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Title: A Burial Cave in Baja California

Author: William C. Massey
        Carolyn M. Osborne

Release date: November 1, 2009 [eBook #30385]
                Most recently updated: January 5, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Anne Storer and the
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Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Anne Storer and the
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 Transcriber's Note: In this text words
 surrounded by an _underscore_ are underlined.


       *       *       *       *       *




 A BURIAL CAVE IN BAJA
 CALIFORNIA

 THE PALMER COLLECTION, 1887


 BY
 WILLIAM C. MASSEY AND CAROLYN M. OSBORNE


 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS
 Vol. 16, No. 8




 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS

 Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Millon, D. M. Schneider
 Volume 16, No. 8, pp. 339-364, plates 12-17, 7 figures in text,
 2 maps

 Submitted by editors May 16, 1960
 Issued May 12, 1961
 Price, $1.00


 University of California Press
 Berkeley and Los Angeles
 California

 Cambridge University Press
 London, England

 Manufactured in the United States of America


       *       *       *       *       *




PREFACE


In 1888 an archaeological collection of material from Bahía de Los
Angeles in Baja California was deposited in the United States National
Museum by Dr. Edward Palmer. Although the material was duly catalogued,
together with Dr. Palmer's notes, it has gone undescribed until the
present.

Dr. Robert F. Heizer called this collection to the attention of the
senior author in 1948. At that time the archaeology of Baja California
was receiving emphasis at the University of California because of
the interest of the Associates in Tropical Biogeography, under the
chairmanship of Dr. C. O. Sauer. The late Professor E. W. Gifford, then
Curator of the Museum of Anthropology at the University of California,
arranged with Dr. T. Dale Stewart of the United States National Museum
for a temporary study loan of the collection.

From the beginning, the division of labor between the authors has been
primarily in terms of "hard" and "soft" artifacts. Massey has handled
the analyses of the imperishable artifacts, their ethnographic and
archaeological distributions, and the distributions of all artifacts
for Baja California. Mrs. Osborne has dealt with the netting, textiles,
and cordage, and the distribution of their techniques outside Baja
California. Dr. Lila M. O'Neale began the analysis of the textiles
and netting and directed it until her untimely death. Professor E. W.
Gifford advised on the initial description of the imperishable
artifacts.

This presentation has been delayed for many reasons, but the intervening
years have added much detailed information to the original data, both in
the literature of anthropology and in subsequent field work.

We are very grateful to friends, past and present, for their help and
encouragement. We wish to acknowledge the support of the Department of
Anthropology, University of California, for the photographs of the
imperishable materials. Thanks are due Bob Ormsby, a University of
Washington student, for the drawings of netting. All other drawings and
the maps were done by June M. Massey. We acknowledge with thanks the
assistance of Mrs. Gene Marquez, whose services as a typist were
provided by the Department of Biological Sciences of the University of
Florida.

Above all we wish to dedicate this small work to the memories of two
tireless teachers and workers in anthropology--and in humanity: Dr. Lila
M. O'Neale and Professor E. W. Gifford.

                                      W.C.M.
                                      C.M.O.




CONTENTS


                                    Page
 Preface                             iii
 Introduction                        339
 Ethnographic background             339
 The site                            341
 The burials                         341
 Artifacts                           341
   Stone                             341
   Bone                              342
   Shell                             342
   Midden potsherds                  343
   Wood                              343
   Cordage and textiles              345
     Simplest uses of prepared cord  345
     Haftings                        346
     Matting                         346
     Netting                         347
     Feathered apron or cape         349
     Human hair cape                 349
     Tump band                       350
     Cotton cloth                    351
 Summary and conclusions             351
 Bibliography                        352
 Explanation of plates               356


MAPS

 1. Baja California, showing
      location of Bahía de Los Angeles    339
 2. Linguistic groups of Baja California  340


FIGURES

 1. Detail of arrow or dart (139587),
      showing sting-ray spine point and
      cuplike depression at butt end      344
 2. Tie-twined matting technique          346
 3. Square-knot technique                 347
 4. Method of beginning hairnets and
      carrying nets                       347
 5. Detail of lower, fitted edge of
    hairnet                               348
 6. Detail of lower, gathered edge of
      carrying net                        348
 7. Detail showing insertion of feathers
      in hitches of carrying net          349




 [Illustration: Map 1. Baja California, showing location of
 Bahía de Los Angeles.]


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 A BURIAL CAVE IN BAJA CALIFORNIA

 THE PALMER COLLECTION, 1887

 BY
 WILLIAM C. MASSEY AND CAROLYN M. OSBORNE




INTRODUCTION


In December of 1887 Dr. Edward Palmer, the naturalist, set sail from the
port of Guaymas in Sonora, crossed the Gulf of California, and landed at
Bahía de Los Angeles on the peninsula of Baja California. Then, as now,
there was a modest gold-mining operation at the bay. During his brief
stay at the mining station, Dr. Palmer excavated a small natural cave
which had been used by the Indians who were then extinct in that part
of the peninsula.

Seven partially disturbed skeletons and a variety of associated
artifacts were collected and deposited at the United States National
Museum. The collection also included some potsherds and shells from a
midden on the shores of the bay. All of these items were listed and
briefly described in the Annual Report of the United States National
Museum for the year 1888 (pp. 127-129).

Aside from the intrinsic value of presenting archaeological material
from the little-known area of Baja California, the Palmer Collection has
particular importance because of its immediate geographic source. Bahía
de Los Angeles lies in that part of Baja California most accessible to
the Mexican mainland (map 1). Not only is there a relative physical
closeness, but the Gulf islands form here a series of "stepping stones"
from Bahía de Los Angeles across to Tiburon Island, home of the Seri,
and thence to the adjacent mainland coast of Sonora.

The bay lies in the north-central desert region of the peninsula, where
the environment is especially difficult because of extreme aridity,
scarcity of surface water, and the consequent dearth of plant and animal
life.

In view of these conditions, it has been suggested that the Seri may be
descendants of people who, hard-pressed by the environmental poverty of
this section of Baja California, may have moved across the Gulf to
Tiburon Island and Sonora (Kroeber, 1931, pp. 5, 49-50). This hypothesis
has appealed to one California archaeologist, although at present there
is insufficient evidence from archaeology or ethnography either to
support or to deny it (Rogers, 1945, p. 194). However, the
archaeological collection from Bahía de Los Angeles does indicate
trade and some contact across the Gulf.

In this paper emphasis is placed on the evaluation of the Palmer
Collection with respect to the known archaeology and ethnography of Baja
California.




ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND


The Indians who inhabited the area surrounding Bahía de Los Angeles
spoke the Borjeño language of the Peninsular Yuman group, of the Yuman
Family of languages (map 2). They were linguistically and historically
related to other Yuman-speaking groups of the peninsula and areas to the
north (Massey, 1949, p. 292). At the time of European contact these
people--like all other aboriginal groups on the peninsula--were hunters,
fishers, and gatherers. The nearest agricultural tribes were on the
lower Colorado River.

Culturally, the Borjeño were like other Peninsular Yumans of relatively
late prehistoric and historic periods in central Baja California.
However, they lived in more widely scattered groups because of the
greater scarcity of water in this part of the peninsula. Immediately to
the north of them at Bahía de San Luis Gonzaga--at approximately the
30th parallel--a decided break with the Peninsular Yuman tradition
occurred.

In 1746, during a voyage up the gulf coast from Loreto to the mouth of
the Colorado River, Father Fernando Consag noted that (1) the Spanish
and their "Cochimí" interpreters could not converse with the natives;
(2) the natives had dogs; and (3) the Indians had pottery vessels
(Venegas, 1944, III:107-109).

