about for five days to very little purpose,
he received notice from one of his cruisers, that the French admiral had
returned to Martinique; upon which information he retired quietly to
his former station in the bay of Dominique, the people of which were so
insolent as to affirm, in derision, that the English squadron sailed on
one side of the island, and the French upon the other, that they
might be sure of not meeting; but this, without doubt, was an impudent
calumny.*

     * The commodore declared that he carried a press-sail night
     and day, in order to come up with the French squadron, and
     took every step that could be devised for that purpose. He
     says, if he had pursued any other course, the French
     commander might have run into the road of St. Kitt’s, and
     destroyed or taken a great number of merchant ships which
     were then loading with sugar for England. He says he tried
     every stratagem he could contrive for bringing M. de Bompart
     to action. He even sent away part of his squadron out of
     sight of the inhabitants of Dominique, that they might
     represent to their friends at Martinique his force much
     inferior to what it really was; but this expedient had no
     effect upon M. de Bompart, who made the best of his way to
     Cape François, on the island of Hispaniols.

General Barrington, having happily finished the conquest of Guadaloupe,
gave notice to the commodore, that he intended to send back part of the
troops with the transports to England, about the beginning of July. In
consequence of this intimation, Mr. Moore sailed with his squadron to
Basseterre road, where he was next day joined by two ships of the line
from England, which rendered him greatly superior in strength to the
commander of the French squadron, who had retired to the island
of Grenada, lying about eight leagues from Guadaloupe. Here he was
discovered by the ship Rippon, whose captain returned immediately to
Basseterre, to make the commodore acquainted with this circumstance: but
before he could weigh anchor, a frigate arrived with information, that
Bompart had quitted Grenada, and was supposed to have directed his
course to Hispaniola. The commodore immediately despatched the Ludlow
Castle with this intelligence to admiral Coats, who commanded the
squadron at Jamaica. General Barrington having made a tour of the
island, in order to visit and repair such fortifications as he thought
necessary to be maintained, and the affairs relating to the inhabitants
being entirely settled, he sent the Highlanders, with a body of drafts,
to North America, under convoy: he garrisoned the principal strength
of the island, and left the chief command to colonel Crump, who had for
some time acted as brigadier-general; colonel Clavering having been sent
home to England with the account of the capitulation. Colonel Melville,
who had signalized himself in a remarkable manner ever since their first
landing, continued governor of the citadel at Basseterre; and the
command at Grandterre was conferred on colonel Delgarno. Three complete
regiments were alloted as a sufficient guard for the whole island, and
the other three were embarked for England. General Barrington himself
went on board the Roebuck in the latter end of June, and took his
departure for England. About a month after, the transports, under convoy
of captain Hughes, with a small squadron, set sail for Great Britain;
while commodore Moore, with his large fleet, directed his course to
Antigua.




TREATY WITH THE INDIANS.

While this armament had been employed in the conquest of Guadaloupe,
North America exhibited still more sanguinary scenes of war and
devastation; which, in order properly to introduce, it will be necessary
to explain the steps that were taken on this continent, previous to this
campaign. In October of the preceding year, a grand assembly was held
at Easton, about ninety miles from Philadelphia; and there, peace was
established, by a formal treaty, between Great Britain and the several
nations of Indians inhabiting the country between the Apalachian
mountains and the lakes. The Twightwees, however, settled between the
river Ohio and the lakes, did not assist at this treaty, though
some steps had been taken towards an alliance with that people. The
conferences were managed by the governors of Pennsylvania and new
Jersey, accompanied by sir William Johnston’s deputy for Indian
affairs, four members of the council of Pennsylvania, six members of the
assembly, two agents for the province of New Jersey, a great number of
planters and citizens of Philadelphia, chiefly Quakers. They were met by
the deputies and chiefs of the Mohawks, Oneidoes, Onondagoes, Cayugas,
Senecas, Tuscaroras, Nanticoques, and Conoys; the Tuteloes, Chugnues,
Delawares, and Unamies; the Minisinks, Mohicans, and Wappingers; the
whole number, including their women and children, amounting to five
hundred. Some of the Six Nations, thinking themselves aggrieved by
the British colonists, who had imprisoned certain individuals of their
nation, and had killed a few, and treated others with contempt, did not
fail to express their resentment, which had been artfully fomented by
the French emissaries, even into an open rapture. The Delewares and
Minisinks, in particular, complained that the English had encroached
upon their lands, and on that account were provoked to hostilities:
but their chief, Teedyuscung, had made overtures of peace; and in
the character of ambassador from all the Ten Nations, had been very
instrumental in forming this assembly. The chiefs of the Six Nations,
though very well disposed to peace, took umbrage at the importance
assumed by one of the Delawares, over whom, as their descendants, they
exercise a kind of parental authority; and on this occasion they made
no scruple to disclose their dissatisfaction. The business, therefore, of
the English governors at this congress, was to ascertain the limits of
the lands in dispute, reconcile the Six Nations with their nephews the
Delawares, remove every cause of misunderstanding between the English
and the Indians, detach these savages entirely from the French interest,
establish a firm peace, and induce them to exert their influence in
persuading the Twightwees to accede to this treaty. Those Indians,
though possessed of few ideas, circumscribed in their mental faculties,
stupid, brutal, and ferocious, conducting themselves nevertheless, in
matters of importance to the community, by the general maxims of reason
and justice; and their treaties are always founded upon good sense,
conveyed in a very ridiculous manner. Their language is guttural, harsh,
and polysyllabical; and their speech consists of hyperbolical metaphors
and similies, which invest it with an air of dignity and heighten the
expression. They manage their conferences by means of wampum, a kind of
bead formed of a hard shell, either in single strings, or sewed in
broad belts of different dimensions, according to the importance of the
subject. Every proposition is offered, every answer made, every promise
corroborated, every declaration attested, and every treaty confirmed, by
producing and interchanging these belts of wampum. The conferences were
continued from the eighth to the twenty-sixth day of October, when
every article was settled to the mutual satisfaction of all parties. The
Indian deputies were gratified with a valuable present, consisting
of looking-glasses, knives, tobacco-boxes, sleeve-buttons, thimbles,
sheers, gun-locks, ivory combs, shirts, shoes, stockings, hats,
caps, handkerchiefs, thread, clothes, blankets, gartering, serges,
watch-coats, and a few suits of laced clothes for their chieftains.
To crown their happiness, the stores of rum were opened; they drank
themselves into a state of brutal intoxication, and next day returned in
peace to their respective places of habitation.




PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN.

This treaty with the Indians, who had been debauched from the interest
of Great Britain, auspiciously paved the way for those operations which
had been projected against the French settlements in Canada. Instead of
employing the whole strength of the British arms in North America
against one object, the ministry proposed to divide the forces, and
make impressions on three different parts at once, that the enemy might
be divided, distracted, and weakened, and the conquest of Canada
completed in one campaign. That the success might be the more certain,
the different expeditions were planned in such a manner as to
co-operate with each other, and even join occasionally; so practicable
was it thought for them to maintain such a correspondence as would
admit of a junction of this nature. The project of this campaign
imported, that general Wolfe, who had distinguished himself so
eminently in the siege of Louis-bourg, should proceed up the river St.
Laurence, as soon as the navigation should be clear of ice, with a body
of eight thousand men, and a considerable squadron of ships from
England, to undertake the siege of Quebec, the capital of Canada: that
general Amherst, who commanded in chief, should, with another army of
regular troops and provincials, amounting to twelve thousand men,
reduce Ticonderoga and Crown Point, cross the lake Champlain, and,
proceeding along the river Richelieu to the banks of the river St.
Laurence, join general Wolfe in the siege of Quebec: that
brigadier-general Prideaux, with a third body, reinforced with a
considerable number of friendly Indians, assembled by the influence and
under the command of sir William Johnston, should invest the French
fort erected at the fall or cataract of Niagara, which was certainly
the most important post of all French America, as it in a manner
commanded all the interior parts of that vast continent. It overawed
the whole country of the Six Nations, who were cajoled into a tame
acquiescence in its being built on their territory: it secured all the
inland trade, the navigation of the great lakes, the communication
between Canada and Louisiana, and opened a passage for inroads into the
colonies of Great Britain. It was proposed that the British forces,
having reduced Niagara, should be embarked on the lake Ontario, fall
down the river St. Laurence, besiege and take Montreal, and then join
or co-operate with Amherst’s army. Besides these larger armaments,
colonel Stanwix commanded a smaller detachment for reducing smaller
forts, and scouring the banks of the lake Ontario. How far this project
was founded on reason and military knowledge may be judged by the
following particulars, of which the projectors were not ignorant. The
navigation of the river St. Laurence is dangerous and uncertain. The
city of Quebec was remarkably strong from situation, and fortification,
from the bravery of the inhabitants, and the number of the garrison.
Monsieur de Montcalm, an officer of great courage and activity, kept
the field between Montreal and Quebec, with a body of eight or ten
thousand men, consisting of regular troops and disciplined militia,
reinforced by a considerable number of armed Indians; and another body
of reserve hovered in the neighbourhood of Montreal, which was the
residence of monsieur de Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada. The
garrison of Niagara consisted of above six hundred men; the march to it
was tedious and embarrassed; and monsieur de Levi scoured the country
with a flying detachment, well acquainted with all the woods and
passes. With respect to general Amherst’s share of the plan, the forts
of Ticonderoga and Crown-Point stood in his way. The enemy were masters
of the lake Champlain, and possessed the strong fort of Chambly, by the
fall of the river Richelieu, which defended the pass to the river St.
Laurence. Even had these obstacles been removed, it was hardly possible
that he and Mr. Wolfe should arrive at Quebec in the same instant of
time. The first that reached it, far from being in condition to
undertake the siege of Quebec, would have run the risk of being engaged
and defeated by the covering army; in which case the other body must
have been exposed to the most imminent hazard of destruction, in the
midst of an enemy’s country, far distant from any place of safety to
which it could retreat. Had these disasters happened (and, according to
the experience of war, they were the natural consequences of the
scheme), the troops at Niagara would in all probability have fallen an
easy sacrifice, unless they had been so fortunate as to receive
intelligence in time enough to accomplish their retreat before they
could be intercepted. The design would, we apprehend, have been more
justifiable, or at least not so liable to objection, had Mr. Amherst
left two or three regiments to protect the frontiers of New-York, and,
joining Mr. Wolfe with the rest, sailed by the river St. Laurence to
besiege Quebec. Even in that case the whole number of his troops would
not have been sufficient, according to the practice of war, to invest
the place, and cope with the covering enemy. Nevertheless, had the
enterprise succeeded, Montcalm must either have hazarded an engagement
against great odds, or retired farther into the country; then the route
would have been open by land and water to Montreal, which could have
made little resistance. The two principal towns being taken, and the
navigation of the river St. Laurence blocked up, all the dependent
forts must have surrendered at discretion, except Niagara, which there
was a bare possibility of supplying at an incredible trouble and
expense, from the distant Mississippi; but even then, it might have
been besieged in form, and easily reduced. Whatever defects there might
have been in the plan, the execution, though it miscarried in some
essential points, was attended with surprising success. The same good
fortune that prospered the British arms so remarkably in the conquest
of Guadaloupe, seemed to interpose still more astonishingly in their
favour at Quebec, the siege of which we shall record in its proper
place. At present, we must attend the operations of general Amherst,
whose separate army was first in motion, though such impediments were
thrown in his way as greatly retarded the progress of his operations;
impediments said to have arisen from the pride, insolence, and
obstinacy of certain individuals, who possessed great influence in that
part of the world, and employed it all to thwart the service of their
country. The summer was already far advanced before general Amherst
could pass lake George with his forces, although they met with no
opposition, and reached the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga, where, in the
preceding year, the British troops had sustained such a terrible
disaster. At first the enemy seemed determined to defend this fortress:
but perceiving the English commander resolute, cautious, and well
prepared for undertaking the siege; having, moreover, orders to retreat
from place to place, towards the centre of operations at Quebec, rather
than run the least risk of being made prisoners of war, they, in the
night of July the twenty-seventh, abandoned the post, after having in
some measure dismantled the fortifications; and retired to Crown-Point,
a fort situated on the verge of lake Champlain, General Amherst having
taken possession of this important post, which effectually covered the
frontiers of New-York, and secured to himself a safe retreat in case of
necessity, ordered the works to be repaired, and allotted a strong
garrison for its defence. This acquisition, however, was not made
without the loss of a brave accomplished young officer, colonel Boger
Townshend, who, in reconnoitering the fort, was killed with a
cannon-shot, and fell near the same spot which, in the former year, had
been enriched with the blood of the gallant lord Howe, whom he strongly
resembled in the circumstances of birth, age, qualifications and
character.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




GENERAL AMHERST EMBARKS ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

While the general superintended the repairs of Ticonderoga, and the
men were employed in preparing batteaux and other vessels, his scouting
parties hovered in the neighbourhood of Crown-Point, in order to watch
the motions of the enemy. From one of these detachments he received
intelligence, on the first day of August, that the enemy had retired
from Crown-Point. He immediately detached a body of rangers before him
to take possession of the place: then he embarked with the rest of the
army, and on the fourth day of the month landed at the fort, where
the troops were immediately encamped. His next care was to lay the
foundation of a new fort, to be maintained for the further security of
the British dominions in that part of the country; and particularly for
preventing the inroads of scalping parties, by whom the plantations had
been dreadfully infested. Here information was received that the
enemy had retired to the Isle aux Noix, at the other end of the lake
Champlain, five leagues on the hither side of St. John’s; that their
force encamped in that place, under the command of M. de Burlemaque,
consisted of three battalions and five piquets of regular troops, with
Canadians and marines, amounting in the whole to three thousand five
hundred effective men, provided with a numerous artillery; and that the
lake was occupied by four large vessels mounted with cannon, and manned
with piquets of different regiments, under the command and direction of
M. le Bras, a captain in the French navy, assisted by M. de Rigal, and
other sea-officers. In consequence of this intimation, general Amherst,
who had for some time employed captain Loring to superintend the
building of vessels at Ticonderoga, being resolved to have the
superiority on the lake, directed the captain to build with all possible
expedition a sloop of sixteen guns, and a radeau eighty-four feet in
length, capable of carrying six large cannon. These, together with a
brigantine, being finished, victualled, and manned by the eleventh
day of October, the general embarked with the whole of the troops
in batteaux, in order to attack the enemy; but next day, the weather
growing tempestuous, was obliged to take shelter in a bay on the western
shore, where the men were landed for refreshment. In the meantime,
captain Loring, with his small squadron, sailing down the lake, gave
chase to a French schooner, and drove three of their ships into a bay,
where two of them were sunk, and the third run aground by their own
crew, who escaped; one, however, was repaired and brought away by
captain Loring, so that now the French had but one schooner remaining.
General Amherst, after having been some days wind-bound, re-embarked his
forces, and proceeded down the lake; but the storm, which had abated,
beginning to blow with redoubled fury, so as to swell the waves
mountains high, the season for action being elapsed, and winter
setting in with the most rigorous severity, he saw the impossibility of
accomplishing his design, and was obliged to desist. Returning to the
same bay where he had been sheltered, he landed the troops, and began
his march for Crown-Point, where he arrived on the twenty-first day of
October. Having secured a superiority on the lake, he now employed all
his attention in rearing the new fortress at Crown-Point, together
with three small outforts for its better defence; in opening roads of
communication with Ticonderoga, and the governments of Massachusetts and
New Hampshire; and in making dispositions for the winter-quarters of his
troops, so as to protect the country from the inroads of the enemy.




NIAGARA REDUCED.

During this whole summer he received not the least intelligence of Mr.
Wolfe’s operations, except a few hints in some letters relating to the
exchange of prisoners, that came from the French general Montcalm, who
gave him to understand that Mr. Wolfe had landed in the neighbourhood of
Quebec, and seemed determined to undertake the siege of that city; that
he had honoured him (the French general) with several notes, sometimes
couched in a soothing strain, sometimes filled with threats; that the
French army intended to give him battle, and a few days would determine
the fate of Quebec. Though Mr. Amherst was ignorant of the proceedings
of the Quebec squadron, his communication continued open with the forces
which undertook the siege of Niagara; and he received an account of
their success before he had quitted the lines of Ticonderoga. General
Prideaux, with his body of troops, reinforced by the Indian auxiliaries
under sir William Johnston, advanced to the cataract of Niagara, without
being exposed to the least inconvenience on his march; and investing the
French fortress about the middle of July, carried on his approaches with
great vigour till the twentieth day of that month, when, visiting the
trenches, he was unfortunately slain by the bursting of a cohorn.
Mr. Amherst was no sooner informed of his disaster, than he detached
brigadier-general Gage from Ticonderoga, to assume the command of that
army. In the meantime it devolved on sir William Johnston, who happily
prosecuted the plan of his predecessor with all the success that could
have been desired. The enemy, alarmed with the apprehension of losing
a place of such importance, resolved to exert their endeavours for its
relief. They assembled a body of regular troops, amounting to twelve
hundred men, drawn from Detroit, Venango, and Presque Isle; and these,
with a number of Indian auxiliaries, were detached under the command of
monsieur d’Aubry, on an attempt to reinforce the garrison of Niagara.
Sir William Johnston having received intelligence of their design,
made a disposition to intercept them in their march. In the evening he
ordered the light infantry and picquets to post themselves to the left,
on the road leading from Niagara Falls to the fortress; these
were reinforced in the morning with the grenadiers and part of the
forty-sixth regiment, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Massey; and
another regiment, under lieutenant-colonel Farquhar, was posted at the
tail of the works, in order to support the guard of the trenches. About
eight in the morning, the enemy being in sight, the Indians in the
English army advanced to speak with their countrymen who served under
the French banners; but this conference was declined by the enemy.
Then the French Indians having uttered the horrible scream called the
war-whoop, which by this time had lost its effect among the British
forces, the enemy began the action with impetuosity; but they met with
such a hot reception in front, while the Indian auxiliaries fell upon
their flanks, that in a little more than half an hour their whole army
was routed, their general, with all his officers, taken, and the
pursuit continued through the woods for several miles with considerable
slaughter. This battle, which happened on the twenty-fourth day of
July, having been fought in sight of the French garrison at Niagara,
sir William Johnston sent major Harvey with a trumpet to the commanding
officer, to present him with a list of seventeen officers taken in the
engagement, and to exhort him to surrender before more blood was shed,
while he had it in his power to restrain the Indians. The commandant,
having certified himself of the truth, by sending an officer to visit
the prisoners, agreed to treat, and in a few hours the capitulation was
ratified. The garrison, consisting of six hundred and seven effective
men, marched out with the honours of war, in order to be embarked in
vessels on the lake, and conveyed in the most expeditious manner
to New-York. They laid down their arms when they embarked; but were
permitted to keep their baggage, and by proper escort protected from
the savage insolence and rapacity of the Indians. All the women were
conducted, at their own request, to Montreal; and the sick and wounded,
who could not bear the fatigue of travelling, were treated with
humanity. This was the second complete victory obtained on the continent
of North America, in the course of the same war, by sir William
Johnston, who, without the help of a military education, succeeded so
signally in the field by dint of innate courage and natural sagacity.
What remarkably characterizes these battles, is the circumstance of his
having taken, in both, the commanders of the enemy. Indeed, the war in
general may be distinguished by the singular success of this gentleman
and the celebrated lord Clive, two self-taught generals; who, by a
series of shining actions, have demonstrated that uninstructed genius
can, by its own internal light and efficacy, rival, if not eclipse, the
acquired art of discipline and experience. Sir William Johnston was not
more serviceable to his country by his valour and conduct in the field,
than by the influence and authority which his justice, benevolence, and
integrity, had acquired among the Indian tribes of the Six Nations, whom
he not only assembled at Niagara to the number of eleven hundred, but
also restrained within the bounds of good order and moderation.




INTRODUCTION TO THE EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC.

The reduction of Niagara, and the possession of Crown-Point, were
exploits much more easily achieved than the conquest of Quebec, the
great object to which all these operations were subordinate. Of that
we now come to give the detail fraught with singular adventures and
surprising events; in the course of which a noble spirit of enterprise
was displayed, and the scenes of war were exhibited in all the variety
of desolation. It was about the middle of February that a considerable
squadron sailed from England for Cape Breton, under the command of
admirals Saunders and Holmes, two gentlemen of worth and probity, who
had on several occasions signalised their courage and conduct in the
service of their country. By the twenty-first day of April they were in
sight of Louisbourg; but the harbour was blocked up with ice in such a
manner, that they were obliged to bear away for Halifax in Nova-Scotia.
From hence rear-admiral Durell was detached with a small squadron to
sail up the river St. Laurence as far as the Isle de Coudres, in
order to intercept any supplies from France intended for Quebec: he
accordingly took two store-ships; but he was anticipated by seventeen
sail, laden with provision, stores, and some recruits, under convoy
of three frigates, which had already reached the capital of Canada.
Meanwhile admiral Saunders arrived at Louisbourg; and the troops being
embarked, to the number of eight thousand, proceeded up the river
without further delay. The operations by land were intrusted to the
conduct of major-general James Wolfe, whose talents had shone with such
superior lustre at the siege of Louisbourg; and his subordinates in
command were the brigadiers Monckton, Townshend, and Murray; all four
in the flower of their age, who had studied the milifeiry art with
equal eagerness and proficiency, and though young in years, were old in
experience. The first was a soldier by descent, the son of major-general
Wolfe, a veteran officer of acknowledged capacity: the other three
resembled each other, not only in years, qualifications, and station,
but also in family rank, all three being the sons of noblemen. The
situation of brigadier Townshend was singular; he had served abroad in
the last war with reputation, and resigned his commission during
the peace, in disdain at some hard usage he had sustained from his
superiors. That his military talents, however, might not be lost to
his country, he exercised them with equal spirit and perseverance
in projecting and promoting the plan of a national militia. When
the command and direction of the army devolved to a new leader, so
predominant in his breast was the spirit of patriotism and the love of
glory, that though heir-apparent to a British peerage, possessed of
a very affluent fortune, remarkably dear to his acquaintance, and
solicited to a life of quiet by every allurement of domestic felicity;
he waived these considerations: he burst from all entanglements;
proffered his services to his sovereign; exposed himself to the perils
of a disagreeable voyage, the rigours of a severe climate, and
the hazard of a campaign peculiarly fraught with toil, danger, and
difficulty.




GENERAL WOLFE LANDS ON THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS.

The armament intended for Quebec sailed up the river St. Laurence,
without having met with any interruption, or having perceived any of
those difficulties and perils with which it had been reported that the
navigation of it was attended. Their good fortune in this particular,
indeed, was owing to some excellent charts of the river, which had been
found in vessels taken from the enemy. About the latter end of June the
land-forces were disembarked in two divisions upon the isle of Orleans,
situated a little below Quebec, a large fertile island, well cultivated,
producing plenty of grain, abounding with people, villages, and
plantations. General Wolfe no sooner landed on the island of Orleans,
than he distributed a manifesto among the French colonists, giving them
to understand that the king his master, justly exasperated against the
French monarch, had equipped a considerable armament in order to humble
his pride, and was determined to reduce the most considerable French
settlements in America. He declared it was not against the industrious
peasants, their wives and children, nor against the ministers of
religion, that he intended to make war; on the contrary, he lamented
the misfortunes to which they must be exposed by the quarrel; he offered
them his protection; and promised to maintain them in their temporal
possessions, as well as in the free exercise of their religion, provided
they would remain quiet, and take no part in the difference between the
two crowns. He observed, that the English were masters of the river St.
Laurence, so as to intercept all succours from Europe; and had besides a
powerful army on the continent, under the command of general Amherst. He
affirmed, that the resolution they ought to take was neither difficult
nor doubtful; as the utmost exertion of their valour would be useless,
and serve only to deprive them of the advantages which they might reap
from their neutrality. He reminded them that the cruelties exercised by
the French upon the subjects of Great Britain in America, would excuse
the most severe reprisals; but Britons were too generous to follow such
barbarous examples. He again offered to the Canadians the sweets of
peace, amidst the horrors of war; and left it to themselves to determine
their own fate by their own conduct. He expressed his hope that the
world would do him justice, should they oblige him, by rejecting these
favourable terms, to adopt violent measures. He expatiated upon the
strength and power, as well as upon the generosity, of Great Britain, in
thus stretching out the hand of humanity; a hand ready to assist them on
all occasions, even when France was by her weakness compelled to abandon
them in the most critical conjuncture. This declaration produced no
immediate effect; nor indeed did the Canadians depend on the sincerity
and promised faith of a nation, whom their priests had industriously
represented as the most savage and cruel enemy on earth. Possessed of
these notions, which prevailed even among the better sort, they chose to
abandon their habitations, and expose themselves and families to certain
ruin, in provoking the English by the most cruel hostilities, rather
than be quiet, and confide in the general’s promise of protection.
Instead of pursuing this prudent plan of conduct, they joined the
scalping parties * of Indians who skulked among the woods; and falling
upon the English stragglers by surprise, butchered them with the most
inhuman barbarity.

     * The operation of scalping, which, to the shame of both
     nations, was encouraged both by French and English, the
     savages performed in this manner--The hapless victim being
     disabled, or disarmed, the Indian, with a sharp knife,
     provided and worn for the purpose, makes a circular incision
     to the bone round the upper part of the head, and tears off
     the scalp with his fingers. Previous to this execution, he
     generally despatches the prisoner by repeated blows on the
     head, with the hammer-side of the instrument called a
     tomahawk: but sometimes they save themselves the trouble,
     and sometimes the blows prove ineffectual; so that the
     miserable patient is found alive, groaning in the utmost
     agony of torture. The Indian strings the scalps he has
     procured, to be produced as a testimony of his prowess, and
     receives a premium for each from the nation under whose
     banners he has been enlisted.

Mr. Wolfe, whose nature revolted against this wanton and perfidious
cruelty, sent a letter to the French general, representing that such
enormities were contrary to the rules of war observed among civilized
nations, dishonourable to the service of France, and disgraceful to
human nature; he therefore desired that the French colonists and Indians
might be restrained within due bounds, otherwise he would burn their
villages, desolate their plantations, and retaliate upon the persons of
his prisoners whatever cruelties should, in the sequel, be committed on
the soldiers or subjects of his master. In all probability the French
general’s authority was not sufficient to bridle the ferocity of
the savages, who continued to scalp and murder, with the most brutal
appetite for blood and revenge, so that Mr. Wolfe, in order to
intimidate the enemy into a cessation of these outrages, found it
necessary to connive at some irregularities in the way of retaliation.

M. de Montcalm, who commanded the French troops, though superior in
number to the invaders, very wisely resolved to depend upon the natural
strength of the country, which appeared almost insurmountable, and had
carefully taken all his precautions of defence. The city of Quebec was
tolerably fortified, secured with a numerous garrison, and plentifully
supplied with provisions and ammunition. Montcalm had reinforced the
troops of the colony with five regular battalions formed of the best
of the inhabitants, completely disciplined all the Canadians of the
neighbourhood capable of bearing arms, and several tribes of savages.
With this army he had taken the field in a very advantageous situation,
encamped along the shore of Beaufort, from the river St. Charles to the
Falls of Montmorenci, every accessible part being deeply intrenched. To
undertake the siege of Quebec against such odds and advantages, was
not only a deviation from the established maxims of war, but a rash
enterprise, seemingly urged in diametrical opposition to the dictates of
common sense. Mr. Wolfe was well acquainted with all the difficulties of
the undertaking; but he knew at the same time he should always have
it in his power to retreat, in case of emergency, while the British
squadron maintained its station in the river; he was not without hope
of being joined by general Amherst; and he was stimulated by an appetite
for glory, which the prospect of accumulated dangers could not allay.
Understanding that there was a body of the enemy posted, with cannon, at
the Point of Levi, on the south shore, opposite the city of Quebec,
he detached against them brigadier Monckton, at the head of four
battalions, who passed the river at night; and next morning, having
skirmished with some of the enemy’s irregulars, obliged them to retire
from that post, which the English immediately occupied. At the same time
colonel Carlton, with another detachment, took possession of the western
point of the island of Orleans: and both these posts were fortified, in
order to anticipate the enemy; who, had they kept possession of either,
might have rendered it impossible for any ship to lie at anchor within
two miles of Quebec. Besides, the Point of Levi was within cannon
shot of the city, against which a battery of mortars and artillery was
immediately erected. Montcalm, foreseeing the effect of this manoeuvre,
detached a body of sixteen hundred men across the river, to attack and
destroy the works before they were completed; but the detachment fell
into disorder, fired upon each other, and retired in confusion. The
battery being finished without further interruption, the cannons and
mortars began to play with such success, that in a little time the upper
town was considerably damaged, and the lower town reduced to a heap of
rubbish.




ENGLISH FLEET DAMAGED BY A STORM.

In the meantime, the fleet was exposed to the most imminent danger.
Immediately after the troops had been landed on the island of Orleans,
the wind increased to a furious storm, which blew with such violence,
that many transports ran foul of one another, and were disabled. A
number of boats and small craft foundered, and divers large ships lost
their anchors. The enemy resolving to take advantage of the confusion
which they imagined this disaster must have produced, prepared seven
fire ships; and at midnight sent them down from Quebec among the
transports, which lay so thick as to cover the whole surface of the
river. The scheme, though well contrived, and seasonably executed, was
entirely defeated by the deliberation of the British admiral, and the
dexterity of his mariners, who resolutely boarded the fire ships, and
towed them fast aground, where they lay burning to the water’s edge,
without having done the least prejudice to the English squadron. On
the very same day of the succeeding month they sent down a raft of
fire-ships, or radeaux, which were likewise consumed without producing
any effect.




GENERAL WOLFE ENCAMPS NEAR THE FALLS OF THE RIVER MONTMORENCI.

The works for the security of the hospital and the stores, on the island
of Orleans, being finished, the British forces crossed the north channel
in boats; and, landing under cover of two sloops, encamped on the side
of the river Montmorenci, which divided them from the left of the
enemy. Next morning a company of rangers, posted in a wood to cover
some workmen, were attacked by the French Indians, and totally defeated;
however, the nearest troops advancing, repulsed the Indians in their
turn with considerable loss. The reasons that induced general Wolfe
to choose this situation by the Falls of Montmorenci, in which he was
divided from Quebec by this and another river called St. Charles, he
explained in a letter to the secretary of state. He observed, that the
ground which he had chosen was high, and in some measure commanded the
opposite side on which the enemy was posted: that there was a ford below
the Falls passable in every tide for some hours, at the latter part of
the ebb and beginning of the flood; and he hoped that means might be
found of passing the river higher up, so as to fight the marquis
de Montcalm upon less disadvantageous terms than those of directly
attacking his intrenchments. Accordingly, in reconnoitring the river
Montmorenci, a ford was discovered about three miles above; but the
opposite banks, which were naturally steep and covered with woods,
the enemy had intrenched in such a manner, as to render it almost
inaccessible. The escort was twice attacked by the Indians, who were as
often repulsed; but these rencounters cost the English about forty men
killed and wounded, including some officers. Some shrewd objections
might be started to the general’s choice of ground on this occasion.
He could not act at all without passing the river Montmorenci at a
very great disadvantage, and attacking an enemy superior to himself in
number, secured by redoubts and intrenchments. Had he even, by dint of
extraordinary valour, driven them from these strong posts, the success
must have cost him a great number of officers and men: and the enemy
might have retreated behind the river St. Charles, which he also must
have passed under the same disadvantages, before he could begin his
operations against the city of Quebec. Had his good fortune enabled him
to surmount all these difficulties, and after all to defeat the enemy in
a pitched battle, the garrison of Quebec might have been reinforced
by the wreck of their army; and he could not, with any probability of
success, have undertaken the siege of an extensive fortified place,
which he had not troops sufficient to invest, and whose garrison would
have been nearly equal in number to the sum total of the troops he
commanded. At any rate, the chance of a fair engagement in the open
field was what he had little reason to expect in that situation, from
the known experience, and the apparent conduct, of the French general.
These objections appeared so obvious and important, that general Wolfe
would not determine to risk an attack, until he had surveyed the upper
part of the river St. Laurence, in hopes of finding some place more
favourable for a descent.

On the eighteenth day of July, the admiral, at his request, sent two
ships of war, two armed sloops, and some transports with troops on
board, up the river; and they passed the city of Quebec, without
having sustained any damage. The general, being on board of this little
armament, carefully observed the banks on the side of the enemy, which
were extremely difficult from the nature of the ground; and these
difficulties were redoubled by the foresight and precaution of the
French commander. Though a descent seemed impracticable between the city
and Cape Rouge, where it was intended, general Wolfe, in order to divide
the enemy’s force, and procure intelligence, ordered a detachment, under
the command of colonel Carleton, to land higher up, at the Point
au Tremble, to which place he was informed a great number of the
inhabitants of Quebec had retired with their most valuable effects. This
service was performed with little loss; and some prisoners were brought
away, but no magazine was discovered. The general, thus disappointed in
his expectation, returned to Montmorenci, where brigadier Townshend had,
by maintaining a superior fire across that river, prevented the enemy
from erecting a battery, which would have commanded the English camp;
and now he resolved to attack them, though posted to great advantage,
and everywhere prepared to give him a warm reception. His design was,
first to reduce a detached redoubt close to the water’s edge, seemingly
situated without gunshot of the intrenchment on the hill. Should this
fortification be supported by the enemy, he foresaw that he should be
able to bring on a general engagement: on the contrary, should they
remain tame spectators of its reduction, he could afterwards examine
their situation at leisure, and determine the place at which they could
be most easily attacked. Preparations were accordingly made for storming
the redoubt. On the last day of July, in the forenoon, part of brigadier
Monckton’s brigade was embarked in the boats of the fleet, to be
transported from the Point of Levi. The two brigades, commanded by the
brigadiers Townshend and Murray, were drawn out in order to pass the
ford when it should be necessary. To facilitate their passage, the
admiral had stationed the Centurion ship of war in the channel, to
check the fire of the lower battery, by which the ford was commanded: a
numerous train of artillery was placed upon the eminence, to batter and
enfilade the left of the enemy’s intrenchment; and two flat-bottomed
armed vessels, prepared for the purpose, were run aground near the
redoubt, to favour the descent of the forces. The manifest confusion
produced among the French by these previous measures, and by the fire
of the Centurion, which was well-directed and sustained, determined
Mr. Wolfe to storm this intrenchment without further delay. Orders were
issued that the three brigadiers should put their troops in motion at a
certain signal, which was accordingly made at a proper time of the tide.
Many of the boats from Point Levi ran aground upon a ledge that runs off
a considerable distance from the shore; and this accident occasioned a
disorderly which so much time was lost, that the general was obliged to
stop the march of brigadier Townshend’s corps, which he perceived to be
in motion. In the meantime, the boats were floated, and ranged in proper
order, though exposed to a severe fire of shot and shells; and the
general in person sounding the shore, pointed out the place where the
troops might disembark with the least difficulty. Thirteen companies of
Grenadiers, and two hundred men of the second American battalion, were
the first who landed. They had received orders to form in four distinct
bodies, and begin the attack, supported by the corps of brigadier
Monckton, as soon as the other troops should have passed the ford, and
be near enough to contribute to their assistance. These instructions,
however, were entirely neglected. Before Mr. Monckton had landed, and
while brigadier Townshend was on his march at a considerable distance,
the grenadiers, without waiting to be drawn up in a regular form,
impetuously rushed towards the enemy’s intrenchments in the utmost
disorder. Their courage served only to increase their misfortune. The
first fire they received did such execution among them, that they were
obliged to shelter themselves under the redoubt which the French had
abandoned at their approach. In this uncomfortable situation they
remained some time, unable to form under so hot a fire, notwithstanding
the utmost efforts of many gallant officers, who lavishly exposed, and
even lost their lives in the honourable discharge of their duty. [511]
_[See note 3 Y, at the end of this Vol.]_ The general, seeing all their
efforts abortive, ordered them to retreat, and form behind Monckton’s
brigade, which was by this time landed, and drawn up on the beach in
order. They accordingly retired in confusion, leaving a considerable
number lying on the field, to the barbarity of the Indian savages, who
massacred the living, and scalped the dead, even in the sight of their
indignant companions. This unhappy accident occasioned a new delay, and
the day was already far advanced. The wind began to blow with uncommon
violence, and the tide to make; so that in case of a second repulse, the
retreat of brigadier Townshend might have been rendered hazardous and
uncertain; Mr. Wolfe, therefore, thought proper to desist, and returned
without further molestation to the other side of the river Montmorenci.
The admiral ordered the two vessels which were aground to be set
on fire, that they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. The
advantages that favoured an attack in this part, consisted of the
following particulars:--All the artillery could be used with good
effect; all the troops could act at once; and in case of a miscarriage,
the retreat was secure and open, at least for a certain time of
the tide. These, however, seemed to be over-balanced by other
considerations. The enemy were posted on a commanding eminence; the
beach was covered with deep mud, slippery, and broken into holes and
gullies; the hill was steep, and in some places impracticable; the
enemy were numerous, and poured in a very severe fire from their
intrenchments. Had the attack succeeded, the loss of the English must
have been very heavy, and that of the French inconsiderable, because the
neighbouring woods afforded them immediate shelter. Finally, the
river St. Charles still remained to be passed before the town could be
invested.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BRIGADIER MURRAY DETACHED UP THE RIVER.

Immediately after this mortifying check, in which above five hundred
men, and many brave officers, were lost, the general detached brigadier
Murray, with twelve hundred men, in transports, above the town, to
co-operate with rear-admiral Holmes, whom the admiral had sent up with
some force against the French shipping, which he hoped to destroy. The
brigadier was likewise instructed to seize every opportunity of fighting
the enemy’s detachments, and even of provoking them to battle. In
pursuance of these directions, he twice attempted to land on the north
shore; but these attempts were unsuccessful. The third effort was
more fortunate. He made a sudden descent at Chambaud, and burned a
considerable magazine, filled with arms, clothing, provisions, and
ammunition. The enemy’s ships being secured in such a manner as not to
be approached, and nothing else occurring that required the brigadier’s
longer stay, he returned to the camp, with intelligence obtained
from his prisoners, that the fort of Niagara was taken, Crown Point
abandoned, and general Amherst employed in making preparations to attack
the corps at the isle aux Nois, commanded by M. Burlemaque. The disaster
at the Falls of Montmorenci made a deep impression on the mind of
general Wolfe, whose spirit was too great to brook the most distant
prospect of censure or disgrace. He knew the character of the English
people--rash, impatient, and capricious; elevated to exultation by
the least gleam of success, dejected even to despondency by the most
inconsiderable frown of adverse fortune; sanguine, even to childish
hyperbole, in applauding those servants of the public who have prospered
in their undertakings; clamorous, to a degree of prosecution, against
those who have miscarried in their endeavours, without any investigation
of merit, without any consideration of circumstances. A keen sense
of these vexatious peculiarities conspiring with the shame of
disappointment, and eager desire of retrieving the laurel that he might
by some be supposed to have lost at the Falls of Montmorenci, and the
despair of finding such an occasion, excited an internal agitation,
which visibly affected his external frame, and disordered his whole
constitution, which was naturally delicate and tender. Among those who
shared his confidence, he was often seen to sigh; he was often heard
to complain; and even in the transports of his chagrin declare, that he
would never return without success, to be exposed, as other unfortunate
commanders had been, to the censure and reproach of an ignorant and
ungrateful populace. This tumult of the mind, added to the fatigues of
the body he had undergone, produced a fever and dysentery, by which for
some time he was totally disabled.

Before he recovered any degree of strength, he desired the general
officers to consult together for the public utility. It was their
opinion, that, the Points of Levi and Orleans being left in a proper
state of defence, the rest of the troops should be conveyed up the
river, with a view to draw the enemy from their present situation, and
bring them if possible to an engagement. This measure, however, was
not adopted, until the general and admiral had reconnoitred the town of
Quebec, with a view to a general assault; and concluded from their own
observations, reinforced by the opinion of the chief engineer, who was
perfectly well acquainted with the interior of the place, that such an
attack could not be hazarded with any prospect of success. The ships of
war, indeed, might have silenced the batteries of the lower town,
but they could not affect the upper works, from which they must have
sustained considerable damage. When we consider the situation of this
place, and the fortifications with which it was secured; the natural
strength of the country; the great number of vessels and floating
batteries they had provided for the defence of the river; the skill,
valour, superior force, and uncommon vigilance of the enemy; their
numerous bodies of savages continually hovering about the posts of the
English, to surprise parties, and harass detachments; we must own that
there was such a combination of difficulties as might have discouraged
and perplexed the most resolute and intelligent commander.




THE TROOPS LAND AT THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM.

In consequence of the resolution taken to quit the camp at Montmorenci,
the troops and artillery were re-embarked, and landed at Point Levi:
they afterwards passed up the river in transports, while admiral Holmes
made a movement with his ships to amuse the enemy posted on the north
shore; and the men being much crowded on board, the general ordered
one-half of them to be landed for refreshment on the other side of the
river. As no possibility appeared of annoying the enemy above the town,
the scheme of operations was totally changed. A plan was formed for
conveying the troops farther down in boats, and landing them in the
night within a league of Cape Diamond, in hopes of ascending the heights
of Abraham, which rise abruptly with a steep ascent from the banks of
the river, that they might take possession of the ground on the back
of the city, where it was but indifferently fortified. The dangers and
difficulties attending the execution of this design were so peculiarly
discouraging, that one would imagine it could not have been embraced but
by a spirit of enterprise that bordered on desperation. The stream was
rapid; the shore shelving; the bank of the river lined with sentinels;
the landing place so narrow as to be easily missed in the dark; and the
ground so difficult as hardly to be surmounted in the day-time, had no
opposition been expected. If the enemy had received the least intimation
from spy or deserter, or even suspected the scheme; had the embarkation
been disordered in consequence of the darkness of the night, the
rapidity of the river, or the shelving nature of the north shore, near
which they were obliged to row; had one sentinel been alarmed, or the
landing place much mistaken; the heights of Abraham must have
been instantly secured by such a force as would, have rendered the
undertaking abortive: confusion would necessarily have ensued in the
dark; and this would have naturally produced a panic, which might have
proved fatal to the greater part of the detachment. These objections
could not escape the penetration of the gallant Wolfe, who nevertheless
adopted the plan without hesitation, and even executed it in person;
though at that time labouring under a severe dysentery and fever, which
had exhausted his constitution, and reduced him almost to an extremity
of weakness. The previous steps being taken, and the time fixed for this
hazardous attempt, admiral Holmes moved with his squadron farther up
the river, about three leagues above the place appointed for the
disembarkation, that he might deceive the enemy, and amuse M. de
Bougainville, whom Montcalm had detached with fifteen hundred men to
watch the motions of that squadron; but the English admiral was directed
to sail down the river in the night, so as to protect the landing of the
forces; and these orders he punctually fulfilled. On the twelfth day of
September, an hour after midnight, the first embarkation, consisting of
four complete regiments, the light infantry commanded by colonel Howe,
a detachment of Highlanders, and the American grenadiers, was made
in flat-bottomed boats, under the immediate command of the brigadiers
Monck-ton and Murray; though general Wolfe accompanied them in person,
and was among the first who landed; and they began to fall down with the
tide, to the intended place of disembarkation, rowing close to the north
shore in order to find it the more easily. Without any disorder the
boats glided gently along: but by the rapidity of the tide, and the
darkness of the night, the boats over-shot the mark, and the troops
landed a little below the place at which the disembarkation was
intended. [513] _[See note 3 Z, at the end of this Vol.]_ As the troops
landed the boats were sent back for the second embarkation, which was
superintended by brigadier Townshend. In the meantime, colonel Howe,
with the light infantry and the Highlanders, ascended the woody
precipices with admirable courage and activity, and dislodged a
sergeant’s guard which defended a small intrenched narrow path, by which
alone the rest of the forces could reach the summit. Then they mounted
without further molestation from the enemy, and the general drew them up
in order as they arrived. Monsieur de Montcalm no sooner understood
that the English had gained the heights of Abraham, which in a manner
commanded the town on its weakest part, than he resolved to hazard a
battle; and began his march without delay, after having collected his
whole force from the side of Beauport.




BATTLE OF QUEBEC.

General Wolfe, perceiving the enemy crossing the river St. Charles,
began to form his own line, which consisted of six battalions and the
Louisbourg grenadiers; the right commanded by brigadier Monckton, and
the left by brigadier Murray: to the rear of the left, colonel Howe was
posted with his light infantry, just returned from a four-gun battery,
which they had taken without opposition. M. de Montcalm advancing in
such a manner as to show his intention was to flank the left of the
English, brigadier Townshend was sent thither with the regiment of
Amherst, which he formed _en potence_, presenting a double front to the
enemy: he was afterwards reinforced by two battalions; and the reserve
consisted of one regiment drawn up in eight sub-divisions, with large
intervals. The right of the enemy was composed of half the colony
troops, two battalions, and a body of Canadians and savages; their
centre consisted of a column formed by two other regular battalions; and
on the left one battalion, with the remainder of the colony troops,
was posted; the bushes and corn-fields in their front were lined with
fifteen hundred of their best marksmen, who kept up an irregular galling
fire, which proved fatal to many brave officers, thus singled out for
destruction. This fire, indeed, was in some measure checked by the
advanced posts of the British line, who piqueered with the enemy for
some hours before the battle began. Both armies were destitute of
artillery, except two small pieces on the side of the French, and a
single gun which the English seamen made shift to draw up from the
landing place. This was very well served, and galled their column
severely. At length, about nine in the morning, the enemy advanced
to the charge with great order and vivacity, though their fire was
irregular and ineffectual. On the contrary, the British forces reserved
their shot until the French had approached within forty yards of their
line: then they poured in a terrible discharge; and continued the fire
with such deliberation and spirit, as could not fail to produce a very
considerable effect. General Wolfe was stationed on the right, at the
head of Bragg’s regiment and the Louisbourg grenadiers, where the attack
was most warm. As he stood conspicuous in the front of the line, he had
been aimed at by the enemy’s marksmen, and received a shot in the wrist,
which however did not oblige him to quit the field. Having wrapped a
handkerchief round his hand, he continued giving orders without the
least emotion; and advanced at the head of the grenadiers with their
bayonets fixed; when another ball unfortunately pierced the breast of
this young hero,* who fell in the arms of victory, just as the enemy
gave way.

     * When the fatal ball took place, general Wolfe, finding
     himself unable to stand, leaned upon the shoulder of a
     lieutenant, who sat down for that purpose. This officer
     seeing the French give way, exclaimed, “They run! they
     run!”--“Who run?” cried the gallant Wolfe, with great
     eagerness. When the lieutenant replied, “The French.”--
     “What!” said he, “do the cowards run already? then I die
     happy.” So saying, the glorious youth expired.

[Illustration 513.jpg  DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE]

At that very instant, every separate regiment of the British army seemed
to exert itself for the honour of its own peculiar character. While the
right pressed on with their bayonets, brigadier Murray briskly advanced
with the troops under his command, and soon broke the centre of the
enemy: then the High landers, drawing their broad-swords, fell in among
them, with irresistible impetuosity, and drove them with great slaughter
into the town, and the works they had raised at the bridge of the river
St. Charles. On the left and rear of the English, the action was not so
violent. Some of the light infantry had thrown themselves into houses;
where, being attacked, they defended themselves with great courage and
resolution. Colonel Howe having taken post with two companies behind a
small copse, sallied out frequently on the flanks of the enemy during
this attack, and often drove them into heaps; while brigadier Townshend
advanced platoons against their front; so that the right wing of the
French were totally prevented from executing their first intention.
The brigadier himself remained with Amherst’s regiment, to support this
disposition, and to overawe a body of savages posted opposite to the
light infantry, waiting for an opportunity to fall upon the rear of
the British army. General Wolfe being slain, and at the same time Mr.
Monckton dangerously wounded at the head of Lascelles’ regiment, where
he distinguished himself with remarkable gallantry, the command devolved
on brigadier Townshend, who hastened to the centre; and finding the
troops disordered in the pursuit, formed them again with all possible
expedition. This necessary task was scarce performed, when M. de
Bougainville, with a body of two thousand fresh men, appeared in the
rear of the English. He had begun his march from Cape Rouge, as soon as
he received intelligence that the British troops had gained the heights
of Abraham, but did not come up in time to have any share in the battle.
Mr. Townshend immediately ordered two battalions, with two pieces
of artillery, to advance against this officer; who retired, at their
approach, among woods and swamps, where general Townshend very wisely
declined hazarding a precarious attack. He had already obtained a
complete victory, taken a great number of French officers, and was
possessed of a very advantageous situation, which it would have been
imprudent to forego. The French general, M. de Montcalm, was mortally
wounded in the battle, and conveyed into Quebec; from whence, before he
died, he wrote a letter to general Townshend, recommending the prisoners
to that generous humanity by which the British nation is distinguished.
His second in command was left wounded on the field; and next day
expired on board an English ship, to which he had been conveyed. About
one thousand of the enemy were made prisoners, including a great number
of officers; and about five hundred were slain on the field of battle.
The wreck of their army, after they had reinforced the garrison of
Quebec, retired to Point-au-Tremble; from whence they proceeded to
Jacques Quatiers, where they remained intrenched until they were
compelled by the severity of the weather to make the best of their way
to Trois Rivieres and Montreal. This important victory was obtained at
the expense of fifty men killed, including nine officers; and of about
five hundred men wounded: but the death of general Wolfe was a national
loss, universally lamented. He inherited from nature an animating
fervour of sentiment, an intuitive perception, an extensive capacity,
and a passion for glory, which stimulated him to acquire every species
of military knowledge that study could comprehend, that actual service
could illustrate and confirm. This noble warmth of disposition, seldom
fails to call forth and unfold the liberal virtues of the soul. Brave
above all estimation of danger, he was also generous, gentle, complacent
and humane; the pattern of the officer, the darling of the soldier:
there was a sublimity in his genius which soared above the pitch of
ordinary minds; and had his faculties been exercised to their full
extent by opportunity and action, had his judgment been fully matured by
age and experience, he would without doubt have rivalled in reputation
the most celebrated captains of antiquity.




QUEBEC TAKEN.

Immediately after the battle of Quebec, admiral Saunders, who, together
with his subordinates Durell and Holmes, had all along co-operated
heartily with the land-forces for the advantage of the service, sent
up all the boats of the fleet with artillery and ammunition; and on the
seventeenth day of the month sailed up with all the ships of war, in
a disposition to attack the lower town, while the upper part should be
assaulted by general Townshend. This gentleman had employed the time
from the day of action in securing the camp with redoubts, in forming
a military road for the cannon, in drawing up the artillery, preparing
batteries, and cutting off the enemy’s communication with the country.
On the seventeenth, before any battery could be finished, a flag of
truce was sent from the town, with proposals of capitulation; which,
being maturely considered by the general and admiral, were accepted, and
signed at eight next morning. They granted the more favourable terms, as
the enemy continued to assemble in the rear of the British army; as the
season was become wet, stormy, and cold, threatening the troops with
sickness, and the fleet with accident; and as a considerable advantage
would result from taking possession of the town while the walls were in
a state of defence. What rendered the capitulation still more fortunate
for the British general, was the information he afterwards received from
deserters, that the enemy had rallied, and were reinforced behind cape
Rouge, under the command of M. de Levy, arrived from Montreal for that
purpose, with two regular battalions; and that M. de Bougainville, at
the head of eight hundred men, with a convoy of provisions, was actually
on his march to throw himself into the town on the eighteenth, that very
morning on which it was surrendered. The place was not then completely
invested, as the enemy had broke the bridge of boats, and posted
detachments in very strong works on the other side of the river St.
Charles. The capitulation was no sooner ratified, than the British
forces took possession of Quebec on the land side; and guards were
posted in different parts of the town, to preserve order and discipline;
at the same time captain Palliser, with a body of seamen, entered the
lower town and took the same precautions. Next day about a thousand
prisoners were embarked on board transports, which proceeded to France
with the first opportunity. Meanwhile the inhabitants of the country
came in great numbers, to deliver up their arms, and take the oath of
fidelity to the English government. The death of Montcalm, which was
indeed an irreparable loss to France, in all probability overwhelmed the
enemy with consternation, and confounded all their councils; otherwise
we cannot account for the tame surrender of Quebec to a handful of
troops, even after the victory they had obtained: for although the place
was not regularly fortified on the land-side, and most of the houses
were in ruins, their walls and parapets had not yet sustained the
least damage; the besiegers were hardly sufficient to complete the
investiture; a fresh army was assembled in the neighbourhood, with which
their communication continued open; the season was so far advanced, that
the British forces in a little time must have been forced to desist by
the severity of the weather, and even retire with their fleet before
the approach of winter, which never fails to freeze up the river St.
Laurence.

Immediately after the action at the Falls of Montmorenci, general Wolfe
had despatched an officer to England, with a detail of that disaster,
written with such elegance and accuracy, as would not have disgraced the
pen of a Cæsar. Though the public acquiesced in his conduct, they were
exceedingly mortified at his miscarriage; and this mortification was
the greater, as he seemed to despair of being able to strike any other
stroke of importance for the accomplishment of their hope, which had
aspired at the absolute conquest of Canada. The first transports of
their chagrin were not yet subsided, when colonel Hale arrived in the
ship Alcide, with an account of the victory and surrender of Quebec;
which was immediately communicated to the people in an Extraordinary
Gazette. The joy which this excited among the populace rose in
proportion to the despondence which the former had produced: all was
rapture and riot; all was triumph and exultation, mingled with the
praise of the all-accomplished Wolfe, which they exalted even to a
ridiculous degree of hyperbole. The king expressed his satisfaction by
conferring the honour of knighthood upon captain Douglas, whose ship
brought the first tidings of this success; and gratified him and colonel
Hale with considerable presents. A day of solemn thanksgiving was
appointed by proclamation through all the dominions of Great Britain.
The city of London, the universities, and many other corporations of
the kingdom, presented congratulatory addresses to his majesty. The
parliament was no sooner assembled, than the secretary of state, in the
house of commons, expatiated upon the successes of the campaign, the
transcendent merit of the deceased general, the conduct and courage of
the admirals and officers who assisted in the conquest of Quebec. In
consequence of this harangue, and the motion by which it was succeeded,
the house unanimously resolved to present an address, desiring his
majesty would order a monument to be erected in Westminster-abbey to
the memory of major-general Wolfe; at the same time they passed
another resolution, that the thanks of the house should be given to the
surviving generals and admirals employed in the glorious and successful
expedition to Quebec. Testimonies of this kind, while they reflect
honour upon the character of the nation, never fail to animate
individuals to a spirited exertion of their talents in the service of
the public. The people of England were so elevated by the astonishing
success of this campaign, which was also prosperous on the continent
of Europe, that, far from expressing the least sense of the enormous
burdens which they bore, they, with a spirit peculiar to the British
nation, voluntarily raised large contributions to purchase warm jackets,
stockings, shoes, coats, and blankets, for the soldiers who were exposed
to the rigours of an inclement sky in Germany and America. But they
displayed a more noble proof of unrestrained benevolence, extended even
to foes. The French ministry, straitened in their finances, which were
found scarce sufficient to maintain the war, had sacrificed their
duty to their king, and every sentiment of compassion for his unhappy
subjects, to a thirst of vengeance, and sanguinary views of ambition.
They had withdrawn the usual allowance from their subjects who were
detained prisoners in England; and those wretched creatures, amounting
in number to near twenty thousand, were left to the mercy of those
enemies whom their sovereign had taken such pains to exasperate. The
allowance with which they were indulged by the British government
effectually secured them from the horrors of famine; but still they
remained destitute of other conveniences, and particularly exposed to
the miseries of cold and nakedness. The generous English beheld these
forlorn captives with sentiments of sympathy and compassion; they
considered them as their fellow-creatures and brethren in humanity, and
forgot their country while they beheld their distress. A considerable
subscription was raised in their behalf; and in a few weeks they were
completely clothed by the charity of their British benefactors. This
beneficent exertion was certainly one of the noblest triumphs of the
human mind, which even the most inveterate enemies of Great Britain
cannot but regard with reverence and admiration.--The city of Quebec
being reduced, together with great part of the circumjacent country,
brigadier Townshend, who had accepted his commission with the express
proviso that he should return to England at the end of the campaign,
left a garrison of five thousand effective men, victualled from the
fleet, under the command of brigadier Murray; and, embarking with
admiral Saunders, arrived in Great Britain about the beginning of
winter. As for brigadier Monckton, he was conveyed to New York, where he
happily recovered of his wound.




CHAPTER XVIII.

     _Siege of Madras..... Colonel Forde defeats the Marquis de
     Conflans near Gola-pool..... Captain Knox takes Rajamundry
     and Narsipore..... Colonel Forde takes Masulipatam.....
     Surat taken by the English..... Unsuccessful Attack upon
     Wandewash..... Admiral Pococke defeats Monsieur d’Apehé.....
     Hostilities of the Dutch on the River of Bengal..... Colonel
     Coote takes Wandewash..... Defeats General Lally..... and
     conquers the Province of Arcot..... State of the
     Belligerent Powers in Europe..... Frankfort seized by the
     French..... Progress  of the   Hereditary Prince  of
     Brunswick..... Prince Ferdinand attacks the French at
     Bergen..... The British Ministry appoint an Inspector
     General of the Forage..... Prince Ferdinand retreats before
     the French Army..... Animosity between the General of the
     Allied Army and the Commander of the British Forces..... The
     French encamp at Min-den..... and are defeated by the
     Allies..... Duke de Brissac routed by the Hereditary Prince
     of Brunswick..... General Imhoff takes Munster from the
     French..... who retreat before Prince Ferdinand..... The
     Hereditary Prince beats up the Duke of Wirtemberg’s Quarters
     at Fulda..... A Body of Prussians make an incursion into
     Poland..... Prince Henry penetrates into Bohemia..... He
     enters Franconia, and obliges the Imperial Army to
     retire..... King of Prussia vindicates his Conduct with
     respect to his Prisoners..... The Prussian General Wedel
     defeated by the Russians at Zullichau..... The King of
     Prussia  takes the  Command of General Wedel’s  Corps.....
     Battle of Cunersdorf..... Advantages gained by the Prussians
     in Saxony..... Prince Henry surprises General Vehla.....
     General Finck, with his whole Corps of Prussians, surrounded
     and taken by the Austrian General..... Disaster of the
     Prussian General Diercke..... Conclusion of the
     Campaign..... Arret of the Evangelical Body at Ratisbon.....
     The French Ministry stop Payment..... The States-General
     send over Deputies to England..... Memorial presented to the
     States by Major-General Yorke..... A counter Memorial
     presented by the French Minister..... Death of the King of
     Spain..... He is succeeded by his brother Don Carlos, who
     makes a remarkable Settlement..... Detection   and
     Punishment of the Conspirators at Lisbon..... Session opened
     in England..... Substance of the Addresses..... Supplies
     granted..... Ways and Means, Annuities, &c....... Bills for
     granting several Duties on Malt, &c...... Petitions for and
     against the Prohibition of the Malt Distillery.....
     Opposition   to   the   Bill for  preventing the  excessive
     Use   of Spirituous Liquors..... Bill for continuing the
     Importation of Irish Beef..... Attempt to establish a
     Militia in Scotland..... Further Regulations relative to the
     Militia of England..... Bill for removing the Powder
     Magazine from Greenwich..... Act for improving the Streets
     of London..... Bill relative to the Sale of Fish in London
     and Westminster..... New Act for ascertaining the
     Qualifications of Members of Parliament..... Act for
     consolidating the Annuities granted in 1759..... Bill for
     securing the Payment of Prize and Bounty Money appropriated
     for the Use of Greenwich Hospital..... Act in Favour of
     George Keith, late Earl Marshal of Scotland..... Session
     closed_




SIEGE OF MADRAS.

While the arms of Great Britain triumphed in Europe and America, her
interest was not suffered to languish in other parts of the world.
This was the season of ambition and activity, in which every separate
armament, every distinct corps, and individual officer, seemed to exert
themselves with the most eager appetite of glory. The East Indies, which
in the course of the preceding year had been the theatre of operations
carried on with various success, exhibited nothing now but a succession
of trophies to the English commanders. The Indian transactions of the
last year were interrupted at that period when the French general,
Lally, was employed in making preparations for the siege of Madras. In
the month of October he had marched into Arcot without opposition; and
in the beginning of December, he advanced towards Madras. On the twelfth
he marched over Choultry plain, in three divisions, cannonaded by the
English artillery with considerable effect, and took post at Egmore
and St. Thome. Colonel Laurence, who commanded the garrison of Madras,
retired to the island, in order to prevent the enemy from taking
possession of the island bridge; and at the same time ordered the posts
to be occupied in the Blacktown, or suburbs of Madras. In the morning of
the fourteenth, the enemy marched with their whole force to attack this
place; the English detachments retreated into the garrison; and within
the hour a grand sally was made, under the command of colonel Draper, a
gallant officer, who signalized himself remarkably on this occasion.
He attacked the regiment of Lorrain with great impetuosity; and in all
probability would have beat them off, had they not been sustained by
the arrival of a fresh brigade. After a very warm dispute, in which many
officers and a great number of men were killed on each side, colonel
Draper was obliged to retreat, not altogether satisfied with the conduct
of his grenadiers. As the garrison of Madras was not very numerous,
nothing further was attempted on their side without the works. In the
meantime, the enemy used all their diligence in erecting batteries
against the fort and town; which being opened on the sixth day of
January, they maintained a continual discharge of shot and shells for
twenty days, advancing their trenches all the time under cover of this
fire, until they reached the breast of the glacis. There they erected a
battery of four pieces of cannon, and opened it on the last day of the
month; but for five days successively they were obliged to close their
embrasures by the superior fire of the fort, and at length to abandon
it entirely: nevertheless, they still maintained a severe fire from the
first grand battery, which was placed at the distance of four hundred
and fifty yards from the defences. This artillery was so well served,
as to disable twenty-six pieces of cannon, three mortars, and effect
an inconsiderable breach. Perhaps they might have had more success, had
they battered in breach from the beginning; but M. Lally, in order
to intimidate the inhabitants, had cruelly bombarded the town, and
demolished the houses: he was, however, happily disappointed in his
expectation by the wise and resolute precautions of governor Pigot; by
the vigilance, conduct, and bravery of the colonels Laurence and Draper,
seconded by the valour and activity of major Brereton, and the spirit
of the inferior officers. The artillery of the garrison was so well
managed, that from the fifth day of February, the fire of the enemy
gradually decreased from twenty-three to six pieces of cannon:
nevertheless, they advanced their sap along the sea-side, so as to
embrace entirely the north-east angle of the covered way, from whence
their musketry drove the besieged. They likewise endeavoured to open a
passage into the ditch by a mine; but sprung it so injudiciously, that
they could make no advantage of it, as it lay exposed to the fire of
several cannon. While these preparations were carried on before the
town, major Caillaud and captain Preston, with a body of sepoys, some of
the country horse, and a few Europeans drawn from the English garrisons
of Trichinopoly and Chingalaput, hovered at the distance of a few miles,
blocking up the roads in such a manner that the enemy were obliged, four
several times, to send large detachments against them, in order to open
the communication: thus the progress of the siege was in a great
measure retarded. On the sixteenth day of February, in the evening,
the Queenborough ship of war, commanded by captain Kempenfeldt, and
the company’s ship the Revenge, arrived in the road of Madras, with a
reinforcement of six hundred men belonging to colonel Draper’s regiment,
and part of them was immediately disembarked. From the beginning of
the siege the enemy had discovered a backwardness in the service, very
unsuitable to their national character. They were ill supplied by their
commissaries and contractors: they were discouraged by the obstinate
defence of the garrison, and all their hope of success vanished at the
arrival of this reinforcement. After a brisk fire, they raised the siege
that very night, abandoning forty pieces of cannon; and having destroyed
the powder-mills at Egmore, retreated to the territory of Arcot. [515]
_[See note 4 A, at the end of this Vol.]_

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SUCCESS OF COLONEL FORDE.

M. Lally having weakened his forces that were at Masalipatam, under the
conduct of the marquis de Conflans, in order to strengthen the army with
which he undertook the siege of Madras, the rajah of Vizanapore drove
the French garrison from Vizagapatam, and hoisted English colours in
the place. The marquis having put his troops in motion to revenge this
insult, the rajah solicited succour from colonel Clive at Calcutta; and,
with the consent of the council, a body of troops was sent under the
command of colonel Forde to his assistance. They consisted of five
hundred Europeans, including a company of artillery, and sixteen hundred
sepoys; with about fifteen pieces of cannon, one howitzer, and three
mortars. The forces of Conflans were much more considerable. On the
twentieth day of October colonel Forde arrived at Vizagapatam, and made
an agreement with the rajah, who promised to pay the expense of the
expedition, as soon as he should be put in possession of Rajamundry, a
large town and fort possessed by the French. It was stipulated that he
should have all the inland country belonging to the Indian powers in the
French interest, and at present in arms; and that the English
company should retain all the conquered sea-coast from Vizagapatam to
Masulipatam. On the first of November colonel Forde proceeded on his
march; and on the third joined the rajah’s army, consisting of between
three and four thousand men. On the third of December, they came in
sight of the enemy, near the village of Golapool; but the French
declining battle, the colonel determined to draw them from their
advantageous situation, or march round and get between them and
Rajamundry. On the seventh, before day-break, he began his march,
leaving the rajah’s forces on their ground; but the enemy beginning to
cannonade the Indian forces, he, at the request of the rajah, returned
and took them under his protection. Then they marched together to the
village of Colapool, and halted on a small plain about three miles from
their encampment. About nine he formed the line of battle. About ten the
enemy were drawn up, and began the cannonade. The firing on both sides
having continued about forty minutes, the enemy’s line advanced to the
charge with great resolution; and were so warmly received, that, after
several spirited efforts, at eleven they gave way, and retreated in
disorder towards Rajamundry. During this conflict the rajah’s forces
stood as idle spectators, nor could their horse be prevailed upon to
pursue the fugitives. The victory cost the English forty-four Europeans
killed and wounded, including two captains and three lieutenants. The
French lost above three times the number, together with their whole
camp-baggage, thirty-two pieces of cannon, and all their ammunition. A
great number of black forces fell on both sides. The marquis de Conflans
did not remain at Rajamundry, but proceeded to Masulipatam; while
captain Knox, with a detachment from the English army, took possession
of the fort of Rajamundry, which is the barrier and key to the country
of Vizagapatam. This was delivered to the rajah on his paying the
expense of the expedition; and captain Knox being detached with a
battalion of sepoys, took possession of the French factory at Narsipore.
This was also the fate of a small fort at Coucate, which surrendered
to captain Maclean, after having made an obstinate defence. In the
meantime, however, the French army of observation made shift to retake
Rajamundry, where they found a considerable quantity of money, baggage
and effects, belonging to English officers.

Colonel Forde advancing to the neighbourhood of Masulipatam, the marquis
de Conflans with his forces retired within the place, which on the
seventh day of March was invested. By the seventh day of April the
ammunition of the besiegers being almost expended, colonel Forde
determined to give the assault, as two breaches were already made, and
made his disposition accordingly. The attack was begun in the night,
and the assailants arrived at the ditch before they were discovered. But
here they underwent a terrible discharge of grape-shot and musquetry;
notwithstanding which they entered the breaches and drove the enemy from
bastion to bastion. At length, the marquis de Conflans sent an officer
to demand quarter for the garrison, which was granted as soon as he
ordered his men to cease firing. Thus, with about three hundred and
forty European soldiers, a handful of seamen, and seven hundred sepoys,
colonel Forde took by assault the strong town of Masulipatam, garrisoned
by five hundred and twenty-one Europeans, two thousand and thirty-nine
Caffres, Topasses, and sepoys; and here he found above one hundred
and fifty pieces of cannon, with a great quantity of ammunition.
Salabatzing, the suba of De-can, perceiving the success of the English
here as well as at Madras, being sick of his French alliance, and in
dread of his brother Nizam Allée, who had set up a separate interest,
and taken the field against him, made advances to the company, with
which he forthwith concluded a treaty to the following effect:--“The
whole of the circar of Masulipatam shall be given to the English
company. Salabatzing will not suffer the French to have a settlement
in this country, nor keep them in his service, nor give them any
assistance. The English, on their part, will not assist nor give
protection to the suba’s enemies.”--In a few clays after Masulipatam
was reduced, two ships arrived in the road with a reinforcement of four
hundred men to the marquis de Conflans; but, understanding the fate of
the place, made the best of their way to Ganjam.




SURAT TAKEN BY THE ENGLISH.

The merchants residing at Surat, finding themselves exposed to
numberless dangers, and every species of oppression, by the sidee who
commanded the castle on one hand, by the governor of the city on the
other, and by the Mahrattas, who had a claim to a certain share of the
revenue, made application to the English presidency at Bombay, desiring
they would equip an expedition for taking possession of the castle and
tanka, and settle the government of the city upon Pharass Cawn, who
had been naib or deputy-governor under Meah Atchund, and regulated the
police to the satisfaction of the inhabitants. The presidency embraced
the proposal: admiral Pococke spared two of his ships for this service.
Eight hundred and fifty men, artillery and infantry, with fifteen
hundred sepoys, under the command of captain Richard Maitland, of the
royal regiment of artillery, were embarked on board the company’s
armed vessels commanded by captain Watson, who sailed on the ninth
of February. On the fifteenth they were landed at a place called
Dentiloury, about nine miles from Surat; and here they were encamped for
refreshment: in two days he advanced against the French garden, in which
a considerable number of the sidee’s men were posted, and drove them
from thence after a very obstinate dispute. Then he erected a battery,
from which he battered the wall in breach: but this method appearing
tedious, he called a council of war, composed of the land and
sea-officers, and laid before them the plan of a general attack, which
was accordingly executed next morning. The company’s grab, and the
bomb-ketches, being warped up the river in the night, were ranged in
a line of battle opposite to the Bundar, which was the strongest
fortification that the enemy possessed; and under the fire of these the
troops being landed, took the Bundar by assault. The outward town being
thus gained, he forthwith began to bombard the inner town and castle
with such fury, that next morning they both surrendered, on condition
of being allowed to inarch out with their effects; and captain Maitland
took possession without further dispute. Meah Atchund was continued
governor of Surat, and Pharass Cawn was appointed naib. The artillery
and ammunition found in the castle were secured for the company, until
the mogul’s pleasure was known; and in a little time a phirmaund, or
grant, arrived from Delhi, appointing the English company admiral to the
mogul; so that the ships and stores belonged to them of course, as part
of the tanka; and they were now declared legal possessors of the
castle. This conquest, which cost about two hundred men, including
a few officers, was achieved with such expedition, that captain Watson
returned to Bombay by the ninth day of April.

