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Title: Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, Volume 01 (of 14), 1898

Author: Mississippi Historical Society

Editor: Franklin L. Riley
        Dunbar Rowland

Release date: June 18, 2013 [eBook #42980]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Charlene Taylor, Moti Ben-Ari, Bryan Ness and
        the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
        http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
        images of public domain material from the Google Print
        project.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUBLICATIONS OF THE MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY, VOLUME 01 (OF 14), 1898 ***




Produced by Charlene Taylor, Moti Ben-Ari, Bryan Ness and
the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
images of public domain material from the Google Print
project.)









    PUBLICATIONS

    OF

    THE
    Mississippi Historical Society

    EDITED BY
    FRANKLIN L. RILEY
    SECRETARY

    (_REPRINTED 1919_)

    By
    DUNBAR ROWLAND, LL. D.
    Secretary

    VOLUME I.

    OXFORD, MISSISSIPPI
    PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY
    1898




    OFFICERS FOR 1898.


    PRESIDENT,
    Gen. S. D. LEE.

    VICE-PRESIDENT,
    Dr. R. W. JONES.

    SECRETARY AND TREASURER,
    FRANKLIN L. RILEY, _University P. O., Miss._

    ARCHIVIST,
    Chancellor R. B. FULTON.

    EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,
    Dr. R. W. JONES,
    Prof. J. W. WHITE,
    Supt. S. F. BOYD,
    Supt. A. A. KINCANNON,
    PROF. FRANKLIN L. RILEY.

All persons interested in advancing the cause of Mississippi history
are eligible for membership in the Society. There is no initiation fee.
The only cost to members is annual dues, $2.00, or life dues $30.00.
Members receive all publications of the Society free of charge. Single
members, $2.00 a year.

    All communications should be addressed to

    FRANKLIN L. RILEY,
    _Secretary and Treasurer_.




    CONTENTS

                                                         PAGE.

    1. MISSISSIPPI'S "BACKWOODS POET."
    Dabney Lipscomb, A. M.                                   1

    2. MISSISSIPPI AS A FIELD FOR THE STUDENT OF
    LITERATURE. W. L. Weber.                                16

    3. SUFFRAGE IN MISSISSIPPI. R. H. Thompson, LL. D.      25

    4. SPANISH POLICY IN MISSISSIPPI AFTER THE TREATY
    OF SAN LORENZO. F. L. Riley, Ph. D.                     50

    5. TIME AND PLACE RELATIONS IN HISTORY WITH
    SOME MISSISSIPPI AND LOUISIANA APPLICATIONS.
    Prof. H. E. Chambers.                                   67

    6. THE STUDY AND TEACHING OF HISTORY.
    Herbert B. Adams, Ph. D., LL. D.                        73

    7. SOME FACTS IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF MISSISSIPPI.
    R. W. Jones, A. M., LL. D.                              85

    8. PRE-HISTORIC JASPER ORNAMENTS IN MISSISSIPPI.
    R. B. Fulton, A.M. LL. D.                               91

    9. SUGGESTIONS TO LOCAL HISTORIANS.
    Franklin L. Riley, Ph. D.                               96

    10. SOME INACCURACIES IN CLAIBORNE'S HISTORY IN
    REGARD TO TECUMSEH. H. S. Halbert.                     101

    11. DID JONES COUNTY SECEDE? A. L. Bondurant.          104

    12. INDEX                                              107




    PUBLICATIONS
    OF THE
    MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY

    VOL. I. JUNE, 1898. NO. 1.


MISSISSIPPI'S "BACKWOODS POET."
BY DABNEY LIPSCOMB, A. M.


To awaken greater interest in what, however estimated, Mississippians
have accomplished in the field of literature, to provoke research into
even its remote and unfrequented corners; and, chiefly, to place more
prominently before the people of his much-loved State a poet too little
known, is the double purpose of this essay.

The poet needs no introduction and offers no apology on his entrance
into the domain of history; for he is no intruder there, entitled
indeed to a place of honor in the proudest capitol of that noble
realm. Homer precedes Herodotus and makes his record doubly valuable.
The poet is in fact the maker in large measure of the history of the
world. Through his entrancing and inspiring voice the aspirations of
humanity have been elevated, ideals lofty in thought and deed have been
constantly upheld, and will to dare and do the utmost in the cause of
liberty and righteousness has been imparted in the hour of need. In the
poet's verse we read, as nowhere else, the inner throbbing life of man.
High or low his ascent of Parnassus, his words have a charm for us, if
the Muse has bidden him welcome; and the nearer he is to us the more
apt he will be to express our peculiar griefs and joys in his melodious
strains.

Hence, it is with pleasure, that the claims of Mississippi's
"Backwoods Poet" to our affection and appreciation are now presented.
Perhaps he is not the greatest of the thirty or forty that might be
named who in our State have as poets achieved more or less local
distinction. He modestly disclaimed such honor, and assumed himself
the title of "Backwoods Poet" which has been given him. S. Newton
Berryhill, of Choctaw (now Webster) county, Mississippi, is his proper
name. He was born October 22, 1832, and died Dec. 8, 1887.

In the preface of his poems these significant facts are stated:

    "While I was yet an infant, my father with his family settled
    down in a wilderness, where I grew up with the population,
    rarely ever going out of the neighborhood for forty years. The
    old log school house, with a single window and a single door,
    was my _alma mater_, the green woods was my campus."

Yet what he learned in the log school house and the woods and by
subsequent private study would put to shame very many who have enjoyed
far better educational advantages; especially, when the further
disadvantage under which he labored is considered. Early in life he
became the victim of a serious spinal affection, which rendered him a
confirmed invalid, unable the remainder of his days to stand upon his
feet. Despite all these, to an ordinary man, crushing limitations,
he became fairly proficient in Latin, French, German, and music, in
addition to a thorough knowledge of the usual high school course in
English, science, and mathematics.

To teaching, journalism, and literature he devoted his life. After a
long and creditable career as teacher near his country home, during
which time most of his poetry was written, he moved, about 1875,
to Columbus, Mississippi. In the dingy office of the old _Columbus
Democrat_, the writer first saw this unquestionably remarkable man.
Cushioned in his wheel chair, before a desk, busy with his pen, Mr.
Berryhill, the editor, saw not how closely he was observed, nor the
look of pity he might have read in his beholder's face for one so
handicapped in the race of life. But as the massive, thinly covered
head was raised, and the dauntless, lofty spirit of the man shone
from the dark and deep-set eyes; as the almost cheerful expression
of his pallid countenance was revealed,--pity gave way to wonder and
admiration, which grew yet more with further knowledge of the man
and his achievements against odds apparently so overwhelming. How
respectfully on bright Sundays when he could venture out, he was lifted
in his chair by friends up the double flight of steps to the audience
room of the church and rolled down the aisle to the place near the
pulpit, sympathetic glances following him the while, is a picture, too,
not soon to be forgotten.

During his stay in Columbus he was elected County Treasurer, which
office he filled acceptably two years. In 1880 he returned to Webster
county, where, as has been stated, he died, Jan. 8, 1887. Little else,
for the lack of information, except that he was a Methodist and a
Mason, can be said of the life and character of Mr. Berryhill. What
more is given must be gathered from his writings in an inferential way,
which for this purpose and for their literary merit, will repay the
examination now proposed.

The editorials, sound, progressive, and patriotic, must be laid aside.
The rather crude but racy character sketches, Indian legends, and
miscellaneous short stories, written in part during his quiet closing
years, must, also, more regretfully be left unnoticed for lack of time.
His poetry is the work he prized most highly, and by it his place in
literature should be determined.

From boyhood, he was irrepressibly poetic. The spirit of the woods
and hills early descended on him, giving his eye unwonted keenness
in discerning the beauty that surrounded him, and his ear unwonted
delicacy in detecting the melody that floated in every breeze. Romantic
stories of their better days told him by neighboring friendly Choctaws
took deep root in his youthful fancy and bore fruit in his prose and
verse.

In 1878 his poems written during the forty years previous were
published at Columbus in a volume entitled "Backwoods Poems." Political
issues of very serious nature, not altogether settled, were then too
absorbing a theme to Mississippians to permit them to pay much heed to
poetry, however excellent. Hence, the work received less notice than
otherwise it would. But one edition was ever published, and few copies
of it can now be found.

What first strikes the reader as he turns the pages of this
unpretentious little volume is the variety and uniform excellence of
the versification. Under the circumstances, it was natural to suppose
that this poet would attempt little else than the rhyming couplet and
the ballad form of verse. Instead, stanzas varying greatly in length
and rhyme order, with lines from two to six stresses, iambic and often
trochaic in movement, usually well sustained, soon make a strong
impression that no common poetaster has set the music to these verses.

As to length, not more than half a dozen of the two hundred twenty-six
poems in the collection contain more than one hundred lines. The
longest and leading poem, called Palila, is a metrical version of a
favorite Choctaw legend, numbering one thousand tetrameter lines. This
pathetic story of an Indian maiden and her ill-starred gallant lover
and the upshooting by the medicine spring of the little flower the
pale-face calls the lady's slipper, but known to red men as Palila's
Moccasin, is told with dramatic effect, and has the atmosphere of
freedom and wildness befitting a tale so weird and sad. Bare mention of
two or three other rather lengthy poems, such as "A Heart's History,"
and "The Vision of Blood," will be made, principally to call attention
to the excellence of the blank verse in which they are written; its
ease, accuracy, and vigor are readily perceived.

The shorter poems may be conveniently classed as anacreontic, humorous,
patriotic, descriptive, and personal. Many of them, as the author
admits, especially those of his youth, are crude and imperfect, but
he explains in a personally suggestive way that he could not cast out
these poor children of his brain on account of their deformity, and
craves indulgence where approval or applause must be withheld.

The poems of love and humor have little value except for the light they
throw on the poet, who, though deprived of nearly all the heart holds
dear in life, could yet fully sympathize with youth in its joys and
smile genially even on its follies. A few stanzas from two or three
poems in his lighter vein, of which there are quite a number, will be
sufficient to indicate the sunny side of the poet's nature. First, a
little rustic picture:

    BETTIE BELL.

    How sweet she looked in home spun frock,
      With arms and shoulders bare,
    And yellow flowers and scarlet leaves
      Twined in her auburn hair;
    With saucy lips and fingers plump
      Stained by the berries wild;
    And hazel eyes whose drooping lids
      Half hid them when she smiled.

    I could have kissed the little tracks
      Her bare brown feet had made;
    There was no huckleberry pond
      Too deep for me to wade--
    There was no rough persimmon tree
      Too tall for me to scale--
    If Bettie Bell was standing by
      With the little wooden pail.

Another with a touch of humor will next be given:

    MR. BROWN;
    OR CIRCUMSTANCES ALTER CASES.

    "O tell me Mary have you seen
      That ugly Mr. Brown
    With pumpkin head and brimstone hair,
      And manners like a clown!
    What could have made young Charley Smith
      Bring such a gawk to town?

    He has no breeding, I am sure--
      He stares at ladies so
    With those great dumpling eyes of his---
      And I would like to know
    How Bettie Jones can condescend
      To take him for a beau!"

    Quoth Mary, "What you say is true;
      He's awkward and he's plain;
    But then, you know, he's rich;
      And wealth with some will gain."--
    "Indeed, I never heard of that,"
      Said pretty Martha Jane.

    "I only got a glance at him
      At Mrs. Jenkins' ball;
    And on acquaintance he may not look
      So ugly after all.
    I wonder if young Charley Smith
      Will ask his friend to call!"

Even in parody the isolated sufferer would at times seek
self-forgetfulness or diversion. A short one is here inserted from the
author's scrap-book. To a Southerner, the faithfulness and humor of the
selection will be manifest:

    SKETCH.

    The darkey sat on his stubborn mule,
      Day through the west had fled,
    And the silver light of the rising moon
      Shone on his bare bald head.

    Firm as an Alp the old mule stood--
      An Alp with its crest of snow--
    The darkey thumped, the darkey kicked,
      And swore he'd make it go.

    The night wore on, it would not budge
      Till it had changed its mind;
    And the darkey cursed, the darkey swore
      Till he was hoarse and blind.

    At last he saw its big ears twitch,
      Its eyes cast back the while;
    And felt the skin beneath him writhe
      Like a serpent in its coil.

    Then came a yell of wild despair;
      The man--oh! where was he?--
    When the clouds unveil the hidden moon
      I think perhaps we'll see.

In the patriotic poems, chiefly war lyrics, notes louder, harsher, and
even bitter in their tone as the cause seems lost, strike clear and
full upon the ear, disclosing their author as one of the "fire eaters"
of the South, loth to accept the verdict of the sword and submit to
reconstruction. In this gathering, apart from their connection with the
author, two or three of these poems no doubt will be interesting for
their historical value alone. "_The Storm_," written April 15, 1861,
expresses in borrowed form but with graphic power the terrible suspense
that then prevailed:

    THE STORM.

    OLD DOMINION.
    Watchman, tell us of the night,
      For our hearts with grief are bowed;
    Breaks no gleam of silver light
      Through the dark and angry cloud?

    WATCHMAN.
    Blacker grows the midnight sky;
      Lightnings leap and thunders roll;
    Hist! the tempest draweth nigh,--
      Christ, have mercy on our souls!

    OLD DOMINION.
    Search the northern sky with care,
      Whence the tempest issued forth,
    Are the clouds not breaking there?
      Watchman, tell us of the North.

    WATCHMAN.
    I have searched the Northern skies,
      Where the wicked storm-fiends dwell;
    From their seething caldrons rise
      Clouds as black as smoke from hell.

    OLD DOMINION.
    Turn you to the East, my friend;
      Can you see no rosy streak?
    Will the long night never end?
      Day--oh will it never break?

    WATCHMAN.
    I have looked; no ray of light
      Streaks the black horizon there:
    But the angry face of night
      Doth its fiercest aspect wear.

    OLD DOMINION.
    Raven, cease your dismal croak,
      Cease to tear my bleeding breast;
    Turn you where the clouds are broke;
      Watchman, tell us of the West.

    WATCHMAN.
    Black and full of evils dire,
      Stands the cloud which hides the West;
    Storm-lights tinge its base with fire,
      Lightnings play upon its crest.

    OLD DOMINION.
    Watchman, scan the Southern sky:
      Is there not one star in sight?
    Search with anxious, careful eye--
      Watchman, tell us of the night.

    WATCHMAN.
    Praise the Lord! there yet is hope!
      Cease your groans and dry your tears:
    Lo! the sable cloud doth ope
      And the clear gray sky appears.
    Wider grows the field of light
      As the rent clouds backward fly,
    And a starry circle bright
      Silvers all the Southern sky.

"The Vision of Blood" written in 1864 is too long, and even if not, too
lurid in its imagery to justify reproduction now. Instead let us take
this glimpse into those days of death and disaster to the South:

    TIDINGS FROM THE BATTLE FIELD.

    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
      A widowed mother stands,
    And lifts the glasses from her eyes
      With trembling withered hands.
    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
        "Your only son is slain;
    He fell with victory on his lips,
      And a bullet in his brain."
    The stricken mother staggers back,
      And falls upon the floor:
    And the wailing shriek of a broken heart
      Comes from the cottage door.

    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
      The wife her needle plies,
    While in the cradle at her feet
      Her sleeping infant lies.
    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
      "Your husband is no more,
    But he died as soldiers love to die,
      His wounds were all before."
    Her work was dropped--"O God" she moans,
      And lifts her aching eyes;
    The orphaned babe in the cradle wakes,
      And joins its mother's cries.

    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
      A maid with pensive eye
    Sits musing near the sacred spot
      Where she heard his last good-bye.
    "Fresh tidings from the battle-field!"
      "Your lover's cold in death;
    But he breathed the name of her he loved
      With his expiring breath."
    With hands pressed to her snowy brow,
      She strives her grief to hide;
    She shrinks from friendly sympathy--
      A widow ere a bride.

    "Fresh tidings from the battle field!"
      O, what a weight of woe
    Is borne upon their blood-stained wings
      As onward still they go!
    War! eldest child of Death and Hell!
      When shall thy horrors cease?
    When shall the Gospel usher in
      The reign of love and peace?
    Speed, speed, the blissful time, O Lord!--
      The blessed, happy years--
    When plough-shares shall be made of swords,
      And pruning hooks of spears!

The lines on Sheridan and Butler express something more than the poet's
righteous indignation at deeds by them in which he can somehow see
neither virtue nor valor. As indicative of the feelings of the South in
the hour of final defeat and subjugation read "Daughters of Southland"
and "My Motherland." One stanza of the first must suffice:

    Daughters of Southland, weep no more;
      Their glory's priceless gem
    Nor peace, nor war can ever mar;
      There is no change for them.
    Rejoice! for tho the conqueror's hate
      Still beats upon our head,
    Despite our chains there yet remains
      The memory of our dead.

How tender and ardent is the patriotism in these lines:

    My motherland! My motherland!
      Though dust is on thy brow,
    And sack-cloth wraps thy beauteous form,
      I love thee better now
    Than when, arrayed in robes of power,
      Thou send'st thy legions forth
    To battle with the hosts that poured.
      From out the mighty North.

           *       *       *       *       *

    My motherland! my motherland!
      Thy bravest and thy best,
    Beneath the sod their life-blood stained,
      In dreamless slumber rest;
    Thrice happy dead! They cannot hear
      Thy low, sad wail of woe;
    The taunts thy living sons must bear
      They are not doomed to know.

    My motherland! my motherland!
      Their spirits whisper me,
    And bid me in thy days of grief
      Still closer cling to thee,
    And though the hopes we cherished once
      With them have found a grave,
    I love thee yet, my motherland--
      The land they died to save.

Whether he spoke for his section in these disdainful and defiant lines,
descriptive of times just after the war, each may decide for himself:

    RE-RECONSTRUCTION.

    Aye, heat the iron seven times hot
      In the furnace red of hell;
    Call to your aid the venomed skill
      Of "all the fiends that fell,"
    And forge new links for the galling chain
      To bind the prostrate South again.

    Stir up again your snarling pack
      Your jackals black and white,
    That tear her lovely form by day,
      And gnaw her bones by night--
    Your sniveling thieves with carpet bags--
      Your sneaking, whining scalawags!

         *       *       *       *       *

    Villains, go on; each blow you strike
      To glut your hellish hate,
    But welds in one all Southern hearts,
      And state unites to state;
    And lo, compact our Southland stands--
      A nation fashioned by your hands.

But it is in the poems personal and descriptive that we get close to
this poet's heart. There will be found what gave most solace to his
circumscribed and lonely life. In nature as she was most attractive
to him, and in lines to loved ones young and old, plaintive often but
never rebellious or morose, the placid, self-restrained, yet inspiring
nature of the man is brought to clearest view. Fervid in his love for
beauty, he bowed none the less devoutly at the shrine of duty.

"The Old School House," "The Deserted Home," "Autumn," "The Frost and
the Forest," "My Castle," "Lines on the Death of My Father," "My Old
Home," and the last poem "Unfinished," are representative of the class
that best reflects the poet and the man; and by their pensive beauty
perhaps take firmest hold upon the reader. It is difficult to offer
satisfactory illustrations without being too lengthy; but these will
prove at least suggestive:

    AUTUMN.

    Let nobler poets tune their lyres to sing
    The budding glories of the early spring,--
    Its gay sweet-scented flowers and verdant trees
    That graceful bend before the western breeze.
    Be mine the task to chant in humble rhyme
    The lovely autumn of our own bright Southern clime.

    No more the sun from the zenith high,
    With fiery tongue licks brook and riv'let dry;
    But from beyond the equinoctial line--
    Where crystal waters lave the golden mine--
    Aslant on earth he pours his mellow beams,
    Soft as the memories which light old age's dreams.

The following poem can be given entire, as it is short:

    THE FROST AND THE FOREST.

    The Frost King came in the dead of night--
    Came with jewels of silver sheen--
    To woo by the spinster Dian's light,
    The pride of the South--the Forest Queen.

    He wooed till morn, and he went away;
    Then I heard the Forest faintly sigh,
    And she blushed like a girl on her wedding day,
    And her blush grew deeper as time went by.

    Alas, for the Forest! the cunning Frost
    Her ruin sought, when he came to woo;
    She moans all day her glory lost,
    And her blush has changed to a death-like hue.

Perhaps Mr. Berryhill's best known poem is one that is personal and yet
quite fanciful. It can be found in Miss Clarke's "Songs of the South."
Two or three stanzas will be sufficient:

    MY CASTLE.

    They do not know who sneer at me because I'm poor and lame,
    And round my brow has never twined the laurel wreath of fame--
    They do not know that I possess a castle old and grand,
    With many an acre broad attached of fair and fertile land;
    With hills and dales, and lakes and streams, and fields of waving grain,
    And snowy flocks, and lowing herds, that browse upon the plain.
    In sooth, it is a good demesne--how would my scorners stare,
    Could they behold the splendors of my castle in the air!

    The room in which I am sitting now is smoky, bare and cold,
    But I have gorgeous, stately chambers in my palace old.
    Rich paintings by the grand old masters hang upon the wall
    And marble busts and statues stand around the spacious hall.
    A chandelier of silver pure, and golden lamps illume,
    With rosy light, on festal nights the great reception room.
    When wisdom, genius, beauty, wit, are all assembled there,
    And strains of sweetest music fill my castle in the air.

           *       *       *       *       *

    The banks may break, and stocks may fall, the Croesus of to-day
    May see, to-morrow, all his wealth, like snow, dissolve away.
    And the auctioneer, at panic price, to the highest bidder sell
    His marble home in which a king might well be proud to dwell.
    But in my castle in the air, I have a sure estate
    No panic with its hydra head can e'er depreciate.
    No hard-faced sheriff dares to levy execution there,
    For universal law exempts a castle in the air.

Little remains to be said. This singular life, with an estimate of the
quality and quantity of its work has been unfolded as faithfully as
possible.

With greater interest, the dominant motive of the author, so frankly
stated, may now be joined, without comment, to his mournful retrospect
of his life work. The first is found in the lines from Mrs. Hemans
inscribed on the title page of "Backwoods Poems."

    ----"I'd leave behind
    Something immortal of my heart and mind."