The Hungarian Jesuit was the first to note the southeastern linguistic
boundary of the California Yuman groups, a boundary which lay
immediately north of Bahía de Los Angeles. At the same time he placed
the southernmost extent of dogs and the making or use of pottery on the
peninsula in the 18th century.

In describing the collection from Bahía de Los Angeles, we have the
benefit of ethnographic descriptions from three periods of the Spanish
occupation of Baja California prior to 1769 and the expulsion of the
Jesuit missionaries. Some historical data derive from the initial
voyages of the Spanish along the gulf coast in the 16th century. Later
there were occasional contacts with these natives by Jesuit explorers
during the first half of the 18th century. Finally, there was the period
of active missionization, beginning with the foundation of Santa
Gertrudis (1751) and continuing with San Borja (1762) and Santa María
(1766).

 [Illustration: Map 2. Linguistic Groups of Baja California.]

Toward the end of the 18th century there are applicable descriptions
of Indians immediately to the north by the Dominican priest, Father Luis
Sales (1794).

The ethnographic information contained in the documents bears out the
fact that the cave artifacts belong in the cultural tradition of the
Borjeño who inhabited the region at the time of European contact and
conquest.




THE SITE


Bahía de Los Angeles is a semicircular bay, about four miles in
diameter, on the gulf coast of Baja California at 28° 55' N. and 113°
30' W. (map 1). On the northwest it is open to the waters of the Gulf of
California and to the Canal de las Ballenas, which runs between the
peninsula and Isla Ángel de la Guarda, some twelve miles distant. (This
island and the smaller Isla Smith obstruct a view of the outer gulf,
and from the shore Bahía de Los Angeles appears to be completely
landlocked.) Within a few hundred feet of the shore, sandy beaches give
way to the talus slopes of the mesas and peaks which edge the bay. An
arroyo enters the bay from the west.

The cave excavated by Dr. Palmer is situated on a granitic hill to the
west of the bay, at an elevation of 30 ft. above sea level. Just below
the mouth of the narrow fissure is a spring which supplies water to the
little mining community. The cave itself measures 9 ft. in depth; it is
6 ft. wide and 5 ft. high at the mouth. Before Dr. Palmer's excavations,
miners of the Gulf Gold Mining Company had removed some stones--referred
to in the Report as a "wall"--from the front of the fissure, thus
exposing a few bones, which lay sun-bleached on the talus slope (Annual
Report, 1888, p. 127).




THE BURIALS


The small cave at Bahía de Los Angeles contained at least seven burials:
six adults and "fragments of one or more infants" (Annual Report, 1888,
p. 128). These burials were extended with an east-west orientation
corresponding to the axis of the fissure; the foot bones were to the
west, at the mouth of the cave, and the crania were in the tapered
interior. The published report does not indicate whether placement was
prone or supine.

According to the Report the burials had been placed on a layer of sewn
rush matting (139533[1]; see "Matting"), of which three bundles were
collected.

 [1] Numbers throughout this paper refer to catalogue numbers of the
 United States National Museum unless otherwise specified.

The artifacts described here were found in direct association with the
skeletons. There are few details as to actual associations. However,
three hairnets (139534) were found on three of the crania.

To date, the use of small caves for the specific purpose of burial
appears to be characteristic only of the extreme south of Baja
California, in the Cape Region. Interments there were customarily
secondary, although primary burials, usually flexed, do occur (Massey,
MS 1). In the extensive area that lies between Bahía de Los Angeles and
the Cape Region, excavations have failed to produce cave cemeteries. To
judge from published reports, such a custom was rare elsewhere in
western North America.

A variety of artifacts accompanied the burials, but while the range of
types is large, the number of any one type is small. Preservation of all
specimens is generally good. We are fortunate in having perishable
pieces--netting, matting, cloth, and wood. Certain general categories of
items, such as household utensils and remains of foodstuffs, are absent
and unreported.




ARTIFACTS


STONE

_Tubular stone pipes._--Two tubular sandstone pipes were recovered from
the cave. They are dissimilar in size, and, in some particulars, in
manufacture.

The larger specimen (139563; pl. 12, _e_) is a ground sandstone tube,
29.8 cm. long. In shape it tapers very gradually from the broad bowl end
to the narrower mouth end. The conical bowl is 3.5 cm. deep; the mouth
end has a depth of 1.6 cm. A small (4 mm.) drilled hole connects the two
ends. The mouth end is filled by a plug of partially carbonized matted
coarse fibers. There is a narrow carbonized strip, slightly in from the
bowl end, which runs around the pipe; this appears to be the remnant of
a cord that had been tied around it. Since the pipe had been broken at
that end, it may have been repaired aboriginally with such a cord.

The smaller pipe (139564; pl. 12, _d_) barely tapers from the bowl end
to the mouth end. The ends of this pipe are conically drilled and they
interconnect; there is no drilled hole connecting the bowl with the
mouth end, as in the larger specimen. A partially carbonized plug of
matted coarse fibers also fills the mouth end of the smaller pipe.

Although simple tubular stone pipes occur sporadically in the
archaeology of the Southwest, they are encountered frequently in central
and northern Baja California. Stone tubes or pipes, called _chacuacos_,
are often mentioned in Spanish sources as part of the shaman's
paraphernalia in this Yuman-speaking area of the peninsula (Venegas,
1944, I:93, 95; Clavigero, 1937, p. 115).

In the known areas of archaeological occurrence these pipes appear in
two distinct sizes, even as they are represented in the two Bahía de Los
Angeles specimens. There is the long type, measuring more than 15 cm.,
of which several specimens have been found in Baja California, at Bahía
de Los Angeles, at a site near the Rosario Mission in the northwest, and
throughout the central part of the peninsula (Massey, field notes). This
type has also been noted from Ortiz, Sonora (Di Peso, 1957, p. 288), and
in a late prehistoric or historic level at Ventana Cave (Haury, 1950,
p. 331).

The shorter type, usually about 7 cm. in length, is known to occur in
the general central region around Mulegé (Massey, MS 2) and at Bahía de
Los Angeles. In the Southwest, the smaller type has been reported from
Chiricahua-Amargosa II levels at Ventana Cave (Haury, 1950, p. 329); La
Candelaria Cave, Coahuila (Aveleyra _et_ _al._, 1956, pp. 174-175); San
Cayetano Ruin (Di Peso, 1956, pp. 423-430); and from a series of sites,
particularly in the Mogollon area (Martin _et_ _al._, 1952, pp. 112-113,
fig. 44).

Similar pipes have also been found in the western Great Basin at
Lovelock Cave (Loud and Harrington, 1929, pl. 52) on the old shoreline
of Humboldt Lake (ibid., pl. 65), and at Humboldt Cave (Heizer and
Krieger, 1956, p. 71; pl. 31, _e_, _f_).

Ethnographically, pipes of straight tubular shape are characteristic of
California, the Great Basin, and the west coast of Mexico; however, they
are usually of pottery where pottery-making was known (Driver and
Massey, 1957, pp. 262-263, map 70). In these areas they were used for
smoking, frequently in association with religious or curing ceremonies.

In mission times tubular stone pipes were used throughout northern and
central Baja California by shamans; they were smoked and the smoke was
blown on injured or diseased parts, or they were used as sucking and
blowing tubes for the removal of disease-causing objects.

