The Project Gutenberg eBook of John Lothrop Motley. a memoir — Volume 1
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: John Lothrop Motley. a memoir — Volume 1

Author: Oliver Wendell Holmes

Release date: December 1, 2003 [eBook #4725]
                Most recently updated: June 13, 2024

Language: English

Credits: This etext was produced by David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY. A MEMOIR — VOLUME 1 ***

JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY.

A MEMOIR

By Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr.


Volume I.


NOTE.

The Memoir here given to the public is based on a biographical sketch
prepared by the writer at the request of the Massachusetts Historical
Society for its Proceedings.  The questions involving controversies into
which the Society could not feel called to enter are treated at
considerable length in the following pages.  Many details are also given
which would have carried the paper written for the Society beyond the
customary limits of such tributes to the memory of its deceased members.
It is still but an outline which may serve a present need and perhaps be
of some assistance to a future biographer.




I.

1814-1827.  To AEt. 13.

BIRTH AND EARLY YEARS.

John Motley, the great-grandfather of the subject of this Memoir, came in
the earlier part of the last century from Belfast in Ireland to Falmouth,
now Portland, in the District, now the State of Maine.  He was twice
married, and had ten children, four of the first marriage and six of the
last.  Thomas, the youngest son by his first wife, married Emma, a
daughter of John Wait, the first Sheriff of Cumberland County under the
government of the United States.  Two of their seven sons, Thomas and
Edward, removed from Portland to Boston in 1802 and established
themselves as partners in commercial business, continuing united and
prosperous for nearly half a century before the firm was dissolved.

The earlier records of New England have preserved the memory of an
incident which deserves mention as showing how the historian's life was
saved by a quickwitted handmaid, more than a hundred years before he was
born.  On the 29th of August, 1708, the French and Indians from Canada
made an attack upon the town of Haverhill, in Massachusetts.  Thirty or
forty persons were slaughtered, and many others were carried captive into
Canada.

The minister of the town, Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, was killed by a bullet
through the door of his house.  Two of his daughters, Mary, aged
thirteen, and Elizabeth, aged nine, were sleeping in a room with the
maid-servant, Hagar.  When Hagar heard the whoop of the savages she
seized the children, ran with them into the cellar, and, after concealing
them under two large washtubs, hid herself.  The Indians ransacked the
cellar, but missed the prey.  Elizabeth, the younger of the two girls,
grew up and married the Rev. Samuel Checkley, first minister of the "New
South" Church, Boston.  Her son, Rev. Samuel Checkley, Junior, was
minister of the Second Church, and his successor, Rev. John Lothrop, or
Lathrop, as it was more commonly spelled, married his daughter.  Dr.
Lothrop was great-grandson of Rev. John Lothrop, of Scituate, who had
been imprisoned in England for nonconformity.  The Checkleys were from
Preston Capes, in Northamptonshire.  The name is probably identical with
that of the Chicheles or Chichleys, a well-known Northamptonshire family.

Thomas Motley married Anna, daughter of the Rev. John Lothrop,
granddaughter of the Rev. Samuel Checkley, Junior, the two ministers
mentioned above, both honored in their day and generation.  Eight
children were born of this marriage, of whom four are still living.

JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, the second of these children, was born in
Dorchester, now a part of Boston, Massachusetts, on the 15th of April,
1814.  A member of his family gives a most pleasing and interesting
picture, from his own recollections and from what his mother told him,
of the childhood which was to develop into such rich maturity.  The boy
was rather delicate in organization, and not much given to outdoor
amusements, except skating and swimming, of which last exercise he was
very fond in his young days, and in which he excelled.  He was a great
reader, never idle, but always had a book in his hand,--a volume of
poetry or one of the novels of Scott or Cooper.  His fondness for plays
and declamation is illustrated by the story told by a younger brother,
who remembers being wrapped up in a shawl and kept quiet by sweetmeats,
while he figured as the dead Caesar, and his brother, the future
historian, delivered the speech of Antony over his prostrate body.  He
was of a most sensitive nature, easily excited, but not tenacious of any
irritated feelings, with a quick sense of honor, and the most entirely
truthful child, his mother used to say, that she had ever seen.  Such are
some of the recollections of those who knew him in his earliest years and
in the most intimate relations.

His father's family was at this time living in the house No. 7 Walnut
Street, looking down Chestnut Street over the water to the western hills.
Near by, at the corner of Beacon Street, was the residence of the family
of the first mayor of Boston, and at a little distance from the opposite
corner was the house of one of the fathers of New England manufacturing
enterprise, a man of superior intellect, who built up a great name and
fortune in our city.  The children from these three homes naturally
became playmates.  Mr. Motley's house was a very hospitable one, and
Lothrop and two of his young companions were allowed to carry out their
schemes of amusement in the garden and the garret.  If one with a
prescient glance could have looked into that garret on some Saturday
afternoon while our century was not far advanced in its second score of
years, he might have found three boys in cloaks and doublets and plumed
hats, heroes and bandits, enacting more or less impromptu melodramas.
In one of the boys he would have seen the embryo dramatist of a nation's
life history, John Lothrop Motley; in the second, a famous talker and wit
who has spilled more good things on the wasteful air in conversation than
would carry a "diner-out" through half a dozen London seasons, and waked
up somewhat after the usual flowering-time of authorship to find himself
a very agreeable and cordially welcomed writer,--Thomas Gold Appleton.
In the third he would have recognized a champion of liberty known
wherever that word is spoken, an orator whom to hear is to revive all the
traditions of the grace, the address, the commanding sway of the silver-
tongued eloquence of the most renowned speakers,--Wendell Phillips.

Both of young Motley's playmates have furnished me with recollections of
him and of those around him at this period of his life, and I cannot do
better than borrow freely from their communications.  His father was a
man of decided character, social, vivacious, witty, a lover of books, and
himself not unknown as a writer, being the author of one or more of the
well remembered "Jack Downing" letters.  He was fond of having the boys
read to him from such authors as Channing and Irving, and criticised
their way of reading with discriminating judgment and taste.  Mrs. Motley
was a woman who could not be looked upon without admiration.  I remember
well the sweet dignity of her aspect, her "regal beauty," as Mr. Phillips
truly styles it, and the charm of her serene and noble presence, which
made her the type of a perfect motherhood.  Her character corresponded to
the promise of her gracious aspect.  She was one of the fondest of
mothers, but not thoughtlessly indulgent to the boy from whom she hoped
and expected more than she thought it wise to let him know.  The story
used to be current that in their younger days this father and mother were
the handsomest pair the town of Boston could show.  This son of theirs
was "rather tall," says Mr. Phillips, "lithe, very graceful in movement
and gesture, and there was something marked and admirable in the set of
his head on his shoulders,"--a peculiar elegance which was most
noticeable in those later days when I knew him.  Lady Byron long
afterwards spoke of him as more like her husband in appearance than any
other person she had met; but Mr. Phillips, who remembers the first bloom
of his boyhood and youth, thinks he was handsomer than any portrait of
Byron represents the poet.  "He could not have been eleven years old,"
says the same correspondent, "when he began writing a novel.  It opened,
I remember, not with one solitary horseman, but with two, riding up to an
inn in the valley of the Housatonic.  Neither of us had ever seen the
Housatonic, but it sounded grand and romantic.  Two chapters were
finished."


There is not much remembered of the single summer he passed at Mr.
Green's school at Jamaica Plain.  From that school he went to Round
Hill, Northampton, then under the care of Mr. Cogswell and Mr. Bancroft.
The historian of the United States could hardly have dreamed that the
handsome boy of ten years was to take his place at the side of his
teacher in the first rank of writers in his own department.  Motley came
to Round Hill, as one of his schoolmates tells me, with a great
reputation, especially as a declaimer.  He had a remarkable facility for
acquiring languages, excelled as a reader and as a writer, and was the
object of general admiration for his many gifts.  There is some reason to
think that the flattery he received was for a time a hindrance to his
progress and the development of his character.  He obtained praise too
easily, and learned to trust too much to his genius.  He had everything
to spoil him,--beauty, precocious intelligence, and a personal charm
which might have made him a universal favorite.  Yet he does not seem to
have been generally popular at this period of his life.  He was wilful,
impetuous, sometimes supercilious, always fastidious.  He would study as
he liked, and not by rule.  His school and college mates believed in his
great possibilities through all his forming period, but it may be doubted
if those who counted most confidently on his future could have supposed
that he would develop the heroic power of concentration, the long-
breathed tenacity of purpose, which in after years gave effect to his
brilliant mental endowments.  "I did wonder," says Mr. Wendell Phillips,
"at the diligence and painstaking, the drudgery shown in his historical
works.  In early life he had no industry, not needing it.  All he cared
for in a book he caught quickly,--the spirit of it, and all his mind
needed or would use.  This quickness of apprehension was marvellous.
"I do not find from the recollections of his schoolmates at Northampton
that he was reproached for any grave offences, though he may have
wandered beyond the prescribed boundaries now and then, and studied
according to his inclinations rather than by rule.  While at that school
he made one acquisition much less common then than now,--a knowledge of
the German language and some degree of acquaintance with its literature,
under the guidance of one of the few thorough German scholars this
country then possessed, Mr. George Bancroft.




II.

1827-1831.  AEt.  13-17.

COLLEGE LIFE.

Such then was the boy who at the immature, we might almost say the
tender, age of thirteen entered Harvard College.  Though two years after
me in college standing, I remember the boyish reputation which he brought
with him, especially that of a wonderful linguist, and the impression
which his striking personal beauty produced upon us as he took his seat
in the college chapel.  But it was not until long after this period that
I became intimately acquainted with him, and I must again have recourse
to the classmates and friends who have favored me with their
reminiscences of this period of his life.  Mr. Phillips says:

     "During our first year in college, though the youngest in the class,
     he stood third, I think, or second in college rank, and ours was an
     especially able class.  Yet to maintain this rank he neither cared
     nor needed to make any effort.  Too young to feel any
     responsibilities, and not yet awake to any ambition, he became so
     negligent that he was 'rusticated' [that is, sent away from college
     for a time].  He came back sobered, and worked rather more, but with
     no effort for college rank thenceforward."