The main body of the English forces, which had been centered at Madras,
for the preservation of that important settlement, took the field after
the siege was raised, and possessed themselves of Conjeveram, a place
of great consequence; which, with the fort of Schengelpel, commanded
all the adjacent country, and secured the British possessions to the
northward. M. Lally, sensible of the importance of the post, took the
same route in order to dislodge them; but finding all his attempts
ineffectual, he retired towards Wandewash, where his troops were put
into quarters of cantonment. No other operations ensued till the month
of September; when major Brere-ton, who commanded the English forces,
being joined by major Gordon with three hundred men of colonel Coote’s
battalion, resolved to attack the enemy in his turn. On the fourteenth
day of the month he began his march from Conjeveram for Wandewash,
at the head of four hundred Europeans, seven thousand sepoys, seventy
European and three hundred black horse, with fourteen pieces of
artillery. In his march he invested and took the fort of Trivitar; from
whence he proceeded to the village of Wandewash, where the French, to
the number of one thousand, were strongly encamped under the guns of a
fort, commanded by a rajah, mounting twenty cannon, under the direction
of a French gunner. On the thirteenth day of September, at two in the
morning, the English attacked the village in three different places, and
drove them from it after a very obstinate dispute; but this advantage
they were not able to maintain. The black pioneers ran away during the
attack, so that proper traverses could not be made in the streets; and
at day-break the fort poured in upon them a prodigious discharge of
grape-shot with considerable effect. The enemy had retired to a dry
ditch, which served as an intrenchment, from whence they made furious
sallies; and a body of three hundred European horse were already in
motion, to fall upon and complete their confusion. In this emergency,
they retired in disorder; and might have been entirely ruined, had not
the body of reserve effectually covered their retreat: yet this could
not be effected without the loss of several officers, and above three
hundred men killed and wounded. After this mortifying check, they
encamped a few days in sight of the fort, and, the rainy season setting
in, returned to Conjeveram. The fort of Wandewash was afterwards
garrisoned by French and sepoys; and the other forces of the enemy were
assembled by brigadier-general de Bussy, at Arcot.




ADMIRAL POCOCKE DEFEATS MONSIEUR D’APCHE.

During these transactions by land, the superiority at sea was still
disputed between the English and French admirals. On the first day of
September, vice-admiral Pococke sailed from Madras to the southward, in
quest of the enemy, and next day descried the French fleet, consisting
of fifteen sail, standing to the northward. He forthwith threw out the
signal for a general chase, and stood towards them with all the sail he
could carry; but the wind abating, he could not approach near enough to
engage. During the three succeeding days, he used his utmost endeavours
to bring them to a battle, which they still declined, and at last
they disappeared. He then directed his course to Pondicherry, on the
supposition that they were bound to that harbour; and on the eighth day
of the month perceived them standing to the southward: but he could not
bring them to an engagement till the tenth, when M. d’Apché, about two
in the afternoon, made the signal for battle, and the cannonading began
without further delay. The British squadron did not exceed nine ships
of the line; the enemy’s fleet consisted of eleven; but they had still a
greater advantage in number of men and artillery. Both squadrons fought
with great impetuosity till about ten minutes after four, when the
enemy’s rear began to give way: this example was soon followed by
their centre; and finally the van, with the whole squadron, bore to the
south-south-east, with all the canvass they could spread. The British
squadron was so much damaged in their masts and rigging, that they could
not pursue; so that M. d’Apché retreated at his leisure unmolested. On
the fifteenth, admiral Pococke returned to Madras, where his squadron
being repaired by the twenty-sixth, he sailed again to Pondicherry, and
in the road saw the enemy lying at anchor in line of battle. The wind
being off shore, he made the line of battle a-head, and for some time
continued in this situation. At length the French admiral weighed
anchor, and came forth; but instead of bearing down upon the English
squadron, which had fallen to leeward, he kept close to the wind, and
stretched away to the southward. Admiral Pococke finding him averse
to another engagement, and his own squadron being in no condition to
pursue, he, with the advice of his captains, desisted, and measured back
his course to Madras. On the side of the English, above three hundred
men were killed in the engagement, including captain Miche, who
commanded the Newcastle, captain Gore of the marines, two lieutenants,
a master gunner, and boatswain: the captains Somerset and Brereton, with
about two hundred and fifty men, were wounded; and many of the ships
considerably damaged. The loss of the enemy must have been much more
considerable, because the English in battle always fire at the body of
the ship; because the French squadron was crowded with men; because they
gave way, and declined a second engagement; and, finally, because they
now made the best of their way to the island of Mauritius, in order to
be refitted, having on board general Lally and some other officers. Thus
they left the English masters of the Indian coast; superiority still
more confirmed by the arrival of rear-admiral Cornish, with four ships
of the line, who had set sail from England in the beginning of the year,
and joined admiral Pococke at Madras on the eighteenth day of October.




HOSTILITIES OF THE DUTCH.

The French were not the only enemies with whom the English had to cope
in the East Indies. The great extension of their trade in the kingdom
of Bengal, had excited the envy and avarice of the Dutch factory,
who possessed a strong fort at Chinchura, on the river of Bengal;
and resolved, if possible, to engross the whole saltpetre branch of
commerce. They had, without doubt, tampered with the new suba, who
lay under such obligations to the English, and probably secured his
connivance. Their scheme was approved by the governor of Batavia, who
charged himself with the execution of it; and, for that purpose, chose
the opportunity when the British squadron had retired to the coast of
Malabar. On pretence of reinforcing the Dutch garrisons in Bengal,
he equipped an armament of seven ships, having on board five hundred
European troops, and six hundred Malayese, under the command of colonel
Russel. This armament having touched at Negapatam, proceeded up the
bay, and arrived in the river of Bengal about the beginning of October.
Colonel Clive, who then resided at Calcutta, had received information
of their design, which he was resolved, at all events, to defeat. He
complained to the suba; who, upon such application, could not decently
refuse an order to the director and council of Hughley, implying that
this armament should not proceed up the river. The colonel, at the same
time, sent a letter to the Dutch commodore, intimating that, as he had
received intimation of their design, he could not allow them to land
forces, and march to Chinchura. In answer to this declaration, the Dutch
commodore, whose whole fleet had not yet arrived, assured the English
commander that he had no intention to send any forces to Chinchura; and
begged liberty to land some of his troops for refreshment--a favour that
was granted, on condition that they should not advance. Notwithstanding
the suba’s order, and his own engagement to this effect, the rest of
the ships were no sooner arrived, than he proceeded up the river to the
neighbourhood of Tannah-fort, where his forces being disembarked, began
their march to Chinchura. In the meantime, by way of retaliating the
affront he pretended to have sustained in being denied a passage to
their own factory, he took several small vessels on the river belonging
to the English company; and the Calcutta Indiaman, commanded by captain
Wilson, homeward-bound, sailing down the river, the Dutchman gave him
to understand, that if he presumed to pass he would sink him without
further ceremony. The English captain seeing them run out their guns
as if really resolved to put their threats in execution, returned to
Calcutta, where two other India ships lay at anchor, and reported his
adventure to colonel Clive, who forthwith ordered the three ships to
prepare for battle, and attack the Dutch armament. The ships being
properly manned, and their sides lined with saltpetre, they fell down
the river, and found the Dutch squadron drawn up in a line of battle, in
order to give them a warm reception, for which indeed they seemed well
prepared; for three of them were mounted with thirty-six guns each,
three of them with twenty-six, and the seventh carried sixteen. The
duke of Dorset, commanded by captain Forrester, being the first that
approached them, dropped anchor close to their line, and began the
engagement with a broadside, which was immediately returned. A dead calm
unfortunately intervening, this single ship was for a considerable time
exposed to the whole fire of the enemy; but a small breeze springing up,
the Calcutta and the Hard wick advanced to her assistance, and a severe
fire was maintained on both sides, till two of the Dutch ships, slipping
their cables, bore away, and a third was driven ashore. Their commodore,
thus weakened, after a few broadsides struck his flag to captain
Wilson, and the other three followed his example. The victory being
thus obtained, without the loss of one man on the side of the English,
captain Wilson took possession of the prizes, the decks of which
were strewed with carnage, and sent the prisoners to colonel Clive at
Calcutta. The detachment of troops which they had landed, to the number
of eleven hundred men, was not more fortunate in their progress. Colonel
Clive no sooner received intelligence that they were in full march to
Chinchura, than he detached colonel Forde with five hundred men from
Calcutta, in order to oppose and put a stop to their march at the French
gardens. He accordingly advanced to the northward, and entered the town
of Chandernagore, where he sustained the fire of a Dutch party sent out
from Chinchura to join and conduct the expected reinforcement. These
being routed and dispersed, after a short action, colonel Forde in the
morning proceeded to a plain in the neighbourhood of Chinchura, where he
found the enemy prepared to give him battle on the twenty-fifth day of
November. They even advanced to the charge with great resolution and
activity; but found the fire of the English artillery and battalion so
intolerably hot, that they soon gave way, and were totally defeated.
A considerable number were killed, and the greater part of those who
survived the action were taken prisoners. During this contest, the
nabob, at the head of a considerable army, observed a suspicious
neutrality; and in all likelihood would have declared for the Dutch had
they proved victorious, as he had reason to believe they would, from
their great superiority in number. But fortune no sooner determined
in favour of the English, than he made a tender of his service to the
victor, and even offered to reduce Chinchura with his own army. In the
meantime, proposals of accommodation being sent to him by the directors
and council of the Dutch factory at Chinchura, a negotiation ensued, and
a treaty was concluded to the satisfaction of all parties. Above three
hundred of the prisoners entered into the service of Great Britain; the
rest embarked on board their ships, which were restored as soon as the
peace was ratified, and set out on their return for Batavia. After all,
perhaps, the Dutch company meant nothing more than to put their factory
of Chinchura on a more respectable footing; and, by acquiring greater
weight and consequence among the people of the country than they
formerly possessed, the more easily extend their commerce in that part
of the world. At any rate, it will admit of a dispute among those who
profess the law of nature and nations, whether the Dutch company could
be justly debarred the privilege of sending a reinforcement to their
own garrisons. Be that as it will, the ships were not restored until the
factory at Chinchura had given security to indemnify the English for the
damage they had sustained on this occasion.




COLONEL COOTE TAKES WANDEWASH.

The success of the English army was still more conspicuous on the
coast of Coromandel. The governor and council of Madras having received
information that the French general, Lally, had sent a detachment of
his army to the southward, taking Syringham, and threatened Trichinopoly
with a siege, it was determined that colonel Coote, who had lately
arrived from England, should take the field, and endeavour to make a
diversion to the southward. He accordingly began his march at the head
of seventeen hundred Europeans, including cavalry, and three thousand
blacks, with fourteen pieces of cannon and one howitzer. On the
twenty-seventh day of November, he invested the fort of Wandewash:
having made a practicable breach, the garrison, consisting of near nine
hundred men, surrendered prisoners of war; and he found in the place
forty-nine pieces of cannon, with a great quantity of ammunition. Then
he undertook the siege of Carangoly, a fortress commanded by colonel
O’Kennely, at the head of one hundred Europeans, and five hundred
sepoys. In a few days he dismounted the greater part of their guns; and
they submitted, on condition that the Europeans should be allowed to
march out with the honours of war, but the sepoys were disarmed and
dismissed.

General Lally, alarmed at the progress of this brave, vigilant, and
enterprising officer, assembled all his forces at Arcot, to the number
of two thousand two hundred Europeans, including horse; three hundred
Caffres, and ten thousand black troops, or sepoys; with five-and-twenty
pieces of cannon. Of these he assumed the command in person; and on
the tenth day of January began his march in order to recover Wandewash.
Colonel Coote, having received intelligence on the twelfth that he had
taken possession of Conjeveram, endeavoured by a forced march to
save the place, which they accordingly abandoned at his approach, and
pursuing their march to Wandewash, invested the fort without delay. The
English commander passed the river Palla, in order to follow the same
route; and, on the twenty-first day of the month, understanding that a
breach was already made, resolved to give them battle without further
delay. The cavalry being formed, and supported by five companies of
sepoys, he advanced against the enemy’s horse, which being at the same
time galled by two pieces of cannon, retired with precipitation.
Then colonel Coote, having taken possession of a tank which they had
occupied, returned to the line, which was by this time formed in order
of battle. Seeing the men in high spirits, and eager to engage, he
ordered the whole army to advance; and by nine in the morning they were
within two miles of the enemy’s camp, where they halted about half an
hour. During this interval, the colonel reconnoitred the situation
of the French forces, who were very advantageously posted; and made a
movement to the right, which obliged them to alter their disposition.
They now advanced, in their turn, within three quarters of a mile of the
English line, and the cannonading began with great fury on both sides.
About noon their European cavalry coming up with a resolute air to
charge the left of the English, colonel Coote brought up some companies
of sepoys, and two pieces of cannon, to sustain the horse, which were
ordered to oppose them; and these advancing on their flank, disturbed
them so much that they broke, and were driven by the English cavalry
above a mile from the left, upon the rear of their own army. Meanwhile,
both lines continued advancing to each other; and about one o’clock
the firing with small-arms began with great vivacity. One of the French
tumbrils being blown up by an accidental shot, the English commander
took immediate advantage of their confusion. He ordered major Brere-ton
to wheel Draper’s regiment to the left, and fall upon the enemy’s flank.
This service was performed with such resolution and success, that
the left wing of the French was completely routed and fell upon their
centre, now closely engaged with the left of the English. About two
in the afternoon their whole line gave way, and fled towards their own
camp; which, perceiving themselves closely pursued, they precipitately
abandoned, together with twenty-two pieces of cannon. In this engagement
they lost about eight hundred men killed and wounded, besides about
fifty prisoners, including brigadier-general de Bussy, the chevalier
Godeville, quarter-master-general, lieutenant-colonel Murphy, three
captains, five lieutenants, and some other officers. On the side of the
English two hundred and sixty-two were killed or wounded, and among the
former the gallant and accomplished major Brereton, whose death was a
real loss to his country.




COLONEL COOTE CONQUERS ARCOT.

General Lally having retreated with his broken troops to Pondicherry,
the baron de Vasserot was detached towards the same place, with a
thousand horse and three hundred sepoys, to ravage and lay waste the
French territory. In the meantime, the indefatigable colonel Coote
undertook the siege of Chilliput, which in two days was surrendered by
the chevalier de Tilly; himself and his garrison remaining prisoners of
war. Such also was the fate of fort Timmery; which being reduced, the
colonel prosecuted his march to Arcot, the capital of the province,
against the fort of which he opened his batteries on the fifth day of
February. When he had carried on his approaches within sixty yards of
the crest of the glacis, the garrison, consisting of two hundred and
fifty Europeans, and near three hundred sepoys, surrendered as prisoners
of war; and here the English commander found two-and-twenty pieces of
cannon, four mortars, and a great quantity of all kinds of military
stores. Thus the campaign was gloriously finished with the conquest of
Arcot; after the French army had been routed and ruined by the diligence
of colonel Coote, whose courage, conduct, and activity, cannot be
sufficiently admired. The reader will perceive, that, rather than
interrupt the thread of such an interesting narration, we have ventured
to encroach upon the annals of the year one thousand seven hundred and
sixty.




STATE OF THE BELLIGERENT POWERS IN EUROPE.

Having thus followed the British banners through the glorious tracks
they pursued in different parts of Asia and America, we must now convert
our attention to the continent of Europe, where the English arms, in
the course of this year, triumphed with equal lustre and advantage.
But first it may be necessary to sketch out the situation in which the
belligerent powers were found at the close of winter. The vicissitudes
of fortune with which the preceding campaign had been chequered, were
sufficient to convince every potentate concerned in the war, that
neither side possessed such a superiority in strength or conduct as was
requisite to impose terms upon the other. Battles had been fought with
various success; and surprising efforts of military skill had been
exhibited, without producing one event which tended to promote a general
peace, or even engender the least desire of, accommodation. On the
contrary, the first and most violent transports of animosity had by this
time subsided into a confirmed habit of deliberate hatred; and every
contending power seemed more than ever determined to protract the
dispute; while the neutral states kept aloof, without expressing
the least desire of interposing their mediation. Some of them were
restrained by considerations of conveniency; and others waited in
suspense for the death of the Spanish monarch, as an event which, they
imagined, would be attended with very important consequences in the
southern parts of Europe. With respect to the maintenance of the war,
whatever difficulties might have arisen in settling funds to support the
expense, and finding men to recruit the different armies, certain it
is all these difficulties were surmounted before the opening of the
campaign. The court of Vienna, though hampered by the narrowness of its
finances, still found resources in the fertility of its provinces,
in the number and attachment of its subjects, who more than any other
people in Europe acquiesce in the dispositions of their sovereign; and,
when pay cannot be afforded, willingly contribute free quarters for the
subsistence of the army. The czarina, though she complained that the
stipulated subsidies were ill paid, nevertheless persisted in pursuing
those favourite aims which had for some time influenced her conduct;
namely, her personal animosity to the king of Prussia, and her desire of
obtaining a permanent interest in the German empire. Sweden still made a
show of hostility against the Prussian monarch, but continued to slumber
over the engagements she had contracted. France, exhausted in her
finances, and abridged of her marine commerce, maintained a resolute
countenance; supplied fresh armies for her operations in Westphalia;
projected new schemes of conquest; and cajoled her allies with fair
promises, when she had nothing more solid to bestow. The king of
Prussia’s dominions were generally drained, or in the hands of the
enemy; but to balance these disadvantages he kept possession of Saxony;
and enjoyed his annual subsidy from Great Britain, which effectually
enabled him to maintain his armies on a respectable footing, and open
the campaign with equal eagerness and confidence.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




FRANCKFORT SEIZED BY THE FRENCH.

The Hanoverian army, commanded by prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, was
strengthened by fresh reinforcements from England, augmented with German
recruits, regularly paid, and well supplied with every comfort and
convenience which foresight could suggest, or money procure; yet, in
spite of all the precautions that could be taken, they were cut off from
some resources which the French, in the beginning of the year, opened
to themselves by a flagrant stroke of perfidy, which even the extreme
necessities of a campaign can hardly excuse. On the second day of
January, the French regiment of Nassau presented itself before the gates
of Franckfort-on-the-Maine, a neutral imperial city; and, demanding
a passage, it was introduced, and conducted by a detachment of the
garrison through the city as far as the gate of Saxenhausen, where it
unexpectedly halted, and immediately disarmed the guards. Before the
inhabitants could recover from the consternation into which they were
thrown by this outrageous insult, five other French regiments entered
the place; and here their general, the prince de Soubise, established
his head-quarters. How deeply soever this violation of the laws of the
empire might be resented by all honest Germans, who retained affection
for the constitution of their country, it was a step from which the
French army derived a very manifest and important advantage; for it
secured to them the course of the Maine and the Upper Rhine; by which
they received, without difficulty or danger, every species of supply
from Mentz, Spire, Worms, and even the country of Alsace, while it
maintained their communication with the chain formed by the Austrian
forces and the army of the empire.




PROGRESS OF THE HEREDITARY PRINCE OF BRUNSWICK.

The scheme of operation for the ensuing campaign was already formed
between the king of Prussia and prince Ferdinand of Brunswick; and
before the armies took the field, several skirmishes were fought
and quarters surprised. In the latter end of February, the prince of
Ysembourg detached major-general Urst with four battalions and a body of
horse; who, assembling in Rhotenbourg, surprised the enemy’s quarters in
the night between the first and second day of March, and drove them
from Hirchfield, Vacha, and all the Hessian bailiwicks of which they had
taken possession; but the Austrians soon returning in greater numbers,
and being supported by a detachment of French troops from Franckfort,
the allies fell back in their turn. In a few days, however, they
themselves retreated again with great precipitation, though they did not
all escape. The hereditary prince of Brunswick, with a body of Prussian
hussars, fell upon them suddenly at Molrichstadt, where he routed and
dispersed a regiment of Hohenzollern cuirassiers, and a battalion of the
troops of Wurtzburg. He next day, which was the first of April,
advanced with a body of horse and foot to Meinungen, where he found a
considerable magazine, took two battalions prisoners, and surprised a
third posted at Wafungen, after having defeated some Austrian troops
that were on the march to its relief. While the hereditary prince
was thus employed, the duke of Holstein, with another body of the
confederates, dislodged the French from the post of Freyingstenau.




PRINCE FERDINAND ATTACKS THE FRENCH.

But the great object was to drive the enemy from Franckfort, before
they should receive the expected reinforcements. Prince Ferdinand of
Brunswick being determined upon this enterprise, assembled all his
forces near Fulda, to the amount of forty thousand choice troops, and
began his march on the tenth day of April. On the thirteenth he came in
sight of the enemy, whom he found strongly encamped about the village
of Bergen, between Franckfort and Hanau. Their general, the duke de
Broglio, counted one of the best officers in France with respect to
conduct and intrepidity, having received intelligence of the prince’s
design, occupied this post on the twelfth; the right of his army being
at Bergen, and his centre and flanks secured in such a manner, that the
allies could not make their attack any other way but by the village.
Notwithstanding the advantage of their situation, prince Ferdinand
resolved to give them battle, and made his dispositions accordingly.
About ten in the morning, the grenadiers of the advanced guard began
the attack on the village of Bergen with great vivacity, and sustained
a most terrible fire from eight German battalions, supported by several
brigades of French infantry. The grenadiers of the allied army, though
reinforced by several battalions under the command of the prince of
Ysembourg, far from dislodging the enemy from the village, were, after a
very obstinate dispute, obliged to retreat in some disorder, but rallied
again behind a body of Hessian cavalry. The allies being repulsed in
three different attacks, their general made a new disposition, and
brought up his artillery, with which the village, and different parts
of the French line, were severely cannonaded. They were not slow in
retorting an equal fire, which continued till night, when the allies
retreated to Windekin, with the loss of five pieces of cannon, and about
two thousand men, including the prince of Ysembourg, who fell in the
action. The French, by the nature of their situation, could not suffer
much; but they were so effectually amused by the artful disposition of
prince Ferdinand, that instead of taking measures to harass him in his
retreat, they carefully maintained their situation, apprehensive of
another general attack. Indeed, they had great reason to be satisfied
with the issue of this battle, without risking in any measure the
advantage which they had gained. It was their business to remain quiet
until their reinforcements should arrive, and this plan they invariably
pursued. On the other hand, the allies, in consequence of their
miscarriage, were reduced to the necessity of acting upon the defensive,
and encountering a great number of difficulties and inconveniences
during great part of the campaign, until the misconduct of the enemy
turned the scale in their favour. In the meantime, the prince thought
proper to begin his retreat in the night towards Fulda, in which his
rear suffered considerably from a body of the enemy’s light troops under
the command of M. de Blaisel, who surprised two squadrons of dragoons
and a battalion of grenadiers. The first were taken or dispersed, the
last escaped with the loss of their baggage. The allied army returned
to their cantonments about Munster, and the prince began to make
preparations for taking the field in earnest.

While the French enjoyed plenty in the neighbourhood of Dusseldorp and
Creveldt, by means of the Rhine, the allies laboured under a dearth and
scarcity of every species of provisions, because the country which they
occupied was already exhausted, and all the supplies were brought from
an immense distance. The single article of forage occasioned such an
enormous expense, as alarmed the administration of Great Britain, who,
in order to prevent mismanagement and fraud for the future, nominated a
member of parliament inspector-general of the forage, and sent him over
to Germany in the beginning of the year, with the rank and appointments
of a general officer, that the importance of his character, and the
nature of his office, might be a check upon those who were suspected of
iniquitous appropriations. This gentleman is said to have met with such
a cold reception, and so many mortifications in the execution of his
office, that he was in a very little time sick of his employment. An
inquiry into the causes of his reception, and of the practices which
rendered it necessary to appoint such a superintendent, may be the
province of some future historian, when truth may be investigated
freely, without any apprehension of pains and penalties.




RETREAT OF PRINCE FERDINAND.

While great part of the allied army remained in cantonments about
Munster, the French armies on the Upper and Lower Rhine, being put in
motion, joined on the third day of June near Marburgh, under the command
of the mareschal de Contades, who advanced to the northward, and fixed
his head-quarters at Corbach, from whence he detached a body of light
troops to take possession of Cassel, which, at his approach, was
abandoned by general Imhoff. The French army being encamped at
Stadtberg, the duke de Broglio, who commanded the right wing, advanced
from Cassel into the territories of Hanover, where he occupied
Gottin-gen without opposition; while the allied army assembled in the
neighbourhood of Lipstadt, and encamped about Soest and Werle. Prince
Ferdinand, finding himself inferior to the united forces of the enemy,
was obliged to retire as they advanced, after having left strong
garrisons in Lipstadt, Retberg, Munster, and Minden. These precautions,
however, seemed to produce little effect in his favour. Retberg was
surprised by the duke de Broglio, who likewise took Minden by assault,
and made general Zastrow, with his garrison of fifteen hundred men,
prisoners of war, a misfortune considerably aggravated by the loss of
an immense magazine of hay and corn, which fell into the hands of
the enemy. They likewise made themselves masters of Munster, invested
Lipstadt, and all their operations were hitherto crowned with success.
The regency of Hanover, alarmed at their progress, resolved to provide
for the worst, by sending their chancery and most valuable effects to
Stade, from whence, in case of necessity, they might be conveyed by sea
to England.

In the meantime they exerted all their industry in pressing men for
recruiting and reinforcing the army under prince Ferdinand, who still
continued to retire; and on the eleventh day of July removed his
headquarters from Osnabruck to Bompte, near the Weser. Here having
received advice that Minden was taken by the French, he sent forward a
detachment to secure the post of Soltznau on that river, where on the
fifteenth he encamped.




ANIMOSITY BETWEEN PRINCE FERDINAND AND THE BRITISH COMMANDER.

The general of the allied army had for some time exhibited marks of
animosity towards lord George Sackville, the second in command, whose
extensive understanding, penetrating eye, and inquisitive spirit, could
neither be deceived, dazzled, nor soothed into tame acquiescence. He
had opposed, with all his influence, a design of retiring towards the
frontiers of Brunswick in order to cover that country. He supported his
opposition by alleging, that it was the enemy’s favourite object to cut
off their communication with the Weser and the Elbe, in which, should
they succeed, it would be found impossible to transport the British
troops to their own country, which was at that time threatened with an
invasion. He, therefore, insisted on the army’s retreating, so as to
keep the communication open with Stade, where, in case of emergency,
the English troops might be embarked. By adhering tenaciously to this
opinion, and exhibiting other instances of a prying disposition, he had
rendered himself so disagreeable to the commander-in-chief, that, in all
appearance, nothing was so eagerly desired as an opportunity of removing
him from the station he filled.




THE FRENCH ENCAMP AT MINDEN.

Meanwhile the French general advancing to Minden, encamped in a strong
situation; having that town on his right, a steep hill on his left, a
morass in front, and a rivulet in rear. The duke de Broglio commanded
a separate body between Hansbergen and Minden, on the other side of
the Weser; and a third, under the duke de Brissac, consisting of eight
thousand men, occupied a strong post by the village of Coveldt, to
facilitate the route of the convoy’s from Paderborn. Prince Ferdinand
having moved his camp from Soltznau to Petershagen, detached the
hereditary prince on the twenty-eighth day of July to Lubeck, from
whence he drove the enemy, and proceeding to Rimsel, was joined by
major-general Dreves, who had retaken Osnabruck, and cleared all
that neighbourhood of the enemy’s parties: then he advanced towards
Hervorden, and fixed his quarters at Kirchlinneger, to hamper the
enemy’s convoys from Paderborn. During these transactions, prince
Ferdinand marched with the allied army in three columns from Petershagen
to Hille, where it encamped, having a morass on the right, the village
of Fredewalde on the left, and in front those of Northemmern and
Holtzenhausen. Fifteen battalions and nineteen squadrons, with a brigade
of heavy artillery, were left under the command of general Wangenheim,
on the left, behind the village of Dodenhausen, which was fortified with
some redoubts, defended by two battalions. Colonel Luckner, with the
Hanoverian hussars and a brigade of hunters, sustained by two battalions
of grenadiers, was posted between Buckebourg and the Weser, to observe
the body of troops commanded by the duke de Broglio on the other side of
the river.

On the last day of July, the mareschal de Contades, resolving to attack
the allied army, ordered the corps of Broglio to repass the river; and,
advancing in eight columns, about midnight, passed the rivulet of
Barta, that runs along the morass and falls into the Weser at Minden. At
day-break he formed his army in order of battle: part of it fronting the
corps of general Wangenheim at Dodenhausen, and part of it facing Hille;
the two wings consisting of infantry, and the cavalry being stationed
in the centre. At three in the morning the enemy began to cannonade the
prince’s quarters at Hille, from a battery of six cannon, which they
had raised in the preceding evening on the dike of Rickhorst. This
was probably the first intimation he received of their intention. He
forthwith caused two pieces of artillery to be conveyed to Hille; and
ordered the officer of the piquet-guard posted there to defend himself
to the last extremity; at the same time he sent orders to general
Giesen, who occupied Lubeck, to attack the enemy’s post at Eickhorst;
and this service was successfully performed. The prince of Anhalt,
lieutenant-general for the day, took possession with the rest of the
piquets of the village of Halen, where prince Ferdinand resolved to
support his right. It was already in the hands of the enemy, but they
soon abandoned it with precipitation. The allied army being put in
motion, advanced in eight columns, and occupied the ground between
Halen and Hemmern, while general Wangenheim’s corps filled up the
space between this last village and Dodenhausen. The enemy made their
principal effort on the left, intending to force the infantry of
Wangenheim’s corps, and penetrate between it and the body of the allied
army. For this purpose the duke de Broglio attacked them with great
fury; but was severely checked by a battery of thirty cannon, prepared
for his reception by the count de Buckebourg, grand master of the
artillery, and served with admirable effect, under his own eye and
direction. About five in the morning both armies cannonaded each other:
at six the fire of musketry began with great vivacity; and the action
became very hot towards the right, where six regiments of English
infantry, and two battalions of Hanoverian guards, not only bore the
whole brunt of the French carabineers and gendarmerie, but absolutely
broke every body of horse and foot that advanced to attack them on the
left and in the centre. The Hessian cavalry, with some regiments
of Holstein, Prussian, and Hanoverian dragoons, posted on the left,
performed good service. The cavalry on the right had no opportunity of
engaging. They were destined to support the infantry of the third line:
they consisted of the British and Hanoverian horse, commanded by lord
George Sackville, whose second was the marquis of Granby. They were
posted at a considerable distance from the first line of infantry, and
divided from it by a scanty wood that bordered on a heath. Orders were
sent, during the action, to bring them up; but whether these orders were
contradictory, unintelligible, or imperfectly excited, they did not
arrive in time to have any share in the action [521] _[See note 4 B, at
the end of this Vol.]_; nor, indeed, were they originally intended for
that purpose; nor was there the least occasion for their service; nor
could they have come up in time and condition to perform effectual
service, had the orders been explicit and consistent, and the commander
acted with all possible expedition. Be that as it will, the enemy were
repulsed in all their attacks with considerable loss; at length they
gave way in every part, and, about noon, abandoning the field of battle,
were pursued to the ramparts of Minden. In this action they lost a
great number of men, with forty-three large cannon, and many colours and
standards; whereas the loss of the allies was very inconsiderable, as
it chiefly fell upon a few regiments of British infantry, commanded by
the major-generals Waldegrave and Kingsley. To the extraordinary prowess
of these gallant brigades, and the fire of the British artillery, which
was admirably served by the captains Philips, Macbean, Drummond, and
Foy, the victory was in a great measure ascribed. The same night the
enemy passed the Weser and burnt the bridges over that river. Next day
the garrison of Minden surrendered at discretion; and here the victors
found a great number of French officers wounded.




DUKE DE BRISSAC ROUTED.

At last the mareschal de Contades seemed inclined to retreat through the
defiles of Wittekendstein to Paderborn; but he was fain to change his
resolution, in consequence of his having received advice, that on the
very day of his own defeat the duke de Brissac was vanquished by the
hereditary prince in the neighbourhood of Coveldt, so that the passage
of the mountains was rendered impracticable. The duke de Brissac had
been advantageously encamped, with his left to the village of Coveldt,
having the Werra in his front, and his right extending to the salt-pits.
In this advantageous situation he was attacked by the hereditary prince
and general de Kilmanseg, with such vivacity and address that his troops
were totally routed, with the loss of six cannon, and a considerable
number of men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. After the battle of
Minden, colonel Freytag, at the head of the light troops, took, in the
neighbourhood of Detmold, all the equipage of the mareschal de Contades,
the prince of Condé, and the duke de Brissac, with part of their
military chest and chancery, containing papers of the utmost
consequence. [522] _[See note 4 C, at the end of this Vol.]_




GENEEAL IMHOFF TAKES MUNSTER.

Prince Ferdinand having garrisoned Minden, marched to Hervorden; and the
hereditary prince passed the Weser at Hamelen, in order to pursue the
enemy, who retreated to Cassel, and from thence by the way of Marburg
as far as Giessen. In a word, they were continually harassed by
that enterprising prince, who seized every opportunity of making an
impression upon their army, took the greatest part of their baggage, and
compelled them to abandon every place they possessed in Westphalia. The
number of his prisoners amounted to fifteen hundred men, besides the
garrison left at Cassel, which surrendered at discretion. He likewise
surprised a whole battalion, and defeated a considerable detachment
under the command of M. d’Armentieres. In the meantime, the allied
army advanced in regular marches; and prince Ferdinand, having taken
possession of Cassel, detached general Imhoff with a body of troops to
reduce the city of Munster, which he accordingly began to bombard and
cannonade; but d’Armentieres being joined by a fresh body of troops
from the Lower Rhine, advanced to its relief, and compelled Imhoff to
raise the siege. It was not long, however, before this general was also
reinforced; then he measured back his march to Munster, and the French
commander withdrew in his turn. The place was immediately shut up by
a close blockade, which, however, did not prevent the introduction
of supplies. The city of Munster being an object of importance, was
disputed with great obstinacy. Armentieres received reinforcements, and
the body commanded by Imhoff was occasionally augmented; But the siege
was not formally undertaken till November, when some heavy artillery
being brought from England, the place was regularly invested, and the
operations carried on with such vigour, that in a few days the city
surrendered on capitulation.

Prince Ferdinand having possessed himself of the town and castle of
Marburg, proceeded with the army to Neidar-Weimar, and there encamped;
while Contades remained at Giessen, on the south side of the river
Lahn, where he was joined by a colleague in the person of the mareschal
d’Etrées. By this time he was become very unpopular among the troops, on
account of the defeat at Minden, which he is said to have charged on the
misconduct of Broglio, who recriminated on him in his turn, and seemed
to gain credit at the court of Versailles. While the two armies
lay encamped in the neighbourhood of each other, nothing passed but
skirmishes among the light troops, and little excursive expeditions.
The French army was employed in removing their magazines, and
fortifying Giessen, as if their intention was to retreat to
Franckfort-on-the-Maine, after having consumed all the forage, and made
a military desert between the Lahn and that river. In the beginning
of November, the duke de Broglio returned from Paris, and assumed the
command of the army, from whence Contades and d’Etrêes immediately
retired, with several other general officers that were senior to the new
commander.

The duke of Wirtemberg having taken possession of Fulda, the hereditary
prince of Brunswick resolved to beat up his quarters. For this purpose
he selected a body of troops, and began his march from Marburg early in
the morning on the twenty-eighth day of November. Next night they lay
at Augerbauch, where they defeated the volunteers of Nassau; and at one
o’clock in the morning of the thirtieth they marched directly to Fulda:
where the duke of Wirtemberg, far from expecting such a visit,
had invited all the fashionable people in Fulda to a sumptuous
entertainment. The hereditary prince having reconnoitred the avenues
in person, took such measures, that the troops of Wirtemberg, who were
scattered in small bodies, would have been cut off if they had not
hastily retired into the town, where however they found no shelter. The
prince forced open the gates, and they retreated to the other side of
the town, where four battalions of them were defeated and taken; while
the duke himself, with the rest of his forces, filed off on the other
side of the Fulda. Two pieces of cannon, two pair of colours, and all
their baggage, fell into the hands of the victors; and the hereditary
prince advanced as far as Rupertenrade, a place situated on the right
flank of the French army. Perhaps this motion hastened the resolution
of the duke de Broglio to abandon Giessen, and fall back to Friedberg,
where he established his head-quarters. The allied army immediately took
possession of his camp at Kleinlinnes and Heuchelam, and seemed to make
preparations for the siege of Giessen.




A BODY OF PRUSSIANS MAKE AN INCURSION INTO POLAND.

While both armies remained in this position, the duke de Broglio
received the staff as mareschal of France, and made an attempt to beat
up the quarters of the allies. Having called in all his detachments, he
marched up to them on the twenty-fifth day of December; but found them
so well disposed to give him a warm reception, that he thought proper to
lay aside his design, and nothing but a mutual cannonade ensued; then
he returned to his former quarters. From. Kleinlinnes the allied army
removed to Corsdoff, where they were cantoned till the beginning of
January, when they fell back as far as Marburg, where prince Ferdinand
established his head-quarters. The enemy had by this time retrieved
their superiority, in consequence of the hereditary prince being
detached with fifteen thousand men to join the king of Prussia at
Fribourge, in Saxony. Thus, by the victory at Minden, the dominions of
Hanover and Brunswick were preserved, and the enemy obliged to evacuate
that part of Westphalia. Perhaps they might have been driven to the
other side of the Ehine, had not the general of the allies been obliged
to weaken his army for the support of the Prussian monarch, who had met
with divers disasters in the course of this campaign. It was not to any
relaxation or abatement of his usual vigilance and activity, that this
warlike prince owed the several checks he received. Even in the middle
of winter, his troops under general Manteuffel acted with great spirit
against the Swedes in Pomerania. They made themselves masters of
Damgarten, and several other places which the Swedes had garrisoned; and
the frost setting in, those who were quartered in the isle of Useclom
passed over the ice to Wolgast, which they reduced without much
difficulty. They undertook the sieges of Demmen and Anclam at the same
time; and the garrisons of both surrendered themselves prisoners of war,
to the number of two thousand seven hundred men, including officers.
In Demmen they found four-and-twenty pieces of cannon, with a large
quantity of ammunition. In Anclam there was a considerable magazine,
with six-and-thirty cannon, mortars, and howitzers. A large detachment
under general Knobloch surprised Erfurth, and raised considerable
contributions at Gotha, Isenach, and Fulda; from whence also they
conveyed all the forage and provisions to Saxe-Naumberg. In the latter
end of February, the Prussian major-general Wobersnow marched with a
strong body of troops from Glogau in Silesia, to Poland; and, advancing
by way of Lissa, attacked the castle of the prince Sulkowski, a Polish
grandee, who had been very active against the interest of the
Prussian monarch. After some resistance he was obliged to surrender at
discretion, and was sent prisoner with his whole garrison to Silesia.
From hence Wobersnow proceeded to Posna, where he made himself master of
a considerable magazine, guarded by two thousand cossacks, who retired
at his approach; and having destroyed several others, returned to
Silesia. In April, the fort of Penamunde, in Pomerania, was surrendered
to Manteuffel; and about the same time a detachment of Prussian
troops bombarded Schwerin, the capital of Mecklenburgh. Meanwhile
reinforcements were sent to the Russian army in Poland, which in
April began to assemble upon the Vistula. The court of Petersburgh had
likewise begun to equip a large fleet, by means of which the army might
be supplied with military stores and provisions; but this armament
was retarded by an accidental fire at Revel, which destroyed all the
magazines and materials for ship-building to an immense value.




PRINCE HENRY PENETRATES into BOHEMIA.

About the latter end of March, the king of Prussia assembled his army at
Rhonstock, near Strigau; and advancing to the neighbourhood of Landshut,
encamped at Bolchenhayne. On the other hand, the Austrian army, under
the command of mareschal Daun, was assembled at Munchengratz, in
Bohemia; and the campaign was opened by an exploit of general Beck, who
surprised and made prisoners a battalion of Prussian grenadiers,
posted under colonel Duringsheven, at Griefenberg, on the frontiers of
Silesia. This advantage, however, was more than counterbalanced by the
activity and success of prince Henry, brother to the Prussian king, who
commanded the army which wintered in Saxony. About the middle of
April, he marched in two columns towards Bohemia, forced the pass of
Peterswalde, destroyed the Austrian magazine at Assig, burned their
boats upon the Elbe, seized the forage and provisions which the enemy
had left at Lowositz and Leutmeritz, and demolished a new bridge which
they had built for their convenience. At the same time general Hulsen
attacked the pass of Passberg, guarded by general Reynard, who was
taken, with two thousand men, including fifty officers: then he advanced
to Sate, in hopes of securing the Austrian magazines; but these the
enemy consumed, that they might not fall into his hands, and retired
towards Prague with the utmost precipitation.

Prince Henry having happily achieved these adventures, and filled
all Bohemia with alarm and consternation, returned to Saxony, and
distributed his troops in quarters of refreshment in the neighbourhood
of Dresden. In a few days, however, they were again put in motion, and
marched to Obelgeburgen; from whence he continued his route through
Voightland, in order to attack the army of the empire in Franconia. He
accordingly entered this country by the way of Hoff, on the seventh
of May, and next day sent a detachment to attack general Macguire, who
commanded a body of imperialists at Asch, and sustained the charge with
great gallantry: but finding himself in danger of being overpowered by
numbers, he retired in the night towards Egra. The army of the empire,
commanded by the prince de Deux-Ponts, being unable to cope with the
Prussian general in the field, retired from Cullembach to Bamberg, and
from thence to Nuremberg, where, in all probability, they would not have
been suffered to remain unmolested, had not prince Homy been recalled to
Saxony. He had already taken Cronach and the castle of Rottenberg, and
even advanced as far as Bamberg, when he received advice that a body of
Austrians, under general Gemmingen, had penetrated into Saxony. This
diversion effectually saved the army of the empire, as prince Henry
immediately returned to the electorate, after having laid the bishopric
of Bamberg and the marquisate of Cullembach under contribution,
destroyed all the magazines provided for the imperial army, and sent
fifteen hundred prisoners to Leipsic. A party of imperialists, under
count Palfy, endeavoured to harass him in his retreat; but they were
defeated near Hoff, with considerable slaughter: nevertheless, the
imperial army, though now reduced to ten thousand men, returned to
Bamberg; and as the Prussians approached the frontiers of Saxony, the
Austrian general, Gemmingen, retired into Bohemia. During all these
transactions, the mareschal count Daun remained with the grand Austrian
army at Schurtz, in the circle of Koningsgratz; while the Prussians
commanded by the king in person, continued quietly encamped between
Landshut and Schweidnitz. General Fouquet commanded a large body
of troops in the southern part of Silesia; but these being mostly
withdrawn, in order to oppose the Russians, the Austrian general de
Fille, who hovered on the frontiers of Moravia with a considerable
detachment, took advantage of this circumstance; and advancing
into Silesia, encamped within sight of Neiss. As mutual calumny and
recriminations of all kinds were not spared on either side, during the
progress of this war, the enemies of the Prussian monarch did not fail
to charge him with cruelties committed at Schwerin, the capital of
Mecklenburgh, which his troops had bombarded, plundered of its archives,
cannon, and all its youth fit to carry arms, who were pressed into his
service: he besides taxed the duchy at seven thousand men and a million
of crowns, by way of contribution. He was also accused of barbarity, in
issuing an order for removing all the prisoners from Berlin to Spandau;
but this step he justified in a letter to his ministers at foreign
courts, declaring that he had provided for all the officers that were
his prisoners the best accommodation, and permitted them to reside
in his capital; that some of them had grossly abused the liberty they
enjoyed, by maintaining illicit correspondence, and other practices
equally offensive, which had obliged him to remove them to the town of
Spandau: he desired, however, that the town might not be confounded with
the fortress of that name, from which it was entirely separated, and in
which they would enjoy the same ease they had found at Berlin, though
under more vigilant inspection. His conduct on this occasion, he said,
was sufficiently authorized, not only by the law of nations, but also
by the example of his enemies; inasmuch as the empress-queen had never
suffered any of his officers who had fallen into her hands to reside at
Vienna; and the court of Russia had sent some of them as far as
Casan. He concluded with saying, that, as his enemies had let slip
no opportunities of blackening his most innocent proceedings, he had
thought proper to acquaint his ministers with his reasons for making
this alteration with regard to his prisoners, whether French, Austrians,
or Russians.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




GENERAL WEDEL DEFEATED BY THE RUSSIANS.

In the beginning of June, the king of Prussia, understanding that the
Russian army had begun their march from the Vistula, ordered the
several bodies of his troops, under Hulsen and Wobersnow, reinforced by
detachments from his other armies, to join the forces under count Dohna,
as general in chief, and march into Poland. Accordingly, they advanced
to Meritz, where the count having published a declaration [523] _[See
note 4 D, at the end of this Vol.]_, he continued his march towards
Posna, where he found the Russian army, under count Soltikoff, strongly
encamped, having in their rear that city and the river Warta, and in
their front a formidable intrenchment mounted with a great number of
cannon.

Count Dohna, judging it impracticable to attack them in this situation
with any prospect of success, endeavoured to intercept their convoys to
the eastward; but for want of provisions, was in a little time obliged
to return towards the Oder: then the Russians advanced to Zullichaw, in
Silesia. The king of Prussia thinking count Dohna had been rather too
cautious, considering the emergency of his affairs, gave him leave to
retire for the benefit of his health, and conferred his command upon
general Wedel, who resolved to give the Russians battle without delay.
Thus determined, he marched against them in two columns, and on the
twenty-third day of July attacked them at Kay, near Zullichaw, where,
after a very obstinate engagement, he was repulsed with great loss,
Wobersnow being killed and Manteuffel wounded in the action; and in a
few days the Russians made themselves masters of Franckfort upon the
Oder.

By this time the armies of count Daun and the king of Prussia had made
several motions. The Austrians having quitted their camp at Schurtz,
advanced towards Zittau in Lusatia, where having halted a few days, they
resumed their march, and encamped at Gorlithayn, between Sudenberg and
Mark-Dissau. His Prussian majesty, in order to observe their motions,
marched by the way of Hertzberg to Lahn, and his vanguard skirmished
with that of the Austrians, commanded by Laudohn, who entered Silesia
by the way of Griffenberg. The Austrian general was obliged to retreat
with loss; while the king penetrated into Silesia, that he might be
at hand to act against the Russians, whose progress was now become the
chief object of his apprehension. He no sooner received intimation
that Wedel had been worsted, than he marched with a select body of ten
thousand men from his camp in Silesia, in order to take upon him
the command of Wedel’s army, leaving the rest of his forces strongly
encamped, under the direction of his brother prince Henry, who had
joined him before this event. Count Daun being apprized of the king’s
intention, and knowing the Russians were very defective in cavalry,
immediately detached a body of twelve thousand horse to join them, under
the command of Laudohn, and these, penetrating in two columns through
Silesia and Lusatia, with some loss, arrived in the Russian camp at a
very critical juncture. Meanwhile the king of Prussia joined general
Wedel on the fourth day of August, at Muhlrose, where he assumed the
command of the army; but finding it greatly inferior to the enemy, he
recalled general Finck, whom he had detached some time before, with a
body of nine thousand men, to oppose the progress of the imperialists in
Saxony; for when prince Henry joined his brother in Silesia, the army of
the empire had entered that electorate. Thus reinforced, the number of
the king’s army at Muhlrose did not exceed fifty thousand, whereas the
Russians were more numerous by thirty thousand. They had chosen a strong
camp at the village of Cunersdorf, almost opposite to Franckfort upon
the Oder, and increased the natural strength of their situation, by
intrenchments mounted with a numerous artillery. In other circumstances
it might have been deemed a rash and ridiculous enterprise, to attack
such an army under such complicated disadvantages; but here was no room
for hesitation. The king’s affairs seemed to require a desperate effort,
and perhaps he was partly impelled by self-confidence and animosity.




BATTLE OF CUNERSDORF.

Having determined to hazard an attack, he made his disposition, and on
the twelfth day of August, at two in the morning, his troops were in
motion. The army feeing formed in a wood, advanced towards the enemy,
and about eleven the action was begun with a severe cannonade. This
having produced the desired effect, he charged the left wing of the
Russian army with his best troops formed in columns. After a very
obstinate dispute, the enemy’s intrenchments were forced with great
slaughter, and seventy pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the
Prussians. A narrow defile was afterwards passed, and several redoubts
that covered the village of Cunersdorf were taken by assault, one after
another: one-half of the task was not yet performed; the Russians made a
firm stand at the village, but they were overborne by the impetuosity of
the Prussians, who drove them from post to post up to the last redoubts
they had to defend. As the Russians kept their ground until they were
hewn down in their ranks, this success was not acquired without infinite
labour, and a considerable expense of blood. After a furious contest of
six hours, fortune seemed to declare so much in favour of the
Prussians, that the king despatched the following billet to the queen
at Berlin:--“Madam, we have driven the Russians from their
intrenchments. In two hours expect to hear of a glorious victory.” This
intimation was premature, and subjected the writer to the ridicule of
his enemies. The Russians were staggered, not routed. General Soltikoff
rallied his troops, and reinforced his left wing under cover of
a redoubt, which was erected on an eminence called the Jews’
Burying-ground, and here they stood in order of battle, with the most
resolute countenance, favoured by the situation, which was naturally
difficult of access, and now rendered almost impregnable by the
fortification, and a numerous artillery, still greatly superior to that
of the Prussians. Had the king contented himself with the advantage
already gained, all the world would have acknowledged he had fought
against terrible odds with astonishing prowess, and that he judiciously
desisted when he could no longer persevere, without incurring the
imputation of being actuated by frenzy or despair. His troops had
not only suffered severely from the enemy’s fire, which was close,
deliberate, and well directed; but they were fatigued by the hard
service, and fainting with the heat of the day, which was excessive.
His general officers are said to have reminded him of all these
circumstances, and to have dissuaded him from hazarding an attempt
attended with such danger and difficulty, as even an army of fresh
troops could hardly hope to surmount. He rejected this salutary
advice, and ordered his infantry to begin a new attack, which being
an enterprise beyond their strength, they were repulsed with great
slaughter. Being afterwards rallied, they returned to the charge; they
miscarried again, and their loss was redoubled. Being thus rendered
unfit for further service, the cavalry succeeded to the attack, and
repeated their unsuccessful efforts, until they were almost broke, and
entirely exhausted. At this critical juncture, the whole body of the
Austrian and Russian cavalry, which had hitherto remained inactive, and
were therefore fresh and in spirits, fell in among the Prussian horse
with great fury, broke their line at the first charge, and forcing them
back upon the infantry, threw them into such disorder as could not be
repaired. The Prussian army being thus involved in confusion, was seized
with a panic, and in a few minutes totally defeated and dispersed,
notwithstanding the personal efforts of the king, who hazarded his life
in the hottest parts of the battle, led on his troops three times to
the charge, had two horses killed under him, and his clothes in several
parts penetrated with musket-balls. His army being routed, and the
greater part of his generals either killed or disabled by wounds,
nothing but the approach of night could have saved him from total ruin.
When he abandoned the field of battle, he despatched another billet to
the queen, couched in these terms: “Remove from Berlin with the royal
family. Let the archives be carried to Potsdam. The town may make
conditions with the enemy.” The horror and confusion which this
intimation produced at Berlin may be easily conceived: horror the
more aggravated, as it seized them in the midst of their rejoicings
occasioned by the first despatch; and this was still more dreadfully
augmented, by a subsequent indistinct relation, importing that the army
was totally routed, the king missing, and the enemy in full march to
Berlin. The battle of Cunersdorf was by far the most bloody action which
happened since the commencement of hostilities. The carnage was truly
horrible: above twenty thousand Prussians lay dead on the field; and
among these general Putkammer. The generals Seydlitz, Itzenplitz,
Hulsen, Finck, and Wedel, the prince of Wirtemberg, and five
major-generals, were wounded. The loss of the enemy amounted to ten
thousand. It must be owned, that if the king was prodigal of his own
person, he was likewise very free with the lives of his subjects. At no
time, since the days of ignorance and barbarity, were the lives of men
squandered away with such profusion as in the course of this German war.
They were not only unnecessarily sacrificed in various exploits of no
consequence, but lavishly exposed to all the rigour and distemper of
winter campaigns, which were introduced on the continent, in despite
of nature, and in contempt of humanity. Such are the improvements of
warriors without feeling! such the refinements of German discipline! On
the day that succeeded the defeat at Cunersdorf, the king of Prussia,
having lost the best part of his army, together with his whole train
of artillery, repassed the Oder, and encamped at Retwin, from whence he
advanced to Fustenwalde, and saw with astonishment the forbearance of
the enemy. Instead of taking possession of Berlin, and overwhelming the
wreck of the king’s troops, destitute of cannon, and cut off from
all communication with prince Henry, they took no step to improve the
victory they had gained. Laudohn retired with his horse immediately
after the battle; and count Soltikoff marched with part of the Russians
into Lusatia, where he joined Daun, and held consultations with that
general. Perhaps the safety of the Prussian monarch was owing to the
jealousy subsisting among his enemies. In all probability, the court of
Vienna would have been chagrined to see the Russians in possession of
Brandenburgh, and therefore thwarted their designs upon that electorate.
The king of Prussia had now reason to be convinced, that his situation
could not justify such a desperate attack as that in which he had
miscarried at Cunersdorf; for if the Russians did not attempt the
reduction of his capital, now that he was totally defeated, and the
flower of his army cut off, they certainly would not have aspired at
that conquest while he lay encamped in the neighbourhood with fifty
thousand veterans, inured to war, accustomed to conquer, confident of
success, and well supplied with provisions, ammunition, and artillery.
As the victors allowed him time to breathe, he improved this interval
with equal spirit and sagacity. He re-assembled and refreshed his broken
troops: he furnished his camp with cannon from the arsenal at Berlin,
which likewise supplied him with a considerable number of recruits; he
recalled general Kleist, with five thousand men, from Pome-rania, and in
a little time retrieved his former importance.




ADVANTAGES GAINED BY THE PRUSSIANS IN SAXONY.

The army of the empire having entered Saxony, where it reduced Leipsic,
Torgau, and even took possession of Dresden itself, the king detached
six thousand men under general Wunch, to check the progress of the
imperialists in that electorate; and perceiving the Russians intended to
besiege Great Glogau, he, with the rest of the army, took post between
them and that city, so as to frustrate their design. While the four
great armies, commanded by the king of Prussia, general Soltikoff,
prince Henry, and count Daun, lay encamped in Lusatia, and on the
borders of Silesia, watching the motions of each other, the war was
carried on by detachments with great vivacity. General Wunch having
retaken Leipsic, and joined Finck at Rulinbourg, the united body began
their march towards Dresden; and a detachment from the army of the
empire, which had encamped near Dobelia, retired at their approach.
As they advanced to Nossin, general Haddick abandoned the advantageous
posts he occupied near Roth-Seemberg; and, being joined by the whole
army of the empire, resolved to attack the Prussian generals, who now
encamped at Corbitz near Meissen. Accordingly, on the twenty-first day
of September, he advanced against them, and endeavoured to dislodge them
by a furious cannonade, which was mutually maintained from morning to
night, when he found himself obliged to retire with considerable loss;
leaving the field of battle, with about five hundred prisoners, in the
hands of the Prussians.




GENERAL FINCK SURROUNDED AND TAKEN.

This advantage was succeeded by another exploit of prince Henry, who, on
the twenty-third day of the month, quitted his camp at Hornsdorf, near
Gorlitz; and, after an incredible march of eleven German miles, by the
way of Rothenberg, arrived about five in the afternoon at Hoyerswerda,
where he surprised a body of four thousand men, commanded by general
Vehla, killed six hundred, and made twice that number prisoners;
including the commander himself. After this achievement he joined the
corps of Finck and Wunch; while mareschal Daun likewise abandoned
his camp in Lusatia, and made a forced march to Dresden, in order to
frustrate the prince’s supposed design on that capital. The Russians,
disappointed in their scheme upon Glogau, had repassed the Oder at
Neusalze, and were en? camped at Fraustadt; general Laudohn, with a body
of Austrians, lay at Sclichtingsheim; and the king of Prussia at Koben;
all three on or near the banks of that river. Prince Henry, perceiving
his army almost surrounded by Austrian detachments, ordered general
Finck to drive them from Vogelsang, which they abandoned accordingly;
and sent Wunch, with six battalions and some cavalry, across the Elbe,
to join the corps of general Rebentish at Wittenberg, whither he retired
from Duben at the approach of the Austrians. On the twenty-ninth day of
October, the duke d’Aremberg, with sixteen thousand Austrians, decamped
from Dammitch, in order to occupy the heights near Pretsch, and was
encountered by general Wunch; who, being posted on two rising grounds,
cannonaded the Austrians on their march with considerable effect; and
the prince took twelve hundred prisoners, including lieutenant-general
Gemmington, and twenty inferior officers, with some cannon, great part
of their tents, and a large quantity of baggage. The duke was obliged
to change his route, while Wunch marched from Duben to Rulenburgh; and
general Wassersleben occupied Strehla, where next day the whole army
encamped. In this situation the prince remained till the sixteenth day
of November; when, being in danger of having his communication with
Torgau cut off by the enemy, he removed to a strong camp, where his left
flank was covered with that city and the river Elbe; his right being
secured by a wood, and great part of his front by an impassable morass.
Here he was reinforced with about twenty thousand men from Silesia, and
joined by the king himself, who forthwith detached general Finck, with
nineteen battalions and thirty-five squadrons, to take possession of the
defiles of Maxen and Ottendorf, with a view to hinder the retreat of the
Austrians to Bohemia. This motion obliged Daun to retire to Plauen;
and the king advanced to Wilsdurf, imagining that he had effectually
succeeded in his design. Letters were sent to Berlin and Magdebourg,
importing, that count Daun would be forced to hazard a battle, as he had
now no resource but in victory. Finck had no sooner taken post on the
hill near the village of Maxen, than the Austrian general sent officers
to reconnoitre his situation, and immediately resolved to attack him
with the corps de reserve, under the baron de Sincere, which was
encamped in the neighbourhood of Dippodeswalda. It was forthwith divided
into four columns, which filed off through the neighbouring woods; and
the Prussians never dreamed of their approach until they saw themselves
entirely surrounded. In this emergency they defended themselves with
their cannon and musketry until they were overpowered by numbers, and
their battery was taken; then they retired to another rising ground,
where they rallied, but were driven from eminence to eminence, until, by
favour of the night, they made their last retreat to Falkenhayn. In
the meantime, count Daun had made such dispositions, that at day-break
general Finck found himself entirely enclosed, without the least
possibility of escaping, and sent a trumpet to count Daun to demand a
capitulation. This was granted in one single article, importing, that
he and eight other Prussian generals, with the whole body of troops they
commanded, should be received as prisoners of war. He was obliged
to submit; and his whole corps, amounting to nineteen battalions and
thirty-five squadrons, with sixty-four pieces of cannon, fifty pair of
colours, and twenty-five standards, fell into the hands of the Austrian
generals. This misfortune was the more mortifying to the king of
Prussia, as it implied a censure on his conduct, for having detached
such a numerous body of troops to a situation where they could not
be sustained by the rest of the army. On the other hand, the court
of Vienna exulted in this victory, as an infallible proof of Daun’s
superior talents; and, in point of glory and advantage, much more
than an equivalent for the loss of the Saxon army, which, though
less numerous, capitulated in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-six, after having held out six weeks against the whole power of
the Prussian monarch. General Hulsen had been detached, with about
nine battalions and thirty squadrons, to the assistance of Finck; but
he arrived at Klingenberg too late to be of any service; and, being
recalled, was next day sent to occupy the important post of Fribourg.




DISASTER OF THE PRUSSIAN GENERAL DIERCKE.

The defeat of general Finck was not the only disaster which befel the
Prussians at the close of this campaign. General Diercke, who was posted
with seven battalions of infantry and a thousand horse, on the right
bank of the Elbe, opposite to Meissen, finding it impracticable to lay a
bridge of pontoons across the river, on account of the floating ice,
was obliged to transport his troops in boats; and when all were passed
except himself, with the rear-guard, consisting of three battalions, he
was, on the third day of December, in the morning, attacked by a strong
body of Austrians, and taken, with all his men, after an obstinate
dispute. The king of Prussia, weakened by these two successive defeats
that happened in the rear of an unfortunate campaign, would hardly have
been able to maintain his ground at Fribourg, had he not been at this
juncture reinforced by the body of troops under the command of the
hereditary prince of Brunswick. As for Daun, the advantages he had
gained did not elevate his mind above the usual maxims of his cautious
discretion. Instead of attacking the king of Prussia, respectable and
formidable even in adversity, he quietly occupied the strong camp at
Pirna, where he might be at hand to succour Dresden in case it should be
attacked, and maintain his communication with Bohemia.




CONCLUSION OF THE CAMPAIGN.

By this time the Russians had retired to winter-quarters in Poland; and
the Swedes, after a fruitless excursion in the absence of Manteuffel,
retreated to Stralsund and the isle of Rugen. This campaign, therefore,
did not prove more decisive than the last. Abundance of lives were
lost, and great part of Germany was exposed to rapine, murder, famine,
desolation, and every species of misery that war could engender. In vain
the confederating powers of Austria, Russia, and Sweden, united
their efforts to crush the Prussian monarch. Though his army had been
defeated, and he himself totally overthrown with great slaughter in the
heart of his own dominions; though he appeared in a desperate situation,
environed by hostile armies, and two considerable detached bodies of his
troops were taken or destroyed; yet he kept all his adversaries at bay
till the approach of winter, which proved his best auxiliary, and even
maintained his footing in the electorate of Saxony, which seemed to
be the prize contested between him and the Austrian general. Yet, long
before the approach of winter, one would imagine he must have been
crushed between the shock of so many adverse hosts, had they been intent
upon closing him in, and heartily concurred for his destruction; but,
instead of urging the war with accumulated force, they acted in separate
bodies, and with jealous eye seemed to regard the progress of each
other. It was not, therefore, to any compunction, or kind forbearance,
in the court of Vienna, that the inactivity of Daun was owing. The
resentment of the house of Austria seemed, on the contrary, to glow with
redoubled indignation; and the majority of the Germanic body seemed to
enter with warmth into her quarrel. [526] _[See note 4 E, at the end of
this Vol.]_




ARRET OF THE EVANGELICAL BODY AT RATISBON.

When the protestant states in arms against the court of Vienna were put
under the ban of the empire, the evangelical body, though without the
concurrence of the Swedish and Danish ministers, issued an arrêt at
Ratisbon, in the month of November of the last year, and to this annexed
the twentieth article of the capitulation signed by the emperor at his
election, in order to demonstrate that the protestant states claimed
nothing but what was agreeable to the constitution. They declared, that
their association was no more than a mutual engagement, by which they
obliged themselves to adhere to the laws without suffering, under any
pretext, that the power of putting under the ban of the empire should
reside wholly in the emperor. They affirmed that this power was
renounced, in express terms, by the capitulation: they therefore refused
to admit, as legal, any sentence of the ban deficient in the requisite
conditions: and inferred that, according to law, neither the elector of
Brandenburgh, nor the elector of Hanover, nor the duke of Wolfenbuttel,
nor the landgrave of Hesse, nor the count of Lippe-Buckebourg, ought to
be proscribed. The imperial protestant cities having acceded to this
arrêt or declaration, the emperor, in a rescript, required them to
retract their accession to the resolution of the evangelic body; which,
it must be owned, was altogether inconsistent with their former
accession to the resolutions of the diet against the king of Prussia.
This rescript having produced no effect, the arrêt was answered in
February by an imperial decree of commission carried to the dictature,
importing, that the imperial court could no longer hesitate about the
execution of the ban, without infringing that very article of the
capitulation which they had specified: that the invalidity of the arrêt
was manifest, inasmuch as the electors of Brandenburgh and Brunswick,
the dukes of Saxe-Gotha and Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel, and the landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel, were the very persons who disturbed the empire, this,
therefore, being an affair in which they themselves were parties, they
could not possibly be qualified to concur in a resolution of this
nature; besides, the number of the other states which had acceded was
very inconsiderable: for these reasons, the emperor could not but
consider the resolution in question as an act whereby the general peace
of the empire was disturbed, both by the parties that had incurred the
ban, and by the states which had joined them, in order to support and
favour their frivolous pretensions. His imperial majesty expressed his
hope and confidence, that the other electors, princes, and states of the
empire, would vote the said resolution to be null and of no force; and
never suffer so small a number of states, who were adherents of, and
abettors to, the disturbers of the empire, to prejudice the rights and
prerogatives of the whole Germanic body; to abuse the name of the
associated states of the Augsburgh confession, in order forcibly to
impose a _factum_ entirely repugnant to the constitution of the empire;
to deprive their co-estates of the right of voting freely, and thereby
endeavouring totally to subvert the system of the Germanic body. These
remarks will speak for themselves to the reflection of the unprejudiced
reader.




FRENCH MINISTRY STOP PAYMENT.

The implacability of the court of Vienna was equalled by nothing but the
perseverance of the French ministry. Though their numerous army had
not gained one inch of ground in Westphalia, the campaign on that side
having ended exactly where it had begun; though the chief source of
their commerce in the West Indies had fallen into the hands of Great
Britain, and they had already laid their account with the loss of
Quebec; though their coffers hung with emptiness, and their confederates
were clamorous for subsidies,--they still resolved to maintain the war
in Germany. This was doubtless the most politic resolution to which
they could adhere; because their enemies, instead of exerting all
their efforts where there was almost a certainty of success, kindly
condescended to seek them where alone their whole strength could
be advantageously employed, without any great augmentation of their
ordinary expense. Some of the springs of their national wealth were
indeed exhausted, or diverted into other channels; but the subjects
declared for a continuation of the war, and the necessities of the state
were supplied by the loyalty and attachment of the people. They not only
acquiesced in the bankruptcy of public credit, when the court stopped
payment of the interest on twelve different branches of the national
debt, but they likewise sent in large quantities of plate to be melted
down, and coined into specie, for the maintenance of the war. All the
bills drawn on the government by the colonies were protested to an
immense amount, and a stop was put to all the annuities granted at
Marseilles on sums borrowed for the use of the marine. Besides the
considerable savings occasioned by these acts of state-bankruptcy, they
had resources of credit among the merchants of Holland, who beheld the
success of Great Britain with an eye of jealousy; and were, moreover,
inflamed against her with the most rancorous resentment, on account
of the captures which had been made of their West India ships by the
English cruisers.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE STATES-GENERAL SEND OVER DEPUTIES TO ENGLAND.

In the month of February, the merchants of Amsterdam having received
advice that the cargoes of their West India ships detained by the
English, would, by the British courts of judicature, be declared lawful
prizes, as being French property, sent a deputation, with a petition to
the states-general, entreating them to use their intercession with the
court of London, representing the impossibility of furnishing the
proofs required, in so short a time as that prescribed by the British
admiralty; and that, as the island of St. Eustatia had but one road, and
there was no other way of taking in cargoes but that of overschippen,*
to which the English had objected, a condemnation of these ships,
as legal prizes, would give the finishing stroke to the trade of the
colony.

     * The method called overschippen is that of using French
     boats to load Dutch vessels with the produce of France.