This is his salutatory. In the closing stanza of the last poem
"Unfinished," the retrospect is made, and his valedictory delivered
thus:

    "My canvas is not full; a vacant space
    Remains untouched. To fill it were not meet--
    I'll leave it so--like all that bears a trace
    Of me on earth--Unfinished--incomplete."

To Hayne, Lanier, and Maurice Thompson, S. Newton Berryhill must yield
in subtlety of melody and penetrative insight into nature's deeper
meanings. Timrod and Ticknor in their war lyrics may, at times, have
struck the martial chord with stronger and more dextrous hand; but it
may still be justly claimed that the best of the "Backwoods Poems"
compare favorably with much or even most of the work of these more
famous Southern poets.

If in this paper this claim has been established, its purpose is
abundantly fulfilled, and the "Backwoods Poet" in environment and
achievement stands out a unique figure in the literature of the State.




MISSISSIPPI AS A FIELD FOR THE STUDENT OF LITERATURE.

BY W. L. WEBER.


Dr. Sam Johnson is sponsor for the stock illustration of history
reduced to its lowest terms. His story is with reference to the Natural
History of Iceland by the Danish Historian Horrebow. The learned Dane
undertook to write an exhaustive account of the wintry island. Chapter
Seventy-two of this history, so the story goes, had as its title
the attractive phrase, Concerning Snakes. The Chapter itself, long
famous for telling the whole truth in the fewest words, consists of
one sentence: There are no snakes to be met with throughout the whole
island.

With similar parsimony of words, if we are willing to adopt one of the
almost universally accepted definitions in which beauty and permanence
and universality are made the final tests of literature--if we are
willing to accept so narrow a definition we may find ourselves able to
write the history of Mississippi literature in one sentence. Such a
history would be--in the brutal directness of Horrebow's phrase: There
is no literature to be met with throughout the whole State.

But as for me, this humiliating conclusion is not to be agreed to,
for I decline to be shackled by so narrow limitations. Literature
has a wider meaning than is given to it in this esthetic definition,
a definition which must exclude everything written by Mississippi
authors. There ought to be general agreement to the commonplace that
literature is life embodied in the pages of books. "Good literature
is" therefore "an open door into the life and mode of thought of the
time and place where it originated." On this side of our work the
departments of literature and of history are one and inseparable.
There can be no genuine history of a people which fails to take into
account the distinctly intellectual life of that people. The student
of policies and of institutions must needs seek the help of him whose
care is to trace literary currents and together they must labor by
painstaking study of the writings of Mississippians to conjure up
by some verbal necromancy, the literary genius and spirit of the
people of the State. We are not going too far, then, in asserting
that all written monuments that in any way reflect and set forth the
intellectual life of the people are rightly to be enumerated in the
lists of Mississippi literature.

But even after we have insisted on this wider definition of literature,
Mississippi has few grounds for boasting. The list of Mississippi books
is not long; the average quality is not high. Of pure literature, of
the real literature of power, we have contributed scarcely fifty pages
to the world's store. We may deceive ourselves and gratify our state
pride by wild claims, but after the joy of self-glorification is over
we shall be forced to the conclusion that our place in literary history
is an humble one. Some part of this result is doubtless due to sham
admiration of our literature. We have delighted to praise our books
without stint; we have preferred to buy the books of others. To praise
is easy; to read is weariness to the flesh. We have, therefore, praised
extravagantly; we have read vicariously. It does not come within the
range of this paper to suggest why Mississippi has contributed so much
more to politics than to literature. Preference for the hustlings and
the madding crowds rather than for the desk and its quiet enthusiasms
must be accepted as a fact, let him who will account for it. Nor is
this the place to argue that a local literature is a contradiction in
terms. Our desire is to see the day when Mississippi shall have writers
whom succeeding generations will delight to number among those who have
contributed to the world's best thoughts, adequately expressed.

My purpose is not to tickle your ears with a panegyric on what
Mississippi has done in the field of literature, not to apologize for
her confessed shortcomings, not to prophesy excellence as the certain
outcome of the future. My purpose is a humbler one. I take for granted
that there are in the state young men with literary aspirations. I
wish to suggest to such, some lines of work that need to be done, and
to be done at once. It is my hope that such work will be valuable in
furnishing a store house of literary material and that the labor of
accumulation will be admirable discipline preparing the students for
creative effort--if haply they be so endowed as to be able to do work
for all time.

To make my suggestions altogether practical, I shall draw up a list of
channels in which the student of Mississippi literature may profitably
direct his activity. (It may not be amiss just here to call your
attention to the fact that by my subject-title I am restricted to
that aspect of our subject which has to do with the interests of the
students and have, therefore, no direct connection with the immediate
interests of the author.) Turning our attention to student-work, I may
as well express my opinion that we have no noble specimens of literary
art to which the student may turn to make critical examination of the
method and purposes of literary interpretation. We have little that may
claim place even in the ranks of third and fourth rate productions.
With the single exception of the poems of Irvin Russell, Mississippi
has produced nothing which literary men have been willing to accord a
place in the literature of America.

It is perhaps too soon to prophesy whether his place is a permanent
one or not. It is, however, evident that the Mississippi student must
look for a humbler class of work than that of constructive criticism.
Having little material to which the rules of esthetic criticism may be
profitably applied, and having no desire to be enrolled in the large
and ignoble army of criticasters, our student must look for a less
inviting field of activity. Yet he has the consolation of knowing that
even journeyman work if it be well done is altogether worth doing. And
even if we are not yet at a stage in our literary history when we can
afford to claim the right to subject our material to the tests reserved
for noble literary models, we may wisely believe that ours is the work
which will prepare the ground from which will spring up a harvest every
way worthy of our beautiful fields of our eventful history, of our
noble people.

Having agreed as to what class of work may come under a professedly
literary review of Mississippi writings, we are minded to take stock
of our property. Being under the conviction that everything which sets
forth Mississippi life is worthy of consideration, we may conclude that
every Mississippi book has a right to be included in the subject matter
worthy of the attention of a Mississippi student. Justin Winsor learned
by experience that every printed document was worthy of preservation
in the great library of Harvard University and we shall find that no
contribution of a Mississippi pen is unworthy of our care. I may call
your attention to the fact that much writing of real merit is of a
fugitive character and appears only to sink back into the oblivion of
musty files of country newspapers.

The first work, then, to which I should assign my student is the
compilation of a bibliography of Mississippi literature. So far as I
know there is no man who knows how many books have been written by
our own authors. A confessedly incomplete list of my own compilation
reveals the name of many a work the Mississippian of average
intelligence has never so much as heard of. As has already been
suggested, I should not confine the list to an enumeration of bound
volumes. Every pamphlet a copy of which may be had, or the actual
appearing of which is assured, ought to be listed in the Bibliography
of Mississippi Literature. At the very outset of our labors, we are
met with a problem that meets the student of the literature of every
section of the United States. What constitutes a Mississippi book?
Are we to proceed on the doctrine that once a Mississippian, always
a Mississippian and include in our enumeration the books of every
writer that has been in the State? If so, Jas. A. Harrison, a native
born Mississippian, a Virginian by adoption, is to adorn our lists.
Must we add all books written on Mississippi soil? If so, we are to
include many volumes of Maurice Thompson, who spends his winters on
the Gulf Coast, and dates his prefaces from Bay St. Louis. Are we to
include works written by authors then legally residents of the state,
afterwards citizens of other states? If so, Professors Bledsoe and
Hutson are Mississippi authors. These questions must be settled before
we can have an authoritative bibliography. It has been my custom
to enumerate as ours, all books written by an author resident in
Mississippi at the time of the writing of the volume.

After having completed the bibliography, the student would naturally
turn his attention to the gathering of biographical facts connected
with our own writers. Most of those who have made books have
acquaintances still living. From them we must get the facts that will
enable us to understand what has been written. The man wrote himself
into his book, to be sure, and the facts of his life are the very best
commentary on the book itself. It is a shame that we have neglected our
own writers and that it was left to Professor Baskervill, a Tennessean,
to give us the only adequate appreciation of Irwin Russell. But much
is left to be done. The student who accumulates the recollections of
Russell's friends and preserves them in the archives of the Historical
Society will be doing a work worth while doing, a work which will
grow in value as the years go by. This field of biographical study is
practically untilled, tho we may cite as examples of how the work is to
be done--Professor Baskervill's paper just mentioned, Bishop Galloway's
study of Henry T. Lewis and Professor Lipscomb's account of Berryhill,
the Poet.

After my student had acquired a surer touch in his progress from
compiler of book-lists to painter of life-picture, he would already be
prepared in literary appreciativeness to see and point out the fine
poetry fossilized in the Indian names remaining in our state. It is
worth while to make lists of all our Indian geographical names, to
discover the meaning of the names so collected and if possible to find
out the circumstances that led to these names being given to creek,
to river, to hamlet, county, as may be. In some names there is, to be
sure, little poetry. The fact that Shubuta means "sour meal" does not
serve as a trumpet call to the writing of a sonnet; but where there
is a lack of poetry the historical fact of name-origin still remains.
Why may not some Mississippi Lanier sing into fame our rivers, as the
Georgia Chattahoochee has been immortalized by its own poet?

Connected with Indian names the investigator will find Indian legends.
A rich mine is sure to open before a diligent worker. The fact that
there are different versions of the same legend makes the material
all the more valuable as a field of study. The student of ethnography
as well as the student of literature finds the history of the Biloxi
Indians full of interest. There is poetry even in the naming of the
legend of the singing waves of the Pascagoula. There are many and
complicated stories connected with the driving of the Natchez Indians
from their ancestral seats. Every year makes the collecting of these
legends more and more difficult. The patriotic Mississippi student will
see to it that they are not lost, but are gathered into the store house
for use in days to come.

Joel Chandler Harris has done a wonderful work for Georgia and the
Atlantic Coast in the collection of Lore. It cannot be that Uncle Remus
had no kinsmen in Mississippi. Yet no one has sought to preserve these
Mississippi versions of negro folk tales. It will be remarkable if
these tales have not been influenced by Indian admixtures. No student
has investigated the subject to find out whether Mississippi has its
distinct group of Brer Rabbit stories and whether the distinctive
quality of our group is due to contact with Indian legends. Surely
nobody will suggest that the work is not worth while doing. With the
disappearance of the Indian and the complete conventionalizing of the
negro, the opportunity will have passed away.

Not less valuable to the collector of material for the use of the
future maker of Mississippi literature is the full account of the
doings of famous Mississippi outlaws. It may not be too soon to
investigate the deeds of Murrell and his gang. If the story of his
exploits is to become literary property it must be learned before all
his contemporaries have passed off the stage of life. It is not too
much to expect that the William Gilmore Simms which Mississippi will
some day produce may find in the doings of Murrell material for a story
that may compare with some of the wildest exploits described by the
South Carolina writer. May he who is to portray the early life of our
State be not too slow in the coming.

Who knows but that the Mississippi literary man whom we confidently
expect and to whom we await to do honor--who knows but that he may
belong to the school of Cable and of Murfree and may therefore wish
to write in dialect. If the student have some philological training
he may wisely prepare for the writer's coming by collection of word
lists--of words heard in Mississippi but words that have no literary
standing--words which are for the most part confined to the use of the
illiterate. Dr. Shands has already collected a list along this line in
his dissertation entitled Some Peculiarities of Speech in Mississippi.
I am sure he is mistaken in thinking that any of his words are peculiar
to Mississippi, but nevertheless his list is valuable as enumerating
expressions that are to be heard in our state--words which he who tries
to reproduce the speech of Mississippi illiterates may not be afraid to
use.

The student of our literature may wisely include in the range of his
studies all references to Mississippi to be found in the literature of
other sections. Not only such references as those but all accounts of
Mississippi in books of travel have a rightful place in the collections
of him who would gather together the raw material from which literature
may some day be woven.

To the writer of reminiscences the literary student looks with hopeful
eye. From such an one may be had biographical data, personal traits,
literary anecdotes--in fact all the ana which the literary student of
this day delights in. The humble collector of this material may not
win much of fame for self--except so far as that the humbler work well
done does not need to be done again and therefore wins the reward due
to honest endeavor--But if he gains no reward he may rejoice in the
consciousness that he is making possible the day when Mississippi may
stand as a peer with other Southern States, delight to honor her own
Lanier, her own Harris, her own Cable, her own Murfree, and her own
Allen.

Some one is already asking what's the good of all this? Such matters
may perhaps be wisely assigned as school boy tasks but there certainly
can be but little value in the material after it has been laboriously
collected. The study of literary history supports the contention that
the accumulation of the subject matter of literature is in necessary
precedence to the creative work of the producer of literature. It
will but be in accord with what has taken place in the past, if a
student who sets to work along lines I have suggested, who accumulates
material, who immerses himself in the history and traditions of his
state--it will be but natural, I say, if such an one have his heart set
on fire by the enthusiasm engendered by his work and be transformed
from a journeyman toiling over his tasks of accumulator into literary
wizard who by the incantations of his genius may call forth the spirit
of his time. Such work made Walter Scott.

May Mississippi see not another Scott but a literary man who under
new conditions and with new material may create for Mississippi a new
literature which may have like place in the world's literature with the
immortal contributions of the great Scotchman. When that day comes the
Mississippian will not have on his shoulders the burden of being an
apologist and will not have to compound with his conscience in order to
win the name of being patriotic in matters literary.

I have not hesitated thus to rehearse in your hearing matters already
well-known to you. If I have but retold an old, old story, I have not
deceived myself into thinking that I was telling you new or startling
truths. The old story--the well known fact sometimes needs to be
reviewed. The fact that it is so well-known, is so self-evident--causes
it to be overlooked. I am quite willing to be found fault with for
rehearsing at needless length what everybody knows--provided only my
rehearsing will lead to these matters being attended to.




SUFFRAGE IN MISSISSIPPI

BY HON. R. H. THOMPSON.


That portion of the present State of Mississippi and that part of
Alabama lying between the Mississippi and Chattahoochee rivers, and
bounded on the south by the thirty-first parallel of latitude and
on the north by a line drawn due east from the mouth of the Yazoo
river, was organized into the Mississippi Territory in pursuance of
an act of Congress, approved April 7, 1798. Afterwards, in 1804,
the country lying south of the State of Tennessee and north of the
original Mississippi Territory was added; and in 1812 that portion
of the present States of Alabama and Mississippi lying south of the
thirty-first degree of latitude was annexed. Mississippi became a state
in 1817 and Alabama was then separated from it. This historic statement
at the outset will explain why several matters pertaining to suffrage
in municipalities not now in the state, are hereafter mentioned.

The organic law of the Territory enacted that the people thereof should
"be entitled to and enjoy all and singular the rights, privileges and
advantages granted to the people of the territory of the United States,
northwest of the river Ohio in and by the ordinance of the thirteenth
day of July in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven,
in as full and ample a manner as the same are possessed and enjoyed
by the people of the said last mentioned Territory," and thus in our
investigation of the subject we are led to examine the ordinance
referred to, and which we find in the statutes entitled, "An ordinance
for the Territory of the United States Northwest of the River Ohio,"
to see if it contains any provision relative to suffrage. We find it,
and the words of this celebrated ordinance are as follows. "So soon as
there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants, of full age, in the
district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall receive
authority, with time and place, to elect representatives from their
counties or townships, to represent them in the general assembly;
provided that for every five hundred free male inhabitants, there shall
be one representative, and so on progressively with the number of free
male inhabitants, shall the right of representation increase, until the
number of representatives shall amount to twenty-five; after which the
number, and proportion of representatives shall be regulated by the
legislature; Provided that no person be eligible or qualified to act
as a representative, unless he shall have been a citizen of the United
States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he
shall have resided in the district three years, and in either case,
shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two hundred acres
of land within the same; Provided also, that a freehold of fifty acres
of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the states,
and being resident in the district, or the like freehold, and two years
residence in the district shall be necessary to qualify a man as an
elector of a representative."

With all due respect to the fathers, nothing in statutory language
could be more awkward; the reading of it, however, will serve to remind
us that the modern legislator cannot claim originality for his habitual
use of the word "provided" as introductory to amendments, and with
which to string his ideas together.

The last of the three provisos is necessarily a limitation on the "free
male inhabitants, of full age," mentioned at the beginning of the
section, since there is no provision in the ordinance for the election
of any officers save representatives to the general assembly; all other
officers in the scheme of government here provided were appointive. An
analysis of the laws of 1787, which evidently must be basis of suffrage
in a number of states as well as Mississippi, shows that to entitle
a person to vote under our first suffrage law he must have been (1)
Free, (2) Male, (3) of full age, presumably 21 years, (4) citizen of
the United States and resident of the Territory or a resident for two
years in the Territory and (5) Freeholder of fifty acres of land in the
district.

While this organic law was in force, of course the territorial
legislation was confined, so far as concerns our subject, to municipal
suffrage, but I have thought reference thereto not without the scope
of this paper, since such legislation, perhaps more than any other,
being untrammeled as a general rule by unyielding constitutional
restrictions, throws light upon the spirit, temper and thoughts of the
people on the subject at the time of the enactment.

Before the amendment of the organic law herein next mentioned I find
but one piece of such legislation; by an act approved in 1803 the
"freeholders, landholders and householders" of the city of Natchez were
authorized by a majority vote to elect municipal officers, and the
act further reads that "for the better understanding of the meaning
of the term householder, it is hereby declared that any person who
shall be in the occupancy of a room, or rooms, separate and apart
to himself, shall be deemed a householder, and entitled to vote at
the annual and other meetings of the said city: Provided that such
occupancy shall have existed six months next preceding such election."
Were this explanatory enactment omitted it would seem that to entitle
a person to vote he should have been a freeholder and a landholder
and a householder, all three conjointly, but it is apparent that the
legislature did not so intend, since it provided by the explanation
that if he were a householder alone, he would have been entitled to
vote. The explanation, while directed at a definition of a householder,
settles by indirection the only doubt arising from the text sought
to be explained, but unfortunately the proviso brought with it a
greater difficulty than the explanation had removed, and that was
whether other householders than those directed to be so deemed, were
required to have been such for six months before offering to vote. The
phraseology suggests legislative amendments and indicates a difference
of opinion as to who should be intrusted to vote; but all seem to have
agreed upon permanent residence anchorage to the soil as an essential
qualification, the difference being as to rigidity and extent to which
it should be carried. The most notable thing about this, the first
legislative act of Mississippi conferring the right of suffrage, is
that no distinction is made because of age, color, or sex. Whether this
were by accident or design, and whether other persons than adult white
males really voted thereunder, does not appear.

By an Act of Congress, approved Jan. 9th, 1808, the organic law so far
as it related to Mississippi Territory, was amended so as to provide
that every free white male person in the Mississippi Territory, above
the age of 21 years, having been a citizen of the United States, and
resident in the said territory one year next preceding an election of
representatives, and who has a legal or equitable title to a tract of
land by virtue of any act of Congress, or who may become the purchaser
of any tract of land from the United States of the quantity of fifty
acres, or who may hold in his own right a town lot of the value of one
hundred dollars within the said territory, shall be entitled to vote
for representatives to the general assembly of said territory.

The change just made in the suffrage laws of the territory can best be
appreciated by the use of parallel columns.

  Act of July 13th, 1787.              Act of Jan. 9, 1808.
  A person to vote hereunder must be   A person to vote hereunder must be
  (1) Free,                            (1) Free,
  (2) Male,                            (2) Male,
  (3) Of the age of twenty-one years.  (3) Of the age of twenty-one years.
  (4) A citizen of the United States   (4) A citizen of the United
      and a resident of the Territory,     States and resident of the
                                           territory or a resident for
                                           two years in one year next
                                           preceding an the Territory,
                                           and election at which he
                                           offers to vote,
  (5) A freeholder of fifty acres of   (5) The holder of a legal or
      land in the district.                equitable title to a tract of
                                           land, by virtue of any act of
                                           Congress, or who may become
                                           the purchaser of any tract of
                                           land from the United States of
                                           the quantity of fifty acres, or
                                           who may own a town lot of the
                                           value of one hundred dollars
                                           within the territory and
                                       (6) White.

This act of Congress, passed in 1808, first introduced the color line.

In 1811 four municipalities were organized by acts of the territorial
legislature, Woodville, Port Gibson, Huntsville and St. Stevens; the
latter two are now in Alabama. In the first one named the right to vote
was conferred on the freeholders and householders within the town, and
in the second the right was conferred on the landowners, freeholders
and householders within said town, but in each case the grant was
followed by a separate section of the act in these words: "All free
male inhabitants, subject to taxation, who shall be in the occupancy
of a room or rooms separate and apart to himself, shall be deemed a
householder, within the meaning of this act, and shall be entitled
to vote at the town elections." Clearly this section was intended to
enlarge the scope of those who were authorized to vote and it could not
rightfully be construed as narrowing it.

This being true, the freeholder and householders, other than those
mentioned in the quoted section, were empowered to vote without
reference to sex and all without regard to age or color. In the charter
of Huntsville the suffrage was conferred on "all free white male
inhabitants of said town above the age of twenty one years," and in the
case of St. Stevens the right to vote was given to "the citizens of
said town," but this was amended in 1815 so as to limit the right to
"landholders, freeholders and householders."

In January, 1814, the territorial legislature treated the town of
Mobile as an existing municipality, the section of the country
surrounding it, acquired from West Florida, was added to the territory
in 1812, and restricted suffrage to the "landholders, freeholders and
householders within the town," and followed this with a section in the
very language of the one quoted above from the charters of Woodville
and Port Gibson, but this was amended in 1816 so as to limit suffrage
as written in the following section, viz: "No person shall vote at any
election for president and commissioners, assessor and collector for
the said town, unless he be twenty-one years of age, and shall have
been a freeholder in said town, or the tenant of a house or separate
roof at least six months previous to any election and shall have paid
a county, territorial or corporation tax, nor unless he be a citizen
of the United States, or shall have resided within that part of West
Florida now in the possession of the United States, at the time of
the change of government in that province." The next legislation
pertinent was the act of Congress, approved April 25th, 1814, amending
the organic law of the territory. This provided "Each and every free
white male person, being a citizen of the United States, who shall have
attained the age of twenty-one years, and who shall also have resided
one year in said territory previous to any general election, and be at
the time of any such election a resident thereof, shall be entitled
to vote for members of the house of representatives, and a delegate
to Congress for the territory aforesaid." The only effect of this act
was to dispense with the property qualification previously prescribed
and to substitute in its place the payment of a county or territorial
tax. In 1815 an election was authorized for the purpose of locating the
county seat of Jackson County by act providing simply that such persons
as were authorized to vote for representatives might cast their ballots
thereat, but in 1816 a like act for Adams County was passed providing
"every free male white person, being a citizen of the county of Adams
who shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years and resided in
the said county twelve months previous to the said election, shall be
admitted to vote thereat and none other." This brings us to the end
of territorial legislation and from it we learn that ownership of or
anchorage to the soil was a prominent conception of the times; all
else as a necessary qualification for voting, even age, color and sex,
seems to have been subordinate, or accidental or exceptional. There was
certainly no prejudice then in the good old days because of color; the
color idea came from without, from Congress.