I must finish the portrait of the collegian with all its lights and
shadows by the help of the same friends from whom I have borrowed the
preceding outlines.

He did not care to make acquaintances, was haughty in manner and cynical
in mood, at least as he appeared to those in whom he felt no special
interest.  It is no wonder, therefore, that he was not a popular
favorite, although recognized as having very brilliant qualities.  During
all this period his mind was doubtless fermenting with projects which
kept him in a fevered and irritable condition.  "He had a small writing-
table," Mr. Phillips says, "with a shallow drawer; I have often seen it
half full of sketches, unfinished poems, soliloquies, a scene or two of a
play, prose portraits of some pet character, etc.  These he would read to
me, though he never volunteered to do so, and every now and then he burnt
the whole and began to fill the drawer again."

My friend, Mr. John Osborne Sargent, who was a year before him in
college, says, in a very interesting letter with which he has favored me:

     "My first acquaintance with him [Motley] was at Cambridge, when he
     came from Mr. Cogswell's school at Round Hill.  He then had a good
     deal of the shyness that was just pronounced enough to make him
     interesting, and which did not entirely wear off till he left
     college. . . I soon became acquainted with him, and we used to take
     long walks together, sometimes taxing each other's memory for poems
     or passages from poems that had struck our fancy.  Shelley was then
     a great favorite of his, and I remember that Praed's verses then
     appearing in the 'New Monthly' he thought very clever and brilliant,
     and was fond of repeating them.  You have forgotten, or perhaps
     never knew, that Motley's first appearance in print was in the
     'Collegian.'  He brought me one day, in a very modest mood, a
     translation from Goethe, which I was most happy to oblige him by
     inserting.  It was very prettily done, and will now be a curiosity.
     .  .  .  How it happened that Motley wrote only one piece I do not
     remember.  I had the pleasure about that time of initiating him as a
     member of the Knights of the Square Table,--always my favorite
     college club, for the reason, perhaps, that I was a sometime Grand
     Master.  He was always a genial and jovial companion at our supper-
     parties at Fresh Pond and Gallagher's."

We who live in the days of photographs know how many faces belong to
every individual.  We know too under what different aspects the same
character appears to those who study it from different points of view and
with different prepossessions.  I do not hesitate, therefore, to place
side by side the impressions of two of his classmates as to one of his
personal traits as they observed him at this period of his youth.

     "He was a manly boy, with no love for or leaning to girls' company;
     no care for dress; not a trace of personal vanity.  .  .  .  He was,
     or at least seemed, wholly unconscious of his rare beauty and of the
     fascination of his manner; not a trace of pretence, the simplest and
     most natural creature in the world."

Look on that picture and on this:--

     "He seemed to have a passion for dress.  But as in everything else,
     so in this, his fancy was a fitful one.  At one time he would excite
     our admiration by the splendor of his outfit, and perhaps the next
     week he would seem to take equal pleasure in his slovenly or
     careless appearance."

It is not very difficult to reconcile these two portraitures.  I
recollect it was said by a witty lady of a handsome clergyman well
remembered among us, that he had dressy eyes.  Motley so well became
everything he wore, that if he had sprung from his bed and slipped his
clothes on at an alarm of fire, his costume would have looked like a
prince's undress.  His natural presentment, like that of Count D'Orsay,
was of the kind which suggests the intentional effects of an elaborate
toilet, no matter how little thought or care may have been given to make
it effective.  I think the "passion for dress" was really only a
seeming, and that he often excited admiration when he had not taken half
the pains to adorn himself that many a youth less favored by nature has
wasted upon his unblest exterior only to be laughed at.

I gather some other interesting facts from a letter which I have received
from his early playmate and school and college classmate, Mr. T.  G.
Appleton.

     "In his Sophomore year he kept abreast of the prescribed studies,
     but his heart was out of bounds, as it often had been at Round Hill
     when chasing squirrels or rabbits through forbidden forests.
     Already his historical interest was shaping his life.  A tutor
     coming-by chance, let us hope--to his room remonstrated with him
     upon the heaps of novels upon his table.

"'Yes,' said Motley, 'I am reading historically, and have come to the
novels of the nineteenth century.  Taken in the lump, they are very hard
reading.'"

All Old Cambridge people know the Brattle House, with its gambrel roof,
its tall trees, its perennial spring, its legendary fame of good fare and
hospitable board in the days of the kindly old bon vivant, Major Brattle.
In this house the two young students, Appleton and Motley, lived during a
part of their college course.

     "Motley's room was on the ground floor, the room to the left of the
     entrance.  He led a very pleasant life there, tempering his college
     duties with the literature he loved, and receiving his friends
     amidst elegant surroundings, which added to the charm of his
     society.  Occasionally we amused ourselves by writing for the
     magazines and papers of the day.  Mr. Willis had just started a slim
     monthly, written chiefly by himself, but with the true magazine
     flavor.  We wrote for that, and sometimes verses in the corner of a
     paper called 'The Anti-Masonic Mirror,' and in which corner was a
     woodcut of Apollo, and inviting to destruction ambitious youths by
     the legend underneath,--

                    'Much yet remains unsung.'

     These pieces were usually dictated to each other, the poet recumbent
     upon the bed and a classmate ready to carry off the manuscript for
     the paper of the following day.  'Blackwood's' was then in its
     glory, its pages redolent of 'mountain dew' in every sense; the
     humor of the Shepherd, the elegantly brutal onslaughts upon Whigs
     and Cockney poets by Christopher North, intoxicated us youths.

     "It was young writing, and made for the young.  The opinions were
     charmingly wrong, and its enthusiasm was half Glenlivet.  But this
     delighted the boys.  There were no reprints then, and to pass the
     paper-cutter up the fresh inviting pages was like swinging over the
     heather arm in arm with Christopher himself.  It is a little
     singular that though we had a college magazine of our own, Motley
     rarely if ever wrote for it.  I remember a translation from Goethe,
     'The Ghost-Seer,' which he may have written for it, and a poem upon
     the White Mountains.  Motley spoke at one of the college exhibitions
     an essay on Goethe so excellent that Mr. Joseph Cogswell sent it to
     Madam Goethe, who, after reading it, said, 'I wish to see the first
     book that young man will write.'"

Although Motley did not aim at or attain a high college rank, the rules
of the Phi Beta Kappa Society, which confine the number of members to the
first sixteen of each class, were stretched so as to include him,--a
tribute to his recognized ability, and an evidence that a distinguished
future was anticipated for him.




III.

1832-1833.  AEt.  18-19.

STUDY AND TRAVEL IN EUROPE.

Of the two years divided between the Universities of Berlin and Gottingen
I have little to record.  That he studied hard I cannot doubt; that he
found himself in pleasant social relations with some of his fellow-
students seems probable from the portraits he has drawn in his first
story, "Morton's Hope," and is rendered certain so far as one of his
companions is concerned.  Among the records of the past to which he
referred during his last visit to this country was a letter which he took
from a collection of papers and handed me to read one day when I was
visiting him.  The letter was written in a very lively and exceedingly
familiar vein.  It implied such intimacy, and called up in such a lively
way the gay times Motley and himself had had together in their youthful
days, that I was puzzled to guess who could have addressed him from
Germany in that easy and off-hand fashion.  I knew most of his old
friends who would be likely to call him by his baptismal name in its most
colloquial form, and exhausted my stock of guesses unsuccessfully before
looking at the signature.  I confess that I was surprised, after laughing
at the hearty and almost boyish tone of the letter, to read at the bottom
of the page the signature of Bismarck.  I will not say that I suspect
Motley of having drawn the portrait of his friend in one of the
characters of "Morton's Hope," but it is not hard to point out traits
in one of them which we can believe may have belonged to the great
Chancellor at an earlier period of life than that at which the world
contemplates his overshadowing proportions.

Hoping to learn something of Motley during the two years while we had
lost sight of him, I addressed a letter to His Highness Prince Bismarck,
to which I received the following reply:--

                              FOREIGN OFFICE, BERLIN, March 11, 1878.

     SIR,--I am directed by Prince Bismarck to acknowledge the receipt of
     your letter of the 1st of January, relating to the biography of the
     late Mr. Motley.  His Highness deeply regrets that the state of his
     health and pressure of business do not allow him to contribute
     personally, and as largely as he would be delighted to do, to your
     depicting of a friend whose memory will be ever dear to him.  Since
     I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of Mr. Motley at
     Varzin, I have been intrusted with communicating to you a few
     details I have gathered from the mouth of the Prince.  I enclose
     them as they are jotted down, without any attempt of digestion.

                    I have the honor to be
                                   Your obedient servant,
                                                  LOTHAIR BUCHER.

     "Prince Bismarck said:--

     "'I met Motley at Gottingen in 1832, I am not sure if at the
     beginning of Easter Term or Michaelmas Term.  He kept company with
     German students, though more addicted to study than we members of
     the fighting clubs (: corps:).  Although not having mastered yet the
     German language, he exercised a marked attraction by a conversation
     sparkling with wit, humor, and originality.  In autumn of 1833,
     having both of us migrated from Gottingen to Berlin for the
     prosecution of our studies, we became fellow-lodgers in the house
     No. 161 Friedrich Strasse.  There we lived in the closest intimacy,
     sharing meals and outdoor exercise.  Motley by that time had arrived
     at talking German fluently; he occupied himself not only in
     translating Goethe's poem "Faust," but tried his hand even in
     composing German verses.  Enthusiastic admirer of Shakespeare,
     Byron, Goethe, he used to spice his conversation abundantly with
     quotations from these his favorite authors.  A pertinacious arguer,
     so much so that sometimes he watched my awakening in order to
     continue a discussion on some topic of science, poetry, or practical
     life, cut short by the chime of the small hours, he never lost his
     mild and amiable temper.  Our faithful companion was Count Alexander
     Keyserling, a native of Courland, who has since achieved distinction
     as a botanist.