Whatever remonstrances the states-general might have made on this
subject to the ministry of Great Britain, they had no effect upon the
proceedings of the court of admiralty, which continued to condemn the
cargoes of the Dutch ships as often as they were proved to be French
property; and this resolute uniformity, in a little time intimidated the
subjects of Holland from persevering in this illicit branch of commerce.
The enemies of England in that republic, however, had so far prevailed,
that in the beginning of the year the states of Holland had passed a
formal resolution to equip five-and-twenty ships of war; and orders were
immediately despatched to the officers of the admiralty to complete
the armament with all possible expedition. In the month of April, the
states-general sent over to London three ministers-extraordinary,
to make representations, and remove if possible the causes of
misunderstanding that had arisen between Great Britain and the United
Provinces. They delivered their credentials to the king with a formal
harangue: they said his majesty would see, by the contents of the letter
they had the honour to present, how ardently their high mightinesses
desired to cultivate the sincere friendship which had so long subsisted
between the two nations, so necessary for their common welfare and
preservation; they expressed an earnest wish that they might be happy
enough to remove those difficulties which had for some time struck at
this friendship, and caused so much prejudice to the principal subjects
of the republic; who, by the commerce they carried on, constituted
its greatest strength and chief support. They declared their whole
confidence was placed in his majesty’s equity, for which the republic
had the highest regard; and in the good-will he had always expressed
towards a state which on all occasions had interested itself in
promoting his glory--a state which was the guardian of the precious
trust bequeathed by a prince so dear to his affection. “Full of this
confidence (said they), we presume to flatter ourselves that your
majesty will be graciously pleased to listen to our just demands, and
we shall endeavour, during the course of our ministry, to merit your
approbation, in strengthening the bonds by which the two nations ought
to be for ever united.” In answer to this oration, the king assured them
that he had always regarded their high mightinesses as his best friends.
He said, if difficulties had arisen concerning trade, they ought to be
considered as the consequences of a burdensome war which he was
obliged to wage with France. He desired they would assure their high
mightinesses, that he should endeavour, on his part, to remove the
obstacles in question; and expressed his satisfaction that they the
deputies were come over with the same disposition.--What representations
these deputies made, further than complaints of some irregularities in
the conduct of the British sea-officers, we cannot pretend to specify;
but as the subject in dispute related entirely to the practice of the
courts of judicature, it did not fall properly under the cognizance of
the government, which hath no right to interfere with the administration
of justice. In all probability, the subjects of Holland were by no means
pleased with the success of this negotiation, for they murmured against
the English nation without ceasing. They threatened and complained
by turns; and eagerly seized every opportunity of displaying their
partiality in favour of the enemies of Great Britain.




MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE STATES BY MAJOR-GENERAL YORKE.

In the month of September, major-general Yorke, the British minister at
the Hague, presented a memorial to the states-general, remonstrating,
that the merchants of Holland carried on a contraband trade in favour
of France, by transporting cannon and warlike stores from the Baltic to
Holland, in Dutch bottoms, under the borrowed names of private persons;
and then conveying them by the inland rivers and canals, or through the
Dutch fortresses, to Dunkirk and other places of France. He desired that
the king his master might be made easy on that head, by their putting
an immediate stop to such practices, so repugnant to the connexions
subsisting by treaty between Great Britain and the United Provinces,
as well as to every idea of neutrality. He observed, that the attention
which his majesty had lately given to their representations against the
excesses of the English privateers, by procuring an act of parliament,
which laid them under proper restrictions, gave him a good title to the
same regard on the part of their high mightinesses. He reminded them
that their trading towns felt the good effects of these restrictions;
and that the freedom of navigation which their subjects enjoyed amidst
the troubles and distractions of Europe, had considerably augmented
their commerce. He observed, that some return ought to be made to such
solid proofs of the king’s friendship and moderation; at least, the
merchants, who were so ready to complain of England, ought not to be
countenanced in excesses which would have justified the most rigorous
examination of their conduct. He recalled to their memories that, during
the course of the present war, the king had several times appealed to
their high mightinesses, and to their ministers, on the liberty they had
given to carry stores through the fortresses of the republic for the use
of France, to invade the British dominions; and though his majesty had
passed over in silence many of these instances of complaisance to his
enemy, he was no less sensible of the injury; but he chose rather to be
a sufferer himself, than to increase the embarrassment of his neighbours
or extend the flames of war. He took notice that even the court of
Vienna had, upon more than one occasion, employed its interest with
their high mightinesses, and lent its name to obtain passes for warlike
stores and provisions for the French troops, under colour of the
barrier-treaty, which it no longer observed; nay, after having put
France in possession of Ostend and Nieuport, in manifest violation of
that treaty, and without any regard to the rights which they and the
king his master had acquired in that treaty, at the expense of so much
blood and treasure.




A COUNTER-MEMORIAL PRESENTED BY THE FRENCH MINISTER.

This memorial seems to have made some impression on the states-general,
as they scrupled to allow the artillery and stores belonging to the
French king to be removed from Amsterdam; but these scruples vanished
entirely on the receipt of a counter-memorial presented by the count
d’Affrey, the French ambassador, who mingled some effectual threats with
his expostulation. He desired them to remember, that, during the whole
course of the war, the French king had required nothing from their
friendship that was inconsistent with the strictest impartiality; and,
if he had deviated from the engagements subsisting between him and
the republic, it was only by granting the most essential and lucrative
favours to the subjects of their high mightinesses. He observed, that
the English, notwithstanding the insolence of their behaviour to the
republic, had derived, on many occasions, assistance from the protection
their effects had found in the territories of the United Provinces; that
the artillery, stores, and ammunition belonging to Wessel were deposited
in their territories, which the Hanoverian army in passing the Rhine had
very little respected; that when they repassed that river, they had no
other way of saving their sick and wounded from the hands of the French,
than by embarking them in boats, and conveying them to places where
the French left them unmolested, actuated by their respect for the
neutrality of the republic; that part of their magazines was still
deposited in the towns of the United Provinces, where also the enemies
of France had purchased and contracted for very considerable quantities
of gunpowder. He told them that, though these and several other
circumstances might have been made the subject of the justest
complaints, the king of France did not think it proper to require that
the freedom and independency of the subjects of the republic should be
restrained in branches of commerce that were not inconsistent with
its neutrality, persuaded that the faith of an engagement ought to be
inviolably preserved, though attended with some accidental and transient
disadvantages. He gave them to understand, that the king his master had
ordered the generals of his army carefully to avoid encroaching on the
territory of the republic, and transferring thither the theatre of the
war, when his enemies retreated that way before they were forced to
pass the Ehine. After such unquestionable marks of regard, he said,
his king would have the justest ground of complaint, if, contrary to
expectation, he should hear that the artillery and stores belonging to
him were detained at Amsterdam. Thirdly, he declared that such detention
would be construed as a violation of the neutrality; and demanded, in
the name of the king his master, that the artillery and stores should,
without delay, be forwarded to Flanders by the canals of Amsterdam and
the inland navigation. This last argument was so conclusive, that they
immediately granted the necessary passports; in consequence of which the
cannon were conveyed to the Austrian Netherlands.




DEATH OF THE KING OF SPAIN.

The powers in the southern parts of Europe were too much engrossed with
their own concerns, to interest themselves deeply in the quarrels
that distracted the German empire. The king of Spain, naturally of a
melancholy complexion and delicate constitution, was so deeply affected
with the loss of his queen, who died in the course of the preceding
year, that he renounced all company, neglected all business, and immured
himself in a chamber at Villa-Viciosa, where he gave a loose to the most
extravagant sorrow. He abstained from food and rest until his strength
was quite exhausted. He would neither shift himself, nor allow his beard
to be shaved; he rejected all attempts of consolation; and remained
deaf to the most earnest and respectful remonstrances of those who had
a right to render their advice. In this case, the affliction of the mind
must have been reinforced by some peculiarity in the constitution. He
inherited a melancholy taint from his father, and this seems to have
been dreaded as a family disease; for the infant don Louis, who likewise
resided in the palace of Villa-Viciosa, was fain to amuse himself with
hunting and other diversions, to prevent his being infected with the
king’s disorder, which continued to gain ground notwithstanding all the
efforts of medicine. The Spanish nation, naturally superstitious, had
recourse to saints and relics; but they seemed insensible to all their
devotion. The king, however, in the midst of all his distress, was
prevailed upon to make his will, which was written by the count de
Valparaiso, and signed by the duke de Bejar, high-chancellor of the
kingdom. The exorbitancy of his grief, and the mortifications he
underwent, soon produced an incurable malady, under which he languished
from the month of September in the preceding year till the tenth of
August in the present, when he expired. In his will he had appointed his
brother don Carlos, king of Naples, successor to the crown of Spain; and
nominated the queen-dowager as regent of the kingdom until that prince
should arrive. Accordingly, she assumed the reins of government, and
gave directions for the funeral of the deceased king, who was interred
with great pomp in the church belonging to the convent of the Visitation
at Madrid.




DON CARLOS SUCCEEDS TO THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN.

As the death of this prince had been long expected, so the politicians
of Europe had universally prognosticated that his demise would be
attended with great commotions in Italy. It had been agreed among the
subscribing powers to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, that in case don
Carlos should be advanced in the course of succession to the throne
of Spain, his brother don Philip should succeed him on the throne of
Naples; and the duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, which now
constituted his establishment, should revert to the house of Austria.
The king of Naples had never acceded to this article; therefore he paid
no regard to it on the death of his elder brother, but retained both
kingdoms, without minding the claims of the empress-queen, who he knew
was at that time in no condition to support her pretensions. Thus the
German war proved a circumstance very favourable to his interest
and ambition. Before he embarked for Spain, however, he took some
extraordinary steps, which evinced him a sound politician and sagacious
legislator. His eldest son don Philip, who had now attained the
thirteenth year of his age, being found in a state of incurable
idiotism [529] _[See note 4 F, at the end of this Vol.]_, he wisely and
resolutely removed him from the succession, without any regard to the
pretended right of primogeniture, by a solemn act of abdication, and the
settlement of the crown of the two Sicilies in favour of his third son
don Ferdinand. In this extraordinary act he observes, that according
to the spirit of the treaties of this age, Europe required that the
sovereignty of Spain should be separated from that of Italy, when such
a separation could be effected, without transgressing the rules of
justice: that the unfortunate prince-royal having been destitute of
reason and reflection ever since his infancy, and no hope remaining that
he could ever acquire the use of these faculties, he could not think
of appointing him to the succession, how agreeable soever such a
disposition might be to nature and his paternal affection: he was
therefore constrained, by the Divine will, to set him aside in favour
of his third son don Ferdinand, whose minority obliged him to vest the
management of these realms in a regency, which he accordingly appointed,
after having previously declared his son Ferdinand from that time
emancipated and freed, not only from all obedience to his paternal
power, but even from all submission to his supreme and sovereign
authority. He then declared that the minority of the prince succeeding
to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies should expire with the fifteenth year
of his age, when he should act as sovereign, and have the entire power
of the administration. He next established and explained the order of
succession in the male and female line; on condition that the monarchy
of Spain should never be united with the kingdoms of the Two Sicilies.
Finally, he transferred and made over to the said don Ferdinand these
kingdoms, with all that he possessed in Italy; and this ordinance,
signed and sealed by himself and the infant don Ferdinand, and
countersigned by the counsellors and secretaries of state, in quality
of members of the regency, received all the usual forms of authenticity.
Don Carlos having taken these precautions for the benefit of his third
son, whom he left king of Naples, embarked with the rest of his family
on board a squadron of Spanish ships, which conveyed him to Barcelona.
There he landed in the month of October, and proceeded to Madrid; where,
as king of Spain, he was received amid the acclamations of his people.
He began his reign, like a wise prince, by regulating the interior
economy of his kingdom; by pursuing the plan adopted by his predecessor;
by retaining the ministry under whose auspices the happiness and
commerce of his people had been extended; and with respect to the
belligerent powers, by scrupulously adhering to that neutrality from
whence these advantages were in a great measure derived.




DETECTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CONSPIRATORS AT LISBON.

While he serenely enjoyed the blessings of prosperity, his neighbour the
king of Portugal was engrossed by a species of employment, which, of
all others, must be the most disagreeable to a prince of sentiment,
who loves his people; namely, the trial and punishment of those
conspirators, by whose atrocious attempt his life had been so much
endangered. Among these were numbered some of the first noblemen of the
kingdom, irritated by disappointed ambition, inflamed by bigotry,
and exasperated by revenge. The principal conspirator, don Joseph
Mascarenhas and Lencastre, duke de Aveiro, marquis of Torres Novas,
and conde of Santa Cruz, was hereditary lord-steward of the king’s
household, and president of the palace-court, or last tribunal of appeal
in the kingdom, so that he possessed the first office at the palace, and
the second of the realm. Francisco de Assiz, marquis of Tavora, conde
of St. John and Alvor, was general of the horse, and head of the third
noble house of the Tavoras, the most illustrious family in the kingdom,
deriving their original from the ancient kings of Leon: he married his
kinswoman, who was marchioness of Tavora in her own right, and by this
marriage acquired the marquisate. Louis Bernardo de Tavora was their
eldest son, who, by virtue of a dispensation from the pope, had espoused
his own aunt, donna Theresa de Tavora. Joseph Maria de Tavora, his
youngest brother, was also involved in the guilt of his parents.
The third principal concerned was don Jeronymo de Attaide, conde of
Attouguia, himself a relation, and married to the eldest daughter of
the marquis of Tavora. The characters of all these personages were
unblemished and respectable, until this machination was detected. In the
course of investigating this dark affair, it appeared that the duke de
Aveiro had conceived a personal hatred to the king, who had disappointed
him in a projected match between his son and a sister of the duke de
Cadaval, a minor, and prevented his obtaining some commanderies which
the late duke de Aveiro had possessed; that this nobleman, being
determined to gratify his revenge against the person of his sovereign,
had exerted all his art and address in securing the participation of the
malecontents; that with this view he reconciled himself to the Jesuits,
with whom he had been formerly at variance, knowing they were at this
time implacably incensed against the king, who had dismissed them from
their office of penitentiaries at court, and branded them with other
marks of disgrace, on account of their illegal and rebellious practices
in South America: the duke, moreover, insinuated himself into the
confidence of the marchioness of Tavora, notwithstanding an inveterate
rivalship of pride and ambition, which had long subsisted between
the two families. Her resentment against the king was inflamed by the
mortification of her pride in repeated repulses, when she solicited the
title of duke for her husband. Her passions were artfully fomented and
managed by the Jesuits, to whom she had resigned the government of her
conscience; and they are said to have persuaded her, that it would be a
meritorious action to take away the life of a prince who was an enemy
to the church, and a tyrant to his people. She, being reconciled to the
scheme of assassination, exerted her influence in such a manner as to
inveigle her husband, her sons and son-in law, into the same infamous
design: and yet this lady had been always remarkable for her piety,
affability, and sweetness of disposition. Many consultations were held
by the conspirators at the colleges of the Jesuits, St. Autoa and St.
Roque, as well as at the houses of the duke and the marquis; at last
they resolved that the king should be assassinated, and employed
two ruffians, called Antonio Alvarez and Joseph Policarpio, for the
execution of this design, the miscarriage of which we have related among
the transactions of the preceding year. In the beginning of January,
before the circumstances of the conspiracy were known, the counts
de Oberas and de Ribeira Grande were imprisoned in the castle of St.
Julian, on a suspicion arising from their freedom of speech. The duchess
de Aveiro, the countess of Attouguia, and the marchioness of Alorna,
with their children, were sent to different nunneries; and eight Jesuits
were taken into custody. A council being appointed for the trial of the
prisoners, the particulars we have related were brought to light by
the torture; and sentence of death was pronounced and executed upon the
convicted criminals. Eight wheels were fixed upon a scaffold raised in
the square opposite to the house where the prisoners had been confined;
and the thirteenth of January was fixed for the day of execution.
Antonio Alvarez Ferreira, one of the assassins who had fired into the
king’s equipage, was fixed to a stake at one corner of the scaffold; and
at the other was placed the effigy of his accomplice, Joseph Policarpio
de Azevedo, who had made his escape. The marchioness of Tavora, being
brought upon the scaffold between eight and nine in the morning, was
beheaded at one stroke, and then covered with a linen cloth. Her two
sons, and her son-in-law, the count of Attouguia, with three servants
of the duke de Aveiro, were first strangled at one stake, and afterwards
broke upon wheels, where their bodies remained covered; but the duke
and the marquis, as chiefs of the conspiracy, were broken alive, and
underwent the most excruciating torments. The last that suffered was
the assassin Alvarez, who being condemned to be burned alive, the
combustibles which had been placed on the scaffold were set on fire,
the whole machine with their bodies consumed to ashes, and these ashes
thrown into the sea. The estates of the three unfortunate noblemen were
confiscated, and their dwelling-houses razed to the ground. The name
of Tavora was suppressed for ever by a public decree; but that of
Mascarenhas spared, because the duke de Aveiro was a younger branch of
the family. A reward of ten thousand crowns was offered to any person
who should apprehend the assassin who had escaped: then the embargo was
taken off the shipping. The king and royal family assisted at a public
_Te Deum_, sung in the chapel of Nossa Senhoro de Livramento; on
which occasion the king, for the satisfaction of his people, waved his
handkerchief with both hands, to show he was not maimed by the wounds he
had received. If such an attempt upon the life of a king was infamously
cruel and perfidious, it must be owned that the punishment inflicted
upon the criminals was horrible to human nature. The attempt itself was
attended with some circumstances that might have staggered belief, had
it not appeared but too plain that the king was actually wounded. One
would imagine that the duke de Aveiro, who was charged with designs on
the crown, would have made some preparation for taking advantage of
the confusion and disorder which must have been produced by the king’s
assassination; but we do not find that any thing of this nature was
premeditated. It was no more than a desperate scheme of personal
revenge, conceived without caution, and executed without conduct; a
circumstance the more extraordinary, if we suppose the conspirators were
actuated by the councils of the Jesuits, who have been ever famous for
finesse and dexterity. Besides, the discovery of all the particulars
was founded upon confession extorted by the rack, which at best is a
suspicious evidence. Be that as it will, the Portuguese government,
without waiting for a bull from the pope, sequestered all the
estates and effects of the Jesuits in that kingdom, which amounted to
considerable sums, and reduced the individuals of the society to a very
scanty allowance. Complaint of their conduct having been made to the
pope, he appointed a congregation to examine into the affairs of the
Jesuits in Portugal. In the meantime the court of Lisbon ordered a
considerable number of them to be embarked for Italy, and resolved
that no Jesuits should hereafter reside within its realms. When these
transports arrived at Civita-Vecchia, they were, by the pope’s order,
lodged in the Dominican and Capuchin convents of that city, until proper
houses could be prepared for their reception at Tivoli and Frescati. The
most guilty of them, however, were detained in close prison in Portugal;
reserved, in all probability, for a punishment more adequate to their
enormities.




SESSION OPENED IN ENGLAND.

England still continued to enjoy the blessings of peace, even amidst the
triumphs of war. In the month of November the session of parliament was
opened by commission; and, the commons attending in the house of peers,
the lord-keeper harangued the parliament to this effect:--He gave
them to understand that his majesty had directed him to assure them,
that he thought himself peculiarly happy in being able to convoke them
in a situation of affairs so glorious to his crown, and advantageous
to his kingdoms: that the king saw and devoutly adored the hand of
Providence, in the many signal successes, both by sea and land, with
which his arms had been blessed in the course of the last campaign:
that he reflected with great satisfaction on the confidence which the
parliament had placed in him, by making such ample provisions, and
intrusting him with such extensive powers for carrying on a war, which
the defence of their valuable rights and possessions, together with the
preservation of the commerce of his people, had rendered both just and
necessary. He enumerated the late successes of the British arms--the
reduction of Goree on the coast of Africa; the conquest of so many
important places in America; the defeat of the French army in Canada;
the reduction of their capital city of Quebec, effected with so much
honour to the courage and conduct of his majesty’s officers and forces;
the important advantage obtained by the British squadron off Cape Lagos,
and the effectual blocking up for so many months the principal part of
the French navy in their own harbours: events which must have filled the
hearts of all his majesty’s faithful subjects with the sincerest joy;
and convinced his parliament that there had been no want of vigilance
or vigour on his part, in exerting those means which they, with so much
prudence and public-spirited zeal, had put into his majesty’s hands. He
observed, that the national advantages had extended even as far as the
East-Indies, where, by the Divine blessing, the dangerous designs of his
majesty’s enemies had miscarried, and that valuable branch of commerce
had received great benefit and protection; that the memorable victory
gained over the French at Minden had long made a deep impression on the
minds of his majesty’s people: that if the crisis in which the battle
was fought, the superior number of the enemy, the great and able
conduct of his majesty’s general, prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, were
considered, that action must be the subject of lasting admiration and
thankfulness: that if any thing could fill the breasts of his majesty’s
good subjects with still further degrees of exultation, it would be
the distinguished and unbroken valour of the British troops, owned and
applauded by those whom they overcame. He said the glory they had gained
was not merely their own; but, in a national view, was one of the
most important circumstances of our success, as it must be a striking
admonition to our enemies with whom they have to contend. He told them
that his majesty’s good brother and ally, the king of Prussia, attacked
and surrounded by so many considerable powers, had, by his magnanimity
and abilities, and the bravery of his troops, been able, in a surprising
manner, to prevent the mischiefs concerted with such united force
against him. He declared, by the command of his sovereign, that as his
majesty entered into this war not from views of ambition, so he did not
wish to continue it from motives of resentment: that the desire of
his majesty’s heart was to see a stop put to the effusion of Christian
blood: that whenever such terms of peace could be established as should
be just and honourable for his majesty and his allies; and by procuring
such advantages as, from the successes of his majesty’s arms, might in
reason and equity be expected should bring along with them full security
for the future; his majesty would rejoice to see the repose of Europe
restored on such solid and durable foundations; and his faithful
subjects, to whose liberal support and unshaken firmness his majesty
owed so much, happy in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace and
tranquillity: but, in order to this great and desirable end, he said his
majesty was confident the parliament would agree with him, that it was
necessary to make ample provision for carrying on the war, in all parts,
with the utmost vigour. He assured the commons, that the great supplies
they had granted in the last session of parliament, had been faithfully
employed for the purposes for which they were granted; but the uncommon
extent of the war, and the various services necessary to be provided
for, in order to secure success to his majesty’s measures, had
unavoidably occasioned extraordinary expenses. Finally, he repeated the
assurances from the throne, of the high satisfaction his majesty took
in that union and good harmony which was so conspicuous among his good
subjects; he said, his sovereign was happy in seeing it continued and
confirmed; he observed that experience had shown how much the nation
owed to this union, which alone could secure the true happiness of his
people.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SUBSTANCE OF THE ADDRESSES.

We shall not anticipate the reader’s own reflection, by pretending to
comment upon either the matter or form of this harangue, which however
produced all the effect which the sovereign could desire. The houses, in
their respective addresses, seemed to vie with each other in expressions
of attachment and complacency. The peers professed their utmost
readiness to concur in the effectual support of such further measures
as his majesty, in his great wisdom, should judge necessary or expedient
for carrying on the war with vigour in all parts, and for disappointing
and repelling any desperate attempts which might be made upon these
kingdoms. The commons expressed their admiration of that true
greatness of mind which disposed his majesty’s heart, in the midst of
prosperities, to wish a stop put to the effusion of Christian blood, and
to see tranquillity restored. They declared their entire reliance on
his majesty’s known wisdom and firmness, that this desirable object,
whenever it should be obtained, would be upon teems just and honourable
for his majesty and his allies; and, in order to effect that great end,
they assured him they would cheerfully grant such supplies as should
be found necessary to sustain, and press with effect, all his extensive
operations against the enemy. They did not fail to re-echo the speech,
as usual; enumerating the trophies of the year, and extolling the king
of Prussia for his consummate genius, magnanimity, unwearied activity,
and unshaken constancy of mind. Very great reason, indeed, had his
majesty to be satisfied with an address of such a nature, from a
house of commons in which opposition lay strangled at the foot of
the minister; in which those demagogues, who had raised themselves to
reputation and renown by declaiming against continental measures,
were become so perfectly reconciled to the object of their former
reprobation, as to cultivate it even with a degree of enthsiasm
unknown to any former administration, and lay the nation under such
contributions in its behalf, as no other ministry durst ever meditate.
Thus disposed, it was no wonder they admired the moderation of their
sovereign in offering to treat of peace, after above a million of men
had perished by the war, and twice that number been reduced to misery;
after whole provinces had been depopulated, whole-countries subdued, and
the victors themselves almost crushed by the trophies they had gained.

Immediately after the addresses were presented, the commons resolved
themselves into a committee of the whole house; and having unanimously
voted a supply to his majesty, began to take the particulars into
consideration. This committee was continued till the twelfth of May,
when that whole business was accomplished. For the service of the
ensuing year they voted seventy thousand seamen, including eighteen
thousand three hundred and fifty-five marines, and for their maintenance
allotted three millions six hundred and forty thousand pounds. The
number of land-forces, including the British troops in Germany, and the
invalids, they fixed at fifty-seven thousand two hundred and ninety-four
men, and granted for their subsistence one million three hundred and
eighty-three thousand seven hundred and forty-eight pounds and tenpence.
For maintaining other forces in the plantations, Gibraltar, Guadaloupe,
Africa, and the East Indies, they allowed eight hundred forty-six
thousand one hundred and sixty-eight pounds, nineteen shillings: for the
expense of four regiments on the Irish establishment, serving in North
America, they voted thirty-five thousand seven hundred and forty-four
pounds, eight shillings and fourpence. For pay to the general
and general staff officers, and officers of the hospital for the
land-forces, they assigned fifty-four thousand four hundred and
fifty-four pounds, eleven shillings and ninepence. They voted for
the expense of the militia in South and North Britain, the sum of one
hundred two thousand and six pounds, four shillings and eightpence. They
granted for the maintenance of thirty-eight thousand seven hundred and
fifty men, being the troops of Hanover, Wolfenbuttle, Saxe-Gotha, and
Buckebourg, retained in the service of Great Britain, the sum of four
hundred forty-seven thousand eight hundred and eighty-two pounds, ten
shillings and fivepence halfpenny; and for nineteen thousand Hessian
troops, in the same pay, they gave three hundred sixty-six thousand
seven hundred and twenty-five pounds, one shilling and sixpence. They
afterwards bestowed the sum of one hundred eight thousand and twelve
pounds, twelve shillings and sevenpence, for defraying the additional
expense of augmentations in the troops of Hanover and Hesse, and the
British army serving in the empire. For the ordinary of the navy,
including half-pay to sea-officers; for carrying on the building of
two hospitals, one near Gosport, and the other in the neighbourhood of
Plymouth; for the support of the hospital at Greenwich; for purchasing
ground, erecting wharfs and other accommodations necessary for
refitting the fleets at Halifax in Nova-Scotia; for the charge of the
office of ordnance, and defraying the extraordinary expense incurred by
that office in the course of the last year, they allowed seven hundred
eighty-one thousand four hundred and eighty-nine pounds, six shillings
and sixpence. Towards paying off the navy debt, buildings, re-buildings,
and repairs of the king’s ships, together with the charges of transport
service, they granted one million seven hundred and one thousand
seventy-eight pounds, sixteen shillings and sixpence. For defraying
the extraordinary expenses of the land-forces and other services not
provided for by parliament, comprehending the pensions for the widows
of reduced officers, they allotted the sum of nine hundred fifty-five
thousand three hundred and forty-four pounds, fifteen shillings and
fivepence halfpenny. They voted one million to empower his majesty to
discharge the like sum, raised in pursuance of an act made in the last
session of parliament, and charged upon the first aids or supplies to be
granted in this session of parliament. They gave six hundred and seventy
thousand pounds, for enabling his majesty to make good his engagements
with the king of Prussia, pursuant to a new convention between him and
that monarch, concluded on the ninth day of November in the present
year. Fifteen thousand pounds they allowed upon account, towards
enabling the principal officers of his majesty’s ordnance to defray the
necessary charges and expenses of taking down and removing the present
magazine for gunpowder, situated in the neighbourhood of Greenwich, and
of erecting it in some less dangerous situation. Sixty thousand pounds
they gave to enable his majesty to fulfil his engagements With the
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, pursuant to the separate article of a treaty
between the two powers, renewed in the month of November, the sum to
be paid as his most serene highness should think it most convenient, in
order to facilitate the means by which the landgrave might again fix his
residence in his own dominions, and by his presence give fresh courage
to his faithful subjects. Five hundred thousand pounds they voted upon
account, as a present supply towards defraying the charges of forage,
bread, bread-waggons, train of artillery, wood, straw, provisions,
and contingencies of his majesty’s combined army, under the command of
prince Ferdinand. To the Foundling hospital they granted five thousand
pounds; and fifteen thousand for improving, widening, and enlarging the
passage over and through London bridge. To replace divers sums taken
from the sinking fund, they granted two hundred twenty-five thousand two
hundred and eighty-one pounds, nineteen shillings and fourpence. For the
subsistence of reduced officers, including the allowances to the several
officers and private men of the two troops of horse-guards, and regiment
of horse reduced, and to the superannuated gentlemen of the four troops
of horse-guards, they voted thirty-eight thousand five hundred and
ninety-seven pounds, nine shillings. Upon account, for the support
of the colonies of Nova-Scotia and Georgia, they granted twenty-one
thousand six hundred ninety-four pounds, two shillings and twopence.
For enabling the king to give a proper compensation to the provinces
in North America, for the expenses they might incur in levying and
maintaining troops, according as the vigour and activity of those
respective provinces should be thought by his majesty to merit, they
advanced the sum of two hundred thousand pounds. The East India company
they gratified with twenty thousand pounds, towards enabling them to
defray the expense of a military force in their settlements, in lieu of
a battalion of the king’s troops now returned to Ireland. Twenty-five
thousand pounds were provided for the payment of the out-pensioners of
Chelsea hospital. For subsequent augmentation of the British forces,
since the first estimate of guards and garrisons for the ensuing year
was presented, they allowed one hundred thirty-four thousand one hundred
and thirty-nine pounds, seventeen shillings and fourpence. They further
voted, upon account, towards enabling the governors and guardians of
the Foundling hospital to maintain, educate, and bind apprentice the
children admitted into the said charity, the sum of forty-seven thousand
two hundred and eighty-five pounds. For defraying the expense of
maintaining the militia in South and North Britain, to the twenty-fourth
day of December of the ensuing year, they voted an additional grant of
two hundred ninety thousand eight hundred and twenty-six pounds,
sixteen shillings and eightpence: and, moreover, they granted four-score
thousand pounds, upon account, towards defraying the charge of pay
and clothing of the unembodied militia for the year ending on the
twenty-fifth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-one. For reimbursing the colony of New-York, their expenses in
furnishing provisions and stores to the troops raised by them for
his majesty’s service, in the-campaign of the year one thousand seven
hundred and fifty-six, they allowed two thousand nine hundred
and seventy-seven pounds, seven shillings and eightpence; and for
maintaining the British forts and settlements on the coast of Africa,
they renewed the grant of ten thousand pounds. For the maintenance and
augmentation of the troops of Brunswick in the pay of Great Britain
for the ensuing year, pursuant to an ulterior convention concluded and
signed at Paderborn on the fifth day of March, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and sixty, they granted the sum of ninety thousand seven
hundred and sixty-nine pounds, eight shillings and elevenpence farthing;
and for the troops of Hesse-Cassel in the same pay, during the same
period, they allotted one hundred and one thousand and ninety-six
pounds, three shillings and twopence. For the extraordinary expenses of
the land-forces, and other services, incurred from the twenty-fourth
day of November in the present year, to the twenty-fourth of December
following, and not-provided for, they granted the sum of four hundred
twenty thousand one hundred and twenty pounds, one shilling. To make
good the deficiency of the grants for the service of this present year,
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine, they assigned the sum of
seventy-five thousand one hundred and seventy pounds, and threepence
farthing. For printing the journals of the house of commons they gave
five thousand pounds; and six hundred and thirty-four pounds, thirteen
shillings and seven-pence, as interest at the rate of four per centum
per annum, from the twenty-fifth day of August in the present year, to
the same day of April next, for the sum of twenty-three thousand eight
hundred pounds, eleven shillings and elevenpence, remaining in the
office of ordnance, and not paid into the hands of the deputy of the
king’s remembrancer of the court of exchequer, as directed by an act
made in the last session of parliament, to make compensation for lands
and hereditaments purchased for his majesty’s service at Chatham,
Portsmouth, and Plymouth, by reason of doubts and difficulties which
had arisen touching the execution of the said act. For defraying the
extraordinary charge of the mint during the present year, they allowed
eleven thousand nine hundred and forty pounds, thirteen shillings and
ten-pence; and two thousand five hundred pounds upon account, for
paying the debts claimed and sustained upon a forfeited estate in
North Britain. They likewise allowed twelve thousand eight hundred and
seventy-four pounds, fifteen shillings and tenpence, for defraying the
charge of a regiment of light-dragoons, and of an additional company to
the corps commanded by lieutenant-colonel Vaughan. Finally, they voted
one million upon account, to enable the king to defray any extraordinary
expenses of the war, incurred, or to be incurred, for the service of the
year one thousand seven hundred and sixty; and to take all such measures
as might be necessary to defeat any enterprise or design of his enemies,
as the exigency of affairs might require. On the whole, the sum total
granted in this session of parliament amounted to fifteen millions five
hundred and three thousand five hundred and sixty-three pounds, fifteen
shillings and ninepence halfpenny: a sum so enormous, whether we
consider the nation that raised it, or the purposes for which it was
raised, that every Briton of a sedate mind, attached to the interest and
welfare of his country, must reflect upon it with equal astonishment and
concern: a sum considerably more than double the largest subsidy that
was granted in the reign of queen Anne, when the nation was in the
zenith of her glory, and retained half the powers of Europe in her pay:
a sum almost double of what any former administration durst have asked:
and near double of what the most sanguine calculators, who lived in the
beginning of this century, thought the nation could give without the
most imminent hazard of immediate bankruptcy. Of the immense supply
which we have particularized, the reader will perceive that two millions
three hundred forty-four thousand four hundred and eighty-six pounds,
sixteen shillings and sevenpence three farthings, were paid to
foreigners for supporting the war in Germany, exclusive of the money
expended by the British troops in that country, the number of which
amounted, in the course of the ensuing year, to twenty thousand men: a
number the more extraordinary, if we consider they were all transported
to that continent during the administration of those who declared in
parliament (the words still sounding in our ears) that not a man, nor
even half a man, should be sent from Great Britain to Germany, to fight
the battles of any foreign elector. Into the expense of the German
war sustained by Great Britain, we must also throw the charge of
transporting the English troops; the article of forage, which alone
amounted, in the course of the last campaign, to one million two hundred
thousand pounds, besides pontage, waggons, horses, and many other
contingencies. To the German war we may also impute the extraordinary
expense incurred by the actual service of the militia, which the absence
of the regular troops rendered in a great measure necessary; and the
loss of so many hands withdrawn from industry, from husbandry, and
manufacture. The loss sustained by this connexion was equally grievous
and apparent; the advantage accruing from it, either to Britain or
Hanover, we have not discernment sufficient to perceive, consequently
cannot be supposed able to explain.

The committee of ways and means, having duly deliberated on the articles
of supply, continued sitting from the twenty-second day of November
to the fourteenth of May, during which period they established the
necessary funds to produce the sums which had been granted. The land-tax
at four shillings in the pound, and the malt-tax, were continued, as
the standing revenue of Great Britain. The whole provision made by the
committee of ways and means amounted to sixteen millions one hundred
thirty thousand five hundred and sixty-one pounds, nine shillings
and eightpence, exceeding the grants for the service of the year one
thousand seven hundred and sixty, in the sum of six hundred twenty-six
thousand nine hundred ninety-seven pounds, thirteen shillings and
tenpence halfpenny. This excess, however, will not appear extraordinary,
when we consider that it was destined to make good the premium of two
hundred and forty thousand pounds to the subscribers upon the eight
million loan, as well as the deficiencies in the other grants, which
never fail to make a considerable article in the supply of every
session. That these gigantic strides towards the ruin of public credit
were such as might alarm every well-wisher to his country, will perhaps
more plainly appear in the sum total of the national debt, which,
including the incumbrance of one million charged upon the civil-list
revenue, and provided for by a tax upon salaries and pensions payable
out of that revenue, amounted, at this period, to the tremendous sum
of one hundred eight millions four hundred ninety-three thousand one
hundred and fifty-four pounds, fourteen shillings and elevenpence one
farthing.--A comfortable reflection this to a people involved in the
most expensive war that ever was waged, and already burdened with such
taxes as no other nation ever bore!

It is not at all necessary to particularize the acts that were founded
upon the resolutions touching the supply. We shall only observe that, in
the act for the land-tax, and in the act for the malt-tax, there was a
clause of credit, empowering the commissioners of the treasury to raise
the money which they produced by loans on exchequer bills, bearing an
interest of four per cent, per annum, that is, one per cent, higher
than the interest usually granted in time of peace. While the house
of commons deliberated on the bill for granting to his majesty several
duties upon malt, and for raising a certain sum of money to be charged
on the said duties, a petition was presented by the maltsters of Ipswich
and parts adjacent against an additional duty on the stock of malt in
hand: but no regard was paid to this remonstrance; and the bill, with
several new amendments, passed through both houses, under the title of
“An act for granting to his majesty several duties upon malt, and for
raising the sum of eight millions by way of annuities and a lottery, to
be charged on the said duties: and to prevent the fraudulent obtaining
of allowances in the gauging of corn making into malt; and for making
forth duplicates of exchequer-bills, tickets, certificates, receipts,
annuity orders, and other orders lost, burned, or otherwise destroyed.”
 The other three bills that turned wholly on the supply were passed
in common course, without the least opposition in either house, and
received the royal assent by commission at the end of the session. The
first of these, entitled, “A bill for enabling his majesty to raise
a certain sum of money for the uses and purposes therein mentioned,”
 contained a clause of approbation, added to it by instruction; and the
Bank was enabled to lend the million which the commissioners of the
treasury were empowered by the act to borrow, at the interest of four
pounds per cent. The second, granting to his majesty a certain sum of
money out of the sinking-fund, for the service of the year one thousand
seven hundred and sixty, comprehended a clause of credit for borrowing
the money thereby granted; and another clause, empowering the Bank to
lend it without any limitation or interest; and the third, enabling his
majesty to raise a certain sum of money towards discharging the debt of
the navy, and for naval services during the ensuing year, enacted, that
the exchequer bills thereby to be issued should not be received, or pass
to any receiver or collector of the public revenue, or at the receipt
of the exchequer, before the twenty-sixth day of March, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-one.




PETITIONS RESPECTING THE PROHIBITION OF THE MALT DISTILLERY.

As the act of the preceding session, prohibiting the malt distillery,
was to expire at Christmas, the commons thinking it necessary to
consider of proper methods for laying the malt distillery under such
regulations as might prevent, if possible, its being prejudicial to the
health and morals of the people, began as early as the month of November
to deliberate on this affair; which being under agitation, petitions
were presented to the house by several of the principal inhabitants of
Spital-fields; the mayor and commonalty of New Sarum; the gentlemen,
clergy, merchants, manufacturers, tradesmen, and other inhabitants of
Colchester; the mayor, aldermen, and common council of King’s Lynn in
Norfolk; the mayor and bailiffs of Berwick-upon-Tweed; representing the
advantages accruing from the prohibition of the malt distillery, and
praying the continuance of the act by which it was prohibited. On the
other hand, counter-petitions were offered by the mayor, magistrates,
merchants, manufacturers, and other gentlemen of the city of Norwich; by
the land-owners and holders of the south-west part of Essex; and by
the freeholders of the shires of Ross and Cromartic, in North Britain;
alleging, that the scarcity of corn, which had made it necessary to
prohibit the malt distillery, had ceased; and that the continuing the
prohibition beyond the necessity which had required it would be a great
loss and discouragement to the landed interest: they therefore prayed
that the said distillery might be again opened, under such regulations
and restrictions as the house should think proper. These remonstrances
being taken into consideration, and divers accounts perused, the house
unanimously agreed that the prohibition should be continued for a
limited time; and a bill being brought in, pursuant to this resolution,
passed through both houses, and received the royal assent; by which
means the prohibition of the malt distillery was continued till the
twenty-fourth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty, unless such continuation should be abridged by any other act
to be passed in the present session.




OPPOSITION TO THE BILL FOR PREVENTING THE EXCESSIVE USE OF SPIRITS.

The committee, having examined a great number of accounts and papers
relating to spirituous liquors, agreed to four resolutions, importing,
that the present high price of spirituous liquors is a principal cause
of the diminution in the home consumption thereof, and hath greatly
contributed to the health, sobriety, and industry of the common people:
that, in order to continue for the future the present high price of all
spirits used for home consumption, a large additional duty should
be laid upon all spirituous liquors whatsoever, distilled within or
imported into Great Britain: that there should be a drawback of the
said additional duties upon all spirituous liquors distilled in Great
Britain, which should be exported; and that an additional bounty
should be granted under proper regulations, upon the exportation of
all spirituous liquors drawn from corn in Great Britain. A great
many accounts being perused, and witnesses examined, relating to the
distillery, a bill was brought in to prevent the excessive use of
spirituous liquors, by laying an additional duty thereupon; and
to encourage the exportation of British-made spirits. Considerable
opposition was made to the bill, on the opinion that the additional duty
proposed was too small; and that, among the resolutions, there was
not so much as one that looked like a provision or restriction for
preventing the pernicious abuse of such liquors. Nay, many persons
affirmed, that what was proposed looked more like a scheme for
increasing the public revenues, than a salutary measure to prevent
excess. The merchants and manufacturers of the town of Birmingham
petitioned for such instructions. The lord-mayor, aldermen, and
common-council of London presented a petition by the hands of the two
sheriffs, setting forth, that the petitioners had, with great pleasure,
observed the happy consequences produced upon the morals, behaviour,
industry, and health of the lower class of people, since the prohibition
of the malt distillery; that the petitioners, having observed a bill
was brought in to allow the distilling of spirits from corn, were
apprehensive that the encouragement given to the distillers thereof
would prove detrimental to the commercial interests of the nation;
and they conceived the advantages proposed to be allowed upon the
exportation of such spirits, being so much above the value of their
commodity, would lay such a temptation for smuggling and perjury as no
law could prevent. They expressed their fears, that, should such a bill
pass into a law, the excessive use of spirituous liquors would not only
debilitate and enervate the labourers, manufacturers, sailors, soldiers,
and all the lower class of people, and thereby extinguish industry, and
that remarkable intrepidity which had lately so eminently appeared in
the British nation, which must always depend on the vigour and industry
of its people; but also its liberty and happiness, which cannot be
supported without temperance and morality, would run the utmost risk of
being destroyed. They declared themselves also apprehensive, that the
extraordinary consumption of bread corn by the still would not only
raise the price, so as to oppress the lower class of people, but would
raise such a bar to the exportation thereof, as to deprive the nation of
a great influx of money, at that time essential towards the maintaining
of an expensive war, and therefore highly injure the landed and
commercial interests: they therefore prayed that the present prohibition
of distilling spirits from corn might be continued, or that the use
of wheat might not be allowed in distillation. This remonstrance was
corroborated by another to the same purpose, from several merchants,
manufacturers, and traders, residing in and near the city of London; and
seemed to have some weight with the commons, who made several amendments
in the bill, which they now intituled, “A bill for preventing the
excessive use of spirituous liquors, by laying additional duties
thereon; for shortening the prohibition for making low wines and spirits
from wheat; for encouraging the exportation of British-made spirits,
and preventing the fraudulent relanding or importation thereof.” Thus
altered and amended, it passed on a division; and, making its way
through the house of lords, acquired the royal sanction. Whether the
law be adequate to the purposes for which it was enacted, time will
determine. The best way of preventing the excess of spirituous liquors
would be to lower the excise on beer and ale, so as to enable the poorer
class of labourers to refresh themselves with a comfortable liquor
for nearly the same expense that will procure a quantity of Geneva
sufficient for intoxication; for it cannot be supposed that a poor
wretch will expend his last penny upon a draught of small beer, without
strength or the least satisfactory operation, when for the half of that
sum he can purchase a cordial, that will almost instantaneously allay
the sense of hunger and cold, and regale his imagination with the most
agreeable illusions. Malt was at this time sold cheaper than it was in
the first year of king James I. when the parliament enacted, that no
innkeeper, victualler, or alehouse-keeper, should sell less than a
full quart of the best ale or beer, or two quarts of the small, for one
penny, under the penalty of twenty shillings. It appears, then, that in
the reign of king James the subject paid but fourpence for a gallon
of strong beer, which now costs one shilling; and as the malt is not
increased in value, the difference in the price must be entirely owing
to the taxes on beer, malt, and hops, which are indeed very grievous,
though perhaps necessary. The duty on small beer is certainly one of
the heaviest taxes imposed upon any sort of consumption that cannot be
considered as an article of luxury. Two bushels of malt, and two pounds
of hops, are required to make a barrel of good small beer, which was
formerly sold for six shillings; and the taxes payable on such a barrel
amounted to three shillings and sixpence; so that the sum total of the
imposition on this commodity was equal to a land-tax of eleven shillings
and eightpence in the pound.

Immediately after the resolution relating to the prohibition of spirits
from wheat, a motion was made and leave given to bring in a bill to
continue, for a time limited, the act of the last session, permitting
the importation of salted beef from Ireland. This permission was
accordingly extended to the twenty-fourth day of December in the year
one thousand seven hundred and sixty-one. In all probability this short
and temporary continuance was proposed by the favourers of the bill, in
order to avoid the clamour and opposition of prejudice and ignorance,
which would have been dangerously alarmed, had it been rendered
perpetual. Yet as undoubted evidence had proved before the committee,
while the bill was depending, that the importation had been of great
service to England, particularly in reducing the price of salted
beef for the use of the navy, perhaps no consideration ought to have
prevented the legislature from perpetuating the law; a measure that
would encourage the graziers of Ireland to breed and fatten horned
cattle, and certainly put a stop to the practice of exporting salted
beef from that kingdom to France, which undoubtedly furnishes the
traders of that kingdom with opportunities of exporting wool to the same
country.




ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH A MILITIA IN SCOTLAND.

As several lieutenants of counties had, for various reasons, suspended
all proceedings in the execution of the laws relating to the militia
for limited times, which suspensions were deemed inconsistent with the
intent of the legislature, a bill was now brought in, to enable his
majesty’s lieutenants of the several counties of England and Wales
to proceed in the execution of the militia laws, notwithstanding any
adjournments. It was enacted, that, as the speedy execution of the
laws for regulating the militia was most essentially necessary at this
juncture to the peace and security of the kingdom., every lieutenant of
the place where such suspension had happened should, within one month
after the passing of this act, proceed as if there had been no such
suspension; and summon a meeting for the same purpose once in every
succeeding month until a sufficient number of officers, qualified and
willing to serve, should be found, or until the expiration of the
act for the better ordering the militia forces. The establishment of a
regular militia in South Britain could not fail to make an impression
upon the patriots of Scotland. They were convinced, from reason and
experience, that nothing could more tend to the peace and security
of their country than such an establishment in North Britain, the
inhabitants of which had been peculiarly exposed to insurrections, which
a well-regulated militia might have prevented or stifled in the birth;
and their coast had been lately alarmed by a threatened invasion, which
nothing but the want of such an establishment had rendered formidable to
the natives. They thought themselves entitled to the same security which
the legislature had provided for their fellow-subjects in South Britain,
and could not help being uneasy at the prospect of seeing themselves
left unarmed, and exposed to injuries both foreign and domestic, while
the sword was put in the hands of their southern neighbours. Some of
the members who represented North Britain in parliament, moved by
these considerations, as well as by the earnest injunctions of their
constituents, resolved to make a vigorous effort, in order to obtain
the establishment of a regular militia in Scotland. In the beginning of
March it was moved, and resolved, that the house would, on the twelfth
day of the month, resolve itself into a committee, to consider the
laws in being which relate to the militia in that part of Great
Britain, called Scotland. The result of that inquiry was, that these laws
were ineffectual. Then a motion was made for leave to bring-in a bill
for the better ordering of the militia forces in North Britain, and,
though it met with great opposition, was carried by a large majority.
The principal Scottish members of the house were appointed, in
conjunction with others, to prepare the bill, which was soon printed,
and reinforced by petitions presented by the gentlemen, justices of the
peace, and commissioners of the supply for the shire of Ayr; and by the
freeholders of the shires of Edinburgh, Stirling, Perth, and Forfar.
They expressed their approbation of the established militia in England,
and their ardent wish to see the benefit of that wise and salutary
measure extended to North Britain. This was an indulgence they had the
greater reason to hope for, as by the articles of the union they were
undoubtedly entitled to be on the same footing with their brethren of
England; and as the legislature must now be convinced of the necessity
of some such measures, by the consternation lately produced in their
defenceless country, from the threatened invasion of a handful of French
freebooters. These remonstrances had no weight with the majority in
the house of commons, who, either unable or unwilling to make proper
distinctions between the ill and well affected subjects of North
Britain, rejected the bill, as a very dangerous experiment in favour of
a people among whom so many rebellions had been generated and produced.
When the motion was made for the bill’s being committed, a warm debate
ensued, in the course of which many Scottish members spoke in behalf of
their country with great force of argument, and a very laudable spirit
of freedom. Mr. Elliot, in particular, one of the commissioners of the
board of admiralty, distinguished himself by a noble flow of eloquence,
adorned with all the graces of oratory, and warmed with the true spirit
of patriotism. Mr. Oswald, of the treasury, acquitted himself with great
honour on the occasion; ever nervous, steady, and sagacious, independent
though in office, and invariable in pursuing the interest of his
country. It must be owned, for the honour of North Britain, that all her
representatives, except two, warmly contended for this national measure,
which was carried in the negative by a majority of one hundred and six,
though the bill was exactly modelled by the late act of parliament for
the establishment of the militia in England.

Even this institution, though certainly laudable and necessary, was
attended with so many unforeseen difficulties, that every session of
parliament since it was first established has produced new acts for
its better regulation. In April, leave was given to prepare a bill for
limiting, confining, and better regulating the payment of the weekly
allowances made by act of parliament, for the maintenance of families
unable to support themselves during the absence of militia-men embodied,
and ordered out into actual service; as well as for amending and
improving the establishment of the militia, and lessening the number
of officers entitled to pay within that part of Great Britain, called
England. While this bill was under consideration, the house received
a petition from the mayor, aldermen, town-clerk, sheriffs, gentlemen,
merchants, clergy, tradesmen, and others, inhabitants of the ancient
city of Lincoln, representing, That by an act passed relating to the
militia it was provided, that when any militia-men should be ordered
out into actual service, leaving families unable to support themselves
during their absence, the overseers of the parish where such families
reside, should allow them such weekly support as should be prescribed by
any one justice of the peace, which allowance should be reimbursed out
of the county stock. They alleged, that a considerable number of men,
inhabitants of the said city, had entered themselves to serve in the
militia of the county of Lincoln, as volunteers, for several parishes
and persons; yet their families were, nevertheless, supported by the
county stock of the city and county of the city of Lincoln. They took
notice of the bill under deliberation, and prayed that if it should pass
into a law, they might have such relief in the premises, as to the house
should seem meet. Regard was had to this petition in the amendments to
the bill, [535] _[See note 4 G, at the end of this Vol.]_ which passed
through both houses, and received the royal assent by commission. During
the dependence of this bill another was brought in, to explain so much
of the militia act passed in the thirty-first year of his majesty’s
reign, as related to the money to be given to private militia-men, upon
their being ordered out into actual service. By this law it was enacted,
that the guinea, which by the former act was due to every private man
of every regiment or company of militia, when ordered out into actual
service, should be paid to every man that shall afterwards be enrolled
into such regiment or company whilst in actual service; that no man
should be entitled to his clothes for his own use, until he should have
served three years, if unembodied, or one year, if embodied, after the
delivery of the clothes; and that the full pay of the militia should
commence from the date of his majesty’s warrant for drawing them
out. The difficulties which these successive regulations were made to
obviate, will be amply recompenced by the good effects of a national
militia, provided it be employed in a national way, and for national
purposes: but if the militia are embodied, and the different regiments
that compose it are marched from the respective counties to which
they belong; if the men are detained for any length of time in actual
service, at a distance from their families, when they might be
employed at home in works of industry, for the support of their natural
dependents; the militia becomes no other than an addition to, or
augmentation of, a standing army, enlisted for the term of three years;
the labour of the men is lost to the community; they contract the idle
habits and dissolute manner of the other troops; their families are left
as incumbrances on the community; and the charge of their subsistence
is, at least, as heavy as that of maintaining an equal number of regular
forces. It would not, we apprehend, be very easy to account for the
government’s ordering the regiments of militia to march from their
respective counties, and to do duty for a considerable length of time
at a great distance from their own homes, unless we suppose this measure
was taken to create in the people a disgust to the institution of the
militia, which was an establishment extorted from the secretary by
the voice of the nation. We may add, that some of the inconveniencies
attending a militia will never be totally removed, while the persons
drawn by lot for that service are at liberty to hire substitutes; for it
cannot be supposed that men of substance will incur the danger, fatigue,
and damage of service in person, while they can hire among the lowest
class of people mercenaries of desperate fortune and abandoned morals,
who will greedily seize the opportunity of being paid for renouncing
that labour by which they were before obliged to maintain themselves and
their family connexion: it would, therefore, deserve the consideration
of the legislature, whether the privilege of hiring substitutes should
not be limited to certain classes of men, who are either raised by their
rank in life above the necessity of serving in person, or engaged in
such occupations as cannot be intermitted without prejudice to the
commonwealth. It must be allowed, that the regulation in this new act,
by which the families of substitutes are deprived of any relief from the
parish, will not only diminish the burden of the poor’s rates; but also,
by raising the price of mercenaries, oblige a greater number of the
better sort to serve in person. Without all doubt, the fewer substitutes
that are employed, the more dependence may be placed upon the militia
in the preservation of our rights and privileges, and the more will the
number of the disciplined men be increased; because at the expiration
of every three years the lot-men must be changed, and new militia-men
chosen; but the substitutes will, in all probability, continue for life
in the service, provided they can find lot-men to hire them at every
rotation. The reader will forgive our being so circumstantial upon the
regulations of an institution, which we cannot help regarding with a
kind of enthusiastic affection.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




BILL FOR REMOVING THE POWDER MAGAZINE AT GREENWICH.

In the latter end of November, the house of commons received a petition
from several noblemen, gentlemen, and others, inhabitants of East
Greenwich, and places adjacent, in Kent, representing, that in the said
parish, within a quarter of a mile of the town distinguished by a royal
palace, and royal hospital for seamen, there was a magazine, containing
great quantities of gunpowder, frequently to the amount of six thousand
barrels: that besides the great danger which must attend all places of
that kind, the said magazine stood in an open field uninclosed by any
fortification or defence whatsoever, consequently exposed to treachery
and every other accident. They alleged, that if through treachery,
lightning, or any other accident, this magazine should take fire, not
only their lives and properties, but the palace and hospital, the king’s
yards and stores at Deptford and Woolwich, the banks and navigation of
the Thames, with the ships sailing and at anchor in that river, would
be inevitably destroyed, and inconceivable damage would accrue to the
cities of London and Westminster. They, moreover, observed, that the
magazine was then in a dangerous condition, supported on all sides by
props that were decayed at the foundation; that in case it should
fall, the powder would, in all probability, take fire, and produce
the dreadful calamities above recited: they therefore prayed that the
magazine might be removed to some more convenient place, where any
accident would not be attended with such dismal consequences. The
subject of this remonstrance was so pressing and important, that
a committee was immediately appointed to take the affair into
consideration, and procure an estimate for purchasing lands, and
erecting a powder magazine at Purfleet, in Essex, near the banks of the
river, together with a guard-house, barracks, and all other necessary
conveniences. While the report of the committee lay upon the table for
the perusal of the members, Mr. chancellor of the exchequer, by his
majesty’s command, acquainted the house, that the king, having been
informed of the subject matter of the petition, recommended it to the
consideration of the commons. Leave was immediately given to prepare
a bill, founded on the resolutions of the committee; which having been
duly considered, altered, and amended, passed through both houses to the
foot of the throne, where it obtained the royal sanction. The magazine
was accordingly removed to Purfleet, an inconsiderable and solitary
village, where there will be little danger of accident, and where no
great damage would attend an explosion; but in order to render this
possible explosion still less dangerous, it would be necessary to form
the magazine of small distinct apartments, totally independent of each
other, that in case one should be accidentally blown up, the rest might
stand unaffected. The same plan ought to be adopted in the construction
of all combustible stores subject to conflagration. The marine bill and
mutiny bill, as annual regulations, were prepared in the usual form,
passed both houses without opposition, and received the royal assent.




ACT FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE STREETS OF LONDON.

The next affair that engrossed the deliberation of the commons, was a
measure relating to the internal economy of the metropolis. The sheriffs
of London delivered a petition from the lord mayor, aldermen, and
commons, in common council assembled, representing that several streets,
lanes, and passages within the city of London, and liberties thereof,
were too narrow and incommodious for the passing and repassing as well
of foot passengers as of coaches, carts, and other carriages, to the
prejudice and inconvenience of the owners and inhabitants of houses, and
to the great hinderance of business, trade, and commerce. They alleged
that these defects might be remedied, and several new streets opened
within the said city and liberties, to the great ease, safety, and
convenience of passengers, as well as to the advantage of the public in
general, if they, the petitioners, were enabled to widen and enlarge
the narrow streets, lanes, and passages, to open and lay out such new
streets and ways, and to purchase the several houses, buildings, and
grounds which might be necessary for these purposes. They took notice
that there were several houses within the city and liberties, partly
erected over the ground of other proprietors; and others, of which the
several floors or apartments belonged to different persons, so that
difficulties and disputes frequently arose amongst the said several
owners and proprietors, about pulling down or rebuilding the party walls
and premises; that such rebuilding was often prevented or delayed, to
the great injury and inconvenience of those owners who were desirous to
rebuild; that it would therefore be of public benefit, and frequently
prevent the spreading of the fatal effects of fire, if some provision
were made by law, as well for determining such disputes in a summary
way, as for explaining and amending the laws then in being relating to
the building of party-walls. They therefore prayed that leave might
be given to bring in a bill for enabling the petitioners to widen
and enlarge the several streets, lanes, and passages, and to open new
streets and ways to be therein limited and prescribed, as well as for
determining, in a summary way, all disputes arising about the rebuilding
of houses or tenements within the said city and liberties, wherein
several persons have an intermixed property; and for explaining and
amending the laws in being, relating to these particulars. A committee
being appointed to examine the matter of this petition, agreed to a
report, upon which leave was given to prepare a bill, and this was
brought in accordingly. Next day a great number of citizens represented,
in another petition, that the pavement of the city and liberties was
often damaged, by being broken up for the purposes of amending or
new-laying water-pipes belonging to the proprietors of water-works,
and praying that provision might be made in the bill then depending, to
compel those proprietors to make good any damage that should be done to
the pavement by the leaking or bursting of the water-pipes, or opening
the pavement for alterations. In consequence of this representation,
some amendments were made in the bill, which passed through both houses,
and was enacted into a law, under the title of “An act for widening
certain streets, lanes, and passages, within the city of London and
liberties thereof, and for opening certain new streets and ways within
the same, and for other purposes therein mentioned.” [536] _[See note 4
H, at the end of this Vol.]_




BILL RELATIVE TO THE SALE OF FISH, &c.

The inhabitants of Westminster had long laboured under the want of a
fish-market, and complained that the price of this species of provision
was kept up at an exorbitant rate by the fraudulent combination of a few
dealers, who engrossed the whole market at Billingsgate, and destroyed
great quantities of fish, in order to enhance the value of those that
remained. An act of parliament had passed, in the twenty-second year of
his present majesty’s reign, for establishing a free market for the sale
of fish in Westminster; and, seven years after that period, it was found
necessary to procure a second, for explaining and amending the first.
but neither effectually answered the purposes of the legislature. In
the month of January, of the present session, the house took
into consideration a petition of the several fishermen trading to
Billingsgate market, representing the hardships to which they were
exposed by the said acts; particularly forfeitures of vessels and
cargoes, incurred by the negligence of servants who had omitted to make
the particular entries which the two acts prescribed. This petition
being examined by a committee, and the report being made, leave was
given to bring in a new bill, which should contain effectual provision
for the better supplying the cities of London and Westminster with fish,
and for preventing the abuses of the fishmongers. It was intituled, “A
bill to repeal so much of an act passed in the twenty-ninth of George
II. concerning a free market for fish at Westminster, as requires
fishermen to enter their fishing vessels at the office of the searcher
of the customs at Gravesend, and to regulate the sale of fish at the
first hand in the fish-markets of London and Westminster; and to prevent
salesmen of fish buying fish to sell again on their own account; and to
allow bret and turbot, brill and pearl, although under the respective
dimensions mentioned in a former act, to be imported and sold; and to
punish persons who shall take or sell any spawn, brood, or fry of fish,
unsizeable fish, or fish out of season, or smelts under the size of
five inches, and for other purposes.” Though this, and the former bill
relating to the streets and houses of London, are instances that evince
the care and attention of the legislature, even to minute particulars
of the internal economy of the kingdom, we can hardly consider them as
objects of such dignity and importance as to demand the deliberations of
the parliament, but think they naturally fall within the cognizance of
the municipal magistracy. After all, perhaps, the most effectual method
for supplying Westminster with plenty of fish at reasonable rates, would
be to execute with rigour the laws already enacted against forestalling
and regrating, an expedient that would soon dissolve all monopolies and
combinations among the traders; to increase the number of markets in
London and Westminster, and to establish two general markets at the
Nore, one on each side of the river, where the fishing vessels might
unload their cargoes, and return to sea without delay. A number of light
boats might be employed to convey fresh fish from these marts to
London and Westminster, where all the different fish-markets might be
plentifully supplied at a reasonable expense; for it cannot be supposed
that, while the fresh fish are brought up the river in the fishing
smacks themselves, which can hardly save the tides, to Billingsgate,
they will ever dream of carrying their cargoes above bridge, or that
the price of fish can be considerably lowered, while the fishing vessels
lose so much time in running up to Gravesend or Billingsgate.




ACT FOR ASCERTAINING the QUALIFICATIONS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

The annual committee being appointed to inquire what laws were expired
or near expiring, agreed to certain resolutions; upon which a bill was
prepared, and obtained the royal assent, importing a continuation of
several laws, namely, the several clauses mentioned of the acts in
the fifth and eighth of George I. against the clandestine running of
uncustomed goods, except the clauses relating to quarantine; the act
passed in the third of George II. relating to the carrying rice from
Carolina; the act of the seventh of the same reign, re-fating to
cochineal and indigo; and that of the twelfth of George II. so far as
it related to the importation of printed books. There was also a law
enacted, to continue to the twenty-ninth day of September in the year
one thousand seven hundred and sixty-seven, an act passed in the twelfth
year of queen Anne, for encouraging the making of sail-cloth, by a duty
of one penny per ell laid upon all foreign-made sails and sail-cloth
imported; and a bounty in the same proportion granted upon all home-made
sail-cloth and canvass fit for or made into sails, and exported; another
act was passed, for continuing certain laws relating to the additional
number of one hundred hackney coaches and chairs, which law was rendered
perpetual. The next law we shall mention was intended to be one of the
most important that ever fell under the cognizance of the legislature:
it was a law that affected the freedom, dignity, and independency of
parliaments. By an act, passed in the ninth year of the reign of queen
Anne, it was provided that no person should be chosen a member of
parliament who did not possess in England or Wales an estate, freehold
or copyhold, for life, according to the following qualifications: for
every knight of a shire six hundred pounds per annum, over and above
what will satisfy all incumbrances; and three hundred pounds per annum,
for every citizen, burgess, and baron of the cinque ports. It was also
decreed, that the return of any person not thus qualified should be
void; and that every candidate should, at the reasonable request of any
other candidate at the time of election, or of two or more persons
who had a right to vote, take an oath prescribed to establish his
qualifications. This restraint was by no means effectual. So many oaths
of different kinds had been prescribed since the revolution, that they
began to lose the effect they were intended to have on the minds of men;
and, in particular, political perjury grew so common, that it was no
longer considered as a crime. Subterfuges were discovered, by means
of which this law relating to the qualification of candidates was
effectually eluded. Those who were not actually possessed of such
estates, procured temporary conveyances from their friends and patrons,
on condition of their being restored and cancelled after the election.
By this scandalous fraud the intention of the legislature was
frustrated, the dignity of parliament prostituted, the example of
perjury and corruption extended, and the vengeance of heaven set at
defiance. Through this infamous channel the ministry had it in their
power to thrust into parliament a set of venal beggars, who, as they
depended upon their bounty, would always be obsequious to their will,
and vote according to direction, without the least regard to the
dictates of conscience, or to the advantage of their country. The
mischiefs attending such a vile collusion, and in particular the undue
influence which the crown must have acquired from the practice, were
either felt or apprehended by some honest patriots, who after divers
unsuccessful efforts, at length presented to the house a bill, importing
that every person who shall be elected a member of the house of commons,
should, before he presumed to take his seat, deliver to the clerk of the
house, at the table, while the commons were sitting, and the speaker in
the chair, a paper, or schedule, signed by himself, containing a rental
or particular of the lands, tenements, or hereditaments, whereby he
makes out his qualification, specifying the nature of his estate,
whether messuage, land, rent, tithe, or what else; and if such estate
consists of messuages, lands, or tithes, then specifying in whose
occupation they are; and if in rent, then specifying the names of the
owners or possessors of the lands and tenements out of which such rent
is issuing, and also specifying the parish, township, or precinct and
county, in which the said estate lies, and the value thereof; and
every such person shall, at the same time, also take and subscribe
the following oath, to be fairly written at the bottom of the paper or
schedule: “I, A. B. do swear that the above is a true rental; and that I
truly, and _bona fide_, have such an estate in law or equity, to and
for my own use and benefit, of and in the lands, tenements, or
hereditaments, above described, over and above what will satisfy and
clear all incumbrances that may affect the same; and that such estate
hath not been granted or made over to me fraudulently, on purpose
to qualify me to be a member of this house. So help me God!” It was
provided that the said paper or schedule, with the oath aforesaid,
should be carefully kept by the clerk, to be inspected by the members of
the house of commons, without fee or reward: that if any person elected
to serve in any future parliament, should presume to sit or vote as a
member of the house of commons before he had delivered in such a paper
or schedule, and taken the oath aforesaid, or should not be qualified
according to the true intent or meaning of this act, his election should
be void; and every person so sitting and voting should forfeit a certain
sum to be recovered, by such persons as should sue for the same by
action of debt, bill, plaint, or information, whereon no essoign,
privilege, protection, or wager of law should be allowed, and only one
imparlance: that if any person should have delivered in, and sworn
to his qualification as aforesaid, and taken his seat in the house of
commons, yet at any time after should, during the continuance of such
parliament, sell, dispose of, alien, or any otherwise incumber the
estate, or any part thereof comprised in the schedule, so as to lessen
or reduce the same under the value of the qualification by law directed,
every such person, under a certain penalty, must deliver in a new or
further qualification, according to the true intent and meaning of this
act, and swear to the same, in manner before directed, before he shall
again presume to sit or vote as a member of the house of commons; that
in case any action, suit, or information should be brought, in pursuance
of this act, against any member of the house of commons, the clerk of
the house, shall, upon demand, forthwith deliver a true and attested
copy of the paper or schedule so delivered in to him as aforesaid by
such member to the plaintiff or prosecutor, or his attorney or agent,
on paying a certain sum for the same; which, being proved a true copy,
shall be admitted to be given in evidence upon the trial of any issue
in any such action. Provided always, that nothing contained in this act
shall extend to the eldest son or heir apparent of any peer or lord of
parliament, or of any person qualified to serve as knight of the shire,
or to the members for either of the universities in that part of Great
Britain called England, or to the members of that part of Great Britain
called Scotland. Such was the substance of the bill, as originally
presented to the house of commons; but it was altered in such a manner
as we are afraid will fail in answering the salutary purposes for which
it was intended by those who brought it into the house. Notwithstanding
the provisions made in the act as it now stands, any minister or patron
may still introduce his pensioners, clerks, and creatures into the
house, by means of the old method of temporary conveyance, though the
farce must now be kept up till the member shall have delivered in
his schedule, taken his oath, and his seat in parliament; then he may
deliver up the conveyance, or execute a re-conveyance, without running
any risk of losing his seat, or of being punished for his fraud
and perjury. The extensive influence of the crown, the general
corruptibility of individuals, and the obstacles so industriously thrown
in the way of every scheme contrived to vindicate the independency
of parliaments, must have produced very mortifying reflections in the
breast of every Briton warmed with the genuine love of his country.
He must have perceived that all the bulwarks of the constitution were
little better than buttresses of ice, which would infallibly thaw before
the heat of ministerial influence, when artfully concentrated; that
either a minister’s professions of patriotism were insincere; or his
credit insufficient to effect any essential alteration in the unpopular
measures of government; and that, after all, the liberties of the nation
could never be so firmly established, as by the power, generosity, and
virtue of a patriot king. This inference could not fail to awake the
remembrance of that amiable prince, whom fate untimely snatched from the
eager hopes and warm affection of a whole nation, before, he had it
in his power to manifest and establish his favourite maxim, “That a
monarch’s glory was inseparably connected with the happiness of his
people.” [538] _[See note 4 I, at the end of this Vol.]_

{1760}




ACT FOR CONSOLIDATING ANNUITIES GRANTED IN 1759.

On the first day of February, a motion was made, and leave given, to
bring in a bill for enabling his majesty to make leases and copies of
offices, lands, and hereditaments, parcel of his duchy of Cornwall, or
annexed to the same; accordingly it passed through both houses without
opposition; and enacted that all leases and grants made, or to be made,
by his majesty, within seven years next ensuing, in or annexed to the
said duchy, under the limitations therein mentioned, should be good and
effectual in law against his majesty, his heirs, and successors, and
against all other persons that should hereafter inherit the said duchy,
either by an act of parliament, or any limitation whatsoever. This act
appears the more extraordinary as the prince of Wales, who has a sort
of right by prescription to the duchy of Cornwall, was then of age, and
might have been put in possession of it by the passing of a patent. The
house having perused an account of the produce of the fund established
for paying annuities granted in the year one thousand seven hundred and
fifty-nine, with the charge on that fund on the fifth day of January
in the succeeding year, it appeared that there had been a considerable
deficiency in the said fund on the fifth day of July preceding, and
this had been made good out of the sinking fund, by a resolution of the
seventh of February, already particularized. They therefore instructed
the committee of ways and means to consider so much of the annuity and
lottery act passed in the preceding session as related to the three per
centum annuities, amounting to the sum of seven millions five hundred
and ninety thousand pounds, granted in the year one thousand seven
hundred and fifty-nine; and also to consider so much of the said act as
related to the subsidy of poundage upon certain goods and merchandise to
be imported into this kingdom, and the additional inland duty on
coffee and chocolate. The committee having taken these points into
deliberation, agreed to the two resolutions we have already mentioned
with respect to the consolidation; and a bill was brought in for adding
those annuities granted in the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifty-nine, to the joint stock of throe per centum annuities
consolidated by the acts of the twenty-fifth, twenty-eighth,
twenty-ninth, and thirty-second years of his majesty’s reign, and for
several duties therein mentioned, to the sinking fund. The committee
was afterwards empowered to receive a clause for cancelling such
lottery tickets as were made forth in pursuance of an act passed in the
thirtieth year of his majesty’s reign, and were not then disposed of: a
clause for this purpose was accordingly added to the bill, which passed
through both houses without opposition, and received the royal assent at
the end of the session.