UNDER THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.

The constitution under which Mississippi came into the Union as a
state was adopted on the 15th August, 1817, and by the first section
of Article three thereof, the following provision is made: "Every
free white male person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards, who
shall be a citizen of the United States and shall have resided in this
state one year, next preceding an election, and the last six months
within the county, city or town in which he offers to vote and shall be
enrolled in the militia thereof except exempted by law from military
service; or having the aforesaid qualifications of citizenship and
residence, shall have paid a state or county tax, shall be deemed a
qualified elector; but no elector shall be entitled to vote, except in
the county, city or town (entitled to separate representation) in which
he may reside at the time of election."

An analysis of this section shows that in order for a person to be a
qualified state and county voter thereunder he must have been,

    (1) Free,
    (2) White,
    (3) Male,
    (4) Twenty-one years of age or upward,
    (5) A citizen of the United States,
    (6) A resident of the state for at least one year,
    (7) A resident of the county, city or town at least six months,
    (8) Enrolled in the militia unless exempt therefrom, or he
    must have had the "aforesaid qualifications of citizenship and
    residence" and have paid a state or county tax.

What our forefathers meant by alternate qualifications is hard at
this day to find out. A literal construction would have authorized a
free white male person having the qualifications of citizenship and
residence to have voted irrespective of age, but there is no record
of infants having exercised the right, nor is there in our books a
judicial interpretation of the constitutional provision. It is notable,
too, in respect to this section of the fundamental law that crimes
did not disfranchise under the terms of the constitution itself and
that the murderer, the thief _et id omne genus_ are relegated to the
legislature so far as voting was concerned by the 5th section of the
sixth article which provides, "laws shall be made to exclude from
office, and from suffrage, those who shall hereafter be convicted of
bribery, perjury, forgery or other high crimes or misdemeanors." We
find, however, that the legislature in 1822 undertook to perform its
duty in this regard by providing that "no person shall vote at any
election whatever in this state who shall have been convicted by the
verdict of a jury, and the final judgment or sentence of a court of
competent jurisdiction, of bribery, perjury, forgery, or other high
crime or misdemeanor, unless the person so convicted shall receive a
full pardon for such offense."

On the subject of pardons and its effect on the right of suffrage it
may be stated here that the doctrine in this state until the adoption
of the constitution of 1890 was in favor of the restoration of the
right to vote; the constitution just named having made provision for a
legislative restoration of the right to vote leaves the matter now an
open question as concerns executive pardons.

It is worthy of note that by legislative act, approved February 10th,
1821, elections in this state were held _viva voce_, but this act
remained in force only until June 13th, 1822, the date of the act
repealing it, since which time they have been by ballot; since 1869
the constitutions have required them to be so. In truth there is no
record of an election held _viva voce_ under the law of 1821, though
the election held on the 1st Monday of August, 1821, under Sec. 6,
Art. 3 of the first constitution must have been so held. Of course the
laws passed under the constitution of 1817 on the subject of state and
county elections conformed their provisions, defining who should have
the right of franchise to the terms fundamental law on the subject and,
as we have seen, the legislature excluded criminals from the right to
vote, but the lawmakers of that day by no means confined themselves
to the constitutional qualifications when they came to prescribe who
should be entitled to vote in municipal elections; for instance, we
see that "citizens of the town" were made voters in Shieldsborough (Now
Bay St. Louis) in 1818, in Greenville (Jefferson county) in 1819, and
in Holmesville in 1820; and "citizens of one month's residence" were
allowed to vote on the subject of the location of the Madison County
court house by act approved 1829, and "free white male citizens of
the town above the age of twenty-one years" were made voters by act
incorporating Pearlington, passed in 1822, and in the same year "free
citizens resident in the town" were made voters in Columbus. In 1821
"free white male inhabitants, resident of the town, twenty-one years of
age and upwards" were authorized to vote in Monticello, and in 1831 in
Warrenton; and in 1824 such residents of the county were authorized to
vote on the location of the county seat of Warren County.

By act of 1821 "every free white male person, twenty-one years old or
upwards, an inhabitant of the town for six months and who had been
assessed and paid a town tax within a year," were allowed to vote in
municipal election at Port Gibson, and so too were the owners of land
in that town, if the land had been assessed and taxes paid on it,
whether the owner resided in the corporate limits or elsewhere; and I
am advised the law of that town so remained until after the war; the
idea has been adopted by several municipalities of the state in later
days. By the early charters of Vicksburg, approved 1825, and Rodney,
approved 1828, suffrage was conferred on "landholders, householders,
freeholders and such as shall have paid a town tax, being inhabitants
and residents for three months in the town."

In 1830 "freeholders and householders" were made voters in
Shieldsborough (now Bay St. Louis) and Raymond, and in 1825
"freeholders and householders," whether resident or not, were given the
right to vote in the town of Washington, and in 1831 the right to elect
a constable was given "actual citizens of Vicksburg, over twenty-one
years of age," and in 1830 the "freeholders and householders" of the
town of Washington were required to be males in order to vote after
that date, and the only qualification of voters in the town of Liberty,
according to the act of 1819, were that they should be "free white
males, resident citizens of the town," and this is true under the
first charter of Warrenton, approved in 1820. In all these instances
the constitution of 1817 was not regarded as establishing a rule to
be applied to municipal suffrage. By several acts passed while this
constitution was operative the constitutional rule was, however,
adopted in defining who should vote in municipal elections. Thus in
1821, in respect to the town of Washington the language is "persons
entitled to vote for members of the general assembly," and the same
language is used in the charter of Clinton, passed in 1830, and to the
same language is added the words, "and who shall have resided in the
town three months" in the charters of Meadville and Brandon passed in
1830 and 1831 respectively. In the amendment to the charter of Liberty,
passed in 1828, suffrage is limited to "inhabitants of the town under
the restrictions prescribed by the constitution of the state," and the
same language substantially is to be found in the act incorporating
Gallatin approved in 1829.

"The qualified electors" of Jackson county voted on the subject of the
location of their court house under the provisions of an act passed in
December, 1830. The "free white male inhabitants, residing within the
town entitled to vote for members of the general assembly" were made
the electors of the city of Jackson by the first act of incorporation
passed in 1823, and by legislative grant approved in 1830 incorporating
Manchester (now Yazoo City) the "inhabitants entitled to vote according
to the constitution and laws of the state" were given the right to
participate in municipal elections, and the same language is used in
the charter of Athens, approved in the same year.

An analysis of all this will show that under the constitution of 1817
"color" was not a qualification or a disqualification in eight of
the towns of the state legislated upon, viz: Shieldsborough (now Bay
St. Louis), Greenville (Jefferson County), Holmesville, Columbus,
Vicksburg, Rodney, Raymond and Washington. Of course slaves were
not freeholders or citizens, but free men of color were frequently
freeholders and before the Dred Scott decision were regarded by many as
citizens. It will be noted, too, that sex was not made a qualification
or a disqualification for voting in seven of the towns whose charters
were passed or amended during the period in which the first state
constitution was operative, viz: those, except Washington, just
enumerated. There is no evidence, however, that women ever voted in
any of these towns, and all that can be learned on the subject leads
to the belief that they not only never did but the right seems never
to have been claimed for or by them. Free persons of color, however,
as I learn, did claim the right in some of these towns and it was
generally conceded by those of the white men whose interest was on the
side of the claimant's political preference, but was generally denied
by the opposition, and it is doubtful if a negro ever voted in any of
them until after the war. On the whole it is not so clear but that
the failure to exclude women and free persons of color in the early
legislation on the subject of voting in municipalities was but the
result of legislative awkwardness and a want of exactness in statutory
exclusion and inclusion.


UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1832.

The exact period in Mississippi legal history extends from 1832 to
1869, and embraces the period during which the constitution adopted
in 1832 remained in force. This, the second state constitution, was
adopted October 26, 1832; its provisions on the subject of suffrage
are as follows: "Every free white male person of the age of twenty-one
years or upwards, who shall be a citizen of the United States, and
shall have resided in this state one year next preceding an election,
and the last four months within the county, city or town in which he
offers to vote, shall be deemed a qualified elector." * * * * * "Every
person shall be disqualified from holding an office or place of honor
or profit under the authority of this state, who shall be convicted
of having given or offered any bribe to procure his election. Laws
shall be made to exclude from office and from suffrage those who shall
hereafter be convicted of bribery, perjury, forgery, or other high
crimes or misdemeanors." * * The second of the sections above quoted
was acted upon by the law-making power March 2, 1833, and the following
piece of legislation then became operative:

"No person shall vote at any election whatever in this state, who shall
have been convicted by the verdict of a jury and the final judgment of
a court of competent jurisdiction, of bribery, perjury, forgery, or
other high crimes or misdemeanors, unless the person so convicted shall
have received a full pardon for such offense."

It will be noted that the conviction must have been by the verdict
of a jury and the judgment of the court both conjunctively. What was
the effect if the criminal plead guilty does not seem to have been
considered. Of course the general legislation of the state on the
subject of state and county elections, conformed to the constitution,
and we are again led to examine the acts incorporating municipalities
within the period, and providing who should be voters therein, in order
to obtain light on the thought of the times relative to our subject.

A great many cities and towns were incorporated during this period; in
a large majority of charters it was simply provided that the "qualified
voters" should exercise the right of suffrage, thus recognizing the
constitutional rule. In many instances additional qualifications to
those named in the constitution were imposed, thus, residence for a
specified time within the corporate limits was required in 1833 for
Columbus, Amsterdam, Manchester (now Yazoo City), Jackson, Sartartia,
Liberty, Woodville, and in 1836 for Plymouth. But by no means did the
legislatures of the period conceive that they were bound to require all
the constitutional qualifications as essential for municipal suffrage.
A favorite idea was to authorize "every free white male inhabitant of
the town" who had resided therein for a specified time, to vote in
municipal elections. This was the case in Raymond, by act passed in
1833; Salem, Starkville and Sharon, 1837; Cotton Gin Port, Farmington
and Philadelphia, 1838; Cooksville and Emory in 1839; Hernando, 1840;
Gainesville, 1846; Shongole and Camargo, 1850; Sarepta, Hermans,
Eastport and Benela, 1852; Columbus and Aberdeen, 1854 (in the latter,
however, non-resident freeholders were allowed to vote by the act);
Bonner, 1860; Wesson, Beauregard, Hickory and Hazlehurst, 1865; Lodi,
Batesville and Sardis, 1866; Crystal Springs and Winona, 1867. In
addition to the ordinary qualifications the payment of a town tax
was required for Grand Gulf, 1833; Vicksburg, 1833 and 1839; Rodney,
1844; Yazoo City, 1846; Natchez, 1865. During this period, too, a
few municipal charters pursued the language which was so frequently
used at an earlier day--"freeholders, landowners and householders."
This was the case in the acts for Shieldsborough (now Bay St. Louis),
1838 and 1850; Pass Christian and Biloxi, 1838, and Rodney, 1844.
In a few instances every adult resident person was allowed to vote,
without reference to race, color, sex or anything else if the laws
were administered as they are written. This was the case in Macon,
1836; Paulding, 1837, and Raleigh, 1838, and in Brandon, by act of
1833, resident persons were not excluded by law because of infancy. For
liberality of sentiment on the subject of universal suffrage, Brandon's
charter of 1833 is without an equal, but whether this liberality of
expression proceeded from a liberality of feeling or from ignorance in
the forms of expression doth not appear. Registration of voters was
first required in this state by act passed in 1839, and it applied to
municipal elections at Vicksburg only; in 1861 a similar provision was
enacted for Canton, and in 1865 for Natchez. Of late years a municipal
registration is quite common, as we shall see hereafter.


UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1869

By the second section of article seventh, constitution of 1869, the
following qualifications of voters were prescribed; in order to be a
voter a person must have been,

    1. Male,
    2. Inhabitant of the state; idiots, insane persons and Indians
    not taxed excepted,
    3. Citizen of the United States, or naturalized,
    4. Twenty-one years old or upwards,
    5. Resident of the state six months and in county one month,
    6. Duly registered.

And by section two, article twelfth thereof, the legislature was
required to pass laws to exclude from suffrage "those who shall
hereafter be convicted of bribery, perjury, forgery or other high crime
or misdemeanor."

The public laws of the state, on the subject of state and county
elections, of course conformed to the constitutional provisions; the
section thereof found in the code of 1871 on the subject of criminals
excluded from the right to register and vote "persons convicted of
bribery, perjury, forgery or infamous crime;" that of 1880 denied
suffrage to persons convicted of bribery, perjury, forgery, grand
larceny or any felony.

Under this constitution (1869) of course the negroes were voters. Much
has been said of late years to the effect that the grant of the right
to vote on the negroes by the fifteenth amendment to the constitution
of the United States was a mistake; perhaps the adoption of that
amendment was an error in statecraft; certainly it proved a party
mistake to the Republican party. But every thoughtful and candid man
will doubt the proposition that the grant of suffrage to the negro was
a mistake when viewed from the standpoint of the negro's welfare. Would
his rights as a citizen have been as soon respected had he remained
deprived of political power? Of course this is a question that can
never be settled. We can only speculate upon it.

The provisions of this constitution, like that of the preceding ones,
were construed by the legislature as applying only to state and county
elections; hence we find that in municipal matters the provisions of
the acts of the legislature passed under it defining who should vote
in city, town and village elections are variant. It is sufficient to
extract from the numerous municipal charters any governing principle.
It is apparent, however, that the tendency was, perhaps from
convenience of expression, to adopt the constitutional rule, simply
adding that the voter should be a resident of the municipality. In a
few instances persons having "permanent business" in the town were
permitted to vote at municipal elections even though their citizenship
and residence were elsewhere.

This was the case in Bolton, 1871; Quitman, 1880; Laurel, 1886; Scooba,
1886; and non-resident freeholders of the town were permitted to vote
in Senatobia in 1882 and Tunica, 1888.

In a majority of cases the provision was that the voter should be
a qualified elector of the state, or state and county, and that he
should have resided within the municipal limits a specified time.
This time varied greatly, from ten days, the shortest, to two years.
Of the various acts of legislation on this subject I find thirteen
in which the length of residence was required to be only ten days;
one in which the time is fifteen days; eight fixing twenty days;
forty-five prescribing one month; nine fixing two months; fifteen
naming three months; nine prescribing four months; one fixing five
months; twenty-one naming six months; three fixing one year, and four
prescribing two years. The municipalities in which one year's residence
was required are Pass Christian (a seashore resort), the purpose
evidently being to exclude summer visitors, 1882; Rosedale, 1890; and
Durant, 1890. Those in which two years' residence was prescribed are
Eureka Springs, 1880; Seven Pines, 1882; Pass Christian, 1890; and
Jackson, 1890. The principal purpose in each, except the summer resort,
was to exclude the transient negro voter.

During this period it was not unusual for the legislature to provide
that there should be a separate registration of municipal voters. This
was the case with Natchez, 1870; Columbus, 1884; Senatobia, 1884;
Macon, 1884; Yazoo City, 1884; Ellisville, 1884; Bolton, 1886; Bay St.
Louis, 1886; Brooksville, 1886; Fulton, 1886; Pass Christian, 1886;
Scooba, 1886; Biloxi, 1888; Terry, 1888; Potts Camp, 1888; Tunica,
1888; Water Valley, 1888; Rosedale, 1890; Clarksdale, 1890; Jackson,
1890; Durant, 1890 Indianola, 1890.

The prepayment of a municipal tax was in several instances made a
requisite qualification: This was the case as to a street tax in
Brookhaven, 1884; Greenville, 1884 and 1886; Vicksburg, 1886; Vaiden,
1886; and as to street tax and poll tax, Jackson, 1890; Durant, 1890.

In but one instance during the period, 1869 to 1890, do we find the
"householders and freeholders" made voters, the case of Greenwood
Springs, 1871, though, as we have seen, this was a favorite idea in the
early days of the state. In 1882 the spirit of liberality was given
full scope by the act providing that "all persons residing within the
town limits" should have the right to vote in Columbia; again we will
make the suggestion of a skeptic and express doubt whether the girl
babies exercised the right.


UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1890.

The provisions of the new constitution of Mississippi on the subject of
suffrage are as follows:

ARTICLE 12.

FRANCHISE.

Section 240. All elections by the people shall be by ballot.

Section 241. Every male inhabitant of this state, except idiots, insane
persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United States,
twenty-one years old and upwards, who has resided in this state two
years, and one year in the election district, or in the incorporated
city or town in which he offers to vote, and who is duly registered
as provided in this article, and who has never been convicted of
bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under false
pretenses, perjury, forgery, embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has paid,
on or before the first of February of the year in which he shall offer
to vote, all taxes which may have been legally required of him, and
which he has had an opportunity of paying according to law for the two
preceding years, and who shall produce to the officers holding the
election satisfactory evidence that he has paid said taxes, is declared
to be a qualified elector; but any minister of the gospel in charge
of an organized church shall be entitled to vote after six months'
residence in the election district, if otherwise qualified.

Section 244. On and after the first day of January, A. D. 1892, every
elector shall, in addition to the foregoing qualifications, be able
to read any section of the constitution of this state; or he shall be
able to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable
interpretation thereof. A new registration shall be made before the
next ensuing election after January the first, A. D. 1892.

The qualifications at the present time, therefore, of an elector are:

1. Male,
2. Inhabitant of the state, excluding idiots, insane persons and
Indians not taxed,
3. Citizen of the United States,
4. Twenty-one years old or upwards,
5. Resident of the state for two years,
6. Resident for one year in the election district, or city or town,
except ministers of the gospel who may vote on six months' residence,
7. Duly registered,
8. Never convicted of bribery and other enumerated crimes,
9. Has paid two years' taxes,
10. Able to read any section of the constitution of the state; or
able to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable
interpretation thereof.

It will be noted that these constitutional qualifications, unlike the
provisions of former fundamental laws, are by the section above quoted
made to apply to electors in municipal elections; the legislature,
however, is authorized to prescribe additional qualifications. And it
has prescribed as such additional qualifications, by the section on
that subject in the chapter of the new Code on Municipalities, that the
voter must have resided within the corporate limits for one year next
before he offers to register and he must not be in default for taxes
due the municipality for the two preceding years.

Much has been said about this constitution, both for and against it;
especially has the "understanding clause," the tenth qualification
as enumerated above, been severely criticised. Thus we find in the
American Law Review of January-February, 1892, the following: "It is
quite apparent that this clause was never intended to be carried out
faithfully. It will be so administered as to exclude the negro voters,
hardly one of whom will be eligible under it, and so as not to exclude
the ignorant white voter. The last qualification, the ability to give
a reasonable interpretation of any clause of the constitution of the
state, would exclude nearly all the lawyers and judges in the state. In
this manner the people of Mississippi endeavor to solve the appalling
problem of carrying on civil government with a mass of voters easily
corrupted and so stolid and ignorant as not to be able to understand
the first principles of their political institutions."

And we find in the Atlantic Monthly, December, 1892, the following
statement in reference to it:

    "That it may, and probably will, be put into operation so as
    to preclude the negro from voting, while his equally ignorant
    white neighbor is allowed the privilege, appears from the fact
    that the inability to read does not constitute an absolute
    basis of exclusion; for the inspectors may allow a person to
    vote who can understand or give a reasonable interpretation of
    a section of the constitution when read to him. It is apparent
    that an inspector may very easily reject as unreasonable an
    interpretation from a colored man, and accept one no whit
    better from a white man. Such discrimination in practice would
    be very hard to discover."

And Mr. John F. Dillon, one of the most distinguished of American
lawyers, in his address as President of the American Bar Association,
at Saratoga, August, 1892, speaking of this section of the Mississippi
Constitution of 1890, says:

    "It has been supposed that this clause was a concession made
    in the interest of illiterate whites; but whether this be so
    or not, a general and indiscriminate requirement that all
    voters shall be able to read and write is, in my judgment, not
    contrary to the fundamental principles of American government,
    but in accordance with the principles on which such government
    must securely rest, namely, the intelligence and virtue of the
    people."

I have heard attributed to a distinguished United States Senator, who
would have been glad to have come to a different conclusion, that this
constitution demonstrated that Anglo-Saxon ingenuity could accomplish
anything; that the provisions of it on the subject of the suffrage was
a practical repeal of the fifteenth amendment of the constitution of
the United States, and yet the result was effected in such a way that
its legality could not be successfully denied.

The truth is, without reference to the designs of its authors, that we
have under it in the state, to all intents and purposes, an educational
qualification pure and simple. More negroes, the American Law Review
and the Atlantic Monthly to the contrary notwithstanding, have
registered under the alternate or understanding clause than white men.
Only 2,672 illiterate, both white and black, had up to 1893 registered
under it. I have not seen the figures since. The negroes who have taken
advantage of it exceed the white men who have done so in a majority of
the counties of the state.

It seems that the illiterate white man shrinks from an application to
be registered under the "understanding clause;" a refusal to advertise
his incapacity, while the negroes as a rule have but little to lose;
but another truth is that with scarcely an exception the negroes are
thoroughly content with the constitution, and are satisfied to be
measured for registration and voting by its standards. The writer, as a
member of the convention which adopted the constitution, voted against
the "understanding clause," but now that he has seen its practical
workings he is prepared to say that the convention did the very best
thing that it could have done under the circumstances surrounding it.