_Miscellaneous stone artifacts._--There are few stone artifacts besides
the pipes. Among these is a worked piece of pumice (139613), 8 cm. by 4
cm., which has a bowl-like concavity ground through from one side to the
other (pl. 12, _c_). There are two fragments of gypsum which have been
roughly chipped along one or more edges (139568, pl. 13, _f_; 139569).


BONE

_Bone awls or "daggers."_--Two bone awls or "daggers" of identical type
are included in the collection (139589, a and b; pl. 12, _a_, _b_). Both
specimens are made of the sawed and ground metapodials of some large
mammal, presumably deer. The shorter of the two (139589a) retains
vestiges of a black adhesive for half the length of its convex surface.
This is probably the result of hafting. Nothing precisely comparable to
these specimens has been reported so far in the archaeology of the
peninsula; however, similar artifacts do occur in near-by regions. They
have been reported from southern California (Gifford, 1940, p. 161),
from Basketmaker sites in Arizona (Kidder and Guernsey, 1919, p. 128),
and from Ventana Cave, where they are concentrated in Level 4 (Haury,
1950, fig. 86J, p. 376, table 30).

Other bone artifacts comprise two parts to flakers (139556, 139557), for
which see "Wooden Artifacts."


SHELL

A number of shell ornaments and a piece of coral were recovered from the
cave. At the same time unworked specimens were found and collected both
from the cave and from the midden which occupies the bay shore just east
of the cave.

_Abalone ornaments._--Three abalone shell ornaments (139551-139553),
identified as _Haliotis splendens_, were found. Two are complete, one
(139553) is fragmental. They all appear to be examples of a single type.
They are oval to circular, with the following dimensions: 139551 (pl.
13, _c_) is 4.8 cm. in diameter; 139552 (pl. 13, _a_) is 5.3 by 4.3 cm.;
and 139553 (pl. 13, _b_) appears to have been 3.9 cm. in diameter.
Thickness varies between 2 and 3 mm. In manufacture the original
external surface of the shell has been ground and polished to a nacreous
surface. In decoration of the two complete specimens there is a central
conically drilled hole from which short incisions radiate, and an
additional hole is drilled on one edge, probably for stringing. The
fragmental specimen (139553) has these holes, but in addition has three
other holes drilled near the original central hole. The original
description of the artifacts suggests that these holes may have been
intended as repairs (Annual Report, 1888, p. 129). All three shell
specimens are edge-incised, and two have punctate designs.

Until the present, few shell ornaments have been noted in the
archaeology of Baja California. No specimens identical to those from
Bahía de Los Angeles are known; however, all of the decorative elements
and techniques recorded here can be duplicated among specimens of oyster
(_Pinctada mazatlanica_) shell ornaments from the Cape Region far to the
south (Massey, MS 1). Since abalone do not occur in the Gulf of
California, these shells must have been obtained by the Bahía de Los
Angeles people from the Pacific Coast, either directly or in trade.
Specific mention of the use of abalone among the historic Indians of the
peninsula is rare in the documents; however, contemporary Kiliwa women
use pieces of the shell for ornamentation (Meigs, 1939, p. 35).

Abalone shell was commonly used by peoples of adjacent California. Both
the shell and, probably, the ornaments themselves were widely traded
into the Southwest. Ornaments very similar to the Bahía de Los Angeles
specimens have been found in Basketmaker caves in Arizona (Guernsey and
Kidder, 1921, p. 49).

_Olivella shell._--Four broken strings of _Olivella_ shell beads (_O_.
_biplicata_) (139546) were found with the burials. Two types are
represented. There are three short strands, totaling 17 beads, in which
only the spires have been ground from the shells for stringing (pl. 13,
_e_). The fourth strand held 9 _Olivella_ shells, somewhat larger than
the others, from which both the spires and bases had been ground (pl.
13, _d_).

In addition to the strings of beads, _Olivella_ shell is recorded in
use with two other specimens in the collection. Fragments of shells are
found as inlay on a wooden artifact (139565); for a description see the
section on "Wooden Artifacts." They are also found tied in with bundles
of human hair in a garment (139539).

The use of _Olivella_ shells, with spires, bases, or both removed by
grinding in order to make beads, is known throughout Baja California
archaeologically. Similar occurrences are even more frequent in the
archaeology of southern and central California (Gifford, 1947, p. 11).
_Olivella_ shells inlaid in asphaltum have been found in southern
California (ibid., p. 36). The inlaid fragments of the shell from Bahía
de Los Angeles duplicate this type of decoration.

_Coral._--There is a piece of coral (139566) which may have been
purposefully smoothed into an elongate object, 10.5 cm. in length.

_Unworked shell._--Dr. Palmer collected sample specimens of unworked
shell from the open midden on the bay to the east of the burial site, as
well as unworked shell in association with the burials in the cave
(Annual Report, 1888, p. 129). These are listed below:

    Cave Specimens
      139561-_Cardium_ _elatum_ Sby.
      139562-_Pecten_ (_vola_) _dentata_ Sby.
    Midden Specimens
      139590-_Cardium_ _pentunculus_
      139591-(_Aximea_) _gigantea_
      139592-_Strombus_ _gracilior_ Sby.
      139593-_Strombus_ _tesselatum_
      139594-_Callista_ _chionaea_
      139595-_Chione_ _fluctifraga_
      139596-_Crucibulum_ _spinosum_ Sby.
      139597-_Chione_ (?) _succinata_
      139598-_Neverita_ _reclugiana_
      139599-_Dosinia_ _ponderosa_
      139600-_Arca_ sp.
      139602-_Pecten_ (_vola_) _dentata_
      139603-_Venus_ _guidia_
      139604-_Cardita_ (_Lazaria_) _californica_
      139605-_Avicula_ sp.
      139606-_Tapes_ _grata_ Sby. and _histrionica_
      139607-_Solecurtus_ _californianus_ Com.
      139608-_Spondylus_ _princeps_
      139609-_Ostraea_ _palmilla_ cpr.
      139610-_Liacardium_ _elatium_
      139611-_Phyllontus_ sp.
      139612-_Prinna_ sp.


MIDDEN POTSHERDS

In addition to the unworked shells there are body and rim sherds from
at least two pottery vessels which came from a shell midden on the bay.

There is a single rim sherd (139614a) which comes from a shallow bowl
with a direct flat-topped rim. Color of both the interior and exterior
surfaces is buff. The paste is fairly coarse, with a granitic sand
temper which has also some pumice inclusions. There is also evidence of
vegetable-fiber inclusions. There is no mica in the paste. The fragment
is 5 mm. thick.

The second fragment (139614b) is a large rim and body sherd from a large
bowl which would have been 27 cm. in diameter and 17 cm. high. The rim
is direct, with a grooved lip (pl. 18, _a_, _b_). The surface color is
black to dark gray. The paste is coarse, with sand and quartz
inclusions, some of which are as large as 5 mm. in diameter. No mica is
present. The surface is scarred by burned-away vegetable inclusions. The
specimen is about 9 mm. thick.

This pottery could have been native-made pottery from the Mission
period, or it could have been derived from pottery-making Indians to
the north. Neither source has been adequately studied on the peninsula.
Comparable pieces have been seen, however, from mission ruins in central
and northern Baja California.


WOOD

_Flakers._--Two compound flakers, made by securing pieces of ground bone
to short wooden shafts, were found in the collection. In one specimen
(139556) the entire flaker measures 12 cm., and the projecting bone 3.4
cm. (pl. 14, _b_). The other specimen (139557) is 13.1 cm. long, with a
bone piece 5.6 cm. long (pl. 14, _c_). In both specimens the ground
pieces of bone were laid in grooves in the round wooden shafts, and
secured to them with 2-ply Z-twist cordage (see "Haftings" for details).
Both of the wood shafts are incised with lines encircling the handle
area. These lines may have been decorative, or they may have been
intended to supply friction to the grasp.