BILL FOR SECURING MONIES FOR THE USE OF GREENWICH HOSPITAL.

On the twenty-ninth day of April, lord North presented to the house a
bill for encouraging the exportation of rum and spirits of the growth,
produce, and manufacture of the British sugar-plantations, from Great
Britain, and of British spirits made from molasses; a bill which in a
little time acquired the sanction of the royal assent. Towards the end
of April, admiral Town-shend presented a bill for the more effectual
securing the payment of such prize and bounty-monies as were
appropriated to the use of Greenwich hospital, by an act passed in the
twenty-ninth year of his majesty’s reign. As by that law no time was
limited, or particular method prescribed, for giving notifications
of the day appointed for the payment of the shares of the prizes
and bounty-money; and many agents had neglected to specify, in the
notification given in the London Gazette for payment of shares of prizes
condemned in the courts of admiralty in Groat Britain, the particular
day or time when such payments were to commence, whereby it was rendered
difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain the time when the hospital at
Greenwich became entitled to the unclaimed shares, of consequence could
not enjoy the full benefit of the act; the bill now prepared imported,
that, from and after the first day of September in the present year, all
notifications of the payment of the shares of prizes taken by any of
his majesty’s ships of war, and condemned in Great Britain, and from and
after the first day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-one, all notifications of the payment of the shares and prizes
taken and condemned in any other of his majesty’s dominions in Europe,
or in any of the British plantations in America; and from and after the
twenty-fifth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-one, all notifications of the payment of the shares of prizes
taken and condemned in any other of his majesty’s dominions, shall be
respectively given and published in the following manner:--If the
prize be condemned in any court of admiralty in Great Britain, such
notification, under the agent’s hand, shall be published in the London
Gazette; and if condemned in any court of admiralty in any other of his
majesty’s dominions, such notification shall be published in like manner
in the Gazette, or other newspaper of public authority, of the island or
place where the prize is condemned; and if there shall be no Gazette,
or such newspaper, published there, then in some or one of the public
newspapers of the place; and such agents shall deliver to the collector,
customer, or searcher, or his lawful deputy; and if there shall be no
such officer, then to the principal officer or officers of the place
where the prize is condemned, or to the lawful deputy of such principal
officers, two of the Gazettes or other newspapers in which such
notifications are inserted; and if there shall not be any public
newspapers in any such island or place, the agent shall give two such
notifications in writing, under his hand; and every such collector, or
other officer as aforesaid, shall subscribe his name on both the said
Gazettes, newspapers, or written notifications; and, by the first
ship which shall sail from thence to any port of Great Britain, shall
transmit to the treasurer or deputy-treasurers of the said royal
hospital one of the said notifications, with his name so subscribed, to
be there registered; and shall faithfully preserve and keep the other,
with his name thereon subscribed, in his own custody; and in every
notification as aforesaid the agent shall specify his place of abode,
and the precise day of the month and year appointed for the payment of
the respective shares to the captors; and all notifications with respect
to prizes condemned in Great Britain, shall be published in the London
Gazette three days at least before any share of such prize shall be
paid; and with respect to prizes condemned in any other part of his
majesty’s dominions, such notifications shall be delivered to the said
collector, or other officers as aforesaid, three days at least before
any share of such prizes shall be paid. It was likewise enacted, that
the agents for the distribution of bounty-bills should insert, and
publish under their hands, in the London Gazette, three days at least
before payment, public notifications of the day and year appointed for
such payment, and also insert therein their respective places of abode.
The bill, even as it now stands, is liable to several objections. It may
be dangerous to leave the money of the unclaimed shares so long as three
years in the hands of the agent, who, together with his securities,
may prove insolvent before the expiration of that term: then the time
prescribed to the sailors, within which their claim is limited, appears
to be too short, when we consider that they may be so circumstanced,
turned over to another ship, and conveyed to a distant part of the
globe, that they shall have no opportunity to claim payment; and should
three years elapse before they could make application to the agent,
they would find their bounty or prize money appropriated to the use of
Greenwich hospital; nay, should they die in the course of the voyage, it
would be lost to their heirs and executors, who, being ignorant of their
title, could not possibly claim within the time limited.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ACT IN FAVOUR OF GEOEGE KEITH, &c.

A committee having been appointed to inquire into the original standards
of weights and measures in the kingdom of England, to consider the laws
relating thereto, and to report their observations thereupon, together
with their opinion of the most effectual means for ascertaining and
enforcing uniform and certain standards of weights and measures, they
prepared copies, models, patterns, and multiples, and presented them to
the house; then they were locked up by the clerk of the house; and lord
Garysfort presented a bill, according to order, for enforcing uniformity
of weights and measures to the standards by law to be established; but
this measure, which had been so long in dependence, was not yet fully
discussed, and the standards and weights were reserved to another
occasion. A law was made for reviving and continuing so much of the act
passed in the twenty-first year of his majesty’s reign as relates to the
more effectual trial and punishment of high-treason in the highlands
of Scotland; and also for continuing two other acts passed in the
nineteenth and twenty-first years of his majesty’s reign, so far as they
relate to the more effectual disarming the highlands of Scotland,
and securing the peace thereof; and to allow further time for making
affidavits of the execution of articles or contracts of clerks to
attorneys or solicitors, and filing thereof. The king having been
pleased to pardon George Keith, earl-marshal of Scotland, who had been
attainted for rebellion in the year one thousand seven hundred and
sixteen, the parliament confirmed this indulgence, by passing an act to
enable the said George Keith, late earl-marshal, to sue or entertain
any action or suit, notwithstanding his attainder, and to remove any
disability in him, by reason of the said attainder, to take or inherit
any real or personal estate that might or should hereafter descend
or come to him, or which he was entitled to in reversion or remainder
before his attainder. This nobleman, universally respected for his
probity and understanding, had been employed as ambassador to the court
of France by the king of Prussia, and was actually at this juncture in
the service of that monarch, who in all probability interceded with the
king of England in his behalf. When his pardon had passed the seals,
he repaired to London, and was presented to his majesty, by whom he was
very graciously received.




SESSION CLOSED.

These, and a good number of other bills of less importance, both private
and public, were passed into laws by commission, on the twenty-second
day of May, when the lord-keeper of the great seal closed the session
with a speech to both houses. He began with an assurance that his
majesty looked back on their proceedings with entire satisfaction. He
said, the duty and affection which they had expressed for the king’s
person and government, the zeal and unanimity they had showed in
maintaining the true interest of their country, could only be equalled
by what his majesty had formerly experienced from his parliament. He
told them it would have given his majesty the most sensible pleasure,
had he been able to assure them that his endeavours to promote a general
peace had met with more suitable returns. He observed that his majesty,
in conjunction with his good brother and ally the king of Prussia, had
chosen to give their enemies proofs of this equitable disposition, in
the midst of a series of glorious victories; an opportunity the most
proper to take such a step with dignity, and to manifest to all Europe
the purity and moderation of his views. After such a conduct, he said,
the king had the comfort to reflect that the further continuance of the
calamities of war could not be imputed to him or his allies; that he
trusted in the blessing of heaven upon the justice of his arms, and upon
those ample means which the zeal of the parliament in so good a cause
had wisely put into his hands; that his future successes in carrying on
the war would not fall short of the past; and that, in the event, the
public tranquillity would be restored on solid and durable foundations.
He acquainted them that his majesty had taken the most effectual care
to augment the combined army in Germany; and at the same time to keep
up such a force at home as might frustrate any attempts of the enemy to
invade these kingdoms; such attempts as had hitherto ended only in their
own confusion. He took notice that the royal navy was never in a more
flourishing and respectable condition; and the signal victory obtained
last winter over the French fleet on their own coast, had given lustre
to his majesty’s arms, fresh spirit to his maritime forces, and
reduced the naval strength of France to a very low ebb. He gave them to
understand that his majesty had disposed his squadrons in such a manner
as might best conduce to the annoyance of his enemies; to the defence
of his own dominions, both in Europe and America; to the preserving and
pursuing his conquests, as well as to the protection of the trade of
his subjects, which he had extremely at heart. He told the commons, that
nothing could relieve his majesty’s royal mind, under the anxiety he
felt for the burdens of his faithful subjects, but the public-spirited
cheerfulness with which their house had granted him such large supplies,
and his conviction that they were necessary for the security and
essential interest of his kingdoms; he therefore returned them his
hearty thanks for these supplies, and assured them they should be duly
applied to the purposes for which they had been given. Finally, he
recommended to both houses the continuance of that union and good
harmony which he had observed with so much pleasure, and from which
he had derived such important effects. He desired they would study to
promote these desirable objects, to support the king’s government, and
the good order of their respective counties, and consult their own real
happiness and prosperity.




CHAPTER XIX.

     _Remarkable Detection of a Murder by William Andrew
     Horne..... Popular Clamor against Lord George Sackville.....
     His Address to the Public..... He demands a Court-
     martial..... Substance of the charge against him..... His
     Defence..... Remarks on it..... Sentence of the Court-
     martial..... Earl Ferrers apprehended for Murder..... Tried
     by the House of Peers..... Convicted, and executed at
     Tyburn..... Assassination of Mr. Matthews, by one Stirn, a
     Hessian..... New Bridge begun at Blackfriars.....
     Conflagration in Portsmouth Yard..... Number of Ships taken
     by the Enemy..... Progress of Monsieur Thurot..... He makes
     a Descent at Carrickfergus..... Is slain, and his Ships
     taken..... Exploit of Captain Kennedy..... Remarkable
     Adventure of five Irish Seamen..... The Ramillies Man of War
     wrecked upon the Bolthead..... Treaty with the
     Cherokees..... Hostilities recommenced..... Their Towns
     destroyed by Colonel Montgomery..... His Expedition to the
     Middle Settlements..... Pate of the Garrison at Port
     Loudoun..... The British Interest established on the
     Ohio..... The French undertake the Siege of Quebec.....
     Defeat Brigadier Murray, and oblige him to retire into the
     Town..... Quebec besieged..... The Enemy’s Shipping
     destroyed..... They abandon the Siege..... General Amherst
     reduces the French Port at the Isle Royale..... and takes
     Montreal..... French Ships destroyed in the Bay of
     Chaleurs..... Total Reduction of Canada..... Demolition of
     Louisbourg..... Insurrection of the Negroes in Jamaica.....
     Action at Sea off Hispaniola..... Gallant Behaviour of
     Captains O’Brien and Taylor in the Leeward Islands.....
     Transactions in the East Indies..... Achievements in the Bay
     of Quiberon..... Admiral Rodney destroys some Vessels on the
     Coast of France..... Preparations for a secret
     Expedition..... Astronomers sent to the East Indies.....
     Earthquakes in Syria..... Wise Conduct of the Catholic
     King..... Affairs of Portugal..... Turkish Ship of the Line
     carried into Malta..... Patriotic Schemes of the King of
     Denmark..... Memorial presented by the British Ambassador to
     the States-General..... State of the Powers at War.....
     Death of the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel..... Offers made by
     the Neutral Powers of a Place for holding a Congress.....
     Skirmishes in Westphalia during the Winter..... Exactions by
     the French in Westphalia..... Skirmish to the Advantage of
     the Allies at Vacha..... Situation of the French Armies.....
     Exploit of Colonel Luckner at Butzback..... The  French
     advance to Neustadt..... The Hereditary Prince of Brunswick
     defeated at Corback..... but retrieves his honour at
     Exdorf..... Victory obtained by the Allies at Warbourg.....
     The Hereditary Prince beats up the Quarters of the French at
     Zeirenberg..... Petty Advantages on both sides..... The
     Hereditary Prince marches to the Lower Rhine..... Is worsted
     at Canipen..... and repasses the Rhine..... Attempt of the
     Enemy against him..... Advantages gained by M. de
     Stainville..... The Allies and French go into Winter-
     quarters_




DETECTION OF A MURDER.

The successes of the last campaign had flushed the whole nation with the
most elevated hope of future conquest, and the government was enabled
to take every step which appeared necessary to realize that sanguine
expectation; but the war became every day more and more Germanised.
Notwithstanding the immense sums that were raised for the expenses
of the current year; notwithstanding the great number of land-forces
maintained in the service, and the numerous fleets that filled the
harbours of Great Britain; we do not find that one fresh effort was made
to improve the advantages she had gained upon her own clement, or for
pushing the war on national principles: for the reduction of Canada was
no more than the consequence of the measures which had been taken in the
preceding campaign. But, before we record the progress of the war, it
may be necessary to specify some domestic occurrences that for a little
while engrossed the public attention. In the month of December, in the
preceding year, William Andrew Home, a gentleman of some fortune in
Derbyshire, was executed at Nottingham, in the seventy-fourth year of
his age, for the murder of an infant born of his own sister, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and twenty-four. On the third day after
the birth, this brutal ruffian thrust the child into a linen bag, and
accompanied by his own brother on horseback, conveyed it to Annesley,
in Nottinghamshire, where it was next day found dead under a hay-stack.
Though this cruel rustic knew how much he lay at the mercy of his
brother, whom he had made privy to this affair, far from endeavouring
to engage his secrecy by offices of kindness and marks of affection, he
treated him as an alien to his blood; not barely with indifference, but
even with the most barbarous rigour. He not only defrauded him of
his right, but exacted of him the lowest menial services; beheld him
starving in a cottage, while he lived himself in affluence; and refused
to relieve with a morsel of charity the children of his own brother
begging at his gate. It was the resentment of this pride and barbarity
which, in all likelihood, first impelled the other to revenge. He
pretended qualms of conscience, and disclosed the transaction of the
child to several individuals. As the brother was universally hated for
the insolence and brutality of his disposition, information was given
against him, and a resolution formed to bring him to condign punishment.
Being informed of this design, he tampered with his brother, and desired
that he would retract upon the trial the evidence he had given before
the justices. Though the brother rejected this scheme of subornation,
he offered to withdraw himself from the kingdom, if he might have five
pounds to defray the expense of his removal. So sordidly avaricious was
the other, that he refused to advance this miserable pittance, though
he knew his own life depended upon his compliance. He was accordingly
apprehended, tried, and convicted on his brother’s evidence; and then he
confessed the particulars of his exposing the infant. He denied, indeed,
that he had any thought the child would perish, and declared he intended
it as a present to a gentleman at whose gate it was laid; butas he
appeared to be a hardened miscreant, devoid of humanity, stained with
the complicated crimes of tyranny, fraud, rapine, incest, and murder,
very little credit is due to his declaration.--In the course of the
same month, part of Westminster was grievously alarmed by a dreadful
conflagration, which broke out in the house of a cabinet-maker near
Covent-garden, raged with great fury, and reduced near twenty houses to
ashes. Many others were damaged, and several persons either burned in
their apartments, or buried under the ruins. The bad consequences of
this calamity were in a great measure alleviated by the humanity of
the public, and the generous compassion of the prince of Wales, who
contributed liberally to the relief of the sufferers.




CLAMOUR AGAINST LORD SACKVILLE.

But no subject so much engrossed the conversations and passions of the
public as did the case of lord George Sackville, who had by this time
resigned his command in Germany, and returned to England, the country
which, of all others, it would have been his interest to avoid at this
juncture, if he was really conscious of the guilt the imputation of
which his character now sustained. With the first tidings of the battle
fought at Minden the defamation of this officer arrived. He was accused
of having disobeyed orders, and his conduct represented as infamous in
every particular. These were the suggestions of a vague report, which no
person could trace to its origin; yet this report immediately gave birth
to one of the most inflammatory pamphlets that ever was exhibited to the
public. The first charge had alarmed the people of England, jealous in
honour, sudden and rash in their sentiments, and obstinately adhering to
the prejudices they have espoused. The implied accusation in the orders
of prince Ferdinand, and the combustible matter superadded by the
pamphlet-writer, kindled up such a blaze of indignation in the minds of
the people, as admitted of no temperament or control. An abhorrence and
detestation of lord George Sackville, as a coward and a traitor, became
the universal passion, which acted by contagion, infecting all degrees
of people from the cottage to the throne; and no individual, who had the
least regard for his own character and quiet, would venture to preach
up moderation, or even advise a suspension of belief until more certain
information could be received. Fresh fuel was continually thrown in
by obscure authors of pamphlets and newspapers, who stigmatized and
insulted with such virulent perseverance, that no one would have
imagined they were actuated by personal motives, not retained by
mercenary booksellers, against that unfortunate nobleman. Not satisfied
with inventing circumstances to his dishonour, in his conduct on the
last occasion, they pretended to take a retrospective view of his
character, and produced a number of anecdotes to his prejudice, which
had never before seen the light, and but for this occasion had probably
never been known. Not that all the writings which appeared on this
subject contained fresh matters of aggravation against lord George
Sackville. Some writers, either animated by the hope of advantage, or
hired to betray the cause which they undertook to defend, entered the
lists as professed champions of the accused, assumed the pen in his
behalf, devoid of sense, unfurnished with materials, and produced
performances which could not fail to injure his character among all
those who believed that he countenanced their endeavours, and supplied
them with the facts and arguments of his defence. Such precisely was the
state of the dispute when lord George arrived in London. While prince
Ferdinand was crowned with laurel; while the king of Great Britain
approved his conduct, and, as the most glorious mark of that
approbation, invested him with the order of the garter, while his
name was celebrated through all England, and extolled, in the warmest
expressions of hyperbole, above all the heroes of antiquity; every mouth
was opened in execration of the late commander of the British troops in
Germany. He was now made acquainted with the particulars of his imputed
guilt, which he had before indistinctly learned. He was accused of
having disobeyed three successive orders he had received from the
general, during the action at Minden, to advance with the cavalry of
the right wing, which he commanded, and sustain the infantry that were
engaged; and, after the cavalry were put in motion, of having halted
them unnecessarily, and marched so slow, that they could not reach
the place of action in time to be of any service, by which conduct the
opportunity was lost of attacking the enemy when they gave way, and
rendering the victory more glorious and decisive. The first step which
lord George took towards his own vindication with the public, was in
printing a short address, entreating them to suspend their belief with
respect to his character, until the charge brought against him should
be legally discussed by a court-martial, a trial which he had already
solicited, and was in hopes of obtaining.




HE DEMANDS A COURT-MARTIAL.

Finding himself unable to stem the tide of popular prejudice, which
flowed against him with irresistible impetuosity, he might have retired
in quiet and safety, and left it to ebb at leisure. This would have
been generally deemed a prudential step, by all those who consider the
unfavourable medium through which every particular of his conduct must
have been viewed at that juncture, even by men who cherished the most
candid intentions; when they reflected upon the power, influence, and
popularity of his accuser, the clanger of aggravating the resentment of
the sovereign, already too conspicuous, and the risk of hazarding his
life on the honour and integrity of witnesses, who might think their
fortunes depended upon the nature of the evidence they should give.
Notwithstanding those suggestions, lord George, seemingly impatient of
the imputation under which his character laboured, insisted upon the
privilege of a legal trial, which was granted accordingly, after
the judges had given it as their opinion that he might be tried by
a court-martial, though he no longer retained any commission in the
service. A court of general officers being appointed and assembled to
inquire into his conduct, the judge-advocate gave him to understand that
he was charged with having disobeyed the orders of prince Ferdinand,
relative to the battle of Minden. That the reader may have the more
distinct idea of the charge, it is necessary to remind him, that lord
George Sackville commanded the cavalry of the right wing, consisting of
Hanoverian and British horse, disposed in two lines, the British being
at the extremity of the right, extending to the village of Hartum; the
Hanoverian cavalry forming the left, that reached almost to an open
wood or grove, which divided the horse from the line of infantry,
particularly from that part of the line of infantry consisting of
two brigades of British foot, the Hanoverian guards, and Hardenberg’s
regiment. This was the body of troops which sustained the brunt of the
battle with the most incredible courage and perseverance. They of their
own accord advanced to attack the left of the enemy’s cavalry, through
a most dreadful fire of artillery and small arms, to which they were
exposed in front and flank; they withstood the repeated attacks of the
whole French gendarmerie, whom at length they totally routed, together
with a body of Saxon troops on their left, and to their valour the
victory was chiefly owing. The ground from which these troops advanced
was a kind of heath or plain, which opened a considerable way to the
left, where the rest of the army was formed in order of battle; but on
the right it was bounded by the wood, on the other side of which the
cavalry of the right wing was posted, having in front the village of
Halen, from whence the French had been driven by the piquets in the army
there posted, and in front of them a windmill, situated in the middle
space between them and a battery placed on the left of the enemy.

Early in the morning captain Malhorti had, by order of prince Ferdinand,
posted the cavalry of the right wing in the situation we have just
described; the village of Hartum with enclosures on the right, a narrow
wood on the left, the village of Halen in their front, and a windmill
in the middle of an open plain, which led directly to the enemy. In this
position lord George Sackville was directed to remain, until he should
receive further orders; and here it was those orders were given which he
was said to have disobeyed. Indeed he was previously charged with having
neglected the orders of the preceding evening, which imported that the
horses should be saddled at one in the morning, though the tents were
not to be struck, nor the troops under arms, until they should receive
further orders. He was accused of having disobeyed these orders, and of
having come late into the field, after the cavalry was formed. Captain
Winchingrode, aidecamp to prince Ferdinand, declared upon oath, that
while the infantry of the right wing were advancing towards the enemy
for the second time, he was sent with orders to lord George Sackville
to advance with the cavalry of the right wing, and sustain the infantry,
which was going to engage, by forming the horse under his command, upon
the heath, in a third line behind the regiments; that he delivered
these orders to lord George Sackville, giving him to understand, that he
should march the cavalry through the woods or trees on his left to the
heath, where they were to be formed; that on his return to the heath, he
met colonel Fitzroy riding at full gallop towards lord George; and that
he (Winchingrode) followed him back, in order to hasten the march of the
cavalry. Colonel Ligonier, another of the prince’s aidsdecamp, deposed,
that he carried orders from the general to lord George to advance with
the cavalry, in order to profit from the disorder which appeared in the
enemy’s cavalry; that lord George made no answer to these orders, but
turning to the troops, commanded them to draw their swords, and march;
that the colonel seeing them advance a few paces on the right forwards,
told his lordship he must march to the left; that in the meantime
colonel Fitzroy arriving with orders for the British cavalry only to
advance, lord George said the orders were contradictory; and colonel
Ligonier replied, they differed only in numbers, but the destination of
his march was the same, to the left. Colonel Fitzroy, the third aidecamp
to prince Ferdinand, gave evidence that when he told lord George it was
the prince’s order for the British cavalry to advance towards the left,
his lordship observed that it was different from the order brought by
colonel Ligonier, and he could not think the prince intended to break
the line; that he asked which way the cavalry was to march, and who
was to be their guide; that when he (the aidecamp) offered to lead
the column through the wood on the left, his lordship seemed still
dissatisfied with the order, saying, it did not agree with the order
brought by colonel Ligonier, and desired to be conducted in person to
the prince, that he might have an explanation from his own mouth; a
resolution which was immediately executed. The next evidence, an officer
of rank in the army, made oath that, in his opinion, when the orders
were delivered to lord George, his lordship was alarmed to a very great
degree, and seemed to be in the utmost confusion. A certain nobleman,
of high rank and unblemished reputation, declared, that captain
Winchingrode having told him it was absolutely necessary that the
cavalry should march, and form a line to support the foot, he had given
orders to the second line to march, and form a line to support the foot;
that as soon as they arrived at the place where the action began, he was
met by colonel Fitzroy, with an order for the cavalry to advance as
fast as possible; that in marching to this place, an order came to
halt, until they could be joined by the first line of cavalry; that
afterwards, in advancing, they were again halted by lord George
Sackville; that, in his opinion, they might have marched with more
expedition, and even come up in time enough to act against the enemy:
some other officers who were examined on this subject, agreed with the
marquis in these sentiments.

Lord George, in his defence, proved, by undeniable evidence, that he
never received the orders issued on the eve of the battle, nor any sort
of intimation or plan of action, although he was certainly entitled to
some such communication, as commander-in-chief of the British forces;
that, nevertheless, the orders concerning the horses were obeyed by
those who received them; that lord George, instead of loitering or
losing time while the troops were forming, prepared to put himself at
the head of the cavalry on the first notice that they were in motion;
that he was so eager to perform his duty, as to set out from his
quarters without even waiting for an aidecamp to attend him, and was in
the field before any general officer of his division. He declared that,
when captain Winchingrode delivered the order to form the cavalry in one
line, making a third, to advance and sustain the infantry, he neither
heard him say he was to march by the left, nor saw him point with
his sword to the wood through which he was to pass. Neither of these
directions were observed by any of the aids-de-camp or officers then
present, except one gentleman, the person who bore witness to the
confusion in the looks and deportment of his lordship. It was proved
that the nearest and most practicable way of advancing against the enemy
was by the way of the windmill, to the left of the village of Halen.
It appeared that lord George imagined this was the only way by which he
should be ordered to advance; that, in this persuasion, he had sent an
officer to reconnoitre the village of Halen, as an object of importance,
as it would have been upon the flank of the cavalry in advancing
forwards; that when he received the order from Winchingrode to form the
line, and advance, he still imagined this was his route, and on this
supposition immediately detached an aidecamp to remove a regiment of
Saxe-Gotha which was in the front; that he sent a second to observe the
place where the infantry were, and a third to reconnoitre the enemy;
that in a few minutes colonel Ligonier coming up with an order from
prince Ferdinand to advance the cavalry, his lordship immediately
drew his sword, and ordered them to march forward by the windmill. The
colonel declared that when he delivered the order, he added, “by the
left;” but lord George affirmed that he heard no such direction, nor
did it reach the ears of any other person then present, except of that
officer who witnessed to the same direction given by Winchingrode. It
was proved that immediately after the troops were put in motion, colonel
Fitzroy arrived with an order from prince Ferdinand, importing that
the British cavalry only should advance by the left; that lord George
declared their orders were contradictory, and seemed the more puzzled,
as he understood that both these gentlemen came off nearly at the same
time from the prince, and were probably directed to communicate the same
order. It was therefore natural to suppose there was a mistake, as there
might be danger in breaking the line, as the route by the wood appeared
more difficult and tedious than that by the windmill, which led directly
through open ground to the enemy: and as he could not think that if a
body of horse was immediately wanted, the general would send for the
British, that were at the farthest extremity of the wing, rather
than for the Hanoverian cavalry who formed the left of the line, and
consequently were much nearer the scene of action. It was proved that
lord George, in this uncertainty, resolved to apply for an explanation
to the prince in person, who he understood was at a small distance;
that with this view he set out with all possible expedition; that having
entered the wood, and perceived that the country beyond it opened
sooner to the left than he had imagined, and captain Smith, his aidecamp
advising, that the British cavalry should be put in motion he sent back
that gentleman, with orders for them to advance by the left with all
possible despatch; that he rode up to the general, who received him
without any marks of displeasure, and ordered him to bring up the whole
cavalry of the right wing in a line upon the heath; an order, as the
reader will perceive, quite different from that which was so warmly
espoused by the aidecamp; that as the marquis of Granby had already put
the second line in motion, according to a separate order which he had
received, and the head of his column was already in view, coming out
of the wood, lord George thought it necessary to halt the troops on the
left until the right should come into the line; and afterwards sent them
orders to march slower, that two regiments, which had been thrown out
of the line, might have an opportunity to replace themselves in their
proper stations.

With respect to the confusion which one officer affirmed was perceivable
in the countenance and deportment of this commander, a considerable
number of other officers then present being interrogated by his
lordship, unanimously declared that they saw no such marks of confusion,
but that he delivered his orders with all the marks of coolness and
deliberation. The candid reader will of himself determine, whether a
man’s heart is to be judged by any change of his complexion, granting
such a change to have happened; whether the evidence of one witness,
in such a case, will weigh against the concurrent testimony of all
the officers whose immediate business it was to attend and observe the
commander: whether it was likely that an officer, who had been more than
once in actual service, and behaved without reproach so as to attain
such an eminent rank in the army, should exhibit symptons of fear and
confusion, when there was in reality no appearance of danger; for none
of the orders imported that he should attack the enemy, but only advance
to sustain the infantry. The time which elapsed from the first order he
received by captain Winchingrode, to the arrival of colonel Ligonier,
did not exceed eight minutes, during which his aide-camp, captain Hugo,
was employed in removing the Saxe-Gotha regiment from the front, by
which he proposed to advance. From that period till the cavalry actually
marched in consequence of an order from lord George, the length of time
was differently estimated in the opinion of different witnesses, but at
a medium computed by the judge-advocate at fifteen minutes, during
which the following circumstances were transacted: The troops were
first ordered to advance forwards, then halted; the contradictory orders
arrived and were disputed; the commander desired the two aidsdecamp
to agree about which was the precise order, and he would obey it
immediately: each insisting upon that which he had delivered, lord
George hastened to the general for an explanation; and, as he passed the
wood, sent back captain Smith to the right of the cavalry, which was at
a considerable distance, to put the British horse in motion. We shall
not pretend to determine whether the commander of such an important body
may be excusable for hesitating, when he received contradictory orders
at the same time, especially when both orders run counter to his own
judgment, whether in that case it is allowable for him to suspend
the operation for a few minutes, in order to consult in person the
commander-in-chief about a step of such consequence to the preservation
of the whole army. Neither will we venture to decide dogmatically on the
merits of the march, after the cavalry were put in motion; whether
they marched too slow, or were unnecessarily halted in their way to the
heath. It was proved, indeed, that lord George was always remarkably
slow in his movements of cavalry, on the supposition that if horses are
blown they must be unfit for service, and that the least hurry is apt to
disorder the line of horse to such a degree, as would rob them of their
proper effect, and render all their efforts abortive. This being the
system of lord George Sackville, it may deserve consideration, whether
he could deviate from it on this delicate occasion, without renouncing
the dictates of his own judgment and discretion; and whether he was
at liberty to use his own judgment, after having received the order to
advance. After all, whether he was intentionally guilty; and what were
the motives by which he was really actuated, are questions which his
own conscience alone can solve. Even granting him to have hesitated from
perplexity, to have lingered from vexation, to have failed through error
of judgment, he will probably find favour with the candid and humane
part of his fellow-subjects, when they reflect upon the nature of his
situation, placed at the head of such a body of cavalry, uninstructed
and uninformed of plan or circumstance, divided from the rest of the
army, unacquainted with the operations of the day, chagrined with doubt
and disappointment, and perplexed by contradictory orders, neither of
which he could execute without offering violence to his own judgment;
when they consider the endeavours he used to manifest his obedience;
the last distinct order which he in person received and executed; that
mankind are liable to mistakes; that the cavalry were not originally
intended to act, as appears in the account of the battle published at
the Hague, by the authority of prince Ferdinand, expressly declaring
that the cavalry on the right did not act, because it was destined
to sustain the infantry in a third line; that if it had really been
designed for action, it ought either to have been posted in another
place, or permitted to advance straight forwards by the windmill,
according to the idea of its commander; finally, when they recall to
view the general confusion that seems to have prevailed through the
manouvres of that morning, and remember some particulars of the action;
that the brigades of British artillery had no orders until they applied
to lord George Sackville, who directed them to the spot where they
acquitted themselves with so much honour and effect, in contributing to
the success of the day; that the glory and advantage acquired by the few
brigades of infantry, who may be said to have defeated the whole French
army, was in no respect owing to any general or particular orders or
instructions, but entirely flowing from the native valour of the troops,
and the spirited conduct of their immediate commanders; and that a great
number of officers in the allied army, even of those who remained on
the open heath, never saw the face of the enemy, or saw them at such a
distance that they could not distinguish more than the hats and the arms
of the British regiments with which they were engaged. With respect to
the imputation of cowardice levelled at lord George by the unthinking
multitude, and circulated with such industry and clamour, we ought to
consider it as a mob accusation which the bravest of men, even the
great duke of Marlborough, could not escape; we ought to receive it as
a dangerous suspicion, which strikes at the root of character, and may
blast that honour in a moment which the soldier has acquired in a long
course of painful service, at the continual hazard of his life; we ought
to distrust it as a malignant charge, altogether inconsistent with the
former conduct of the person accused, as well as with his subsequent
impatience and perseverance in demanding a trial, to which he never
would have been called; a trial which, though his life was at stake, and
his cause out of countenance, he sustained with such courage, fortitude,
and presence of mind, as even his enemies themselves could not help
admiring. Thus have we given a succinct detail of this remarkable
affair, with that spirit of impartiality, that sacred regard to
truth, which the importance of history demands. To the best of our
recollection, we have forgot no essential article of the accusation,
nor suppressed any material circumstance urged in defence of lord George
Sackville. Unknown to his person, unconnected with his friends, unmoved
by fear, unbiassed by interest, we have candidly obeyed the dictates of
justice, and the calls of humanity, in our endeavours to dissipate the
clouds of prejudice and misapprehension; warmed, perhaps, with an honest
disdain at the ungenerous, and in our opinion, unjust persecution, which
previous to his trial, an officer of rank, service, and character, the
descendant of an illustrious family, the son of a nobleman universally
respected, a Briton, a fellow-subject, had undergone.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




SENTENCE OF THE COURT-MARTIAL.

The court-martial having examined the evidence and heard the defence,
gave judgment in these words: “The court, upon due consideration of the
whole matter before them, is of opinion that lord George Sackville is
guilty of having disobeyed the orders of prince Ferdinand of Brunswick,
whom he was, by his commission and instructions, directed to obey as
commander-in-chief, according to the rules of war; and it is the further
opinion of this court, that the said lord George Sackville is, and he
is hereby adjudged, unfit to serve his majesty in any military capacity
whatsoever.” His sentence was confirmed by the king, who moreover
signified his pleasure that it should be given out in public orders, not
only in Britain, but in America, and every quarter of the globe where
any English troops happened to be, that officers being convinced that
neither high birth nor great employments can shelter offences of such
a nature, and that seeing they are subject to censures much worse than
death to a man who has any sense of honour, they may avoid the fatal
consequences arising from disobedience of orders. To complete the
disgrace of this unfortunate general, his majesty in council called for
the council-book, and ordered the name of lord George Sackville to be
struck out of the list of privy-counsellors.




EARL FERRERS APPREHENDED.

This summer was distinguished by another trial still more remarkable.
Laurence earl Ferrers, a nobleman of a violent spirit, who had committed
many outrages, and, in the opinion of all who knew him, given manifold
proofs of insanity, at length perpetrated a murder, which subjected him
to the cognizance of justice. His deportment to his lady was so brutal,
that application had been made to the house of peers, and a separation
effected by act of parliament. Trustees were nominated; and one Mr.
Johnson, who had, during the best part of his life, been employed in
the family, was now appointed receiver of the estates, at the earl’s own
request. The conduct of this man, in the course of his stewardship,
gave umbrage to lord Ferrers, whose disposition was equally jealous and
vindictive. He imagined all his own family had conspired against his
interest, and that Johnson was one of their accomplices; that he had
been instrumental in obtaining the act of parliament, which his lordship
considered as a grievous hardship; that he had disappointed him in
regard to a certain contract about coal-mines; in a word, that there was
a collusion between Johnson and the earl’s adversaries. Fired with
these suppositions, he first expressed his resentment, by giving Johnson
notice to quit the farm which he possessed on the estate; but finding
the trustees had confirmed the lease, he determined to gratify his
revenge by assassination, and laid his plan accordingly. On Sunday, the
thirteenth day of January, he appointed this unhappy man to come to
his house on the Friday following, in order to peruse papers, or settle
accounts; and Johnson went thither without the least suspicion of what
was prepared for his reception; for although he was no stranger to
his lordship’s dangerous disposition, and knew he had some time before
incurred his displeasure, yet he imagined his resentment had entirely
subsided, as the earl had of late behaved to him with remarkable
complacency. He therefore, at the time appointed, repaired to his
lordship’s house at Stanton, in Leicestershire, at the distance of a
short mile from his own habitation, and was admitted by a maid-servant.
The earl had dismissed every person in the house, upon various
pretences, except three women who were left in the kitchen. Johnson,
advancing to the door of his apartment, was received by his lordship,
who desired him to walk into another room, where he joined him in a few
minutes, and then the door was locked on the inside. After a great deal
of warm expostulation, the earl insisted upon his subscribing a paper,
acknowledging himself a villain; and on his refusing to comply with this
demand, declared he would put him to death. In vain the unfortunate
man remonstrated against this cruel injustice, and deprecated the
indignation of this furious nobleman. He remained deaf to all his
entreaties, drew forth a pistol, which he had loaded for the purpose,
and commanding him to implore heaven’s mercy on his knees, shot him
through the body while he remained in that supplicating attitude. The
consequence of this violence was not immediate death; but his lordship,
seeing the wretched victim still alive and sensible, though agonized
with pain, felt a momentary motion of pity. He ordered his servants to
convey Mr. Johnson up stairs to a bed, to send for a surgeon, and give
immediate notice of the accident to the wounded man’s family. When Mr.
Johnson’s daughter came to the house, she was met by the earl, who told
her he had shot her father on purpose, and with deliberation. The same
declaration he made to the surgeon on his arrival. He stood by him
while he examined the wound, described the manner in which the ball had
penetrated, and seemed surprised that it should be lodged within the
body. When he demanded the surgeon’s opinion of the wound, the operator
thought proper to temporize for his own safety, as well as for the sake
of the public, lest the earl should take some other desperate step, or
endeavour to escape. He therefore amused him with hopes of Johnson’s
recovery, about which he now seemed extremely anxious. He supported
his spirits by immoderate drinking, after having retired to another
apartment with the surgeon, whom he desired to take all possible care of
his patient. He declared, however, that he did not repent of what he had
done; that Johnson was a villain who deserved to die; that, in case of
his death, he (the earl) would surrender himself to the house of peers
and take his trial. He said he could justify the action to his own
conscience, and owned his intention was to have killed Johnson outright;
but as he still survived, and was in pain, he desired that all possible
means might be used for his recovery. Nor did he seem altogether
neglectful of his own safety: he endeavoured to tamper with the surgeon,
and suggest what evidence he should give when called before a court of
justice. He continued to drink himself into a state of intoxication,
and all the cruelty of his hate seemed to return. He would not allow
the wounded man to be removed to his own house; saying he would keep him
under his own roof that he might plague the villain. He returned to
the chamber where Johnson lay, insulted him with the most opprobrious
language, threatened to shoot him through the head, and could hardly be
restrained from committing further acts of violence on the poor man, who
was already in extremity. After he retired to bed, the surgeon procured
a sufficient number of assistants, who conveyed Mr. Johnson in an easy
chair to his own house, where he expired that same morning in great
agonies. The same surgeon assembled a number of armed men to seize the
murderer, who at first threatened resistance, but was soon apprehended,
endeavouring to make his escape, and committed to the county prison.
From thence he was conveyed to London by the gaoler of Leicester, and
conducted by the usher of the black rod and his deputy into the house
of lords, where the coroner’s inquest, and the affidavits touching the
murder, being read, the gaoler delivered up his prisoner to the care
of the black rod, and he was immediately committed to the Tower. He
appeared very calm, composed, and unconcerned, from the time of his
being apprehended; conversed coolly on the subject of his imprisonment;
made very pertinent remarks upon the nature of the _habeas-corpus_
act of parliament, of which he hoped to avail himself; and when they
withdrew from the house of peers, desired he might not be visited by
any of his relations or acquaintances. His understanding, which was
naturally good, had been well cultivated; his arguments were rational,
but his conduct was frantic.




TRIED BY THE HOUSE OF PEERS.

The circumstances of the assassination appeared so cruel and deliberate,
that the people cried aloud for vengeance; and the government gave up
the offender to the justice of his country. The lord-keeper Henley was
appointed lord high-steward for the trial of earl Ferrers, and sat in
state with all the peers and judges in Westminster-hall, which was for
this purpose converted into a very august tribunal. On the sixteenth day
of April the delinquent was brought from the Tower in a coach, attended
by the major of the Tower, the gentleman-gaoler, the warders, and a
detachment of the foot-guards. He was brought into court about ten; and
the lord-steward with the peers taking their places, he was arraigned
aloud in the midst of an infinite concourse of people, including many
foreigners, who seemed wonderfully struck with the magnificence and
solemnity of the tribunal. The murder was fully proved by unquestionable
evidence; but the earl pleaded insanity of mind; and, in order to
establish this plea, called many witnesses to attest his lunacy in a
variety of instances, which seemed too plainly to indicate a disordered
imagination: unfounded jealousy of plots and conspiracies, unconnected
ravings, fits of musing, incoherent ejaculations, sudden starts of
fury, denunciations of unprovoked revenge, frantic gesticulations, and a
strange caprice of temper, were proved to have distinguished his conduct
and deportment. It appeared that lunacy had been a family taint,
and affected divers of his lordship’s relations; that a solicitor of
reputation had renounced his business on the full persuasion of his
being disordered in his brain; that long before this unhappy event, his
nearest relations had deliberated upon the expediency of taking out a
commission of lunacy against him, and were prevented by no other reason
than the apprehension of being convicted of _scandalum magnatum_, should
the jury find his lordship _compos mentis_: a circumstance which, in all
probability, would have happened, inasmuch as the earl’s madness did not
appear in his conversation, but in his conduct. A physician of eminence,
whose practice was confined to persons labouring under this infirmity,
declared that the particulars of the earl’s deportment and personal
behaviour seemed to indicate lunacy. Indeed all his neighbours and
acquaintances had long considered him as a madman; and a certain noble
lord declared in the house of peers, when the bill of separation was on
the carpet, that he looked upon him in the light of a maniac, and that
if some effectual step was not taken to divest him of the power of doing
mischief, he did not doubt but that one day they should have occasion to
try him for murder. The lawyers, who managed the prosecution in behalf
of the crown, endeavoured to invalidate the proofs of his lunacy, by
observing that his lordship was never so much deprived of his reason but
that he could distinguish between good and evil; that the murder he
had committed was the effect of revenge for a conceived injury of
some standing; that the malice was deliberate, and the plan artfully
conducted; that immediately after the deed was perpetrated, the earl’s
conversation and reasoning were cool and consistent, until he drank
himself into a state of intoxication; that in the opinion of the
greatest lawyers, no criminal can avail himself of the plea of lunacy,
provided the crime was committed during a lucid interval; but his
lordship, far from exhibiting any marks of insanity, had in the course
of this trial displayed uncommon understanding and sagacity in examining
the witnesses, and making many shrewd and pertinent observations on
the evidence which was given. These sentiments were conformable to the
opinion of the peers, who unanimously declared him guilty.--After all,
in examining the vicious actions of a man who has betrayed manifest and
manifold symptoms of insanity, it is not easy to distinguish those which
are committed during the lucid interval. The suggestions of madness are
often momentary and transient: the determinations of a lunatic, though
generally rash and instantaneous, are sometimes the result of artful
contrivance; but there is always an absurdity which is the criterion of
the disease, either in the premises or conclusion. The earl, it is true,
had formed a deliberate plan for the perpetration of the murder; but he
had taken no precautions for his own safety or escape; and this neglect
will the more plainly appear to have been the criterion of insanity, if
we reflect that he justified what he had done as a meritorious action;
and declared he would, upon Mr. Johnson’s death, surrender himself to
the house of lords. Had he been impelled to this violence by a sudden
gust of passion, it could not be expected that he should have taken
any measure for his own preservation; but as it was the execution of a
deliberate scheme, and his lordship was by no means defective in point
of ingenuity, he might easily have contrived means for concealing
the murder until he should have accomplished his escape; and, in our
opinion, any other than a madman would either have taken some such
measures, or formed some plan for the concealment of his own guilt. The
design itself seems to have been rather an intended sacrifice to justice
than a gratification of revenge. Neither do we think that the sanity of
his mind was ascertained by the accuracy and deliberation with which he
made his remarks, and examined the evidence at his trial. The influence
of his frenzy might be past; though it was no sign of sound reason to
supply the prosecutor with such an argument to his prejudice. Had his
judgment been really unimpaired, he might have assumed the mask of
lunacy for his own preservation. The trial was continued for two days;
and on the third the lord-steward, after having made a short speech
touching the heinous nature of the offence, pronounced the same sentence
of death upon the earl which malefactors of the lowest class undergo:
that from the Tower, in which he was imprisoned, he should, on the
Monday following, be led to the common place of execution, there to be
hanged by the neck, and his body be afterwards dissected and anatomized.
This last part of the sentence seemed to shock the criminal extremely;
he changed colour, his jaw quivered, and he appeared to be in great
agitation; but during the remaining part of his life he behaved
with surprising composure, and even unconcern. After he had received
sentence, the lords, his judges, by virtue of a power vested in them,
respited his execution for one month, that he might have time to settle
his temporal and spiritual concerns. Before sentence was passed, the
earl read a paper, in which he begged pardon of their lordships for
the trouble he had given, as well as for having, against his own
inclination, pleaded lunacy at the request of his friends. He thanked
them for the candid trial with which he had been indulged, and entreated
their lordships to recommend him to the king for mercy. He afterwards
sent a letter to his majesty, remonstrating, that he was the
representative of a very ancient and honourable family, which had been
allied to the crown; and requesting that, if he could not be favoured
with the species of death which in cases of treason distinguishes the
nobleman from the plebeian, he might at least, out of consideration for
his family, be allowed to suffer in the Tower, rather than at the common
place of execution; but this indulgence was refused. From his return
to the Tower to the day of his execution, he betrayed no mark of
apprehension or impatience, but regulated his affairs with precision,
and conversed without concern or restraint.




EARL FERRERS EXECUTED.

On the fifth day of May, his body being demanded by the sheriffs at the
Tower-gate, in consequence of a writ under the great seal of England,
directed to the lieutenant of the Tower, his lordship desired permission
to go in his own landau; and appeared gaily dressed in a light coloured
suit of clothes, embroidered with silver. He was attended in the landau
by one of the sheriffs, and the chaplain of the Tower, followed by the
chariots of the sheriffs, a mourning coach and six, filled with his
friends, and a hearse for the conveyance of his body. He was guarded by
a posse of constables, and a party of horse grenadiers, and a detachment
of infantry; and in this manner the procession moved from the Tower,
through an infinite concourse of people, to Tyburn, where the gallows,
and the scaffold erected under it, appeared covered with black baize.
The earl behaved with great composure to Mr. sheriff Vaillant, who
attended him in the landau: he observed that the gaiety of his apparel
might seem odd on such an occasion, but that he had particular reasons
for wearing that suit of clothes; he took notice of the vast multitude
which crowded round him, brought thither, he supposed, by curiosity to
see a nobleman hanged: he told the sheriff he had applied to the king by
letter, that he might be permitted to die in the Tower, where the earl
of Essex, one of his ancestors, had been beheaded in the reign of queen
Elizabeth; an application which, he said, he had made with the more
confidence, as he had the honour to quarter part of his majesty’s arms.
He expressed some displeasure at being executed as a common felon,
exposed to the eyes of such a multitude. The chaplain who had never
been admitted to him before, hinting that some account of his lordship’s
sentiments on religion would be expected by the public, he made answer
that he did not think himself accountable to the public for his private
sentiments; that he had always adored one God, the creator of the
universe; and with respect to any particular opinions of his own, he
had never propagated them, or endeavoured to make proselytes, because
he thought it was criminal to disturb the established religion of
his country, as lord Bolingbroke had done by the publication of
his writings. He added, that the great number of sects, and the
multiplication of religious disputes, had almost banished morality. With
regard to the crime for which he suffered, he declared that he had
no malice against Mr. Johnson; and that the murder was owing to a
perturbation of mind, occasioned by a variety of crosses and vexations.
When he approached the place of execution, he expressed an earnest
desire to see and take leave of a certain person who waited in the
coach, a person for whom he entertained the most sincere regard and
affection; but the sheriff prudently observing that such an interview
might shock him, at a time when he had occasion for all his fortitude
and recollection, he acquiesced in the justness of the remark, and
delivered to him a pocket-book, a ring, and a purse, desiring they might
be given to that person, whom he now declined seeing. On his arrival at
Tyburn he came out of the landau, and ascended the scaffold with a firm
step and undaunted countenance. He refused to join the chaplain in his
devotions; but kneeling with him on black cushions, he repeated the
Lord’s Prayer, which he said he had always admired; and added, with
great energy, “O Lord, forgive me all my errors, pardon all my sins.”
 After this exercise, he presented his watch to Mr. sheriff Vaillant;
thanked him and the other gentlemen for all their civilities;
and signified his desire of being buried at Breden or Stanton, in
Leicestershire. Finally, he gratified the executioner with a purse of
money; then, the halter being adjusted to his neck, he stepped upon a
little stage, erected upon springs, on the middle of the scaffold; and
the cap being pulled over his eyes, the sheriff made a signal, at which
the stage fell from under his feet, and he was left suspended. His
body having hung an hour and five minutes, was cut down, placed in the
hearse, and conveyed to the public theatre for dissection; where being
opened, and lying for some days as the subject of a public lecture, at
length it was carried off and privately interred. Without all doubt,
this unhappy nobleman’s disposition was so dangerously mischievous, that
it became necessary, for the good of society, either to confine him for
life as au incorrigible lunatic, or give him up at once as a sacrifice
to justice. Perhaps it might be no absurd or unreasonable regulation in
the legislature, to divest all lunatics of the privilege of insanity,
and, in cases of enormity, subject them to the common penalties of the
law; for though, in the eye of casuistry, consciousness must enter into
the constitution of guilt, the consequences of murder committed by a
maniac may be as pernicious to society as those of the most criminal
and deliberate assassination, and the punishment of death can be hardly
deemed unjust or rigorous, when inflicted upon a mischievous being,
divested of all the perceptions of reason and humanity. At any rate,
as the nobility of England are raised by many illustrious distinctions
above the level of plebeians, and as they are eminently distinguished
from them in suffering punishment for high treason, which the law
considers as the most atrocious crime that can be committed, it might
not be unworthy of the notice of the legislature to deliberate whether
some such pre-eminence ought not to be extended to noblemen convicted of
other crimes, in order to alleviate as much as possible the disgrace of
noble families which have deserved well of their country; to avoid
any circumstance that may tend to diminish the lustre of the English
nobility in the eyes of foreign nations; or to bring it into contempt
with the common people of our own, already too licentious, and prone to
abolish those distinctions which serve as the basis of decorum, order,
and subordination.




ASSASSINATION OF MR. MATTHEWS.

Homicide is the reproach of England: one would imagine there is
something in the climate of this country that not only disposes the
natives to this inhuman outrage, but even infects foreigners who reside
among them. Certain it is, high passions will break out into the most
enormous violence in that country where they are least controlled by the
restraint of regulation and discipline; and it is equally certain, that
in no civilized country under the sun there is such a relaxation of
discipline, either religious or civil, as in England. The month of
August produced a remarkable instance of desperate revenge, perpetrated
by one Stirn, a native of Hesse-Cassel, inflamed and exasperated by a
false punctilio of honour. This unhappy young man was descended of a
good family, and possessed many accomplishments both of mind and person;
but his character was distinguished by such a jealous sensibility, as
rendered him unhappy in himself, and disagreeable to his acquaintance.
After having for some years performed the office of usher in a
boarding-school, he was admitted to the house of one Mr. Matthews, a
surgeon, in order to teach him the classics, and instruct his children
in music, which he perfectly understood. He had not long resided in his
family, when the surgeon took umbrage at some part of his conduct, taxed
him roughly with fraud and ingratitude, and insisted upon his removing
to another lodging. Whether he rejected this intimation, or found
difficulty in procuring another apartment, the surgeon resolved to expel
him by violence, called in the assistance of a peace-officer, and turned
him out into the street in the night, after having loaded him with the
most provoking reproaches. These injuries and disgraces operating upon
a mind jealous by nature and galled by adversity, produced a kind
of frenzy of resentment, and he took the desperate resolution of
sacrificing Mr. Matthews to his revenge. Next day, having provided a
case of pistols, and charged them for the occasion, he reinforced
his rage by drinking an unusual quantity of wine, and repaired in
the evening to a public house, which Mr. Matthews frequented, in the
neighbourhood of Hatton-Garden. There he accordingly found the unhappy
victim sitting with some of his friends; and the surgeon, instead of
palliating his former conduct, began to insult him afresh with the most
opprobrious invectives. Stirn, exasperated by this additional indignity,
pulled his pistols from his bosom; shot the surgeon, who immediately
expired; and discharged the other at his own breast, though his
confusion was such that it did not take effect. He was apprehended on
the spot, and conveyed to prison; where, for some days, he refused all
kind of sustenance, but afterwards became more composed. At his trial
he pleaded insanity of mind; but, being found guilty, he resolved to
anticipate the execution of the sentence. That same evening he
drank poison; and, notwithstanding all the remedies that could be
administered, died in strong convulsions. His body was publicly
dissected, according to the sentence of the law; and afterwards interred
with those marks of indignity which are reserved for the perpetrators of
suicide.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




NEW BRIDGE BEGUN AT BLACKFRIARS.

We shall close the domestic occurrences of this year with an account of
two incidents, which, though of a very different nature in respect of
each other, nevertheless concurred in demonstrating that the internal
wealth and vigour of the nation were neither drained nor diminished
by the enormous expense and inconveniencies of the war. The committee
appointed to manage the undertaking for a new bridge over the river
Thames, at Blackfriars, having received and examined a variety of plans
presented by different artists, at length gave the preference to the
design of one Mr. Mylne, a young architect, a native of North Britain,
just returned from the prosecution of his studies at Rome, where he had
gained the prize in the capital, which the academy of that city bestows
on him who produces the most beautiful and useful plan on a given
subject of architecture. This young man being in London, on his return
to his own country, was advised to declare himself a candidate for the
superintendency of the new bridge; and the plan which he presented
was approved and adopted. The place being already ascertained, the
lord-mayor of London, attended by the committee, and a great concourse
of people, repaired to Blackfriars, and laid the first stone of the
bridge; placing upon it a plate, with an inscription, which does more
honour to the public spirit of the undertakers than to the classical
taste of the author. [547] _[See note 4 K, at the end of this Vol.]_ The
other instance that denoted the wealth and spirit of the nation, was
the indifference and unconcern with which they bore the loss of a vast
magazine of naval stores belonging to the dock-yard at Portsmouth,
which, in the month of July, was set on fire by lightning; and,
consisting of combustibles, burned with such fury, notwithstanding all
the endeavours of the workmen in the yard, the sailors in the
harbour, and the troops in the town, that before a stop was put to the
conflagration it had consumed a variety of stores to an immense value.
The damage, however, was so immediately repaired, that it had no sort
of effect in disconcerting any plan, or even in retarding any naval
preparation.

How important these preparations must have been, may be judged from the
prodigious increase of the navy, which, at this juncture, amounted to
one hundred and twenty ships of the line, besides frigates, fire-ships,
sloops, bombs, and tenders. Of these capital ships, seventeen were
stationed in the East Indies, twenty for the defence of the West
India islands, twelve in North America, ten in the Mediterranean, and
sixty-one either on the coast of France, in the harbours of England, or
cruising in the English seas for the protection of the British commerce.
Notwithstanding these numerous and powerful armaments, the enemy,
who had not a ship of the line at sea, were so alert with their small
privateers and armed vessels, that in the beginning of this year, from
the first of March to the tenth of June, they had made prize of two
hundred vessels belonging to Great Britain and Ireland. The whole number
of British ships taken by them, from the first day of June, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, to the first of June in the
present year, amounted to two thousand five hundred and thirty-nine; of
these, seventy-eight were privateers, three hundred and twenty-one were
retaken, and about the same number ransomed. In the same space of time,
the British cruisers had made captures of nine hundred and forty-four
vessels, including two hundred and forty-two privateers, many fishing
boats and small coasters, the value of which hardly defrayed the expense
of condemnation. That such a small proportion of ships should be taken
from the enemy is not at all surprising, when we consider the terrible
shocks their commerce had previously received, and the great number
of their mariners imprisoned in England; but the prodigious number of
British vessels taken by their petty coasting privateers, in the face
of such mighty armaments, numerous cruisers, and convoys, seem to
argue that either the English ships of war were inactive or improperly
disposed, or that the merchants hazarded their ships without convoy.
Certain it is, in the course of this year we find fewer prizes taken
from the enemy, and fewer exploits achieved at sea, than we had occasion
to record in the annals of the past. Not that the present year is
altogether barren of events which redound to the honour of our marine
commanders. We have, in recounting the transactions of the preceding
year, mentioned a small armament equipped at Dunkirk, under the command
of M. de Thurot, who, in spite of all the vigilance of the British
commander stationed in the Downs, found means to escape from the harbour
in the month of October last, and arrived at Gottenburgh in Sweden, from
whence he proceeded to Bergen in Norway. His instructions were to make
occasional descents upon the coast of Ireland: and, by dividing the
troops, and distracting the attention of the government in that kingdom,
to facilitate the enterprise of M. de Confians, the fate of which we
have already narrated. The original armament of Thurot consisted of five
ships, one of which, called the mareschal de Belleisle, was mounted with
forty-four guns; the Begon, the Blond, the Terpsichore, had thirty guns
each; and the Marante carried twenty-four. The number of soldiers put
on board this little fleet did not exceed one thousand two hundred and
seventy, exclusive of mariners, to the number of seven hundred; but two
hundred of the troops were sent sick on shore before the armament sailed
from Dunkirk; and in their voyage between Gottenburgh and Bergen they
lost company of the Begon, during a violent storm. The severity of the
weather detained them nineteen days at Bergen, at the expiration of
which they set sail for the western islands of Scotland, and discovered
the northern part of Ireland in the latter end of January. The intention
of Thurot was to make a descent about Derry; but before this design
could be executed, the weather growing tempestuous, and the wind blowing
off shore, they were driven out to sea, and in the night lost sight of
the Marante, which never joined them in the sequel. After having been
tempest-beaten for some time, and exposed to a very scanty allowance
of provisions, the officers requested of Thurot that he would return to
France, lest they should all perish by famine; but he lent a deaf ear
to this proposal, and frankly told them he could not return to France,
without having struck some stroke for the service of his country.
Nevertheless, in hopes of meeting with some refreshment, he steered to
the island of Islay, where the troops were landed; and here they found
black cattle, and a small supply of oatmeal, for which they paid a
reasonable price; and it must be owned, Thurot himself behaved with
great moderation and generosity.

While this spirited adventurer struggled with these wants and
difficulties, his arrival in those seas filled the whole kingdom with
alarm. Bodies of regular troops and militia were posted along the coast
of Ireland and Scotland; and besides the squadron of commodore Boys, who
sailed to the northward on purpose to pursue the enemy, other ships
of war were ordered to scour the British channel, and cruise between
Scotland and Ireland. The weather no sooner permitted Thurot to pursue
his destination, than he sailed from Islay to the bay of Carrickfergus,
in Ireland, and made all the necessary preparations for a descent; which
was accordingly effected with six hundred men, on the twenty-first day
of February. Lieutenant-colonel Jennings, who commanded four companies
of raw undisciplined men at Carrickfergus, having received information
that three ships had anchored about two miles and a half from the
castle, which was ruinous and defenceless, immediately detached a party
to make observations, and ordered the French prisoners there confined to
be removed to Belfast. Meanwhile, the enemy landing without opposition,
advanced towards the town, which they found as well guarded as the
nature of the place, which was entirely open, and the circumstances of
the English commander, would allow. A regular attack was carried on, and
a spirited defence made,* until the ammunition of the English failed;
then colonel Jennings retired in order to the castle, which, however,
was in all respects untenable; for, besides a breach in the wall, near
fifty feet wide, they found themselves destitute of provisions and
ammunition.

     * One circumstance that attended this dispute deserves to be
     transmitted to posterity, as an instance of that courage,
     mingled with humanity, which constitutes true heroism. While
     the French and English were hotly engaged in one of the
     streets, a little child ran playfully between them, having
     no idea of the danger to which it was exposed: a common
     soldier of the enemy, perceiving the life of this poor
     innocent at stake, grounded his piece, advanced deliberately
     between the lines of fire, took up the child in his arms,
     conveyed it to a place of safety; then returning to his
     place, resumed his musket, and renewed his hostility.

Nevertheless, they repulsed the assailants in the first attack, even
after the gate was burst open, and supplied the want of shot with
stones and rubbish. At length the colonel and his troops were obliged
to surrender, on condition that they should not be sent prisoners to
France, but be ransomed, by sending thither an equal number of French
prisoners from Great Britain or Ireland: that the castle should not
be demolished, nor the town of Carrickfergus plundered or burned, on
condition that the mayor and corporation should furnish the French
troops with necessary provisions. The enemy, after this exploit, did not
presume to advance farther into the country; a step which indeed they
could not have taken with any regard to their own safety; for by this
time a considerable body of regular troops was assembled; and the people
of the country manifested a laudable spirit of loyalty and resolution,
crowding in great numbers to Belfast, to offer their service against the
invaders. These circumstances, to which the enemy were no strangers,
and the defeat of Conflans, which they had also learned, obliged them to
quit their conquest, and re-embark with some precipitation, after having
laid Carrickfergus under moderate contributions.

The fate they escaped on shore they soon met with at sea. Captain John
Elliot, who commanded three frigates at Kinsale, and had in the course
of this war more than once already distinguished himself even in his
early youth, by extraordinary acts of valour, was informed by a despatch
from the duke of Bedford, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, that three of the
enemy’s ships lay at anchor in the bay of Carrickfergus; and thither
he immediately shaped his course in the ship Æolus, accompanied by the
Pallas and Brilliant, under the command of the captains Clements and
Logic. On the twenty-eighth day of February they descried the enemy, and
gave chase in sight of the Isle of Man; and about nine in the morning,
captain Elliot, in his own ship, engaged the Belleisle, commanded by
Thurot, although considerably his superior in strength of men, number
of guns, and weight of metal. In a few minutes his consorts were also
engaged with the other two ships of the enemy. After a warm action,
maintained with great spirit on all sides for an hour and a half,
captain Elliot’s lieutenant boarded the Belleisle; and, striking her
colours with his own hand, the commander submitted: his example was
immediately followed by the other French captains; and the English
commodore, taking possession of his prizes, conveyed them into the bay
of Ramsay, in the Isle of Man, that their damage might be repaired.
Though the Belleisle was very leaky, and had lost her boltsprit,
mizen-mast, and main-yard, in all probability the victory would not have
been so easily obtained, had not the gallant Thurot fallen during the
action. The victor had not even the consolation to perform the last
offices to his brave enemy; for his body was thrown into the sea by his
own people in the hurry of the engagement. The loss on the side of the
English did not exceed forty men killed and wounded, whereas above three
hundred of the enemy were slain and disabled. The service performed
on this occasion was deemed so essential to the peace and commerce of
Ireland, that the thanks of the house of commons in that kingdom were
voted to the conquerors of Thurot, as well as to lieutenant-colonel
Jennings, for his spirited behaviour at Carrickfergus; and the freedom
of the city of Cork was presented in silver boxes to the captains
Elliot, Clements, and Logie. The name of Thurot was become terrible to
all the trading seaports of Great Britain and Ireland; and therefore
the defeat and capture of his squadron were celebrated with as hearty
rejoicings as the most important victory could have produced.

In the beginning of April another engagement between four frigates,
still more equally matched, had a different issue, though not less
honourable for the British commanders. Captain Skinner of the Biddeford,
and captain Kennedy of the Flamborough, both frigates, sailed on a
cruise from Lisbon; and on the fourth day of April, fell in with two
large French frigates, convoy to a fleet of merchant-ships, which the
English captains immediately resolved to engage. The enemy did not
decline the battle, which began about half an hour after six in the
evening, and raged with great fury till eleven. By this time the
Flamborough had lost sight of the Biddeford; and the frigate with which
captain Kennedy was engaged bore away with all the sail she could carry.
He pursued her till noon the next day, when she had left him so far
astern, that he lost sight of her, and returned to Lisbon with the loss
of fifteen men killed and wounded, including the lieutenant of marines,
and considerable damage both in her hull and rigging. In three days he
was joined by the Biddeford, which had also compelled her antagonist to
give way, and pursued her till she was out of sight. In about an hour
after the action began, captain Skinner was killed by a cannon-ball; and
the command devolved to lieutenant Knollis, son to the earl of Banbury,*
who maintained the battle with great spirit, even after he way wounded,
until he received a second shot in his body, which proved mortal.

     * Five sons of this nobleman were remarkably distinguished
     in this war. The fourth and fifth were dangerously wounded
     at the battle of Minden; the second was hurt in the
     reduction of Guadaloupe; lord Wallingford, the eldest,
     received a shot at Carrickfergus; and the third was slain in
     this engagement.

Then the master, assuming the direction, continued the engagement with
equal resolution till the enemy made his escape; which he the more
easily accomplished, as the Biddeford was disabled in her masts and
rigging.




REMARKABLE ADVENTURE OF FIVE IRISHMEN.

The bravery of five Irishmen and a boy, belonging to the crew of a ship
from Waterford, deserves commemoration. The vessel, in her return from
Bilboa, laden with brandy and iron, being taken by a French privateer
off Ushant, about the middle of April, the captors removed the master,
and all the hands but these five men and the boy, who were left to
assist nine Frenchmen in navigating the vessel to France. These stout
Hibernians immediately formed a plan of insurrection, and executed it
with success. Four of the French mariners being below deck, three aloft
among the rigging, one at the helm, and another walking the deck, Brian,
who headed the enterprise, tripped up the heels of the French steersman,
seized his pistol, and discharged it at him who walked the deck; but
missing the mark, he knocked him down with the but-end of the piece.
At the same time hallooing to his confederates below, they assailed the
enemy with their own broadswords; and, soon compelling them to submit,
came upon deck, and shut the hatches. Brian being now in possession
of the quarter-deck, those who were aloft called for quarter, and
surrendered without opposition. The Irish having thus obtained a
complete victory, almost without bloodshed, and secured the prisoners,
another difficulty occurred: neither Brian nor any of his associates
could read or write, or knew the least principle of navigation; but
supposing his course to be north, he steered at a venture, and the first
land he made was the neighbourhood of Youghall, where he happily arrived
with his prisoners.




THE RAMILLIES MAN OF WAR WRECKED.

The only considerable damage sustained by the navy of Great Britain,
since the commencement of this year, was the loss of the Ramillies, a
magnificent ship of the second rate, belonging to the squadron which
admiral Boscawen commanded on the coast of France, in order to watch the
motions and distress the commerce of that restless enterprising enemy.
In the beginning of February, a series of stormy weather obliged the
admiral to return from the bay of Quiberon to Plymouth, where he arrived
with much difficulty: but the Ramillies overshot the entrance to the
sound; and, being embayed near a point called the Bolthead, about four
leagues higher up the channel, was dashed in pieces among the rocks,
after all her anchors and cables had given way. All her officers and
men, amounting to seven hundred, perished on this occasion, except one
midshipman and twenty-five mariners, who had the good fortune to save
themselves by leaping on the rocks as the hull was thrown forwards,
and raised up by the succeeding billows. Such were the most material
transactions of the year, relating to the British empire in the seas of
Europe.




TREATY WITH THE CHEROKEES. HOSTILITIES RECOMMENCED.

We shall now transport the reader to the continent of North America,
which, as the theatre of war, still maintained its former importance.
The French emissaries from the province of Louisiana had exercised their
arts of insinuation with such success among the Cherokees--a numerous
and powerful nation of Indians settled on the confines of Virginia and
Carolina--that they had infringed the peace with the English towards
the latter end of the last year, and begun hostilities by plundering,
massacring, and scalping several British subjects of the more southern
provinces. Mr. Lyttleton, governor of South Carolina, having received
information of these outrages, obtained the necessary aids from the
assembly of the province, for maintaining a considerable body of forces,
which was raised with great expedition. He marched in the beginning of
October, at the head of eight hundred provincials, reinforced with three
hundred regular troops, and penetrated into the heart of the country
possessed by the Cherokees, who were so much intimidated by his vigour
and despatch, that they sent a deputation of their chiefs to sue for
peace, which was re-established by a new treaty, dictated by the English
governor. They obliged themselves to renounce the French interest, to
deliver up all the spies and emissaries of that nation then resident
among them; to surrender to justice those of their own people who had
been concerned in murdering and scalping the British subjects; and for
the performance of these articles two-and-twenty of their head men
were put as hostages into the hands of the governor. So little regard,
however, was paid by these savages to this solemn accommodation, that
Mr. Lyttleton had been returned but a few days from their country, when
they attempted to surprise the English fort Prince George, near the
frontiers of Carolina, by going thither in a body, on pretence of
delivering up some murderers; but the commanding officer, perceiving
some suspicious circumstances in their behaviour, acted with such
vigilance and circumspection as entirely frustrated their design.
[549] _[See note 4 L, at the end of this Vol.]_ Thus disappointed,
they wreaked their vengeance upon the English subjects trading in their
country, all of whom they butchered without mercy. Not contented
with this barbarous sacrifice, they made incursions on the British
settlements at the Long Lanes, and the forks of the Broad River, and
massacred about forty defenceless colonists, who reposed themselves
in full security on the peace so lately ratified. As views of interest
could not have induced them to act in this manner, and their revenge
had not been inflamed by any fresh provocation, these violences must
be imputed to the instigation of French incendiaries; and too plainly
evinced the necessity of crowning our American conquests with the
reduction of Louisiana, from whence these emissaries were undoubtedly
despatched.