This "understanding clause" is not without a parallel in the
constitutions of other states; as was pointed out by Senator George
of this state in the United States Senate, it is no more difficult of
honest administration than are the provisions of the constitutions of
other states: for example, the constitution of Vermont of 1777 provided
that an elector "should be of quiet, peaceable behavior," and the
constitution of Connecticut requires at this day that the voter shall
sustain "a good moral character," and numerous other like instances
that might be mentioned.

The constitutional provision that a person shall not register as a
voter within four months of an election is believed to be a wise
measure; the ignorant, the indifferent and the sordid voter fails to
register; political excitement never exists to any considerable extent
so long before the election; there is no such thing as hiring men to
register, for those who can be hired, cannot be trusted for so long a
time to vote in the promised or expected way. It is believed that the
provision is worthy of adoption everywhere.

The legislation of Mississippi under the constitution of 1890 conforms
to that instrument.

By sections 3624 to 3640 of the code (1892) ample provision is made for
appeals from adverse rulings of registration officers, and the humblest
citizen of the land, the humblest negro, if you please, can invoke the
courts of the country, even the Supreme Court, for protection in case
he be improperly denied the right to register and vote, and he is
also provided with ample remedy before the courts in every case where
the right is improperly granted to others. These Code sections are as
follows:

    3624. _Appeal by person denied registration._--Any person
    denied the right to register as a voter may appeal from
    the decision of the registrar to the Board of election
    commissioners by filing with the registrar, on the same day
    of such denial or within five days thereafter, a written
    application for appeal.

    3625. _Appeal by other than person denied._--Any elector of the
    county may likewise appeal from the decision of the registrar
    allowing any other person to be registered as a voter; but
    before the same can be heard the party appealing shall give
    notice to the person whose registration is appealed from, in
    writing, stating the grounds of the appeal; which notice shall
    be served by the sheriff or constable, as process in other
    courts is required to be served; and the officer may demand and
    receive for such service, from the person requesting the same
    the sum of one dollar.

    3626. _Appeal heard de novo._--All cases on appeals shall be
    heard by the boards of election commissioners de novo, and
    oral evidence may be heard by them; and they are authorized to
    administer oaths to witnesses before them; and they have the
    power to subpoena witnesses, and to compel their attendance;
    to send for persons and papers; to require the sheriff and
    constables to attend them and execute their process. The
    decisions of the commissioners in all cases shall be final as
    to questions of fact, but as to matters of law they may be
    revised by the circuit and supreme courts. The registrar shall
    obey the orders of the commissioners in directing a person to
    be registered, or a name to be stricken from the registration
    books.

    3637. _Appeal from the decision of the Commissioners._--Any
    elector aggrieved by the decision of the commissioners, shall
    have the right to file a bill of exceptions thereto, to be
    approved and signed by the commissioners, embodying the
    evidence in the case and the findings of the commissioners,
    within two days after the rendition of the decision, and may
    thereupon appeal to the circuit court upon the execution of a
    bond, with two or more sufficient sureties, to be approved by
    the commissioners, in the sum of one hundred dollars, payable
    to the state, and conditioned to pay all costs in case the
    appeal shall not be successfully prosecuted; and in case the
    decision of the commissioners be affirmed, judgment shall be
    entered on the bond for all costs.

    3638. _Duty of Commissioners in case of appeal to Circuit
    Court._--It shall be the duty of the commissioners, in case of
    appeal from their decision, to return the bill of exceptions
    and the appeal bond into the circuit court of the county
    within five days after the filing of the same with them;
    and the circuit courts shall have jurisdiction to hear and
    determine such appeals.

    3629. _Proceedings in the Circuit Court._--Should the judgment
    of the circuit court be in favor of the right of an elector
    to be registered, the court shall so order, and shall, by its
    judgment, direct the registrar of the county forthwith to
    register him. Costs shall not, in any case, be adjudged the
    commissioners or the registrar.

    3630. _Costs; compensation, etc._--The election commissioners
    shall not award costs in proceedings before them; but the
    circuit and supreme courts shall allow costs, as in other
    cases. The sheriffs, when required to attend before the
    commissioners at their meetings, shall be paid two dollars a
    day, to be allowed by the board of supervisors.

Having now considered and presented the evolution of suffrage in
this state and given by way of recital and incidentally at least,
its present status, we come to consider the objects upon which the
suffrage may be exercised, and this can be easily stated by the general
averment that all legislative and executive officers are elected by
the suffragists; the executive officers of the state are not elected
necessarily by a plurality or a majority vote. We have a sort of an
electoral scheme, which is created by the constitution in the following
words:

    SECTION 140.--The governor of the state shall be
    chosen in the following manner: On the first Tuesday after
    the first Monday of November of A. D. 1895, and on
    the first Tuesday after the first Monday of November in every
    fourth year thereafter, until the day shall be changed by
    law, an election shall be held in the several counties and
    districts created for the election of members of the house of
    representatives in this state, for governor, and the person
    receiving in any county or such legislative district the
    highest number of votes cast therein, for said office, shall
    be holden to have received as many votes as such county or
    district is entitled to members in the house of representatives
    which last named votes are hereby designated "electoral votes."
    In all cases where a representative is apportioned to two or
    more counties or districts, the electoral vote, based on such
    representative, shall be equally divided among such counties
    or districts. The returns of said election shall be certified
    by the election commissioners, or a majority of them, of the
    several counties, and transmitted, sealed, to the seat of
    government, directed to the secretary of state, and shall be by
    him safely kept and delivered to the speaker of the house of
    representatives at the next ensuing session of the legislature
    within one day after he shall have been elected. The speaker,
    shall on the next Tuesday after he shall have received said
    returns, open and publish them in the presence of the house of
    representatives, and said house shall ascertain and count the
    vote of each county and legislative district and decide any
    contest that may be made concerning the same, and said decision
    shall be made by a majority of the whole number of members of
    the house of representatives concurring therein, by a viva voce
    vote, which shall be recorded in its journal; _Provided_, In
    case the two highest candidates have an equal number of votes
    in any county or legislative district, the electoral vote of
    such county or legislative district shall be considered as
    equally divided between them. The person found to have received
    a majority of all the elective votes, and also a majority of
    the popular vote, shall be declared elected.

    Section 141. If no person shall receive such majorities, then
    the house of representatives shall proceed to choose a governor
    from the two persons who shall have received the highest number
    of popular votes. The election shall be by viva voce, which
    shall be recorded in the journal, in such manner as to show for
    whom each member voted.

    Section 142. In case of an election of governor or any state
    officer by the house of representatives, no member of that
    house shall be eligible to receive any appointment from the
    governor or other state officer so elected during the term for
    which he shall be elected.

    Section 143. All other state officers shall be elected at the
    same time and in the same manner as provided for election of
    governor.

The legislature is prohibited from electing officers to a very great
extent by the following section of the constitution:

    Section 99. The legislature shall not elect any other than its
    own officers, state librarian and United States Senators; but
    this section shall not prohibit the legislature from appointing
    presidential electors.

All the judges of the state, except justices of the peace, are
appointed by the Governor by and with the advice and consent of the
senate. Mississippi was, it may be mentioned parenthetically, the
first state to provide for an elective judiciary; this was done in
her constitution of 1832; but she is now as far away from that mode
of selection as she can well be, her present constitution providing
for their appointment and her people generally, it is believed, are
thoroughly satisfied with the present status of the matter. There are
two instances in which the electors vote directly upon the subject of
the enforcement of laws; and without an affirmative vote in their
favor the statutes are not enforced. These are, first the Local Option
law, by which the qualified electors of a county, if a majority vote
against the sale, may prohibit the licensing of dram-shops in the
county, and under which a large majority of the counties of the state
have secured absolute statutory prohibition of the liquor traffic; and,
second, the fence and stock law, by which is determined the question
of whether the owners of live stock shall keep them confined, and thus
allow of the production of crops on unenclosed lands. This resolves
itself into a question of "fences" or "no fences," and it is left to
a vote in the counties, or parts of counties can vote upon it. This
question is left to "the resident freeholders and leaseholders for a
term of three years or more" of the territory so voting. It will be
noticed that neither sex nor age is mentioned, and in truth women and
infants do actually vote in the state, on this interesting and to those
involved, most serious question.

The Supreme Court of the state has settled beyond cavil that the
statute is constitutional and valid. This "fence" or "no fence"
election is possibly an exception to the general rule of the state that
a plurality vote elects or carries. I say, possibly is an exception,
because of ambiguity in the statute, construed as I think it may be
seen by some minds, it will require two thirds of the vote cast to put
the "no fence" law in force.

All elections in Mississippi since 1821 have been by ballot, and this
is now the constitutional rule; we have here the Australian or secret
ballot system very much as it is found in a number of states of the
Union, and it accomplishes in its practical operation the primary
objects of the system; first, the absolute prevention of bribery, for
no man will bribe a voter if the only evidence of the delivery of the
contracted-for vote be the word of the bribe taker, and, second, the
prevention of intimidation of voters, which is practically impossible.

The absence from the voting place since the introduction of the system
of the ticket broker and professional bummer is notable.

It was the intention of the writer when this article was begun to
present his views on many of the questions suggested and germain to
the general subject, but this paper has now grown so long that he will
have to be content with a presentation of a mere historical narrative
of matters pertaining to suffrage in this state. He consoles himself
with the reflection that perhaps such a contribution may be more
valuable to the true and earnest student of the subject than would be
any discourse that he might write which in its nature was sought to
be made philosophical, or which was merely speculative. If the facts
are presented, if the history be made accessible, the student who is
interested enough to read will draw the proper conclusions.




SPANISH POLICY IN MISSISSIPPI AFTER THE TREATY OF SAN LORENZO.

BY FRANKLIN L. RILEY, PH. D.


October 16, 1795,[1] Thomas Pinckney, in behalf of the United States
and the Prince of Peace, representing His Catholic Majesty, signed at
San Lorenzo el Real, a treaty which contained among other things, the
following stipulations:

    "The southern boundary of the United States, which divides
    their territory from the Spanish colonies of East and West
    Florida, shall be designated by a line beginning on the River
    Mississippi at the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree
    of latitude north of the equator, which from thence shall be
    drawn due east to the River Apalachicola," etc.

    "If there should be any troops, garrisons or settlements of
    either party in the territory of the other according to the
    above-mentioned boundaries, they shall be withdrawn from
    the said territory within the term of six months after the
    ratification of this treaty, or sooner if possible."

    "One Commissioner and one Surveyor shall be appointed by each
    of the contracting parties, who shall meet at the Natchez on
    the left side of the River Mississippi before the expiration of
    six months from the ratification of this convention and they
    shall proceed to run and mark this boundary according to the
    stipulations."

    "The navigation of the said (Mississippi) River, in its whole
    breadth from its source to the ocean shall be free only to his
    (Catholic Majesty) subjects and the citizens of the United
    States, unless he should extend this privilege to the subjects
    of other Powers by special convention."

    "The two high contracting parties shall____maintain peace
    and harmony among the several Indian nations who inhabit the
    country adjacent to____the boundaries of the two Floridas." "No
    treaty of alliance or other whatever (except treaties of peace)
    shall be made by either party with the Indians living within
    the boundary of the other."

These terms, so favorable to the United States and so destructive
of Spanish interests, had long been the rock upon which all plans
for an adjustment of the differences between the two powers had
been stranded.[2] Nor were they finally extorted from Spain until a
concurrence of unfavorable events had precipitated a diplomatic crisis.
Even then his Catholic Majesty seemed to consider such stipulations
as only a temporary expedient, the fulfillment of which he hoped
eventually to be able to evade. The Prince of Peace himself admits
that political circumstances forced Spain to consent to the treaty and
intimates further that he would have made even greater concessions
if they had been demanded by the United States. In writing of these
negotiations, he says:

    "I had taken to heart the treaty (Jay's), which unknown to us
    the English cabinet had negotiated with the United States of
    America; this treaty afforded great latitude to evil designs;
    it was possible to injure Spain in an indirect manner and
    without risk, in her distant possessions.

    "I endeavored to conclude another treaty with the same states,
    and had the satisfaction to succeed in my object; _I obtained
    unexpected advantages_, and met with sympathy, loyalty, and
    generous sentiments in that nation of Republicans."

Subsequent events proved, however, that Godoy had overestimated the
probabilities of a consolidation of interests between the United
States and Great Britain, and that Spain had also failed to gain
that ascendency over the affairs of this "nation of republicans,"
which she hoped to do through this treaty.[3] She was therefore no
longer interested in fulfilling its stipulations. These facts are
substantiated by a letter which Stoddard[4] claims was written by
Governor Gayoso in June, 1796, to a confidential friend, and which came
to light several years afterward. In this communication Gayoso claims
that:

    "The object of Great Britain in her treaty with the United
    States about this period, was to attach them to her interests,
    and even render them dependent on her, and, therefore, the
    Spanish treaty of limits was made to counterbalance it; but as
    Great Britain had totally failed in her object it was not the
    policy of Spain to regard her stipulations."[5]

In order to evade the treaty, she now returned to a line of policy
which she had adopted several years previous[6] and which had also been
tried by more than one foreign power[7] since the combined efforts
of England, France and Spain to "coop up" the United States between
the Alleghanies and the Atlantic, at the close of the Revolutionary
War.[8] This was nothing less than a dismemberment of the United
States. But the accomplishment of this bold project required time. She,
therefore, resorted to her historic policy of procrastination, hoping
ultimately to evade the treaty and thus regain what had been wrested
from her in diplomacy. She was fully aware of the dissatisfaction
the western states had expressed over the tardiness and at times the
apparent indifference of the United States to the navigation of the
Mississippi[9] and she also realized that the publication of the treaty
"would bring her project of dismemberment to a crisis and in a manner
to compel the western people to make a decided election to adhere to
the Atlantic states or to embrace the splendid advantages held out
to them on the Mississippi."[10] Hence, upon the announcement of the
treaty in New Orleans, a Spanish emissary was immediately dispatched
from that place to Tennessee and Kentucky, with authority to engage
the services of the principal inhabitants in a scheme to disaffect the
people towards the United States by the free use of money and promises
of independence and free trade.[11] In Gayoso's letter of June, 1796,
referred to above, the assertion was made that,

    "It was expected that several states would separate from the
    union, which would absolve Spain from her engagements;
    because, as her contract was made with the union, it would
    be no longer obligatory than while the union lasted. That
    Spain, contrary to her expectations, was not likely to derive
    any advantages from the treaty, and that her views and
    policy would be changed, particularly if an alteration took
    place in the political existence of the United States. He
    therefore concluded, that all things considered, nothing more
    would result from the treaty than the free navigation of the
    Mississippi."[12]

A second line of policy for evading the treaty was then opened up.
This was to postpone an execution of its stipulations awaiting the
development of certain international complications which seemed to be
inevitable. There had been a rupture in the diplomatic relation of the
United States and France and hostilities between these two countries
seemed to be near at hand. Mr. Pickering, who was Secretary of State
from 1795 to 1800, considered this the real cause for delay on the part
of Spain, after contending that the other reasons given by the Spanish
authorities were "merely ostensible," he says:

    "The true reason is doubtless developed by the Baron (de
    Corondelet)[13] in his proclamation of the 31st of May (1797).
    _The expectation of an immediate rupture between France, the
    intimate ally of Spain, and the United States._"[14]

By making common cause with France, in case of such a rupture, Spain
evidently thought that she could recover some of the concessions she
had made in the treaty, if compliance with its stipulations should not
be too far effected.

In order to find time for the operation of these schemes, the Spanish
officials produced, from time to time, such excuses as either the
treaty or the circumstances rendered plausible. After months of
fruitless delay, they determined to rest their final action upon
the results of another effort to detach the western states from the
Union. An emissary was again sent to Tennessee and Kentucky to confer
with certain men who were former correspondents of the governors of
Louisiana. He found, however, that the people were less disposed
towards a change than they were ten years previous, especially since
they were likely to secure the navigation of the Mississippi,--the
real cause of their former disaffection--without resorting to a
hazardous enterprise. After an eventful sojourn in this region, he
returned to New Orleans in January, 1798, bearing the unwelcome report
which convinced the Governor General that Spain had lost all hope
of political prestige in the territory north of the 31st degree and
east of the Mississippi.[15] Arrangements were then perfected for the
execution of the treaty.

In the light of the Spanish policy as presented above, local events
may be easily interpreted. As time was an indispensable condition upon
which the success of this policy depended, it was gained by various
pretexts. Don Yrujo, the Spanish minister, intrigued at Philadelphia,
and his efforts were ably seconded by Carondelet, Gayoso[16] and a host
of subordinate officials on the Mississippi.

In accordance with a stipulation of the treaty, President Washington
appointed the Honorable Andrew Ellicott[17] as Commissioner to run the
boundary line in behalf of the United States. He left Philadelphia for
Natchez by way of the Ohio and the Mississippi, September 16, 1796. But
his descent of the Mississippi had been anticipated by the Spaniards,
who had prepared obstructive measures in advance of his coming. So
that whenever he came in contact with Spanish officials they evinced
a disposition to hinder his descent of the river, if not prevent it
altogether.[18] Some of them affected ignorance of the treaty, others
appeared embarrassed at the presence of the Americans, while none of
them had made or were making, so far as the Commissioner could observe,
any preparations to evacuate the posts according to the terms of the
treaty.

Before reaching his destination, Ellicott received a communication
from Governor Gayoso, expressing his gratification at the arrival of
the Commissioner in those waters and requesting that the military
escort accompanying him should be left at the mouth of the Bayou
Pierre, sixty miles above Natchez, in order to prevent an "unforeseen
misunderstanding" between the troops of the two nations. Since the
treaty had provided for such an escort, this request was deemed
improper by Ellicott. He yielded the point, however, for the time
being, out of deference to the wishes of the Governor.[19]

Upon his arrival at Natchez, February 24, 1797, ten months after
the ratification of the treaty, he found no one ready to co-operate
with him in the performance of the duty assigned. To the contrary,
he learned through private sources that the Baron de Carondelet, the
Governor General of Louisiana, had declared that the treaty was never
intended to be carried into effect, that as Commissioner on the part
of Spain, he would evade or delay from one pretense or another, the
running of the boundary line until the treaty would become "a dead
letter," and that Louisiana either had been, or would soon be ceded to
France.[20]

About this time a suggestive and characteristic event occurred which
gives an insight into the temper of both the Spanish Governor and the
American Commissioner. About two hours after the flag of the United
States had been hoisted over the Commissioner's camp, Gayoso requested
that it be lowered. This request met with a flat refusal, and though
there were rumors of parties being formed to cut it down, "the flag
wore out upon the staff."[21] Gayoso explained, a fortnight later,
that his objection to the flag was not prompted by a desire to show a
discourtesy to the United States, but to prevent any unbecoming conduct
on the part of the Indians.[22] This explanation, however, seems to
have been an after-thought. Suffice it to say, when it was offered the
Indians had become so troublesome that Ellicott had determined to send
for his escort. The Governor, after declaring that he would construe
their descent as an insult to his master,[23] and then suggesting that
they might with propriety join the Commissioner at Loftus Cliffs,
near Clarksville, finally consented that they go into camp at Bacon's
Landing, a few miles below town.[24] This put an end to the efforts of
the Spaniards to draw Ellicott away from Natchez, the place designated
by the treaty for the meeting of the commissioners.[25]

After the lapse of a fortnight from the time of his arrival,
Ellicott was informed that the Spanish Commissioner, the Baron de
Carondelet, was detained in New Orleans in the discharge of duties
incident to the war then waging between Spain and Great Britain, and
that in his absence the business of the survey would devolve upon
Governor Gayoso.[26] March 19, had been settled upon as the time when
the commissioners would begin operation, but with this change of
commissioner, Gayoso gave notice that it would be impossible to proceed
at the time appointed. He promised, however, to be ready at an early
day. But, before these preparations were perfected, Spanish finesse had
discovered a new reason for delay. This in turn was followed by others
until May 11, when Ellicott was finally informed that the business upon
which he had come was postponed indefinitely, awaiting further orders
from the ministers of the two powers concerned.[27] These pretexts
having varied from time to time, it would be well to present them in
one view.[28]


I. NECESSITY OF AWAITING THE RESULT OF NEGOTIATIONS FOR SECURING THE
INHABITANTS IN THE POSSESSION OF THEIR LANDS.

This reason was first given in a proclamation issued by Governor Gayoso
on the 28th of March, 1797, but bearing the Gate of the day following.
It was reiterated in a second proclamation of the same date. Yet, when
the Secretary of State, two and a half months later, received from
Commissioner Ellicott a notice of this reason for delay, he declared
that no such negotiation had existed and that it was the first time
these objections to the evacuation of the posts had been heard of.[29]
Two months later still he observed that,

    "As____the great body of the inhabitants (of the territory)
    appear not to desire the patronage of the Spanish Government
    to secure it (their real estate); as the Government of the
    United States must be at least as anxious as that of Spain to
    protect the inhabitants in their rights when (they) become
    citizens of the United States ... there can be no difficulty in
    deciding whether this is a reason or a pretense. Besides, the
    negotiation ... has never existed; nor even been proposed or
    hinted either to or by the Government of the United States."[30]

Orders were promptly issued, however, by the President and the
Secretary of War to assure Governor Gayoso that no person would be
"disturbed in his possession or property, till an opportunity had been
afforded to apply to Congress," and that they might "rely upon their
claims being adjusted upon the most equitable principles."[31]


II, DESIRE OF FIRST ESTABLISHING FRIENDLY RELATIONS BETWEEN THE INDIANS
AND THE INHABITANTS OF THE TERRITORY TO BE CEDED[32].