     "'Motley having entered the diplomatic service of his country, we
     had frequently the opportunity of renewing our friendly intercourse;
     at Frankfort he used to stay with me, the welcome guest of my wife;
     we also met at Vienna, and, later, here.  The last time I saw him
     was in 1872 at Varzin, at the celebration of my "silver wedding,"
     namely, the twenty-fifth anniversary.

     "'The most striking feature of his handsome and delicate appearance
     was uncommonly large and beautiful eyes.  He never entered a
     drawing-room without exciting the curiosity and sympathy of the
     ladies.'"

It is but a glimpse of their young life which the great statesman gives
us, but a bright and pleasing one.  Here were three students, one of whom
was to range in the flowery fields of the loveliest of the sciences,
another to make the dead past live over again in his burning pages, and a
third to extend an empire as the botanist spread out a plant and the
historian laid open a manuscript.




IV.

1834-1839.  2ET.  20-25.

RETURN TO AMERICA.--STUDY OF LAW.--MARRIAGE.--
HIS FIRST NOVEL, "MORTON'S HOPE."

Of the years passed in the study of law after his return from Germany I
have very little recollection, and nothing of importance to record.  He
never became seriously engaged in the practice of the profession he had
chosen.  I had known him pleasantly rather than intimately, and our
different callings tended to separate us.  I met him, however, not very
rarely, at one house where we were both received with the greatest
cordiality, and where the attractions brought together many both young
and old to enjoy the society of its charming and brilliant inmates.  This
was at No. 14 Temple Place, where Mr. Park Benjamin was then living with
his two sisters, both in the bloom of young womanhood.  Here Motley found
the wife to whom his life owed so much of its success and its happiness.
Those who remember Mary Benjamin find it hard to speak of her in the
common terms of praise which they award to the good and the lovely.  She
was not only handsome and amiable and agreeable, but there was a cordial
frankness, an openhearted sincerity about her which made her seem like a
sister to those who could help becoming her lovers.  She stands quite
apart in the memory of the friends who knew her best, even from the
circle of young persons whose recollections they most cherish.  Yet
hardly could one of them have foreseen all that she was to be to him
whose life she was to share.  They were married on the 2d of March, 1837.
His intimate friend, Mr. Joseph Lewis Stackpole, was married at about the
same time to her sister, thus joining still more closely in friendship
the two young men who were already like brothers in their mutual
affection.

Two years after his marriage, in 1839, appeared his first work, a novel
in two volumes, called "Morton's Hope."  He had little reason to be
gratified with its reception.  The general verdict was not favorable to
it, and the leading critical journal of America, not usually harsh or
cynical in its treatment of native authorship, did not even give it a
place among its "Critical Notices," but dropped a small-print
extinguisher upon it in one of the pages of its "List of New
Publications."  Nothing could be more utterly disheartening than the
unqualified condemnation passed upon the story.  At the same time the
critic says that "no one can read 'Morton's Hope' without perceiving it
to have been written by a person of uncommon resources of mind and
scholarship."

It must be confessed that, as a story, "Morton's Hope" cannot endure a
searching or even a moderately careful criticism.  It is wanting in
cohesion, in character, even in a proper regard to circumstances of time
and place; it is a map of dissected incidents which has been flung out of
its box and has arranged itself without the least regard to chronology or
geography.  It is not difficult to trace in it many of the influences
which had helped in forming or deforming the mind of the young man of
twenty-five, not yet come into possession of his full inheritance of the
slowly ripening qualities which were yet to assert their robust
independence.  How could he help admiring Byron and falling into more or
less unconscious imitation of his moods if not of his special
affectations?  Passion showing itself off against a dark foil of
cynicism; sentiment, ashamed of its own self-betrayal, and sneering at
itself from time to time for fear of the laugh of the world at its
sincerity,--how many young men were spoiled and how many more injured by
becoming bad copies of a bad ideal!  The blood of Don Juan ran in the
veins of Vivian Grey and of Pelham.  But if we read the fantastic dreams
of Disraeli, the intellectual dandyisms of Bulwer, remembering the after
careers of which these were the preludes, we can understand how there
might well be something in those earlier efforts which would betray
itself in the way of thought and in the style of the young men who read
them during the plastic period of their minds and characters.  Allow for
all these influences, allow for whatever impressions his German residence
and his familiarity with German literature had produced; accept the fact
that the story is to the last degree disjointed, improbable, impossible;
lay it aside as a complete failure in what it attempted to be, and read
it, as "Vivian Grey" is now read, in the light of the career which it
heralded.

"Morton's Hope" is not to be read as a novel: it is to be studied as an
autobiography, a prophecy, a record of aspirations, disguised under a
series of incidents which are flung together with no more regard to the
unities than a pack of shuffled playing-cards.  I can do nothing better
than let him picture himself, for it is impossible not to recognize the
portrait.  It is of little consequence whether every trait is an exact
copy from his own features, but it is so obvious that many of the lines
are direct transcripts from nature that we may believe the same thing of
many others.  Let us compare his fictitious hero's story with what we
have read of his own life.

In early boyhood Morton amused himself and astonished those about him by
enacting plays for a puppet theatre.  This was at six years old, and at
twelve we find him acting in a play with other boys, just as Motley's
playmates have already described him.  The hero may now speak for
himself, but we shall all perceive that we are listening to the writer's
own story.

     "I was always a huge reader; my mind was essentially craving and
     insatiable.  Its appetite was enormous, and it devoured too greedily
     for health.  I rejected all guidance in my studies.  I already
     fancied myself a misanthrope.  I had taken a step very common for
     boys of my age, and strove with all my might to be a cynic."

He goes on to describe, under the perfectly transparent mask of his hero,
the course of his studies.  "To poetry, like most infants, I devoted most
of my time."  From modern poetry he went back to the earlier sources,
first with the idea of systematic reading and at last through Chaucer and
Gower and early ballads, until he lost himself "in a dismal swamp of
barbarous romances and lying Latin chronicles.  I got hold of the
Bibliotheca Monastica, containing a copious account of Anglo-Norman
authors, with notices of their works, and set seriously to reading every
one of them."  One profit of his antiquarianism, however, was, as he
says, his attention to foreign languages,--French,  Spanish, German,
especially in their earliest and rudest forms of literature.  From these
he ascended to the ancient poets, and from Latin to Greek.  He would have
taken up the study of the Oriental languages, but for the advice of a
relative, who begged him seriously to turn his attention to history.  The
paragraph which follows must speak for itself as a true record under a
feigned heading.

     "The groundwork of my early character was plasticity and fickleness.
     I was mortified by this exposure of my ignorance, and disgusted with
     my former course of reading.  I now set myself violently to the
     study of history.  With my turn of mind, and with the preposterous
     habits which I had been daily acquiring, I could not fail to make as
     gross mistakes in the pursuit of this as of other branches of
     knowledge.  I imagined, on setting out, a system of strict and
     impartial investigation of the sources of history.  I was inspired
     with the absurd ambition, not uncommon to youthful students, of
     knowing as much as their masters.  I imagined it necessary for me,
     stripling as I was, to study the authorities; and, imbued with the
     strict necessity of judging for myself, I turned from the limpid
     pages of the modern historians to the notes and authorities at the
     bottom of the page.  These, of course, sent me back to my monastic
     acquaintances, and I again found myself in such congenial company to
     a youthful and ardent mind as Florence of Worcester and Simeon of
     Durham, the Venerable Bede and Matthew Paris; and so on to Gregory
     and Fredegarius, down to the more modern and elegant pages of
     Froissart, Hollinshed, Hooker, and Stowe.  Infant as I was, I
     presumed to grapple with masses of learning almost beyond the
     strength of the giants of history.  A spendthrift of my time and
     labor, I went out of my way to collect materials, and to build for
     myself, when I should have known that older and abler architects had
     already appropriated all that was worth preserving; that the edifice
     was built, the quarry exhausted, and that I was, consequently, only
     delving amidst rubbish.

     "This course of study was not absolutely without its advantages.
     The mind gained a certain proportion of vigor even by this exercise
     of its faculties, just as my bodily health would have been improved
     by transporting the refuse ore of a mine from one pit to another,
     instead of coining the ingots which lay heaped before my eyes.
     Still, however, my time was squandered.  There was a constant want
     of fitness and concentration of my energies.  My dreams of education
     were boundless, brilliant, indefinite; but alas!  they were only
     dreams.  There was nothing accurate and defined in my future course
     of life.  I was ambitious and conceited, but my aspirations were
     vague and shapeless.  I had crowded together the most gorgeous and
     even some of the most useful and durable materials for my woof, but
     I had no pattern, and consequently never began to weave.

     "I had not made the discovery that an individual cannot learn, nor
     be, everything; that the world is a factory in which each individual
     must perform his portion of work:--happy enough if he can choose it
     according to his taste and talent, but must renounce the desire of
     observing or superintending the whole operation.  .  .  .

     "From studying and investigating the sources of history with my own
     eyes, I went a step further; I refused the guidance of modern
     writers; and proceeding from one point of presumption to another, I
     came to the magnanimous conviction that I could not know history as
     I ought to know it unless I wrote it for myself.  .  .  .