The cruelty and mischief with which the Cherokees prosecuted their
renewed hostilities alarmed all the southern colonies of the
English, and application was made for assistance to Mr. Amherst,
the commander-in-chief of the king’s forces in America. He forthwith
detached twelve hundred chosen men to South Carolina, under the command
of colonel Montgomery, brother to the earl of Eglinton, an officer of
approved conduct and distinguished gallantry. Immediately after his
arrival at Charles-Town, he advanced to Ninety-Six, and proceeded to
Twelve-mile river, which he passed in the beginning of June, without
opposition. He continued his route by forced marches until he arrived
in the neighbourhood of the Indian town called Little Keowee, where
he encamped in an advantageous situation. Having reason to believe the
enemy were not yet apprized of his coming, he resolved to rush upon them
in the night by surprise. With this view, leaving his tents standing
with a sufficient guard for the camp and waggons, he marched through
the woods towards the Cherokee town of Estatoe, at the distance of
five-and-twenty miles: and in his route detached a company of light
infantry to destroy the village of Little Keowee, where they were
received with a smart fire; but they rushed in with their bayonets, and
all the men were put to the sword. The main body proceeded straight to
Estatoe, which they reached in the morning; but it had been abandoned
about half an hour before their arrival. Some few of the Indians, who
had not time to escape, were slain; and the town, consisting of two
hundred houses, well stored with provisions, ammunition, and all the
necessaries of life, was first plundered, and then reduced to ashes:
some of the wretched inhabitants who concealed themselves perished in
the flames. It was necessary to strike a terror into those savages
by some examples of severity; and the soldiers became deaf to all the
suggestions of mercy when they found in one of the Indian towns the body
of an Englishman, whom they had put to the torture that very morning.
Colonel Montgomery followed his blow with surprising rapidity. In the
space of a few hours he destroyed Sugar-Town, which was as large as
Estateo, and every village and house in the Lower Nation. The Indian
villages in this part of the world were agreeably situated, generally
consisting of about one hundred houses, neatly and commodiously
built, and well supplied with provisions. They had in particular large
magazines of corn, which were consumed in the flames. All the men that
were taken suffered immediate death; but the greater part of the nation
had escaped with the utmost precipitation. In many houses the beds were
yet warm, and the table spread with victuals. Many loaded guns went off
while the houses were burning. The savages had not time to save their
most valuable effects. The soldiers found some money, three or four
watches, a good quantity of wampum, clothes, and peltry. Colonel
Montgomery having thus taken vengeance on the perfidious Cherokees,
at the expense of five or six men killed or wounded, returned to Fort
Prince George, with about forty Indian women and children whom he had
made prisoners. Two of their warriors were set at liberty, and desired
to inform their nation, that, though they were now in the power of the
English, they might still, on their submission, enjoy the blessings of
peace. As the chief called Attakullakulla, alias the Little Carpenter,
who had signed the last treaty, disapproved of the proceedings of his
countrymen, and had done many good offices to the English since the
renovation of the war, he was now given to understand that he might come
down with some other chiefs to treat of an accommodation, which would be
granted to the Cherokees on his account; but that the negotiation must
be begun in a few days, otherwise all the towns in the Upper Nation
would be ravaged and reduced to ashes.

These intimations having produced little or no effect, colonel
Montgomery resolved to make a second irruption into the middle
settlements of the Cherokees, and began his march on the twenty-fourth
day of June. On the twenty-seventh, captain Morrison, of the advanced
party, was killed by a shot from a thicket, and the firing became so
troublesome that his men gave way. The grenadiers and light infantry
being detached to sustain them, continued to advance, notwithstanding
the fire from the woods; until, from a rising ground, they discovered
a body of the enemy. These they immediately attacked, and obliged to
retire into a Swamp; which, when the rest of the troops came up, they
were after a short resistance compelled to abandon: but, as the country
was difficult, and the path extremely narrow, the forces suffered on
their march from the fire of scattered parties who concealed themselves
behind trees and bushes. At length they arrived at the town of Etchowee,
which the inhabitants had forsaken after having removed every thing of
value. Here, while the army encamped on a small plain, surrounded by
hills, it was incommoded by volleys from the enemy, which wounded some
men, and killed several horses. They were even so daring as to attack
the piquet guard, which repulsed them with difficulty; but, generally
speaking, their parties declined an open engagement. Colonel Montgomery,
sensible that, as many horses were killed or disabled, he could not
proceed farther without leaving his provisions behind, or abandoning the
wounded men to the brutal revenge of a savage enemy, resolved to return;
and began his retreat in the night, that he might be the less disturbed
by the Indians. Accordingly, he pursued his route for two days without
interruption; but afterwards sustained some straggling fires from the
woods, though the parties of the enemy were put to flight as often
as they appeared. In the beginning of July he arrived at Fort Prince
George; this expedition having cost him about seventy men killed and
wounded, including five officers.




FATE OF THE GARRISON AT FORT LOUDOUN.

In revenge for these calamities, the Cherokees assembled to a
considerable number, and formed the blockade of Fort Loudoun, a
small fortification near the confines of Virginia, defended by an
inconsiderable garrison, ill supplied with provisions and necessaries.
After having sustained a long siege, and being reduced to the utmost
distress, captain Demere, the commander, held a council of war with
the other officers, to deliberate upon their present situation; when it
appeared that their provisions were entirely exhausted; that they had
subsisted a considerable time without bread upon horse-flesh, and
such supplies of pork and beans as the Indian women could introduce by
stealth: that the men were so weakened with famine and fatigue, that in
a little time they would not be able to do duty; that, for two nights
past, considerable parties had deserted, and some thrown themselves
upon the mercy of the enemy; but the garrison in general threatened to
abandon their officers, and betake themselves to the woods; and that
there was no prospect of relief, their communication having been long
cut off from all the British settlements: for these reasons they were
unanimously of opinion that it was impracticable to prolong their
defence; and they should accept of an honourable capitulation; and
captain Stuart should be sent to treat with the warriors and the head
men of the Cherokees, about the conditions of their surrender. This
officer, being accordingly despatched with full powers, obtained a
capitulation of the Indians, by which the garrison was permitted to
retire. The Indians desired that, when they arrived at Keowee, the
Cherokee prisoners confined at that place should be released, all
hostilities cease, a lasting accommodation be re-established, and a
regulated trade revived. In consequence of this treaty the garrison
evacuated the fort, and had marched about fifteen miles on their return
to Carolina, when they were surrounded and surprised by a large body of
Indians, who massacred all the officers except captain Stuart, and
slew five and twenty of the soldiers: the rest were made prisoners,
and distributed among the different towns and villages of the nation.
Captain Stuart owed his life to the generous intercession of the Little
Carpenter, who ransomed him at the price of all he could command, and
conducted him safe to Holston River, where he found major Lewis advanced
so far with a body of Virginians. The savages, encouraged by their
success at Fort Loudoun, undertook the siege of Ninety-Six, and other
small fortifications; but retired precipitately on the approach of a
body of provincials.




BRITISH INTEREST ESTABLISHED ON THE OHIO.

In the meantime, the British interest and empire were firmly established
on the banks of the Ohio, by the prudence and conduct of major-general
Stanwix, who had passed the winter at Pittsburgh, formerly Du Quesne, and
employed that time in the most effectual manner for the service of his
country. He repaired the old works, established posts of communication
from the Ohio to Monongahela, mounted the bastions that cover the
isthmus with artillery, erected casemates, store-houses, and barracks,
for a numerous garrison, and cultivated with equal diligence and success
the friendship and alliance of the Indians. The happy consequences of
these measures were soon apparent in the production of a considerable
trade between the natives and the merchants of Pittsburgh, and in the
perfect security of about four thousand settlers, who now returned to
the quiet possession of the lands from whence they had been driven by
the enemy on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




THE FRENCH UNDERTAKE THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC.

The incidents of the war were much more important and decisive in the
more northern parts of this great continent. The reader will remember
that brigadier-general Murray was left to command the garrison of
Quebec, amounting to about six thousand men; that a strong squadron of
ships was stationed at Halifax, in Nova-Scotia, under the direction of
lord Colville, an able and experienced officer, who had instructions
to revisit Quebec in the beginning of summer, as soon as the river
St. Laurence should be navigable; and that general Amherst, the
commander-in-chief of the forces in America, wintered in New-York,
that he might be at hand to assemble his troops in the spring, and
re-commence his operations for the entire reduction of Canada. General
Murray neglected no step that could be taken by the most vigilant
officer for maintaining the important conquest of Quebec, and subduing
all the Lower Canada; the inhabitants of which actually submitted, and
took the oath of allegiance to the king of Great Britain. [550] _[See
note 4 M, at the end of this Vol.]_ The garrison., however, within the
walls of Quebec, suffered greatly from the excessive cold in the winter,
and the want of vegetables and fresh provisions; insomuch that, before
the end of April, one thousand soldiers were dead of the scurvy, and
twice that number rendered unfit for service. Such was the situation of
the garrison, when Mr. Murray received undoubted intelligence that the
French commander, the chevalier de Levis, was employed in assembling
his army, which had been cantoned in the neighbourhood of Montreal;
that from the inhabitants of the country he had completed his eight
battalions, regimented forty companies of the troops de Colonie, and
determined to undertake the siege of Quebec, whenever the river St.
Laurence should be so clear of ice that he could use his four frigates,
and other vessels, by means of which he was entirely master of the
river.

The brigadier, considering the city of Quebec as no other than a strong
cantonment, had projected a plan of defence, by extending lines, and
intrenching his troops on the heights of Abraham, which at the distance
of eight hundred paces, entirely commanded the ramparts of the city,
and might have been defended by a small force against a formidable army.
Fascines, and every other necessary for this work, had been provided;
and in the month of April the men were set at work upon the projected
lines: but the earth was so hardened by the frost, that it was
found impracticable to proceed. Being informed on the night of the
twenty-sixth, that the enemy had landed at Point-au-Tremble, to the
number of ten thousand men, with five hundred savages, he ordered all
the bridges over the river Cape Rouge to be broken down, secured the
landing places at Sylleri and the Foulon; and next day, marching in
person with a strong detachment, and two field-pieces, took possession
of an advantageous situation, and thus defeated the scheme which the
French commander had laid for cutting off the posts which the English
had established. These being all withdrawn, the brigadier that same
afternoon marched back to Quebec, with little or no loss, although his
rear was harassed by the enemy. Here he formed a resolution which hath
been censured by some critics in war, as a measure that savoured more
of youthful impatience and overboiling courage than of that military
discretion which ought to distinguish a commander in such a delicate
situation; but it is more easy to censure with an appearance of reason,
than to act in such circumstances with any certainty of success.
Mr. Murray, in his letter to the secretary of state, declared, that,
although the enemy were greatly superior to him in number, yet, when he
considered that the English forces were habituated to victory, that they
were provided with a fine train of field-artillery; that, in shutting
them at once within the walls, he should have risked his whole stake on
the single chance of defending a wretched fortification; a chance which
could not be much lessened by an action in the field, though such
an action would double the chance of success: for these reasons he
determined to hazard a battle; should the event prove unprosperous, he
resolved to hold out the place to the last extremity; then to retreat to
the Isle of Orleans, or Coudres, with the remainder of the garrison,
and there wait for a reinforcement. In pursuance of these resolutions
he gave the necessary orders over night; and on the twenty-eighth day
of April, at half an hour after six in the morning, marched out with
his little army of three thousand men, which he formed on the heights
in order of battle. The right brigade, commanded by colonel Burton,
consisted of the regiments of Amherst, Anstruther, Webb, and the second
battalion of Royal Americans; the left, under colonel Fraser, was formed
of the regiments of Kennedy, Lascelles, Town-shend, and the Highlanders.
Otway’s regiment, and the third battalion of Royal Americans,
constituted the corps de reserve. Major Dalling’s corps of light
infantry covered the right flank; the left was secured by captain
Huzzen’s company of rangers, and one hundred volunteers, under the
command of captain Donald Mac-donald; and each battalion was supplied
with two field-pieces. Brigadier Murray, having reconnoitred the enemy,
perceived their van had taken possession of the rising grounds about
three quarters of a mile in his front; but that their army was on the
march in one column. Thinking this was the critical moment to attack
them before they were formed, he advanced towards them with equal order
and expedition. They were soon driven from the heights, though not
without a warm dispute; during which the body of their army advanced
at a round pace, and formed in columns. Their van consisted of ten
companies of grenadiers, two of volunteers, and four hundred savages;
eight battalions, formed in four columns, with some bodies of Canadians
in the intervals, constituted their main body; their rear was composed
of two battalions, and some Canadians in the flanks; and two thousand
Canadians formed the reserve. Their whole army amounted to upwards of
twelve thousand men. Major Balling, with great gallantry, dispossessed
their grenadiers of a house and windmill which they occupied, in order
to cover their left flank; and in this attack the major and some of
his officers were wounded: nevertheless, the light infantry pursued the
fugitives to a corps which was formed to sustain them; then the pursuers
halted, and dispersed along the front of the right; a circumstance which
prevented that wing from taking advantage of the first impression they
had made on the left of the enemy. The light infantry, being ordered to
regain the flank, were, in attempting this motion, furiously charged,
and thrown into disorder: then they retired to the rear in such a
shattered condition, that they could never again be brought up during
the whole action. Otway’s regiment was instantly ordered to advance from
the body of the reserve, and sustain the right wing, which the enemy
twice in vain attempted to penetrate. Meanwhile the left brigade of the
British forces did not remain inactive: they had dispossessed the French
of two redoubts, and sustained with undaunted resolution the whole
efforts of the enemy’s right, until they were fairly fought down,
overpowered by numbers, and reduced to a handful, notwithstanding the
assistance they received from the third battalion of Royal Americans,
which had been stationed with the body of the reserve, as well as from
Kennedy’s regiment, posted in the centre. The French attacked with great
impetuosity; and at length a fresh column of the regiment de Rousillon
penetrating the left wing of the British army, it gave way; the disorder
was soon communicated to the right; so that after a very obstinate
dispute, which lasted an hour and three quarters, brigadier Murray was
obliged to quit the field, with the loss of one thousand men killed or
wounded, and the greater part of his artillery. The enemy lost twice the
number of men and reaped no essential advantage from their victory.




QUEBEC BESIEGED.

Mr. Murray, far from being dispirited by his defeat, no sooner
retired within the walls of Quebec, than he resolved to prosecute the
fortifications of the place, which had been interrupted by the severity
of the winter; and the soldiers exerted themselves with incredible
alacrity, not only in labouring at the works, but also in the defence of
the town, before which the enemy had opened trenches on the very evening
of the battle. Three ships anchored at the Foulon below their camp; and
for several days they were employed in landing their cannon, mortars,
and ammunition. Meanwhile they worked incessantly at their trenches
before the town; and on the eleventh day of May, opened one
bomb-battery, and three batteries of cannon. Brigadier Murray made the
necessary dispositions to defend the place to the last extremity: he
raised two cavaliers, contrived some out-works, and planted the ramparts
with one hundred and thirty-two pieces of artillery, dragged thither
mostly by the soldiery. Though the enemy cannonaded the place with great
vivacity the first day, their fire soon slackened; and their batteries
were in a manner silenced by the superior fire of the garrison:
nevertheless, Quebec would in all probability have reverted to its
former owners, had a French fleet from Europe got the start of an
English squadron in sailing up the river.




THE ENEMIES SHIPPING DESTROYED.

Lord Colville had sailed from Halifax, with the fleet under his command,
on the twenty-second day of April; but was retarded in his passage by
thick fogs, contrary winds, and great shoals of ice floating down the
river. Commodore Swanton, who had sailed from England with a small
reinforcement, arrived about the beginning of May at the Isle of Bee, in
the river St. Laurence, where, with two ships, he purposed to wait for
the rest of his squadron, which had separated from him in the passage:
but one of these, the Lowestoffe, commanded by captain Deane, had
entered the harbour of Quebec on the ninth day of May, and communicated
to the governor the joyful news that the squadron was arrived in the
river. Commodore Swanton no sooner received intimation that Quebec was
besieged, than he sailed up the river with all possible expedition, and
on the fifteenth in the evening anchored above Point Levi. The brigadier
expressing an earnest desire that the French squadron above the town
might be removed, the commodore ordered captain Schomberg of the Diana,
and captain Deane of the Lowestoffe, to slip their cables early next
morning, and attack the enemy’s fleet, consisting of two frigates, two
armed ships, and a great number of smaller vessels. They were no sooner
in motion than the French ships fled in the utmost disorder. One of
their frigates was driven on the rocks above Cape Diamond; the other ran
ashore, and was burned at Point-au-Tremble, about ten leagues above the
town; and all the other vessels were taken or destroyed.

The enemy were so confounded and dispirited by this disaster, and the
certain information that a strong English fleet was already in the
river St. Laurence, that in the following night they raised the siege
of Quebec, and retreated with great precipitation, leaving their
provisions, implements, and artillery to governor Murray, who had
intended to make a vigorous sally in the morning, and attempt to
penetrate into the camp of the besiegers, which, from the information of
prisoners and deserters, he conceived to be a very practicable scheme.
For this purpose he had selected a body of troops, who were already
under arms, when a lieutenant, whom he had sent out with a detachment
to amuse the enemy, came and assured him that their trenches were
abandoned. He instantly marched out of Quebec at the head of his forces,
in hopes of overtaking and making an impression on their rear, that he
might have ample revenge for his late discomfiture; but they had passed
the river Cape Rouge before he could come up with their army: however,
he took some prisoners, and a great quantity of baggage, including their
tents, stores, magazines of provision and ammunition, with thirty-four
pieces of battering cannon, ten field-pieces, six mortars, four petards,
a great number of scaling ladders, intrenching tools, and every other
implement for a siege. They retired to Jaques-Quartiere, where their
ammunition began to fail, and they were abandoned by great part of the
Canadians; so that they resigned all hope of succeeding against Quebec,
and began to take measures for the preservation of Montreal, against
which the force under general Amherst was directed. There M. Vaudreuil
had fixed his head-quarters, and there he proposed to make his last
stand against the efforts of the British general. He not only levied
forces, collected magazines, and erected new fortifications in the
island of Montreal, but he had even recourse to feigned intelligence,
and other arts of delusion, to support the spirits of the Canadians and
their Indian allies, which had begun to flag in consequence of their
being obliged to abandon the siege of Quebec. It must be owned, he acted
with all the spirit and foresight of an experienced general, determined
to exert himself for the preservation of the colony, even though very
little prospect of success remained. His hopes, slender as they were,
depended upon the natural strength of the country, rendered almost
inaccessible by woods, mountains, and morasses, which might have
retarded the progress of the English, and protracted the war until a
general pacification could be effected. In the meantime, major-general
Amherst was diligently employed in taking measures for the execution of
the plan he had projected, in order to complete the conquest of Canada.
He conveyed instructions to general Murray, directing him to advance by
water towards Montreal, with all the troops that could be spared from
the garrison of Quebec. He detached colonel Haviland, with a body of
troops from Crown-Point, to take possession of the Isle-aux-Noix, in the
lake Champlain, and from thence penetrate the shortest way to the bank
of the river St. Laurence; while he himself, with the main body of the
army, amounting to about ten thousand men, including Indians, should
proceed from the frontiers of New York, by the rivers of the Mohawks and
Oneidas, to the lake Ontario, and sail down the river St. Laurence
to the island of Montreal. Thus, on the supposition that all these
particulars could be executed, the enemy must have been hemmed in and
entirely surrounded. In pursuance of this plan, general Amherst had
provided two armed sloops to cruise in the lake Ontario, under the
command of captain Loring; as well as a great number of bateaux, or
smaller vessels, for the transportation of the troops, artillery,
ammunition, implements, and baggage. Several regiments were ordered to
proceed from Albany to Oswego: and the general taking his departure from
Schenectady, with the rest of the forces, in the latter end of June,
arrived at the same place on the ninth day of July.




GENERAL AMHERST REDUCES THE FRENCH FORT AT THE ISLE ROYALE.

Being informed that two French vessels had appeared off Oswego, he
despatched some bateaux to Niagara, with intelligence to captain Loring,
who immediately set sail in quest of them; but they escaped his pursuit,
though they had twice appeared in the neighbourhood of Oswego since
the arrival of the general, who endeavoured to amuse them, by detaching
bateaux to different parts of the lake. The army being assembled, and
joined by a considerable body of Indians, under the command of sir
William Johnston, the general detached colonel Haviland, with the light
infantry, the grenadiers, and one battalion of highlanders, to take post
at the bottom of the lake, and assist the armed vessels in finding a
passage to La Galette. On the tenth day of August the army embarked on
board the bateaux and whale-boats, and proceeded on the lake towards the
mouth of the river St. Laurence. Understanding that one of the enemy’s
vessels had run aground and was disabled, and that the other lay off
La Galette, he resolved to make the best of his way down the river to
Swegatchie, and attack the French fort at Isle Royale, one of the most
important posts on the river St. Laurence, the source of which it in a
great measure commands. On the seventeenth, the row-galleys fell in with
the French sloop commanded by M. de la Broquerie, who surrendered
after a warm engagement. Mr. Amherst having detached some engineers to
reconnoitre the coasts and islands in the neighbourhood of Isle Royale,
he made a disposition for the attack of that fortress, which was
accordingly invested, after he had taken possession of the islands. Some
of these the enemy had abandoned with such precipitation, as to leave
behind a few scalps they had taken on the Mohawk river, a number of
tools and utensils, two swivels, some barrels of pitch, and a large
quantity of iron. The Indians were so incensed at sight of the scalps,
that they burned a chapel and all the houses of the enemy. Batteries
being raised on the nearest islands, the fort was cannonaded not only
by them, but likewise by the armed sloops, and a disposition was made
for giving the assault, when M. Pouchart, the governor, thought proper
to beat a parley, and surrender on capitulation. The general, having
taken possession of the fort, found it so well situated for commanding
the lake Ontario and the Mohawk river, that he resolved to maintain it
with a garrison, and employed some days in repairing the fortifications.

From this place his navigation down the river St. Laurence was rendered
extremely difficult and dangerous, by a great number of violent riffs
or rapids, and falls; among which he lost above fourscore men, forty-six
bateaux, seventeen whale-boats, one row-galley, with some artillery,
stores, and ammunition. On the sixth day of September the troops were
landed on the island of Montreal, without any opposition, except from
some flying parties, which exchanged a few shot, and then fled with
precipitation. That same day he repaired a bridge which they had broken
down in their retreat; and, after a march of two leagues, formed his
army on a plain before Montreal, where they lay all night on their
arms. Montreal is, in point of importance, the second place in Canada,
situated in an island of the river St. Laurence, at an equal distance
from Quebec and the lake Ontario. Its central situation rendered it
the staple of the Indian trade; yet the fortifications of it were
inconsiderable, not at all adequate to the value of the place. General
Amherst ordered some pieces of artillery to be brought up immediately
from the landing-place at La Chine, where he had left some regiments for
the security of the boats, and determined to commence the siege in form;
but in the morning of the seventh he received a letter from the marquis
de Vaudreuil by two officers, demanding a capitulation; which, after
some letters had passed between the two generals, was granted upon as
favourable terms as the French had reason to expect, considering that
general Murray, with the troops from Quebec, had by this time landed on
the island; and colonel Haviland, with the body under his command,
had just arrived on the south side of the river, opposite to Montreal;
circumstances equally favourable and surprising, if we reflect upon the
different routes they pursued, through an enemy’s country, where they
had no intelligence of the motions of each other. Had any accident
retarded the progress of general Amherst, the reduction of Montreal
would have been attempted by general Murray, who embarked with his
troops at Quebec on board of a great number of small vessels, under the
command of captain Deane in the Diana. This gentleman, with uncommon
abilities, surmounted the difficulties of an unknown, dangerous, and
intricate navigation; and conducted the voyage with such success, that
not a single vessel was lost in the expedition. M. de Levis, at the head
of his forces, watched the motions of general Murray, who, in advancing
up the river, published manifestoes among the Canadians, which produced
all the effect he could desire. Almost all the parishes on the south
shore, as far as the river Sorrel, submitted, and took the oath of
neutrality; and lord Rolle disarmed all the inhabitants of the north
shore, as far as Trois Rivieres, which, though the capital of a
district, being no more than an open village, was taken without
resistance. In a word, general Amherst took possession of Montreal, and
thus completed the conquest of all Canada; a conquest the most important
of any that ever the British arms achieved, whether we consider the
safety of the English colonies in North America, now secured from
invasion and encroachment; the extent and fertility of the country
subdued; or the whole Indian commerce thus transferred to the traders
of Great Britain. The terms of the capitulation may perhaps be thought
rather too favourable, as the enemy were actually enclosed and destitute
of all hope of relief: but little points like these ought always to be
sacrificed to the consideration of great objects; and the finishing the
conquest of a great country without bloodshed, redounds as much to the
honour as it argues the humanity of general Amherst, whose conduct had
been irreproachable during the whole course of the American operations.
At the same time, it must be allowed he was extremely fortunate in
having subordinate commanders, who perfectly corresponded with his
ideas; and a body of troops whom no labours could discourage, whom no
dangers could dismay. Sir William Johnston, with a power of authority
and insinuation peculiar to himself, not only maintained a surprising
ascendancy over the most ferocious of all the Indian tribes, but kept
them within the bounds of such salutary restraint, that not one single
act of inhumanity was perpetrated by them during the whole course of
this expedition. The zeal and conduct of brigadier-general Gage,
the undaunted spirit and enterprising genius of general Murray, the
diligence and activity of colonel Haviland, happily co-operated in
promoting this great event.




FRENCH SHIPS DESTROYED, &c.

The French ministry had attempted to succour Montreal by equipping a
considerable number of store ships, and sending them out in the spring
under convoy of a frigate; but as their officers understood that the
British squadron had sailed up the river St. Laurence before their
arrival, they took shelter in the bay of Chaleurs, on the coast of
Acadia, where they did not long remain unmolested. Captain Byron, who
commanded the ships of war that were left at Louisbourg, having received
intelligence of them from brigadier-general Whitmore, sailed thither with
his squadron, and found them at anchor. The whole fleet consisted of one
frigate, two large store-ships, and nineteen sail of smaller vessels;
the greater part of which had been taken from the merchants of Great
Britain; all these were destroyed, together with two batteries which
had been raised for their protection. The French town, consisting of two
hundred houses, was demolished, and the settlement totally ruined. All
the French subjects inhabiting the territories from the bay of Funda to
the banks of the river St. Laurence, and all the Indians through
that tract of country, were now subdued, and subjected to the English
government. In the month of December of the preceding year, the French
colonists at Miramachi, Rickebuctou, and other places lying along the
gulf of St. Laurence, made their submission by deputies to colonel Frye,
who commanded in Fort Cumberland at Chignecto. They afterwards renewed
this submission in the most formal manner, by subscribing articles,
by which they obliged themselves, and the people they represented, to
repair in the spring to Bay Verte, with all their effects and shipping,
to be disposed of according to the direction of colonel Laurence,
governor of Halifax, in Nova-Scotia. They were accompanied by two Indian
chiefs of the nation of the Mickmacks, a powerful and numerous people,
now become entirely dependent upon his Britannic majesty. In a word, by
the conquest of Canada, the Indian fur trade, in its full extent, fell
into the hands of the English. The French interest among the
savage tribes, inhabiting an immense tract of country, was totally
extinguished; and their American possessions shrunk within the limits of
Louisiana, an infant colony on the south of the Mississippi, which the
British arms may at any time easily subdue.




DEMOLITION OF LOUISBOURG.

The conquest of Canada being achieved, nothing now remained to be
done in North America, except the demolition of the fortifications of
Louisbourg on the island of Cape Breton; for which purpose some able
engineers had been sent from England with the ships commanded by captain
Byron. By means of mines artfully disposed and well constructed,
the fortifications were reduced to a heap of rubbish, the glacis was
levelled, and the ditches were filled. All the artillery, ammunition,
and implements of war, were conveyed to Halifax; but the barracks were
repaired, so as to accommodate three hundred men occasionally; the
hospital, with the private houses, were left standing. The French still
possessed, upon the continent of America, the fertile country lying on
each side of the great river Mississippi, which disembogues itself into
the gulf of Florida; but the colony was so thinly peopled, and so
ill provided, that, far from being formidable, it scarcely could have
subsisted, unless the British traders had been base and treacherous
enough to supply it from time to time with provisions and necessaries.
The same infamous commerce was carried on with divers French plantations
in the West Indies; insomuch that the governors of provinces, and
commanders of the squadrons stationed in those seas, made formal
complaints of it to the ministry. The temptation of extraordinary profit
excited the merchants not only to assist the enemies of their country,
but also run all risks in eluding the vigilance of the legislature.
The inhabitants of Martinique found a plentiful market of provision
furnished by the British subjects at the Dutch islands of Eustatia and
Curaeoa: and those that were settled on the island of Hispaniola were
supplied in the same manner at the Spanish settlement of Monte-Christo.




INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA.

While the British commanders exerted themselves by sea and land with
the most laudable spirit of vigilance and courage against the foreign
adversaries of their country, the colonists of Jamaica ran the most
imminent hazard of being extirpated by a domestic enemy. The negro
slaves of that island, grown insolent in the contemplation of their
own formidable numbers, or by observing the supine indolence of their
masters, or stimulated by that appetite for liberty so natural to the
mind of man, began, in the course of this year, to entertain thoughts of
shaking off the yoke by means of a general insurrection. Assemblies were
held and plans resolved for this purpose. At length they concerted a
scheme for rising in arms all at once in different parts of the island,
in order to massacre all the white men, and take possession of the
government. They agreed that this design should be put in execution
immediately after the departure of the fleet for Europe; but their
plan was defeated by their ignorance and impatience. Those of the
conspirators that belonged to captain Forest’s estate, being impelled by
the fumes of intoxication, fell suddenly upon the overseer, while he
sat at supper with some friends, and butchered the whole company. Being
immediately joined by some of their confederates, they attacked the
neighbouring plantations, where they repeated the same barbarities; and,
seizing all the arms and ammunition that fell in their way, began
to grow formidable to the colony. The governor no sooner received
intimation of this disturbance, than he, by proclamation, subjected the
colonists to martial law. All other business was interrupted, and
every man took to his arms. The regular troops, joined by the troop of
militia, and a considerable number of volunteers, marched from Spanish
Town to Saint Mary’s, where the insurrection began, and skirmished with
the insurgents; but as they declined standing any regular engagement,
and trusted chiefly to bush-fighting, the governor employed against them
the free blacks, commonly known by the name of the wild negroes,
now peaceably settled under the protection of the government. These
auxiliaries, in consideration of a price set upon the heads of the
rebels, attacked them in their own way, slew them by surprise, until
their strength was broken, and numbers made away with themselves in
despair; so that the insurrection was supposed to be quelled about the
beginning of May, but in June it broke out again with redoubled fury,
and the rebels were reinforced to a very considerable number. The
regular troops and the militia, joined by a body of sailors, formed
a camp under the command of colonel Spragge, who sent out detachments
against the negroes, a great number of whom were killed, and some taken;
but the rest, instead of submitting, took shelter in the woods and
mountains. The prisoners, being tried and found guilty of rebellion,
were put to death by a variety of tortures. Some were hanged, some
beheaded, some burned, and some fixed alive upon gibbets. One of these
last lived eight days and eighteen hours, suspended under a vertical
sun, without being refreshed by one drop of water, or receiving any
manner of sustenance. In order to prevent such insurrections for the
future, the justices assembled at the sessions of the peace established
regulations, importing, that no negro-slave should be allowed to quit
his plantation without a white conductor, or a ticket of leave; that
every negro playing at any sort of game should be scourged through the
public streets; that every publican suffering such gaming in his house
should forfeit forty shillings; that every proprietor suffering his
negroes to beat a drum, blow a horn, or make any other noise in his
plantation, should be fined ten pounds; and every overseer allowing
these irregularities should pay half that sum, to be demanded, or
distrained for, by any civil or military officer; that every free negro,
or mulatto, should wear a blue cross on his right shoulder, on pain of
imprisonment; that no mulatto, Indian, or negro, should hawk or sell any
thing, except fresh fish or milk, on pain of being scourged; that rum
and punch houses should be shut up during divine service on Sundays,
under the penalty of twenty shillings; and that those who had petit
licenses should shut up their houses on other nights at nine o’clock.




ACTION AT SEA OFF HISPANIOLA.

Notwithstanding these examples and regulations, a body of rebellious
negroes still subsisted in places that were deemed inaccessible to
regular forces; and from these they made nocturnal irruptions into
the nearest plantations, where they acted with all the wantonness
of barbarity: so that the people of Jamaica were obliged to conduct
themselves with the utmost vigilance and circumspection; while
rear-admiral Holmes, who commanded at sea, took every precaution to
secure the island from insult or invasion. He not only took measures
for the defence of Jamaica, but also contrived and executed schemes for
annoying the enemy. Having in the month of October received intelligence
that five French frigates were equipped at Cape François, on the island
of Hispaniola, in order to convoy a fleet of merchant-ships to Europe,
he stationed the ships under his command in such a manner as was most
likely to intercept this fleet; and his disposition was attended with
success. The enemy sailed from the Cape to the number of eight sail,
on the sixteenth; and next day they were chased by the king’s ships the
Hampshire, Lively, and Boreas; which however made small progress, as
there was little wind, and that variable. In the evening the breeze
freshened; and about midnight the Boreas came up with the Sirenne,
commanded by commodore M’Cartie. They engaged with great vivacity for
about twenty-five minutes, when the Sirenne shot a-head, and made the
best of her way. The Boreas was so damaged in her rigging, that she
could not close with the enemy again till next day, at two in the
afternoon, when the action was renewed off the east end of Cuba, and
maintained till forty minutes past four, when Mr. M’Cartie struck. In
the meantime, the Hampshire and Lively gave chase to the other four
French frigates, which steered to the southward with all the sail they
could carry, in order to reach the west end of Tortuga, and shelter
themselves in Port-au-Prince. On the eighteenth, the Lively, by the help
of her oars, came up with the Valeur, at half an hour past seven in the
morning; and after a hot action, which continued an hour and a half,
compelled the enemy to submit. The Hampshire stood after the three
others, and about four in the afternoon ran up between the duke de
Choiseul and the prince Edward. These she engaged at the same time;
but the first, having the advantage of the wind, made her retreat into
Port-au-Paix, the other ran ashore about two leagues to leeward, and
struck her colours; but at the approach of the Hampshire the enemy set
her on fire, and she blew up. This was also the fate of the Fleur de
Lys, which had run into Freshwater Bay, a little farther to leeward of
Port-au-Prince. Thus, by the prudent disposition of admiral Holmes, and
the gallantry of his three captains Norbury, Uvedale, and Maitland, two
large frigates of the enemy were taken, and three destroyed. The spirit
of the officers was happily supported by an uncommon exertion of courage
in the men, who cheerfully engaged in the most dangerous enterprises.
Immediately after the capture of the French frigates, eight of the
enemy’s privateers were destroyed or brought into Jamaica. Two of these,
namely, the Vainqueur of ten guns, sixteen swivels, and ninety men, and
the Mackau of six swivels, and fifteen men, had run into shoal water
in Cumberland harbour on the island of Cuba. The boats of the Trent and
Boreas, manned under the direction of the lieutenants Miller and Stuart,
being rowed up to the Vainqueur, boarded and took possession under a
close fire, after having surmounted many other difficulties. The Mackau
was taken without any resistance; then the boats proceeded against the
Guespe, of eight guns, and eighty-five men, which laid at anchor farther
up in the Lagoon, but before they came up the enemy had set her on fire,
and she was destroyed.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




GALLANT BEHAVIOUR OF CAPTAINS O’BRIEN AND TAYLOR.

The same activity and resolution distinguished the captains and officers
belonging to the squadron commanded by sir James Douglas off the Leeward
islands. In the month of September, the captains O’Brien and Taylor, of
the ships Temple and Griffin, being on a joint cruise off the islands
Granadas, received intelligence that the Virgin, formerly a British
sloop of war, which had been taken by the enemy, then lay at anchor,
together with three privateers, under protection of three forts on the
island, sailed thither in order to attack them, and their enterprise
was crowned with success. After a warm engagement which lasted several
hours, the enemy’s batteries were silenced, and indeed demolished, and
the English captains took possession of the four prizes. They afterwards
entered another harbour of that island, having first demolished another
fort; and there they lay four days unmolested, at the expiration of
which they carried off three other prizes. In their return to Antigua,
they fell in with thirteen ships bound to Martinique with provisions,
and took them all without resistance. About the same time eight or nine
privateers were taken by the ships which commodore sir James Douglas
employed in cruising round the island of Guadaloupe, so that the British
commerce in those seas flourished under his care and protection.




TRANSACTIONS IN THE EAST-INDIES.

In the East-Indies the British arms still continued to prosper. After
the reduction of Arcot, the garrisons of Permacoil and Allumparva
surrendered themselves prisoners of war in the beginning of May. The
Falmouth obliged the Haarlem, a French ship from Meguy, to run ashore
to the northward of Pondicherry. The important settlement of Carical was
reduced by the sea and land forces commanded by rear-admiral Cornish and
major Monson, and the French garrison made prisoners of war; and colonel
Coote formed the blockade of Pondicherry by laud, while the harbour was
beset by the English squadron.




ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE BAY OF QUIBERON.

No action of importance was in the course of this year achieved by the
naval force of Great Britain in the seas of Europe. A powerful squadron
still remained in the hay of Quiberon, in order to amuse and employ
a body of French forces on that part of the coast, and interrupt the
navigation of the enemy; though the principal aim of this armament seems
to have been to watch and detain the few French ships which had run
into the river Vil-laine, after the defeat of Confians; an object,
the importance of which will doubtless astonish posterity. The fleet
employed in this service was alternately commanded by admiral Boscawen
and sir Edward Hawke, officers of distinguished abilities, whose talents
might have been surely rendered subservient to much greater national
advantages. All that Mr. Boscawen could do in this circumscribed scene
of action was, to take possession of a small island near the river
Vannes, which he caused to be cultivated, and planted with vegetables,
for the use of the men infected with scorbutic disorders arising from
salt provision, sea air, and want of proper exercise. In the month of
September, sir Edward Hawke, who had by this time relieved Mr. Boscawen,
detached the gallant lord Howe, in the Magnanime, with the ships Prince
Frederick and Bedford, to reduce the little island of Dumet, about three
miles in length, and two in breadth, abounding with fresh water. It was
defended by a small fort, mounted with nine cannon, and manned with one
company of the regiment of Bourbon, who surrendered in a very short
time after the ships had begun the attack. By this small conquest
a considerable expense was saved to the nation in the article of
transports employed to carry water for the use of the squadron.

Admiral Rodney still maintained his former station off the coast of
Havre de Grace, to observe what should pass at the mouth of the Seine.
In the month of July, while he hovered in this neighbourhood, five large
flat bottomed boats, laden with cannon and shot, feet sail from Harfleur
in the middle of the day, with their colours flying, as if they had set
the English squadron at defiance; for the walls of Havre de Grace, and
even the adjacent hills, were covered with spectators, assembled to
behold the issue of this adventure. Having reached the river of Caen,
they stood backwards and forwards upon the shoals, intending to amuse
admiral Rodney till night, and then proceed under cover of the darkness.
He perceived their drift, and gave directions to his small vessels to be
ready, that, as soon as day-light failed, they should make all the sail
they could for the mouth of the river Orne, in order to cut off the
enemy’s retreat, while he himself stood with the larger ships to the
steep coast of Port Bassin. The scheme succeeded to his wish. The enemy,
seeing their retreat cut off, ran ashore at Port Bassin, where the
admiral destroyed them, together with the small fort which had been
erected for the defence of this harbour. Each of those vessels was one
hundred feet in length, and capable of containing four hundred men for
a short passage. What their destination was we cannot pretend to
determine; but the French had provided a great number of these
transports, for ten escaped into the river Orne leading to Caen; and
in consequence of this disaster one hundred were unloaded, and sent up
again to Rouen. This was not all the damage that the enemy sustained on
this part of the coast. In the month of November, captain Curry, of
the Acteon, chased a large privateer, and drove her ashore between Cape
Barfleur and La Hogue, where she perished. The cutters belonging to
admiral Rodney’s squadron scoured the coast towards Dieppe, where a
considerable fishery was carried on, and where they took or destroyed
near forty vessels of considerable burden. Though the English navy
suffered nothing from the French during this period, it sustained some
damage from the weather. The Conqueror, a new ship of the line, was lost
in the channel, on the island of St. Nicholas, but the crew and cannon
were saved. The Lyme, of twenty guns, foundered in the Categat, in
Norway, and fifty of the men perished; and, in the West Indies, a tender
belonging to the Dublin, commanded by commodore sir James Douglas, was
lost in a single wind, with a hundred chosen mariners.

Of the domestic transactions relating to the war, the most considerable
was the equipment of a powerful armament destined for some secret
expedition. A numerous body of forces was assembled, and a great number
of transports collected at Portsmouth. Generals were nominated to the
command of this enterprise. The troops were actually embarked with
a great train of artillery; and the eyes of the whole nation were
attentively fixed upon this armament, which could not have been
prepared without incurring a prodigious expense. Notwithstanding these
preparations, the whole summer was spent in idleness and inaction; and
in the latter end of the season the undertaking was laid aside. The
people did not fail to clamour against the inactivity of the summer, and
complained that, notwithstanding the immense subsidies granted for the
prosecution of the war, no stroke of importance was struck in Europe for
the advantage of Great Britain; but that her treasure was lavished upon
fruitless parade, or a German alliance still more pernicious. It must be
owned indeed, that no new attempt was made to annoy the enemy on British
principles; for the surrender of Montreal was the natural consequence
of the steps which had been taken, and of the measures concerted in the
course of the preceding year. It will be allowed, we apprehend, that the
expense incurred by the armament at Portsmouth, and the body of troops
there detained, would have been sufficient, if properly applied, to
reduce the island of Mauritius in the Indian ocean, Martinique in the
West Indies, or Minorca in the Mediterranean; and all these three were
objects of importance. In all probability, the design of the armament
was either to intimidate the French into proposals of peace; to make a
diversion from the Rhine, by alarming the coast of Bretagne; or to
throw over a body of troops into Flanders, to effect a junction with the
hereditary prince of Brunswick, who, at the head of twenty thousand men,
had made an irruption as far as the Lower Rhine, and even crossed that
river; but he miscarried in the execution of his design.




ASTRONOMERS SENT TO THE EAST INDIES.

In the midst of these alarms some regard was paid to the improvements
of natural knowledge. The Royal Society having made application to the
king, representing that there would be a transit of Venus over the disc
of the sun, on the sixth day of June; and that there was reason to
hope the parallax of that planet might be more accurately determined
by making proper observations of this phenomenon at the island of St.
Helena, near the coast of Africa, and at Bencoolen in the East Indies,
his majesty granted a sum of money to defray the expense of sending
able astronomers to those two places, and ordered a ship of war to be
equipped for their conveyance. Accordingly, Mr. Nevil Maskelyne and Mr.
Robert Waddington were appointed to make the observations at St. Helena;
and Mr. Charles Mason and Mr. Jeremiah Dixon undertook the voyage to
Bencoolen, on the island of Sumatra.*

     * In the beginning of April, the king granted to his
     grandson prince Edward Augustus, and to the heirs male of
     his royal highness, the dignities of duke of the kingdom of
     Great Britain, and of earl of the kingdom of Ireland, by the
     names, styles, and titles, of duke of York and Albany, and
     earl of Ulster.




EARTHQUAKES IN SYRIA.

Except the countries that were actually the scenes of war, no political
revolution or disturbance disquieted the general tranquillity. Syria,
indeed, felt all the horrors and wreck of a dreadful earthquake,
protracted in repeated shocks, which began on the thirteenth day of
October, in the neighbourhood of Tripoli. A great number of houses were
overthrown at Seyde, and many people buried under the ruins. It was
felt through a space of ten thousand square leagues, comprehending
the mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus, with an infinite number of
villages, that were reduced to heaps of rubbish. At Acra, or Ptolemais,
the sea overflowed its banks, and poured into the streets, though eight
feet above the level of the water. The city of Saphet was entirely
destroyed, and the greatest part of its inhabitants perished. At
Damascus, all the minarets were overthrown, and six thousand people lost
their lives. The shocks diminished gradually till the twenty-fifth day
of November, when they were renewed with redoubled havoc; the earth
trembled with the most dreadful convulsions, and the greater part of
Tripoli was destroyed. Balbeck was entirely ruined, and this was the
fate of many other towns and castles; so that the people who escaped
the ruins were obliged to sojourn in the open fields, and all Syria was
threatened with the vengeance of heaven. Such a dangerous ferment arose
at Constantinople, that a revolution was apprehended. Mustapha, the
present emperor, had no sons; but his brother Bajazet, whose life he had
spared, contrary to the maxims of Turkish policy, produced a son by
one of the women with whom he was indulged in his confinement; a
circumstance which aroused the jealousy of the emperor to such a degree,
that he resolved to despatch his brother. The great officers of the
Porte opposed this design, which was so disagreeable to the people,
that an insurrection ensued. Several Turks and Armenians, taking it for
granted that a revolution was at hand, bought up great quantities of
grain; and a dreadful dearth was the consequence of this monopoly.
The sultan assembled the troops, quieted the insurgents, ordered the
engrossers of corn to be executed, and in a little time the repose of
the city was reestablished.

Notwithstanding the prospect of a rupture in Italy, no new incident
interrupted the tranquillity which the southern parts of Europe enjoyed.
The king of Spain, howsoever solicited by the other branch of the house
of Bourbon to engage in the war as its ally, refused to interpose in
any other way than as a mediator between the courts of London and
Versailles. He sent the condé de Fuentes, a nobleman of high rank and
character, in quality of ambassador-extraordinary to the king of Great
Britain, in order to offer his good offices for effecting a peace; and
the condé, after having conferred with the English minister, made an
excursion to Paris: but his proposal with respect to a cessation of
hostilities, if in reality such a proposal was ever made, did not meet
with a cordial reception. Other differences subsisting between
the crowns of Great Britain and Spain, he found no difficulty in
compromising. His catholic majesty persisted in the execution of a plan
truly worthy of a patriot king. In the first place, he spared no pains
and application to make himself thoroughly acquainted with the state
of his kingdom. He remitted to his people all they owed the crown,
amounting to threescore millions of reals: he demanded an exact account
of his father’s debts, that they might be discharged with the utmost
punctuality: an order was sent to the treasury, that ten millions of
reals should be annually appropriated for this purpose, until the whole
should be liquidated; and to the first year’s payment be added fifty
millions, to be divided equally among the legal claimants. He took
measures for the vigorous execution of the laws against offenders;
encouraged industry; protected commerce; and felt the exquisite pleasure
in being beloved as the father of his people. To give importance to his
crown, and extend his influence among the powers of Europe, he equipped
a powerful squadron of ships at Carthagena; and is said to have declared
his intention to employ them against Algiers, should the dey refuse to
release the slaves of the Spanish nation.




AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.

Portugal still seemed agitated from the shock of the late conspiracy
which was quelled in that kingdom. The pope’s nuncio was not only forbid
the court, but even sent under a strong guard to the frontiers; an
indignity which induced the pontiff to order the Portuguese minister at
Rome to evacuate the ecclesiastical dominions. In the meantime, another
embarkation of Jesuits was sent from Lisbon to Civita Vecchia; yet
the expulsion of these fathers did not restore the internal peace of
Portugal, or put an end to the practice of plotting; for, even since
their departure, some persons of rank have either been committed to
close prison, or exiled from the kingdom. The Jesuits were not more
fortunate in America; for in the month of October, in the foregoing
year, an obstinate battle was fought between the united forces of Spain
and Portugal and the Indians of Paraguay, who were under the dominion of
the Jesuits: victory at length declared in favour of the two crowns; so
that the vanquished were obliged to capitulate, and lay down their arms.
As the court of Portugal had made remonstrances to the British ministry
against the proceedings of the English squadron under admiral Boscawen,
which had attacked and destroyed some French ships under the Portuguese
fort in the bay of Lagos, his Britannic majesty thought proper to send
the earl of Kinnoul as ambassador-extraordinary to Lisbon, where that
nobleman made such excuses for the insult of the English admiral, as
entirely removed all the misunderstanding between the two crowns;
and could not fail of being agreeable to the Portuguese monarch, thus
respected, soothed, and deprecated by a mighty nation, in the very
zenith of power and prosperity. On the sixth of June, being the birthday
of the king of Portugal, the marriage of his brother don Pedro with the
princess of Brazil was celebrated in the chapel of the palace where
the king resides, to the universal joy of the people. The nuptials were
announced to the public by the discharge of cannon, and celebrated with
illuminations and all kinds of rejoicing.

An accident which happened in the Mediterranean had like to have drawn
the indignation of the Ottoman Porte on the knights of the order of
Malta. A large Turkish ship of the line, mounted with sixty-eight brass
cannon, having on board a complement of seven hundred men, besides
seventy christian slaves, under the immediate command of the Turkish
admiral, had, in company with two frigates, five galleys, and other
smaller vessels, sailed in June from the Dardanelles; cruised along the
coast of Smyrna, Scio, and Trio; and at length anchored in the channel
of Stangie, where the admiral, with four hundred persons, went on shore,
on the nineteenth day of September: the christian slaves, seizing this
opportunity, armed themselves with knives, and fell upon the three
hundred that remained with such fury and effect, that a great number
of the Turks were instantly slain; many leaped overboard into the sea,
where they perished; and the rest sued for mercy. The christians, having
thus secured possession of the ship, hoisted sail, and bore away for
Malta: which, though chased by the two frigates and a Ragusan ship, they
reached by crowding all their canvas, and brought their prize safe into
the harbour of Valette, amidst the acclamations of the people. The order
of Malta, as a recompence for this signal act of bravery and resolution,
assigned to the captors the whole property of the ship and slaves,
together with all the effects on board, including a sum of money which
the Turkish commander had collected by contribution, amounting to a
million and a half of florins. The grand seignior was so enraged at this
event, that he disgraced his admiral, and threatened to take vengeance
on the order of Malta, for having detained the ship, and countenanced
the capture.




PATRIOTIC SCHEMES OF THE KING OF DENMARK.

With respect to the disputes which had so long embroiled the northern
parts of Europe, the neutral powers seemed as averse as ever to a
participation. The king of Denmark continued to perfect those plans
which he had wisely formed for increasing the wealth, and promoting
the happiness of his subjects; nor did he neglect any opportunity of
improving natural knowledge for the benefit of mankind in general. He
employed men of ability, at his own expense, to travel into foreign
countries, and to collect the most curious productions, for the
advancement of natural history: he encouraged the liberal and mechanic
arts at home, by munificent rewards and peculiar protection: he invited
above a thousand foreigners from Germany to become his subjects, and
settle in certain districts in Jutland, which had lain waste above three
centuries; and they forthwith began to build villages, and cultivate the
lands, in the dioceses of Wibourg, Arhous, and Ripen. Their travelling
expenses from Altona to their new settlement were defrayed by the king,
who moreover maintained them until the produce of the lands could afford
a comfortable subsistence. He likewise bestowed upon each colonist a
house, a barn, and a stable, with a certain number of horses and cattle.
Finally, this generous patriot having visited these new subjects, who
received him with unspeakable emotions of joy and affection, he
ordered a considerable sum of money to be distributed among them as an
additional mark of his favour. Such conduct in a prince cannot fail to
secure the warmest returns of loyalty and attachment in his people;
and the execution of such laudable schemes will endear his name to the
contemplation of posterity.




MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

The Dutch, as usual, persevered in prosecuting every branch of commerce,
without being diverted to less profitable schemes of state-policy by
the insinuations of France, or the remonstrances of Great Britain. The
violation of the peace by their subjects in Bengal was no sooner known
at the court of London, than orders were sent to general Yorke,
the English ambassador at the Hague, to demand an explanation. He
accordingly presented a memorial to the states-general, signifying that
their high mightinesses must doubtless be greatly astonished to hear, by
the public papers, of the irregularities committed by their subjects in
the East Indies; but that they would be much more amazed on perusing the
piece annexed to his memorial, containing a minute account, specified
with the strictest regard to truth, of the irregular conduct observed
by the Dutch towards the British subjects in the river Bengal, at a time
when the factors and traders of Holland enjoyed all the sweets of peace
and all the advantages of unmolested commerce: at a time when his
Britannic majesty, from his great regard to their high mightinesses,
carefully avoided giving the least umbrage to the subjects of the United
Provinces. He observed that the king his sovereign was deeply affected
by these outrageous doings and mischievous designs of the Dutch in the
East Indies, whose aim was to destroy the British settlements in that
country; an aim that would have been accomplished, had not the king’s
victorious arms brought them to reason, and obliged them to sue for an
accommodation. He told them his majesty would willingly believe their
high mightinesses had given no order for proceeding to such extremities,
and that the directors of their India company had no share in the
transaction: nevertheless, he (the ambassador) was ordered to demand
signal satisfaction, in the name of the king his master; that all who
should be found to have shared in the offence, so manifestly tending to
the destruction of the English settlements in that country, should be
exemplarily punished; and that their high mightinesses should confirm
the stipulations agreed upon immediately after the action by the
directors of the respective companies, in consideration of which
agreement the Dutch ships were restored, after their commanders
acknowledged their fault, in owning themselves the aggressors. To this
remonstrance the states-general replied, that nothing of what was laid
to the charge of their subjects had yet reached their knowledge: but
they requested his Britannic majesty to suspend his judgment until he
should be made perfectly acquainted with the grounds of those disputes;
and they promised he should have reason to be satisfied with the
exemplary punishment that would be inflicted upon all who should be
found concerned in violating the peace between the two nations. *

     * In the month of March, the states of Holland and West
     Friesland having, after warm debates, agreed to the proposed
     match between the princess Caroline, sister to the prince of
     Orange, and the prince of Nassau Weilbourg, the nuptials
     were solemnized at the Hague with great magnificence.




STATE OF THE POWERS AT WAR.

The war in Germany still raged with unrelenting fury, and the mutual
rancour of the contending parties seemed to derive fresh force from
their mutual disappointments; at least the house of Austria seemed
still implacable, and obstinately bent upon terminating the war with the
destruction of the Prussian monarch. Her allies, however, seemed less
actuated by the spirit of revenge. The French king had sustained so much
damage and disgrace in the course of the war, that his resources failed,
and his finances fell into disorder; he could no longer afford the
subsidies he had promised to different powers; while his subjects
clamoured aloud at the burden of impositions, the ruin of trade, and the
repeated dishonour entailed upon the arms of France. The czarina’s zeal
for the alliance was evidently cooled by the irregular and defective
payments of the subsidies she had stipulated. Perhaps she was
disappointed in her hope of conquest, and chagrined to see her armies
retire from Germany at the approach of every winter; and the British
ministry did not fail to exert all their influence to detach her from
the confederacy in which she had embarked. Sweden still languished in an
effectual parade of hostilities against the house of Bran-denburgh; but
the French interest began to lose ground in the diet of that kingdom.
The king of Prussia, howsoever exhausted in the article of men, betrayed
no symptom of apprehension, and made no advance towards a pacification
with his adversaries. He had employed the winter in recruiting his
armies by every expedient his fertile genius could devise; in levying
contributions to reinforce the vast subsidy he received from England, in
filling magazines, and making every preparation for a vigorous campaign.
In Westphalia, the same foresight and activity were exerted by prince
Ferdinand of Brunswick, who in the beginning of summer found himself
at the head of a very numerous army, paid by Great Britain, and
strengthened by two-and-twenty thousand national troops.




DEATH OF THE LANDGRAVE OF HESSE-CASSEL.

No alteration in the terms of this alliance was produced by the death
of William, landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who breathed his last, in an
advanced age, on the twenty-eighth day of January, at Rintelen upon the
Weser. He was succeeded in the landgraviate by his son Frederick, whose
consort, the princess Mary, daughter to the king of Great Britain,
now, in quality of governess of her children, assumed the regency and
administration of the county of Hanau-Muntzenberg, by virtue of the
settlement made in the lifetime of her father-in-law, and confirmed by
her husband. She had for some years been separated from him, and resided
with his father, at whose decease she retired with her children to
the city of Zell. The present landgrave, who lived at Magdebourg as
vice-governor under the kin g of Prussia, no sooner learned the news of
his father’s death, than he sent an intimation of it to that prince and
the king of Great Britain; declaring, at the same time, that he would
scrupulously adhere to the engagements of his predecessor.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




OFFERS MADE BY THE NEUTRAL POWERS, &c.

The advances towards a peace, which had been made in the preceding year
by the kings of England and Prussia, in their declaration published at
the Hague by prince Louis of Brunswick, seemed to infuse in the neutral
powers a good opinion of their moderation. We have already seen that the
king of Spain offered his best offices in quality of mediator. When a
congress was proposed, the states-general made an offer of Breda, as
a place proper for the negotiation. The king of Great Britain, by the
mouth of his ambassador, thanked their high mightinesses for the sincere
desire they expressed to put an end to the ravages of war, which had
extended desolation over the face of Europe: he readily closed with
their gracious offer; and in consequence of his high regard and
invariable friendship for their high mightinesses, wished earnestly
that it might be acceptable to the other powers at war. The French king
expressed his sentiments nearly to the same purpose. His ambassador
declared, that his most christian majesty was highly sensible of the
offer they had made of Breda for holding the congress; that, in order
to give a fresh proof of his sincere desire to increase the good harmony
that subsisted between him and the states-general, he accepted their
offer with pleasure; butas he could take no step without the concurrence
of his high allies, he was obliged to wait for their answer, which could
not fail to be favourable, if nothing remained to be settled but the
place for holding the congress. King Stanislaus having written a letter
to his Britannic majesty, offering the city of Nancy for the same
purpose, he received a civil answer, expressing the king of England’s
sense of his obliging offer, which however he declined, as a place not
conveniently situated for all the powers interested in the great works
of pacification. Civilities of the same nature likewise passed between
the sovereign of Nancy and the king of Prussia. As the proposals for an
accommodation made by the king of England and his allies might have left
an unfavourable impression of their adversaries had they been altogether
declined, the court of Vienna was prevailed upon to concur with
her allies in a declaration professing their desire of peace; which
declaration was delivered, on the third day of April, by the Austrian
minister residing at the Hague, to his serene highness prince Louis
of Brunswick; and a paper of the same nature was also delivered to him
separately by the French and Russian ministers. [558] _[See note 4 N, at
the end of this Vol.]_ These professions, however, did not interrupt the
operations of the campaign.




SKIRMISHES IN WESTPHALIA.

Though the French army under the mareschal duke de Broglio remained in
cantonment in the neighbourhood of Friedberg, and prince Ferdinand had
retired from Corsdorff to Marburg, where in the beginning of January he
established his head-quarters, nevertheless the winter was by no means
inactive. As far back as the twenty-fifth day of December, the duke de
Broglio, having called in his detachments, attempted to surprise the
allied army by a forced march to Kleinlinnes; but finding them prepared
to give him a warm reception, nothing but a cannonade ensued, and he
retreated to his former quarters. On the twenty-ninth, colonel Luckner,
at the head of the Hanoverian hunters, fell in with a detachment of the
enemy, consisting of four hundred men, under the command of count Muret.
These he attacked with such vigour, that the count was made prisoner,
and all his party either killed or taken, except two-and-twenty, who
escaped. On the third day of January, the marquis de Vogue attacked the
town of Herborn, which he carried, and took a small detachment of the
allies who were posted there. At the same time the marquis Dauvet made
himself master of Dillembourg, the garrison of the allied troops being
obliged to retire into the castle, where they were closely besieged.
Prince Ferdinand no sooner understood their situation, than he began his
march with a strong detachment for their relief, on the seventh day of
the month, when he attacked and totally defeated the besiegers, took
seven hundred prisoners, including forty officers, with seven pair of
colours, and two pieces of cannon. On that very day, the Highlanders,
under major Keith, supported by the hussars of Luckner, who commanded
the whole detachment, attacked the village of Ryebach, where
Beaufremont’s regiment of dragoons was posted on the side of
Dillembourg, and routed them with great slaughter. The greater part of
the regiment was killed, and many prisoners were taken, together with
two hundred horses, and all their baggage. The Highlanders distinguished
themselves on this occasion by their intrepidity, which was the more
remarkable, as they were no other than raw recruits, just arrived from
their own country, and altogether unacquainted with discipline. On the
eighth day of January, M. de St. Germain advanced on the left of the
allies with the grenadiers of the French army, supported by eight
battalions, and a body of dragoons; but he was encountered by the duke
of Holstein, at the head of a strong detachment, in the neighbourhood
of Ersdorff, who, by dint of a furious cannonade, obliged him to retreat
with precipitation. After this attempt the French parties disappeared,
and their army retired into winter-quarters, in and about Franckfort
on the Maine; while prince Ferdinand quartered the allies at Cassel,
Paderborn, Munster, and Osnabruck; this last place being allotted to the
British troops, as being the nearest to Embden, where the reinforcements
from Britain were to be landed. In the beginning of February, the
hereditary prince of Brunswick, with the detachment of the allied
army under his command, began his march from Chemnitz in Saxony for
Westphalia, where he safely arrived, after having assisted at a long
conference in Hamelen, with his father the reigning duke, his uncle
prince Ferdinand, and some principal members of the regency of Hanover.

The French general continued to send out detachments to beat up the
quarters of the allies, and lay their towns under contribution. In the
beginning of March, the marquis de Blaisel marched at the head of two
thousand four hundred men from Giessen, where he commanded, to Marburg,
forced the gates of the town, and compelled the garrison of the allies
to take shelter in the castle. As he could not pretend to undertake the
siege of the fortress, by the fire of which he was exceedingly galled,
he demanded of the town a contribution of one hundred thousand florins,
and carried some of the magistrates along with him as hostages for
the payment of this imposition. He afterwards appeared at Hombourg,
Alsfeldt, and Hartzberg, the frontier posts of the allies; but did not
think proper to attack either, because he perceived that measures were
taken for his reception. The French, with all their boasted politeness
and humanity, are sometimes found as brutal and rapacious as the most
barbarous enemy. On pretence of taking umbrage at the town of Hanau
Muntzenberg, for having without their permission acknowledged the
regency of the landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel, they, in the month of
February, ordered the magistrates of that place to pay, within the
term of twenty-four hours, the sum of seven hundred and fifty thousand
livres, on pain of being subjected to plunder. This order was signified
by the prince de Robecq; to whom the magistrates represented the
impossibility of raising such a sum, as the country was totally
exhausted, and their credit absolutely destroyed, in consequence of
their inability to pay the interest of the capitals negotiated in the
course of the preceding year. He still insisted upon their finding the
money before night; they offered to pay eighty thousand florins, which
they raised with the utmost difficulty, and begged the payment of the
rest might be postponed for a few weeks: but their request was rejected
with disdain. The garrison was reinforced by two battalions, and four
squadrons dispersed in the principal squares and markets of the city,
and the gates were shut. They even planted cannon in the streets, and
tarred matches were fixed to many houses, in order to intimidate the
inhabitants. These expedients proving ineffectual, detachments
of grenadiers entered the houses of the principal magistrates and
merchants, from whence they removed all their best effects to the
town-hall, where they were kept in deposit, until they were redeemed
with all the money that could possibly be raised. This exaction, so
little to the honour of a civilized nation, the French minister declared
to the diet at Ratisbon was agreeable to the instructions of his most
christian majesty.

By way of retaliation for the cruelty practised at Hanau, a detachment
of the allied army under general Luckner was sent to raise contributions
in Fulda, and actually carried off hostages from that city; but retired
before a strong body of the enemy, who took possession of the place.
From hence the French marched, in their turn, to plunder the towns of
Hirchfeldt and Vacha. Accordingly, they appeared at Vacha, situated on
the frontiers of Hesse, and formed the head of the chain of cantonments
which the allies had on the Werra. This place was attacked with such
vigour, that colonel Frey-tag, who commanded the post, was obliged to
abandon the town: but he maintained himself on a rising ground in
the neighbourhood, where he amused the enemy until two battalions of
grenadiers came to his assistance. Thus reinforced, he pursued the
French for three leagues, and drove them with considerable loss from
Giessa, where they had resolved to fix their quarters. These skirmishes
happened in the beginning of May, when the grand armies were just in
motion to begin the campaign.




SITUATION OF THE FRENCH ARMIES.

By this time the forces under the mareschal duke de Broglio were
augmented to one hundred thousand; while the count de St. Germain
commanded a separate army on the Rhine, consisting of thirty thousand
men, assembled from the quarters of Dusseldorp, Cologn, Cleves, and
Wesel. The second corps was intended to divide the allied army, which,
by such a division, would be considerably weakened; and the French court
threatened to form a third army under the prince de Soubise; but this
did not appear. The duke de Broglio was in such high favour with the
French ministry at this juncture, that he was promoted over the heads of
many old generals, who now demanded and obtained their dismission; and
every step was taken to render the campaign glorious to this admired
commander: but notwithstanding all their care, and his own exertion, he
found it impossible to take the field early in the season, from want
of forage for his cavalry. While his quarters were established at
Franckfort, his troops were plentifully supplied with all sorts of
provisions from the Upper Rhine; but this convenience depended upon his
being master of the course of the river; but he could not move from this
position without forfeiting the advantage, and providing magazines for
the use of his forces; so that he was obliged to lie inactive until
he could have the benefit of green forage in his march. The same
inconveniences operated more powerfully on the side of prince Ferdinand,
who, being in an exhausted country, was obliged to fall back as far as
Paderborn, and draw his supplies from Hamburg and Bremen on the Elbe
and the Weser. By this time, however, he had received a reinforcement
of British troops from Embden, under the direction of major-general
Griffin; and before the end of the campaign, the forces of that nation
in Germany were augmented to five-and-twenty thousand; a greater number
than had served at one time upon the continent for two centuries. The
allied army marched from their cantonments on the fifth day of May, and
proceeded by the way of Paderborn to Fritzlar, where, on the twentieth,
they encamped: but part of the troops left in the bishopric of Munster,
under general Sporcken, were ordered to form a camp at Dulmen, to make
head against the French corps commanded by the count de St. Germain.




EXPLOIT OF COLONEL LUCKNER.

General Imhoff was sent with a detachment to Kirchaven on the Orme:
and general Gilsoe, with another corps, advanced to the neighbourhood
of Hirchfeldt on the Fulda. The former of these having ordered colonel
Luckner to scour the country with a body of hussars, that officer, on
the twenty-fourth of May, fell in with a French patrole, which gave the
alarm at Butzbach; when the garrison of that place, amounting to five
hundred piquets, under general Waldemar, fled with great precipitation.
Being, however, pursued, and overtaken near a wood, they were routed
and dispersed. Colonel Luckner, entering Butzbach, found a considerable
quantity of forage, flour, wine, and equipage, belonging to the
fugitives. What he could not carry off he distributed among the poor
inhabitants, and returned to general Imhoff’s camp at Ameneberg, with
about an hundred prisoners. This excursion alarmed the enemy to such a
degree, that their whole army was put in motion; and the duke de Broglio
in person advanced with a large body of troops as far as Friedberg:
but undemanding the allies had not quitted their camp at Fritzlar, he
returned to Franckfort, after having cantoned that part of his army in
the Wetteraw. This alarm was not so mortifying as the secession of the
Wirtemberg troops, amounting to ten thousand men, commanded by their
duke in person, who left the French army in disgust, and returned to his
own country. The imperial army, under the prince de Deuxponts, quartered
at Bamberg, began their march to Naumberg on the twentieth of May: but
one of their detachments of cavalry having received a check from a body
of Prussians near Lutzen, they fell back; and on the fourth day of June
encamped at Litchenfels upon the Maine. The small detachments of the
grand armies, as well as those belonging to the bodies commanded by
general Sporcken and the count de St. Germain, in the neighbourhood of
Dusseldorp, skirmished with various success. The hereditary prince of
Brunswick being detached from the allied army, with some battalions
of grenadiers, and two regiments of English dragoons, advanced to
the country of Fulda, where he was joined by the troops under general
Gilsoe, and achieved some inconsiderable exploits, particularly at
Hosenfeldt and Zielbach, where he surprised and took divers parties of
the enemy.

By the twenty-fourth of June, prince Ferdinand, quitting his situation
at Fritzlar, marched to Frillendorf, and encamped on the hills between
Ziegenheim and Freysa; general Imhoff commanding at a small distance
on the right, and the hereditary prince, now returned from Fulda, being
posted on the left of the army. In the meantime, the duke de Broglio,
assembling his forces between Merlau and Laubach, advanced to Neustadt,
where he encamped on the twenty-eighth day of the month, and at the
same time occupied a strong post at Wassenburgh. His intention was to
penetrate through the country of Hesse into Hanover, and make himself
entirely master of that electorate. With this view he resolved to effect
a junction with the count de St. Germain, whom he directed to advance
towards Brilau and Corbach; while he himself, decamping from Neustadt
on the eighth day of July, advanced by the way of Frankenburg. Prince
Ferdinand, having received intelligence that the count de St. Germain
was in motion, began his march from Ziegenheim, and on the ninth day of
July reached the heights of Bruneau, in the neighbourhood of Wildungen.