Flakers of bone have been reported for the northern part of Baja
California (Sales, 1794, I:49) and must have been known to all peoples
on the peninsula despite the absence of direct evidence in the
archaeology and most of the historical sources. They were known
throughout adjacent regions, although usually in the form of simple
antler tines. Specimens identical to those from Bahía de Los Angeles,
except for the use of sinew lashing in place of the cordage, have been
reported from Basketmaker caves in Arizona (Guernsey and Kidder, 1921,
p. 96; fig. 15c).

_Cane whistles._--Two cane, or _carrizo_, whistles were found in the
cave. They are identical in form and mode of construction, but they
differ in decorative details. In both the whistle hole is cut into the
cane at a node, and is reinforced with a black adhesive, possibly
asphaltum.

Around the whistle hole of the longer of the two specimens (139588a; pl.
15, _h_) are five pits which have been burned in; two are at one end of
the hole, three at the other. As added decoration a series of incisions
encircles the shaft of the whistle, some of which, at the mouth end, are
joined by pairs of cut lines. All of these incisions are blackened,
either by carbon or through handling.

The shorter whistle (139588b; pl. 15, _g_) has no burned pits at the
hole, but the encircling incisions, minus the connecting lines, are
present. At the end of the whistle opposite the mouth is the remnant of
a hole in which there is a fragment of knotted cordage.

No other whistles have been recorded for the archaeology of the
peninsula. Spanish documentary sources are unrefined in the
differentiation of flutes and whistles; either or both were known to the
historic tribes of Baja California. Use was restricted to ceremonial
occasions in all recorded instances.

Directly to the north of Bahía de Los Angeles, in the 18th century,
shamans used whistles in ceremonies performed several days after a death
(Sales, 1794, I:79), just as the modern Kiliwa use a reed flute at the
_ñiwey_ ceremony (Meigs, 1939, p. 45). In neighboring southern
California, the use of flutes was nearly universal, while whistles
were used infrequently (Drucker, 1937, p. 25).

_Bull-roarer_ (?).--One highly polished wooden artifact (139565) may
have been used as a bull-roarer. This artifact, with a length of 23.5
cm., a diameter of 5.1 cm., and a thickness of 6 mm. (pl. 15, _i_), is
made of a very hard dark wood--probably ironwood, _Olneva_ _tesota_. It
is concave on both faces. At each end, and at a right angle to the main
axis of the specimen, is a groove filled with a hardened black substance
inlaid with fragments of _Olivella_ shell (_O_. _biplicata_). The hole
at one end is biconically drilled. This artifact has been tentatively
called a "bull-roarer" because no other purpose can be conjectured. It
is too large for a net-gauge, which it somewhat resembles because of its
concave ends.

There is no mention of bull-roarers in the Spanish sources for the
peninsula; however, one archaeological specimen has been recovered from
the surface of a cave in the San Julio Basin, to the east of Comondú.
This wooden bull-roarer has a conventional shape; it is a long
oval-shaped piece of hardwood which is double-convex or lenticular in
cross section and has a length of 21.5 cm.[2]

 [2] This specimen (3-10308) is in the University of California Robert H.
 Lowie Museum of Anthropology, Berkeley. Location is from field notes,
 Massey, 1946.

The use of bull-roarers for ceremonial purposes was nearly universal in
southern California (Drucker, 1937, p. 25). They have also been reported
for the Kiliwa of northern Baja California, where they were used by
shamans in the _ñiwey_ ceremony, and for placating ghosts by anyone in
an emergency (Meigs, 1939, p. 45).

_Projectiles._--A single compound arrow (139587) or dart is in the
Palmer Collection. Although it is broken, there can be no doubt that the
two pieces of cane shaft form a single piece, 92.5 cm. in length (pl.
15, _a_). There is no foreshaft. The sting-ray spine, which makes an
excellent natural projectile point, was let directly into the split end
of the cane, and was secured by cord binding (see "Haftings"). Instead
of the usual nock in the butt end of the shaft for a bowstring, there is
a cuplike depression (fig. 1). This suggests, of course, that this may
have been a dart for use with a thrower or atlatl. Although that weapon
is unreported in the Spanish sources on central and northern Baja
California, dart-throwers were reported by Spanish explorers for the
first quarter of the 17th century for the southern Cape Region; they are
also known archaeologically from the same area (Massey, 1957, pp.
55-62).

 [Illustration: Fig. 1. Detail of arrow or dart (139587), showing
 sting-ray spine point and cuplike depression at butt end.]

One smoothed wooden specimen (139560) appears to have been a foreshaft.
It is sharply pointed at one end, and has a cuplike depression in the
opposite, thicker end. It is straight and tapered, with a length of 38
cm. (pl. 15, _f_). Similar specimens are common in historic levels of
caves in the Sierra de La Giganta (Massey and Tuohy, MS).

_Viznaga spines._--A bundle of seven spines of the _Viznaga_ cactus
(_Echinocactus_ _wislizeni_) was found (139547; pl. 14, _a_). These
spines had all been straightened from their natural curved condition.
They could have served a variety of piercing purposes.

_Miscellaneous wooden artifacts._--In addition to the artifacts of
vegetable origin that can be identified with certainty, there are
several fragments and whole specimens which remain to be considered.

There is a round straight piece of wood (139559), measuring 30.5 cm. in
length and 8 mm. in diameter, which has both ends blunted and rounded,
apparently from use in grinding and pounding (pl. 15, _e_). Its exact
use is unknown.

Two sticks, lashed together in two places, were found (139585a).
Together they measure 50 cm. in length (pl. 15, _c_). The longer pointed
stick has a notched end as for an arrow butt (see "Haftings" for details
of the tying).

There is also a round, sharply pointed, and tapered fragment of hardwood
with a length of 8.8 cm. The shape suggests that it may have been part
of a digging stick; however, the specimen is very highly polished on all
of its preserved surfaces.

Two wooden fragments (139586) are listed in the catalogue of the United
States National Museum as parts of a bow. Actually there is little about
their shape to suggest such a use (pl. 15, _b_). Both are round in cross
section, and they do not fit together. One piece (139586a), which is 58
cm. in length, is slightly curved, with a knob carved on the complete
end. There are faint indications that there had previously been
wrappings at this end. The other specimen (139586b), with a length of
56.5 cm. and a diameter of 1.3 cm., is fragmental at both ends. It has
two places in which the shaft has been carved around. Incised diagonal
lines mark the surface in several places.


CORDAGE AND TEXTILES

In addition to the cordage used in the fabrication of articles of
apparel, household utensils, and for the hafting of tools, the cave
contained the usual miscellany of prepared fibers and knots (139544)
usually of agave fiber. There is also a bundle of unspun hair tied in
the center with an overhand knot (139543). The bulk of the miscellaneous
cordage is 2-ply cord--each single S-twisted with a final Z-twist. Since
the spinning is so uniformly of this twisting, it is highly probable
that manufacture of the cordage followed that described by Kissell for
the Papago, and noted in many other places. This method of "down
movement" followed by an "up movement" to make the 2-ply gives a
preliminary S-twist and a final Z-twist (Kissell, 1916, p. 229).