     "It would be tedious and useless to enlarge upon my various attempts
     and various failures.  I forbear to comment upon mistakes which I
     was in time wise enough to retrieve.  Pushing out as I did, without
     compass and without experience, on the boundless ocean of learning,
     what could I expect but an utter and a hopeless shipwreck?

     "Thus I went on, becoming more learned, and therefore more ignorant,
     more confused in my brain, and more awkward in my habits, from day
     to day.  I was ever at my studies, and could hardly be prevailed
     upon to allot a moment to exercise or recreation.  I breakfasted
     with a pen behind my ear, and dined in company with a folio bigger
     than the table.  I became solitary and morose, the necessary
     consequence of reckless study; talked impatiently of the value of my
     time, and the immensity of my labors; spoke contemptuously of the
     learning and acquirements of the whole world, and threw out
     mysterious hints of the magnitude and importance of my own project.

     "In the midst of all this study and this infant authorship the
     perusal of such masses of poetry could not fail to produce their
     effect.  Of a youth whose mind, like mine at that period, possessed
     some general capability, without perhaps a single prominent and
     marked talent, a proneness to imitation is sure to be the besetting
     sin.  I consequently, for a large portion of my earlier life, never
     read a work which struck my fancy, without planning a better one
     upon its model; for my ambition, like my vanity, knew no bounds.
     It was a matter of course that I should be attacked by the poetic
     mania.  I took the infection at the usual time, went through its
     various stages, and recovered as soon as could be expected.  I
     discovered soon enough that emulation is not capability, and he is
     fortunate to whom is soonest revealed the relative extent of his
     ambition and his powers.

     "My ambition was boundless; my dreams of glory were not confined to
     authorship and literature alone; but every sphere in which the
     intellect of man exerts itself revolved in a blaze of light before
     me.  And there I sat in my solitude and dreamed such wondrous
     dreams!  Events were thickening around me which were soon to change
     the world, but they were unmarked by me.  The country was changing
     to a mighty theatre, on whose stage those who were as great as I
     fancied myself to be were to enact a stupendous drama in which I had
     no part.  I saw it not; I knew it not; and yet how infinitely
     beautiful were the imaginations of my solitude!  Fancy shook her
     kaleidoscope each moment as chance directed, and lo!  what new,
     fantastic, brilliant, but what unmeaning visions.  My ambitious
     anticipations were as boundless as they were various and
     conflicting.  There was not a path which leads to glory in which I
     was not destined to gather laurels.  As a warrior I would conquer
     and overrun the world.  As a statesman I would reorganize and govern
     it.  As a historian I would consign it all to immortality; and in my
     leisure moments I would be a great poet and a man of the world.

     "In short, I was already enrolled in that large category of what are
     called young men of genius,--men who are the pride of their sisters
     and the glory of their grandmothers,--men of whom unheard-of things
     are expected, till after long preparation comes a portentous
     failure, and then they are forgotten; subsiding into indifferent
     apprentices and attorneys' clerks.

     "Alas for the golden imaginations of our youth!  They are bright and
     beautiful, but they fade.  They glitter brightly enough to deceive
     the wisest and most cautious, and we garner them up in the most
     secret caskets of our hearts; but are they not like the coins which
     the Dervise gave the merchant in the story?  When we look for them
     the next morning, do we not find them withered leaves?"

The ideal picture just drawn is only a fuller portraiture of the youth
whose outlines have been already sketched by the companions of his
earlier years.  If his hero says, "I breakfasted with a pen behind my ear
and dined in company with a folio bigger than the table," one of his
family says of the boy Motley that "if there were five minutes before
dinner, when he came into the parlor he always took up some book near at
hand and began to read until dinner was announced."  The same unbounded
thirst for knowledge, the same history of various attempts and various
failures, the same ambition, not yet fixed in its aim, but showing itself
in restless effort, belong to the hero of the story and its narrator.

Let no man despise the first efforts of immature genius.  Nothing can be
more crude as a novel, nothing more disappointing, than "Morton's Hope."
But in no other of Motley's writings do we get such an inside view of
his character with its varied impulses, its capricious appetites, its
unregulated forces, its impatient grasp for all kinds of knowledge.  With
all his university experiences at home and abroad, it might be said with
a large measure of truth that he was a self-educated man, as he had been
a self-taught boy.  His instincts were too powerful to let him work
quietly in the common round of school and college training.  Looking at
him as his companions describe him, as he delineates himself 'mutato
nomine,' the chances of success would have seemed to all but truly
prophetic eyes very doubtful, if not decidedly against him.  Too many
brilliant young novel-readers and lovers of poetry, excused by their
admirers for their shortcomings on the strength of their supposed
birthright of "genius," have ended where they began; flattered into the
vain belief that they were men at eighteen or twenty, and finding out at
fifty that they were and always had been nothing more than boys.  It was
but a tangled skein of life that Motley's book showed us at twenty-five,
and older men might well have doubted whether it would ever be wound off
in any continuous thread.  To repeat his own words, he had crowded
together the materials for his work, but he had no pattern, and
consequently never began to weave.

The more this first work of Motley's is examined, the more are its faults
as a story and its interest as a self-revelation made manifest to the
reader.  The future historian, who spared no pains to be accurate, falls
into the most extraordinary anachronisms in almost every chapter.  Brutus
in a bob-wig, Othello in a swallow-tail coat, could hardly be more
incongruously equipped than some of his characters in the manner of
thought, the phrases, the way of bearing themselves which belong to them
in the tale, but never could have belonged to characters of our
Revolutionary period.  He goes so far in his carelessness as to mix up
dates in such a way as almost to convince us that he never looked over
his own manuscript or proofs.  His hero is in Prague in June, 1777,
reading a letter received from America in less than a fortnight from the
date of its being written; in August of the same year he is in the
American camp, where he is found in the company of a certain Colonel
Waldron, an officer of some standing in the Revolutionary Army, with whom
he is said to have been constantly associated for some three months,
having arrived in America, as he says, on the 15th of May, that is to
say, six weeks or more before he sailed, according to his previous
account.  Bohemia seems to have bewitched his chronology as it did
Shakespeare's geography.  To have made his story a consistent series of
contradictions, Morton should have sailed from that Bohemian seashore
which may be found in "A Winter's Tale," but not in the map of Europe.

And yet in the midst of all these marks of haste and negligence, here and
there the philosophical student of history betrays himself, the ideal of
noble achievement glows in an eloquent paragraph, or is embodied in a
loving portrait like that of the professor and historian Harlem.  The
novel, taken in connection with the subsequent developments of the
writer's mind, is a study of singular interest.  It is a chaos before
the creative epoch; the light has not been divided from the darkness; the
firmament has not yet divided the waters from the waters.  The forces at
work in a human intelligence to bring harmony out of its discordant
movements are as mysterious, as miraculous, we might truly say, as those
which give shape and order to the confused materials out of which
habitable worlds are evolved.  It is too late now to be sensitive over
this unsuccessful attempt as a story and unconscious success as a self-
portraiture.  The first sketches of Paul Veronese, the first patterns of
the Gobelin tapestry, are not to be criticised for the sake of pointing
out their inevitable and too manifest imperfections.  They are to be
carefully studied as the earliest efforts of the hand which painted the
Marriage at Cana, of the art which taught the rude fabrics made to be
trodden under foot to rival the glowing canvas of the great painters.
None of Motley's subsequent writings give such an insight into his
character and mental history.  It took many years to train the as yet
undisciplined powers into orderly obedience, and to bring the unarranged
materials into the organic connection which was needed in the
construction of a work that should endure.  There was a long interval
between his early manhood and the middle term of life, during which the
slow process of evolution was going on.  There are plants which open
their flowers with the first rays of the sun; there are others that wait
until evening to spread their petals.  It was already the high noon of
life with him before his genius had truly shown itself; if he had not
lived beyond this period, he would have left nothing to give him a
lasting name.




V.

1841-1842.  AEt.  27-28.

FIRST DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENT, SECRETARY OF LEGATION TO THE RUSSIAN
MISSION.--BRIEF RESIDENCE AT ST. PETERSBURG.--LETTER TO HIS MOTHER.--
RETURN.

In the autumn of 1841, Mr. Motley received the appointment of Secretary
of Legation to the Russian Mission, Mr. Todd being then the Minister.
Arriving at St. Petersburg just at the beginning of winter, he found the
climate acting very unfavorably upon his spirits if not upon his health,
and was unwilling that his wife and his two young children should be
exposed to its rigors.  The expense of living, also, was out of
proportion to his income, and his letters show that he had hardly
established himself in St. Petersburg before he had made up his mind to
leave a place where he found he had nothing to do and little to enjoy.
He was homesick, too, as a young husband and father with an affectionate
nature like his ought to have been under these circumstances.  He did not
regret having made the experiment, for he knew that he should not have
been satisfied with himself if he had not made it.  It was his first
trial of a career in which he contemplated embarking, and in which
afterwards he had an eventful experience.  In his private letters to his
family, many of which I have had the privilege of looking over, he
mentions in detail all the reasons which influenced him in forming his
own opinion about the expediency of a continued residence at St.
Petersburg, and leaves the decision to her in whose judgment he always
had the greatest confidence.  No unpleasant circumstance attended his
resignation of his secretaryship, and though it must have been a
disappointment to find that the place did not suit him, as he and his
family were then situated, it was only at the worst an experiment fairly
tried and not proving satisfactory.  He left St. Petersburg after a few
months' residence, and returned to America.  On reaching New York he was
met by the sad tidings of the death of his first-born child, a boy of
great promise, who had called out all the affections of his ardent
nature.  It was long before he recovered from the shock of this great
affliction.  The boy had shown a very quick and bright intelligence, and
his father often betrayed a pride in his gifts and graces which he never
for a moment made apparent in regard to his own.