THE HEREDITARY PRINCE OF BRUNSWICK DEFEATED.

The hereditary prince, at the head of the advanced corps, reinforced
with some battalions and squadrons under major-general Griffin, was sent
forward to Sauxenhausen, whither the army followed the next morning.
The hereditary prince continuing to advance, found the enemy already
formed at Corbach; but judging their whole force did not exceed ten
thousand infantry and seventeen squadrons, and being impelled by the
impetuosity of his own courage, he resolved to give them battle. He
accordingly attacked them about two in the afternoon, and the action
became very warm and obstinate; but the enemy being continually
reinforced with fresh battalions, and having the advantage of a numerous
artillery, all the prince’s efforts were ineffectual. Prince Ferdinand,
being at too great a distance to sustain him, sent him an order to
rejoin the army which was by this time formed at Sauxenhausen. He
forthwith made dispositions for a retreat, which however was attended
with great confusion. The enemy observing the disorder of the allied
troops, plied their artillery with redoubled diligence, while a powerful
body of their cavalry charged with great vivacity. In all likelihood
the whole infantry of the allies would have been cut off, had not the
hereditary prince made a diversion in their favour, by charging in
person at the head of the British dragoons, who acted with their usual
gallantry and effect. This respite enabled the infantry to accomplish
their retreat to Sauxenhausen; but they lost above five hundred men
and fifteen pieces of cannon. General count Kielmansegge, major-general
Griffin, and major Hill, of Bland’s dragoons, distinguished themselves
by their conduct and intrepidity on this occasion. The hereditary prince
exposed his life in the hottest part of the action, and received a
slight wound in the shoulder, which gave him far less disturbance than
he felt from the chagrin and mortification produced by his defeat.

Many days, however, did not pass before he found an opportunity of
retaliating this disgrace. Prince Ferdinand, receiving advice that a
body of the enemy, commanded by major-general Glaubitz, had advanced on
the left of the allies to Ziegenheim, detached the hereditary prince to
oppose them, at the head of six battalions of Hanoverians and Hessians,
with Elliot’s regiment of English light-horse, Luckner’s hussars, and
two brigades of chasseurs; on the sixteenth day of the month, he engaged
the enemy near the village of Exdorf, and a very warm action ensued,
in which Elliot’s regiment signalized themselves remarkably by repeated
charges.*

     * Though this was the first time that Elliot’s regiment
     appeared in the field, it performed wonders. They charged
     five different times, and broke through the enemy at every
     charge; but these exploits they did not achieve without
     sustaining a heavy loss in officers, men, and horses.

At length victory declared for the allies. Five battalions of the enemy,
including the commander-in-chief and the prince of Anhalt Cothen,
were taken, with six pieces of cannon, all their arms, baggage, and
artillery. During these transactions, the mareschal duke de Broglio
remained encamped on the heights of Corbach. He had, in advancing
from Franckfort, left detachments to reduce the castles of Marburg and
Dillembourg, which were occupied by the allies, and they fell into his
hands, the garrison of both being obliged to surrender prisoners of war.
These were but inconsiderable conquests; nor did the progress of the
French general equal the idea which had been formed of his talents and
activity. The count de St. Germain, who was his senior officer, and
believed by many to be at least his equal in capacity, having now joined
his corps to the grand army, and conceiving disgust at his being obliged
to serve under the duke de Broglio, relinquished his command, in which
he was succeeded by the chevalier de Muy. At the same time, the
marquis de Voyer and the count de Luc, two generals of experience and
reputation, quitted the army, and returned to France, actuated by the
same motives.




VICTORY OBTAINED BY THE ALLIES.

The allied army having moved their camp from Saxenhansen to the village
of Kalle near Cassel, remained in that situation till the thirtieth day
of July, when the troops were again put in motion. The chevalier de Muy,
having passed the Dymel at Stradtbergen, with the reserve of the French
army, amounting to thirty-five thousand men, extended this body down the
banks of the river, in order to cut off the communication of the allies
with Westphalia; while the duke de Broglio marched up with his main wing
to their camp at Kalle, and prince Xavier of Saxony, who commanded their
reserve on the left, advanced towards Cassel; prince Ferdinand, leaving
general Kielmansegge with a body of troops for the defence of the city,
decamped in the night of the thirtieth, and passed the Dymel without
loss between Gibenau and Dringleberg. The hereditary prince, who had
the preceding day passed the same river, in order to reinforce general
Sporcken, who was posted near Corbeke, now reconnoitred the position of
the enemy, and found them possessed of a very advantageous camp between
Warbourg and Ochsendorff. Prince Ferdinand having resolved to attack
them, ordered the hereditary prince and general Sporcken to turn their
left, while he himself advanced against their front, with the main body
of the army.. The enemy was accordingly attacked almost at the same
instant, both in flank and in rear, with equal impetuosity and success.
As the infantry of the allied army could not march fast enough to charge
at the same time, the marquis of Granby was ordered to advance with the
cavalry of the right; and the brigade of English artillery, commanded
by captain Phillips, made such expedition, that they were up in time
to second the attack in a most surprising manner. The French cavalry,
though very numerous, retired at the approach of the marquis, except
three squadrons, who stood the charge and were immediately broken.
Then the English horse fell upon the enemy’s infantry, which suffered
greatly, while the town of Warbourg was assaulted by the Britannic
legion. The French, finding themselves hard pressed on both flanks,
as well in front as in rear, retired precipitately, with considerable
damage, occasioned chiefly by the British cannon and dragoons, and many
were drowned in attempting to ford the Dymel. The battalion of Maxwell,
and a brigade under colonel Beckwith, composed of grenadiers and
highlanders, distinguished themselves remarkably on this occasion. The
enemy left about fifteen hundred men killed or wounded on the field of
battle; with some colours, and ten pieces of cannon; and about the same
number were made prisoners. Monsieur de Muy lay all night under arms,
on the heights of Volk-Missen, from whence he next day retired towards
Wolfshagen. On the evening of the battle, the marquis of Granby received
orders to pass the river in pursuit of them, with twelve British
battalions and ten squadrons, and encamped at Wilda, about four miles
from Warbourg, the heights of which were possessed by the enemy’s grand
army. [561] _[See note 4 O, at the end of this Vol.]_ By this success,
prince Ferdinand was enabled to maintain his communication with
Westphalia, and keep the enemy at a distance from the heart of Hanover;
but to these objects he sacrificed the country of Cassel: for prince
Xavier of Saxony, at the head of a detached body, much more numerous
than that which was left under general Kielmansegge, advanced towards
Cassel, and made himself master of that city; then he reduced Munden,
Gottengen, and Eimbeck in the electorate of Hanover. All that prince
Ferdinand could do, considering how much he was out-numbered by the
French, was to secure posts and passes, with a view to retard their
progress, and employ detachments to harass and surprise their advanced
parties. In a few days after the action at Warbourg, general Luckner
repulsed a French detachment which had advanced as far as Eimbeck, and
surprised another at Nordheim. At the same period, colonel Donap, with
a body of the allied army, attacked a French corps of two thousand men,
posted in the wood of Sababourg, to preserve the communication between
their grand army and their troops on the other side of the Weser; and,
notwithstanding the strength of their situation, drove them from
their posts, with the loss of five hundred men, either killed or made
prisoners; but this advantage was overbalanced by the reduction of
Ziegenheim, garrisoned by seven hundred men of the allied army, who,
after a vigorous resistance, were obliged to surrender themselves
prisoners of war.

On the fifth day of August, prince Ferdinand, being encamped at Buhne,
received intelligence that a considerable body of the enemy, amounting
to upwards of twenty thousand men, were in motion to make a general
forage in the neighbourhood of Geismar. He passed the Dymel early in the
morning, with a body of troops and some artillery, and posted them in
such an advantageous manner, as to render the enemy’s attempt totally
ineffectual, although the foragers were covered with great part of
their army. On the same morning, the hereditary prince set out on
an expedition to beat up the quarters of a French detachment. Being
informed that the volunteers of Clermont and Dauphiné, to the number of
one thousand, horse and foot, were cantoned at Zierenberg, at a small
distance from the French camp at Dierenberg, and passed their time in
the most careless security, he advanced towards them from his camp at
Warbourg, within a league of their cantonment, without seeing any of
their posts, or meeting with any of their patrols, a circumstance that
encouraged him to beat up their quarters by surprise; for this service
he pitched upon five battalions, with a detachment of Highlanders, and
eight regiments of dragoons. Leaving their tents standing, they began
their march at eight in the evening, and passed the Dymel near Warbourg.
About a league on the other side of the Dymel, at the village of Witzen,
they were joined by the light troops under major Bulow; and now the
disposition was made both for entering the town, and securing a
retreat in case of being repulsed. When they were within two miles of
Zierenberg, and in sight of the fires of the enemy’s grand guard, the
grenadiers of Maxwell, the regiment of Kinsley, and the Highlanders,
advanced by three separate roads, and marched in profound silence: at
length the noise of their feet alarmed the French, who began to fire,
when the grenadiers proceeded at a round pace with unloaded firelocks,
pushed the piquets, slew the guard at the gate, and rushing into the
town, drove everything before them with incredible impetuosity. The
attack was so sudden, and the surprise so great, that the French had not
time to assemble in any considerable number; but they began to fire
from the windows; and in so doing, exasperated the allied troops,
who, bursting into the houses, slaughtered them without mercy. Having
remained in the place from two to three in the morning, they retreated
with about four hundred prisoners, including forty officers, and brought
off two pieces of artillery. This nocturnal adventure, in which the
British troops displayed equal courage and activity, was achieved with
very little loss; but after all, it deserves no other appellation
than that of a partisan exploit; for it was attended with no sort of
advantage to the allied army.

Considering the superiority of the French army, we cannot account for
the little progress made by the duke de Broglio, who, according to our
conception, might either have given battle to the allies with the utmost
probability of success, or penetrated into the heart of Hanover, the
conquest of which seemed to be the principal object of the French
ministry. Instead of striking an important stroke, he retired from
Immenhausen towards Cassel, where he fortified his camp as if he had
thought himself in danger of being attacked; and the war was carried on
by small detachments. Major Bulow, being sent with a strong party from
the camp of the allied army at Buline, surprised the town of Marburg,
destroyed the French ovens, and brought off a considerable quantity of
stores and baggage, with some prisoners. He met with the same success
at Butzback, where he surprised and took two companies belonging to the
regiment of Baugrave, and retired with this body to Franckenberg, where
he joined colonel Forsen. On the twelfth day of September they made a
movement towards Franckenau; and M. de Stainville, who was posted with a
body of French troops at Merdenhagen, advanced to check their progress.
He came up with their rear in the neighbourhood of Munden, and attacked
them in passing the river Orck with such vigour, that Forsen, with some
of his cavalry, was taken, and Bulow obliged to abandon some pieces of
cannon. The action was just determined, when this last was reinforced by
the hereditary prince of Brunswick, who had made a forced march of five
German miles, which had fatigued the troops to such a degree, that
he deferred his attack till next morning; but, in the meantime, M.
de Stainville retired towards Franckenberg. The Hanoverian general
Wangenheim, at the head of four battalions and six squadrons, had driven
the enemy from the defiles of Soheite, and encamped at Lawenthagen; but,
being attacked by a superior number, he was obliged in his turn to give
way, and his retreat was not effected without the loss of two hundred
men, and some pieces of artillery. When the enemy retired, general
Wangenheim repassed the Weser, and occupied his former situation at
Ussar. Meanwhile, general Luckner gained an advantage over a detachment
of French cavalry near Norten. Prince Ferdinand, when mareschal Broglio
quitted his camp at Immenhausen, made a motion of his troops, and
established his head-quarters at Geismer-wells, the residence of the
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; from thence, however, he transferred them,
about the latter end of September, to Ovilgune, on the Westphalian side
of the Dymel.




THE HEREDITARY PRINCE MARCHES TO THE LOWER RHINE.

Such was the position of the two opposite grand armies, when the
world was surprised by an expedition to the Lower Rhine, made by the
hereditary prince of Brunswick. Whether this excursion was intended
to hinder the French from reinforcing their army in Westphalia--or to
co-operate in the Low Countries with the armament now ready equipped
in the ports of England; or to gratify the ambition of a young prince,
overboiling with courage and glowing with the desire of conquest--we
cannot explain to the satisfaction of the reader; certain it is, that
the Austrian Netherlands were at this juncture entirely destitute of
troops, except the French garrisons of Ostend and Nieuport, which were
weak and inconsiderable. Had ten thousand English troops been landed on
the coast of Blankenburg, they might have taken possession of Bruges,
Ghent, Brussels, and Antwerp, without resistance, and joined the
hereditary prince in the heart of the country; in that case he would
have found himself at the head of thirty thousand men, and might have
made such a diversion in favour of Hanover, as to transfer the seat of
war from Westphalia into Flanders. The empress-queen might, indeed, have
complained of this invasion, as the formality of declaring war against
her had not been observed by Great Britain; but considering that she was
the declared enemy of Hanover, and had violated the barrier-treaty, in
establishing which the kingdom of Great Britain had lavished away so
much blood and treasure, a step of this kind, we apprehend, might have
been taken, without any imputation of perfidy or injustice. Whatever the
motives of the prince’s expedition might have been, he certainly quitted
the grand army of the allies in the month of September; and traversing
Westphalia, with twenty battalions, and as many squadrons, appeared
on the Lower Ehine, marching by Schermbeck and Dusseldorp. On the
twenty-ninth day of the month he sent a large detachment over the river
at Rocroot, which surprised part of the French partisan Fischer’s corps
at Ehynberg, and scoured the country. Next day, other parties, crossing
at Eees and Emmerick, took possession of some redoubts which the French
had raised along the bank of the river; and here they found a number of
boats sufficient to transport the rest of the forces. Then the prince
advanced to Cleves; and at his approach the French garrison, consisting
of five hundred men, under the command of M. de Barrai, retired into the
castle, which, however, they did not long defend; for on the third day
of October they capitulated, and surrendered themselves prisoners
of war, after having in vain endeavoured to obtain more favourable
conditions.

A more important object was Wesel, which the prince invested, and began
to besiege in form. The approaches were made on the right of the Ehine,
while the prince in person remained on the left to cover the siege; and
kept his communication open with the other side, by a bridge above,
and another below the place. He had hoped to carry it by a vigorous
exertion, without the formality of a regular siege; but he met with a
warmer reception than he expected; and his operations were retarded by
heavy rains, which, by swelling the river, endangered his bridges, and
laid his trenches under water. The difficulties and delays occasioned by
this circumstance entirely frustrated his design. The French, being
made acquainted with his motions, were not slow in taking measures
to anticipate his success. M. de Castries was detached after him with
thirty battalions, and thirty-eight squadrons; and, by forced marches,
arrived on the fourteenth day of October at Ehynberg, where the prince’s
light troops were posted. These he attacked immediately, and compelled
to abandon the post, notwithstanding all the efforts of the prince, who
commanded in person, and appeared in the warmest parts of this short
but sanguinary affair. The enemy leaving five battalions, with some
squadrons, at Ehynberg, marched by the left, and encamped behind the
convent of Campen. The prince, having received intimation that M. de
Castries was not yet joined by some reinforcements that were on the
march, determined to be beforehand with them, and attempt that very
night to surprise him in his camp. For this purpose he began his march
at ten in the evening, after having left four battalions, and five
squadrons, under general Beck, with instructions to observe Rhynberg,
and attack that post, in case the attempt on Campen should succeed.
Before the allied forces could reach the enemy’s camp, they were under
the necessity of overpowering Fischer’s corps of irregulars, which
occupied the convent of Campen, at the distance of half a league in
their front. This service occasioned some firing, the noise of which
alarmed the French army. Their commander formed them with great
expedition, and posted them in the wood, where they were immediately
attacked, and at first obliged to give ground; but they soon retrieved
all they had lost, and sustained without flinching an unceasing fire of
musketry, from five in the morning till nine at night, when they reaped
the fruits of their perseverance. The hereditary prince, whose horse was
killed under him, seeing no prospect of success in prolonging an action
which had already cost him a considerable number of men, thought proper
to give orders for a retreat, which was not effected without confusion,
and left the field of battle to the enemy. His loss on this occasion
did not fall short of sixteen hundred choice men, killed, wounded, and
taken; and his loss fell chiefly on the troops of Great Britain, who
were always found in the foremost ranks of danger. All the officers,
both of infantry and dragoons, distinguished themselves remarkably, and
many were dangerously wounded. Among these, the nation regretted the
loss of lord Downe, whose wounds proved mortal: he was a young nobleman
of spirit, who had lately embraced a military life, though he was not
regularly trained in the service.

Next day, which was the sixteenth of October, the enemy attacked an
advanced body of the allies, which was posted in a wood before Elverick,
and extended along the Rhine. The firing of cannon and musketry was
maintained till night. Meanwhile, a column of the French infantry,
commanded by M. de Cabot, marched through Walach, and took post among
the thickets, at the distance of a quarter of a league, in the front
of the prince’s army. By this time the Ehine was so much swelled by the
rains and the banks of it were overflown in such a manner, that it was
necessary to repair, and move lower down, the bridge which had been
thrown over that river. This work was accordingly performed in the
presence of the enemy; and the prince passing without molestation,
proceeded to Bruymen, where he fixed his head-quarters. His passing the
Ehine so easily, under the eye of a victorious army so much superior to
him in number, may be counted among the fortunate incidents of his life.
Such was the issue of an expedition which exposed the projector of it
to the imputation of temerity. Whatever his aim might have been, besides
the reduction of Wesel, with the strength of which he did not seem to
have been very well acquainted, he certainly miscarried in his design;
and his miscarriage was attended with a very considerable loss of
troops, occasioned not only by the action, but also by the diseases
engendered from the wet weather, the fatigue of long marches, and the
want of proper conveniences; not to mention the enormous expense in
contingencies incurred by this fruitless undertaking.

In the month of November, while he lay encamped in the neighbourhood of
Schermbeck, a body of the enemy attempted to beat up his quarters;
having received intimation of their design, he immediately called in
his advanced posts, and made a disposition for giving them a proper
reception. He abandoned the tents that were in the front of his camp,
and posted his infantry in ambuscade behind those that were in the
rear; at the same time he ordered some regiments of horse and hussars
to fetch a compass, and fall upon the back of the enemy. This stratagem
succeeded to his wish. The French detachment, believing the allies had
actually abandoned their camp, began to pillage the tents in the utmost
disorder: then the infantry sallied from the place where they were
concealed, and fell upon them with great impetuosity: the artillery
opened, and the cavalry charged them in flank. In a word, of twelve
hundred who marched from Wesel on this expedition, scarcely two hundred
escaped.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ADVANTAGES GAINED by M. DE STAINVILLE.

The duke de Broglio endeavoured, by sundry means, to take advantage of
the allied army on the other side of the Weser, thus weakened by the
absence of the troops under the hereditary prince; but he found prince
Ferdinand too vigilant to be surprised, and too strongly situated to be
attacked with any prospect of success. He therefore contented himself
with ravaging the country by detachments: he sent M. de Stainville, with
a considerable body of forces, to penetrate into the heart of Hanover;
and on the fifteenth day of September, that officer, falling in with a
detachment of the allies, commanded by major Bulow, attacked them near
the abbey of Schaken. After a warm and obstinate engagement, they
were defeated, and driven to Bulemont, with the loss of their cannon,
baggage, and a good number of men, who fell into the hands of the
victors. After this exploit, M. de Stainville advanced to Halberstadt,
and demanded of that capital a contribution of one million five
hundred thousand livres; but the citizens had been so drained by former
exactions, that they could not raise above thirty thousand: for the
remainder the French partisan took hostages, with whom he returned to
the grand army encamped at Cassel, from whence they in a little time
fell back as far as Gottengen.




THE ALLIES AND FRENCH GO INTO WINTER QUARTERS.

As the enemy retreated, prince Ferdinand advanced as far as Hurste,
where he established his head-quarters about the latter end of November.
While he remained in this position, divers skirmishes happened in the
neighbourhood of Gottengen. Major-general Briedenbach, at the head of
two regiments of Hanoverian and Brunswick guards, with a detachment of
cavalry, attacked, on the twenty-ninth day of November, the French
post at Heydemunden, upon the river Worrau. This he carried, and took
possession of the town, which the enemy hastily abandoned. Part of their
detachment crossed the river in boats; the rest threw themselves into an
intrenchment that covered the passage, which the allies endeavoured to
force in several unsuccessful attempts, galled as they were by the fire
of the enemy’s redoubts on the other side of the river. At length M.
Briedenbach was obliged to desist, and fall back into the town; from
whence he retired at midnight, after having sustained considerable
damage. Prince Ferdinand had it very much at heart to drive the French
from Gottengen, and accordingly invested that city; but the French
garrison, which was numerous and well provided, made such a vigorous
defence, as baffled all the endeavours of the allies, who were moreover
impeded by the rainy weather, which, added to other considerations,
prevented them from undertaking the siege in form. Nevertheless, they
kept the place blocked up from the twenty-second day of November to the
twelfth of the following month, when the garrison, in a desperate sally,
took one of their principal posts, and compelled them to raise the
blockade. About the middle of December, prince Ferdinand retired into
winter-quarters; he himself residing at Uslar, and the English troops
being cantoned in the bishopric of Paderborn. Thus the enemy were left
in possession of Hesse, and the whole country to the eastward of the
Weser, to the frontiers of the electorate of Hanover. If the allied
army had not been weakened for the sake of a rash, ill-concerted, and
unsuccessful expedition to the Lower Rhine, in all probability the
French would have been obliged to abandon the footing they had gained
in the course of this campaign; and, in particular, to retreat from
Gottengen, which they now maintained and fortified with great diligence
and circumspection.




CHAPTER XX.

     _Exploit of the Swedes in Pomerania..... Skirmishes between
     the Prussians and Austrians in Saxony..... Position of the
     Armies in Saxony and Silesia..... General Laudohn defeats
     General Fouquet, and reduces Glatz..... and then undertakes
     the Siege of Breslau, which is relieved by Prince Henry of
     Prussia..... The King of Prussia makes an unsuccessful
     Attempt upon Dresden..... He marches into Silesia.....
     Defeats General Laudohn, and raises the Blockade of
     Schweidnitz..... Action between General Hulsen and the
     Imperial Army in Saxony..... Dangerous Situation of the
     Prussian Monarch..... The Russians and Austrians make an
     Irruption into Brandenburgh, and possess themselves of
     Berlin..... The Ring of Prussia defeats the Austrians at
     Torgau..... Both Armies go into Quarters of Cantonment.....
     The Diets of Poland and Sweden assembled..... Intimation
     given by the King of Prussia to the States of
     Westphalia..... King of Poland’s Remonstrance..... Reduction
     of Pondicherry..... Part of the British Squadron wrecked in
     a Storm..... Death of King George II..... His Character.....
     Recapitulation of the principal Events of his Reign..... His
     Death universally lamented..... Account of the Commerce of
     Great Britain..... State of Religion and Philosophy.....
     Fanaticism..... Metaphysics and Medicine..... Mechanics.....
     Genius..... Music..... Painting, and Sculpture_




EXPLOIT OF THE SWEDES IN POMERANIA.

The king of Prussia, after all his labours, notwithstanding the great
talents he had displayed, and the incredible efforts he had made, still
found himself surrounded by his enemies, and in danger of being-crushed
by their closing and contracting their circle. Even the Swedes, who had
languished so long, seemed to be roused to exertion in Pomerania, during
the severity of the winter season. The Prussian general Manteuffel had,
on the twentieth day of January, passed the river Peene, overthrown the
advanced posts of the enemy at Ziethen, and penetrated as far as the
neighbourhood of Griessewalde; but finding the Swedes on their guard,
he returned to Anclam, where his head-quarters were established. This
insult was soon retaliated with interest. On the twenty-eighth day
of the month, at five in the morning, a body of Swedes attacked the
Prussian troops posted in the suburbs of Anclam, on the other side of
the Peene, and drove them into the city, which they entered pell-mell.
General Manteuffel, being alarmed, endeavoured to rally the troops; but
was wounded and taken, with about two hundred men, and three pieces of
cannon. The victors, having achieved this exploit, returned to their own
quarters. As for the Russian army, which had wintered on the other side
of the Vistula, the season was pretty far advanced before it could take
the field; though general Tottleben was detached from it, about the
beginning of June, at the head of ten thousand cossacks, and other light
troops, with which he made an irruption into Pomerania, and established
his head-quarters at Belgarden.




SKIRMISHES BETWEEN THE PRUSSIANS AND

AUSTRIANS IN SAXONY.

At the beginning of the campaign, the king of Prussia’s chief aim was
to take measures for the preservation of Silesia, the conquest of which
seemed to be the principal object with the court of Vienna. While the
Austrian army, under mareschal count Daun, lay strongly intrenched in
the neighbourhood of Dresden, the king of Prussia had endeavoured, in
the month of December, to make him quit that advantageous situation, by
cutting off his provisions, and making an irruption into Bohemia.
For these purposes he had taken possession of Dippeswalde, Maxen,
and Pretchendorff, as if he intended to enter Bohemia by the way of
Passberg: but this scheme being found impracticable, he returned to his
camp at Fribourg, and in January the Prussian and Austrian armies were
cantoned so near each other, that daily skirmishes were fought with
various success. The head of the Prussian camp was formed by a body of
four thousand men under general Zettwitz, who, on the twenty-ninth day
of January, was attacked with such impetuosity by the Austrian general
Beck, that he retreated in great confusion to Torgau, with the loss of
five hundred men, eight pieces of artillery, and a considerable quantity
of new clothing and other baggage. Another advantage of the same nature
was gained by the Austrians at Neustadt, over a small body of Prussians
who occupied that city. In the month of Maroh, general Laudohn advanced
with a strong detachment of horse and foot, in order to surprise the
Prussians, who, in attempting to effect a retreat to Steinau, were
surrounded accordingly, and very roughly handled. General Laudohn
summoned them twice by sound of trumpet to lay down their arms; but
their commanders, the captains Blumenthal and Zettwitz, rejecting the
proposal with disdain, the enemy attacked them on all hands with a great
superiority of number. In this emergency the Prussian captains formed
their troops into a square, and by a close continued fire kept the enemy
at bay; until, perceiving that the Croats had taken possession of a
wood between Siebenhausen and Steinau, they, in apprehension of being
intercepted, abandoned their baggage, and forced their way to Steinau,
which they reached with great difficulty, having been continually
harassed by the Austrians, who paid dear for this advantage. Several
other petty exploits of this kind were achieved by detachments on both
sides, before the campaign was begun by the grand armies.




POSITION OF THE ARMIES IN SAXONY AND SILESIA.

Towards the end of April the king of Prussia altered his position,
and withdrew that part of his chain of cantonments, extending from the
forest of Thurundt to the right of the Elbe. He now took possession of a
very strong camp between the Elbe and the Mulda, which he intrenched in
every part that was accessible, and fortified with two hundred and fifty
pieces of cannon. By these precautions he was enabled to keep his ground
against the army of count Daun, and at the same time detach a body of
troops, as a reinforcement to his brother prince Henry, who assembled
a separate army near Franckfort upon the Oder, that he might be at hand
either to oppose the Russians, or march to the relief of Silesia, which
the enemy was bent upon invading. It was for this purpose that the
Austrian general Laudohn advanced, with a considerable army, into
Lusatia about the beginning of May; and general Beck, with another body
of troops, took possession of Corbus: meanwhile count Daun continued
in his old situation on the Elbe; general Lascy formed a small detached
army upon the frontiers of Saxony, to the southward of Dresden; and the
prince de Deuxponts marched into the same neighbourhood with the army
of the empire. Prince Henry of Prussia having encamped with his army
for some time at Sagan, in Silesia, moved from thence to Gorlitz,
in Lusatia, to observe the motions of general Laudohn, encamped at
Koningsgratz; from whence, in the beginning of June, he marched into
the country of Glatz, and advanced to the neighbourhood of Schweidnitz,
which he seemed determined to besiege, having a train of eight pieces of
cannon. With a view to thwart his designs, prince Henry reinforced the
body of troops under general Fouquet; and at the same time he sent a
detachment into Pomerania, under colonel Lessow, who defeated the rear
guard of general Tottleben, and compelled that officer to evacuate
Pomerania. By this time, however, mareschal Soltikoff had arrived from
Petersburg, and taken the command of the grand Russian army, which
passed the Vistula in June, and began its march towards the frontiers of
Silesia.




GEN. LAUDOHN DEFEATS GEN. FOUQUET, AND REDUCES GLATZ.

In the month of June, general Laudohn made an unsuccessful attempt to
carry Glatz by assault; but he succeeded better in his next enterprise.
Understanding that general Fouquet, who occupied the posts at Landshut,
had weakened himself by sending off detachments under the majors-general
Zeithen and Grant, he resolved to attack him with such a superiority
of number that he should not be able to resist. Accordingly, on the
twenty-third day of June, at two in the morning, he began the
assault with his whole army upon some redoubts which Fouquet occupied;
and these were carried one after another, though not without a very
desperate opposition. General Fouquet being summoned to surrender,
refused to submit; and having received two wounds, was at length taken
prisoner: about three thousand of his men escaped to Breslan; the
rest were killed or taken: but the loss of the victors is said to have
exceeded that of the vanquished. In July, general Laudohn undertook the
siege of Glatz, which was taken after a very faint resistance; for, on
the very day the batteries were opened against the place, the garrison
abandoned part of the fortifications, which the besiegers immediately
occupied. The Prussians made repeated efforts to regain the ground they
had lost; but they were repulsed in all their attempts. At length the
garrison laid down their arms, and surrendered at discretion. From this
tame behaviour of the Prussians, one would imagine the garrison must
have been very weak; a circumstance which we cannot reconcile with
the known sagacity of the Prussian monarch, as the place was of great
importance, on account of the immense magazine it contained, including
above one hundred brass cannon, a great number of mortars, and a vast
quantity of ammunition.

Laudohn, encouraged by this success at Glatz, advanced immediately to
Breslau, which he began to bombard with great fury [564] _[See Note 4 P,
at the end of this Vol.]_; but, before he could make a regular attack,
he found himself obliged to retire. Prince Henry of Prussia, one of
the most accomplished generals which this age produced, having received
repeated intelligence that the Russian army intended to join Laudohn at
Breslau, resolved to advance and give them battle before the purposed
junction. In the latter end of July he began his march from Gleissen,
and on the last day of that month had reached Linden, near Slauve, where
he understood that Tottleben’s detachment only had passed through the
plains of Polnich-Lissa, and that the grand Russian army had marched
through Kosten and Gustin. The prince finding it impossible to pursue
them by that route, directed his march to Glogau, where he learned that
Breslau was besieged by general Laudohn, and immediately advanced by
forced marches to its relief. Such was his expedition, that in five
days he marched above one hundred and twenty English miles; and at his
approach the Austrian general abandoned his enterprise. Thus, by his
prudence and activity, he not only prevented the junction of the Russian
and Austrian armies, but also saved the capital of Silesia; and hampered
Laudohn in such a manner as subjected him to a defeat by the Prussian
monarch, to whose motions we shall now turn our attention.




THE KING OF PRUSSIA MAKES AN UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT UPON DRESDEN.

Whether his design was originally upon Dresden, or he purposed
to co-operate with his brother prince Henry in Silesia, which
his adversaries seemed to have pitched upon as the scene of their
operations, we cannot presume to determine; but certain it is, he, in
the beginning of July, began his march in two columns through Lusatia;
and count Daun being informed of his march, ordered his army to be put
in motion. Leaving the army of the empire, and the body of troops under
Lascy, to guard Saxony in his absence, he marched with great expedition
towards Silesia, in full persuasion that the Prussian monarch had
thither directed his route. On the seventh day of July, the king knowing
that Daun was now removed at a distance, repassed the Polsnitz, which
he had passed but two days before, and advanced with the van of his army
towards Lichtenberg, in order to attack the forces of general Lascy, who
was posted there; but the Austrians retired at his approach. Then the
army marched to Marienstern, where the king received intelligence that
count Daun was in full march for Lauban, having already gained two
marches upon the Prussians. Perhaps it was this intimation that
determined the king to change his plan, and return to the Elbe. On the
eighth day of the month he repassed the Sprehe, in the neighbourhood of
Bautzen, and marched towards Dresden with extraordinary diligence. On
the thirteenth, his army having passed the Elbe at Kadetz, on a bridge
of boats, encamped between Pirna and Dresden, which last he resolved to
besiege, in hopes of reducing it before count Daun could return to its
relief. How far this expectation was well grounded, we must leave the
reader to judge, after having observed that the place was now much more
defensible than it had been when the last attempt of the Austrians upon
it miscarried; that it was secured with a numerous garrison, commanded
by general Macguire, an officer of courage and experience. This governor
being summoned to surrender, answered that, having the honour to be
intrusted with the defence of the capital, he would maintain it to the
last extremity. Batteries were immediately raised against the town on
both sides of the Elbe; and the poor inhabitants subjected to a dreadful
visitation, that their calamities might either drive them to despair, or
move the heart of the governor to embrace articles of capitulation;
but these expedients proved ineffectual. Though the suburbs towards the
Pirna gate were attacked and carried, this advantage made no impression
on general Macguire, who made several vigorous sallies, and took every
necessary precaution for the defence of the city; encouraged moreover by
the vicinity of Lascy’s body, and the army of the empire, encamped in an
advantageous position near Gross Seydlitz; and confident that count Daun
would hasten to his relief. In this hope he was not disappointed. The
Austrian general, finding himself duped by the stratagem of the Prussian
monarch, and being made acquainted with his enterprise against Dresden,
instantly wheeled about, and marched back with such rapidity, that on
the nineteenth day of the month he reached the neighbourhood of the
capital of Saxony. In consequence of his approach, the king of Prussia,
whose heavy artillery was now arrived, redoubled his efforts against
the city, so as to reduce to ashes the cathedral church, the new
square, several noble streets, some palaces, together with the curious
manufactory of porcelain. His vengeance must have been levelled against
the citizens; for it affected neither the fortifications, nor the
Austrian garrison, which count Daun found means to reinforce with
sixteen battalions. This supply, and the neighbourhood of three hostile
armies, rendered it altogether impossible to prosecute the siege with
any prospect of success; the king therefore abandoned the undertaking,
withdrew his troops and artillery, and endeavoured to bring Daun to a
battle, which that general cautiously avoided.

The fate of this prince seemed now at its crisis. Notwithstanding
all the efforts of his brother prince Henry, the Russians were fast
advancing to join Laudohn, who had already blocked up Schweidnitz and
Neifs, and their junction seemed to threaten the loss of all Silesia.
The king had nothing to oppose to superior numbers but superior
activity, of which he determined to avail himself without delay. Instead
of making a feint towards Silesia, he resolved to march thither in
earnest; and for that purpose, crossing the Elbe, encamped at Dallwitz,
on the further bank of the river; leaving general Hulsen, with fifteen
thousand men, in the intrenched camp of Schlettow, to maintain his
footing in Saxony. On the third day of August he began his march for
Silesia, followed by count Daun with the grand Austrian army; while the
detached body under Lascy took post at Reichenberg, and the imperial
army encamped at Kesseldorf. Both the Prussians and Austrians marched at
the rate of one hundred miles in five days; on the tenth the king took
possession of the camp at Lidnitz; and here he seemed in danger of being
quite surrounded by the enemy, who occupied the whole ground between
Parchwitz and Cossendau, an extent of thirty miles. Count Daun’s army
formed the centre of this chain, possessing the heights of Wahlstadt and
Liochkirk; general Laudohn covered the ground between Jeschkendorf
and Coschitz; the rising grounds of Parchwitz were secured by general
Nauendorff; and M. de Beck, who formed the left, extended his troops
beyond Cossendau. The king marched in the night of the eleventh, with
a view to turn the enemy and reach Jauer; but at break of day he
discovered a new camp at Prausnitz, which consisted of Lascy’s
detachment, just arrived from Lauban. The Prussians immediately passed
the Katzbach, to attack this general; but he made such a skilful
disposition for a retreat towards the army of count Daun, that he not
only baffled the endeavours of the king to bring him to action, but, by
posting himself on the heights of Hennersdorff, anticipated his march to
Jauer. In vain the Prussian monarch attempted next day to turn the enemy
on the side of the mountains by Pomsen and Jagersdorff, the roads were
found impassable to the ammunition waggons, and the king returned to the
camp at Lignitz.

While he remained in this situation, he received advice that
four-and-twenty thousand Russians, under count Czernichew, had thrown
bridges over the Oder at Auras, where they intended to cross that river;
and he concluded the enemy had formed a design to close him in, and
attack him with their joint forces. Daun had indeed projected a plan for
surprising him in the night, and had actually put his army in motion for
that purpose; but he was anticipated by the vigilance and good fortune
of the Prussian monarch. That prince reflecting, that if he should wait
for his adversaries in his camp, he ran the risk of being attacked
at the same time by Lascy on his right, by Daun in his front, and by
Laudohn on his left, he altered his disposition, in order to disconcert
their operations; and, on the fourteenth day of the month, marched
to the heights of Psaffendorff, where he formed his army in order of
battle. Receiving intimation about two in the morning, that Laudohn was
in full march advancing in columns by Benowitz, he divided his army into
two separate bodies. One of these remained on the ground, in order to
maintain the post against any attempts that might be made by count Daun
to succour Laudohn; and that this service might be the more effectually
performed, the heights were fortified with batteries, so judiciously
disposed, as to impede and overawe the whole Austrian army. The king
having taken this precaution, wheeled about with sixteen battalions and
thirty squadrons, to fall upon Laudohn as he should advance; but that
general knew nothing of his design, until he himself arrived at the
village of Psaffendorff, about three in the morning, when the day
dawning, and a thick fog gradually dispersing, the whole detachment
of the Prussian army appeared in order of battle, in a well-chosen
situation, strengthened with a numerous train of artillery, placed to
the best advantage. Laudohn was not a little mortified to find himself
caught in his own snare, but he had advanced too far to recede;
and therefore, making a virtue of necessity, resolved to stand an
engagement. With this view he formed his troops, as well as the time,
place, and circumstances would permit; and the Prussians advancing to
the attack, a severe action ensued. The king rode along the line
to animate the troops, and superintended every part of the charge;
hazarding his life in the most dangerous scenes of the battle to such a
degree, that his horse was killed under him, and his clothes were shot
through in several places. The Austrians maintained the conflict with
great obstinacy, until six in the morning, when they gave ground, and
were pursued to the Katzbach; beyond which the king would not allow his
troops to prosecute the advantage they had gained, that they might be
able to succour the right in case mareschal count Daun should succeed
in his attempt to advance against them from Lignitz. That general had
actually begun his march to fall upon the Prussians on one side,
while Laudohn should attack them on the other; but he was not a little
surprised to find they were decamped; and when he perceived a thick
cloud of smoke at a distance, he immediately comprehended the nature of
the king’s management. He then attempted to advance by Lignitz; but the
troops and artillery, which had been left on the height of Psaffendorff,
to dispute his march, were so advantageously disposed, as to render all
his efforts abortive. Laudohn is said to have lost in the action
above eight thousand men, killed, wounded, and taken, including eighty
officers, with twenty-three pair of colours, and eighty-two pieces of
cannon; over and above this loss, the Austrian general suffered greatly
by desertion. The Prussians obtained the victory at the expense of
one general, with five hundred men killed, and twelve hundred wounded.
Immediately after the action the victor inarched to Parchwitz; while
Daun detached prince Lowenstein and general Beck with the reserve of his
army, to join prince Czernichew, who had crossed the Oder at Auras;
but he was so intimidated by the defeat at Lignitz, that he forthwith
repassed that river, and prince Lowenstein retired on the side of Jauer.
By this bold and well-conducted adventure, the Prussian monarch not
only escaped the most imminent hazard of a total defeat from the joint
efforts of two strong armies, but also prevented the dreaded junction
of the Eussian and Austrian forces. His business was now to open the
communication with Breslau and his brother prince Henry, whom he joined
at Neumarcke. The prince, after Laudohn was obliged to relinquish
the siege of Breslau, had kept a watchful eye over the motions of the
Eussian army, which had advanced into the neighbourhood of that city;
and, without all doubt, would have bombarded it from some commanding
heights, had they not been prevented by prince Henry, who took
possession of these posts, and fortified them with redoubts. The king
having freed Breslau from the neighbourhood of his enemies, and being
strengthened by the junction with his brother, left a considerable
detachment under the command of general Boltze, to protect the country
against the Eussian irregulars; and advanced with his whole force to the
relief of Schweidnitz, which was blocked up by the Austrian forces under
the command of the mareschal count Daun. In his march he fell upon
a separate body under general Beck, made two battalions of Croats
prisoners, and dispersed several squadrons. This achievement had such an
effect upon the enemy, that they raised the blockade, and retreated with
some precipitation to the mountains of Landshut.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




ACTION BETWEEN GENEEAL HULSEN AND THE IMPERIAL ARMY IN SAXONY.

While the king thus exerted himself, with a spirit altogether
unexampled, in defending Silesia, general Hulsen, who commanded his
troops in Saxony, was exposed to the most imminent danger. Understanding
that the army of the empire had formed a design to cut off his
communication with Torgau, he quitted his camp at Meissen, and marched
to Strehla. The enemy having divided their forces into two bodies, one
of them, on the twentieth clay of August, attacked an advanced post
of the Prussians; while the other was disposed in such a manner, as
to overawe Hulsen’s camp, and prevent him from taking any step for the
relief of his battalions, who maintained their ground with difficulty
against a superior number of assailants. In this emergency the Prussian
general ordered his cavalry to make a circuit round a rising ground,
and, if possible, charge the enemy in flank. This order was executed
with equal vigour and success. They fell upon the imperial army with
such impetuosity, as drove their battalions and horse upon each other in
the utmost confusion. A considerable number of the enemy were slain,
and forty-one officers, with twelve hundred men, made prisoners. By this
advantage, which was obtained at a very small expense, general Hulsen
opened for himself a way to Torgau, whither he instantly retreated,
perceiving that the whole army of the imperialists was advancing to cut
off his communication with the Elbe. This retreat furnished the enemy
with a pretext for claiming the victory.




SITUATION OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

After all these heroic endeavours of the Prussian monarch and his
officers, his affairs remained in such a desperate situation as seemed
to presage approaching ruin; for, though in person he commanded a
numerous and well-appointed army, he found it absolutely impossible to
guard against the different detachments from the three separate armies
of his adversaries. Bodies of Austrian troops scoured the country of
Lusatia; the Russians traversed part of Silesia, and made irruptions
even into Brandenburgh; the imperial army domineered in Saxony; the
Swedish army, meeting with no opposition, advanced into the heart of
Pomerania; so that the king was not only threatened on every side, but
all correspondence between him and his hereditary dominions was at this
juncture intercepted.




THE RUSSIANS AND AUSTRIANS POSSESS THEMSELVES OF BERLIN.

His adversaries, having been hitherto baffled by his activity and
resolution in their designs upon Silesia, now meditated a scheme, the
execution of which he could not but feel in the most sensible manner.
The Russian army being on its retreat from Silesia, count Czernichew was
sent with a strong detachment into the marche of Brandenburgh; while a
numerous body of Austrians, under Lascy and Brentano, penetrated into
the same country from Saxony, with instructions to join the Russians at
the gates of Berlin. The Prussian general Hulsen, finding himself too
weak to cope with the army of the empire in Misnia, had fallen back to
this capital, where he was joined by the troops under general Werner,
lately returned from Pomerania; but as their forces, after this
junction, did not exceed sixteen thousand men, and the allies advancing
against them amounted to forty thousand, they would not pretend to
oppose the enemy in the open field, nor to defend a city of such extent,
and so imperfectly fortified. Such an attempt would have only exposed
their troops to ruin, without being able to save the capital, which, on
the contrary, would have been the more severely handled, in consequence
of their opposition. They therefore resolved to retire, after having
repulsed the advanced guard of the Russians under Tottleben, which
attacked the gates, and even bombarded the town, before the great armies
appeared. At their approach the Prussian generals retreated, leaving
three weak battalions in the place, in hopes they might be the means
of obtaining some sort of terms for the city. They made no resistance,
however; but on the first summons proposed articles of capitulation,
which being refused, they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In
favour of the city, the foreign ministers there residing interposed
their mediation with such zeal and success, that tolerable conditions
were obtained. The inhabitants were indulged with the free exercise
of their religion, and an immunity from violence to their persons and
effects. The enemy promised that the Russian irregulars should not
enter the town; and that the king’s palace should not be violated. These
articles being ratified, the Austrian and Russian troops entered
the place, where they totally destroyed the magazines, arsenals, and
foundries, with an immense quantity of military stores, and a great
number of cannon and small arms: then they demanded the immediate
payment of eight hundred thousand guilders; and afterwards exacted a
contribution of one million nine hundred thousand German crowns. Many
outrages were committed by the licentious soldiery, in spite of all the
precautions which the officers could take to preserve the most exact
discipline. The houses of the private inhabitants were tolerably
protected, but the king’s palaces were subjected to the most rigorous
treatment. In the royal palace of Charlottenburg they pillaged and
spoiled the rich furniture: they defaced and mutilated the valuable
pictures and antique statues collected by cardinal de Polignac, and
purchased by the house of Brandenburgh. The castle of Schonhausen,
belonging to the queen, and that of Fredericksfeldt, the property of the
margrave Charles, were pillaged of effects to a very considerable value.
The palace of Potsdam was effectually protected by prince Esterhasi,
who would not suffer one article of furniture to be touched; but desired
leave to take one picture of the king, and two of his German flutes,
that he might preserve them as memorials of an illustrious prince, whose
heroic character he admired. The Austrian and Russian troops entered
Berlin on the ninth day of October, and quitted it on the thirteenth, on
hearing that the king was in full march to the relief of his capital. In
their retreat, by different routes, from Brandenburgh, they drove away
all the cattle and horses they could find, ravaged the country, and
committed brutal outrages on the inhabitants, which the pretence of
retaliation could never excuse. The body of Russians which entered
Berlin marched from thence into Poland, by the way of Furstenwalde;
while the Austrians took the route of Saxony, from whence they had
advanced into Brandenburgh. Meanwhile the town of Wirtem-berg, in that
electorate, was reduced by the duke de Deux-Ponts, commander of the
imperial army, which, in conjunction with the Austrians, made themselves
masters also of Torgau and Leipsic.




KING OF PRUSSIA DEFEATS THE AUSTRIANS AT TORGAU.

The king of Prussia, in his march through Lusatia, was still attended
by count Daun, at the head of his grand army, and both passed the Elbe
about the latter end of October. The Prussian crossed the river at
Coswick, where he was joined by the troops under prince Eugene of
Wirtemberg and general Ilulsen, so that his army now amounted to eighty
thousand fighting men, with whom he resolved to strike some stroke
of importance. Indeed, at this time his situation was truly critical.
General Laudohn, with a considerable body of Austrians, remained in
Silesia; the Russian army still threatened Breslau, the capital of that
country. The Imperialists and Austrians had taken possession of all the
great towns in Saxony, and were masters on both sides of the Elbe. In
the eastern part of Pomerania, the Russians had invested Colberg by sea
and land, seemingly determined to reduce the place, that they might have
a seaport by which they could be supplied with provisions, ammunition,
necessaries, and reinforcements, without the trouble and inconvenience
of a long and laborious march from the banks of the Vistula. On the
western side of Pomerania, the war, which had hitherto languished, was
renewed by the Swedes with uncommon vivacity. They passed the river
Pene without opposition; and obliging general Stutterheim to retreat,
advanced as far as Stransberg. That officer, however, being reinforced,
attacked a Swedish post at Passelvalik, slew about five hundred of the
enemy, and took an equal number, with six pieces of cannon; but he was
not numerous enough to keep the field against their whole army. Thus the
Prussian monarch saw himself obliged to abandon Silesia, deprived of all
the places he held in Saxony, which had been his best resource; and
in danger of being driven into his hereditary country of Brandenburgh,
which was unable either to maintain, or even to recruit, his army. On
this emergency he resolved to make one desperate effort against the
grand Austrian army under count Daun, who had passed the Elbe at Torgau,
and advanced to Eulenbourg, from whence, however, he retreated to his
former camp at Torgau; and the king chose his situation between this
last place and Schilda, at Lang-Reichenbach, where the hussars attacked
a body of horse under general Brentano, and made four hundred prisoners.
The right wing of the Austrians being at Groswich, and their left at
Torgau, the Prussian king determined to attack them next day, which
was the third of November. His design was to march through the wood
of Torgau by three different routes, with thirty battalions and fifty
squadrons of his left wing: the first line was ordered to advance by the
way of Mackrene to Neiden; the second by Peckhutte to Elsnick; and the
third, consisting of cavalry, to penetrate by the wood of Wildenhayn to
Vogelsand. On the other hand, general Ziethen was directed to take the
great Leipsic road, with thirty battalions and seventy squadrons of the
right; and quitting it at the ponds of Torgau, to attack the village
of Suptitz and Groswich. The king’s line, in its march, fell in with
a corps of Austrians under general Reid, who retired into the wood
of Torgau; and another more considerable body, posted in the wood of
Wildenhayn, likewise retreated to Groswich, after having fired some
pieces of artillery; but the dragoons of Saint Ignon, being enclosed
between two columns of Prussian infantry, were either killed or taken.
By two in the afternoon the king had penetrated through the wood to
the plain of Neiden, from whence another body of the enemy retired to
Torgau, where a continued noise of cannon and small arms declared that
general Ziethen was already engaged. The Prussians immediately advanced
at a quicker pace, and passing the morasses near Neiden, inclined to the
right in three lines, and soon came to action. Daun had chosen a very
advantageous position: his right extended to Groswich, and his left
to Zinne: while his infantry occupied some eminences along the road of
Leipsic, and his front was strength-ened with no less than two hundred
pieces of cannon. His second line was disposed on an extent of ground,
which terminated in hillocks towards the Elbe; and against this the king
directed his attack. He had already given his troops to understand that
his affairs were in such a situation, that they must either conquer or
perish: and they began the battle with the most desperate impetuosity;
but they met with such a warm reception from the artillery, small arms,
and in particular from the Austrian carabineers, that their grenadiers
were shattered and repulsed. The second charge, though enforced with
incredible vigour, was equally unsuccessful: then the king ordered his
cavalry to advance, and they fell upon some regiments of infantry with
such fury as obliged them to give way. These, however, were compelled to
retire, in their turn, before about seventy battalions of the enemy, who
advanced towards Torgau, stretching with their right to the Elbe, and
their left to Zinne. While the prince of Holstein rallied his cavalry,
and returned to the charge, the third line of Prussian infantry attacked
the vineyard of Suptitz, and general Ziethen with the right wing took
the enemy in rear. This disposition threw the Austrians into disorder;
which was greatly augmented by the disaster of count Daun, who was
dangerously wounded in the thigh, and carried off the field of battle.
But the Prussians could not pursue their victory, because the action had
lasted until nine; and the night being unusually dark, facilitated the
retreat of the enemy, who crossed the Elbe on three bridges of boats
thrown over the river at Torgau. The victor possessed the field of
battle, with seven thousand prisoners, including two hundred officers,
twenty-nine pair of colours, one standard, and about forty pieces of
cannon. The carnage was very great on both sides; about three thousand
Prussians were killed, and five thousand wounded; and, in the first
attacks, two general officers, with fifteen hundred soldiers, were made
prisoners by the enemy. The king, as usual, exposed his person in every
part of the battle, and a musket-ball grazed upon his breast. In the
morning, the king of Prussia entered Torgau; then he secured Meissen,
and took possession of Fribourg: so that, in consequence of this
well-timed victory, his position was nearly the same as at the opening
of the campaign.

The Austrians, however, notwithstanding this check, maintained their
ground in the neighbourhood of Dresden; while the Prussians were
distributed in quarters of cantonment in and about Leipsic and Meissen.
As the Austrian general had, after the battle, recalled his detachments,
general Laudohn abandoned Landshut, wrhich again fell into the hands
of the Prussians, and the Imperial army was obliged to retire into
Franconia. The Swedes having penetrated a great way into Pom-crania,
returned again to their winter-quarters at Stralsund; and the
Russian generals measured back their way to the Vistula: so that the
confederates gained little else in the course of this campaign but
the contributions which they raised in Berlin, and the open country
of Brandenburgh. Had the allies been heartily bent upon crushing the
Prussian monarch, one would imagine the Russians and Swedes might have
joined their forces in Pomerania, and made good their winter-quarters in
Brandenburgh, where they could have been supplied with magazines from
the Baltic, and been at hand to commence their operations in the spring;
but, in all probability, such an establishment in the empire would have
given umbrage to the Germanic body.




DIETS of POLAND AND SWEDEN ASSEMBLED.

The diet of Poland being assembled in the beginning of October, the king
entertained the most sanguine hope they would take some resolution in
his favour, but the partisans of Prussia frustrated all his endeavours:
one of the deputies protesting against holding a diet while there were
foreign troops in the kingdom, the assembly broke up in a tumultuous
manner, even before they had chosen a mareschal. The diet of Sweden,
which was convoked about the same period, seemed determined to proceed
upon business. They elected count Axel Person their grand mareschal,
in opposition to count Horn, by a great majority; which was an unlucky
circumstance for the Prussian interest at Stockholm, inasmuch as the
same majority obstinately persisted in opinion, that the war should be
prosecuted in the spring with redoubled vigour, and the army in Germany
reinforced to the number of at least thirty thousand fighting men. This
unfavourable circumstance made but little impression upon the Prussian
monarch, who had maintained his ground with surprising resolution and
success since the beginning of the campaign; and now enjoyed in
prospect the benefit of winter, which he is said to have termed his best
auxiliary.




INTIMATION GIVEN TO THE STATES OF WESTPHALIA BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

The animosity which inflamed the contending parties was not confined to
the operations in war, but broke out, as usual, in printed declarations,
which the belligerent powers diffused all over Europe. In the beginning
of the season, the states of the circle of Westphalia had been required,
by the Imperial court, to finish their contingent of troops against the
king of Prussia, or to commute for this contingent with a sum of money.
In consequence of this demand, some of the Westphalian estates had sent
deputies to confer with the assembly of the circle of Cologn; and to
these the king signified, by a declaration dated at Munster, that as
this demand of money, instead of troops, was no less extraordinary than
contrary to the constitutions of the empire, should they comply with it,
or even continue to assist his enemies either with troops or money, he
would consider them as having actually taken part in the war against
him and his allies, and treat them accordingly on all occasions.
This intimation produced little effect in his favour. The duke of
Mecklenburgh adhered to the opposite cause; and the elector of Cologn
co-operated with the French in their designs against Hanover. By way of
retaliation for this partiality, the Prussians ravaged the country
of Mecklenburgh, and the Hanoverians levied contributions in the
territories of Cologn. The parties thus aggrieved had recourse to
complaints and remonstrances. The duke’s envoy at Ratisbon communicated
a rescript to the Imperial ministers, representing that the Prussian
troops under general Werner and colonel de Belling had distressed his
country in the autumn by grievous extortions; that afterwards prince
Eugene of Wirtemberg, in the service of Prussia, had demanded an
exorbitant quantity of provisions, with some millions of money, and a
great number of recruits; or, in lieu of these, that the duke’s forces
should act under the Prussian banner. He therefore declared that, as
the country of Mecklenburgh was impoverished, and almost depopulated, by
these oppressions, the duke would find himself obliged to take measures
for the future security of his subjects, if not immediately favoured
with such assistance from the court of Vienna as would put a stop to
these violent proceedings. This declaration was by some considered as
the prelude of his renouncing his engagements with the house of Austria.
As the Imperial court had threatened to put the elector of Hanover
under the ban of the empire, in consequence of the hostilities which
his troops had committed in the electorate of Cologn, his resident at
Ratisbon delivered to the ministers who assisted at the diet a memorial,
remonstrating that the emperor hath no power, singly, to subject any
prince to the ban, or declare him a rebel; and that, by arrogating such
a power, he exposed his authority to the same contempt into which the
pope’s bulls of excommunication were so justly fallen. With respect to
the elector of Cologn, he observed that this prince was the first who
commenced hostilities, by allowing his troops to co-operate with the
French in their invasion of Hanover, and by celebrating with rejoicings
the advantages which they had gained in that electorate; he therefore
gave the estates of the empire to understand, that the best way of
screening their subjects from hostile treatment would be a strict
observance of neutrality in the present disputes of the empire.




THE KING OF POLAND’S REMONSTRANCE.

This was a strain much more effectual among princes and powers who are
generally actuated by interested motives, than was the repetition of
complaints, equally pathetic and unavailing, uttered by the unfortunate
king of Poland, elector of Saxony. The damage done to his capital by the
last attempt of the Prussian monarch on that city, affected the old
king in such a manner, that he published at Vienna an appeal to all
the powers of Europe, from the cruelty and unprecedented outrages which
distinguished the conduct of his adversaries in Saxony. All Europe
pitied the hard fate of this exiled prince, and sympathized with the
disasters of his country: but in the breasts of his enemies, reasons
of state and convenience overruled the suggestions of humanity; and his
friends had hitherto exerted themselves in vain for the deliverance of
his people.




REDUCTION OF PONDICHERRY.

From this detail of continental affairs, our attention is recalled to
Great Britain, by an incident of a very interesting nature; an account
of which, however, we shall postpone until we have recorded the success
that, in the course of this year, attended the British arms in the
East Indies. We have already observed that colonel Coote, after having
defeated the French general Lally in the field, and reduced divers of
the enemy’s settlements on the coast of Coromandel, at length cooped
them up within the walls of Pondicherry, the principal seat of the
French East India company, large, populous, well-fortified, and secured
with a numerous garrison, under the immediate command of their general.
In the month of October, admiral Stevens sailed from Trincomalê with all
his squadron, in order to its being refitted, except five sail of the
line, which he left under the command of captain Ilaldane, to block up
Pondicherry by sea, while Mr. Coote carried on his operations by land.
By this disposition, and the vigilance of the British officers,
the place was so hampered as to be greatly distressed for want of
provisions, even before the siege could be undertaken in form; for the
rainy season rendered all regular approaches impracticable. These rains
being abated by the twenty-sixth day of November, colonel Coote directed
the engineers to pitch upon proper places for erecting batteries that
should enfilade or flank the works of the garrison, without exposing
their own men to any severe fire from the enemy. Accordingly, four
batteries were constructed in different places, so as to answer these
purposes, and opened altogether on the eighth day of December at
midnight. Though raised at a considerable distance, they were plied with
good effect, and the besieged returned the fire with great vivacity.
This mutual cannonading continued until the twenty-ninth day of the
month, when the engineers were employed in raising another battery, near
enough to effect a breach in the north-west counter-guard and curtain.
Though the approaches were retarded some days by a violent storm, which
almost ruined the works, the damage was soon repaired: a considerable
post was taken from the enemy by assault, and afterwards regained by the
French grenadiers, through the timidity of the sepoys, by whom it was
occupied. By the fifteenth clay of January, a second battery being
raised within point-blank, a breach was made in the curtain: the west
face and flank of the north-west bastion were ruined, and the guns of
the enemy entirely silenced. The garrison and inhabitants of Pondicherry
were now reduced to an extremity of famine which would admit of no
hesitation. General Lally sent a colonel, attended by the chief of the
Jesuits, and two civilians, to Mr. Coote, with proposals of surrendering
the garrison prisoners of war, and demanding a capitulation in behalf
of the French East India company. On this last subject he made no reply;
but next morning took possession of the town and citadel, where he found
a great quantity of artillery, ammunition, small arms, and military
stores; then he secured the garrison, amounting to above two thousand
Europeans. Lally made a gallant defence; and had he been properly
supplied with provisions, the conquest of the place would not have been
so easily achieved. He certainly flattered himself with the hope of
being supplied; otherwise an officer of his experience would have
demanded a capitulation, before he was reduced to the necessity of
acquiescing in any terms the besieger might have thought proper to
impose. That he spared no pains to procure supplies, appears from an
intercepted letter,* written by this commander to monsieur Raymond,
French resident at Pullicat...... The billet is no bad sketch of the
writer’s character, which seems to have a strong tincture of oddity and
extravagance.

     * “Monsieur Raymond--The English squadron is no more, sir--
     of the twelve ships they had in our road seven are lost,
     crews and all; the other four dismasted; and no more than
     one frigate hath escaped--therefore lose not an instant in
     sending chelingoes upon chelingoes, laden with rice. The
     Dutch have nothing to fear now. Besides, according to the
     law of nations, they are only restricted from sending us
     provisions in their own bottoms; and we are no longer
     blockaded by sea. The salvation of Pondicherry hath been
     once in your power already: if you neglect this opportunity
     it will be entirely your own fault--don’t forget some small
     chelingoes also--offer great rewards--in four days I expect
     seventeen thousand Mahrattas. In short, risk all--attempt
     all--force all, and send us some rice, should it be but half
     a garse at a time.”




PART OF THE BRITISH SQUADRON WRECKED IN A STORM.

By the reduction of Pondicherry, the French interest was annihilated on
the coast of Coromandel, and therefore of the utmost importance to the
British nation. It may be doubted, however, whether colonel Coote, with
all his spirit, vigilance, and military talents, could have succeeded
in this enterprise without the assistance of the squadrons, which
co-operated with him by sea, and effectually excluded all succour from
the besieged. It must be owned, for the honour of the service, that no
incident interrupted the good understanding which was maintained between
the land and sea officers, who vied with each other in contributing
their utmost efforts towards the success of the expedition. On the
twenty-fifth day of December, rear-admiral Stevens arrived with four
ships of the line, having parted with rear-admiral Cornish and his
division in stormy weather: but he joined them at Pondicherry before
the place was surrendered. On the first day of January a violent tempest
obliged admiral Stevens to slip his cables and to put to sea, where he
parted with the rest of the squadron; and when in three days he returned
to the road of Pondicherry, he had the mortification to find that his
division had suffered severely from the storm. The ships of war called
the duke of Aquitaine and the Sunderland foundered in the storm, and
their crews perished. The Newcastle, the Queenborough, and the Protector
fireship, were driven ashore and destroyed; but the men were saved,
together with the cannon, stores, and provisions. Many other ships
sustained considerable damage, which however was soon repaired. Admiral
Stevens having intercepted the letter from Lally to Raymond, (See-note
*), immediately despatched letters to the Dutch and Danish settlements
on this coast, intimating that, notwithstanding the insinuations of
general Lally, he had eleven sail of the line, with two frigates, under
his command, all fit for service, in the road of Pondicherry, which
was closely invested and blockaded both by sea and land: he therefore
declared, that, as in that case it was contrary to the law of nations
for any neutral power to relieve or succour the besieged, he was
determined to seize any vessel that should attempt to throw provisions
into the place.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




DEATH and CHARACTER of KING GEORGE II.

While the arms of Great Britain still prospered in every effort tending
to the real interest of the nation, an event happened which for a
moment obscured the splendour of her triumphs, and could not but be
very alarming to those German allies, whom her liberality had enabled to
maintain an expensive and sanguinary war of humour and ambition. On the
twenty-fifth day of October, George II. king of Great Britain, without
any previous disorder, was in the morning suddenly seized with the agony
of death, at the palace at Kensington. He had risen at the usual hour,
drank his chocolate, and inquired, about the wind, as anxious for the
arrival of the foreign mails; then he opened a window of his apartment,
and perceiving the weather was serene, declared he would walk in the
garden. In a few minutes after this declaration, while he remained
alone in his chamber, he fell down upon the floor; the noise of his fall
brought his attendants into the room, who lifted him on the bed, where
he desired, in a faint voice, that the princess Amelia might be called;
but before she could reach the apartments he had expired. An attempt
was made to bleed him, but without effect: and indeed his malady was far
beyond the reach of art; for when the cavity of the thorax or chest was
opened, and inspected by the sergeant-surgeons, they found the right
ventricle of the heart actually ruptured, and a great quantity of blood
discharged through the aperture into the surrounding pericardium; so
that he must have died instantaneously, in consequence of the effusion.
The case, however, was so extraordinary, that we question whether there
is such another instance upon record. A rupture of this nature
appears the more remarkable, as it happened to a prince of a healthy
constitution, unaccustomed to excess, and far advanced beyond that
period of life, when the blood might be supposed to flow with a
dangerous impetuosity.

Thus died George II. at the age of seventy-seven, after a long reign of
thirty-four years, distinguished by a variety of important events, and
chequered with a vicissittide of character and fortune. He was in his
person rather lower than the middle size, well shaped, erect, with
eyes remarkably prominent, a high nose, and fair complexion. In his
disposition he is said to have been hasty, prone to anger, especially in
his youth, yet soon appeased; otherwise mild, moderate, and humane; in
his way of living temperate, regular, and so methodical in every branch
of private economy, that his attention descended to objects which a
great king, perhaps, had better overlook. He was fond of military pomp
and parade; and personally brave. He loved war as a soldier--he studied
it as a science; and corresponded on this subject with some of
the greatest officers whom Germany has produced. The extent of his
understanding, and the splendour of his virtue, we shall not presume to
ascertain, or attempt to display; we rather wish for opportunities to
expatiate on his munificence and liberality--his generous regard to
genius and learning--his royal encouragement and protection of those
arts by which a nation is at once benefited and adorned. With respect to
his government, it very seldom deviated from the institutions of law,
or encroached upon private property, or interfered with the common
administration of justice. The circumstances that chiefly marked his
public character, were a predilection for his native country, and a
close attention to the political interests of the Germanic body; points
and principles to which he adhered with the most invincible fortitude:
and if ever the blood and treasure of Great Britain were sacrificed
to these considerations, we ought not so much to blame the prince, who
acted from the dictates of natural affection, as we should detest a
succession of venal ministers, all of whom in their turns devoted
themselves, soul and body, to the gratification of his passion, or
partiality, so prejudicial to the true interest of their country.


{GEORGE II., 1727-1760}




RECAPITULATION OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF HIS REIGN.

The reign of George II. produced many revolutions, as well in the
internal schemes of economy and administration, as in the external
projects of political connexions; revolutions that exposed the frailties
of human nature, and demonstrated the instability of systems founded
upon convenience. In the course of this reign, a standing army was, by
dint of ministerial influence, engrafted on the constitution of Great
Britain. A fatal stroke was given to the liberty of the press, by the
act subjecting all dramatic writings to the inspection of a licenser.
The great machine of corruption, contrived to secure a constant majority
in parliament, was overturned, and the inventor of it obliged to quit
the reins of government. Professed patriots resigned the principles they
had long endeavoured to establish, and listed themselves for the defence
of that fortress against which their zeal and talents had been levelled.
The management of a mighty kingdom was consigned into the hands of a
motley administration--ministers without knowledge, and men without
integrity, whose councils were timid, weak, and wavering; whose folly
and extravagance exposed the nation to ridicule and contempt; by whose
ignorance and presumption it was reduced to the verge of ruin. The
kingdom was engaged in a quarrel truly national, and commenced a
necessary war on national principles: but that war was starved; and the
chief strength of the nation transferred to the continent of Europe, in
order to maintain an unnecessary war, in favour of a family whose
pride and ambition can be equalled by nothing but its insolence and
ingratitude. While the strength of the nation was thus exerted abroad
for the support of worthless allies, and a dangerous rebellion raged in
the bowels of the kingdom, the sovereign was insulted by his ministers,
who deserted his service at this critical juncture, and refused to
resume their functions, until he had truckled to their petulant humour,
and dismissed a favourite servant, of whose superior talents they were
meanly jealous. Such an unprecedented secession at any time would
have merited the imputation of insolence; but at that period, when the
sovereign was perplexed and embarrassed by a variety of dangers and
difficulties; when his crown, and even his life, were at stake; to
throw up their places, abandon his councils, and, as far as in them lay,
detach themselves from his fortune, was a step so likely to aggravate
the disorder of the nation, so big with cruelty, ingratitude, and
sedition, that it seems to deserve an appellation which, however, we
do not think proper to bestow. An inglorious war was succeeded by an
ignominious peace, which proved of short duration; yet in this interval
the English nation exhibited such a proof of commercial opulence as
astonished all Europe. At the close of a war which had drained it of so
much treasure, and increased the public debt to an enormous burden, it
acquiesced under such a reduction of interest as one would hardly think
the ministry durst have proposed, even before one-half of the national
debt was contracted. A much more unpopular step was a law that passed
for natural-izing the Jews--a law so odious to the people in general,
that it was soon repealed, at the request of that minister by whom it
had been chiefly patronized. An ill-concerted peace was in a little
time productive of fresh hostilities, and another war with France, which
Britain began to prosecute under favourable auspices. Then the whole
political system of Germany was inverted. The king of England abandoned
the interest of that house which he had in the former war so warmly
espoused, and took into his bosom a prince whom he had formerly
considered as his inveterate enemy. The unpropitious beginning of
this war against France being imputed to the misconduct of the
administration, excited such a ferment among the people, as seemed to
threaten a dangerous insurrection. Every part of the kingdom resounded
with the voice of dissatisfaction, which did not even respect the
throne. The king found himself obliged to accept of a minister presented
by the people; and this measure was attended with consequences as
favourable as his wish could form. From that instant all clamour was
hushed--all opposition ceased. The enterprising spirit of the new
minister seemed to diffuse itself through all the operations of the war,
and conquest everywhere attended the efforts of the British arms.
Now appeared the fallacy of those maxims, and the falsehood of those
assertions, by which former ministers had established, and endeavoured
to excuse, the practices of corruption. The supposed disaffection, which
had been insisted on as the source of parliamentary opposition, now
entirely vanished; nor was it found necessary to use any sinister
means for securing a majority, in order to answer the purposes of the
administration. England for the first time saw a minister of state in
full possession of popularity. Under the auspices of this minister,
it saw a national militia formed, and trained to discipline by the
invincible spirit of a few patriots, who pursued this salutary measure
in the face of unwearied opposition, discouraged by the jealousy of
a court, and ridiculed by all the venal retainers to a standing army.
Under his ministry it saw the military genius of Great Britain revive,
and shine with redoubled lustre; it saw her interest and glory coincide,
and an immense extent of country added by conquest to her dominions. The
people, confiding in the integrity and abilities of their own minister,
and elevated by the repeated sounds of triumph, became enamoured of the
war, and granted such liberal subsidies for its support, as no other
minister would have presumed to ask, as no other nation believed they
could afford. Nor did they murmur at seeing great part of their treasure
diverted into foreign channels; nor did they seem to bestow a serious
thought on the accumulating load of the national debt, which already
exceeded the immense sum of one hundred millions.