On this subject Gayoso asserted that it was "impossible for His
Catholic Majesty to leave unprotected so many of his faithful
subjects and expose other settlements to the revengeful disposition
of discontented Indians." He therefore felt justified in retaining
possession of the country until he might be sure the savages would be
pacific.[33] The Secretary of State contended that such a reason would
warrant the assertion, that "the Governor meant, for an indefinite
period to avoid an evacuation of the posts: for, while a tribe of
Indians existed in that quarter, the Governor could not be _sure_ that
they would be pacific."[34] He observed further, that,

    /# "Upon a view of the whole correspondence ... submitted to
    the President, it appears that there is but too much reason to
    believe ... that an undue influence has been exercised over
    the Indians by the officers of His Catholic Majesty to prepare
    them for a rupture with the United States, those suspicions
    corresponding with other intelligence recently received by the
    Secretary of War and by me."[35]

Instructions were issued by the Secretary of War to assure the Spanish
Commandant that effort would be made "to preserve a continuance of
the pacific dispositions of the Indians within our limits, towards
the subjects of His Catholic Majesty or his Indians; and to prevent
their commencing hostilities (of which there is no appearance) against
either."[36]


III. NECESSITY OF CONSULTING THE KING CONCERNING THE CONDITION IN WHICH
THE FORTS WERE TO BE SURRENDERED.[37]

The treaty failed to specify whether the posts should be surrendered
with the buildings and fortifications intact, or whether they
should first be dismantled. Gayoso declared that a treaty with the
Indians required a demolition of the post at Walnut Hill and that
orders had been issued to that effect, but that owing to their
unsettled dispositions he had received counter orders to prevent the
fortifications from being injured.[38] General Wayne took the position
that the posts should be left standing.[39] President Adams, however,
left the matter entirely to the discretion of the Spanish officials,
and thus at once brought an end to the validity of this excuse.[40] On
this sub-Secretary Pickering maintained:

    "It is probably the first time that to 'withdraw,' or retire
    from a place, has been imagined to intend its destruction. If,
    at the formation of the treaty, the demolition of the posts had
    been intended, it would assuredly have been expressed."[41]

When the Spaniards had really decided to surrender the district, no
further mention was made of this subject, showing that, notwithstanding
their treaty with the Indians, they considered the demolition of the
forts of no consequence whatever.


IV. EXPECTATION OF AN ATTACK UPON LOUISIANA BY A BRITISH FORCE FROM
CANADA.

Suspicion to this effect, though based upon reports more or less vague,
had been expressed by the Spanish Minister as early as the February
preceding; and had been reiterated by him from time to time,[42] until
at the expiration of three months, it had developed into a pretext for
delaying the execution of the treaty. In fact, the Baron de Carondelet
asserted in a proclamation of May 24, that further delay in surveying
the boundary line and in evacuating the forts was then occasioned only
by the imperious necessity of securing Lower Louisiana, in case the
British should become masters of the Illinois country[43] and that such
apprehensions had caused him to put the post at Walnut Hills "in a
respectable but provisional state of defence."[44] Secretary Pickering
not only considered these suspicions groundless, but contended further
that,

    "If the posts of the Natchez and Walnut Hills 'are the
    only bulwarks of Lower Louisiana, to stop the course of the
    British,' as the Baron alerts and if, therefore, Spain is
    justifiable in holding them, she may retain them, without any
    limitation of time, for her security in any future war, as well
    as in that which now exists."[45]

Before the appearance of the Baron's proclamation containing this
reason for delay, the Spanish Minister had been informed that the
Secretary of State saw no reasons for such suspicions and the British
Minister had been notified that the Government of the United States
would suffer neither British nor Spanish troops to march through its
territory for the purpose of hostility of one against the other.[46]
The Spanish Minister replied[47], however, that he knew to a certainty
that the English had made a proposition to General Clarke of Georgia
in order to secure his influence in that State in a proposed attack
against Florida. At the request of Mr. Pickering, this report was
investigated by the District Attorney of Georgia. He replied that
he could not find any one who knew of the matter or who entertained
a belief of the report; and that from General Clark's known violent
antipathies to the English and other circumstances, he doubted the
truthfulness of it altogether.[48]

When the attention of Mr. Liston, the British Minister, was directed
to the subject, he pointedly denied that his government either had
intended or was then intending to invade Louisiana.[49] A few days
later, however, he admitted that a plan for attacking the Floridas
and other Spanish possessions adjoining the United States had been
submitted to him by other persons, whom he declined to name, but
stated it was discountenanced by him because its success depended upon
a violation of the neutrality of the United States and an enlistment
of the Indians. According to this plan, the expedition was to be
undertaken by a British sea force, which would be joined by such
volunteers of the United States as would join the king's standard when
raised on Spanish soil.[50]

The noted conspiracy of Senator Blount of Tennessee then came to
light[51] and precipitated a spirited discussion between the Spanish
Minister and Mr. Pickering. The former contended that the plot had been
revealed and that no one any longer doubted that the expedition was to
have taken place,[52] while the latter maintained that there could have
been no connection between Blount's scheme and either the expedition
from Canada,[53] or the project attributed to General Clarke.[54] The
Secretary argued in support of his position that Blount's expedition
was to have been formed in one of the states south of the River Ohio;
that it was destined against the Floridas, and perhaps Lower Louisiana;
that Blount himself expected to be at the head of it; that it was
not to be undertaken but in conjunction with a British force; and
that "on the proposal of the expedition to the British Government, it
was totally rejected."[55] He maintained further that the suspicion
of a British invasion from Canada was groundless for the following
reasons:--(1) Preparations for such an expedition would have attracted
attention and rendered satisfactory proofs attainable; (2) the troops
of the United States, stationed along the Canadian border, were in
position to protect the frontier, as well as to get information of any
warlike preparations and communicate the same to the Secretary of War,
yet no such communications had been made; (3) the British did not have
on the lakes a force adequate to such an enterprise; (4) the routes
suggested for such a campaign would have interposed great difficulties
for the transportation of troops, equipage, provisions, etc., even
if they could have been taken without violating the territory of the
United States; and (5) the British Minister, after inquiring of the
Governor General of Canada and of "the British Secretary of State,"
denied that his Government either had intended or was then intending
such an expedition.[56]


V. FEAR OF AN ATTACK FROM THE UNITED STATES.

In the Spring of 1797, certain American troops were sent from the Ohio
into Tennessee for the purpose of preventing a forced settlement upon
the Cherokee lands. Orders were also given the Cumberland militia to
hold itself in readiness to prevent similar encroachments.[57] These
facts were seized upon by Carondelet, who asserted in a proclamation
of May 31, that since the United States was at peace with all the
savages, these movements must concern the Spanish provinces. To make
this pretext more plausible, the proclamation also made mention of
"the anterior menaces" of the representatives of the United States at
Natchez;[58] of the expected rupture between that Power and France, the
intimate ally of Spain; and of the recognition by the United States
of the right of England to navigate the Mississippi, which, the Baron
adds, "appears to annul" the treaty with His Catholic Majesty, by which
the United States acknowledged that "no other nation can navigate upon
the Mississippi without the consent of Spain."[59]

Secretary Pickering regarded the expectation of a rupture between the
United States and France as the real cause of the delay in running the
boundary and in evacuating the posts.[60] With reference to any hostile
intentions on the part of the United States, he wrote,

    "Never, perhaps, was conceived a more absurd idea, than that
    of marching troops from the Ohio to the State of Tennessee,
    and thence to the Natchez, in the whole a tedious, difficult
    and expensive route of many hundred miles, chiefly through a
    wilderness; when, if the United States had any hostile views,
    they had only to collect their troops to the Ohio, and suffer
    them to be floated down that river and the Mississippi, almost
    without labor, with great expedition, and at small expense, to
    the county to be attacked."[61]

These pretexts were usually accompanied by a profusion of promises and
explanations which rendered them more or less plausible. Besides this,
the Spaniards on more than one occasion made appearances of beginning
the evacuation.[62] Although declaring that nothing could prevent
the religious fulfilment of the treaty, they were, at the same time,
strengthening their fortifications and augmenting their forces on the
river. Under such circumstances, the presence of American soldiers and
officers was not desired. This fact explains the efforts of Governor
Gayoso to prevent Ellicott's escort from reaching Natchez and the
attempts to entice the Commissioner himself away from that place.[63]

He had scarcely failed in these schemes, however, when he heard of
the descent of Lieutenant Pope with a small detachment of American
troops to take charge of the posts upon their evacuation. He then sent
Ellicott an open letter directed to Pope, in which it was stated that
"for sundry reasons it would be proper and conduce to the harmony of
the two nations" for these troops to remain at a distance until the
posts were evacuated, which would be completed in a few days. But
instead of complying with the Governor's request to second this effort
at harmony, Ellicott wrote to Pope that there was evidence to show
that an evacuation was not really intended in any reasonable time and
that in his opinion the sooner the American troops reached Natchez
the better.[64] Upon receiving the Governor's letter Pope stopped his
detachment at the Walnut Hills. April 17, Ellicott wrote a second
letter stating that a rupture with the Spanish authorities at Natchez
was near at hand and that in his opinion the Lieutenant could better
serve his country at Natchez than at any other point on the river.[65]
In response to this letter, Pope and his command resumed their descent,
the Governor finally consenting, and reached Natchez April 24, 1797.[66]

Such are the general outlines of the contest that was waged between
the representatives of the two powers over the dilatory policy of
Spain. Subsequent diplomatic discussion centered on the navigation
of the Mississippi and the affairs at Natchez assumed the form of a
popular outbreak against the established government in the district.




TIME AND PLACE RELATIONS IN HISTORY, WITH SOME LOUISIANA AND
MISSISSIPPI APPLICATIONS

PROF. H. E. CHAMBERS.


A student or writer of history, imbued with the true and scientific
spirit of historical research and expression, would hesitate to accept
the task of compiling the narrative of a State or country if it were
required of him to confine himself strictly to local events. He would,
indeed, find it difficult to isolate the facts bearing upon the State
or country from their antecedents, distant in time and space, or from
their consequents when communicated to contemporaneous and succeeding
communities, or social organizations.

The great stream of human affairs is a tide of many currents. He who
would pilot by his pen the reading multitude must note the crossings
and the blendings, the counter-runnings and the parallelings. He cannot
take an arbitrary stand and say that this tide of affairs began in this
place and ended in that; or that this course of events began in such a
year and ended in such another. Back of every motion is an impelling
power. Back of every individual action lies the basic principles of
human conduct. Back of every manifestation of corporate activity may be
found a pulsive social force. Neither individual nor social movement
can be studied understandingly alone. Each forms a link in a chain
whose beginning and end may not be clearly seen, but whose continuity
may be inferred from upholding and depending contiguous links.

This continuity when once perceived enables us to bring into relation
widely associated ideas. For instance, the history of Oregon, through
the first English explorer of its shores, leads us to the point where
the intense vitality of the English nation was first directed to
securing the naval supremacy of the world. The history of any one of
our north-central States introduces us to the follies, fashions,
and ambitions of the French Court under several Louises; to a long
series of moves in one of the most complicated games ever played
upon the chess-board of European politics; and to the most critical
period in American affairs when Virginia by generously renouncing an
empire appeased discordant and jealous elements and made possible the
formation of the Federal Union. Patrick Henry's passionate plea for
liberty was but the echo of the clarion call which rang over Runnymede
centuries before, and this call was but the voicing of an idea which
dominated the most primitive of Teutonic peoples in the remotest past.
And so I might make innumerable citations to show that the present is
but the heir to the past; and that what is, stands in close relation to
what has been.

If time relations may be demonstrated by the association of remotely
associated ideas, or by tracing modern institutional fruitage to their
root points buried in the soil of the past, then may other correlations
be as easily established.

The idea of place as a background to historic treatment has, to a
certain extent, undergone change. The former conception has been that
of a region with artificial bounds established by accident, treaty,
or legislative enactment. The more modern conception is that of a
physiographic area whose limits nature herself has fixed and within
whose confines fundamental ethnic ideas crystalized into institutional,
social, political, and religious forms have reached or are reaching
complete or incomplete expression.

Every great civilization that has ever arisen is or has been a
composite civilization. Isolate an individual, a community, a people,
or a race and no matter how favorable may be the circumstances and
environment, the advance made will only be so far and no further, the
final point of which advance is characterized by rigidity of thought,
fixity of forms, and slavish repetition of actions. The greater
Chinese Wall of non-intercourse encircling the Mongolian nation for
centuries cast the civilization of the Flowery Kingdom into molds of
monotony whose stiffness has yielded only to the breaking of Occidental
hammers upon Chinese commercial portals.

The autocthonous civilization of Peru and Mexico hardly attained the
dignity of semi-barbarism. What might the Inca or Aztec have become
had the influx of European culture-impulses reached his mind before
its plasticity was lost, or had the gifts of acquired experience and
knowledge been brought to him by hands guiltless of his scourging and
innocent of his blood?

On the other hand, let an individual mingle with his fellows; a race
or community enters into political or commercial relation with its
neighbors, the divine sparks struck off by the attrition of mind with
mind kindle the fires which illumine the spiritual in man and sets
in motion the machinery of human progress. What student of history
fails to recognize the influence of Phoenician letters and Egyptian
thought upon Greek civilization; of Greek literature and ideals upon
Roman character and development; of Roman genius for organization and
talent for legal forms upon modern enlightened nations; of whatever
was best in the past upon whatever is best in the life and thought and
aspirations of the present.

Egypt began to advance when caravans first made their way to her over
heated outlying deserts, for these brought to her something more
than myrrh and incense, and precious fabrics. Greece developed with
phenomenal rapidity as soon as her galleys sprinkled the blue waters
of the Mediterranean, for with every incoming freight came a whisper
of rudimentary art or culture which she forthwith clothed in beautiful
form and language. England was provincial and primitive until her
commercial supremacy made her the bearer of civilization to every
corner of the globe. She has received more than she has given. Look
where we will, we see unmistakably the effects of action and reaction
in the intercourse of nations and communities.

In taking up the history of any one state of the Union, then, we find
it impossible to confine our observation to accidental or unrelated
happenings, however these happenings may find careful chroniclings
at the hands of local scribes and unphilosophic writers. We see
the States as a part of a physiographic area having in common with
other parts the determinative elements of soil and climate which by
prescribing industries, affect desires, ambitions, thought, and other
forms of human activity. We study community forces and estimate their
quality and intensity as they find expression in characteristic social
and political institutions. We consider the people in their racial
attitude, anticipate similar results from similar motives as conforming
to the spirit and experience of the ethnic type to which the majority
of the people stand related. We regard the State as an organic whole,
a corporate being related to other similarly constituted beings. Take
what position we will, there come into our line of vision ideas,
origins, effects, reactions, and relations which show us that a State's
history extends indefinitely into the past and in the present ramifies
to every part of the larger, body-politic of which it is a constituent
member.

Apart from general principles there is a singular correlation between
the history of this your State and the history of the one I so
inadequately represent upon this occasion (First Annual Mid-Winter
Meeting of the Mississippi State Historical Society). Both States were
originally a part of that great continental heart of North America,
that wilderness of empire-like extent, contended for by mighty
nations in epoch-making struggles. Both owe their initial territorial
organization to the commercial needs of the American people of a
hundred years ago. Up to a certain point the history of the one is
but the history of the other. The first settlement, paradoxical as it
may seem, in Louisiana was made in Mississippi. De Soto crossed your
State and died in ours. The same people who founded our city of New
Orleans established your city of Natchez. The narratives of Bienville
and Iberville are as closely associated with your history as they
are with ours. The two principal Indian wars waged by the Louisiana
colony were fought upon Mississippi soil. The first appointed governor
of the Mississippi Territory was the first appointed governor of the
Louisiana Territory. When under Spanish rule that portion of our domain
known as the Florida parishes revolted, it was Reuben Kemper from your
territory that rallied to the support of the revolutionists and struck
such terror in the Spaniard's breast that Governor Folch of Mobile
piteously appealed to the United States Government for protection.
When the West Florida revolution was crowned with success and an
addition of new territory to the United States resulted, Mississippi
received her portion as well as Louisiana. When in the days of the
American Revolution the notorious Willing came down from Philadelphia,
ostensibly to protect but really to rob, our district of Baton Rouge
felt his vulture clutch as keenly as did your district of Natchez. In
later times, when our Zachary Taylor found himself upon the border
lands of Mexico, an overwhelming foe in his front and war hardly yet
declared, your riflemen under Jefferson Davis joined our Louisianian
in rushing to his assistance, long before the general government moved
to protect its own. We followed you out of the Union. Disaster to you
was calamity to us. The cause of the Confederacy we shared in common.
Our dead are sleeping together upon the old battlefields in every
part of our Southland. We are common sharers of the heritage of brave
deeds and undying memories. Your peerless citizen, the first and only
president of the Confederate States, died in our arms and we gave him
such sepulture that the continent trembled under the all-powerful force
of sentiment. We have faced your dangers, felt your needs as only a
people can whose interests are one with yours. The spirit that framed
your present constitution is pulsing in our veins. And so, did the time
limits of this paper permit, might I continue to enumerate indefinitely
the instances in which History wipes out the boundary line by which
maps unblushingly infer that we are two peoples, having separate
interests and lines of thoughts. True history is broadening; never
narrowing. It is because so much of Louisiana history is Mississippi
history, and so much of Mississippi history is in the chronicles of
Louisiana that the narrative of either State calls for so broad and
liberal and inspiring a treatment at the hands of the historian.




THE STUDY AND TEACHING OF HISTORY.

BY HERBERT B. ADAMS, PH.D.
Professor of History in the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore.


Among all the subjects of college study and college teaching, among
all the means of liberal education fitting young men for civic life
and public duty not one stands higher than the study and teaching of
History.

In my senior year at Amherst College, President Julius H. Seelye gave
my class a single lecture on the Philosophy of History. Among other
good things he said: "History is the grandest study in the world." That
remark made the profoundest impression upon my student imagination.
I said to myself, "If History is the grandest study in the world,
that is exactly the study I want." The good President proved his
statement to my satisfaction by showing the relation of Greek and Roman
civilizations to the spread of Christianity and the education of Europe.

In Germany I first learned the true method, and at the same time, the
most practicable ways and means of studying and teaching history. Amid
a pleasant variety of academic courses by brilliant lecturers like Kuno
Fischer, Zeller, Ernst Curtius, Grimm, Treitschke, Droysen, Du Bois
Raymond, Lepsius, and others, I somehow felt a lack of educational
unity and system. There was need of some backbone to unite the skeleton
of human deeds and historic experiences. This I found at last in the
teachings of my old master, Dr. J. C. Bluntschli, at Heidelberg. In his
lecture courses on the State, on the Constitutional Law, on Politics
and on the International Law of Modern Civilized States, I first began
to realize that government and law are the real forces which bind
society and the world together. I began to see that the true unity of
the world's life is to be found in the succession of States, Empires,
Federations, and in the International Relations, which are slowly
leading to such great aggregations as the United States of America
and the United States of Europe. In Germany I learned from a reading
of Bluntschli's various writing, including many noble articles in his
Staatsworterbuch, that there is such a thing as the World-State now in
process of evolution. From the published records of the Institute of
International Law, of which Dr. Bluntschli was the president, and from
a study of the subjects of Arbitration and International Tribunals, I
thought I could dimly discern the beginnings of that Parliament of Man,
the Federation of the World, of which the Poet Tennyson sings in his
Locksley Hall.

When I came to Baltimore three ideas of study and teaching were
uppermost in my mind: (1) the study of the origins of municipal life,
in order to find out whether it was Roman or Germanic; (2) the study
of the relations of Church and State, from their beginning down to the
present, for I had learned to believe in Germany that the separation of
civil from religious society is America's greatest contribution to the
world's progress; (3) the continued study of art history for its own
sake and as illustrating the history of civilization.

Out of the first of these ideas, developed by a reading of the works
of Sir Henry Maine, has grown my Historical Seminary and a long series
of University Studies in Historical and Political Science (chiefly on
Municipal, Economic and Institutional themes). Out of the second idea
evolved successive courses of lectures on Church and State, or Religion
and Government in the Ancient and Graeco-Roman World, together with my
whole system of graduate instruction upon the Early History of Society,
Greek and Roman Polities, Jewish and Church History, and certain modern
States like Prussia and France. The third idea never had a good chance
for development until recent years when I have fairly begun to realize
my original conception of illustrating in concrete, artistic ways the
progress of civilization.

Goldwin Smith, in his Lecture on History, says there can be no
philosophy of history until we realize the unity of the human race and
that history must be studied as a whole. Twenty years ago, at the Johns
Hopkins University, I began to teach Local History, as representative
of Universal History. I began with New England Village Communities,
with Plymouth Plantations, Salem and the Massachusetts Bay Towns,
those little republics which seemed to me the very protoplasm of State
life. The survival, continuity or revival of old Germanic forms of
village settlement, with common fields and town commons, impressed
my imagination and interested my students. They carried this kind of
study into this State of Maryland and original papers by Maryland boys
were published upon such subjects as Parishes, Manors, and other local
institutions. These lines of inquiry were extended down the Atlantic
seaboard to Virginia and the Carolinas. Gradually the field of interest
has been widened from towns, plantations, parishes, and counties until
now the constitutional, economic and educational history of entire
States is in review or contemplation.

While I still believe in Local History and in limited subjects of
student research, I now recognize more fully than I used to do, the
importance of General History, especially for college students and
college graduates in the early part of their course. After all, the
great fact in History, as well as in Geography, is that the world is
round. You must recognize all human experience on this globe as parts
of one great whole, just as you recognize that the continents and
outlying islands are but related parts of one vast geographical system.
In every properly arranged course of school and college instruction in
the domain of History, this doctrine of unity ought to be taken for
granted. It is like the doctrine of divine unity in theology or in
nature, like the sun in our heavens. It gives light and rationality to
any and every course of study.

I used to think that it was the first duty of a boy to know the
history of his own State and country; but I am now persuaded that he
should know the history of mankind and of the world. Nobody would study
geography or geology from a purely local point of view. You must have
a consciousness of the whole in order to appreciate the parts of any
subject. It is a mistake to imagine that a boy or girl cares most for
what is nearest and most familiar. Children are always gifted with
imagination. They rejoice in the thought of lands that are far off,
of men who lived in olden times. They take the greatest pleasure in
heroic tales of Cyrus and of Hannibal, of Horatius and of the great
twin brethren, Castor and Pollux. Mythology, minstrelsy, Bible stories,
and lives of great wariors, explorers, discoverers, inventors, these
are of supreme interest to boys and girls. American History should be
taught to American youth, but chiefly the heroic, the romantic, the
biographical, in short the more human sides of our colonel and national
life.