Under the microscope, one of the specimens shows a single fiber, used as
a tie at a position where a new bundle of fibers is added, weaving in
and out of the old and new bundles. This gives the fibers much stronger
binding than does twisting together alone. The twist is normally
medium-hard to hard with an occasional crêpe twist.

Fur-wrapped cord, of which only fragments were recovered, consists of
strips of hide with fur attached, about 1 cm. wide, wrapped around
(S-twist) already prepared 2-ply _agave_ fiber cord. No articles were
found which had been constructed with fur-wrapped cord.

Since these fragments are undoubtedly bits broken from finished articles
or remnants from the construction of articles, it is not surprising
that, with one notable exception, they cover the range of prepared
cordage for the other specimens. The exception is cotton cord, of which
no fragments were recovered. This strengthens the hypothesis that the
cotton cloth (139537) was brought to the peninsula in its manufactured
state.

Both human-hair cord and palm-fiber cordage, common to cave collections
from the Cape Region of southern Baja California, are missing here at
Bahía de Los Angeles.

Square knots are most common in the collection of miscellaneous cordage.
This is to be expected, in view of the square-knot construction of the
hairnets and carrying nets found in the cave.

Identifiable vegetal fibers include those of _Apocynum_ sp. (probably
_cannabinum_) and _Agave_ sp.[3]

 [3] Identifications were made by Dr. Herbert Mason and Miss Annetta
 Carter, University of California Herbarium.

On a comparative basis the cordage and miscellaneous knots from Bahía de
Los Angeles are most like historic-period materials from central Baja
California. Excavated sites and large private collections there contain
an overwhelming amount of cordage that is 2-ply Z-twist; both square and
overhand knots were found. Again like Bahía de Los Angeles, nets were
made by the square-knot technique (Massey and Tuohy, MS).

The southern part of the peninsula, on the contrary, exhibits 2-ply
Z-twist cordage only in slightly over 50 per cent of collected
specimens. Both knots were known, but netting was made entirely by
lark's-head knotting (Massey, MS 1).


_Simplest Uses of Prepared Cord_

_Four-warp weaving._--Many samples of 4-warp weaving were found in the
miscellaneous fiber collection (139544) and in a group of woven
fragments (139554). None was found in connection with the finished
articles of the collection, so that their use is purely conjectural. The
warp is generally 2-ply, Z-twist, medium- to hard-twist cordage;
the weft is the same, but generally lighter in weight than the warp.

_Cord-wrapped sticks (bobbins?)._--There are two kinds of sticks wrapped
with cordage: single short sticks loosely wrapped around the midsection
(bobbins?), and pairs of sticks tied together end-to-end tightly in two
places. The cord on these specimens is invariably of the common 2-ply
Z-twist agave fiber.

One of the pairs of sticks (139585a), with a total length of 50 cm.,
consists of a pointed stick with a nocked butt end lashed tightly to
the second stick in two places (pl. 15, _c_). The stick with the nock
appears to be the butt end of a projectile shaft. If it were, it would
be unusual for Baja California, where projectile shafts are usually of
cane. The second specimen (139558d) consists of two lengths of cane,
10.3 and 5.4 cm. long, which are loosely bound with a single-strand
fiber (pl. 14, _f_).

Four specimens of sticks wrapped with cord were recovered. Lengths of
these specimens are as follows: 139558a, 22 cm. (pl. 15, _d_); 139558b,
15.8 cm. (pl. 14, _e_); 139558c, 17.3 cm. (pl. 14, _d_); and 139549, 11
cm.

_Strings for beads._--Shell beads were strung on a very fine 2-ply cord,
probably made of agave fiber; each ply consists of about three fibers,
probably of agave also (139546; pl. 13, _d_). Both of these groups are
fragments, so use is again problematical.

_Miscellaneous._--There is a piece of hide wrapped with a 2-ply cord,
probably of agave fibers, loosely Z-twisted (139548; pl. 14, _g_). The
first end is secured by wrapping-over; the outer end is drawn under some
of the cord and pulled tight.

Noticeably lacking from the cave materials are sections of reed strung
on cord, which formed the aprons of women throughout most of the
peninsula. Specimens of this type are abundantly reported for all
of central and southern Baja California, and they have been
archaeologically found in the central area (Massey, MS 1).


_Haftings_

Five different types of hafting were found among the Bahía de Los
Angeles artifacts.

_Flakers (see "Wooden Artifacts")._--One bone flaker (139556; pl. 14,
_b_) is hafted with eight rounds of cord, of 2-ply Z-twist agave,
medium- to hard-twist; each single consists of three to five
fibers, Z-twisted, loose-to-medium. The original end was secured by
wrapping-over; the final end is broken and not secured at the present
time. An overhand knot with no function occurs in the wrapping.

A second bone flaker (139557; pl. 14, _c_) is hafted with a 2-ply agave
cord, S-twist, medium, which is wrapped three times around the bone and
wood. The end is drawn under the three wrappings and twisted to the
original end.

_Darts or arrows._--A third hafted specimen (139585) consists of what
appears to be broken parts of two arrows hafted together for greater
length, wrapped in two places. The "rear" haftings, obviously the main
tying, consist of a cord wrapped twelve times around the two pieces; the
first end caught down by the succeeding wrappings and the final end
pulled tight under the entire series and cut off. The same type of cord
is used for the secondary "front" tie, where it is wrapped around from
the middle and tied with a granny knot.

The sting-ray spine point of the cane projectile (139587) was simply
inserted into the hollow cane shaft which had been split down to a node.
The cord securing the point begins at the node on the shaft where the
cord end is caught under three wrappings, carried up the split in the
cane, wrapped three times around the end of the cane, and broken (fig.
1). It may once have been secured by drawing under the final wrappings,
as were most of the Bahía de Los Angeles haftings. The cordage used is 2
mm. in diameter of 2-ply agave (?) with a medium-to-hard Z-twist. Each
single is S-twisted and very loose.

_Water bags (?)._--There is a cord wrapping around what may have been
the neck of a bladder or skin water bag (139555; pl. 16, _b_). The piece
of skin had been folded together very evenly by accordion-pleating and
wrapped for a length of 2 cm. with a 2-ply loosely twisted Z-twist cord,
and finally secured with a granny knot.

Skins of animals and fish bladders were in use as water containers in
this area in early historic times, as reported by Francisco Ulloa in
1540 (Wagner, 1925, pp. 25, 28). Farther south on the peninsula similar
water bags were reported in use in the 18th century (Baegert, 1942, p.
85; W. Rogers, 1928, p. 208).


_Matting_

Two pieces of matting of distinct types were preserved in the
collection. They probably were saved by Dr. Palmer as samples of the
types in the cave.

One of the pieces (139544) is sewed, or threaded, rush matting (pl. 16,
_d_). The lengths of rush (_Juncus_ _acutus_ var. _phaerocarpus_), which
form the warp are pierced at intervals of about 10 cm. by the sewing
thread which is a continuous length of cord, probably of _agave_. This
sewing element, which serves as the weft, consists of 2-ply Z-twist cord
with a medium-to-hard twist. Each single ply is Z-twisted in medium
degree. Total size of this well-preserved fragment is about 50 cm. by 21
cm. The one selvage which has been preserved would indicate that the
width of the mat at least was set when the worker began the sewing
process.

Apparently threaded or sewed matting was not widely used in neighboring
areas to the north. Such matting with a decorative selvage was found by
Cosgrove in a cave in the Upper Gila region (Cosgrove, 1947, p. 114).
Distributions which he gives are confined to early Pueblo period
cultures in the Southwest.[4] The trait was specifically denied for
Humboldt Cave (Heizer and Krieger, 1956, p. 58).