In a word, they were intoxicated with victory; and as the king happened
to die in the midst of their transports, occasioned by the final
conquest of Canada, their good humour garnished his character with
a prodigality of encomiums. A thousand pens were drawn to paint the
beauties and sublimity of his character, in poetry as well as prose.
They extolled him above Alexander in courage and heroism, above Augustus
in liberality, Titus in clemency, Antoninus in piety and benevolence,
Solomon in wisdom, and Saint Edward in devotion. Such hyperbolical
eulogiums served only to throw a ridicule upon a character which was
otherwise respectable. The two universities vied with each other in
lamenting his death; and each published a huge collection of elegies
on the subject: nor did they fail to exalt his praise, with the warmest
expressions of affection and regret, in the compliments of condolence
and congratulation which they presented to his successor. The same
panegyric and pathos appeared in all the addresses with which every
other community in the kingdom approached the throne of our present
sovereign: insomuch that we may venture to say, no prince was ever more
popular at the time of his decease. The English are naturally warm and
impetuous; and in generous natures, affection is as apt as any other
passion to run riot. The sudden death of the king was lamented as a
national misfortune by many, who felt a truly filial affection for their
country; not that they implicitly subscribed to all the exaggerated
praise which had been so liberally poured forth on his character, but
because the nation was deprived of him at a critical juncture, while
involved in a dangerous and expensive war, of which he had been
personally the chief mover and support. They knew the burden of royalty
devolved upon a young prince, who, though heir-apparent to the crown,
and already arrived at years of maturity, had never been admitted to
any share of the administration, nor made acquainted with any schemes
or secrets of state. The real character of the new king was very little
known to the generality of the nation. They dreaded an abrupt change of
measures, which might have rendered useless all the advantages obtained
in the course of the war. As they were ignorant of his connexions, they
dreaded a revolution in the ministry, which might fill the kingdom with
clamour and confusion. But the greatest shock occasioned by his decease
was undoubtedly among our allies and fellow-subjects in Germany, who saw
themselves suddenly deprived of their sole prop and patron, at a time
when they could not pretend of themselves to make head against the
numerous enemies by whom they were surrounded. But all these doubts and
apprehensions vanished like mists before the rising sun; and the people
of Great Britain enjoyed the inexpressible pleasure of seeing their
loss repaired in such a manner, as must have amply fulfilled the most
sanguine wish of every friend to his country.




ACCOUNT OF THE COMMERCE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

The commerce of Great Britain continued to increase during the
whole course of this reign; but this increase was not the effect
of extraordinary encouragement. On the contrary, the necessities of
government, the growing expenses of the nation, and the continual
augmentation of the public debt, obliged the legislature to hamper trade
with manifold and grievous impositions; its increase, therefore, must
have been owing to the natural progress of industry and adventure
extending themselves to that farthest line or limit beyond which they
will not be able to advance: when the tide of traffic has flowed to its
highest mark, it will then begin to recede in a gradual ebb, until it
is shrunk within the narrow limits of its original channel. War, which
naturally impedes the traffic of other nations, had opened new sources
to the merchants of Great Britain. The superiority of her naval power
had crushed the navigation of France, her great rival in commerce; so
that she now supplied, on her own terms, all those foreign markets, at
which, in time of peace, she was undersold by that dangerous competitor.
Thus her trade was augmented to a surprising pitch; and this great
augmentation alone enabled her to maintain the war at such an enormous
expense. As this advantage will cease when the French are at liberty to
re-establish their commerce, and prosecute it without molestation, it
would be for the interest of Great Britain to be at continual variance
with that restless neighbour, provided the contest could be limited
to the operations of a sea-war, in which England would be always
invincible and victorious.




STATE OF RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY.

The powers of the human mind were freely and fully exercised in this
reign. Considerable progress was made in mathematics and astronomy by
divers individuals; among whom we number Sanderson, Bradley, Maclaurin,
Smith, and the two Simpsons. Natural philosophy became a general study;
and the new doctrine of electricity grew into fashion. Different methods
were discovered for rendering sea-water potable and sweet; and divers
useful hints were communicated to the public by the learned doctor
Stephen Hales, who directed all his researches and experiments to the
benefit of society. The study of alchemy no longer prevailed; but the
art of chemistry was perfectly understood, and assiduously applied
to the purposes of sophistication. The clergy of Great Britain were
generally learned, pious, and exemplary. Sherlock, Hoad-ley, Seeker,
and Conybeare, were promoted to the first dignities of the church.
Warburton, who had long signalized himself by the strength and boldness
of his genius, his extensive capacity and profound erudition, at length
obtained the mitre. But these promotions were granted to reasons ef
state convenience and personal interest, rather than as rewards of
extraordinary merit. Many other ecclesiastics of worth and learning
were totally overlooked. Nor was ecclesiastical merit confined to the
established church. Many instances of extraordinary genius, unaffected
piety, and universal moderation, appeared among the dissenting ministers
of Great Britain and Ireland; among these we particularize the elegant,
the primitive Foster; the learned, ingenious, and penetrating Leland.




FANATICISM.

The progress of reason, and free cultivation of the human mind, had not,
however, entirely banished those ridiculous sects and schisms of which
the kingdom had been formerly so productive. Imposture and fanaticism
still hung upon the skirts of religion. Weak minds were seduced by the
delusion of a superstition styled Methodism, raised upon the affectation
of superior sanctity, and maintained by pretensions to divine
illumination. Many thousands in the lower ranks of life were infected
with this species of enthusiasm, by the unwearied endeavours of a few
obscure preachers, such as Whitfield and the two Wesleys, who propagated
their doctrine to the most remote corners of the British dominions, and
found means to lay the whole kingdom under contribution. Fanaticism
also formed a league with false philosophy. One Hutchinson, a visionary,
intoxicated with the fumes of rabbinical learning, pretended to deduce
all demonstration from Hebrew roots, and to confine all human knowledge
to the five books of Moses. His disciples became numerous after his
death. With the methodists, they denied the merit of good-works, and
bitterly inveighed against Newton as an ignorant pretender, who had
presumed to set up his own ridiculous chimeras in opposition to the
sacred philosophy of the Pentateuch. But the most extraordinary
sect which distinguished this reign was that of the Moravians, or
Hernhutters, imported from Germany by count Zinzendorf, who might have
been termed the Melchisedec of his followers, inasmuch as he assumed
among them the threefold character of prophet, priest, and king. They
could not be so properly styled a sect, as the disciples of an original,
who had invented a new system of religion. Their chief adoration was
paid to the second person in the Trinity; the first they treated with
the most shocking neglect. Some of their tenets were blasphemous, some
indecent, and others ridiculously absurd. Their discipline was a strange
mixture of devotion and impurity. Their exterior worship consisted of
hymns, prayers, and sermons; the hymns extremely ludicrous, and often
indecent, alluding to the side-hole or wound which Christ received from
a spear in his side while he remained upon the cross. Their sermons
frequently contained very gross incentives to the work of propagation.
Their private exercises are said to have abounded with such rites
and mysteries, as we cannot explain with any regard to decorum. They
professed a community of goods, and were governed as one family, in
temporals as well as spirituals, by a council or kind of presbytery,
in which the count, as their ordinary, presided. In cases of doubt, or
great consequence, these pretended to consult the Saviour, and to decide
from immediate inspiration; so that they boasted of being under the
immediate direction of a theocracy, though in fact they were slaves to
the most dangerous kind of despotism; for as often as any individual of
the community pretended to think for himself, or differ in opinion from
the ordinary and his band of associates, the oracle decreed that he
should be instantly sent upon the mission which they had fixed in
Greenland, or to the colony they had established in Pennsylvania. As
these religionists consisted chiefly of manufacturers who appeared very
sober, orderly, and industrious; and their chief declared his intention
of prosecuting works of public emolument; they obtained a settlement
under a parliamentary sanction in England, where they soon made a
considerable number of proselytes, before their principles were fully
discovered and explained.




METAPHYSICS AND MEDICINE.

Many ingenious treatises on metaphysics and morality appeared in the
course of this reign, and a philosophical spirit of inquiry diffused
itself to the farthest extremities of the united kingdom. Though few
discoveries of importance were made in medicine, yet that art was well
understood in all its different branches, and many of its professors
distinguished themselves in other provinces of literature. Besides the
medical essays of London and Edinburgh, the physician’s library was
enriched with many useful modern productions; with the works of the
classical Freind, the elegant Mead, the accurate Huxham, and the
philosophical Pringle. The art of midwifery was elucidated by science,
reduced to fixed principles, and almost wholly consigned into the hands
of men practitioners. The researches of anatomy were prosecuted to some
curious discoveries, by the ingenuity and dexterity of a Hunter and a
Monro. The numerous hospitals in London contributed to the improvement
of surgery, which was brought to perfection under the auspices of a
Cheselden and a Sharpe. The advantages of agriculture, which had long
flourished in England, extended themselves gradually to the most remote
and barren provinces of the island.




MECHANICS.

The mechanic powers were well understood, and judiciously applied to
many useful machines of necessity and convenience. The mechanical
arts had attained to all that perfection which they were capable of
acquiring; but the avarice and oppressions of contractors obliged the
handicraftsman to exert his ingenuity, not in finishing his work well,
but in affording it cheap; in purchasing bad materials, and performing
his task in a hurry; in concealing flaws, substituting show for
solidity, and sacrificing reputation to the thirst of lucre. Thus, many
of the English manufactures, being found slight and unserviceable, grew
into discredit abroad; thus the art of producing them more perfect may
in time be totally lost at home. The cloths now made in England are
inferior in texture and fabric to those which were manufactured in the
beginning of the century; and the same judgment may be pronounced
upon almost every article of hardware. The razors, knives, scissors,
hatchets, swords, and other edge-utensils, prepared for exportation,
are generally ill-tempered, half finished, flawed, or brittle; and the
muskets, which are sold for seven or eight shillings a-piece to the
exporter, so carelessly and unconscientiously prepared, that they cannot
be used without imminent danger of mutilation: accordingly, one hardly
meets with a negro man upon the coast of Guinea, in the neighbourhood
of the British settlements, who has not been wounded or maimed in some
member by the bursting of the English fire-arms. The advantages of
this traffic, carried on at the expense of character and humanity, will
naturally cease, whenever those Africans can be supplied more honestly
by the traders of any other nation.




GENIUS.

Genius in writing spontaneously arose; and, though neglected by the
great, flourished under the culture of a public which had pretensions to
taste, and piqued itself on encouraging literary merit. Swift and Pope
we have mentioned on another occasion. Young still survived, a venerable
monument of poetical talents. Thomson, the poet of the Seasons,
displayed a luxuriancy of genius in describing the beauties of nature.
Akenside and Armstrong excelled in didactic poetry. Even the Epopoea did
not disdain an English dress; but appeared to advantage in the Leonidas
of Glover, and the Epigoniad of Wilkie. The public acknowledged a
considerable share of dramatic merit in the tragedies of Young, Mallet,
Home, and some other less distinguished authors. Very few regular
comedies, during this period, were exhibited on the English theatre;
which, however, produced many less laboured pieces, abounding with
satire, wit, and humour. The Careless Husband of Gibber, and Suspicious
Husband of Hoadley, are the only comedies of this age that bid fair for
reaching posterity. The exhibitions of the stage were improved to the
most exquisite entertainment by the talents and management of Garrick,
who greatly surpassed all his predecessors of this and perhaps every
other nation, in his genius for acting; in the sweetness and variety of
his tones, the irresistible magic of his eye, the fire and vivacity
of his action, the elegance of attitude, and the whole pathos of
expression. Quin excelled in dignity and declamation, as well as
exhibiting some characters of humour, equally exquisite and peculiar.
Mrs. Cibber breathed the whole soul of female tenderness and passion;
and Mrs. Pritchard displayed all the dignity of distress. That Great
Britain was not barren of poets at this period, appears from the
detached performances of Johnson, Mason, Gray, the two Whiteheads,
and the two Whartons; besides a great number of other bards, who
have sported in lyric poetry, and acquired the applause of their
fellow-citizens. Candidates for literary fame appeared even in the
higher sphere of life, embellished by the nervous style, superior sense,
and extensive erudition of a Corke; by the delicate taste, the polished
muse, and tender feelings of a Lyttleton. King shone unrivalled in Roman
eloquence. Even the female sex distinguished themselves by their taste
and ingenuity. Miss Carter rivalled the celebrated Dacier in learning
and critical knowledge; Mrs. Lennox signalized herself by many
successful efforts of genius, both in poetry and prose; and Miss Reid
excelled the celebrated Rosalba in portrait painting, both in miniature
and at large, in oil as well as in crayons. The genius of Cervantes was
transfused into the novels of Fielding, who painted the characters,
and ridiculed the follies of life, with equal strength, humour, and
propriety. The field of history and biography was cultivated by many
writers of ability: among whom we distinguish the copious Guthrie,
the circumstantial Ralph, the laborious Carte, the learned and elegant
Robertson, and above all, the ingenious, penetrating, and comprehensive
Hume, whom we rank among the first writers of the age, both as an
historian and philosopher. Nor let us forget the merit conspicuous
in the works of Campbell, remarkable for candour, intelligence, and
precision. Johnson, inferior to none in philosophy, philology, poetry,
and classical learning, stands foremost as an essayist, justly admired
for the dignity, strength, and variety of his style, as well as for the
agreeable manner in which he investigates the human heart, tracing
every interesting emotion, and opening all the sources of morality.
The laudable aim of enlisting the passions on the side of virtue,
was successfully pursued by Richardson, in his Pamella, Clarissa, and
Grandison; a species of writing equally new and extraordinary, where,
mingled with much superfluity, we find a sublime system of ethics, an
amazing knowledge and command of human nature. Many of the Greek and
Roman classics made their appearance in English translations, which
were favourably received as works of merit; among these we place, after
Pope’s Homer, Virgil by Pitt and Wharton, Horace by Francis, Polybius
by Hampton, and Sophocles by Franklin. The war introduced a variety of
military treatises, chiefly translated from the French language; and
a free country, like Great Britain, will always abound with political
tracts and lucubrations. Every literary production of merit, calculated
for amusement or instruction, that appeared in any country or language
of Christendom, was immediately imported and naturalized among the
English people. Never was the pursuit after knowledge so universal, or
literary merit more regarded, than at this juncture, by the body of the
British nation; but it was honoured by no attention from the throne, and
little indulgence from particular patrons. The reign of Queen Anne was
propitious to the fortunes of Swift and Pope, who lived in all the happy
pride of independence. Young, sequestered from courts and preferment,
possessed a moderate benefice in the country, and employed his time in
a conscientious discharge of his ecclesiastical functions. Thomson, with
the most benevolent heart that ever warmed the human breast, maintained
a perpetual war with the difficulties of a narrow fortune. He enjoyed a
place in chancery by the bounty of lord Talbot, of which he was divested
by the succeeding chancellor. He afterwards enjoyed a small pension from
Frederick prince of Wales, which was withdrawn in the sequel. About two
years before his death, he obtained, by the interest of his friend
lord Lyttleton, a comfortable place; but he did not live to taste the
blessing of easy circumstances, and died in debt.*

     * However he was neglected when living, his memory has been
     honoured with peculiar marks of regard, in an ample
     subscription for a new edition of his works. The profits
     were employed in erecting a monument to his fame in
     Westminster Abbey, a subscription to which his present
     majesty king George III. has liberally subscribed. The
     remaining surplus was distributed among his poor relations.

None of the rest whom we have named enjoyed any share of the royal
bounty, except W. Whitehead, who succeeded to the place of laureate
at the death of Cibber; and some of them whose merit was the most
universally acknowledged, remained exposed to all the storms of
indigence, and all the stings of mortification. While the queen lived,
some countenance was given to learning. She conversed with Newton, and
corresponded with Leibnitz. She took pains to acquire popularity; the
royal family on certain days dined in public, for the satisfaction
of the people: the court was animated with a freedom of spirit and
vivacity, which rendered it at once brilliant and agreeable. At her
death that spirit began to languish, and a total stagnation of gaiety
and good humour ensued. It was succeeded by a sudden calm, an ungracious
reserve, and a still rotation of insipid forms. *

     * George II. by his queen Caroline, had two sons and five
     daughters, who attained the age of maturity. Frederick,
     prince of Wales, father to his present majesty George III.;
     William duke of Cumberland; Anne, the princess royal,
     married to the late prince of Orange, and mother to the
     present stadtholder; Mary, landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel;
     Louisa, late queen of Denmark; Amelia and Carolina, who were
     never married.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




MUSIC.

England was not defective in other arts that embellish and amuse. Music
became a fashionable study, and its professors were generally caressed
by the public. An Italian opera was maintained at a great expense, and
well supplied with foreign performers. Private concerts were instituted
in every corner of the metropolis. The compositions of Handel were
universally admired, and he himself lived in affluence. It must be
owned at the same time, that Geminiani was neglected, though his genius
commanded esteem and veneration. Among the few natives of England who
distinguished themselves by their talents in this art, Green, Howard,
Arne, and Boyce, were the most remarkable.




PAINTING AND SCULPTURE.

The British soil, which had hitherto been barren in the article of
painting, now produced some artists of extraordinary merit. Hogarth
excelled all the world in exhibiting the scenes of ordinary life; in
humour, character, and expression. Hayman became eminent for historical
designs and conversation pieces. Reynolds and Ramsay distinguished
themselves by their superior merit in portraits; a branch that was
successfully cultivated by many other English painters. Wootton
was famous for representing live animals in general; Seymour for
race-horses; Lambert and the Smiths for landscapes; and Scot for
sea-pieces. Several spirited attempts were made on historical subjects,
but little progress was made in the sublime parts of painting. Essays of
this kind were discouraged by a false taste, founded upon a reprobation
of British genius. The art of engraving was brought to perfection by
Strange, and laudably practised by Grignon, Baron, Ravenet, and several
other masters; great improvements were made in mezzotinto, miniature,
and enamel. Many fair monuments of sculpture or statuary were raised by
Rysbrach, Roubilliac, and Wilton. Architecture, which had been cherished
by the elegant taste of Burlington, soon became a favourite study; and
many magnificent edifices were reared in different parts of the kingdom.
Ornaments were carved in wood, and moulded in stucco, with all the
delicacy of execution; but a passion for novelty had introduced into
gardening, building, and furniture, an absurd Chinese taste, equally
void of beauty and convenience. Improvements in the liberal and useful
arts will doubtless be the consequence of that encouragement given
to merit by the society instituted for these purposes, which we have
described on another occasion. As for the Royal Society, it seems to
have degenerated in its researches, and to have had very little
share, for half a century at least, in extending the influence of true
philosophy.

We shall conclude this reign with a detail of the forces and fleets of
Great Britain, from whence the reader will conceive a just idea of her
opulence and power.

[Illustration: 574.jpg FORCES AND FLEETS OF GREAT BRITAIN]

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}




NOTES TO VOLUME II.


[Footnote 237: Note 2 K, p.237 Nothing was heard within doors in
parliament, but sarcastic repartee and violent declamation between the
two parties, who did not confine their altercation to these debates, but
took the field against each other in periodical papers and occasional
pamphlets. The paper called The Craftsman, had already risen into high
reputation all over England, for the wit, humour, and solid reasoning
it contained. Some of the best writers in the opposition, including
lord Bolingbroke and Mr. P. made use of this vehicle to convey their
animadversions upon the minister, who, on his side, employed the most
wretched scribblers to defend his conduct. It was in consequence of
two political pamphlets, written in opposition to each other, by “lord
Hervey and Mr. P., and some recrimination they produced in the house of
commons, that his lordship challenged the other to single combat, and
had well nigh lost his life in the duel, which was fought in Hyde Park.]


[Footnote 260: Note 2. L, p. 260. Captain Jenkins was master of a
Scottish merchant-ship. He was boarded by the captain of a Spanish
guardacosta, who treated him in the most barbarous manner. The
Spaniards, after having rummaged his vessel for what they called
contraband commodities, without finding anything to justify their
search, insulted him with the most opprobrious invectives. They tore
off one of his ears, bidding him carry it to his king, and tell him they
would serve him in the same manner should an opportunity offer: they
tortured him with the most shocking cruelty, and threatened him with
immediate death. This man was examined at the bar of the house of
commons, and being asked by a member, what he thought when he found
himself in the hands of such barbarians? “I recommended my soul to God,”
 said he, “and my cause to my country.” The behaviour of this brave
seaman, the sight of his ear, which was produced, with his account of
the indignities which had been offered to the nation and sovereign of
Great Britain, filled the whole house with indignation. Jenkins was
afterwards employed in the service of the East India company; he
approved himself worthy of his good fortune, in a long engagement with
the pirate Angria, during which he behaved with extraordinary courage
and conduct; and saved his own ship, with three others that were under
his convoy.]


[Footnote 262: Note 2 M, p. 262. Among the laws enacted in the course
of this session was an act against gaming, which had become universal
through all ranks of people, and likely to prove destructive to all
morals, industry, and sentiment. Another bill passed, for granting a
reward to Joanna Stevens, on her discovering, for the benefit of the
public, a nostrum for the cure of persons afflicted with the stone--a
medicine which has by no means answered the expectations of the
legislature.

In the house of lords, complaint was made by lord Delaware of a satire,
entitled Manners, written by Mr. Whitehead, in which some characters of
distinction were severely lashed in the true spirit of poetry. It was
voted a libel: a motion was made to take the author into custody; but
he having withdrawn himself, the resentment of the house fell upon E.
Dodsley, the publisher of the work, who was committed to the usher of
the black rod, though lord Carteret, the earl of Abingdon, and lord
Talbot, spoke in his behalf.]


[Footnote 283: Note 2 N, p.283. In May, a dreadful plague broke out
at Messina in Sicily. It was imported in cotton and other commodities
brought from the Morea; and swept off such a multitude of people, that
the city was almost depopulated: all the galley slaves who were employed
in burying the dead, perished by the contagion; and this was the fate of
many priests and monks who administered to those who were infected. The
dead bodies lay in heaps in the streets, corrupting the air, and adding
fresh fuel to the rage of the pestilence. Numbers died miserably,
for want of proper attendance and necessaries; and all was horror and
desolation. At the beginning of winter it ceased, after having destroyed
near fifty thousand inhabitants of Messina, and of the garrisons in
the citadel and castle. It was prevented from spreading in Sicily by a
strong barricado drawn from Melazzo to Taormina; but it was conveyed to
Reggio in Calabria by the avarice of a broker of that place, who bought
some goods at Messina. The king of Naples immediately ordered lines
to be formed, together with a chain of troops, which cut off all
communication between that place and the rest of the continent.]


[Footnote 301: Note 2 O, p. 301. This nobleman, so remarkable for his
courage and thirst of glory, exhibited a very extraordinary instance of
presence of mind on the morning that preceded this battle. He and some
volunteers, accompanied by his aidecamp, and attended by two orderly
dragoons, the rode out before day to reconnoitre the situation of the
enemy; and fell in with one of their advanced guards. The sergeant
who commanded it immediately turned out his men, and their pieces were
presented when the earl first perceived them. Without betraying the
least mark of disorder, he rode up to the sergeant, and assuming the
character of a French general, told him, in that language, that there
was no occasion for such ceremony. Then he asked, if they had perceived
any of the enemy’s parties; and being answered in the negative, “Very
well,” said he, “be upon your guard; and if you should be attacked,
I will take care that you shall be sustained.” So saying, he and his
company retired, before the sergeant could recollect himself from the
surprise occasioned by this unexpected address. In all probability he
was sensible of his mistake; for the incident was that very day publicly
mentioned in the French army. The prince of Tingray, an officer in the
Austrian service, having been taken prisoner in the battle that ensued,
dined with mares-chal count Saxe, who dismissed him on his parole, and
desired he would charge himself with a facetious compliment to his old
friend, the earl of Crawford. He wished his lordship joy of being a
French general, and said he could not help being displeased with the
sergeant, as he had not procured him the honour of his lordship’s
company at dinner.]


[Footnote 310: Note 2 P, p. 310. Such an expensive war could not be
maintained without a very extraordinary exertion of a commercial spirit:
accordingly we find that Great Britain, since the death of king William,
has risen under our pressures with increased vigour and perseverance.
Whether it be owing to the natural progression of trade extending
itself from its origin to its _acme_, or _ne plus ultra_, or to
the encouragement given by the administration to monied men of all
denominations; or to necessity, impelling those who can no longer live
on small incomes to risk their capitals in traffic, that they may have a
chance for bettering their fortunes; or lastly, to a concurrence of all
these causes; certain it is, the national exports and imports have been
sensibly increasing for these forty years: the yearly medium of woollen
exports, from the year 1738 to 1743 inclusive, amounted to about three
millions and a half, which was a yearly increase, on the medium, of five
hundred thousand pounds above the medium from 1718 to 1724. From this
article, the reader will conceive the prodigious extent, and importance
of the British commerce.]


[Footnote 321: Note 2 Q, p. 321. The resolutions of the commons on this
head were printed by authority in the London Gazette, signifying, that
those who were, or should be, proprietors of any part of the public
debt, redeemable by law, incurred before Michaelmas, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, carrying an interest of four
per centum per annum, who should, on or before the twenty-eighth day of
February in that year, subscribe their names, signifying their consent
to accept of an interest of three pounds per centum, to commence from
the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifty-seven, subject to the same provisions, notices, and classes of
redemption, to which their respective sums at four per centum were then
liable, should, in lieu of their present interest, be entitled to
four per centum till the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and fifty; and after that day, to three pounds
ten shillings per centum per annum, till the twenty-fifth day of
December, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven; and no part of
that debt, except what was due to the East India company, should be
redeemable to this period. That if any part of the national debt,
incurred before last Michaelmas, redeemable by law, and carrying an
interest of four per centum, should remain unsubscribed on or before the
thirtieth day of May, the government should pay off the principal. For
this purpose Ins majesty was enabled to borrow of any person or persons,
bodies politic or corporate, any sum or sums of money not exceeding that
part of the national debt which might remain unsubscribed, to be charged
on the sinking fund, upon any terms not exceeding the rate of interest
in the foregoing proposal.

All the duties appropriated to the payment of the interest were still
continued, and the surplus of these incorporated with the sinking
fund for the discharge of the principal. Books were opened for the
subscription at the Exchequer, the Bank of England, and the South Sea
house; and copies of these resolutions transmitted to the directors of
all the monied corporations.]


[Footnote 322: Note 2 R, p. 322. The most remarkable circumstance
attending the progress of this bill, which made its way through both
houses, and obtained the royal assent, was the number of contradictory
petitions in favour and in prejudice of it, while it remained under
consideration. The tanners of leather in and about the town of Sheffield
in Yorkshire, represented, That if the bill should pass, the English
iron would be undersold; consequently, a great number of furnaces and
forges would be discontinued; in that case the woods used for fuel would
stand uncut, and the tanners be deprived of oak bark sufficient for the
continuance and support of their occupation. They nevertheless owned,
that should the duty be removed from pig iron only, no such consequence
could be apprehended; because, should the number of furnaces be
lessened, that of forges would be increased. This was likewise the plea
urged in divers remonstrances by masters of iron-works, gentlemen,
and freeholders, who had tracts of wood-land in their possession. The
owners, proprietors, and farmers of furnaces and iron forges, belonging
to Sheffield and its neighbourhood, enlarged upon the great expense they
had incurred in erecting and supporting iron-works, by means of which
great numbers of his majesty’s subjects were comfortably supported. They
expressed their apprehension, that should the bill pass into a law, it
could not in any degree lessen the consumption of Swedish iron, which
was used for purposes which neither the American nor British iron would
answer; but that the proposed encouragement, considering the plenty and
cheapness of wood in America, would enable the colonies to undersell the
British iron, a branch of traffic which would be totally destroyed,
to the ruin of many thousand labourers, who would be compelled to seek
their livelihood in foreign countries. They likewise suggested, that if
all the iron manufacturers of Great Britain should be obliged to depend
upon a supply of iron from the plantations, which must ever be rendered
precarious by the hazard of the seas and the enemy, the manufactures
would probably decay for want of materials, and many thousand families
be reduced to want and misery. On the other hand, the ironmongers and
smiths belonging to the flourishing town of Birmingham in Warwickshire,
presented a petition, declaring, That the bill would be of great benefit
to the trade of the nation, as it would enable the colonists to make
larger returns of their own produce, and encourage them to take a
greater quantity of the British manufactures. They affirmed, that all
the iron-works in the island of Great Britain did not supply half the
quantity of that metal sufficient to carry on the manufacture; that
if this deficiency could be supplied from the colonies in America, the
importation would cease, and considerable sums of money be saved to the
nation. They observed, that the importation of iron from America could
no more affect the iron-works and freeholders of the kingdom, than the
like quantity imported from any other country; but they prayed that
the people of America might be restrained from erecting slitting or
rolling-mills, or forges for plating iron, as they would interfere with
the manufacturers of Great Britain.

Many remonstrances to the same effect were presented from different
parts of the kingdom, and it appeared, upon the most exact inquiry, that
the encouragement of American iron would prove extremely beneficial to
the kingdom, as it had been found, upon trial, applicable to all the
uses of Swedish iron, and as good in every respect as the produce of
that country.]


[Footnote 330: Note 2 S, p. 330. One of the most remarkable acts which
passed in the course of this session, was that for regulating the
commencement of the year, and correcting the calendar, according to the
Gregorian computation, which had been adopted by all other nations in
Europe. By this new law it was decreed that the new year should begin
on the 1st day of January, and that eleven intermediate nominal days,
between the second and fourteenth days of September, 1752, should for
that time be omitted; so that the day succeeding the second should be
denominated the fourteenth of that month. By this establishment of the
new style, the equinoxes and solstices will happen nearly on the same
nominal days on which they fell in the year 325, at the council of
Nice; and the correspondence between the English merchants and those of
foreign countries will be greatly facilitated, with respect to the dates
of letters and accounts.]


[Footnote 331: Note 2 T, p. 330. An indulgent parent was poisoned by his
only daughter, on whom, besides other marks of tenderness and paternal
affection, he had bestowed a liberal education, which greatly aggravated
her guilt and ingratitude. Another young woman was concerned in the
assassination of her own uncle, who had been her constant benefactor
and sole guardian. A poor old woman, having, from the ignorance and
superstition of her neighbours, incurred the suspicion of sorcery and
witchcraft, was murdered in Hertfordshire by the populace, with all
the wantonness of barbarity. Rape and murder were perpetrated upon an
unfortunate woman in the neighbourhood of London, and an innocent man
suffered death for this complicated outrage, while the real criminals
assisted at his execution, heard him appeal to heaven for his innocence,
and, in the character of friends, embraced him, while he stood on the
brink of eternity.]


[Footnote 348: Note 2 U, p. 348. Several European nations had
settlements at Surat, which was one of the most frequented cities of the
East, from the great concourse of Mahometan pilgrims, who make it their
road from India, in their visits to the tomb of their prophet at Mecca.
In order to keep the seas clear of pirates between Surat and the gulf of
Arabia and Persia, the mogul had been at the annual expense of a large
ship, fitted out on purpose to carry the pilgrims to Judda, which is
within a small distance of Mecca. For the security of this ship, as
well as to protect the trade of Surat, he granted to his admiral, _the
fiddee_, chief of a colony of caffrees, or blacks, a revenue called
the tanka, to the value of three lacks of rupees, amounting to above
thirty-seven thousand pounds, arising partly from the adjacent lands,
and partly from the revenues of Surat, which were paid him yearly by the
governor of the castle, who is appointed by the mogul to keep the
city under proper subjection, without, however, interfering with the
government of it.]


[Footnote 357: Note 2 X, p. 357. The ministry having resolved to send
a body of forces to America, to act in conjunction with the provincial
troops raised on that continent, it became necessary that the mutiny act
should be rendered more clear and extensive. When this bill, therefore,
fell under consideration, it was improved with a new clause, providing,
“That all officers and soldiers of any troops being mustered and in pay,
which are or shall be raised in any of the British provinces in America,
by authority of the respective governors or governments thereof, shall
at all times, and in all places, when they happen to join or act in
conjunction with his majesty’s British forces, be liable to martial
law and discipline, in like manner, to all intents and purposes, as the
British forces are; and shall be subject to the same trial, penalties,
and punishment.”]


[Footnote 364: Note 2 Y, p. 364. The king, on his side, promised to pay
to the landgrave, for these succours, eighty crowns banco, by way of
levy-money, for every trooper or dragoon duly armed and mounted, and
thirty crowns banco for every foot soldier; the crown to be reckoned at
fifty-three sols of Holland, or at four shillings and ninepence three
farthings English money; and also to pay to his serene highness, for the
eight thousand men, an annual subsidy of an hundred and fifty thousand
crowns banco, during the four years, to commence from the day of signing
the treaty; which subsidy was to be increased to three hundred thousand
crowns yearly, from the time of requiring the troops, to the time of
their entering into British pay; and in case of their being dismissed,
the said subsidy of three hundred thousand crowns was then to revive and
be continued during the residue of the term: but, if twelve thousand
men were demanded and furnished, the subsidy was then to be increased
in proportion; and in case the king of Great Britain should at any time
think fit to send back these troops before the expiration of the treaty,
notice thereof was to be given to his serene highness three months
beforehand: one month’s pay was to be allowed them for their return, and
they were to be furnished gratis with the necessary transport vessels.]


[Footnote 372: Note 2 Z, p. 372. It is with pleasure we seize this
opportunity of recording an instance of gallantry and patriotism in
a British officer, which would have done honour to the character of a
Roman tribune. Captain Cunningham, an accomplished young gentleman, who
acted as engineer in second at Minorca, being preferred to a majority
at home, and recalled to his regiment by an express order, had repaired
with his family to Nice in Italy, where he waited for the opportunity of
a ship bound for England, when he received certain intelligence that
the French armament was destined for the place he had quitted. His lady,
whom he tenderly loved, was just delivered, and two of his children were
dangerously ill of the small-pox. He recollected that the chief engineer
at Minorca was infirm, and indeed disabled by the gout, and that many
things were wanting for the defence of the fortress. His zeal for the
honour and service of his country immediately triumphed over the calls
of tenderness and of nature. He expended a considerable sum of money
in purchasing timber for the platforms, and other necessaries for
the garrison; hired a ship for transporting them thither; and tearing
himself from his wife and children, thus left among strangers in a
foreign country, embarked again for Minorca, where he knew he should be
in a peculiar manner exposed to all the dangers of a furious siege.
In the course of this desperate service he acquitted himself with that
vigilance, skill, and active courage, which he had on divers former
occasions displayed, until the assault was given to the queen’s bastion;
when, mixing with the enemy, sword in hand, he was disabled in his right
arm by the shot of a musket and the thrust of a bayonet. His behaviour
was so acceptable to his sovereign, that when he returned to England he
was preferred to the rank of colonel in the Guards. He afterwards acted
as chief engineer in the attempts and descents which were made on the
French coast. Though grievously maimed, he accepted the same office in
the expedition to Guadaloupe, where he died universally regretted.]


[Footnote 378: Note 3 A, p. 378. When the French ambassador returned to
London, he proposed that orders should be immediately despatched to the
English governors in America, with express orders to desist from any new
undertaking, and all acts of hostility; but with regard to the lands on
the Ohio, to put, without delay, matters on the same footing in which
they stood before the late war, that the respective claims of both
nations might be amicably referred to the commissaries at Paris. The
British court agreed to the cessation of hostilities, and the discussion
of the disputes by the ministers of the two crowns, on condition that
all the possessions in America should be previously put in the
situation prescribed by the treaty of Utrecht, confirmed by that of
Aix-la-Chapelle. The French ministry, instead of complying with this
condition, produced an evasive draft of a preliminary convention, and
this was answered by a counter-proposal. At length the ambassador of
France demanded, as preliminary conditions, that Great Britain would
renounce all claim to the south coast of the river St. Laurence, and
the lakes that discharge themselves into that river; cede to the
French twenty leagues of country lying along the river of Fundy, which
discovers Acadia, or Nova Scotia; and all the land between the rivers
Ohio and Ouabache. A memorial was afterwards presented on the same
subject, including the affairs of the neutral islands in the West
Indies; but this was amply refuted in another piece, in which the
British ministry observed, that even at this very opening of the
commission established in Paris, for terminating amicably the disputes
in North America, the French invaded Nova Scotia, erected three forts
in the heart of that province, and would have destroyed the English
settlement at Halifax, had they not been prevented: that the like
hostilities were committed upon his Britannic majesty’s subjects on the
Ohio and Indian lakes, where the governors appointed by the French king,
without any shadow of right, prohibited the English from trading; seized
their traders by force, and sent them prisoners to France; invaded the
territories of Virginia, attacked a fort that covered its frontier, and,
to secure their usurpations, erected, with an armed force, a chain of
forts on the lands which they had invaded; that his Britannic majesty
had complained of these hostilities to the court of Versailles, but
without effect; so that he found himself obliged to provide for the
security of his subjects; and as the encroachments made by France
were hostile, it could never be unlawful, or irreconcile-able with the
assurance of his majesty’s peaceable disposition, to repel an aggressor;
and that the same motive of self-defence had forced him to seize the
French ships and sailors, in order to deprive that court of the means
of making an invasion, with which their ministers in all the courts of
Europe had menaced England.]


[Footnote 379: Note 3B, p. 379. _To Lieut. Gen. Fowke, or, in his
absence, to the Commander-in-Chief in his Majesty’s garrison of
Gibraltar._ War-office, March 21, 1756. “Sir,--I am commanded to
acquaint you, that it is his majesty’s pleasure that you receive into
your garrison lord Robert Bertie’s regiment to do duty there; and in
case you should apprehend that the French intend to make any attempt
upon his majesty’s island of Minorca, it is his majesty’s pleasure that
you make a detachment out of the troops of your garrison equal to a
battalion, to be commanded by a lieutenant-colonel and major; such
lieutenant-colonel and major to be the eldest in your garrison, to be
put on board the fleet for the relief of Minorca, as the admiral shall
think expedient, who is to carry them to the said island. I am, your
humble servant, B.”

_To Lieut. Gen. Fowke, or, in his absence, to the Commander-in-Chief
at Gibraltar._ War-office, March 26, 1756. “Sir,--I am commanded to
acquaint you, that it is his majesty’s pleasure, in case the island of
Minorca should be in any likelihood of being attacked, that you make
a detachment from the troops in your garrison equal to a battalion,
commanded by a lieutenant-colonel and major, for the relief of that
place, to be put on board the fleet, at the disposition of the admiral:
such lieutenant-colonel and major to be the eldest in your garrison.”

To Lieut. Gen. Fowke, or, in his absence, to the Commander-in-chief
in his Majesty’s garrison of Gibraltar. War-office, April 1, 1756.
“Sir,--It is his majesty’s pleasure, that you receive into your
garrrison the women and children belonging to lord Robert Bertie’s
regiment.”

_To Lieut. Gen. Fowke, or the Commander-in-Chief at Gibraltar._
War-office, May 12, 1756. “Sir,--I wrote to you by general Steward: if
that order is not complied with, then you are now to make a detachment
of seven hundred men out of your own regiment and Guise’s; and also
another detachment out of Pulteney’s and Panmure’s regiments, and send
them on board the fleet for the relief of Mahon. But if that order has
been complied with, then you are to make only one detachment of seven
hundred men, to be commanded by another lieutenant-colonel and major,
and to send it to Mahon; and you are also to detain all such empty
vessels as shall come into your harbour, and keep them in readiness for
any further transportation of troops. I have also his royal highness
the duke of Cumberland’s commands, to desire that you will keep your
garrison as alert as possible during this critical time, and give such
other assistance as may be in your power for the relief of Minorca;
taking care, however, not to fatigue or endanger your own garrison.”]


[Footnote 387: Note 3 C, p. 387. His majesty seems to have abated of
this respect in the sequel, if we may believe the assertions of his
Polish majesty’s queen and the court of Vienna, who affirmed, that
sentinels were posted within the palace where the queen and royal family
resided; as also at the door of the secret cabinet, where the papers
relating to foreign transactions were deposited. The keys of this
cabinet were seized, and all the writings demanded. The whole Saxon
ministry were discharged from their respective employments, and a new
commission was established by the king of Prussia for the administration
of affairs in general. When the queen entreated this prince to remove
the sentinels posted within the palace and contiguous passages,
agreeably to his assurances that all due respect should be observed
towards the royal family, the king ordered the guards to be doubled, and
sent an officer to demand of her majesty the keys of the secret cabinet.
The queen obtained this officer’s consent that the doors should be
sealed up, but afterwards he returned with orders to break them open:
then her majesty, placing herself before the door, said, she trusted so
much to the promise of the king of Prussia, that she could not believe
he had given such orders. The officer declaring that his orders were
positive, and that he durst not disobey them, she continued in the same
place, declaring, that if violence was to be used, he must begin with
her. The officer returning to acquaint the king with what had passed,
her majesty conjured the ministers of Prussia and England to remind
his majesty of his promise; but her representations had no effect:
the officer returned with fresh orders to use force, in spite of the
opposition she might make against it in person. The queen, finding
herself in danger of her life, at length withdrew: the doors were
forced, the chests broke open, and all the papers seized.]


[Footnote 388: Note 3 D, p. 388. The letter was to the following
effect:--“Veldt-Mareschal Count Rutowski, It is not without extreme
sorrow I understand the deplorable situation, which a chain of
misfortunes has reserved for you, the rest of my generals, and my whole
army; but we must acquiesce in the dispensations of Providence, and
console ourselves with the rectitude of our sentiments and intentions.
They would force me, it seems, as you gave me to understand by
major-general the baron de Dyherrn, to submit to conditions the more
severe, in proportion as the circumstances become more necessitous. I
cannot hear them mentioned. I am a free monarch: such I will live; such
I will die; and I will both live and die with honour. The fate of
my army I leave wholly to your discretion. Let your council of war
determine whether you must surrender prisoners of war, fall by the
sword, or die by famine. May your resolutions, if possible, be conducted
by humanity: whatever they may be, I have no longer any share in them;
and I declare you shall not be answerable for aught but one thing,
namely, not to carry arms against me or my allies. I pray God may have
you, Mr. Mareschal, in his holy keeping.--Given at Koningstein, the 14th
of October, 1756.
“AUGUSTUS, Kex.”
 “To the Veldt-Mareschal the Count Rutowski.”


[Footnote 392: Note 3 E, p. 392. Rear-admiral Knowles being, in the
month of December, one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, tried at
Deptford, before a court-martial, for his behaviour in and relating to
an action which happened on the first day of October in the preceding
year, between a British squadron under his command, and a squadron of
Spain, the court was unanimously of opinion, that the said Knowles,
while he was standing for the enemy, might, by a different disposition
of his squadron, have begun the attack with six ships as early in the
day as four of them were engaged; and that, therefore, by his neglecting
so to do, he gave the enemy a manifest advantage; that the said Knowles
remained on board the ship Cornwall with his flag, after she was
disabled from continuing the action, though he might, upon her being
disabled, have shifted his flag on board another ship; and the court
were unanimously of opinion he ought to have done so, in order to have
conducted and directed, during the whole action, the motions of the
squadron intrusted to his care and conduct. Upon consideration of the
whole conduct of the said Knowles, relating to that action, the court
did unanimously agree that he fell under part of the fourteenth article
of the articles of war, namely, the word negligence, and no other; and
also under the twenty-third article.--The court, therefore, unanimously
adjudged, that he should be reprimanded for not bringing up the squadron
in closer order than he did, and not beginning the attack with as great
force as he might have done; and also for not shifting his flag, upon
the Cornwall’s being disabled.]


[Footnote 395: Note 3 F, p. 395. It was enacted, that persons pawning,
exchanging, or disposing of goods, without leave of the owner, should
suffer in the penalty of twenty shillings; and, on non-payment, be
committed for fourteen days to hard labour; afterwards, if the
money could not be then paid, to be whipped publicly in the house of
correction, or such other place as the justice of the peace should
appoint, on publication of the prosecutor; that every pawnbroker should
make entry of the person’s name and place of abode who pledges any goods
with him; and the pledger, if he require it, should have a duplicate of
that entry; that a pawnbroker receiving linen or apparel intrusted to
others to be washed or mended, should forfeit double the sum lent upon
it, and restore the goods; that upon oath of any person whose goods are
unlawfully pawned or exchanged, the justice should issue a warrant to
search the suspected person’s house; and upon refusal of admittance the
officer might break open the door; that goods pawned for any sum not
exceeding ten pounds might be recovered within two years, the owner
making oath of the pawning, and tendering the principal, interest,
and charges; that goods remaining unredeemed for two years should be
forfeited and sold, the overplus to be accounted for to the owner on
demand.]


[Footnote 396: Note 3 G, p. 395. It likewise imported, that all
contracts or agreements made between clothiers and weavers in respect to
wages, should, from and after the first of May, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-seven, be valid, notwithstanding any rate
established, or to be established; but that these contracts or
agreements should extend only to the actual prices or rates of
workmanship or wages, and not to the payment thereof in any other manner
than in money; and that if any clothier should refuse or neglect to pay
the weaver the wages or price agreed on, in money, within two days after
the work should be performed and delivered, the same being demanded, he
should forfeit forty shillings for every such offence.]


[Footnote 401: Note 3 H, p. 401. Admiral F..... s’s _reasons for not
signing the warrant for admiral Byng’s execution._

“It may be thought great presumption in me to differ from so great
authority as that of the twelve judges; but when a man is called upon
to sign his name to an act which is to give authority to the shedding
of blood, he ought to be guided by his own conscience, and not by the
opinions of other men.

“In the case before us, it is not the merit of admiral Byng that I
consider; whether he deserves death or not, is not a question for me to
decide; but whether or not his life can be taken away by the sentence
pronounced on him by the court-martial, and after having so clearly
explained their motives for pronouncing such a sentence, is the point
which alone has employed my serious consideration.

“The twelfth article of war, on which admiral Byng’s sentence is
grounded, says (according to my understanding of its meaning), ‘That
every person, who, in time of action, shall withdraw, keep back, or not
come into fight, or do his utmost, &c. through motives of cowardice,
negligence, or disaffection, shall suffer death.’ The court-martial
does, in express words, acquit admiral Byng of cowardice and
disaffection, and does not name the word negligence. Admiral Byng does
not, as I conceive, fall under the letter or description of the twelfth
article of war. It may be said that negligence is implied, though
the word is not mentioned, otherwise the court-martial would not have
brought his offence under the twelfth article, having acquitted him
of cowardice and disaffection. But it must be acknowledged that the
negligence implied cannot be wilful negligence; for wilful negligence in
admiral Byng’s situation, must have proceeded either from cowardice
or disaffection, and he is expressly acquitted of both these crimes;
besides, these crimes, which are implied only and not named, may indeed
justify suspicion and private opinion, but cannot satisfy the conscience
in case of blood.

“Admiral Byng’s fate was referred to a court-martial, his life and death
were left to their opinions. The court-martial condemn him to death,
because, as they expressly say, they were under a necessity of doing
so by reason of the letter of the law, the severity of which they
complained of, because it admits of no mitigation. The court-martial
expressly say, that for the sake of their consciences, as well as
in justice to the prisoner, they most earnestly recommend him to
his majesty for mercy; it is evident, then, that in the opinions and
consciences of the judges he was not deserving of death.

“The question then is, shall the opinions or necessities of the
court-martial determine admiral Byng’s fate? If it should be the latter,
he will be executed contrary to the intentions and meaning of his
judges; if the former, his life is not forfeited. His judges declare him
not deserving of death; but, mistaking either the meaning of the law,
or the nature of his offence, they bring him under an article of war,
which, according to their own description of his offence, he does not,
I conceive, fall under; and then they condemn him to death, because,
as they say, the law admits of no mitigation. Can a man’s life be taken
away by such a sentence? I would not willingly be misunderstood, and
have it believed that I judge admiral Byng’s deserts; that was the
business of a court-martial, and it is my duty only to act according to
my conscience; which, after deliberate consideration, assisted by the
best light a poor understanding can afford it, remains still in doubt,
and therefore I cannot consent to sign a warrant whereby the sentence
of the court-martial may be carried into execution; for I cannot help
thinking, that however criminal admiral Byng may be, his life is not
forfeited by that sentence. I do not mean to find fault with other men’s
opinions; all I endeavour at is, to give reasons for my own; and all I
desire or wish is, that I may not be misunderstood; I do not pretend to
judge admiral Byng’s deserts, nor to give any opinion on the propriety
of the act.
“Signed, 6th Feb. 1757, at the Admiralty,
“ J. F..... S.”]


[Footnote 419: Note 3 I, p. 419. “The Imperial grenadiers (says he)
are an admirable corps; one hundred companies defended a rising ground,
which my best infantry could not carry. Ferdinand, who commanded them,
returned seven times to the charge; but to no purpose. At first he
mastered a battery, but could not hold it. The enemy had the advantage
of a numerous and well-served artillery. It did honour to Lichtenstein,
who had the direction. Only the Prussian army can dispute it with
him. My infantry were too few. All my cavalry were present, and idle
spectators, excepting a bold push by my household troops, and some
dragoons. Ferdinand attacked without powder; the enemy, in return, were
not sparing of theirs. They had the advantage of a rising ground, of
intrenchments, and of a prodigious artillery. Several of my regiments
were repulsed by their musketry. Henry performed wonders. I tremble for
my worthy brothers; they are too brave. Fortune turned her back on me
this day. I ought to have expected it; she is a female, and I am no
gallant. In fact, I ought to have had more infantry. Success, my dear
lord, often occasions destructive confidence. Twenty-four battalions
were not sufficient to dislodge sixty thousand men from an advantageous
post. Another time we will do better. What say you of this league, which
has only the marquis of Brandenburgh for its object? The great elector
would be surprised to see his grandson at war with the Russians,
the Austrians, almost all Germany, and an hundred thousand French
auxiliaries. I know not whether it would be disgrace in me to submit,
but I am sure there will be no glory in vanquishing me.”]


[Footnote 422: Note 3 K, p. 422. This remarkable capitulation, which
we shall give here at full length, on account of the disputes that rose
shortly after, concerning what the French called an infraction of it,
was to the following effect:--

His majesty, the king of Denmark--touched with the distresses of the
countries of Bremen and Verden, to which he has always granted his
special protection; and being desirous, by preventing those countries
from being any longer the theatre of war, to spare also the effusion
of blood in the armies which are ready to dispute the possession
thereof--hath employed his mediation by the ministry of the count de
Lynar. His royal highness the duke of Cumberland, general of the army
of the allies, on the one part, and his excellency the mareschal duke
de Richelieu, general of the king of France’s forces in Germany, on the
other, have, in consideration of the intervention of his Danish majesty,
respectively engaged their word of honour to the count de Lynar, to
abide by the convention hereafter stipulated; and he, the count de
Lynar, correspondently to the magnanimity of the king his master’s
intention, obliges himself to procure the guarantee mentioned in the
present convention; so that it shall be sent to him, with his full
powers, which there was no time to make out in the circumstances which
hurried his departure.

Article I. Hostilities shall cease on both sides within twenty-four
hours, or sooner, if possible. Orders for this purpose shall be
immediately sent to the detached corps.

II. The auxiliary troops of the army of the duke of Cumberland, namely,
those of Hesse, Brunswick, Saxe-Gotha, and even those of the count de la
Lippe Bucke-bourg, shall be sent home; and as it is necessary to settle
particularly their march to their respective countries, a general
officer of each nation shall be sent from the army of the allies, with
whom shall be settled the route of those troops, the divisions they
shall march in, their subsistence on their march, and their passports to
be granted them by his excellency the duke de Richelieu to go to their
own countries, where they shall be placed and distributed as shall be
agreed upon between the court of France and their respective sovereigns.

III. His royal highness the duke of Cumberland obliges himself to pass
the Elbe, with such part of his army as he shall not be able to place
in the city of Stade; that the part of his forces which shall enter
into garrison in the said city, and which it is supposed may amount
to between four and six thousand men, shall remain there under the
guarantee of his majesty the king of Denmark, without committing any act
of hostility; nor, on the other hand, shall they be exposed to any of
the French troops. In consequence thereof, commissaries, named on each
side, shall agree upon the limits to be fixed round that place, for the
convenieucy of the garrison; which limits shall not extend beyond half
a league or a league from the place, according to the nature of
the ground or circumstances, which shall be fairly settled by the
commissaries. The rest of the Hanoverian army shall go and take quarters
in the country beyond the Elbe; and, to facilitate the march of those
troops, his excellency the duke de Richelieu shall concert with a
general officer, sent from the Hanoverian army, the route they shall
take; obliging himself to give the necessary passports and security
for the free passage of them and their baggage, to the places of their
destination; his royal highness the duke of Cumberland reserving
to himself the liberty of negotiating between the two courts for an
extension of those quarters. As to the French troops, they shall remain
in the rest of the duchies of Bremen and Verden, till the definitive
reconciliation of the two sovereigns.

IV.. As the aforesaid articles are to be executed as soon as possible,
the Hanoverian army, and the corps which are detached from it,
particularly that which is at Buck Schantz and the neighbourhood, shall
retire under Stade in the space of eight-and-forty hours. The French
army shall not pass the river Oste, in the duchy of Bremen, till the
limits be regulated. It shall, besides, keep all the posts and countries
of which it is in possession; and, not to retard the regulation of the
limits between the armies, commissaries shall be nominated and sent on
the 10th instant to Bremen-worden by his royal highness the duke of
Cumberland, and his excellency the mareschal duke de Richelieu, to
regulate, as well the limits to be assigned to the French army, as those
that are to be observed by the garrison at Stade, according to Art. III.

V. All the aforesaid articles shall be faithfully executed, according
to their form and tenor, and under the faith of his majesty the king of
Denmark’s guarantee, which the count de Lynar, his minister, engages to
procure.

Done at the camp at Closter-Seven, 8th Sept. 1757. (Signed) WILLIAM.

SEPARATE ARTICLES. Upon the representation made by the count de Lynar,
with a view to explain some dispositions made by the present convention,
the following articles have been added:--

I. It is the intention of his excellency the mareschal duke de
Richelieu, that the allied troops of his royal highness the duke of
Cumberland shall be sent back to their respective countries, according
to the form mentioned in the second article; and that, as to their
separation and distribution in the country, it shall be regulated
between the courts, those troops not being considered as prisoners of
war.

II. It having been represented that the country of Lunenberg cannot
accommodate more than fifteen battalions and six squadrons, and that the
city of Stade cannot absolutely contain the garrison of six thousand men
allotted to it, his excellency the mareschal duke de Richelieu, being
pressed by M. de Lynar, who supported this representation by the
guarantee of his Danish majesty, gives his consent; and his royal
highness the duke of Cumberland engages to cause fifteen battalions and
six squadrons to pass the Elbe, and the whole body of hunters, and the
remaining ten battalions and twenty-eight squadrons shall be placed
in the town of Stade, and the places nearest to it that are within the
line, which shall be marked by posts from the mouth of the Liche in the
Elbe, to the mouth of the Elmerbeck in the river Oste; provided always,
that the said ten battalions and twenty-eight squadrons shall be
quartered there as they are at the time of signing this convention, and
shall not be recruited under any pretext, or augmented in any case; and
this clause is particularly guaranteed by the count de Lynar in the name
of his Danish majesty.

III. Upon the representation of his royal highness the duke of
Cumberland, that the army and the detached corps cannot both retire
under Stade in eight-and-forty hours, agreeable to the convention, his
excellency the mareschal duke de Richelieu hath signified, that he will
grant them proper time, provided the corps encamped at Buck Schantz, as
well as the army encamped at Bremen-worden, begin their inarch to
retire in four-and-twenty hours after signing the convention. The time
necessary for other arrangements, and the execution of the
articles concerning the respective limits, shall be settled between
lieutenant-general Sporcken, and the marquis de Villemar, first
lieutenant-general of the king’s army. Done, &c]


[Footnote 433: Note 3 L, p. 433. The letter, which was written in
French, we have translated for the reader’s satisfaction:--“I am
informed that the design of a treaty of neutrality for the electorate of
Hanover is not yet laid aside. Is it possible that your majesty can
have so little fortitude and constancy, as to be dispirited by a small
reverse of fortune? Are affairs so ruinous that they cannot be repaired?
I hope your majesty will consider the step you have made me hazard,
and remember that you are the sole cause of these misfortunes that
now impend over my head. I should never have abandoned the alliance of
France, but for your flattering assurances. I do not now repent of the
treaty I have concluded with your majesty: but I expect you will not
ingloriously leave me at the mercy of my enemies, after having brought
upon me all the force of Europe. I depend upon your adhering to your
repeated engagements of the twenty-sixth of last month, and that you
will listen to no treaty in which I am not comprehended.”]


[Footnote 438: Note 3 M, p. 438. It was enacted, That every person
subscribing for five hundred pounds, should be entitled to four hundred
and fifty in annuities, and fifty pounds in lottery tickets, and so in
proportion for a greater or lesser sum; that the lottery should
consist of tickets of the value of ten pounds each, in a proportion not
exceeding eight blanks to a prize; the blanks to be of the value of six
pounds each; the blanks and prizes to bear an interest after the rate
of three pounds per cent., to commence from the first day of January, in
the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine; and that the sum of
four millions five hundred thousand pounds, to be raised by annuities,
should bear an interest after the rate of three pounds ten shillings
percent, from the fifth day of July in the present year; which annuities
should stand reduced to three pounds per cent, after the expiration
of twenty-four years, and afterwards he redeemable in the whole, or in
part, by sums not less than five hundred thousand pounds, at one
time: six months’ notice having been first given of such payments
respectively; that any subscriber might, on or before the twenty-ninth
day of April, make a deposit of ten pounds per cent, on such sums as he
should choose to subscribe towards raising these five millions, with the
cashiers of the bank, as a security for his future payments on the days
appointed for that purpose; that the several sums so received by the
cashiers should be paid into the receipt of the exchequer, to be applied
from time to time to such services as should then have been voted by the
house of commons in this session of parliament, and not otherwise;
that any subscriber, paying the whole or any part of his subscription
previous to the clays appointed for the respective payments, should be
allowed a discount at the rate of three per cent, from the days of such
respective payments to the respective times on which such payments were
directed to be made, and that all persons who should make their full
payments on the said lottery, should receive their tickets as soon as
they could be conveniently made out.]


[Footnote 440: Note 3 N, p. 440. Among those rendered perpetual, we
find an act of the 13th and 14th of Charles II. for preventing theft and
rapine. An act of the 9th of George I. for punishing persons going armed
in disguise. A clause in the act of the 6th of George II. to prevent the
breaking down the bank of any river; and another clause in the said act,
to prevent the treacherous cutting of hop-binds. Several clauses in an
act of the 10th of George II. for punishing persons setting on fire any
mine, &c. The temporary part of the act of the 20th of George II. for
taking away the hereditary jurisdictions of Scotland, relating to the
power of appealing to circuit courts. Those continued were,--1. An act
of the 12th of George II. for granting liberty to carry sugar, &c, until
the twenty-ninth of September, in the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-four, and to the end of next session of parliament. 2. An act
of the 5th of George II. to prevent frauds by bankrupts, &c., for the
same period. 3. An act of the 8th of George II. for encouraging the
importation of naval stores, &c, for the same period. 4. An act of the
19th of George II. for preventing frauds in the admeasurement of coals,
&c. until June 24, 1759; and to this was added a perpetual clause for
preventing the stealing or destroying of madder roots. 5. An act of the
9th George II. for encouraging the manufacture of British sail-cloth
until the twenty-ninth of September, one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-four. 6. An act of the 4th of George II. for granting an allowance
upon British-made gunpowder, for the same period. 7, An act of the 4th
of George II. for encouraging the trade of the sugar colonies, until the
twenty-ninth of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-one. And
8, so much of the act of the 15th and 16th of George II. to empower the
importers of rum, &c, as relates to landing it before the payment of
duties, until the 29th of September, one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-four.]


[Footnote 461: Note 3 O, p. 461. _Translation of the Letter written by
the Duke of Brunswick to his brother Prince Ferdinand._ “Sir,--I know
you too well to doubt that the situation in which we stand at present,
with respect to each other, gives you abundance of uneasiness; nor
will you doubt that it gives me equal concern. Indeed, it afflicts me
greatly. Meanwhile I could never, my dearest brother, have believed that
you would be the person who should carry away from me my eldest son.
I am exceedingly mortified to find myself under the hard necessity of
telling you that this step is contrary to the law of nations, and the
constitution of the empire; and that, if you persist in it, you will
disgrace your family, and bring a stain upon your country, which you
pretend to serve. The hereditary prince, my son, was at Hamburgh by
my order, and you have carried him to Stade. Could he distrust his
uncle,--an uncle who hath done so much honour to his family? Could he
believe that this uncle would deprive him of liberty, a liberty never
refused to the lowest officer? I ordered him to make a tour to Holland:
could not the lowest officer have done as much? Let us suppose for a
moment that my troops, among whom he served, were to have staid with the
Hanoverians, would it not have been still in my power to give an officer
leave of absence, or even leave to resign his commission? And would you
hinder your brother, the head of your family, and of such a family as
ours, to exercise this right with regard to a son, who is the hereditary
prince, of whose rights and prerogatives you cannot be ignorant? It is
impossible you could have conceived such designs, without the suggestion
of others. Those who did suggest them have trampled on the rights of
nature, of nations, and of the princes of Germany; they have induced you
to add to all these the most cruel insult on a brother whom you love,
and who always loved you with the warmest affection. Would you have your
brother lay his just complaints against you before the whole empire, and
all Europe? Are not your proceedings without example? What is Germany
become? What are its princes become, and our house in particular? Is it
the interest of the two kings, the cause of your country, and my cause
that you pretend to support?--I repeat it, brother, that this design
could not have been framed by you. I again command my son to pursue his
journey and I cannot conceive you will give the least obstruction; if
you should (which I pray God avert), I solemnly declare that I will not
be constrained by such measures, nor shall I ever forget what I owe to
myself. As to my troops, you may see what I have written on that head
to the Hanoverian ministry. The duke of Cumberland, by the convention
of Closter-Seven, dismissed them, and sent them home; the said ministry
gave me notice of this convention, as a treaty by which I was bound. The
march of the troops was settled; and an incident happening, they halted:
that obstacle being removed, they were to have continued their march.
The court of Hanover will be no longer bound by the convention, while I
not only accepted it upon their word, but have also, in conformity with
their instructions, negotiated at Versailles, and at Vienna. After all
these steps, they would have me contradict myself, break my word, and
entirely ruin my estate, as well as my honour. Did you ever know
your brother guilty of such things? True it is, I have, as you say,
sacrificed my all; or rather, I have been sacrificed. The only thing
left me is my honour; and in the unhappy contrast of our situations, I
lament both you and myself, that it should be from you, my dear brother,
I should receive the cruel advice to give up my honour. I cannot listen
to it: I cannot recede from my promise. My troops, therefore, must
return home, agreeably to what the duke of Cumberland and the Hanoverian
ministry stipulated with regard to me in the strongest manner. I am
afraid that the true circumstances of things are concealed from you. Not
to detain your express too long, I shall send you, by the post, copies
of all I have written to the Hanoverian ministry. It will grieve your
honest heart to read it. I am, with a heart almost broken, yet full of
tenderness for you, your, &c. “Blanckenbourg, Nov. 27, 1757.”]


[Footnote 467: Note 3 P, p. 467. A detail of the cruelties committed by
those barbarians cannot be read without horror. They not only burned
a great number of villages, but they ravished, rifled, murdered, and
mutilated the inhabitants, without distinction of age or sex, without
any other provocation or incitement than brutal lust and wantonness of
barbarity. They even violated the sepulchres of the dead, which have
been held sacred among the most savage nations. At Camin and Breckholtz
they forced open the graves and sepulchral vaults, and stripped the
bodies of generals Schlaberndorf and Ruitz, which had been deposited
there. But the collected force of their vengeance was discharged against
Custrin, the capital of the New Marche of Brandenburgh, situated at
the conflux of the Warta and the Oder, about fifteen English miles from
Franckfort. The particulars of the disaster that befel this city, are
particularly related in the following extracts from a letter written by
an inhabitant and eye-witness.

“On the thirteenth of August, about three o’clock in the afternoon, a
sudden report was spread that a body of Russian hussars and cossacks
appeared in sight of the little suburb. All the people were immediately
in motion, and the whole city was filled with terror, especially as we
were certainly informed that the whole Russian army was advancing from
Meseric and Konigswalda, by the way of Landsberg. A reinforcement was
immediately sent to our piquet-guard, in the suburb, amounting, by this
junction, to three hundred men, who were soon attacked by the enemy, and
the skirmish lasted from four till seven o’clock in the evening.
During this dispute, we could plainly perceive, from our ramparts
and church-steeple, several persons of distinction mounted on English
horses, reconnoitring our fortification through perspective glasses.
They retired, however, when our cannon began to fire: then our
piquet took possession of their former post in the suburb; and the
reinforcement we had sent from the city returned, after having broken
down the bridge over the Oder. Next day count Dohna, who commanded the
army near Franckfort, sent in a reinforcement of four battalions,
ten squadrons, and a small body of hussars, under the command of
lieutenant-general Scherlemmer. The hussars and a body of dragoons were
added to the piquet of the little suburb; the four battalions pitched
their tents on the Anger, between the suburbs and the fortification; and
the rest of the dragoons remained in the field to cover the long suburb.
General Scherlemmer, attended by our governor, colonel Schuck, went with
a small party to observe the enemy; but were obliged to retire, and were
pursued by the cossacks to the walls of the city. Between four and five
o’clock next morning the poor inhabitants were roused from their sleep
by the noise of the cannon, intermingled with the dismal shrieks and
hideous yellings of the cossacks belonging to the Russian army. Alarmed
at this horrid noise, I ascended the church-steeple, from whence I
beheld the whole plain, extending from the little suburb to the forest,
covered with the enemy’s troops, and our light horse, supported by the
infantry, engaged in different places with their irregulars. At eight I
descried a body of the enemy’s infantry, whose van consisted of four or
five thousand men, advancing towards the vineyard, in the neighbourhood
of which they had raised occasional batteries in the preceding-evening;
from these they now played on our piquet-guard and hussars, who were
obliged to retire. They then fired, _en ricochet_, on the tents and
baggage of the four battalions encamped on the Anger, who were also
compelled to retreat. Having thus cleared the environs, they threw into
the city such a number of bombs and red-hot bullets, that by nine in the
morning it was set on fire in three different places; and, the streets
being-narrow, it burned with such fury that all our endeavours to
extinguish it proved ineffectual. At this time the whole atmosphere
appeared like a shower of fiery rain and hail; and the miserable
inhabitants thought of nothing but saving their lives by running
into the open fields. The whole place was filled with terror and
consternation, and resounded with the shrieks of women and children,
who ran about in the utmost distraction, exposed to the shot and
bomb-shells, which, bursting, tore in pieces every thing that stood in
their way. As I led my wife, with a young child in her arms, and
drove the rest of my children and servants half naked before me, those
instruments of death and devastation fell about us like hail; but,
by the mercy of God, we all escaped unhurt. Nothing could be more
melancholy and affecting than a sight of the wretched people flying in
crowds, and leaving their all behind, while they rent the sky with
their lamentations. Many women of distinction I saw without shoes and
stockings, and almost without clothes, who had been roused from their
beds, and ran out naked into the streets. When my family had reached the
open plain, I endeavoured to return, and save some of my effects; but I
could not force my way through a multitude of people, thronging out at
the gate, some sick and bed-ridden persons being carried on horseback
and in carriages, and others conveyed on the backs of their friends,
through a most dreadful scene of horror and desolation. A great number
of families from the open country, and the defenceless towns in Prussia
and Pomerania, had come hither for shelter with their most valuable
effects, when the Russians first entered the king’s territories. These,
as well as the inhabitants, are all ruined; and many, who a few days ago
possessed considerable wealth, are now reduced to the utmost indigence.
The neighbouring-towns and villages were soon crowded with the people of
Custrin; the roads were filled with objects of misery; and nothing was
seen but nakedness and despair; nothing heard but the cries of hunger,
fear, and distraction. For my own part, I stayed all night at Goitz,
and then proceeded for Berlin. Custrin is now a heap of ruins. The great
magazine, the governor’s house, the church, the palace, the store and
artillery-houses; in a word, the old and new towns, the suburbs, and all
the bridges, were reduced to ashes; nay, after the ashes were destroyed,
the piles and sterlings were burned to the water’s edge. The writings
of all the colleges, together with the archives of the country, were
totally consumed, together with a prodigious magazine of corn and flour,
valued at four millions of crowns. The cannon in the arsenal were all
melted; and the loaded bombs and cartridges, with a large quantity of
gunpowder, went off at once with a most horrid explosion. A great number
of the inhabitants are missing, supposed to have perished in the flames,
or under the ruins of the houses, or to have been suffocated in the
subterraneous vaults and caverns, to which they had fled for safety.