History begins and ends with Man. Biographical approaches to the
world's life are the oldest, and best beaten paths for youth to follow.
Carlyle and Froude are among the champions of the biographical method
of studying and teaching History. When Froude succeeded Freeman at
Oxford the biographical idea was at once brought to the front. Froude
quoted Carlyle as saying: "The history of mankind is the history of
its great men; to find out these, clean the dirt from them, and place
them on their proper pedestals, is the true function of the historian."
And Froude, the new professor, entered at once upon those splendid and
inspiring courses of lectures, in which the personal and biographical
elements entered so strongly.

Every American student should read Froude's lectures on "English Seamen
in the Sixteenth Century," that brilliant account of Sir Francis Drake,
Sir John Hawkins, and the great captains of England who gained a new
world for Elizabeth and defeated the Spanish Armada. You should also
read Froude's Lectures on the "Life and Letters of Erasmus" if you
would understand the relation of the great religious reform to the new
learning, which Erasmus represented.

Is it not wonderful that by reading a brief biography, which perhaps
occupies our leisure hours for a week, we can grasp and understand the
life-work of a great man? Think of it! A whole life in one book. A
whole history is in one of Plutarch's chapters. By turning to that new
series of biographies called "Heroes of the Nations," you can study
or teach the lessons derived from the lives and characters of such
great men as Pericles, Cicero, Julius Caesar, Julian the Philosopher,
Theodoric the Goth, Wyclif, the first of the English reformers, Prince
Henry the Navigator, Henry of Navarre, Sir Philip Sidney, Gustavus
Adolphus, Napoleon, Nelson, and Lincoln. Another excellent biographical
series is that called "English Men of Action," published by Macmillan,
and containing such noble lives as those of Wolfe, the conqueror of
Quebec; David Livingstone, the Explorer of Africa, Lord Lawrence and
Sir Henry Havelock, the saviors of India; General Gordon, the Hero of
Khartoum. If your taste runs toward literature, you should read select
biographies in the series called "English Men of Letters," embracing
such characters as Gibbon, Carlyle, Byron, Shelly, and Hume. There is
a corresponding American series, edited by Charles Dudley Warner, and
embracing such men as Washington Irving, J. Fenimore Cooper, and Edgar
Allan Poe. But among all biographies for boys and young men I know
nothing better than the Autobiography of Franklin. This has encouraged
and quickened many young Americans to a desire of knowledge and
self-culture.

But let no student or teacher believe for one moment that historical
biography is the full equivalent of History. Not all the biographies
that have ever been written could possibly contain the world's great
life. As the poet Tennyson truly says: "The individual withers, but
the world is more and more." There must be great men in Church and
State, to lead society forward, but there must be unnumbered thousands,
yea millions, of good men and true, and of faithful, devoted women,
in order to support good leadership and carry humanity forward from
generation to generation. It is often the biography of some plain man
or self-sacrificing woman that affords the greatest encouragement and
incentive to ordinary humanity. But we must remember that no man,
no woman is worthy of biographical or historical record, unless in
some way he or she has contributed to the welfare of society and the
progress of the world. Only those deeds which affect our fellow men
in some noteworthy manner are fit for commemoration. What you do as
a private individual, what you ate for breakfast, what you do in the
seclusion of your own room, is not necessarily historic; but whether
Napoleon was able to eat his breakfast on the morning of the Battle
of Waterloo, or whether an army has been properly fed, may have the
greatest historic significance.

Not man alone, but man in organized society, is the subject of History.
Man in his relation to his fellows, man as a military, political,
social, intellectual, and religious being may become historic. Dr.
Thomas Arnold sometimes defined History as the biography of nations.
This is a large and noble conception, although not the largest, and
it may be profitably emphasized, like human biography in the study
and teaching of History. It is the duty of every school and college
to lay great stress upon the history of England and of the United
States in addition to General History. We all need to know the lives
of our own people as well as the lives of great Englishmen like Pitt
and Gladstone, and great Americans like Washington and Lincoln. We
should teach and study the histories of those nations which are nearest
our mother country--Scotland, France, Germany, and Italy. As Germany
is now the great seat of culture and of university life for American
students who go abroad, so was Italy for wandering English students
in the days of the Renaissance. English literature from that time
onward is pervaded with Italian elements, with the influences of "all
Etruscan three," Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, and also with the
ideas of Machiavelli and the Italian historians. We cannot understand
the literature of England or America without going back to its French
and Italian sources. It would be wise for college professors of history
to devote special attention to the Italian Renaissance or Revival of
Learning, without which an understanding of the German Reformation and
modern education is an impossibility.

In reading the biography of men or the biography of nations, teachers
and students should note carefully the most interesting and memorial
points. If you own the book which you are reading, use for note-taking
the fly leaves at the end. Otherwise, use reference cards, like those
employed in a library for a card catalogue, or else sheets of note
paper. When you have found a fact or illustration which you think
will prove useful at some future time, in connection with your work
as a teacher or a student, note it briefly on paper with the proper
reference to the book and page. Remember Captain Cuttle's advice: "When
found, make a note of!" Recall the saying of Lord Bacon: "Reading
maketh a full man, conference a ready man, and writing an exact man.
And, therefore, if a man write little, he had need have a great memory."

In the multitude of modern books and amid all the variety of our modern
reading, it is impossible to remember exact quotations and historical
details. We must have a good system of note-taking and index-making.
Every student and teacher can invent his own system. Mine is the use
of fly leaves in books and cards topically and alphabetically arranged
for miscellaneous data. I always carry a few of these reference cards
in my pocket and make all my notes under appropriate catch words, for
example, "Chautauqua" or "Johns Hopkins University," with the name of
the writer on this subject and the exact reference or quotation.

Begin to collect a library for yourselves. Students and teachers do not
always appreciate the opportunities they enjoy of acquiring good books
of History. I would strongly urge students to save their money instead
of spending it on poor theaters and variety shows. Buy standard books
of literature, art, and history; devote your leisure hours to good
reading, always with pen and pencil in hand, and with a dictionary and
an atlas beside you. _Seize the moment of excited curiosity_ and look
up every point on which you need exact information. One of my former
students, Dr. Albert Shaw, now editor of The Review of Reviews, said he
was more grateful to me for that advice than for any other one feature
of my instruction: _Seize the moment of excited curiosity_, or it will
be lost forever.

An English writer, Langford, in his _Praise of Books_, well says:
"In books the past is ours as well as the present. With them we live
yesterday over again. All the bygone ages are with us, and we look
on the face of the infancy of the world. We see the first dawning of
thought in man. We are present at the beginnings of cities, states,
and nations; and can trace the growth and development of governments,
policies, and laws. The marvelous story of humanity is enacted again
for our edification, instruction, and delight. We behold civilizations
begin, struggle, triumph, and decay, giving place to higher and nobler
as they pass away. Poet, lawgiver, and soldier sing their songs,
make their codes, and fight their battles again, while we follow the
never-dying effects of song, of law, and of battle. We sit down with
'princes, potentates, and powers,' watching them, as they think,
governing the world.... Shut up in a little room we can witness the
whole drama of man's history played on the vast stage of the world. All
that he has thought and done from the earliest dawn of recorded time
to our own day is enacted before us; and our hopes are strengthened,
our faith deepened, in the great destiny yet awaiting mankind; in the
higher, holier work yet to be done by those who have accomplished such
mighty things, achieved such noble victories. Books which record the
history of the past are the infallible and unerring prophets of the
future."

"History is the grandest study in the world." My College President, Dr.
Julius H. Seelye, was right. There is no art or science comparable to
it, for it embraces the whole experience of man in organized society.
History takes hold of all the past and points the way to all the
future. The French historian, Guizot, in his "History of My Time" (III.
162) says: "Religion opens the future and places us in the presence of
eternity. History brings back the past and adds to our own existence
the lives of our fathers." Pliny said of History: "Quanta potestas,
quanta dignitas, quanta majestes, quantum denique numen sit historiae."
Perhaps the highest conception of History comes from the Greek. The
etymology of the ward is an inspiration for both student and teacher.
History, from the Greek word historia, is a knowing or learning by
inquiry. To study History is to understand by means of research,
for History is a science; its very essence consists in knowledge.
Historical science is perhaps the most comprehensive and the noblest
of all sciences, for it is the self-knowledge of Humanity. The subject
of History is Humanity itself; it is the self-conscious development of
the human race. History, therefore, does not consist in dead facts, but
is itself a living fact; it is the self-knowledge of the present with
regard to its evolution from the past. Clio is a living muse, not a
dead, cold form. She stands upon that very threshold of the future and
glances backwards over the long vista Humanity has traversed. In the
plastic art of the Greeks you will notice that the muse of History is
represented in the attitude of reflection; the pen is uplifted, but the
word unwritten.

We sometimes speak of written history and of its standard works as
though the essence of that science consisted in books and not in
knowledge. "There are no standards of history," said Droysen, a German
professor to an American student who had asked his advice respecting
the choice of standard works for an historical library. In this caustic
saying there lies a profound truth. History is a living, self-developed
science, not a collection of fossils. Books like facts, are sometimes
dead to history, and historical standards, like historical facts, are
grander in their spiritual influence than in their material form. In
the onward march of historical science, historians are perhaps the
standard bearers of fact and their works may be called the battle-flags
of history which kindle the zeal of the ever-advancing present in men
and awaken a sense of unity with the great past, which has gone on
before us. But written history often becomes shot-riddled by criticism
and is set away, at last, like battle-flags, after many honorable
campaigns, in some museums of relics or some temple of fame. Unless
such trophies continue to awaken in the living present a sort of
enthusiasm and a sense of unity with the past experience of our race,
then are our historic standards but antiquarian rubbish, indeed, as
useless and unmeaning as the banners and symbols of heraldry.

The subject of History is the self-conscious development of the human
race, the Ego of Humanity. The realization of this Ego does not lie in
any fictitious personality, but in the universal consciousness that
man is one in all ages and that the individual human mind may mirror
to itself and to others the thought and experience of the race. As the
heavens are reflected in a single drop of dew, so in the thoughts of
the individual human mind we may sometimes behold a reflection of the
self-knowledge of Humanity. For the individual is sometimes the very
best expression of the whole with which it stands in connection. The
onward march of world-history seems to have concentrated itself in the
development of individual peoples like the Jews, Greeks, Romans, and
the Germanic peoples. As these nations best typify historic progress
and certain world-historic ideas, so the historic thought of manhood
may be most fully realized by individual minds. For example, a single
historian, like Thucydides, may reflect the self-consciousness of his
age, and a single mind, in our own day, may realize, in some measure,
at least through the works of history, the self-knowledge, the Ego of
Humanity. It should be the aim of every student of History thus to
realize in his own consciousness the historic thought of mankind. "The
life of each individual," says Dr. W. T. Harris, the American Hegel,
"presupposes the life of the race before him, and the individual
cannot comprehend himself without comprehending first the evolution of
his day and generation historically from the past."

Let us then regard the study of History, not as something wholly
objective but as an unfolding panorama of the human self-consciousness,
for history is merely the reflecting spirit of mankind in which we
ourselves may have an immediate share, which we all may help to
perpetuate and in some way enlarge. Let us remember that History is
a constant knowing and learning, the self-knowledge and communion
of reflecting spirits in all ages and a perpetual "Know Thyself"
to advancing time. There is something indescribably solemn in the
historic pausing of Man before the temple of the unknown future and
seeking to realize in himself the _gnothi seauton_ or "Know Thyself" of
Humanity. He glances backward through the long vista he has traversed
and as far as the eye can see, his pathway is cumbered with ruins.
Crumbling monuments and fallen columns reveal the wreck of all material
greatness, while the distant pyramids but remind him of the more than
Egyptian darkness out of which Humanity has been mysteriously led unto
this mountain of light which we call the Present or that Living Age.
Man sees the immense distance he has come and he remembers the perils
and disasters he has encountered in his upward way; he is conscious too
of having brought a vast wealth of experience to this temple of the
Future before which he now stands, but that which fills and overwhelms
the historic consciousness of Man is the feeling that the place whereon
he stands is holy ground and that there is a mysterious power in his
own soul calling him to self-knowledge and to self-judgment before he
may lift the veil of the future. This is the supreme moment of History.
The facts of human experience become suddenly transfigured in the light
of a divine principle, namely the self-consciousness of reason, that
God-given spirit which recognizes the purpose of History to be the
increasing self-knowledge of Man.

"History is a divine drama, designed to educate man into
self-knowledge and the knowledge of God," (Henry James, Sr., on
"Carlyle," in Atlantic Monthly, May, 1881.) Tennyson recognized the
divine element in human history in that prophetic verse:

    "And I doubt not through the ages one increasing purpose runs,
    And the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns."

It is by this "increasing purpose" that God reveals himself in human
history. By the widened thought, Humanity is led forward, as it were by
a pillar of fire, unto a higher life, and unto a conscious unity with
Divine Reason, the Unseen One, who dwells in a temple not made with
hands.




SOME FACTS CONCERNING THE SETTLEMENT AND EARLY HISTORY OF MISSISSIPPI.

By R. W. JONES, M. A., LL.D.


The "Miscellaneous Papers" as collected by Col. J. F. H. Claiborne
constitute a rich mine for the future historian. They also indicate
what can be done by others by well-direct inquiry, in the way of
gathering information from "old settlers" and by going to other sources
that may be accessible. The importance of this work can be scarcely
overstated, and the sooner it is begun the better. A volume could be
written composed of adventures and daring exploits that would be as
thrilling as highly wrought fiction and make us proud of our ancestors.
As an illustration of the large number of well known characters
introduced, within a limited space, and of most interesting and
instructive incidents I shall quote from a letter of


DR. A. R. KILPATRICK

to Col. Claiborne, written at Navasota, Grimes county, Texas, May 2,
1877:

* * "You ask for my contributions to De Bow's Review, but I am entirely
unable to furnish them. When I left Concordia, La., in September, 1863,
I moved none of my books, and the scoundrel in whose hands I left the
place proved to be a traitor joined the Yankees, and when Natchez
was occupied he went partners with some of the Federal officers, who
brought over several wagons, gutted my house and sold the furniture
and other property in Natchez. Out of a library of 2,000 volumes I
have none left. Among my books were (12) twelve volumes of De Bow's
Review bound." In these twelve volumes Dr. K. had written a great deal
that was interesting and instructing to those who inquire into the
settlement and colonial history of Mississippi. They contain accounts
of many of the best known families who lived at and near Natchez and
Woodville and in the counties wherein these towns are situated; also
similar writings concerning Concordia, La.

He says; "Before I wrote those accounts of Concordia Parish, I wrote
some Sketches of the early Baptist in Mississippi and Louisiana which
were printed in a Baptist newspaper of New Orleans under the management
of a Minister named Duncan: I think he was Rev. W. Duncan, D. D. Get
copies of those papers and make use of the historical facts, because
your work will be incomplete if you leave out the churches. These
papers were published about 1849-51.

"My Grandfather (Maternal), Robert Turner, was an early settler in
Miss., and a pioneer of the Baptist Church, though not a minister.
He moved a colony of nearly (100) one hundred, white and black from
Beaufort District, S. C., starting in 1804. He went up near Nickajack
on the Tennessee River, built boats, put on his horses, cows, hogs,
furniture and floated down to Natchez, reaching there early in 1805,
he found there no settlement to suit, went down to Fort Adams, landed,
and settled four miles S. W., of where Woodville now stands. There they
built old Bethel Church with whipsawed lumber and wrought iron nails,
each one furnishing his part of materials, or work. The Chaplain or
preacher of the colony was Rev. Moses Hadley. At that time, 1805, there
were only a few houses, temporary shanties, where Woodville is. Ole
Uncle Bob Lecky, who kept hotel so many years in Alexandria, La., and
old John S. Lewis of Woodville, were the first to put up houses. My
Grandfather, R. Turner was a Surveyor and was employed to measure and
lay off the streets, squares, etc., of the town in 1808. He was also
summoned and served in the arrest of Aaron Burr above Natchez about
1807; he said it was so cold in February that in handling oars of the
skiff the blood poured from the tips of his fingers. He represented
Aaron Burr as remarkably polite, genteel, urbane, good looking, though
small, and as having eyes whose glance was most penetrating and
fascinating.

"There was another party of pioneers from Georgia, preceding
Grandfathers; in this party were the Ogdens and Nolands."

"Captain John Ogden, near Woodville, (1796-1837) served as Captain
at the battle of New Orleans, 1814. Robert Tanner and several of his
colonists moved to Rapides Parish, La. There the old gentleman died
September, 1839, of yellow fever, aged 71 years. Wilkinson county
furnished one Governor (H. Johnson) to Louisiana and (4) four, I think,
to Mississippi.

"The old original editor of the Woodville Republican, W. Chisholm, had
all the volumes of that paper bound for over twenty years--from about
1820 to 1845. In it will be found much of Poindexter's history; also
much of Moses Waddell, of Abbeville, S. C., brother-in-law of John C.
Calhoun."

Rev. Wm. Winans, D. D., lived and died at Mount Pleasant, about sixteen
miles east southeast of Woodville. Major Butler, of Kentucky, lived
there; also General Van Dorn's father. Major Butler served in General
Wilkinson's command. The general was very strict in regard, not only to
his own dress, but also the dress, etc., of the officers and men under
him. It was the fashion then to wear the hair long and plait it into a
queue, or pig-tail behind. General Wilkinson had the misfortune to lose
his pig-tail and issued an order for all to cut off their pig-tails.

Major Butler refused; Wilkinson threatened court martial; Butler
resigned and retired to the farm of his sister, Mrs. Cook. In a few
months he died; before dying he left special injunctions with Mr. and
Mrs. Cook to have an auger-hole bored in his coffin, to have his hair
neatly dressed and the pig-tail tied with a blue ribbon and run through
that auger-hole, so that Wilkinson and his officers might see that he
was pluck to the last and distained his authority.

Dr. Franklin L. Riley, in a lecture, gives another version of this
incident, which is very amusing. Dr. Kilpatrick narrates many incidents
concerning Governor Poindexter, Mr. Percy, Audubon, Jeff Davis and
others.

The Audubon mentioned by him was the distinguished John James Audubon,
the Naturalist. Born 1781, in Louisiana, died 1851, on the Hudson;
Author of Birds of America, Quadrupeds of America, etc. Audubon was at
the house of Mr. Percy, spent several months with him; he furnished
Audubon with many specimens of birds for his sketches. One day Percy
says he brought home a "magnificent gobbler" which weighed about 28
pounds and Audubon _would have it_. He pinned it up beside the wall so
as get a good view of it and spent several days lazily sketching it.
Percy said: "The ---- fellow kept it pinned up there till it rotted and
stunk. I hated to lose so much good eating."

It is said that while Aububon was at or near Woodville, his money gave
out; he refused to accept gifts; but taught a dancing school, in order
to get funds sufficient to enable him to proceed with his researches in
Natural History. The people patronized him generously.

"Jeff. Davis spent part of his boyhood in Wilkinson county, Miss. There
was a boy on a place adjoining where Jeff. Davis lived named Bob Irion,
son of a Baptist preacher. The two boys went hunting one day, each
alone, and after some time they met behind a field. Jeff. Davis was
out of shot and Bob was out of powder, but had shot. Davis wanted some
shot and asked for some, but Bob was unaccommodating and saucy--jeered
at Davis, and finally told him he had a mind to shoot him any how, and
made some threatening demonstration which aroused Davis. Davis jerked
out a small pocket knife dropped it down his gun on the load of powder
and raised his gun and said: "Now, sir, I'm ready for you; I dare you
to shoot.' Bob told me this himself during the Mexican campaign, as
illustrating Davis' bravery and fertility of resources in emergencies.
Of course the boys stopped their foolishness and exchanged ammunition." * *

"I got on the Sultana at Fort Adams when S. S. Prentiss was aboard
on his bridal trip--married that morning at Natchez, and the whole
bridal troupe went down to New Orleans. It was my first sight and
acquaintance with Prentiss. I was charmed with his manners and
appearance. He had the most handsome head, and it sat better on his
neck and shoulders than any person I know. That was in 1843, when his
fame was world wide; yet, sir, he was as bashful, timid and quiet as a
boy of 16 in the presence of those ladies."

"At table he had nothing to say, but ate his meals quietly, almost
stealthily. But as soon as he came down in the social hall, he was
lively and chatted enough."

I could give other extracts of value and interest from this same
letter, but I will not worry you. I hope it will not be long before
this letter and other important historical manuscripts will be printed.




PRE-HISTORIC JASPER ORNAMENTS IN MISSISSIPPI

R. B. FULTON, M. A., LL. D.


In the annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute for 1877, Dr.
Chas. Rau, under the title of "The Stock-in-Trade of an Aboriginal
Lapidary," emphasizes his conjecture "that among the aborigines certain
individuals who were by inclination or practice particularly qualified
for a distinct kind of manual labor, devoted themselves principally
or entirely to that labor." He referred to several instances where,
in certain localities, finds of a large number of similarly wrought
specimens of work in stone seemed to indicate that each set of
specimens came from the hands of a special lapidary.

One of the most remarkable of these deposits was found in Lawrence
County, Mississippi, in 1875, and was carefully described by Dr. Rau.
It consisted of 469 imperfectly finished objects made by chipping,
cutting and grinding out of reddish or orange-colored or brown jasper
pebbles, and was found accidentally about two and one-half feet below
the surface of the ground in the northern part of Lawrence County,[67]
The objects were evidently intended for ornaments, and when finished
all would have been polished and probably perforated. The majority
were cylindrical in shape, and varied from one-fourth to one inch in
diameter and from one-fourth to three inches in length. Others were
roughly fashioned into ornamental shapes. Several showed an attempt at
perforation, and one, not received at the National Museum, was said to
be completely perforated.

When the hardness of the material used--jasper--is considered, the
patience and skill needed to give their form and polish to these
objects command admiration. From the fact that only one specimen was
perforated completely, one might readily suppose that the workman found
the difficulties of this part of his undertaking too great, and buried
his unfinished work in despair.

Some time ago there came into my hands a set of similar articles found
in the county of Lincoln, Mississippi, about twenty-five miles west of
the spot where the above-mentioned find was made.

These last found objects were exhibited at the Cleveland meeting of the
American Association for the Advancement of Science, in the hope of
learning whether similar specimens had been found, as they appeared to
me at that time to be entirely unique.