Among the letters which he wrote from St. Petersburg are two miniature
ones directed to this little boy.  His affectionate disposition shows
itself very sweetly in these touching mementos of a love of which his
first great sorrow was so soon to be born.  Not less charming are his
letters to his mother, showing the tenderness with which he always
regarded her, and full of all the details which he thought would
entertain one to whom all that related to her children was always
interesting.  Of the letters to his wife it is needless to say more than
that they always show the depth of the love he bore her and the absolute
trust he placed in her, consulting her at all times as his nearest and
wisest friend and adviser,--one in all respects fitted "To warn, to
comfort, and command."

I extract a passage from one of his letters to his mother, as much for
the sake of lending a character of reality to his brief residence at St.
Petersburg as for that of the pleasant picture it gives us of an interior
in that Northern capital.

     "We entered through a small vestibule, with the usual arrangement of
     treble doors, padded with leather to exclude the cold and guarded by
     two 'proud young porters' in severe cocked hats and formidable
     batons, into a broad hall,--threw off our furred boots and cloaks,
     ascended a carpeted marble staircase, in every angle of which stood
     a statuesque footman in gaudy coat and unblemished unmentionables,
     and reached a broad landing upon the top thronged as usual with
     servants.  Thence we passed through an antechamber into a long,
     high, brilliantly lighted, saffron-papered room, in which a dozen
     card-tables were arranged, and thence into the receiving room.  This
     was a large room, with a splendidly inlaid and polished floor, the
     walls covered with crimson satin, the cornices heavily incrusted
     with gold, and the ceiling beautifully painted in arabesque.  The
     massive fauteuils and sofas, as also the drapery, were of crimson
     satin with a profusion of gilding.  The ubiquitous portrait of the
     Emperor was the only picture, and was the same you see everywhere.
     This crimson room had two doors upon the side facing the three
     windows: The innermost opened into a large supper-room, in which a
     table was spread covered with the usual refreshments of European
     parties,--tea, ices, lemonade, and et ceteras,--and the other opened
     into a ball-room which is a sort of miniature of the 'salle blanche'
     of the Winter Palace, being white and gold, and very brilliantly
     lighted with 'ormolu' chandeliers filled with myriads of candles.
     This room (at least forty feet long by perhaps twenty-five) opened
     into a carpeted conservatory of about the same size, filled with
     orange-trees and japonica plants covered with fruit and flowers,
     arranged very gracefully into arbors, with luxurious seats under the
     pendent boughs, and with here and there a pretty marble statue
     gleaming through the green and glossy leaves.  One might almost have
     imagined one's self in the 'land of the cypress and myrtle' instead
     of our actual whereabout upon the polar banks of the Neva.
     Wandering through these mimic groves, or reposing from the fatigues
     of the dance, was many a fair and graceful form, while the
     brilliantly lighted ballroom, filled with hundreds of exquisitely
     dressed women (for the Russian ladies, if not very pretty, are
     graceful, and make admirable toilettes), formed a dazzling contrast
     with the tempered light of the 'Winter Garden.'  The conservatory
     opened into a library, and from the library you reach the
     antechamber, thus completing the 'giro' of one of the prettiest
     houses in St. Petersburg.  I waltzed one waltz and quadrilled one
     quadrille, but it was hard work; and as the sole occupation of these
     parties is dancing and card-playing--conversation apparently not
     being customary--they are to me not very attractive."

He could not be happy alone, and there were good reasons against his
being joined by his wife and children.

     "With my reserved habits," he says, "it would take a great deal
     longer to become intimate here than to thaw the Baltic.  I have only
     to 'knock that it shall be opened to me,' but that is just what I
     hate to do.  .  .  .  'Man delights not me, no, nor woman neither.'"

Disappointed in his expectations, but happy in the thought of meeting his
wife and children, he came back to his household to find it clad in
mourning for the loss of its first-born.




VI.

1844.  AEt.  30.

LETTER TO PARK BENJAMIN.--POLITICAL VIEWS AND FEELINGS.

A letter to Mr. Park Benjamin, dated December 17, 1844, which has been
kindly lent me by Mrs. Mary Lanman Douw of Poughkeepsie, gives a very
complete and spirited account of himself at this period.  He begins
with a quiet, but tender reference to the death of his younger brother,
Preble, one of the most beautiful youths seen or remembered among us,
"a great favorite," as he says, "in the family and in deed with every one
who knew him."  He mentions the fact that his friends and near
connections, the Stackpoles, are in Washington, which place he considers
as exceptionally odious at the time when he is writing.  The election of
Mr. Polk as the opponent of Henry Clay gives him a discouraged feeling
about our institutions.  The question, he thinks, is now settled that a
statesman can never again be called to administer the government of the
country.  He is almost if not quite in despair "because it is now proved
that a man, take him for all in all, better qualified by intellectual
power, energy and purity of character, knowledge of men, a great
combination of personal qualities, a frank, high-spirited, manly bearing,
keen sense of honor, the power of attracting and winning men, united with
a vast experience in affairs, such as no man (but John Quincy Adams) now
living has had and no man in this country can ever have again,--I say it
is proved that a man better qualified by an extraordinary combination of
advantages to administer the government than any man now living, or any
man we can ever produce again, can be beaten by anybody.  .  .  .  .
It has taken forty years of public life to prepare such a man for the
Presidency, and the result is that he can be beaten by anybody,--Mr. Polk
is anybody,--he is Mr. Quelconque."

I do not venture to quote the most burning sentences of this impassioned
letter.  It shows that Motley had not only become interested most
profoundly in the general movements of parties, but that he had followed
the course of political events which resulted in the election of Mr. Polk
with careful study, and that he was already looking forward to the revolt
of the slave States which occurred sixteen years later.  The letter is
full of fiery eloquence, now and then extravagant and even violent in
expression, but throbbing with a generous heat which shows the excitable
spirit of a man who wishes to be proud of his country and does not wish
to keep his temper when its acts make him ashamed of it.  He is disgusted
and indignant to the last degree at seeing "Mr. Quelconque" chosen over
the illustrious statesman who was his favorite candidate.  But all his
indignation cannot repress a sense of humor which was one of his marked
characteristics.  After fatiguing his vocabulary with hard usage, after
his unsparing denunciation of "the very dirty politics" which be finds
mixed up with our popular institutions, he says,--it must be remembered
that this was an offhand letter to one nearly connected with him,--

     "All these things must in short, to use the energetic language of
     the Balm of Columbia advertisement, 'bring every generous thinking
     youth to that heavy sinking gloom which not even the loss of
     property can produce, but only the loss of hair, which brings on
     premature decay, causing many to shrink from being uncovered, and
     even to shun society, to avoid the jests and sneers of their
     acquaintances.  The remainder of their lives is consequently spent
     in retirement.'"

He continues:--

     "Before dropping the subject, and to show the perfect purity of my
     motives, I will add that I am not at all anxious about the
     legislation of the new government.  I desired the election of Clay
     as a moral triumph, and because the administration of the country,
     at this moment of ten thousand times more importance than its
     legislation, would have been placed in pure, strong, and determined
     hands."

Then comes a dash of that satirical and somewhat cynical way of feeling
which he had not as yet outgrown.  He had been speaking about the general
want of attachment to the Union and the absence of the sentiment of
loyalty as bearing on the probable dissolution of the Union.

     "I don't mean to express any opinions on these matters,--I haven't
     got any.  It seems to me that the best way is to look at the hodge-
     podge, be good-natured if possible, and laugh,

                   'As from the height of contemplation
                    We view the feeble joints men totter on.'

     I began a tremendous political career during the election, having
     made two stump speeches of an hour and a half each,--after you went
     away,--one in Dedham town-hall and one in Jamaica Plain, with such
     eminent success that many invitations came to me from the
     surrounding villages, and if I had continued in active political
     life I might have risen to be vote-distributor, or fence-viewer, or
     selectman, or hog-reeve, or something of the kind."

The letter from which the above passages are quoted gives the same
portrait of the writer, only seen in profile, as it were, which we have
already seen drawn in full face in the story of "Morton's Hope."  It is
charged with that 'saeva indignatio' which at times verges on
misanthropic contempt for its objects, not unnatural to a high-spirited
young man who sees his lofty ideals confronted with the ignoble facts
which strew the highways of political life.  But we can recognize real
conviction and the deepest feeling beneath his scornful rhetoric and his
bitter laugh.  He was no more a mere dilettante than Swift himself, but
now and then in the midst of his most serious thought some absurd or
grotesque image will obtrude itself, and one is reminded of the lines on
the monument of Gay rather than of the fierce epitaph of the Dean of
Saint Patrick's.




VII.

1845-1847.  AEt.  31-33.

FIRST HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL ESSAYS.--PETER THE GREAT.--NOVELS OF
BALZAC.--POLITY OF THE PURITANS.

Mr. Motley's first serious effort in historical composition was an
article of fifty pages in "The North American Review" for October, 1845.
This was nominally a notice of two works, one on Russia, the other "A
Memoir of the Life of Peter the Great."  It is, however, a narrative
rather than a criticism, a rapid, continuous, brilliant, almost dramatic
narrative.  If there had been any question as to whether the young
novelist who had missed his first mark had in him the elements which
might give him success as an author, this essay would have settled the
question.  It shows throughout that the writer has made a thorough study
of his subject, but it is written with an easy and abundant, yet
scholarly freedom, not as if he were surrounded by his authorities and
picking out his material piece by piece, but rather as if it were the
overflow of long-pursued and well-remembered studies recalled without
effort and poured forth almost as a recreation.