 [4] He lists Tularosa Cave (Hough, 1914, p. 87, fig. 178) and Segi
 Canyon (Guernsey, 1931, pl. 58a).

The second fragment of matting (139540) consists of bundles of unspun
fibers secured by cord with a simple overhand knot which holds the fiber
warp closely together (fig. 2). In this tie-twined matting the wefts are
spaced at intervals of 3.2 cm., and they consist of 2-ply _agave_ (?)
cord with a loose to medium Z-twist, with each single strand S-twisted.
The warp bundles, identified as grass, are not twisted.

 [Illustration: Fig. 2. Tie-twined matting technique.]

Although none of the Spanish accounts lists the use of matting by the
natives of Baja California, archaeological specimens of both the sewed
and tie-twined types have been recovered from caves in the central
region of the peninsula from Mulegé to Comondú (Massey and Tuohy, MS;
Massey, MS 2). The tie-twined matting also occurs in the extreme south
of the peninsula (Massey, MS 1). Mats are recorded as part of the
household furnishings of most southern Californians. Mats of _Juncus_
sp. are noted for the Mountain and Desert Diegueño. The Yuma do not use
mats (Drucker, 1937, p. 21).

The use of tie-twined matting appears to be an old trait in the Desert
Area and its cultures. It is known throughout the peninsula, where old
traits were retained, and also in archaeological collections from
various parts of the Great Basin and Southwest. A sampling of the
literature reveals the following occurrences: Lovelock Cave (Loud and
Harrington, 1929, pp. 56-60); Humboldt Cave (Heizer and Krieger, 1956,
p. 57); Danger Cave (Jennings _et_ _al._, 1957, pp. 242-243); Promontory
Point (Steward, 1937, p. 29); Hueco Area (Cosgrove, 1947, p. 113; see
also p. 114 for various other Southwestern locations); the Guadalupe
Mountain area (Ferdon, 1946, pp. 15-16); and portions of Texas
(Jackson, 1937, p. 157).


_Netting_

_Hairnets._--Two complete hairnets (139534a and b) and one fragment
(139534c) were found on crania in the cave (pl. 16, _a_, _c_). All of
these were tied with a single-element square-knot technique (fig. 3).
Cordage is of the 2-ply Z-twist type with each single S-twisted. The
cord is probably of agave fiber.

 [Illustration: Fig. 3. Square-knot technique.]

The two complete hairnets are begun with a center circle of discrete
tied yarn. Ten large loops are cast onto this. In the next round, each
of the large loops has three loops tied onto it with the continuous
cord, making a total of 30 loops for the circumference of the net
(fig. 4). The gauge of the succeeding 15 rows of knots is approximately
2.5 cm.

In order to gather the lower edge of the net for fitting purposes, the
cord was doubled and two loops were gathered together and tied with the
same square-knot technique (fig. 5).

The third net (c) has eleven loops cast onto the original circle; the
technique of tying is the same, but the mesh gauge of 1 to 1.5 cm. is
finer.

 [Illustration: Fig. 4. Method of beginning hairnets and carrying nets.]

 [Illustration: Fig. 5. Detail of lower, fitted edge of hairnet.]

 [Illustration: Fig. 6. Detail of lower, gathered edge of carrying net.]

Among the historic tribes the wearing of hairnets, both plain and
decorated, was universal among the women of Baja California. Such usage
among southern Californians was denied by all of Drucker's informants
(Drucker, 1937, p. 45). There appears to be no mention of them from the
adjacent west coast of Mexico, but they are known archaeologically from
the Great Basin. Loud and Harrington picture several from Lovelock Cave,
but give no description of the knotting technique (1929, pl. 41).
However, in their discussion of knots they mention that the "mesh knot"
(weaver's knot) was the most common, and the square knot was little
used (ibid., pp. 83-87). Actually the nets, as they appear in Loud and
Harrington's plate, are very similar to the Baja California specimens in
being knotted rather than being made by the more frequently found
coil-without-foundation technique.

Hairnets were also worn in ancient Peru. Some hairnets described by
Singer from Pachacamac were constructed with square knots, but most of
the 29 specimens she describes were made with the sheet-bend
(fisherman's) knot (Singer, 1936).

Hairnets of the square-knot construction from Bahía de Los Angeles pose,
at the present time, an unanswerable question of origin and
extrapeninsular distribution.

_Carrying net._--One fragmentary net (139535a), the original size of
which cannot be determined, is similar to the hairnets in construction,
but probably was used for carrying. The bag is tied with the same
element square knot; the mesh size is approximately 2.4 cm. Both ends of
this net, however, are gathered together. The net beginning is a small
circular piece of cord. Four loops are cast onto this; the number of
working loops is increased to 16 in the next course by the method
illustrated in figure 4. The square-knot tying begins with the next
course.

At the lower end, the meshes are gathered together with a hitch (fig.
6). This may have been put through the loops at what would have been the
top of the bag to hold it shut. This would serve as a supplementary
tying cord rather than being part of the structure of the net.

This fragmentary net has one notably unique feature. Feathers,
presumably decorative, were caught, not in the knots themselves, but
between them (fig. 7). The knot used is identical to the "marline spike
hitch" described by Graumont and Hensel (1946, p. 69; fig. 101; pl. 29).
This type of knot--more properly called a hitch--has not been reported
elsewhere among the methods of attaching feathers. As can be seen in the
reconstruction, the feather serves to hold the hitch, yet if the cord
were to be pulled tightly around it, the feather could be removed only
with difficulty. It remains puzzling that the carrying net, rather than
the hairnets, should be so decorated.

 [Illustration: Fig. 7. Detail showing insertion of feathers in hitches
 of carrying net.]

Turning to other archaeological examples of nets from the peninsula, we
learn that specimens of square-knot netting have been found to the south
in the central region from Mulegé to Comondú. Caves to the west of
Mulegé have yielded two fragments of square-knot netting (Massey, MS
2). Other examples derive from Caguama and Metate caves between Comondú
and Loreto. In Metate Cave there was a single complete carrying net
(Massey and Tuohy, MS). Elsewhere on the peninsula little is known of
them except for the southern Cape Region, where netting was in the
distinct technique of lark's-head knotting (Massey, MS 1).

On the ethnographic level, carrying nets were widely used by Indians
of western North America from Canada to Mexico, and again in Central
America. As part of this general distribution they were used throughout
the peninsula (Driver and Massey, 1957, pp. 274, 276, map 78).

Among the Lower Californians nets were used for carrying suitable
gathered products, and also, in the central part of the peninsula at
least, for carrying infants. For the latter purpose two portage methods
were in vogue: the net was suspended over the shoulders from a tump band
across the forehead; or from the end of a pole held by one hand across
the shoulder, as a "bindle."


_Feathered "Apron" or "Cape"_

Even though this piece (139535b; pl. 17, _a_) is extremely fragmentary,
it is one of the more interesting of the perishable artifacts. At
present it measures about 25 cm. by 17.5 cm. Many of the tying cords and
feathers have disappeared or are incomplete. The original bundles of
bast fiber actually were probably little longer than in this fragment.