Following out suggestions made at that meeting by several gentlemen,
and afterward by two of the best informed Southern archaeologists, I
found that the above-mentioned region in Mississippi has yielded a
number of carved, polished and perforated objects of this hard red or
brown quartzite (or jasper), and nearly all such specimens of this
material which I have been able to learn about came from this region.

The collection of specimens of this style of workmanship described
by Dr. Rau probably contains the majority of pieces extant. A few
specimens of polished jasper ornaments from other States than
Mississippi are shown in the National Museum. There are two or three
specimens from Indiana, one from California, and one from Louisiana
(Claiborne Parish), which seem to be similarly made and from the same
material.

The late Dr. Joseph Jones of New Orleans had in his collection some
jasper ornaments, mostly from Mississippi, including a beautiful
ceremonial ax of reddish translucent jasper.

Besides those mentioned I have not been able to learn of other similar
objects. Probably there are a few scattered ones in other hands.

The collection of these objects in my possession includes thirty
pieces. They were found on a farm four miles west of Wesson, in Lincoln
County. And were plowed up on the summit of a hill where no earthworks
were noticed. A few other relics were found at the same time and were
not preserved. With them were two other beads, one of a gray stone and
the other of bone very truly shaped, as if in a lathe.

Among the jasper ornaments (all of which are perforated longitudinally
with holes from one-tenth to one-eighth of an inch in diameter) are
three cylinders between two and a half and three inches long and
about one-fourth of an inch in diameter; ten cylinders ranging from a
quarter to an inch and a quarter in length and less than one-quarter
in diameter; five nearly spherical beads; one accurately shaped short
cylinder three-quarters of an inch long and five-eighths in diameter,
with a well-drilled perforation three-eights of an inch in diameter;
and ten carved ornaments of various shapes. One of these, an inch
long, is a strikingly sculptured deer. Four are evidently intended for
birds, and four others resemble each other and in form are indistinctly
bird-like. A separate ring of the same material is firmly fixed on one
of the long beads.

All of the specimens have evidently seen service as personal ornaments.
They have a fine polish externally, and the interior of the borings is
worn smooth as by a string. An artistic color-perception is shown in
the beautiful variety of tints brought out in various pieces of jasper
used.

As to all these ornaments in red jasper mentioned in this paper,
comparison of the specimens forcibly suggests that they may be the work
of one skilled artist. In the western pebble belt of Mississippi, which
extends along the border of the Mississippi and Yazoo river bottoms
southward from near Memphis to Natchez, and thence eastward through the
counties in which these relics have been found, quartzite of almost
every variety occurs, and chipped implements of almost every variety
and color are common. The maker of these ornaments has passed by all
other tints save red and brown. In the cylindrical and other carved
forms that have been found there is a striking similarity both in
design and workmanship.

One will readily believe the perforation of these ornaments with small
and accurately made drillings to have been the most difficult part of
their manufacture. And yet in all the specimens seen the perforations
have been in the _longest_ direction through the ornament. The total
length of the borings in the set of thirty beads I have is twenty-eight
inches. A lapidary not remarkably expert in the art of drilling these
holes would probably have simplified his work by shorter borings,
arranging the ornaments as pendants.

Again, the rarity of any objects of carved or polished or perforated
quartzite suggests a very limited manufacture even in the region under
consideration.

As to the means used in making these perforations, drills of stone are
excluded from consideration on account of the smallness and length of
the borings.

There is one specimen in the collection of Dr. Joseph Jones of New
Orleans, in which a boring has been began, evidently with a hollow
tube as a drill, probably a joint of a reed fed with sand, as there
is a core in the centre of the boring; but hollow drills as small as
one-twelfth of an inch in diameter could scarcely have been used.
Some of the specimens described by Dr. Rau show the beginning of the
drilling process, apparently with a solid drill, fed with sand.

We are forced to the conclusion that the drilling implement used must
have been a needle of copper, or more probably of the hard outer wood
of the Southern cane tipped with quartz, or fed with sand. The borings
are about as true in direction and form as the best modern appliances
could make them.

It is worthy of note that these highly wrought jasper ornaments have
been found in that portion of Mississippi once occupied by the
Natchez, that these aboriginal people were more or less familiar
with Mexican or Aztec art and customs, and that carved and polished
workmanship in hard stones was not uncommon among the aborigines of
Mexico and Central America.[68]




SUGGESTIONS TO LOCAL HISTORIANS.

BY FRANKLIN L. RILEY, PH. D.


Local research must precede the writing of general history. It
discovers and renders available the materials from which history is
made. For this reason the local historian largely determines the
character and extent of all history. The facts with which he deals may
be considered as mere historical digits, yet in the aggregate they
represent the entire life of a people. In fact their true value is not
fully revealed until they are tested by their relation to State history
and to still larger movements. The apparent insignificance of the local
annal disappears when it is recognized as one of a thousand threads
out of which is woven the great and beautiful fabric of human history.
Hence, as has been truly said, "local history is not isolated; it is a
part of State history----indeed of national and world history."

One of the most pressing needs in Mississippi is a more efficient
organization for local historical work. Societies should be organized
in the various historical and intellectual centers of the State. Such
an organization has been effected among the students of the University
of Mississippi. The formation of similar societies throughout the State
would awaken an interest in Mississippi history. This should not be
limited, however, to our institutions of learning. It is also desirable
to enlist in the great work of perpetuating our history the many noble
men and women who have helped to make it.

Another great need is a system for the proper direction of the various
lines of research that should be followed out in the State. The best
results can accrue from such organizations only by a system for the
unification of efforts and the preservation of results. Without such a
system the results achieved by the historical renaissance upon which we
are entering will be largely lost. This necessity is shown by our past
experience in work of this kind. In 1876 many counties of the State,
acting in accordance with a suggestion of the President of the United
States, held centennial celebrations, at which were delivered many
addresses of historical value. With the exception of an incomplete
collection of these addresses which were gathered into the archives
of the State Historical Society upon its organization, several years
later, these contributions to our history have either been lost
entirely, or are not now available to investigators. By having a common
place of deposit for these results of historical investigation our
workers will be able to learn readily what has been done along various
lines of research and will often be saved a duplication of effort.

_Plan of Organization._--The charter of the Mississippi Historical
Society gives it authority to establish branches in the various
counties of the State. In order to put such a scheme into practical
execution, the Executive Committee of the Society has adopted the
following resolution, looking toward a unification of all the
historical work of the State:

    1. That all of the patriotic and historical organizations
    of the State, including local historical societies; the
    Daughters of the Revolution; the department of Mississippi
    United Confederate Veterans, and the Sons and Daughters of the
    Confederacy may, by a resolution duly passed and filed with the
    Secretary of the State Historical Society, become affiliated
    with said society and entitled to all the benefits accruing
    therefrom.

    2. That any such auxiliary society may, by the first of
    December annually, make a report of its work to the Secretary
    of the State Historical Society, which, or portions, or a
    synopsis thereof, may be included in the publications of the
    State Society, and upon application of an auxiliary society
    the State Society may become custodian of the records of such
    auxiliary society.

    3. That a copy of the publication of the State Historical
    Society be sent, free of charge, to such auxiliary societies as
    make annual reports as provided above.


PURPOSE OF AFFILIATION.

1. _Encouragement of Research._--It is the purpose of the State Society
to encourage investigation by giving proper recognition to all worthy
contributions that may be made to our history. This will be done both
by the public presentation of papers from local societies at the annual
meetings and by their publication and distribution by the State Society.

2. _Unification of Work and Preservation of Results._--This is the
day of co-operation in historical work. A great and noble task lies
before us. We cannot afford to duplicate work or to lose any worthy
contributions that may be made to our history. Let us not repeat the
experience of 1876. Again some of our most important subjects can be
worked only by local aid in various parts of the state. This aid can be
furnished by the members of organizations in the locality from which
information is desired.


SUGGESTIONS.

_Character of Work Needed._--The historian should above all things
keep himself free from prejudice. It will be impossible to stop
investigation and the historian must ever keep in mind the fact that
sooner or later his work will be tested by others and his errors
brought to light. The value and permanence of all historical work,
therefore, is quite in proportion to the amount of truth it contains.
"Particularly must he," says one, "guard against careless or incorrect
statements about the dead who cannot defend themselves." Every
assertion should be susceptible of proof and exact references should be
made in foot-notes to the authority upon which a statement is based.
If this be neglected, says the writer quoted above, the work stands in
danger either of neglect by future historians, or of being discredited
as a mass of unsubstantial statements.

_Sources of Information._--The most fruitful and accessible sources of
information on local history are the following: State histories; public
records (municipal, county, church, school, etc.); newspaper files;
books and pamphlets pertaining to the locality under consideration;
manuscript letters, journals, etc., of early settlers; and interviews
with the oldest inhabitants.

_Scope of Work Needed._--In Mississippi the following topics would
doubtless yield rich returns to the local historian. The list might be
enlarged or changed to meet local conditions.

_Antiquities._--The name and location of Indian tribes and the
events, dates and incidents in their history together with their
present condition in some counties in the State would doubtless
prove fruitful to the investigator. Closely allied to this is the
subject of archaeology. Although we have no large public collection
of pre-historic implements in Mississippi there are several excellent
private collections in different parts of the State. These should be
cited for the use of investigators.

_Early Settlements._--This opens a fertile field that has been too much
neglected in Mississippi. The local historian should gather up the
annals and letters of the first settlers. He should as far as possible
ascertain the former homes of settlers and the facts that led to their
removal as well as those which determined the location of settlements.
Closely allied to this is the development of early thoroughfares.
The investigator might also give the early experience as well as the
domestic and social customs of the pioneers.

_Biography._--The lives of men that have contributed to the greatness
of our State. We do not know enough about our statesmen, scientists,
poets, teachers, philanthropists, authors, etc.

_Groups of Foreign Settlers._-Although this field is limited in
Mississippi, we have not done this work. The Irish settlement in Jasper
county and perhaps a few others in the State might be worked with much
interest and profit.

_Military History._--The old militia system and the part taken by the
county in the wars in which the United States has engaged need to be
investigated now, since those who took part in these events are fast
disappearing.

_Political History._--This subject might embrace county boundaries,
their establishment and location, the origin and development
of political parties within the county; the establishment of
municipalities, etc.

_Religious and Social History._--The sources by way of church records
are abundant. The growth of churches, philanthropic movements and
reforms may be included under this subject.

_Educational History._--This would embrace not only the public schools
of to-day, but private schools of ante bellum times.

_Industrial and Commercial Development._--The local historian might
show the effects of topography, soil and natural resources upon the
occupations and economic conditions of the county. Industrial and
commercial methods should be treated and statistics given. In this
connection the influences of slavery should be noted.

_Miscellaneous Topics of a Local Nature._--The following subjects
might be studied with results more or less satisfactory, according to
location: Tory Influences, Railways, Newspapers, Architecture, Contents
of Early Libraries, Reconstruction, etc.




SOME INACCURACIES IN CLAIBORNE'S HISTORY IN REGARD TO TECUMSEH.

BY H. S. HALBERT


In this article the writer desires to call attention to some
inaccuracies in Colonel J. F. H. Claiborne's History of Mississippi,
on page 487, in regard to Tecumseh's visit to the Choctaws. These
inaccuracies have unfortunately misled the authors of our Mississippi
school histories, and I wish here to present the subject in its true
light and so correct these inaccuracies for the benefit of all students
of Mississippi history. As a beginning, I will state that in 1877 I
sent to Colonel Claiborne, then engaged in writing his history, some
notes which I had written in regard to Tecumseh's visit to the Choctaws
in 1811. These notes gave some account of the last council between
Tecumseh and the Choctaws, which was held on Blewett's plantation, in
Noxubee County. Subsequent research, several years after, showed that I
was in error on some points. Still, if Colonel Claiborne had made use
of my notes just as they were, the matter would not have been so bad. I
regret, however, to say that Colonel Claiborne took much liberty with
my narrative and added thereto some fictitious embellishments. To take
a liberal view of the matter, the Colonel, no doubt, considered these
embellishments as harmless and as adding somewhat to the interest of
the narrative. After the manner of some historians of antiquity, the
Colonel had acquired the habit of putting fine speeches into the mouths
of his Indian heroes. For the benefit of the students of Mississippi
history, I will here state, in all truth and good conscience, that the
speech which he has put into the mouth of Pushmataha is nothing more
nor less than pure and unadulterated fiction. Pushmataha never made
that speech. Even the uncritical school boy might ask the questions:
"Who was the reporter in the Indian camp that took down that speech?"
"Who translated the speech from Choctaw into English?" The Truth
is, Colonel Claiborne simply composed that speech and interpolated
it into my meager narrative. The Colonel, too, seems to have been
utterly oblivious or regardless of the fact, that, in all Indian
inter-tribal councils, where more than one language is spoken, all the
business is transacted through the cold medium of interpreters. Under
such circumstances there can be no wonderful displays of impassioned
oratory. Pushmataha spoke only Choctaw, Tecumseh only Shawnee. A
speech delivered by Tecumseh in his native tongue could not have been
understood by the Choctaws. Hence, all the arguments and statements
on both sides had to pass through the mouth of the interpreter; in
this case the interpreter, Seekaboo. Such inter-tribunal councils
are strictly business conferences. Many years ago it was my fortune
to be present at two inter-tribal councils among the wild tribes,
where several languages were spoken, and no displays of oratory were
attempted--for in such a case the speaker's tribesmen alone could
have understood him--but everything was conducted in practical,
businesslike manner, the interpreters kept constantly busy translating
the statements of the speakers.

Reverting to Colonel Claiborne and Tecumseh, I will state that
elsewhere I have given all the attainable facts in regard to Tecumseh's
Choctaw visit, worked out from original and authentic sources. Suffice
it here to say that Tecumseh in none of his councils exerted the
slightest influence over Moshulitubbee, over Hopaii Iskitini, nor over
any other Choctaw, chief or warrior. The Choctaw mingoes unanimously
and utterly discountenanced his designs, and at the last council
threatened to put him to death if he did not leave their nation.

Again, on this same page, there is an inaccuracy in regard to the
conference which Weatherford and Ochillie Hadjo had with Mingo
Moshulitubbee. In this case, however, Colonel Claiborne is not
blameable, as I made the mistake myself in the notes which I sent him.
Subsequent inquiry showed that I was in error on this matter, so I here
correct the statement by saying that Moshulitubee was not influenced
in the slightest degree by these Muscogee chiefs. This conference is
an historic fact, which I received from the late Mr. G. W. Campbell,
of Shuqulak, he receiving it in early life from Stonie Hadjo, one
of Moshulitubees' captains. Circumstances show that this conference
occurred in the summer of 1813, perhaps in July.

My object in making these corrections is, that, as I am the only person
who knows about these erroneous statements in Claiborne's history, I
may place the facts in their true light for the benefit of all lovers
of historical accuracy.




DID JONES COUNTY SECEDE?

BY ALEXANDER L. BONDURANT, A. M.


It seems that many within and without the State would answer this query
in the affirmative, and even their ordinance of secession is given by
one writer on the subject as follows:

    "Whereas, The State of Mississippi, for reasons which appear
    justifiable, has seen fit to withdraw from the Federal Union;
    and

    "Whereas, We, the citizens of Jones County, claim the same
    right, thinking our grievances are sufficient by reason of an
    unjust law passed by the Confederate States of America forcing
    us to go into distant parts, etc., therefore, be it

    "_Resolved_, That we sever the union heretofore existing
    between Jones County and the State of Mississippi, and proclaim
    our independence of the said State and of the Confederate
    States of America; and we solemnly call upon Almighty God to
    witness and bless the act."

Such being the case, it has seemed to me in order to advert to a
discussion in the Nation on this subject beginning March 24, 1892,
which throws considerable light on the question. In the paper of this
date Samuel Willard, of Chicago, writes that he had been a soldier in
the army which invaded Mississippi, and that he had never during the
war heard of such an occurrence. When, therefore, he saw the statement
made in the New England Magazine, for November, 1891, the author
being Professor Hart, he doubted its accuracy. It may be stated just
here that Professor Hart, in a subsequent issue of the Nation gives
as his authority Mr. Galloway, historian of the Sixth army corps,
who published in the Magazine of American History for October, 1886,
an article entitled "A Confederacy Within a Confederacy;" but upon
what authority Mr. Galloway based his statements does not appear. He
therefore wrote to the Governor of the State of Mississippi and to
the clerk of Jones County, and elicited replies from both of these
gentlemen, and Governor Stone inclosed a letter from his predecessor,
Hon. Robert Lowry, who was sent to Jones County during the war in
command of troops for the purpose of arresting deserters. The texts of
the letters are too long to quote in full, so a few passages will have
to suffice. Governor Stone writes:

    "It gives me pleasure to inform you that the whole story is a
    fabrication, and there is scarcely any foundation for any part
    of it. To begin with Jones County furnished perhaps as many
    soldiers to the army of the Confederacy as any other county
    of like population. * * * Many of them declined to go into
    the army in the beginning, but so far as formal withdrawal
    or resolution to that effect is concerned, no such thing
    ever occurred in Jones County. Hon. Robert Lowry was sent to
    Jones County during the war for the purpose of arresting and
    returning deserters to their commands, and there was some
    little fighting with these bands of deserters, or rather
    bush-whacking of his men by the deserters; and some of the
    deserters were arrested and executed, but only a few. The whole
    story is the veriest fabrication, and I presume few persons of
    intelligence will believe any of it."

Ex-Governor Lowry writes: "The county furnished nearly and probably its
entire quota of soldiers, many of whom did splendid service. No such
effort as establishing a separate government was ever attempted. The
story of withdrawal and establishing of a separate government is a pure
fabrication--not a shadow of foundation for it."

Governor McLaurin, in a recent letter to me on this subject, writes:
"I was a boy thirteen years old when the war commenced. I was 'raised'
in Smith County, a county adjoining Jones. I was at home the first
three years of the war, and, if there was any attempt by Jones County
to secede and set up a separate government, I did not hear anything of
it. I was in a brigade that intercepted a Federal raid that started
from Baton Rouge to Mobile in November or December, 1864, and we passed
through or very near Jones County, and I never heard of any attempt to
set up a separate government in the county. I think it is safe for you
to negative the whole story."

E. B. Sharp, Esq., chancery clerk, writes: "The report is utterly false
in every particular."

The authority of these well known gentlemen is quite sufficient to
dispose effectually of this canard reflecting upon the good name of a
county which rendered brave and efficient service to the Confederacy.




    INDEX
                                        PAGE

    Abbeville, South Carolina, 87

    Aberdeen, 37

    Adams County, 30

    Adams, Prof. H. B., 73

    American Law Review, 42

    Amsterdam, 36

    Arnold, Dr. Thomas, 78

    Athens, 34

    Atlantic Monthly, 42

    Audubon, J. J., 87, 88

    Autumn, a poem, 12

    Australian Ballot, 48


    Backwoods Poem, appreciation of, 3

    Bacon's Landing, 57

    Ballot, 48

    Baptists, Early Settlement, 86

    Baskerville, 20

    Batesville, 37

    Bayou Pierre, 56

    Bay St. Louis, 33, 34, 37, 40

    Beauregard, 37

    Benela, 37

    Berryhill, S. Newton, 2, 20

    Bethel Church, 86

    Bettie Bell, a poem, 5

    Beuford District, S. C., 86

    Bienville, 70

    Biloxi, 37, 40

    Biography, Relation of to History, 76, 78

    Biography, Importance of in Literary Study, 20

    Bledsoe, 20

    Blewett, 101

    Bluntschli, J. C., 73, 74

    Blount, Senator, 63

    Bolton, 39, 40

    Bondurant, Prof. A. L., 104

    Bonner, 37

    Brandon, 34, 37

    Brookhaven, 40

    Brooksville, 40

    Brown, Mr., a poem, 5

    Burr, Aaron, arrest of, 86

    Butler, Major, 87


    Camargo, 87

    Campbell, G. W., 108

    Canada, 61, 64

    Canton, 37

    Carlyle, 76

    Carondelet, Baron de, 57, 58, 61, 64

    Chambers, Prof. H. E., 67

    Chickasaw Bluffs, 56

    Chisholm, W., 87

    Choctaws, 101-103

    Claiborne, Col. J. F. H., 85, 101-103

    Clarke, General, 62, 63

    Clarksdale, 40

    Clarksville, 57

    Clinton, 34

    Columbia, 40

    Columbus, 33, 34, 36, 37, 40

    Constitution of 1817, 30, 31

    Constitution of 1832, 35

    Constitution of 1869, 37

    Constitution of 1890, 40

    Cook, Mr. and Mrs., 87

    Cooksville, 37

    Copiah County, 95

    Cotton Gin Port, 37

    Crystal Springs, 37


    Davis, Jefferson, 71, 88

    De Bow's Review, 85

    Deupree, Prof. J. G., 95

    Dialect, writing in, 22

    Dillon, John F., 42

    Duncan, Rev. W., 86

    Durant, 39, 40


    Eastport, 37

    Educational Qualification, 43

    Elective Judiciary, 47

    Ellicott, Andrews, 55, 56, 58, 64, 65, 66

    Ellisville, 40

    Emory, 37

    Eureka Springs, 39


    Farmington, 37

    Fence Law, 48

    Florida, 62, 68, 71

    Folch, 71

    Fort Adams, 86, 88

    France, 52, 53, 54, 57, 64

    Frost and Forest, a poem, 13

    Froude, James Anthony, 76

    Fulton, 40

    Fulton, Chancellor R. B., 91


    Gainsville, 37

    Gallatin, 34

    Galloway, Bishop G. B., 20

    Gayoso, 52, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60

    George, Senator J. Z., 44

    Georgia, 62, 87

    Godoy   50, 51

    Governor, how elected under Constitution of 1890, 46, 47

    Grand Gulf, 37

    Great Britain, 51, 52, 58

    Greenville, Washington Co., 33, 34

    Greenville, Jefferson Co., 40

    Greenwood Springs, 40


    Hadley, Rev. Moses, 86

    Harris, Joel Chandler, 21

    Harris, Dr. W. T., 83

    Harrison, James A., 20

    Hart, Prof. A. B., 105, 106

    Hazlehurst, 27

    Hermans, 37

    Hernando, 37

    Hinsdale, Prof. B. A., 52, 56

    Hickory, 37

    History and literature inseparable, 17

    History and Poetry, Relation of, 1

    History, Conception of, 80, 81, 82, 83

    History of Literature, 23

    History, Local and general compared, 75, 76

    History, Study and Teaching of, 73, 74

    History, Unity of, 75

    Holden, F. M., 104

    Holmesville, 33, 34

    Huntsville, 29

    Hutson, 20


    Iberville, 70

    Indian Legends in Mississippi, 21

    Indian Names in Mississippi, 21

    Indians, 59, 60, 63

    Indianola, 40

    Irion, Bob, 88


    Jackson County, 30, 34

    Jackson, city of, 34, 36, 39, 40

    Jones County, 104, 106

    Jones, Dr. Joseph, 92, 94

    Jones, Prof. R. W., 85

    Johns Hopkins University, 75

    Judges, How Chosen in Mississippi, 47


    Kemper, Reuben, 71

    Kentucky, 53, 87

    Kilpatrick, Dr. A. R., 86, 87


    Laurel, 39

    Lawrence County, 91

    Lecky, Bob, 86

    Legislature, Power of to elect officers, 47

    Lewis, Henry T., 20

    Lewis, John S., 86

    Liberty, 34, 36

    Lincoln County, 92, 93

    Lipscomb, Prof. Dabney, 1, 20

    Literature in Mississippi, 17, 19

    Literature, History of, 23

    Local Historical Work in Maryland, 75

    Local History and general compared, 75

    Local Historians, suggestions to, 96

    Local Historical Societies, 97

    Lodi, 37

    Loftus Cliffs, 57

    Louisiana, 61, 62, 64, 70, 71, 88

    Lowry, Gov. Robert, 105


    Macon, 37, 40

    Madison County, 33

    Manchester, 34, 36

    McLaurin, Gov. A. J., 105, 106

    Meadville, 34

    Mississippi River, 53, 55, 64, 66

    Mississippi State, 70

    Mississippi Territory, 25, 30

    Mississippi Historical Society Archives, 97

    Mobile, 29, 71

    Monticello, 33

    Mount Pleasant, 87

    Municipal Suffrage, 27, 29, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40