As he betrayed or revealed his personality in his first novel, so in this
first effort in another department of literature he showed in epitome his
qualities as a historian and a biographer.  The hero of his narrative
makes his entrance at once in his character as the shipwright of Saardam,
on the occasion of a visit of the great Duke of Marlborough.  The
portrait instantly arrests attention.  His ideal personages had been
drawn in such a sketchy way, they presented so many imperfectly
harmonized features, that they never became real, with the exception,
of course, of the story-teller himself.  But the vigor with which the
presentment of the imperial ship-carpenter, the sturdy, savage, eager,
fiery Peter, was given in the few opening sentences, showed the movement
of the hand, the glow of the color, that were in due time to display on a
broader canvas the full-length portraits of William the Silent and of
John of Barneveld.  The style of the whole article is rich, fluent,
picturesque, with light touches of humor here and there, and perhaps a
trace or two of youthful jauntiness, not quite as yet outgrown.  His
illustrative poetical quotations are mostly from Shakespeare,--from
Milton and Byron also in a passage or two,--and now and then one is
reminded that he is not unfamiliar with Carlyle's "Sartor Resartus" and
the "French Revolution" of the same unmistakable writer, more perhaps by
the way in which phrases borrowed from other authorities are set in the
text than by any more important evidence of unconscious imitation.


The readers who had shaken their heads over the unsuccessful story of
"Morton's Hope" were startled by the appearance of this manly and
scholarly essay.  This young man, it seemed, had been studying,--studying
with careful accuracy, with broad purpose.  He could paint a character
with the ruddy life-blood coloring it as warmly as it glows in the cheeks
of one of Van der Helst's burgomasters.  He could sweep the horizon in a
wide general outlook, and manage his perspective and his lights and
shadows so as to place and accent his special subject with its due relief
and just relations.  It was a sketch, or rather a study for a larger
picture, but it betrayed the hand of a master.  The feeling of many was
that expressed in the words of Mr. Longfellow in his review of the
"Twice-Told Tales" of the unknown young writer, Nathaniel Hawthorne:
"When a new star rises in the heavens, people gaze after it for a season
with the naked eye, and with such telescopes as they may find.  .  .  .
This star is but newly risen; and erelong the observation of numerous
star-gazers, perched up on arm-chairs and editor's tables, will inform
the world of its magnitude and its place in the heaven of"--not poetry in
this instance, but that serene and unclouded region of the firmament
where shine unchanging the names of Herodotus and Thucydides.  Those who
had always believed in their brilliant schoolmate and friend at last felt
themselves justified in their faith.  The artist that sent this unframed
picture to be hung in a corner of the literary gallery was equal to
larger tasks.  There was but one voice in the circle that surrounded the
young essayist.  He must redeem his pledge, he can and will redeem it, if
he will only follow the bent of his genius and grapple with the heroic
labor of writing a great history.

And this was the achievement he was already meditating.

In the mean time he was studying history for its facts and principles,
and fiction for its scenery and portraits.  In "The North American
Review" for July, 1847, is a long and characteristic article on Balzac,
of whom he was an admirer, but with no blind worship.  The readers of
this great story-teller, who was so long in obtaining recognition, who
"made twenty assaults upon fame and had forty books killed under him"
before he achieved success, will find his genius fully appreciated and
fairly weighed in this discriminating essay.  A few brief extracts will
show its quality.

     "Balzac is an artist, and only an artist.  In his tranquil,
     unimpassioned, remorseless diagnosis of morbid phenomena, in his
     cool method of treating the morbid anatomy of the heart, in his
     curiously accurate dissection of the passions, in the patient and
     painful attention with which, stethoscope in hand, finger on pulse,
     eye everywhere, you see him watching every symptom, alive to every
     sound and every breath, and in the scientific accuracy with which he
     portrays the phenomena which have been the subject of his
     investigation,--in all this calm and conscientious study of nature
     he often reminds us of Goethe.  Balzac, however, is only an artist
     .  .  .  He is neither moral nor immoral, but a calm and profound
     observer of human society and human passions, and a minute, patient,
     and powerful delineator of scenes and characters in the world before
     his eyes.  His readers must moralize for themselves.  .  .  .  It
     is, perhaps, his defective style more than anything else which will
     prevent his becoming a classic, for style above all other qualities
     seems to embalm for posterity.  As for his philosophy, his
     principles, moral, political, or social, we repeat that he seems to
     have none whatever.  He looks for the picturesque and the striking.
     He studies sentiments and sensations from an artistic point of view.
     He is a physiognomist, a physiologist, a bit of an anatomist, a bit
     of a mesmerist, a bit of a geologist, a Flemish painter, an
     upholsterer, a micrological, misanthropical, sceptical philosopher;
     but he is no moralist, and certainly no reformer."

Another article contributed by Mr. Motley to "The North American Review"
is to be found in the number for October, 1849.  It is nominally a review
of Talvi's (Mrs. Robinson's) "Geschichte der Colonisation von New
England," but in reality an essay on the Polity of the Puritans,--an
historical disquisition on the principles of self-government evolved in
New England, broad in its views, eloquent in its language.  Its spirit is
thoroughly American, and its estimate of the Puritan character is not
narrowed by the nearsighted liberalism which sees the past in the
pitiless light of the present,--which looks around at high noon and finds
fault with early dawn for its long and dark shadows.  Here is a sentence
or two from the article:--

     "With all the faults of the system devised by the Puritans, it was a
     practical system.  With all their foibles, with all their teasing,
     tyrannical, and arbitrary notions, the Pilgrims were lovers of
     liberty as well as sticklers for authority.  .  .  .  Nowhere can a
     better description of liberty be found than that given by Winthrop,
     in his defence of himself before the General Court on a charge of
     arbitrary conduct.  'Nor would I have you mistake your own liberty,'
     he says.  'There is a freedom of doing what we list, without regard
     to law or justice; this liberty is indeed inconsistent with
     authority; but civil, moral, and federal liberty consists in every
     man's enjoying his property and having the benefit of the laws of
     his country; which is very consistent with a due subjection to the
     civil magistrate.' .  .  .

     "We enjoy an inestimable advantage in America.  One can be a
     republican, a democrat, without being a radical.  A radical, one who
     would uproot, is a man whose trade is dangerous to society.  Here is
     but little to uproot.  The trade cannot flourish.  All classes are
     conservative by necessity, for none can wish to change the structure
     of our polity.  .  .

     "The country without a past cannot be intoxicated by visions of the
     past of other lands.  Upon this absence of the past it seems to us
     that much of the security of our institutions depends.  Nothing
     interferes with the development of what is now felt to be the true
     principle of government, the will of the people legitimately
     expressed.  To establish that great truth, nothing was to be torn
     down, nothing to be uprooted.  It grew up in New England out of the
     seed unconsciously planted by the first Pilgrims, was not crushed
     out by the weight of a thousand years of error spread over the whole
     continent, and the Revolution was proclaimed and recognized."



VIII.

1847-1849.  AEt.  33-35.

JOSEPH LEWIS STACKPOLE, THE FRIEND OF MOTLEY.  HIS SUDDEN DEATH.--MOTLEY
IN THE MASSACHUSETTS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.--SECOND NOVEL, "MERRY-
MOUNT, A ROMANCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY."

The intimate friendships of early manhood are not very often kept up
among our people.  The eager pursuit of fortune, position, office,
separates young friends, and the indoor home life imprisons them in the
domestic circle so generally that it is quite exceptional to find two
grown men who are like brothers,--or rather unlike most brothers, in
being constantly found together.  An exceptional instance of such a more
than fraternal relation was seen in the friendship of Mr. Motley and Mr.
Joseph Lewis Stackpole.  Mr. William Amory, who knew them both well, has
kindly furnished me with some recollections, which I cannot improve by
changing his own language.

     "Their intimacy began in Europe, and they returned to this country
     in 1835.  In 1837 they married sisters, and this cemented their
     intimacy, which continued to Stackpole's death in 1847.  The
     contrast in the temperament of the two friends--the one sensitive
     and irritable, and the other always cool and good-natured--only
     increased their mutual attachment to each other, and Motley's
     dependence upon Stackpole.  Never were two friends more constantly
     together or more affectionately fond of each other.  As Stackpole
     was about eight years older than Motley, and much less impulsive and
     more discreet, his death was to his friend irreparable, and at the
     time an overwhelming blow."

Mr. Stackpole was a man of great intelligence, of remarkable personal
attractions, and amiable character.  His death was a loss to Motley even
greater than he knew, for he needed just such a friend, older, calmer,
more experienced in the ways of the world, and above all capable of
thoroughly understanding him and exercising a wholesome influence over
his excitable nature without the seeming of a Mentor preaching to a
Telemachus.  Mr. Stackpole was killed by a railroad accident on the 20th
of July, 1847.

In the same letter Mr. Amory refers to a very different experience in Mr.
Motley's life,--his one year of service as a member of the Massachusetts
House of Representatives, 1849.

     "In respect to the one term during which he was a member of the
     Massachusetts House of Representatives, I can recall only one thing,
     to which he often and laughingly alluded.  Motley, as the Chairman
     of the Committee on Education, made, as he thought, a most masterly
     report.  It was very elaborate, and, as he supposed, unanswerable;
     but Boutwell, then a young man from some country town [Groton,
     Mass.], rose, and as Motley always said, demolished the report, so
     that he was unable to defend it against the attack.  You can imagine
     his disgust, after the pains he had taken to render it unassailable,
     to find himself, as he expressed it, 'on his own dunghill,'
     ignominiously beaten.  While the result exalted his opinion of the
     speech-making faculty of a Representative of a common school
     education, it at the same time cured him of any ambition for
     political promotion in Massachusetts."

To my letter of inquiry about this matter, Hon. George S. Boutwell
courteously returned the following answer:--

                                   BOSTON, October 14, 1878.

     MY DEAR SIR,--As my memory serves me, Mr. Motley was a member of the
     Massachusetts House of Representatives in the year 1847 [1849].  It
     may be well to consult the manual for that year.  I recollect the
     controversy over the report from the Committee on Education.