The method of making the article has been reconstructed as follows. The
heavy "waist belt" cord is a bundle of unspun fibers and spun cord, 1.5
cm. in diameter. The origin of the spun cord is lost in the mass of
material; it is probable that the cord itself was held by the wrapping
cords from the bark units. The hanging bundles of shredded bark were
doubled over this "waist belt" and wrapped with unspun fibers to make a
rigid, tightly closed bundle. These fibers hold the feathers, which may
once have covered the bundles completely for, on some, the wrapping
covers the entire length. The length of these bundles varies from 13 to
17.5 cm. These bundles are held in place on the heavy cord by a wrapping
cord of 2-ply Z-twisted agave, which frequently appears to cross the
bundles and the heavy cord in a haphazard manner; feathers are wrapped
onto the heavy cord by this means. Although now there is considerable
rigidity introduced into the fibers by dirt, the mass of ties always
prevented this from being a softly hanging piece.

To date no like specimens are known from the archaeology of the
peninsula. We know of no similar articles in historic times in Baja
California, nor to the north in southern California.


_Human Hair "Cape"_

The human hair "cape" from the Palmer Collection (139539; also 139538,
139550) is fragmentary, but sufficiently intact to provide complete
information on the technique of its construction and manufacture (pl.
17, _b_).

The hanks of human hair forming this garment are from 12.7 cm. to 27.5
cm. long with the majority falling in midrange. The hanks are about 6
mm. in diameter. Primarily, each bundle of hanks was held together by
a light wrapping of single agave (?) fibers and some such adhesive
material as pitch. In addition, these bundles are secondarily secured
with fine 2-ply cord, which is 1 mm. in diameter, with a hard Z-twist.
This fine cord also serves to tie each bundle to the main cord of
suspension.

The bundles of hair were held together by the same tie-twining as in the
matting (fig. 2). There is an overhand knot between each of the bundles.
The twining cord itself is 2-ply, Z-twisted in a loose twist. This
method served to fasten the bundles to the cord, space them, and to hold
them closely. This tying consists of a basic cord and a wrapping cord. A
third cord, which formed the wrapping of the individual bundles, is
carried to the basic cord, wrapped around it, and in turn is wrapped by
the whipping cord. This wrapping is not accomplished neatly; the
garment--for all of this cord wrapping--is not a very strongly
constructed article.

In the Palmer Collection there are broken hanks of human hair,
undoubtedly parts of this specimen, which are catalogued separately
(139538). Among these is a string of _Olivella_ beads strung on 2-ply
cord, and wrapped in with the tying cord of a hair bundle. Thus shell
beads were probably part of the original garment. Other tied hanks of
human hair (139550) were undoubtedly parts of the specimen.

There is no single item of native culture of Baja California so
diagnostic or characteristic as mantles of human hair used by shamans.
Few European chroniclers who had a chance to observe them failed to
mention this article. However, none have appeared in any other reported
archaeological excavations on the peninsula.

As part of the paraphernalia of the shaman, the cape or mask of human
hair was indispensable from the Guaicura north to the Kiliwa and Western
Diegueño. In all recorded cases the hair was obtained from relatives
mourning the death of a recently deceased member of the family or from
the dead themselves. Construction of the garments must have been in the
hands of the shamans themselves, so secret were most aspects of the
medicine-man's lore.

Although the cultural and tribal identification of masks or capes of
human hair with the shaman is general for the Peninsular Yumans
(Cochimí), such capes were found as far south as the Guaicura in
historic times (Baegert, 1942, p. 123). Both of the major sources for
the historic ethnography of the Yuman-speaking peoples of central Baja
California attest to the use of this device by native medicine-men
(Venegas, 1944, I:95-96, 100; Clavigero, 1937, p. 114). For the area
nearest Bahía de Los Angeles, the best description of the use of these
garments is that of the 18th-century Dominican, Father Luis Sales, who
speaks of the capes as follows (1794, pp. 76-77):

     When all are gathered, ornamented with charcoal and yellow,
     the old man places himself in the center of the circle. Under
     his arm he has a doubled mat of rushes in which he hides the
     rain cape from the _fiesta_.[5] On another little stick he has
     the hair of the dead man suspended. He indicates silence, puts
     on the rain cape of the hair of the dead, and causes as much
     horror as when a bear appears. He plays a whistle and tells
     them that the dead man is coming; but, however much they look,
     they do not see him coming. Nevertheless they believe it. Then
     he shows them the little stick with the hair of the dead man,
     and tells them that he is there, that they see him--and they
     see nothing. However they give cries, they pull their hair, and
     make other ridiculous actions. Finally, relieved by crying, the
     old man comforts them. He puts a thousand questions to the head
     of hair, and he himself answers them to his liking.

 [5] Sales, 1794. p. 69. In this, his first reference to the cape of
 human hair in use at another ceremony, Sales says, "The old man makes
 something like a rain cape from the hair of the dead."

This 18th-century description of Indians to the north of Bahía de Los
Angeles, on the Frontera, has its exact counterpart in a 20th-century
description of the ñiwey ("Talking with the Dead") Ceremony of the
Kiliwa (Meigs, 1939, pp. 50-57).


_Tump Band_

The tump band (139536) is made with the twining technique used so
frequently in such constructions. Fragments of both ends are present,
but the intervening central portion is missing so the original length of
the specimen is not known. The largest section is 25 cm. long and 7.7
cm. wide (pl. 17, _d_).

The original warps were three heavy cords which were loosely Z-twisted
of two plys of 2-ply cord; each 2-ply single is S-twisted. The fiber is
probably of some species of agave. The outer two of the three heavy
cords form the selvage cords. The center cord was split into its two
component yarns, and forms the beginning of the inner warp threads.
Two-ply cords were introduced rapidly to make a maximum of the 27
present at its greatest width. Introduction of the warp elements was
accomplished very evenly, producing no distortion of the flat surface.
Twining was done with the pitch up-to-the-right. The weft was also of
2-ply agave (?) cord.

The one peculiar feature of this twined band is the form of the selvage,
which gives the appearance of a sewing running-stitch along the heavy
outer cords.

It is extremely unlikely that this was a sling or belt. The band seems
too rigid to have been used for either of these two purposes, and slings
are not recorded historically from Baja California.

The only similar specimen know in the archaeology of the peninsula is a
fragment of a tump band from the upper or historic level of Metate Cave
near Comondú.[6] This fragment is identical with the tump band from
Bahía de Los Angeles in weave, selvage, and cordage. Even the count is
similar: 9 warps and 15 wefts per inch for the Bahía de Los Angeles
example, and 10 by 22 for the Metate Cave specimen. Either of these is
much coarser than Basketmaker bands, like those from Segi Canyon with
their 24 warps and wefts per inch (Guernsey, 1931, p. 9).

 [6] University of California. Robert H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology,
 specimen 3-13586.

The tump band was used for portage with carrying nets among the historic
Indians of central Baja California (see "Carrying Nets"). The modern
Kiliwa of the north supported nets on the back by a band which passed
across the forehead. At the forehead this band consisted of 20 "parallel
cords" (Meigs, 1939, p. 38; twined or simple cords are not stipulated).
Woven packstraps were used by all southern California Indians (Drucker,
1937, p. 21). Babies and general burdens were carried in nets supported
by the forehead tumpline in the central and northern areas of the
peninsula (Clavigero, 1937, p. 106).


_Cotton Cloth_

Since woven cotton (_Gossypium_ sp.) was unknown in aboriginal Baja
California at the time of European contact, its provenience must be
beyond the peninsula. Presumably this specimen is a piece of
pre-Columbian trade goods from the mainland of Mexico, and so belongs in
the cultural inventory of the cotton-weaving cultures of the Oasis Area.