Nothing could be more inhuman, or contrary to the practice of a generous
enemy, than such vengeance wreaked upon the innocent inhabitants; for
the Russians did not begin to batter the fortifications until all the
rest of the place was destroyed. In the course of this campaign, the
Russian cossacks are said to have plundered and burned fourteen
large towns and two hundred villages, and wantonly butchered above two
thousand defenceless women and children. Such monsters of barbarity
ought to be excluded from all the privileges of human nature, and hunted
down as wild beasts without pity or cessation. What infamy ought these
powers to incur, who employ and encourage such ruthless barbarians?]


[Footnote 468: Note 3 Q, p. 468. As very little notice was taken, in the
detail published by authority, of any part which this great man acted in
the battle of Hochkirchen, and a report was industriously circulated
in this kingdom, that he was surprised in his tent, naked, and half
asleep,--we think it the duty of a candid historian to vindicate his
memory and reputation from the foul aspersion thrown by the perfidious
and illiberal hand of envious malice, or else contrived to screen some
other character from the imputation of misconduct. The task we are
enabled to perform by a gentleman of candour and undoubted credit,
who learned the following particulars at Berlin from a person that was
eye-witness of the whole transaction. Field-mareschal Keith, who arrived
in the camp the very day that preceded the battle, disapproved of the
situation of the Prussian army, and remonstrated to the king on that
subject. In consequence of his advice, a certain general was sent with a
detachment to take possession of the heights that commanded the village
of Hochkirchcn; but by some fatality he miscarried. Mareschal Keith was
not in any tent, but lodged with prince Francis of Brunswick, in a house
belonging to a Saxon major. When the first alarm was given in the night,
he instantly mounted his horse, assembled a body of the nearest troops,
and marched directly to the place that was attacked. The Austrians had
taken possession of the hill which the Prussian officer was sent to
occupy, and this they fortified with cannon; then they made themselves
masters of the village in which the free companies of Auginelli had been
posted. Mareschal Keith immediately conceived the design of the Austrian
general, and knowing the importance of this place, thither directed
all his efforts. He in person led on the troops to the attack of the
village, from whence he drove the enemy; but being overpowered by
numbers continually pouring down from the hills, he was obliged to
retire in his turn. He rallied his men, returned to the charge,
and regained possession of the place; being again repulsed by fresh
reinforcements of the enemy, he made another effort, entered the village
a third time, and finding it untenable, ordered it to be set on fire.
Thus he kept the Austrians at bay, and maintained a desperate conflict
against the flower of the Austrian army, from four in the morning till
nine, when the Prussians were formed, and began to file off in their
retreat. During the whole dispute he rallied the troops in person,
charged at their head, and exposed his life in the hottest of a dreadful
fire, like a private captain of grenadiers. He found it necessary to
exert himself in this manner, the better to remove the bad effects of
the confusion that prevailed, and in order to inspirit the troops to
their utmost exertion by his voice, presence, and example. Even when
dangerously wounded, at eight in the morning, he refused to quit the
field; but continued to signalize himself in the midst of the carnage
until nine, when he received a second shot in his breast, and fell
speechless into the arms of Mr. Tibay, an English volunteer, who had
attended him during the whole campaign. This gentleman, who was likewise
wounded, applied to a Prussian officer for a file of men to remove the
mareschal, being uncertain whether he was entirely deprived of life. His
request was granted; but the soldiers, in advancing to the spot, were
countermanded by another officer. He afterwards spoke on the same
subject to one of the Prussian generals, a German prince, as he chanced
to pass on horseback: when Mr. Tibay told him the field-mareschal was
lying wounded on the field, he asked if his wounds were mortal; and
the other answering he was afraid they were, the prince shrugged up his
shoulders, and rode off without further question. The body of this
great officer, being thus shamefully abandoned, was soon stripped by the
Austrian stragglers, and lay exposed and undistinguished on the field
of battle. In this situation it was perceived by count Lasci, son of the
general of that name, with whom mareschal Keith had served in Russia.
This young count had been the mareschal’s pupil, and revered him as his
military father, though employed in the Austrian service. He recognised
the body by the large scar of a dangerous wound, which general Keith
had received in his thigh at the siege of Oczakow, and could not help
bursting into tears to see his honoured master thus extended at his
feet, a naked, lifeless, and deserted corpse. He forthwith caused
his body to be covered and interred. It was afterwards taken up, and
decently buried by the curate of Hochkirchen; and finally removed to
Berlin, by order of the king of Prussia, who bestowed upon it those
funeral honours that were due to the dignified rank and transcendent
merit of the deceased; merit so universally acknowledged, that even the
Saxons lamented him as their best friend and patron, who protected
them from violence and outrage, even while he acted a principal part in
subjecting them to the dominion of his sovereign.


[Footnote 479: Note 3 R, p. 479. Among other transactions that
distinguish the history of Great Britain, scarce a year glides away
without producing some incident that strongly marks the singular
character of the English nation. A very extraordinary instance of this
nature, relating to the late duke of Marlborough, we shall record among
the events of this year, although it derived its origin from the
latter end of the last, and cannot be properly enumerated among those
occurrences that appertain to general history. Towards the end of
November, in the preceding year, the above-mentioned nobleman received,
by the post, a letter directed “To his Grace the duke of Marlborough,
with care and speed,” and containing this address:

“My Lord,--As ceremony is an idle thing upon most occasions, more
especially to persons in my state of mind, I shall proceed immediately
to acquaint you with the motive and end of addressing this epistle to
you, which is equally interesting to us both. You are to know, then,
that my present situation in life is such, that I should prefer
annihilation to a continuance in it. Desperate diseases require
desperate remedies; and you are the man I have pitched upon, either to
make me or unmake yourself. As I never had the honour to live among the
great, the tenor of my proposals will not be very courtly; but let that
be an argument to enforce a belief of what I am now going to write.
It has employed my invention for some time, to find out a method
of destroying another without exposing my own life: that I have
accomplished, and defy the law. Now, for the application of it. I am
desperate, and must be provided for. You have it in your power: it is
my business to make it your inclination to serve me, which you must
determine to comply with, by procuring me a genteel support for my life,
or your own will be at a period before this session of parliament
is over. I have more motives than one for singling you out upon this
occasion; and I give you this fair warning, because the means I shall
make use of are too fatal to be eluded by the power of physic. If you
think this of any consequence, you will not fail to meet the author on
Sunday next, at ten in the morning, or on Monday (if the weather should
be rainy on Sunday), near the first tree beyond the stile in Hyde-Park,
in the foot-walk to Kensington. Secrecy and compliance may preserve you
from a double danger of this sort, as there is a certain part of the
world where your death has more than been wished for upon other motives.
I know the world too well to trust this secret in any breast but my own.
A few days determine me your friend or enemy. “FELTON.

“You will apprehend that I mean you should be alone; and depend upon it,
that a discovery of any artifice in this affair will be fatal to you. My
safety is insured by my silence, for confession only can condemn me.”

The duke, in compliance with this strange remonstrance, appeared at the
time and place appointed, on horseback and alone, with pistols before
him, and the star of his order displayed, that he might be the more
easily known. He had likewise taken the precaution of engaging a friend
to attend in the Park, at such a distance, however, as scarce to be
observable. He continued some time on the spot without seeing any person
he could suspect of having wrote the letter, and then rode away: but
chancing to turn his head when he reached Hyde-Park-Corner, he perceived
a man standing at the bridge, and looking at the water, within twenty
yards of the tree which was described in the letter. He forthwith
rode back at a gentle pace, and, passing by the person, expected to be
addressed: but as no advance of this kind was made, he, in repassing,
bowed to the stranger, and asked if he had not something to communicate?
The man replying, “No, I don’t know you;” the duke told him his name,
adding, “Now you know me, I imagine you have something to say to me.”
 But he still answered in the negative, and the duke rode home. In a
day or two after this transaction, another letter was brought to him,
couched in the following terms:

“My Lord,--You receive this as an acknowledgment of your punctuality as
to the time and place of meeting on Sunday last, though it was owing to
you it answered no purpose. The pageantry of being armed, and the
ensign of your order, were useless and too conspicuous. You needed
no attendant, the place was not calculated for mischief, nor was any
intended. If you walk in the west aisle of Westminster Abbey, towards
eleven o’clock on Sunday next, your sagacity will point the person whom
you will address, by asking his company to take a turn or two with you.
You will not fail, on inquiry, to be acquainted with the name and place
of abode. According to which direction you will please to send two or
three hundred pound bank-notes the next day by the penny post. Exert
not your curiosity too early; it is in your power to make me grateful
on certain terms. I have friends who are faithful, but they do not bark
before they bite.--“I am, &c, F.”

The duke, determining if possible to unveil this mystery, repaired to
the Abbey at the time prescribed; and, after having walked up and down
for five or six minutes, saw the very same person to whom he had
spoken in Hyde-Park, enter the Abbey with another man of a creditable
appearance. This last, after they had viewed some of the monuments, went
into the choir, and the other turning back advanced towards the duke,
who, accosting him, asked him if he had anything to say to him,” or
any commands for him? He replied, “No, my lord. I have not.”--“Sure you
have,” said the duke; but he persisted in his denial. Then the duke,
leaving him, took several turns in the aisle, while the stranger walked
on the other side. But nothing further passed between them; and although
the duke had provided several persons in disguise to apprehend the
delinquent, he forebore giving the signal, that, notwithstanding
appearances, he might run no risk of injuring an innocent person. Not
long after this second disappointment he received a third letter, to the
following effect:

“My Lord,--I am fully convinced you had a companion on Sunday: I
interpret it as owing to the weakness of human nature; but such
proceeding is far from being ingenuous, and may produce bad effects,
whilst it is impossible to answer the end proposed. You will see me
again soon, as it were by accident, and may easily find where I go to;
in consequence of which, by being sent to, I shall wait on your grace,
but expect to be quite alone, and to converse in whispers; you
will likewise give your honour, upon meeting, that no part of the
conversation shall transpire. These and the former terms complied with
ensure your safety; my revenge, in case of non-compliance (or any scheme
to expose me), will be slower, but not less sure; and strong suspicion
the utmost that can possibly ensue upon it, while the chances would be
tenfold against you. You will possibly be in doubt after the meeting,
but it is quite necessary the outside should be a mask to the in. The
family of the Bloods is not extinct, though they are not in my scheme.”

The expression, “You will see me again soon, as it were by accident,”
 plainly pointed at the person to whom he had spoke in the park and in
the Abbey; nevertheless, he saw him not again, nor did he hear anything
further of the affair for two months, at the expiration of which the
post brought him the following letter:

“May it please your Grace,--I have reason to believe, that the son
of one Barnard, a surveyor, in Abingdon-buildings, Westminster, is
acquainted with some secrets that nearly concern your safety: his father
is now out of town, which will give you an opportunity of questioning
him more privately; it would be useless to your grace, as well as
dangerous to me, to appear more publicly in this affair. “Your sincere
friend, “ANONYMOUS. “He frequently goes to Storey’s-gate coffee-house.”

In about a week after this intimation was received, the duke sent a
person to the coffee-house, to inquire for Mr. Barnard, and tell him he
would be glad to speak to him. The message was delivered, and Barnard
declared he would wait upon his grace next Thursday, at half an hour
after ten in the morning. He was punctual to his appointment, and no
sooner appeared than the duke recognised him to be the person to whom
he had spoke in the Park and the Abbey. Having conducted him into an
apartment, and shut the door, he asked, as before, if he had anything
to communicate: and was answered, as formerly, in the negative. Then the
duke repeated every circumstance of this strange transaction; to which
Barnard listened with attention and surprise, yet without exhibiting any
marks of conscious guilt or confusion. The duke observing that it was
matter of astonishment to see letters of such import written with the
correctness of a scholar; the other replied, that a man might be very
poor and very learned at the same time. When he saw the fourth letter,
in which his name was mentioned, with the circumstance of his father’s
absence, he said, “If is very odd, my father was then out of town.” An
expression the more remarkable, as the letter was without date, and he
could not, as an innocent man, be supposed to know at what time it was
written. The duke having made him acquainted with the particulars, told
him, that if he was innocent he ought to use his endeavours-to detect
the writer of the letters, especially of the last, in which he was
expressely named. To this admonition he returned no other answer but
a smile, and then withdrew.--He was afterwards taken into custody, and
tried at the Old Bailey,for sending a threatening letter, contrary to
the statute; but no evidence could be found to prove the letters were of
his handwriting: nor did any presumption appear against him, except
his being in Hyde-Park, and in Westminster Abbey, at the time and place
appointed in the first two letters. On the other hand, Mr. Barnard
proved, that, on the Sunday when he saw the duke in Hyde-Park, he was
on his way to Kensington on particular business, by his father’s order,
signified to him that very morning: that he accordingly went thither,
and dined with his uncle, in company with several other persons, to whom
he related what had passed between the duke of Marlborough and him in
the Park: that his being afterwards in Westminster Abbey was the effect
of mere accident: that Mr. James Greenwood, his kinsman, who had
lain that preceding night at his father’s house, desired him to dress
himself, that they might walk together in the Park; and he did not
comply with his request till after much solicitation: that he proposed
to enter the Park without passing through the Abbey, but was
prevailed upon by Mr. Greenwood, who expressed a desire of seeing the
newly-erected monument of general Hardgrave: that as he had formerly
communicated to his friend the strange circumstance of the duke’s
speaking to him in Hyde-park, Mr. Greenwood no sooner saw that
nobleman in the Abbey, than he gave notice to Mr. Barnard, who was very
short-sighted; and that from his passing them several times, concluding
he wanted to speak with Mr. Barnard alone, he quitted him and retired
into the choir, that they might commune together without interruption.
It likewise appeared, from undoubted evidence, that Barnard had often
mentioned openly to his friends and acquaintance, the circumstance of
what passed between him and the duke in the Park and in the Abbey;
that his father was a man of unblemished reputation, and in affluent
circumstances; that he himself was never reduced to any want, or such
exigence as might impel him to any desperate methods of obtaining
money; that his fidelity had been often tried, and his life always
irreproachable. For these reasons he was acquitted of the crime laid to
his charge, and the mystery remains to this day undiscovered.

After all, the author of the letters does not seem to have had any real
design to extort money, because the scheme was very ill calculated for
that purpose; and indeed could not possibly take effect without the most
imminent risk of detection. Perhaps his aim was nothing more than to
gratify a petulance and peculiarity of humour, by alarming the duke,
exciting the curiosity of the public, puzzling the multitude, and
giving rise to a thousand ridiculous conjectures. If anything more
was intended, and the duke earnestly desired to know the extent of the
scheme, he might, when he closeted the person suspected, have encouraged
him to a declaration, by promising inviolable secrecy on his word and
honour, in which any man would have confided as a sacred obligation. On
the whole, it is surprising that the death of the duke, which happened
in the course of this year, was never attributed to the secret practices
of this incendiary correspondent, who had given him to understand that
his vengeance, though slow, would not be the less certain.]


Footnote 485: Note 3 S, p. 485. The next bill that fell under the
cognizance of the house, related to a law transaction, and was suggested
by a petition presented in the name of the sheriffs, and grantees of
post-fines under the crown of England. They enumerated and explained the
difficulties under which they laboured, in raising and collecting these
fines within the respective counties; particularly when the estate
conveyed by fine was no more than a right of reversion, in which case
they could not possibly levy the post-fine, unless the purchaser should
obtain possession within the term of the sheriffalty, or pay it of
his own free will, as they could not distrain while the lands were in
possession of the donee. They therefore proposed a method for raising
these post-fines, by a proper officer to be appointed for that purpose;
and prayed that leave might be given to bring in a bill accordingly.
This petition was seconded by a message from the king, importing, that
his majesty, as far as his interest was concerned, gave his consent that
the house might act in this affair as they should think propel.

The commons, in a committee of the whole house, having taken into
consideration the merits of the petition, formed several resolutions;
upon which a bill was founded for the more regular and easy collecting,
accounting for, and paying of post-fines, which should be due to the
crown, or to the grantees thereof under the crown, and for the ease of
sheriffs in respect to the same. Before it passed into a law, however,
it was opposed by a petition in favour of one William Daw, a lunatic,
clerk of the king’s silver office, alleging, that should the bill pass,
it would deprive the said Daw and his successors of an ancient fee
belonging to his office, on searches made for post-fines by the under
sheriffs of the several counties; therefore, praying that such provision
might be made for the said lunatic as to the house should seem just and
reasonable. This, and divers other petitions respecting the bill being
discussed in the committee, it underwent several amendments, and
was enacted into a law; the particulars of which cannot be properly
understood without a previous explanation of this method of conveying
estates; a subject obscure in itself, founded upon a seeming subterfuge
of law, scarce reconcileable with the dictates of common sense, and
consequently improper for the pen of an historian.]


[Footnote 490: Note 3 T, p. 490. As the curiosity of the reader may
be interested in these resolutions, we shall here insert them for his
satisfaction. The committee resolved, that the ell ought to contain
one yard and one quarter, according to the yard mentioned in the third
resolution of the former committee upon the subject of weights and
measures; that the pole, or perch, should contain in length five such
yards and a half; the furlong two hundred and twenty; and the mile one
thousand seven hundred and sixty: that the superficial perch should
contain thirty square yards and a quarter; the rood one thousand two
hundred and ten; and the acre four thousand eight hundred and forty:
that according to the fourth, fifth, and sixth resolutions of the former
committee, upon the subject of weights and measures, agreed to by the
house on the second day of June in the preceding year, the quart ought
to contain seventy cubical inches and one half; the pint thirty-five and
one quarter; the peck five hundred and sixty-four; and the bushel two
thousand two hundred and fifty-six. That the several parts of the pound,
mentioned in the eighth resolution of the former committee, examined
and adjusted in presence of this committee,--viz. the half pound or six
ounces, quarter of a pound or three ounces, two ounces, one ounce,
two half ounces, the five-penny weight, three-penny weight, two-penny
weight, and one-penny weight, the twelve grains, six grains, three
grains, two grains, and two of one grain each,--ought to be the models
of the several parts of the said pound, and to be used for sizing or
adjusting weights for the future. That all weights exceeding a pound
should be of brass, copper, bell-metal, or cast-iron; and all those
of cast-iron should be made in the form, and with a handle of hammered
iron, such as the pattern herewith produced, having the mark of the
weight cast in the iron; and all the weights of a pound, or under,
should be of gold, silver, brass, copper, or bell-metal. That all
weights of cast-iron should have the initial letters of the name of the
maker upon the upper bar of the handle; and all other weights should
have the same, together with the mark of the weight, according to this
standard, upon some convenient part thereof. That the yard, mentioned
in the second resolution of the former committee upon the subject of
weights and measures, agreed to by the house in the last session,
being the standard of length, and the pound mentioned in the eighth
resolution, being the standard of weight, ought to be deposited in the
court of the receipt of the exchequer, and the chief baron, and the seal
of office of the chamberlain of the exchequer, and not to be opened but
by the order and in the presence of the chancellor of the exchequer
and chief baron for the time being. That the most effectual means
to ascertain uniformity in measures of length and weight, to be used
throughout the realm, would he to appoint certain persons, at one
particular office, with clerks and workmen under them, for the purpose
only of fixing and adjusting, for the use of the subjects, all
measures of length, and all weights, being parts, multiples, or certain
proportions of the standards to be used for the future. That a model or
pattern of the said standard yard, mentioned in the second resolution of
the former committee, and now in the custody of the clerk of the house,
and a model or pattern of the standard pound, mentioned in the eighth
resolution of that committee, together with models or patterns of the
parts of the said pound now presented to the house, and also of the
multiples of the said pound, mentioned in this report (when the same
are adjusted), should be kept in the said office, in custody of the said
persons to be appointed for sizing weights and measures, under the seal
of the chief baron of the exchequer for the time being; to be opened
only by order of the said chief baron, in his presence, or the presence
of one of the barons of the exchequer, on the application of the said
persons, for the purpose of correcting and adjusting, as occasion should
require, the patterns or models used at the said office, for sizing
measures of length and weight delivered out to the subjects. That models
or patterns of the said standard yard and standard pound aforesaid, and
also models or patterns of the parts and multiples aforesaid of the
said pound, should be lodged in the said office for the sizing of such
measures of length or weight, as, being parts, multiples, or proportions
of the said standards, should hereafter he required by any of his
majesty’s subjects. That all measures of length and weight, sized at the
said office, should be marked in some convenient part thereof, with
such marks as should be thought expedient, to show the identity of
the measures and weights sized at the said office, and to discover any
frauds that may be committed therein. That the said office should
he kept within a convenient distance of the court of exchequer at
Westminster; and all the measures of length and weight, within a certain
distance of London, should be corrected and re-assized, as occasion
should require, at the said office. That, in order to enforce the
uniformity in weights and measures to be used for the future, all
persons appointed by the crown to act as justices of the peace in any
county, city, or town corporate, being respectively counties within
themselves, throughout the realm, should be empowered to hear and
determine, and put the law in execution, in respect to weights and
measures only, without any of them being obliged to sue out a _dedimus_,
or to act in any other matter; and the said commissioners should be
empowered to sue, imprison, inflict, or mitigate such penalties as
should be thought proper; and have such other authorities as should be
necessary for compelling the use of weights and measures, agreeably to
the aforesaid standards. The models or patterns of the said
standard yard and pound, and of the parts and multiples thereof,
before-mentioned, should be distributed in each county, in such a manner
as to be readily used for evidence in all eases where measures and
weights should be questioned before the said commissioners, and for
adjusting the same in a proper manner.]


[Footnote 504: Note 3 U, p. 504. The letter was to this effect: _To
their excellencies Messrs. Hopson and Moore, general officers of his
Britannic Majesty at Basseterre._ “Gentlemen--I have received the
letter which your excellencies have done me the honour to write, of the
twenty-fifth. You make me proposals which could arise from nothing but
the facility with which you have got possession of the little town and
citadel of Basseterre; for otherwise you ought to do me the justice
to believe they could not be received. You have strength sufficient to
subdue the exteriors of the island; but with respect to the interiors,
the match between us is equal. As to the consequences that may attend
my refusal, I am persuaded they will be no other than such as are
prescribed by the laws of war. Should we be disappointed in this
particular, we have a master powerful enough to revenge any injury
we may sustain. “I am, with respect, “Gentlemen, “Your most obedient
servant, “Nadau D’Etreil.” It is pretty remarkable, that the
apprehension of cruel usage from the English, who are undoubtedly the
most generous and humane enemies under the sun, not only prevailed among
the common French soldiery throughout this whole war, but even infected
officers of distinction, who ought to have been exempted from these
prejudices, by a better acquaintance with life, and more liberal turn of
thinking.]


[Footnote 505: Note 3 X, p. 505. The reasons assigned by the commodore
for his conduct in this particular are these:--The bay of Dominique was
the only place in which he could rendezvous and unite his squadron. Here
he refreshed his men, who were grown sickly in consequence of subsisting
on salt provisions. Here he supplied his ships with plenty of fresh
water. Here he had intercourse once or twice every day with general
Barrington, by means of small vessels which passed and repassed from
one island to the other. By remaining in this situation, he likewise
maintained a communication with the English Leeward Islands, which
being in a defenceless condition, their inhabitants were constantly
soliciting the commodore’s protection; and here he supported the army,
the commander of which was unwilling that he should remove to a greater
distance. Had he sailed to Port-Royal, he would have found the enemy’s
squadron so disposed, that he could not have attacked them, unless M.
de Bompart had been inclined to hazard an action. Had he anchored in the
bay, all his cruisers must have been employed in conveying provisions
and stores to the squadron. There he could not have procured either
fresh provisions or water; nor could he have had any communication with,
or intelligence from, the army in the Leeward Islands, in less than
eight or ten days.]


[Footnote 511: Note 3 Y, p. 511. The following anecdote is so
remarkable, and tends so much to the honour of the British soldiery,
that we insert it without fear of the reader’s disapprobation:--Captain
Ochterlony and ensign Peyton belonged to the regiment of
brigadier-general Mouckton. They were nearly of an age, which did not
exceed thirty: the first was a North Briton, the other a native of
Ireland. Both were agreeable in person, and unblemished in character,
and connected together by the ties of mutual friendship and esteem. On
the day that preceded the battle, captain Ochterlony had been obliged
to fight a duel with a German officer, in which, though he wounded and
disarmed his antagonist, yet he himself received a dangerous hurt under
the right arm, in consequence of which his friends insisted on his
remaining in camp during the action of the next day, but his spirit was
too great to comply with this remonstrance. He declared it should never
be said that a scratch, received in a private rencounter, had prevented
him from doing his duty, when his country required his service; and he
took the field with a fusil in his hand, though he was hardly able to
carry his arms. In leading up his men to the enemy’s intrenchment,
he was shot through the lungs with a musquet ball, an accident which
obliged him to part with his fusil: but he still continued advancing;
until, by the loss of blood, he became too weak to proceed farther.
About the same time Mr. Peyton was lamed by a shot, which shattered the
small hone of his left leg. The soldiers, in their retreat, earnestly
begged, with tears in their eyes, that captain Ochterlony would allow
them to carry him and the ensign off the field. But he was so bigoted to
a severe point of honour, that he would not quit the ground, though he
desired they would take care of his ensign. Mr. Peyton, with a generous
disdain, rejected their good offices, declaring, that he would not leave
his captain in such a situation; and in a little time they remained the
sole survivors of that part of the field.

Captain Ochterlony sat down by his friend; and, as they expected nothing
but immediate death, they took leave of each other. Yet they were not
altogether abandoned by the hope of being protected as prisoners: for
the captain, seeing a French soldier with two Indians approach, started
up, and accosting them in the French language, which he spoke perfectly
well, expressed his expectation that they would treat him and his
companion as officers, prisoners, and gentlemen. The two Indians seemed
to be entirely under the conduct of the Frenchman, who coming up to Mr.
Peyton, as he sat on the ground, snatched his laced hat from his head,
and robbed the captain of his watch and money. This outrage was a
signal to the Indians for murder and pillage. One of them, clubbing his
firelock, struck at him behind, with a view to knock him down; but the
blow missing his head, took place upon his shoulder. At the same instant
the other Indian poured his shot into the breast of this unfortunate
young gentleman; who cried out, “Oh, Peyton, the villain has shot me.”
 Not yet satisfied with cruelty, the barbarian sprung upon him, and
stabbed him in the belly with his scalping-knife. The captain having
parted with his fusil, had no weapon for his defence, as none of the
officers wore swords in the action. The three ruffians, finding him
still alive, endeavoured to strangle him with his own sash; and he was
now upon his knees, struggling against them with surprising exertion.
Mr. Peyton, at this juncture, having a double-barrelled musket in
his hand, and seeing the distress of his friend, fired at one of the
Indians, who dropped dead upon the spot. The other thinking the ensign
would now be an easy prey, advanced towards him; and Mr. Peyton, having
taken good aim at the distance of four yards, discharged his piece the
second time, but it seemed to take no effect. The savage fired in his
turn, and wounded the ensign in his shoulder; then, rushing upon him,
thrust his bayonet through his body. He repeated the blow, which Mr.
Peyton attempting to parry, received another wound in his left hand:
nevertheless, he seized the Indian’s musket with the same hand, pulled
him forwards, and with his right drawing a dagger which hung by his
side, plunged it in the barbarian’s side. A violent struggle ensued: but
at length Mr. Peyton was uppermost; and, with repeated strokes of his
dagger, killed his antagonist outright. Here he was seized with an
unaccountable emotion of curiosity, to know whether his shot had taken
place on the body of the Indian: he accordingly turned him up; and,
stripping off his blanket, perceived that the ball had penetrated quite
through the cavity of the breast. Having thus obtained a dear-bought
victory, he started up on one leg; and saw captain Ochterlony standing
at the distance of sixty yards, close by the enemy’s breastwork,
with the French soldier attending him. Mr. Peyton then called
aloud,--“Captain Ochterlony, I am glad to see you have at last got under
protection. Beware of that villain, who is more barbarous than the
savages. God bless you, my dear captain! I see a party of Indians coming
this way, and expect to be murdered immediately.” A number of those
barbarians had for some time been employed on the left, in scalping
and pillaging the dying and the dead that were left upon the field
of battle; and above thirty of them were in full march to destroy Mr.
Peyton. This gentleman knew he had no mercy to expect; for, should his
life be spared for the present, they would have afterwards insisted upon
sacrificing him to the manes of their brethren whom he had slain; and
in that case he would have been put to death by the most excruciating
tortures. Full of this idea, he snatched up his musket, and,
notwithstanding his broken leg, ran about forty yards without halting:
feeling himself now totally disabled, and incapable of proceeding one
step farther, he loaded his piece, and presented it to the two foremost
Indians, who stood aloof, waiting to be joined by their fellows; while
the French, from their breastworks, kept up a continual fire of cannon
and small arms upon this poor solitary and maimed gentleman. In this
uncomfortable situation he stood, when he discerned at a distance a
Highland officer, with a party of his men, skirting the plain towards
the field of battle. He forthwith waved his hand in signal of distress,
and being perceived by the officer, he detached three of his men to his
assistance. These brave fellows hastened to him through the midst of
a terrible fire, and one of them bore him off on his shoulders. The
Highland officer was captain Macdonald of colonel Frasor’s battalion;
who, understanding that a young gentleman, his kinsman, had dropped on
the field of battle, had put himself at the head of this party, with
which he penetrated to the middle of the field, drove a considerable
number of the French and Indians before him, and finding his relation
still unscalped, carried him off in triumph. Poor captain Ochterlony was
conveyed to Quebec, where in a few days he died of his wounds. After the
reduction of that place, the French surgeons who attended him declared,
that in all probability he would have recovered of the two shots he had
received in his breast, had he not been mortally wounded in the belly by
the Indian’s scalping-knife.

As this very remarkable scene was acted in sight of both armies, general
Townshend, in the sequel, expostulated with the French officers upon
the inhumanity of keeping up such a severe fire against two wounded
gentlemen who were disabled, and destitute of all hope of escaping.
They answered that the fire was not made by the regulars, but by the
Canadians and savages, whom it was not in the power of discipline to
restrain.]


[Footnote 513: Note 3 Z, p. 513. How far the success of this
attempt depended upon accident, may be conceived from the following
particulars:--In the twilight, two French deserters were carried on
board a ship of war, commanded by captain Smith, and lying at anchor
near the north shore. They told him that the garrison of Quebec expected
that night to receive a convoy of provisions, sent down the river in
boats from the detachment above, commanded by M. de Bouganville. These
deserters, standing upon deck, and perceiving the English boats with
the troops gliding down the river in the dark, began to shout and make
a noise, declaring they were part of the expected convoy, captain Smith,
who was ignorant of general Wolfe’s design, believing their affirmation,
had actually given orders to point the guns at the British troops; when
the general, perceiving a commotion on board, rowed alongside in person
and prevented the discharge, which would have alarmed the town, and
entirely frustrated the attempt.

The French had posted sentries along shore, to challenge boats and
vessels, and give the alarm occasionally. The first boat that contained
the English troops being questioned accordingly, a captain of Eraser’s
regiment, who had served in Holland, and who was perfectly well
acquainted with the French language and customs, answered without
hesitation to _Qui vit?_ which is their challenging word, _La France_:
nor was he at a loss to answer the second question, which was much more
particular and difficult. When the sentinel demanded _a quell regiment?_
to what regiment? the captain replied, _De la Reine_; which he knew,
by accident, to be one of those that composed the body commanded by
Bougainville. The soldier took it for granted this was the expected
convoy; and saying _Passe_, allowed all the boats to proceed without
further question. In the same manner the other sentries were deceived;
though one, more wary than the rest, came running down to the water’s
edge, and called, “_Pourquoi est ce que vous ne parlez plus haut?_ Why
don’t you speak with an audible voice?” To this interrogation, which
implied doubt, the captain answered, with admirable presence of mind, in
a soft tone of voice, “_Tai toi! nous serons entendues!_Hush! we shall
be overheard and discovered!” Thus cautioned, the sentry retired without
further altercation. The midshipman who piloted the first boat, passing
by the landing place in the dark, the same captain, who knew it from his
having been posted formerly with his company on the other side of the
river, insisted on the pilot’s being mistaken; and commanded the rowers
to put ashore in the proper place, or at least very near it.

When general Wolfe landed, and saw the difficulty of ascending the
precipice, he said to the same officer in a familiar strain, “I don’t
believe there is any possibility of getting up; but you must do your
endeavour.” The narrow path that slanted up the hill from the landing
place the enemy had broken up, and rendered impassible by cross ditches,
besides the intrenchment at the top: in every other part the hill was so
steep and dangerous, that the soldiers were obliged to pull themselves
up by the roots and boughs of trees growing on both sides of the path.]


[Footnote 515: Note 4 A, p. 515 The chagrin and mortification of Lally
are strongly marked in the following intercepted letter to M. de Legret,
dated from the camp before Madras:--

“A good blow might be struck here: there is a ship in the road, of
twenty guns, laden with all the riches of Madras, which it is said
will remain there till the 20th. The expedition is just arrived, but M.
Gerlin is not a man to attack her; for she has made him run away once
before. The Bristol, on the other hand, did but just make her appearance
before St. Thomas; and, on the vague report of thirteen ships coming
from Porto-Novo, she took fright; and, after landing the provisions
with which she was laden, she would not stay long enough even to take on
board twelve of her own guns, which she had lent us for the siege.

“If I was the judge of the point of honour of the company’s officers, I
would break him like glass, as well as some others of them.

“The Fidelle, or the Harlem, or even the aforesaid Bristol, with her
twelve guns restored to her, would be sufficient to make themselves
masters of the English ship, if they could manage so as to get to
windward of her in the night. Maugendre and Tremillier are said to be
good men; and were they employed only to transport two hundred wounded
men that we have here, their service would be of importance.

“We remain still in the same position: the breach made these fifteen
clays, all the time within fifty toises of the wall of the place, and
never holding up our heads to look at it.

“I reckon we shall, on our arrival at Pondieherry, endeavour to learn
some other trade, for this of war requires too much patience.

“Of one thousand five hundred sepoys which attended our army, I reckon
near eight hundred are employed upon the road to Pondieherry, laden
with sugar, pepper, and other goods; and as for the coulis, they are all
employed for the same purpose, from the first day we came here.

“I am taking my measures from this day to set fire to the Black-town,
and to blow up the powder-mills.

“You will never imagine that fifty French deserters, and one hundred
Swiss, are actually stopping the progress of two thousand men of
the king and company’s troops, which are still here existing,
notwithstanding the exaggerated accounts that every one makes here
according to his own fancy, of the slaughter that has been made of them;
and you will be still more surprised if I tell you, that, were it not
lor the combats and four battles we sustained, and for the batteries
which failed, or, to speak more properly, which were unskilfully made,
we should not have lost fifty men, from the commencement of the siege
to this day. I have written to M. de Larche, that if he persists in not
coming here, let who will raise money upon the Poleagers for me, I will
not do it; and I renounce (as I informed you a month ago I would do)
meddling directly or indirectly with any thing whatever that may have
relation to your administration, whether civil or military. For I had
rather go and command the Caffrees of Madagascar than remain in this
Sodom, which it is impossible but the fire of the English must destroy
sooner or later, even though that from heaven should not.
“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
(Signed) “LALLY.”

“P. S.--I think it necessary to apprize you, that as M. de Soupire has
refused to take upon him the command of this army, which I have offered
to him, and which he is empowered to accept, by having received from the
court a duplicate of my commission, you must of necessity, together with
the council, take it upon you. For my part, I undertake only to bring it
back either to Arcot or Sadraste. Send, therefore, your orders, or come
yourselves to command it; for I shall quit it upon my arrival there.”]


[Footnote 521: Note 4 B, p. 521. That the general was not pleased
with the behaviour of lord George Sackville, may be gathered from
the following compliment to the marquis of Granby, implying a severe
reflection upon his superior in command.

_Orders of his serene highness prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, relative
to the behaviour of the troops under him, at the famous battle near
Minden, on the first of August, 1759._

“His serene highness ordered his greatest thanks to be given to the
whole army, for their bravery and good behaviour yesterday, particularly
to the English infantry, and the two battalions of Hanoverian guards;
to all the cavalry of the left wing; and to general Wan-genheim’s
corps, particularly the regiment of Holstein, the Hessian cavalry, the
Hanoverian regiment du corps, and Hammerstin’s; the same to all the
brigades of heavy artillery. His serene highness declares publicly,
that, next to God, he attributes the glory of the day to the intrepidity
and extraordinary good behaviour of these troops, which he assures them
he shall retain the strongest sense of as long as he lives; and if ever,
upon any occasion, he shall be able to serve these brave troops, or any
of them in particular, it will give him the utmost pleasure. His serene
highness orders his particular thanks to be likewise given to general
Sporeken, the duke of Holstein, lieutenant-generals Imhoff and Urf. His
serene highness is extremely obliged to the count de Buckebourg, for his
extraordinary care and trouble in the management of the artillery, which
was served with great effect: likewise to the commanding officers of the
several brigades of artillery, viz. colonel Browne, lieutenant-colonel
Hutte, Major Hasse, and the three English captains, Philips, Drummond,
and Foy. His serene highness thinks himself infinitely obliged to
major-generals Waldegrave and Kingsley, for their great courage, and the
good order in which they conducted their brigades. His serene highness
further orders it to be declared to lieutenant-general the marquis of
Grandby, that he is persuaded that, if he had had the good fortune to
have had him at the head of the cavalry of the right wing, his presence
would have greatly contributed to make the decision of that day more
complete and more brilliant. In short, his serene highness orders that
those of his suite whose behaviour he most admired be named, as the duke
of Richmond, colonel Fitzroy, captain Ligonier, colonel Watson, captain
Wilson, aidecamp to major-general Waldegrave, adjutant, generals
Erstorff, Bulow, Durendolle, the counts Tobe and Malerti; his serene
highness having much reason tobe satisfied with their conduct. And his
serene highness desires and orders the generals of the army, that upon
all occasions when orders are brought to them by his aids-de-camp, that
they may be obeyed punctually, and without delay.”]


[Footnote 522: Note 4 C, p. 522. The following extracts of letters from
the duke de Belleisle to the mareschal de Contades, will convey some
idea of the virtue, policy, and necessities of the French ministry:--

“I am still afraid that Fischer sets out too late: it is, however, very
important, and very essential, that we should raise large contributions.
I see no other resource for our most urgent expenses, and for refitting
the troops, but in the money we may draw from the enemy’s country, from
whence we must likewise procure subsistence of all kinds (independently
of the money), that is to say, hay, straw, oats for the winter, bread,
corn, cattle, horses, even men to recruit our foreign troops. The war
must not be prolonged; and perhaps it may be necessary, according to the
events which may happen between this time and the end of September, to
make a downright desert before the line of the quarters which it may be
thought proper to keep during the winter, in order that the enemy may be
under a real impossibility of approaching us: at the same time reserving
for ourselves a bare subsistence on the route which may be the most
convenient for us to take, in the middle of winter, to beat up or seize
upon the enemy’s quarters. That this object may be fulfilled, I cause
the greatest assiduity to be used in preparing what is necessary for
having all your troops, without exception, well clothed, well armed,
well equipped, and well refitted, in every respect, before the end of
November, with new tents; in order that, if it should be advisable for
the king’s political and military affairs, you may be able to assemble
the whole or part of your army, to act offensively and with vigour, from
the beginning of January; and that you may have the satisfaction to show
your enemies and all Europe, that the French know how to act and carry
on war in all seasons, when they have such a general as you are, and a
minister of the department of war that can foresee and concert matters
with the general.

“You must be sensible, sir, that what I say to you may become not only
useful and honourable, but perhaps even necessary, with respect to what
you know, and of which I shall say no more in a private letter.

“M. duc de BELLEISLE.”

“After observing all the formalities due to the magistrates of Cologne,
you must seize on their great artillery by force, telling them that you
do so for their own defence against the common enemy of the empire; that
you will restore them when their city has nothing further to fear, &c.
After all, you must take everything you have occasion for, and give them
receipts for it.--

“You must, at any rate, consume all sorts of subsistence on the higher
Lippe, Paderborn, and Warsburg; you must destroy everything which you
cannot consume, so as to make a desert of all Westphalia, from Lipstadt
and Munster, as far as the Rhine, on one hand: and on the other, from
the higher Lippe and Paderborn, as far as Cassel; that the enemy may
find it quite impracticable to direct their march to the Rhine, or the
lower Roer; and this with regard to your army, and with regard to the
army under M. de Soubise, that they may not have it in their power to
take possession of Cassel, and much less to march to Marburg, or to the
quarters which he will have along the Lahn, or to those which you will
occupy, from the lower part of the left side of the Roer, and on the
right side of the Rhine, as far as Dusseldorp, and at Cologne.”--

“You know the necessity of consuming or destroying, as far as is
possible, all the subsistence, especially the forage betwixt the Weser
and the Rhine on the one hand, and on the other betwixt the Lippe, the
bishopric of Paderborn, the Dymel, the Fulda, and the Nerra; and so to
make a desert of Westphalia and Hesse.”--

“Although the prince of Waldeck appears outwardly neutral, he is very
ill-disposed, and deserves very little favour. You ought, therefore, to
make no scruple of taking all you find in that territory: but this must
be done in an orderly manner, giving receipts, and observing the most
exact discipline. All the subsistence you leave in this country will
fall to the enemy’s share, who will, by that means, be enabled to
advance to the Lahn, and towards the quarters which you are to occupy
on the left side of the Roer. It is therefore a precaution become in a
manner indispensably necessary, to carry it all away from thence.”--

“The question now is, what plan you shall think most proper for
accomplishing, in the quickest and surest manner, our great purpose:
which must be to consume, carry off, or destroy, all the forage and
subsistence of the country which we cannot keep possession of.”--

“The upper part of the Lippe, and the country of Paderborn, are the most
plentiful; they must therefore be eat to the very roots.”.....

“You did mighty well to talk in the most absolute tone with regard to
the necessaries Racroth and Duysbourg must furnish our troops: it is
necessary to speak in that tone to Germans; and you will find your
account in using the same to the regencies of the elector of Cologne,
and still more to that of the palatine.

“After using all becoming ceremony, as we have the power in our hands,
we must make use of it, and draw from the country of Bergue what shall
be necessary for the subsistence of the garrison of Dusseldorp, and of
the light troops, and reserve what may be brought thither from Alsace
and the bishoprics for a case of necessity.”]


[Footnote 523: Note 4 D, p. 523. _The following declarations were
published by count Dohna, the Prussian general, on his entering Poland
with a body of Prussian troops._

_On the 15th of June._

His Prussian majesty, finding himself under a necessity to cause part of
his armies to enter the territories of the republic of Poland, in order
to protect them against the threatened invasion of the enemy; declares
that,--

It must not be understood that his majesty, by this step taken, intends
to make any breach in the regard he has always had for the illustrious
republic of Poland, or to lessen the good understanding which has
hitherto subsisted between them: but, on the contrary, to strengthen the
same, in expectation that the illustrious republic will on its part act
with the like neighbourly and friendly good-will as is granted to the
enemy, than which nothing more is desired.

The nobility, gentry, and magistracy, in their respective districts,
between the frontiers of Prussia, so far as beyond Posen, are required
to furnish all kinds of provisions, corn, and forage necessary to
support an army of 40,000 men, with the utmost despatch, with an
assurance of being paid ready money for the same. But if, contrary to
expectation, any deficiency should happen in supplying this demand, his
majesty’s troops will be obliged to forage, and use the same means as
those taken by the enemy for their subsistence.

In confidence, therefore, that the several jurisdictions upon the
Prussian frontiers, within the territories of Poland, will exert
themselves to comply with this demand as soon as possible, for the
subsistence of the royal army of Prussia, they are assured that thereby
all disorders will be prevented, and whatever is delivered will be paid
for in ready money.

_On the 17th of June._ It was with the greatest astonishment that the
king, my most gracious lord and master, heard that several of his own
subjects had suffered themselves to be seduced from their allegiance, so
far as to enter into the service of a potentate with whom he is at war;
his majesty, therefore, makes known by these presents, that all of his
subjects serving in the enemy’s armies, who shall be taken with arms
in their hands, shall, agreeable to all laws, be sentenced to be hanged
without mercy, as traitors to their king and country, of which all whom
it may concern are desired to take notice, &c.

_On the 22nd of June._ We invite and desire that the nobility,
archbishops, bishops, abbeys, convents, seignories, magistrates, and
inhabitants of the republic of Poland, on the road to Posnania, and
beyond it, would repair in person or by deputies, in the course of this
week, or as soon after as possible, to the Prussian head-quarters, there
to treat with the commander-in-chief, or the commissary at war, for the
delivery of forage and provisions for the subsistence of the army, to be
paid for with ready money.

We promise and assure ourselves that no person in Poland will attempt to
seduce the Prussian troops to desert; that no assistance will be given
them in such perfidious practices; that they will neither be sheltered,
concealed, nor lodged; which would be followed by very disagreeable
consequences: we expect, on the contrary, that persons of all ranks and
conditions will stop any runaway or deserter, and deliver him up at the
first advanced post, or at the head-quarters; and all expenses attending
the same shall be paid, and a reasonable gratification superadded.

If any one hath inclination to enter into the king of Prussia’s service,
with an intention to behave well and faithfully, he may apply to the
head-quarters, and be assured of a capitulation for three or four years.

If any prince or member of the republic of Poland be disposed to
assemble a body of men, and to join in a troop or in a company of
the Prussian army, to make a common cause with it, he may depend on a
gracious reception, and that due regard will be shown to his merit, &c.]


[Footnote 526: Note 4 E, p. 526. The obstinacy of the powers in
opposition to Great Britain and Prussia appeared still more remarkable
in their slighting the following declaration, which duke Louis of
Brunswick delivered to their ministers at the Hague, in the month of
December, after Quebec was reduced, and the fleet of France totally
defeated:

“Their Britannic and Prussian majesties, moved with compassion at the
mischief which the war that has been kindled for some years has already
occasioned, and must necessarily produce, would think themselves wanting
to the duties of humanity, and particularly to their tender concern
for the preservation and well-being of their respective kingdoms and
subjects, if they neglected the proper means to put a stop to
the progress of so severe a calamity, and to contribute to the
re-establishment of public tranquillity. In this view, and in order
to manifest the purity of their intentions in this respect, their said
majesties have determined to make the following declaration, viz.--

“That they are ready to send plenipotentiaries to the place which, shall
be thought most proper, in order there to treat, conjointly, of a solid
and general peace with those whom the belligerent parties should think
fit to authorize, on their part, for the attaining so salutary an end.”]


[Footnote 529: Note 4 F, p. 529. _Abstract of the report made to his
Catholic majesty by the physicians appointed to examine the prince
royal, his eldest son, in consequence of which his royal highness was
declared incapable of succeeding to the throne of Spain. Translated from
the original, published at Naples, Sept. 27._

1. Though his royal highness don Philip is thirteen years old, he is of
low stature; and yet the king his father, and the queen his mother, are
both of a very proper height.

2. His royal highness has some contraction in his joints; though he can
readily move, and make use of them upon all occasions.

3. His royal highness is apt to stoop and to hold down his head as
people of weak eyes often do.

4. The prince most evidently squints: and his eyes frequently water and
are gummy, particularly his left eye: though we cannot say he is blind,
but are rather certain of the contrary, as his royal highness can
without doubt distinguish objects, both as to their colour and
situation.

5. In his natural functions, and the most common sensations, he is
sometimes indifferent to things that are convenient for him, and at
other times is too warm and impetuous. In general, his passions are not
restrained by reason.

6. The prince has an obstinate aversion to some kind of common food,
such as fruits, sweetmeats, &c.

7. All sorts of noise or sound disturb and disconcert him; and it
has the same effect whether it be soft and harmonious, or harsh and
disagreeable.

8. The impressions that he receives from pain or pleasure are neither
strong nor lasting; and he is utterly unacquainted with all the
punctilios of politeness and good-breeding.

9. As to facts and places, he sometimes remembers them, and sometimes
not; but he seems not to have the least idea of the mysteries of our
holy religion.

10. He delights in childish amusements; and those which are the most
boisterous please him best. He is continually changing them, and
shifting from one thing to another.

Signed by Don Francis Beniore, chief physician to the king and kingdom;
Don Emmanuel de la Rosa, physician to the queen; and the physicians
Cæsar Ciribue, Don Thomas Pinto, Don Francis Sarrao, and Don Dominique
San Severino.]


[Footnote 535: Note 4 G, p. 535. By this law it was enacted, that if any
militia-man, who shall have been accepted and enrolled as a substitute,
hired man, or volunteer, before the passing of the act, or who shall
have been chosen by lot, whether before or after the passing of the act,
shall, when embodied, or called out into actual service, and ordered to
march, leave a family unable to support themselves, the overseers shall,
by order of some one justice of the peace, pay out of the poor’s rates
of such parish a weekly allowance to such family, according to the usual
and ordinary price of labour and husbandry there; viz. for one child
under the age of ten years, the price of one day’s labour; for two
children under the age aforesaid, the price of two days’ labour; for
three or four children under the age aforesaid, the price of three days’
labour; for five or more children under the age aforesaid, the price of
four days’ labour; and for the wife of such militia-man, the price of
one day’s labour; but that the families of such men only as shall be
chosen by lot, and of the substitutes, hired men, and volunteers already
accepted and enrolled, shall, after the passing of this act, receive any
such weekly allowance. For removing the grievance complained of in the
above petition, it is enacted, that where treasurers shall reimburse to
overseers any money in pursuance of this act, on account of the weekly
allowance to the family of any militia-man serving in the militia of any
county or place other than that wherein such family shall dwell, they
are to transmit an account thereof, signed by some justice for the place
where such family shall dwell, to the treasurer of the county, &c. in
the militia whereof such militia-man shall serve, who is thereupon to
pay him the sum so reimbursed to such overseers, and the same to be
allowed in his accounts.]


[Footnote 536: Note 4 H, p. 536. The openings to be made, and the
passages to be improved and enlarged, were ascertained by two schedules
annexed to the act. With respect to the houses, buildings, and grounds
to be purchased, the mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city, in common
council assembled, or a committee appointed by them, were empowered
to fix the price by agreement, with the respective proprietors, or
otherwise by a jury in the usual manner. With regard to party-walls, the
act ordains, that the proprietor of either adjoining house may compel
the proprietor of the other to agree to its being pulled down and
rebuilt, and pay a moiety of the expense even though it should not
be necessary to pull down or rebuild either of their houses: that all
party-walls shall be at least two bricks and a half in thickness in the
cellar, and two bricks thick upwards to the top of the garret-floor. It
enacts, that if any decayed house belongs to several proprietors,
any one of them, who is desirous to rebuild, may oblige the others to
concur, and join with him in the expense, or purchase their shares at a
price to be fixed by a jury. If any house should hereafter be presented
by any inquest or grand jury in London, as being in a ruinous condition,
the court of mayor and aldermen is, by this act, empowered to pull it
down at the expense of the ground landlords. As to damaged pavements,
not sufficiently repaired by the proprietors of the water-works, any
justice of the peace in London is vested with power, upon their refusing
or delaying to make it good, to cause it to be effectually relaid with
good materials at their expense.]


[Footnote 538: Note 4 I, p. 538. The following declaration made to the
chiefs of the opposition will render the memory of the late prince of
Wales dear to latest posterity:--

His royal highness has authorized lord T. and sir F. D. to give the most
positive assurances to the gentlemen in the opposition, of his upright
intentions; that he is thoroughly convinced of the distresses and
calamities that have befallen, and every day are more likely to befal
this country; and therefore invites all well wishers to this country and
its constitution to coalesce and unite with him, and upon the following
principle only.--

His royal highness promises, and will declare it openly, that it is his
intention totally to abolish any distinctions for the future of parties;
and as far as lies in his power, and as soon as it does lie in his
power, to take away for ever all proscription from any set of men
whatever who are friends to the constitution; and therefore will promote
for the present, and when it is in his power will immediately grant,--

First, A bill to empower all gentlemen to act as justices of the peace,
paying land-tax for £300 per annum in any county where he intends to
serve.

Secondly, His royal highness promises, in like manner, to support,
and forthwith grant, whenever he shall have it in his power, a bill to
create and establish a numerous and effectual militia throughout the
kingdom.

Thirdly, His royal highness promises, in like manner, to promote and
support, and likewise grant, when it is in his power, a bill to exclude
all military officers in the land-service under the degree of colonels
of regiments, and in the sea-service under the degree of rear-admirals,
from sitting in the house of commons.

Fourthly, His royal highness promises that he will, when in his power,
grant inquiries into the great number of abuses in offices, and does not
doubt of the assistance of all honest men, to enable him to correct the
same for the future.

Fifthly, His royal highness promises, and will openly declare, that
he will make no agreement with, or join in the support of,
any administration whatever, without previously obtaining the
above-mentioned points in behalf of the people, and for the sake of good
government. Upon these conditions, and these conditions only, his royal
highness thinks he has a right not to doubt of having a most cordial
support from all those good men who mean their country and this
constitution well, and that they will become his and his family’s
friends, and unite with him, to promote the good government of this
country, and that they will follow him, upon these principles, both in
court and out of court; and if he should live to form an administration,
it should be composed, without distinction, of men of dignity,
knowledge, and probity. His royal highness further promises to accept of
no more, if offered to him, than £800,000 for his civil list, by way of
rent-charge.

_Answer to the foregoing proposal._

The lords and gentlemen to whom a paper has been communicated,
containing his royal highness the prince’s gracious intentions upon
several weighty and important points, of the greatest consequence to
the honour and interest of his majesty’s government, and absolutely
necessary for the restoring and perpetuating the true use and design of
parliament, the purity of our excellent constitution, and the
happiness and welfare of the whole nation, do therein with the greatest
satisfaction observe, and most gratefully acknowledge, the uprightness
and generosity of his royal highness’s noble sentiments and resolutions.
And therefore beg leave to return their most dutiful and humble thanks
for the same: and to assure his royal highness that they will constantly
and steadily use their utmost endeavours to support those his wise and
salutary purposes, that the throne may be strengthened, religion and
morality encouraged, faction and corruption destroyed, the purity and
essence of parliament restored, and the happiness and welfare of our
constitution preserved.

When the above answer was returned to the prince, there were present,
The Duke of B.--The Earl of L.--The Earl of S.--The Earl of T.--The Earl
of W.--The Earl of S.--Lord F.--Lord W.--Sir Wat. Wil. Wynne.--Sir John
H. C--Sir Walter B.--Sir Robert G.--Mr. F.--Mr. F.--Mr. C.]


[Footnote 547: Note 4 K, p. 547.

Ultimo die Octobris anno ab incarnationo

MDCCLX.

Auspicatissimo principe Georgio Tertio

Regnnm jam ineunte,

Pontis hujus, in reipublicæ commodum

Urbisque majestatem

(Latè turn flagrante bello)

à S. P. Q. L. suscepti,

Primum lapidem posuit

Thomas Chitty, miles,

Prætor;

Roberto Mylne, architecte

Utque apud posteros extet monumentum

Voluntatis suæ erga virum,

Qui vigore ingenii, animi constantia,

Probitatis et virtutis suæ felici quâdam contagione,

(Favente Deo,

Fautisque Georgii Secundi auspiciis!)

Imperium Britannicum

In Asia, Africa, et America

Restituit, auxit, et stabilivit;

Necnon patriæ antiquum honorem et auctoritateni

Inter Europæ gentes instauravit;

Gives Londinenses, uno consensu,

Huic ponti inscribi voluerunt nomen

GULIELMI PITT.]


[Footnote 549: Note 4 L, p. 549. This attempt was conducted in
the following manner, having doubtless been concerted with the
two-and-twenty hostages who resided in the fort. On the sixteenth day of
February, two Indian women appearing at Keowee, on the other side of the
river, Mr. Dogharty, one of the officers of the fort, went out to ask
them what news. While he was engaged in conversation with these females,
the great Indian warrior Ocunnastota joined them, desired he would call
the commanding officer, to whom he said he had something to propose.
Accordingly, lieutenant Cotymore appearing, accompanied by ensign
Bell, Dogharty, and Foster the interpreter, Ocunnastota told him he had
something of consequence to impart to the governor, whom he proposed to
visit, and desired he might be attended by a white man as a safeguard.
The lieutenant assuring him he should have a safeguard, the Indian
declared he would then go and catch a horse for him; so saying, he swung
a bridle twice over his head, as a signal; and immediately twenty-five
or thirty muskets, from different ambuscades, were discharged at the
English officers. Mr. Cotymore received a shot in his left breast, and
in a few days expired: Mr. Bell was wounded in the calf of the left leg,
and the interpreter in the buttock. Ensign Milne, who remained in the
fort, was no sooner informed of this treachery, than he ordered the
soldiers to shackle the hostages; in the execution of which order one
man was killed on the spot, and another wounded in his forehead with a
tomahawk; circumstances which, added to the murder of the lieutenant,
incensed the garrison to such a degree, that it was judged absolutely
necessary to put the hostages to death without further hesitation.
In the evening a party of Indians approached the fort, and firing two
signal pieces, cried aloud in the Cherokee language--“Fight manfully,
and you shall be assisted.” They then began an attack; and continued
firing all night upon the fort, without doing the least execution. That
a design was concerted between them and the hostages appeared plainly
from the nature of the assault; and this suspicion was converted into a
certainty next day, when some of the garrison, searching the apartment
in which the hostages lay, found a bottle of poison, probably designed
to be emptied into the well, and several tomahawks buried in the earth;
which weapons had been privately conveyed to them by their friends, who
were permitted to visit them without interruption. On the third day
of March, the fort of Ninety-six was attacked by two hundred Cherokee
Indians with musketry, which had little or no effect; so that they were
forced to retire with some loss, and revenged themselves on the open
country, burning and ravaging all the houses and plantations belonging
to English settlers in this part of the country, and all along the
frontiers of Virginia. Not contented with pillaging and destroying the
habitations, they wantoned in the most horrible barbarities; and their
motions were so secret and sudden, that it was impossible for the
inhabitants to know where the storm would burst, or take proper
precautions for their own defence; so that a great number of the back
settlements were totally abandoned.]


[Footnote 550: Note 4 M, p. 550. The garrison of Quebec, during the
winter, repaired above five hundred houses which had been damaged by the
English cannon, built eight redoubts of wood, raised foot-banks along
the ramparts, opened embrasures, mounted artillery, blocked up all
the avenues of the suburbs with a stockade, removed eleven months’
provisions into the highest parts of the city, and formed a magazine of
four thousand fascines. Two hundred men were posted at Saint Foix,
and twice the number at Lorette. Several hundred men marched to Saint
Augustin, brought off the enemy’s advanced guard, with a great number of
cattle, and disarmed the inhabitants. By these precautions the motions
of the French were observed, the avenues of Quebec were covered, and
their dominions secured over eleven parishes, which furnished them with
some fresh provisions, and other necessaries for subsistence. Sixteen
thousand cords of wood being wanted for the hospitals, guards, and
quarters, and the method of transporting it from the isle of Orleans
being found slow and difficult, on account of the floating ice in the
river, a sufficient number of hand-sledges were made, and two hundred
wood-fellers set at work in the forest of Saint Foix, where plenty of
fuel was obtained, and brought into the several regiments by the men
that were not upon duty. A detachment of two hundred men being sent to
the other side of the river, disarmed the inhabitants, and compelled
them to take the oath of allegiance: by this step the English became
masters of the southern side of St. Laurence, and were supplied with
good quantities of fresh provision. The advanced posts of the enemy were
established at Point au Tremble, Saint Augustin, and Le Calvaire; the
main body of their army quartered between Trois Rivieres and Jaques
Quartier. Their general, having formed the design of attacking Quebec in
the winter, began to provide snow-shoes or rackets, scaling-ladders, and
fascines, and make all the necessary preparations for that enterprise.
He took possession of Point Levi, where he formed a magazine of
provisions; great part of which, however, fell into the hands of the
English; for, as soon as the river was frozen over, brigadier Murray
despatched thither two hundred men; at whose approach the enemy
abandoned their magazine, and retreated with great precipitation. Here
the detachment took post in a church until they could build two wooden
redoubts, and mount them with artillery. In the meantime, the enemy
returning with a greater force to recover the post, some battalions,
with the light infantry, marched over the ice, in order to cut off their
communication; but they fled with great confusion, and afterwards
took post at Saint Michael, at a considerable distance farther down
the river. They now resolved to postpone the siege of Quebec, that they
might carry it on in a more regular manner. They began to rig their
ships, repair their small craft, build galleys, cast bombs and bullets,
and prepare fascines and gabions; while brigadier Murray employed
his men in making preparations for a vigorous defence. He sent out a
detachment, who surprised the enemy’s posts at Saint Augustin, Maison
Brûlée, and Le Calvaire, where they took ninety prisoners. He afterwards
ordered the light infantry to possess and fortify Cape Bouge, to prevent
the enemy’s landing at that place, as well as to be nearer at hand to
observe their motions; but when the frost broke up, so that their
ships could fall down the river, they landed at Saint Augustin; and the
English posts were abandoned one after another, the detachments retiring
without loss into the city.]


[Footnote 558: Note 4 N, p. 558. _A translation of the Declaration
delivered by the Austrian minister residing at the Hague, to his serene
highness Prince Louis of Brunswick, in answer to that which his highness
had delivered on the part of his Britannic Majesty and the King
of Prussia, on the 25th of November, 1759, to the ministers of the
belligerent powers._

“Their Britannic and Prussian majesties having thought proper to make
known, by the declaration delivered, on their part, at the Hague, the
25th of November last past, to the ambassadors and ministers of the
courts of Vienna, Petersburgh, and Versailles, residing there:

“‘That being sincerely desirous of contributing to the re-establishment
of the public tranquillity, they were ready to send plenipotentiaries
to the place that shall be judged the most convenient, in order to treat
there of this important object with those which the belligerent parties
shall think proper to authorize on their side for attaining so salutary
an end:’

“Her majesty the empress queen of Hungary and Bohemia, her majesty the
empress of all the Russias, and his majesty the most Christian king,
equally animated by the desire of contributing to the re-establishment
of the public tranquillity, on a solid and equitable footing, declare in
return,--

“That his majesty the Catholic king having been pleased to offer his
mediation in the war which had subsisted for some years between France
and England; and this war having besides nothing in common with that
which the two empresses, with their allies, have likewise carried on for
some years against the king of Prussia;

“His most Christian majesty is ready to treat of his particular peace
with England, through the good offices of his Catholic majesty, whose
mediation he has a pleasure in accepting;

“As to the war which regards directly his Prussian majesty, their
majesties, the empress queen of Hungary and Bohemia, the empress of all
the Russias, and the most Christian king, are disposed to agree to the
appointing the congress proposed. But as, by virtue of their treaties,
they cannot enter into any engagement relating to peace but in
conjunction with their allies, it will be necessary, in order that they
may be enabled to explain themselves definitively upon that subject,
that their Britannic and Prussian majesties should previously be pleased
to cause their invitation to a congress to be made to all the powers
that are directly engaged in war against the king of Prussia; and
namely, to his majesty the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, as
likewise to his majesty the king of Sweden, who ought specifically to be
invited to the future congress.”]


[Footnote 561: Note 4 O, p. 561. _Copy of a Letter from the marquis of
Granby to the earl of Holdernesse._ My Lord, It is with the greatest
satisfaction that I have the honour of acquainting your lordship of the
success of the hereditary prince yesterday morning.

General Sporcken’s corps marched from the camp at Kalle to Liebenau,
about four in the afternoon of the twenty-ninth; the hereditary prince
followed the same evening with a body of troops, among which were the
two English battalions of grenadiers, the two of Highlanders, and four
squadrons of dragoons, Cope’s and Conway’s.

The army was under arms all day on the thirtieth, and about eleven at
night marched off, in six columns, to Liebenau. About five the next
morning, the whole army be assembled, and formed on the heights near
Corbeke. The hereditary prince was, at this time, marching in two
columns, in order to turn the enemy’s left flank; which he did by
marching to Donhelbourg, leaving Klein-Eder on his left, and forming in
two lines, with the left towards Dossel, and his right near Grimbeck,
opposite to the left flank of the enemy, whose position was with the
left to the high hill near Offendorf, and their right to Warbourg,
into which place they had flung Fischer’s corps. The hereditary prince
immediately attacked the enemy’s flank, and, after a very sharp dispute,
obliged them to give way, and, by a continual fire, kept forcing them
to fall back upon Warbourg. The army was at this time marching with the
greatest diligence to attack the enemy in front, but the infantry could
not get up in time: general Waldegrave, at the head of the British,
pressed their march as much as possible: no troops could show more
eagerness to get up than they showed. Many of the men, from the heat of
the weather, and overstraining themselves to get on through morassy and
very difficult ground, suddenly dropped down on their march.

General Mostyn, who was at the head of the British cavalry that was
formed on the right of our infantry on the other side of a large wood,
upon receiving the duke’s orders to come up with the cavalry as fast as
possible, made so much expedition, bringing them up at full trot, though
the distance was near five miles, that the British cavalry had the
happiness to arrive in time to share the glory of the day, having
successfully charged several times both the enemy’s cavalry and
infantry.

I should do injustice to the general officers, to every officer and
private man of the cavalry, if I did not beg your lordship would assure
his majesty that nothing could exceed their gallant behaviour on that
occasion.

Captain Philips made so much expedition with his cannon, as to have an
opportunity, by a severe cannonade, to oblige those who had passed the
Dymel, and were formed on the other side, to retire with the utmost
precipitation.

I received his serene highness’s orders yesterday, in the evening,
to pass the river after them, with twelve British battalions and ten
squadrons, and am now encamped upon the heights of Wilda, about four
miles from Warbourg, on the heights of which their grand army is
encamped.

M. de Muy is now retiring from the heights of Volk-Missen, where he lay
under arms last night, towards Wolfshagen. I cannot give your lordship
any account of the loss on either side. Captain Faucitt, whom I send off
with this, shall get all the intelligence he can upon this head before
he sets off. I am, &c,

GRANBY.

Saturday morning,
six o’clock.

P.S.--As I had not an opportunity of sending off captain Faucitt so soon
as I intended, I opened my letter to acquaint your lordship that I have
just joined the grand army with my detachment.]


[Footnote 564: Note 4 P, p. 564. The Germans are in general but
indifferent engineers, and little acquainted with the art of besieging.
On this occasion the Austrian general had no other prospect than that of
carrying the place by a sudden attack, or intimidating count Tavenzein,
the governor, to an immediate surrender: for he knew the Russian army
was at a considerable distance; and judged, from the character of prince
Henry of Prussia, that he would advance to the relief of the place long
before it would be taken according to the usual forms. Influenced by
these considerations, when he had invested the town, he sent a letter
to the governor, specifying that his army consisted of fifty
battalions, and fourscore squadrons; that the Russian army, amounting to
seventy-five thousand men, was within three days’ march of Breslau; that
no succour could be expected from the king of Prussia, encamped as he
was on the other side of the Elbe, and overawed by the army of count
Daun; that prince Henry, far from being in a condition to bring relief,
would not be able to stand his ground against the Russians; that
Breslau, being an open mercantile town (not a fortress), could not
be defended without contravening the established rules of war; and
therefore the governor, in case of obstinacy, had no reason to expect
an honourable capitulation, the benefit of which was now offered. He, at
the same time, sent a memorial to the civil magistrates, threatening the
town with destruction, which could by no other means be prevented than
by joining with the inhabitants in persuading the governor to embrace
immediately the terms that were proposed. Count Tavenzein, instead of
being intimidated, was encouraged by these menaces, which implied an
apprehension in Laudolm that the place would be relieved. He therefore
replied to the summons he had received, that Breslau was not simply a
mercantile town, but ought to be considered as a place of strength,
as being surrounded with works and wet ditches; that the Austrians
themselves had defended it as such after the battle of Lissa, in the
year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven; that the king his
master having commanded him to defend the place to the last extremity,
he could neither comply with general Laudohn’s proposals, nor pay the
least regard to his threat of destroying the town; as he had not been
intrusted with the care of the houses, but with the defence of the
fortifications. The Austrian convinced him that same evening, that
he threatened nothing but what he meant to perform. He opened his
batteries, and poured in upon the town a most terrible shower of bombs
and red-hot bullets, which continued till midnight. During this dreadful
discharge, which filled the place with horror and desolation, he
attempted the outworks by assault. The Croats attacked the covered way
in different places with their usual impetuosity; but were repulsed with
considerable loss, by the conduct and resolution of the governor and
garrison. These proceedings having made no impression on Tavenzein, the
besieging general had recourse again to negotiation; and offered the
most flattering articles of capitulation, which were rejected with
disdain. The governor gave him to understand, that the destruction of
the town had made no change in his resolution; though it was a practice
contrary to the law of arms, as well as to the dictates of common
humanity, to begin the siege of a fortress by ruining the inhabitants;
finally, he assured him he would wait for him upon the ramparts,
and defend the place to the utmost of his power. His observation was
certainly just: nothing could be more infamously inhuman than this
practice of making war upon the helpless unarmed inhabitants of a town
which has the misfortune to be beleaguered; yet the besieger pleaded the
example of the Prussian monarch, who had before acted the same tragedy
at Dresden. Laudohn being thus set at defiance, continued to batter
and bombard; and several subsequent assaults were given to the
fortifications.]






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