     His failure was not due to his want of faculty or to the vigor of
     his opponents.

     In truth he espoused the weak side of the question and the unpopular
     one also.  His proposition was to endow the colleges at the expense
     of the fund for the support of the common schools.  Failure was
     inevitable.  Neither Webster nor Choate could have carried the bill.

                                   Very truly,
                                             GEO. S. BOUTWELL.

No one could be more ready and willing to recognize his own failures than
Motley.  He was as honest and manly, perhaps I may say as sympathetic
with the feeling of those about him, on this occasion, as was Charles
Lamb, who, sitting with his sister in the front of the pit, on the night
when his farce was damned at its first representation, gave way to the
common feeling, and hissed and hooted lustily with the others around him.
It was what might be expected from his honest and truthful nature,
sometimes too severe in judging itself.

The commendation bestowed upon Motley's historical essays in "The North
American Review" must have gone far towards compensating him for the ill
success of his earlier venture.  It pointed clearly towards the field in
which he was to gather his laurels.  And it was in the year following the
publication of the first essay, or about that time (1846), that he began
collecting materials for a history of Holland.  Whether to tell the story
of men that have lived and of events that have happened, or to create the
characters and invent the incidents of an imaginary tale be the higher
task, we need not stop to discuss.  But the young author was just now
like the great actor in Sir Joshua's picture, between the allurements of
Thalia and Melpomene, still doubtful whether he was to be a romancer or a
historian.

The tale of which the title is given at the beginning of this section had
been written several years before the date of its publication.  It is a
great advance in certain respects over the first novel, but wants the
peculiar interest which belonged to that as a partially autobiographical
memoir.  The story is no longer disjointed and impossible.  It is
carefully studied in regard to its main facts.  It has less to remind us
of "Vivian Grey" and "Pelham," and more that recalls "Woodstock" and
"Kenilworth."  The personages were many of them historical, though
idealized; the occurrences were many of them such as the record
authenticated; the localities were drawn largely from nature.  The story
betrays marks of haste or carelessness in some portions, though others
are elaborately studied.  His preface shows that the reception of his
first book had made him timid and sensitive about the fate of the second,
and explains and excuses what might be found fault with, to disarm the
criticism he had some reason to fear.

That old watch-dog of our American literature, "The North American
Review," always ready with lambent phrases in stately "Articles" for
native talent of a certain pretension, and wagging its appendix of
"Critical Notices" kindly at the advent of humbler merit, treated "Merry-
Mount" with the distinction implied in a review of nearly twenty pages.
This was a great contrast to the brief and slighting notice of "Morton's
Hope."  The reviewer thinks the author's descriptive power wholly exceeds
his conception of character and invention of circumstances.

     "He dwells, perhaps, too long and fondly upon his imagination of the
     landscape as it was before the stillness of the forest had been
     broken by the axe of the settler; but the picture is so finely
     drawn, with so much beauty of language and purity of sentiment, that
     we cannot blame him for lingering upon the scene.  .  .  .  The
     story is not managed with much skill, but it has variety enough of
     incident and character, and is told with so much liveliness that few
     will be inclined to lay it down before reaching the conclusion.  .
     .  .  The writer certainly needs practice in elaborating the details
     of a consistent and interesting novel; but in many respects he is
     well qualified for the task, and we shall be glad to meet him again
     on the half-historical ground he has chosen.  His present work,
     certainly, is not a fair specimen of what he is able to accomplish,
     and its failure, or partial success, ought only to inspirit him for
     further effort."

The "half-historical ground" he had chosen had already led him to the
entrance into the broader domain of history.  The "further effort" for
which he was to be inspirited had already begun.  He had been for some
time, as was before mentioned, collecting materials for the work which
was to cast all his former attempts into the kindly shadow of oblivion,
save when from time to time the light of his brilliant after success is
thrown upon them to illustrate the path by which it was at length
attained.



IX.

1850.  AEt.  36.

PLAN OF A HISTORY.--LETTERS.

The reputation of Mr. Prescott was now coextensive with the realm of
scholarship.  The histories of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella and
of the conquest of Mexico had met with a reception which might well tempt
the ambition of a young writer to emulate it, but which was not likely to
be awarded to any second candidate who should enter the field in rivalry
with the great and universally popular historian.  But this was the field
on which Mr. Motley was to venture.

After he had chosen the subject of the history he contemplated, he found
that Mr. Prescott was occupied with a kindred one, so that there might be
too near a coincidence between them.  I must borrow from Mr. Ticknor's
beautiful life of Prescott the words which introduce a letter of Motley's
to Mr. William Amory, who has kindly allowed me also to make use of it.

     "The moment, therefore, that he [Mr. Motley] was aware of this
     condition of things, and the consequent possibility that there might
     be an untoward interference in their plans, he took the same frank
     and honorable course with Mr. Prescott that Mr. Prescott had taken
     in relation to Mr. Irving, when he found that they had both been
     contemplating a 'History of the Conquest of Mexico.'  The result was
     the same.  Mr. Prescott, instead of treating the matter as an
     interference, earnestly encouraged Mr. Motley to go on, and placed
     at his disposition such of the books in his library as could be most
     useful to him.  How amply and promptly he did it, Mr. Motley's own
     account will best show.  It is in a letter dated at Rome, 26th
     February, 1859, the day he heard of Mr. Prescott's death, and was
     addressed to his intimate friend, Mr. William Amory, of Boston, Mr.
     Prescott's much-loved brother-in-law."


     "It seems to me but as yesterday," Mr. Motley writes, "though it
     must be now twelve years ago, that I was talking with our ever-
     lamented friend Stackpole about my intention of writing a history
     upon a subject to which I have since that time been devoting myself.
     I had then made already some general studies in reference to it,
     without being in the least aware that Prescott had the intention of
     writing the 'History of Philip the Second.'  Stackpole had heard the
     fact, and that large preparations had already been made for the
     work, although 'Peru' had not yet been published.  I felt naturally
     much disappointed.  I was conscious of the immense disadvantage to
     myself of making my appearance, probably at the same time, before
     the public, with a work not at all similar in plan to 'Philip the
     Second,' but which must of necessity traverse a portion of the same
     ground.

     "My first thought was inevitably, as it were, only of myself.
     It seemed to me that I had nothing to do but to abandon at once a
     cherished dream, and probably to renounce authorship.  For I had not
     first made up my mind to write a history, and then cast about to
     take up a subject.  My subject had taken me up, drawn me on, and
     absorbed me into itself.  It was necessary for me, it seemed, to
     write the book I had been thinking much of, even if it were destined
     to fall dead from the press, and I had no inclination or interest to
     write any other.  When I had made up my mind accordingly, it then
     occurred to me that Prescott might not be pleased that I should come
     forward upon his ground.  It is true that no announcement of his
     intentions had been made, and that he had not, I believe, even
     commenced his preliminary studies for Philip.  At the same time I
     thought it would be disloyal on my part not to go to him at once,
     confer with him on the subject, and if I should find a shadow of
     dissatisfaction on his mind at my proposition, to abandon my plan
     altogether.

     "I had only the slightest acquaintance with him at that time.  I was
     comparatively a young man, and certainly not entitled on any ground
     to more than the common courtesy which Prescott never could refuse
     to any one.  But he received me with such a frank and ready and
     liberal sympathy, and such an open-hearted, guileless expansiveness,
     that I felt a personal affection for him from that hour.  I remember
     the interview as if it had taken place yesterday.  It was in his
     father's house, in his own library, looking on the garden-house and
     garden,--honored father and illustrious son,--alas! all numbered
     with the things that were!  He assured me that he had not the
     slightest objection whatever to my plan, that he wished me every
     success, and that, if there were any books in his library bearing on
     my subject that I liked to use, they were entirely at my service.
     After I had expressed my gratitude for his kindness and cordiality,
     by which I had been in a very few moments set completely at ease,--
     so far as my fears of his disapprobation went,--I also very
     naturally stated my opinion that the danger was entirely mine, and
     that it was rather wilful of me thus to risk such a collision at my
     first venture, the probable consequence of which was utter
     shipwreck.  I recollect how kindly and warmly he combated this
     opinion, assuring me that no two books, as he said, ever injured
     each other, and encouraging me in the warmest and most earnest
     manner to proceed on the course I had marked out for myself.

     "Had the result of that interview been different,--had he distinctly
     stated, or even vaguely hinted, that it would be as well if I should
     select some other topic, or had he only sprinkled me with the cold
     water of conventional and commonplace encouragement,--I should have
     gone from him with a chill upon my mind, and, no doubt, have laid
     down the pen at once; for, as I have already said, it was not that I
     cared about writing a history, but that I felt an inevitable impulse
     to write one particular history.

     "You know how kindly he always spoke of and to me; and the generous
     manner in which, without the slightest hint from me, and entirely
     unexpected by me, he attracted the eyes of his hosts of readers to
     my forthcoming work, by so handsomely alluding to it in the Preface
     to his own, must be almost as fresh in your memory as it is in mine.

     "And although it seems easy enough for a man of world-wide
     reputation thus to extend the right hand of fellowship to an unknown
     and struggling aspirant, yet I fear that the history of literature
     will show that such instances of disinterested kindness are as rare
     as they are noble."

It was not from any feeling that Mr. Motley was a young writer from whose
rivalry he had nothing to apprehend.  Mr. Amory says that Prescott
expressed himself very decidedly to the effect that an author who had
written such descriptive passages as were to be found in Mr. Motley's
published writings was not to be undervalued as a competitor by any one.
The reader who will turn to the description of Charles River in the
eighth chapter of the second volume of "Merry-Mount," or of the autumnal
woods in the sixteenth chapter of the same volume, will see good reason
for Mr. Prescott's appreciation of the force of the rival whose advent he
so heartily and generously welcomed.