The weave of this fragment (139537) is Plain (over-one-under-one) (pl.
17, _c_). The piece, which measures 25.5 cm. long (warp) by 30 cm.
(weft), consists of one loomstring end and neither selvage. The warp is
white cotton cord, 1 mm. in diameter, in a loosely twisted 2-ply
Z-twist. The weft of the same material has a diameter of 2 mm. of single
ply, very loosely Z-twist cord. This weft is about the equivalent of
commercial slub with no tensile strength. The thread count of the cloth
is virtually square (6 x 5 per cm.), although the greater diameter of
the tightly beaten weft makes it the predominant feature of the textile.

The warp ends carry a decorative strengthening feature known to
Southwestern textiles, both ancient and modern. Two whipping cords that
are like the weft secure the end warp loops. They were structural and
were probably inserted while the warp was being set up.

One side of the cloth has a whipped edge holding irregularly broken weft
ends. This rough mending was accomplished with the usual native 2-ply
cordage. Depth of the stitch into the material varies considerably--an
indication of expedience rather than ornamentation.

Since cotton cloth and cotton are absent from the pre-Columbian
archaeology and the historic ethnography of the peninsula, this specimen
must have been obtained through trans-Gulf trade with mainland Mexico.
The Seri of Tiburon Island and Sonora were probably the intermediary
traders. These Indians are well aware of the peninsula opposite them to
the west (Griffen, 1959).

Although the weave of this specimen is the simplest of all weaving
techniques, it is lacking among other textile materials of Baja
California, such as basketry and matting. The precise mainland
derivation of this specimen must remain in doubt; all the tribes of
Sonora--except the Seri--wove cotton (Driver and Massey, 1957, p. 216).
Plain cotton cloth was extremely widely distributed in the prehistoric
Oasis area, and dates at least from Pueblo I times in the American
Southwest (Kent, 1957, p. 491).




SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS


This small collection of archaeological materials has a marked diversity
of types, with little duplication. Compared to similar artifacts from
habitation caves, the specimens of the Palmer Collection are complete
with the exception of the fragile garments and the netting.

There are few household goods of any variety. Most of the specimens are
ornamental or have a ceremonial significance. A number of artifacts,
specifically the tubular stone pipes, human hair cape, cane whistles,
and the probable bull-roarer, were associated with shamans among the
historic peoples of the peninsula. It is most likely that one of the
burials was a shaman, who had been interred with his paraphernalia in
this burial cave.

Most of the material from Bahía de Los Angeles can be duplicated from
various sites in the Desert Area; however, a few have been recorded only
in the archaeology or ethnography of Baja California. These include the
human hair cape and the exclusive square-knot netting.

The majority of the artifacts and traits occur in the archaeological
collections from Baja California and are mentioned in the ethnographic
accounts for that region and for the north of the peninsula. Only the
feathered cape and the specific type of bone awl, or "dagger," are not
recorded. This material bears little resemblance to the collections or
ethnographic descriptions from the extreme south of the peninsula.

There is absolutely nothing in this collection and in the affiliation of
its artifacts with cultural materials from central Baja California to
support the contentions of Malcolm Rogers (1945, p. 191 passim). Without
a doubt the Yumans of the peninsula entered long before the advent of
pottery-making in the Colorado Desert region. Neither the Palmer
Collection nor identical materials from historic levels in the central
part of the peninsula can be explained as being due to a post-1450
invasion of Baja California by peoples representing the last phase of
the Yuman sequence in southern California.


       *       *       *       *       *




BIBLIOGRAPHY


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          Revista del Museo Nacional, V(1):16-24.
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 Steward, J. H.
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       *       *       *       *       *




PLATES




EXPLANATION OF PLATES


PLATE 12

_a._ Bone awl or "dagger" (139589b), 16.5 cm. long, 2.2 cm. maximum
width, _b._ Bone awl (139589a), 13.5 cm. long, 2.6 cm. maximum width.
_c._ Worked pumice piece (139613), 8 cm. x 4 cm. _d._ Tubular stone pipe
(139564), sandstone, 7.7 cm. long, 3.7 cm. diameter. _e._ Tubular stone
pipe (139563), sandstone, 29.8 cm. long, 4.4 cm. diameter.


PLATE 13

_a._ Abalone (_Haliotis_ sp.) ornament (139552), 5.3 cm. long, 4.3 cm.
wide. _b._ Fragmentary abalone (_Haliotis_ sp.) ornament (139553), 2.1
cm. present length, 3.9 cm. wide. _c._ Abalone (_Haliotis_ sp.) ornament
(139551), 4.6 cm. x 4.8 cm. _d._ _Olivella_ shell beads (139546), same
scale as ornaments, with bases and spires ground. _e._ _Olivella_ shell
beads with only spires ground. _f._ Fragment of gypsum (139568).


PLATE 14

_a._ Spines of _Viznaga_ cactus (_Echinocactus_ _wislizeni_) (139547),
which have been straightened. _b._ Bone flaker (139556), over-all
length, 12 cm.; wood, 11.2 cm. long; bone, 3.4 cm. long. _c._ Bone
flaker (139557), over-all length, 13.1 cm.; wood, 11.5 cm. long; bone,
5.6 cm. long. _d._ Cord-wrapped stick (139558c), 17.3 cm. long. _e._
Cord-wrapped stick (139558b), 15.8 cm. long. _f._ Cord-wrapped cane
(139558d), 10.3 cm. and 5.4 cm. long. _g._ Cord-wrapped hide (139548).


PLATE 15

_a._ Cane arrow or dart with sting-ray spine point (139587), total
length of two pieces 92.5 cm. _b._ Two wooden fragments (139586), round
in cross section; lengths 58 cm. and 56.5 cm. _c._ Two sticks lashed
together (139585a), total length 50 cm. _d._ Cord-wrapped stick
(139558a), length 22 cm. _e._ Wooden piece (139559), length 30.5 cm.,
diameter 8 mm. _f._ Tapered wooden piece (139560), length 38 cm. _g._
Cane whistle (139588b), length 13.5 cm., maximum diameter 1.3 cm. _h._
Cane whistle (139588a), length 22 cm., maximum diameter 1.7 cm. _i._
Bull-roarer (?) (139565), length 23.5 cm., diameter 5.1 cm., thickness
6 mm.


PLATE 16

_a._ Side view of hairnet (139534a). _b._ Cord wrapping on piece of
accordion-pleated skin (139555). _c._ Top view of hairnet (139534a).
_d._ Fragment of sewed rush matting (139544), about 50 cm. x 21 cm.


PLATE 17

_a._ Feathered "apron" or "cape" (139535b), 25 cm. x 17.5 cm. _b._ Human
hair "cape" (139539), hanks of hair about 6 mm. in diameter, lengths
varying from 12.7 cm. to 27.5 cm. _c._ Cotton cloth (139537), warp 25.5
cm., weft 30 cm. _d._ Tump band (139536), largest section 25 cm. long,
7.7 cm. wide.


PLATE 18

_a._ Rim sherd (139614b). _b._ Reconstruction of pot, diameter 27 cm.,
height 17 cm., thickness about 9 mm.




 [Illustration: PLATE 12. STONE AND BONE ARTIFACTS]


 [Illustration: PLATE 13. SHELL AND STONE ARTIFACTS]


 [Illustration: PLATE 14. VEGETABLE AND BONE ARTIFACTS]


 [Illustration: PLATE 15. WOODEN ARTIFACTS]


 [Illustration: PLATE 16. NETTING, CORDAGE, AND MATTING]


 [Illustration: PLATE 17. FEATHERED APRON; HUMAN HAIR CAPE;
 COTTON CLOTH; TUMP BAND]


 [Illustration: PLATE 18. MIDDEN POTSHERD ARTIFACTS]







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