    Murrell, 22

    My Castle, a poem, 18

    My Motherland, a poem, 10


    Natchez, 27, 37, 39, 50, 55, 56, 57, 62, 64, 65, 66, 70, 86, 88

    Negroes, Rights of to vote, 34, 38, 42

    New Orleans, 53, 54, 58, 70, 86

    Northwest Territory, Suffrage in, 25, 26

    Note-Taking, Method of, 79


    Ogden, Capt. John, 87

    Ohio River, 63, 64, 65

    Oregon, 67

    Outlaws, Doings of, 22


    Pardons, Effects of upon rights of suffrage, 32

    Pass Christian, 37, 39, 40

    Paulding, 37

    Pearlington, 33

    Percy, 88

    Philadelphia, 37

    Pickering, 54, 61, 62, 64

    Pinckney, Thomas, 50

    Plymoth, 36

    Poindexter, Governor, 87

    Poindexter's History, 87

    Pope, Lieutenant, 64, 66

    Port Gibson, 29, 33

    Potts Camp, 40

    Prentiss, S. S., 88, 89

    Pushmata, 101, 102


    Quitman, 39


    Raleigh, 37

    Rapides Parish, 87

    Rau, Dr. Chas. R., 91, 92

    Raymond, 33, 34, 37

    Registration when first required, 37

    Registration under constitution of 1890, 44, 46

    Re-Reconstruction, a poem, 11

    Riley, Prof. Franklin L., 50, 87, 96

    Rodney, 33, 34, 37

    Rosedale, 39, 40

    Russell, Irwin, 18, 20


    Salem, 37

    Sardis, 37

    Sarepta, 37

    Sartartia, 36

    Scooba, 39, 40

    Seekaboo, 102

    Seminary, Historical, 74

    Senatobia, 39, 40

    Seven Pines, 39

    Shands, H. A., 22

    Sharp, E. B., 106

    Shieldsborough, 33, 34, 37

    Shongole, 37

    Sketch, a poem, 7

    Society, Forces which bind it together, 73

    Spain, 50-66

    Starkville, 37

    Stoddard, 52

    Stone, Gov. J. M., 105

    Storm, The, a poem, 7

    St. Stevens, 29

    Suggestions to Local Historians, 98, 99, 100

    Suffrage, Qualifications for, constitution of 1817, 31-35

    Suffrage, Qualifications for, constitution of 1832, 35-37

    Suffrage, Qualifications for, constitution of 1869, 37-40

    Suffrage, Qualifications for, constitution of 1890, 40-42


    Tanner, Robert, 87

    Taylor, Zachary, 71

    Tecumseh, 101, 102

    Tennessee, 53, 64, 65

    Tennyson, 74, 76, 84

    Terry, 40

    Thompson, Maurice, 20

    Thompson, Hon. R. H., 25

    Tidings from the Battlefield, a poem, 9

    Topics in Mississippi History, 99, 100

    Travel, Accounts of in Mississippi, 22

    Treaty of San Lorenzo, 50, 51

    Treaty, Jay's, 51

    Tunica, 39, 40

    Turner, Robert, 86


    Understanding clause in constitution of 1890, 42, 44

    University of Mississippi, 96


    Vaiden, 40

    Vicksburg (Walnut Hills), 33, 34, 37, 40, 56, 60, 61, 62

    Voting, _viva voce_ in Mississippi, 32

    Voting by ballot in Miss., 48


    Waddell, Moses, 87

    Walnut Hills (Vicksburg), 33, 34, 37, 40, 56, 60, 61, 62

    Warrenton, 33, 34

    Warren county, 33

    Washington, 33, 34, 35

    Water Valley, 40

    Wayne, General, 60

    Weber, Prof. W. L., 16

    Wesson, 37, 93

    West Florida, 30, 71

    Wilkinson, General, 87

    Wilkinson county, 87

    Willard, Samuel, 104

    Willing, 71

    Winans, Rev. Wm., 87

    Winona, 37

    Woodville, 29, 36, 86, 88

    Woodville Republican, 87


    Yazoo City, 34, 37, 40




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FOOTNOTES:

[1] Ratifications were exchanged at Aranjuez, April 25, 1796, and the
treaty was proclaimed August 2, of the same year.

A copy of this treaty is given in the American State Papers. Foreign
Relations, vol. 1, 546 et seq; also in the Treaties and Conventions
Concluded Between the United States and Other Powers Since July 4,
1776. Sen. Ex. Doc. 2d Session, 48th Congress, Vol. I, Pt. 2, 1006, et
seq.

[2] See Trescot's Diplomatic History of the Administrations of
Washington and Adams. Chapters I and IV.

[3] Godoy's Memoirs, Vol. I.45-'8 et seq. Quoted from Trescot, 253. It
is very evident that Mr. Pinckney understood the circumstances that
determined the course of the Spanish Minister. See American State
Papers For. Rels. I. 535. Martin, who has studied the subject from the
standpoint of Louisiana, says (History of La., 269) that this was also
understood by the King's officers in New Orleans.

The United States and England had previously agreed that they would
share equally in the navigation of the Mississippi and on May 4,
1796, six months after the treaty with Spain, the United States and
England subscribed to the following: "No other stipulation or treaty
concluded since (the date of their former treaty) by either of the
contracting parties with any other Power or Nation, is understood in
any manner to derogate from the right to the free communication and
commerce guaranteed by the 3d article or the treaty to the subjects of
His Brittanic Majesty."--Amer. State P. For. Rels. II. 15. In a letter
to the Spanish Minister, Chevalier de Yrujo, dated January 20, 1798,
Mr. Pickering says that the United States "have not asked, nor will
they have occasion to ask Spain to be the guardian of their rights an
interests on the Mississippi."--Ib. 102.

[4] Sketches of Louisiana (1812), 98-9. The author of these sketches,
a major in the army of the United States, took possession of upper
Louisiana in behalf of his government, under the treaty of cession,
in March, 1804. His book was based upon "local and other information"
furnished by "respectable men" "in most of the districts" of which
he wrote, together with his own extensive excursions, during the
five years in which he was stationed on various parts of the lower
Mississippi.

[5] This is the language of Stoddard, which was based upon Gayoso's
letter. See Sketches of La. 98-'9.

[6] In 1787, the Intendant of Louisiana, acting in accordance with
instructions from the Spanish court, prepared an elaborate memoir on
the political situation in America. "He represented the people of the
United States as extremely ambitious, as animated by the spirit of
conquest and as anxious to extend their empire to the shores of the
Pacific. He then suggested a line of policy, which in his opinion,
it was incumbent on Spain to adopt. The dismemberment of the western
country, by means of pensions and commercial benefits, was considered
by him as not difficult. The attempt was therefore strongly urged,
particularly as it would, if successful, greatly augment the power of
Spain in this quarter and forever arrest our progress westward. These
suggestions were favorably received, and formed the groundwork of that
policy which Spain afterwards pursued."--Sketches of La., 98.

[7] Ib. 85.

[8] See Hinsdale's Old Northwest, Chapter X. A bibliography of the
Negotiations at Paris, 1782-'83, is given in Hinsdale's Southern
Boundary of the United States, published in the Annual Report of the
American Historical Association for 1893, p. 339, footnote.

[9] See Gould's Fifty Years on the Mississippi, 182 et seq.; 288 et seq.

[10] Stoddard's Sketches, 88-'9.

[11] Ib. 90.

[12] Ib. 99.

[13] He was at this time Governor General of Louisiana.

[14] Amer. State Papers. For. Rel. II.79. This opinion is corroborated
by Marbois (Hist. of La., 162) who made a study of the subject from the
French standpoint.

[15] Martin's History of La., 271-5.

[16] He was Governor of the Natchez District and was stationed at the
town of Natchez.

[17] Ellicott had made the surveys locating the limits of the District
of Columbia, in 1791 (Chas. Burr Todd's Story of Washington, 21).
The year following he was appointed to draft and publish a plan
of the Federal City (Ib. 30). He also established the Meridian of
Washington, conducted several other important public surveys and
served a number of years as Surveyor General of the United States.
In 1813, General Armstrong appointed him Professor of Mathematics in
the United States' Military Academy at West Point, which position he
held for several years. He was in constant communication with the
National Institute of France and contributed to the Transactions of
the American Philosophical Society. His official dispatches while
engaged as Commissioner for locating the boundary between the United
States and Spain may be found in the American State Papers, Foreign
Relations, Vol. II. A more extensive account is given in narrative form
in Ellicott's Journal, published at Philadelphia, in 1803. All his
writings with reference to Mississippi must be read with caution, since
they exhibit intense partisan animus.

[18] The day after beginning his descent of the Mississippi, he and his
party reached "the station of one of the Spanish gallies, the master
of which treated them politely, but detained them until the next day
(Journal, 31). A few hours after leaving this point, they reached New
Madrid, where they were saluted upon landing "by a discharge of the
artillery from the fort and otherwise treated with the greatest respect
and attention." Here the commandant stated that he had "a communication
to make and for some reasons, which he did not detail," requesting
Ellicott "to continue there two or three days." The commissioner
declined to be detained longer than one day. At the expiration of that
time a letter was produced from the Governor General of the province,
containing an order issued about three months previous, not to permit
the Americans to descend the river till the posts were evacuated,
which could not be effected until the waters should rise." In reply,
Ellicott took the position that "if want of water was an objection ...
it was ... done away by the commencement of the inundation," that such
an order must have been intended for troops and that to detain himself
and party "would be an indirect violation of the treaty" they were
preparing to carry into effect. The objection was then withdrawn and
they proceeded (Ib. 31-33). At Chickasaw Bluffs the Commandant received
the party politely but "appeared embarrassed" (Ib. 34) and affected
almost total ignorance of the treaty. There were no appearances of
preparations to evacuate (Ib. 35). Again resuming their voyage, they
were detained a few days later, for about an hour, by a Spanish officer
commanding two galleys (Ib. 36). At Walnut Hills (Vicksburg) they were
brought to by an "unnecessary" discharge of a piece of artillery, but
were treated "very civilly when on shore." Here also the commandant
"appeared to be almost wholly unacquainted" with the treaty and was
not satisfied until Ellicott produced "an authenticated copy" of
that instrument in Spanish (Ib. 37). This incident appeared very
extraordinary to the Commissioner in view of the fact that this station
was "in the vicinity" of Natchez, where Governor Gayoso resided (Ib.
38).

All of these occurrences were more extraordinary still, when
viewed in the light of the further facts observed by Professor
Hinsdale:--Although Ellicott "bore a commission from the Government
of the United States, was accompanied by an escort of American troops
and was charged with the performance of a duty created by a solemn
international agreement, he was halted and questioned as though he
were a suspect in a strange country. Moreover, the one bank of the
river, throughout the whole distance, Spain had acknowledged to
belong exclusively to the United States, to say nothing of her having
guaranteed its navigation by American citizens from its source to the
sea" (Annual Rept. Amer. Hist. Association for 1893, pp. 351-2).

[19] Ellicott's Journal, 39-40. This escort consisted of only
twenty-five men (Amer. State papers, For. Rel. II. 20).

[20] Ellicott's Journal, 44.

[21] Ib.

[22] Ib. 50.

[23] Ellicott's Journal, 52.

[24] Ib. 52.

[25] An effort had been previously made to induce Ellicott to visit the
Baron at New Orleans. July 14, the President directed the Commissioner
to remain at Natchez until the Spaniards were ready for operations.
Amer. State Papers, For. Rel. II, 102.

[26] Ellicott's Journal, 47-48.

[27] Ib. 84.

[28] These pretexts often overlap, two or more being given at the same
time. They are arranged in the order of their first appearance.

[29] Report to the President of the United States, dated June 10, 1797,
in Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., II, 72.

[30] Ib. 92.

[31] Ib. 20. Letter from the Secretary of War to Gen. Wilkinson, dated
June 9, 1797 in Ib. 92.

[32] This pretext was given in connection with the preceding one in the
proclamation of March 28 and 29.

[33] Ib. 25.

[34] Ib. 92.

[35] Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., II, 66. Lieutenant Pope wrote to
the Secretary of War, from Natchez, May 9, 1797, "there have been
several attempts to draw on the Indians upon my troops" (Ib. 73);
General Wilkinson also wrote him from Fort Washington, June 4, 1797,
"letters from all quarters announce the discontent and menacing aspect
of the Savages; ... they ... are making no preparations for a crop,
which is certain indication of their intention to change ground"
(Ib.); Lieutenant Colonel Hamtramck wrote from Detroit, May 21, 1797,
"I am pretty sure that both the French and Spaniards have emissaries
among the Indians" (Ib.). The Secretary of State received a letter
from Winthrop Sargent, at Cincinnati, bearing date of June 3, 1797, in
which he says, "it ... appears from various channels, that they (the
Spaniards) are inviting a great number of Indians of the (Northwest)
territory to cross the Mississippi.... A large party of the Delawares
passed down White River about the 6th of May, on their way to the
Spanish side, bearing the national flag sent from St. Louis" (Ib. 88).

[36] Ib. 73.

[37] Ib. 78. This reason was expressed by Governor Gayoso in a letter
to Commissioner Ellicott, dated March 31, 1797 (Ellicott's Journal, 71).

[38] This declaration was made March 23, 1797. Gayoso suggested, at
the same time, that this post would be held only until the arrival of
American troops to take possession (Amer. State Papers, For. Rel. II,
91).

[39] Ellicott's Journal, 71.

[40] Amer. State Papers, For. Rel. II, 20.

[41] Ib. 97. He also cited several precedents established by different
powers in fulfilling treaties of a similar nature. See Ib. 92-'3.

[42] March 2, the Spanish Minister wrote Mr. Pickering that he had
become confirmed in a suspicion expressed to him three days previous,
that the British in Canada were preparing to cross over from the lakes
to the Mississippi, "by Fox River, Onisconsin or by the Illinois or
other parts of the territory of the United States" in order to attack
Upper Louisiana. He therefore requested that measures be promptly taken
to prevent a violation of American neutrality (Amer. State Papers, For.
Rel., II, 68).

[43] Upper Louisiana, which was then in the possession of Spain.

[44] Ib. 78.

[45] Ib. 79.

[46] Ib. 69.

[47] April 21, 1797 (Ib. 68).

[48] Ib. 71. He also suggested that this suspicion was based upon a
former scheme in which Clarke was concerned, for subduing the Floridas
in connection with France.

[49] Ib. 69. He further declared that he had never heard of Clarke.
(Ib. 93).

[50] Ib. 71.

[51] July 3, 1797, the President submitted to Congress a letter
from William Blount to James Carey, which revealed that the former
was implicated in a scheme of conquest, that he hoped to conduct in
behalf of the British against the Spanish possessions. A copy of this
letter may be found in Ib. 76-'7. Blount was thereupon expelled from
the Senate by a vote, not of two-thirds only, as required by the
constitution, but unanimously.

[52] Ib. 89.

[53] Ib. 94.

[54] Ib. 93.

[55] The Secretary evidently considered this plan the same as the one
that had been mentioned by the British Minister in his communication
referred to above, since Lord Greenville had written that the two
objections the Minister had given to that plan,--violation of the
neutrality of the United States and employment of the Indians--would
have been "sufficient to induce the British Government to reject it"
(Ib. 98).

[56] Ib. 90.

[57] Ib. 102.

[58] Ellicott and Pope.

[59] Ellicott's Journal, 101-'3.

[60] See Supra.

[61] Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., II., 79, 102.

[62] Two feints at evacuation were made at Natchez and at least one at
the Walnut Hills (See Ib. 91).

[63] See Supra.

[64] Amer. State Papers, For. Rel. II., 25.

[65] Ellicott's Journal, 79.

[66] "Lieutenant Pope's descending the river was, certainly a fortunate
circumstance for the United States, though in doing it, he did not
strictly comply with his orders from General Wayne, by whom he was
instructed to remain at Fort Massac till he obtained some information
respecting the evacuation of the posts, and if a judgment was to be
formed from the provision made for the detachment, it could not be
supposed that it was really intended to descend the river. It was
in want of artillery, tents, money, medicines, and a physician. In
consequence of this omission, or bad management, I had to furnish
the men such articles as they were in need of, out of the stores
appropriated for carrying the treaty into effect. And after all that
I was able to do, we had (to our great mortification) to borrow some
tents from the Governor" (Ellicott's Journal, 80).

[67] They were plowed up by Mr. W. T. Hutchins in a field about
three-quarters of a mile east of Hebron and were sent to the
Smithsonian by Mr. T. J. R. Keenan. In the field where these objects
were found, the outlines of a pre-historic fort could be easily traced
until a few years ago.

[68] Since the above paper was written I have obtained one jasper bead,
found fifteen miles north of Hot Springs, Ark. It is cylindrical in
form, one inch long, one-fourth of an inch in external diameter, and
has a longitudinal perforation one-tenth of an inch in diameter. The
material resembles that of the set found in Mississippi. I have also
seen several perforated jasper ornaments in the possession of Prof.
J. G. Deupree, of the University of Mississippi, which were found in
Copiah county, Mississippi, and I have been informed that several
similar objects are in the possession of persons in Copiah County.

It will be noted that the quartzite, or jasper, of which these
ornaments are made, is a very different material from the comparatively
soft and easily-worked red sandstone--"Catlinite"--extensively used by
the Indians of the Northwest in the manufacture of pipes and ornaments.




Transcriber's Notes


Obvious punctuation errors repaired.

Transposed lines corrected on pp. 16.

Hyphen added "battle-flags" (p. 82), "to-day" (p. 14).

P. 3: "inforamtion" changed to "information" (lack of information).

P. 9: "friendy" changed to "friendly" (friendly sympathy).

P. 16: "comonplace" changed to "commonplace" (commonplace that
literature).

P. 21: "geophraphical" changed to "geographical" (geographical names).

P. 22: "Misissippi" changed to "Mississippi" (Mississippi literature).

P. 27: "enactemnt" changed to "enactment" (explanatory enactment).

P. 29: "confererd" changed to "conferred" (vote was conferred).

P. 29: "referenece" changed "reference" (without reference).

P. 31: "atuhorized" changed to "authorized" (authorized a free white
male).

P. 33: "Conuty" changed to "County" (Warren County).

P. 33: "assesed" changed to "assessed" (had been assessed).

P. 36: "become" changed to "became" (became operative).

P. 47: "conceruing" change to "concerning" (concerning the same).

P. 53: "interntional" changed to "international" (international
complications).

P. 58: "NEGOTIATIOHS" changed to "NEGOTIATIONS" (RESULT OF
NEGOTIATIONS).

P. 62fn: "the" changed to "he" (he had never heard of Clarke).

P. 63: "hopel" changed to "hoped" (he hoped to conduct).

P. 63: "refererd" changed to "referred" (referred to above).

P. 65: "Comimssioner" changed to "Commissioner" (the Commissioner
himself).

P. 65: "evactuation" changed to "evacuation" (upon their evacuation).

Pp. 68-69: "repitition" changed to "repetition" (slavish repetition).

P. 78: "maner" changed to "manner" (some noteworthy manner).

P. 79: "libary" changed to "library" (a library for a card catalogue).

P. 81: "infleunce" changed to "influence" (spiritual influence).

P. 82: "individaul" changed to "individual" (individual human mind).

P. 83: "self-consicousness" changed to "self-consciousness"
(self-consciousness of reason).

P. 86: "mangement" changed to "management" (under the management).

P. 91: "Mississppi" changed to "Mississippi" (Lawrence County,
Mississippi).

P. 97: "rennaissance" changed to "renaissance" (historical renaissance).

Index: "Capides Parish" changed to "Rapides Parish", "Clark, General"
changed to "Clarke, General".

This text was produced from a reprint that contained typographical
errors not in the original edition. The following errors that appeared
correctly in the original edition have been corrected: unaccomodating
(p. 88), Mississppi (p. 91), competely (p. 92), Jospeh (p. 92),
seperate (p. 93), maufacture (p. 94), applances (p. 94), historiacl (p.
96), cenennial (p. 96), Historieal (p. 97), fetrile (p. 99), therto (p.
101), discountenaced (p. 102), cheifs (p. 102), inclused (p. 105), Low
(1st ad page). so-colled (1st ad page), Exporation (2nd ad page).







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