X.

1851-1856.  AEt.  37-42.

HISTORICAL STUDIES IN EUROPE.-LETTER FROM BRUSSELS.

After working for several years on his projected "History of the Dutch
Republic," he found that, in order to do justice to his subject, he must
have recourse to the authorities to be found only in the libraries and
state archives of Europe.  In the year 1851 he left America with his
family, to begin his task over again, throwing aside all that he had
already done, and following up his new course of investigations at
Berlin, Dresden, the Hague, and Brussels during several succeeding years.
I do not know that I can give a better idea of his mode of life during
this busy period, his occupations, his state of mind, his objects of
interest outside of his special work, than by making the following
extracts from a long letter to myself, dated Brussels, 20th November,
1853.

After some personal matters he continued:--

     "I don't really know what to say to you.  I am in a town which, for
     aught I know, may be very gay.  I don't know a living soul in it.
     We have not a single acquaintance in the place, and we glory in the
     fact.  There is something rather sublime in thus floating on a
     single spar in the wide sea of a populous, busy, fuming, fussy world
     like this.  At any rate it is consonant to both our tastes.  You may
     suppose, however, that I find it rather difficult to amuse my
     friends out of the incidents of so isolated an existence.  Our daily
     career is very regular and monotonous.  Our life is as stagnant as a
     Dutch canal.  Not that I complain of it,--on the contrary, the canal
     may be richly freighted with merchandise and be a short cut to the
     ocean of abundant and perpetual knowledge; but, at the same time,
     few points rise above the level of so regular a life, to be worthy
     of your notice.  You must, therefore, allow me to meander along the
     meadows of commonplace.  Don't expect anything of the impetuous and
     boiling style.  We go it weak here.  I don't know whether you were
     ever in Brussels.  It is a striking, picturesque town, built up a
     steep promontory, the old part at the bottom, very dingy and mouldy,
     the new part at the top, very showy and elegant.  Nothing can be
     more exquisite in its way than the grande place in the very heart of
     the city, surrounded with those toppling, zigzag, ten-storied
     buildings bedizened all over with ornaments and emblems so peculiar
     to the Netherlands, with the brocaded Hotel de Ville on one side,
     with its impossible spire rising some three hundred and seventy feet
     into the air and embroidered to the top with the delicacy of needle-
     work, sugarwork, spider-work, or what you will.  I haunt this place
     because it is my scene, my theatre.  Here were enacted so many deep
     tragedies, so many stately dramas, and even so many farces, which
     have been familiar to me so long that I have got to imagine myself
     invested with a kind of property in the place, and look at it as if
     it were merely the theatre with the coulisses, machinery, drapery,
     etc., for representing scenes which have long since vanished, and
     which no more enter the minds of the men and women who are actually
     moving across its pavements than if they had occurred in the moon.
     When I say that I knew no soul in Brussels I am perhaps wrong.  With
     the present generation I am not familiar.  'En revanche,' the dead
     men of the place are my intimate friends.  I am at home in any
     cemetery.  With the fellows of the sixteenth century I am on the
     most familiar terms.  Any ghost that ever flits by night across the
     moonlight square is at once hailed by me as a man and a brother.  I
     call him by his Christian name at once.  When you come out of this
     place, however, which, as I said, is in the heart of the town,--the
     antique gem in the modern setting,--you may go either up or down.
     If you go down, you will find yourself in the very nastiest
     complications of lanes and culs-de-sac possible, a dark entanglement
     of gin-shops, beer-houses, and hovels, through which charming valley
     dribbles the Senne (whence, I suppose, is derived Senna), the most
     nauseous little river in the world, which receives all the
     outpourings of all the drains and houses, and is then converted into
     beer for the inhabitants, all the many breweries being directly upon
     its edge.  If you go up the hill instead of down, you come to an
     arrangement of squares, palaces, and gardens as trim and fashionable
     as you will find in Europe.  Thus you see that our Cybele sits with
     her head crowned with very stately towers and her feet in a tub of
     very dirty water.

     "My habits here for the present year are very regular.  I came here,
     having, as I thought, finished my work, or rather the first Part
     (something like three or four volumes, 8vo), but I find so much
     original matter here, and so many emendations to make, that I am
     ready to despair.  However, there is nothing for it but to
     penelopize, pull to pieces, and stitch away again.  Whatever may be
     the result of my labor, nobody can say that I have not worked like
     a brute beast,--but I don't care for the result.  The labor is in
     itself its own reward and all I want.  I go day after day to the
     archives here (as I went all summer at the Hague), studying the old
     letters and documents of the fifteenth century.  Here I remain among
     my fellow-worms, feeding on these musty mulberry-leaves, out of
     which we are afterwards to spin our silk.  How can you expect
     anything interesting from such a human cocoon?  It is, however, not
     without its amusement in a mouldy sort of way, this reading of dead
     letters.  It is something to read the real, bona fide signs-manual
     of such fellows as William of Orange, Count Egmont, Alexander
     Farnese, Philip II., Cardinal Granvelle, and the rest of them.  It
     gives a 'realizing sense,' as the Americans have it.  .  .  .  There
     are not many public resources of amusement in this place,--if we
     wanted them,--which we don't.  I miss the Dresden Gallery very much,
     and it makes me sad to think that I shall never look at the face of
     the Sistine Madonna again,--that picture beyond all pictures in the
     world, in which the artist certainly did get to heaven and painted a
     face which was never seen on earth--so pathetic, so gentle, so
     passionless, so prophetic.  .  .  .  There are a few good Rubenses
     here,--but the great wealth of that master is in Antwerp.  The great
     picture of the Descent from the Cross is free again, after having
     been ten years in the repairing room.  It has come out in very good
     condition.  What a picture?  It seems to me as if I had really stood
     at the cross and seen Mary weeping on John's shoulder, and Magdalen
     receiving the dead body of the Saviour in her arms.  Never was the
     grand tragedy represented in so profound and dramatic a manner.  For
     it is not only in his color in which this man so easily surpasses
     all the world, but in his life-like, flesh-and-blood action,--the
     tragic power of his composition.  And is it not appalling to think
     of the 'large constitution of this man,' when you reflect on the
     acres of canvas which he has covered?  How inspiriting to see with
     what muscular, masculine vigor this splendid Fleming rushed in and
     plucked up drowning Art by the locks when it was sinking in the
     trashy sea of such creatures as the Luca Giordanos and Pietro
     Cortonas and the like.  Well might Guido exclaim, 'The fellow mixes
     blood with his colors!  .  .  .  How providentially did the man come
     in and invoke living, breathing, moving men and women out of his
     canvas!  Sometimes he is ranting and exaggerated, as are all men of
     great genius who wrestle with Nature so boldly.  No doubt his
     heroines are more expansively endowed than would be thought genteel
     in our country, where cryptogams are so much in fashion,
     nevertheless there is always something very tremendous about him,
     and very often much that is sublime, pathetic, and moving.  I defy
     any one of the average amount of imagination and sentiment to stand
     long before the Descent from the Cross without being moved more
     nearly to tears than he would care to acknowledge.  As for color,
     his effects are as sure as those of the sun rising in a tropical
     landscape.  There is something quite genial in the cheerful sense of
     his own omnipotence which always inspired him.  There are a few fine
     pictures of his here, and I go in sometimes of a raw, foggy morning
     merely to warm myself in the blaze of their beauty."

I have been more willing to give room to this description of Rubens's
pictures and the effect they produced upon Motley, because there is a
certain affinity between those sumptuous and glowing works of art and the
prose pictures of the historian who so admired them.  He was himself a
colorist in language, and called up the image of a great personage or a
splendid pageant of the past with the same affluence, the same rich
vitality, that floods and warms the vast areas of canvas over which the
full-fed genius of Rubens disported itself in the luxury of imaginative
creation.




XI.

1856-1857.  AEt.  42-43.

PUBLICATION OF HIS FIRST HISTORICAL WORK, "RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC."--
ITS RECEPTION.--CRITICAL NOTICES.

The labor of ten years was at last finished.  Carrying his formidable
manuscript with him,--and how formidable the manuscript which melts down
into three solid octavo volumes is, only writers and publishers know,--he
knocked at the gate of that terrible fortress from which Lintot and Curll
and Tonson looked down on the authors of an older generation.  So large a
work as the "History of the Rise of the Dutch Republic," offered for the
press by an author as yet unknown to the British public, could hardly
expect a warm welcome from the great dealers in literature as
merchandise.  Mr. Murray civilly declined the manuscript which was
offered to him, and it was published at its author's expense by Mr. John
Chapman.  The time came when the positions of the first-named celebrated
publisher and the unknown writer were reversed.  Mr. Murray wrote to Mr.
Motley asking to be allowed to publish his second great work, the
"History of the United Netherlands," expressing at the same time his
regret at what he candidly called his mistake in the first instance, and
thus they were at length brought into business connection as well as the
most agreeable and friendly relations.  An American edition was published
by the Harpers at the same time as the London one.

If the new work of the unknown author found it difficult to obtain a
publisher, it was no sooner given to the public than it found an
approving, an admiring, an enthusiastic world of readers, and a noble
welcome at the colder hands of the critics.

"The Westminster Review" for April, 1856, had for its leading article a
paper by Mr. Froude, in which the critic awarded the highest praise to
the work of the new historian.  As one of the earliest as well as one of
the most important recognitions of the work, I quote some of its
judgments.

     "A history as complete as industry and genius can make it now lies
     before us of the first twenty years of the Revolt of the United
     Provinces; of the period in which those provinces finally conquered
     their independence and established the Republic of Holland.  It has
     been the result of many years of silent, thoughtful, unobtrusive
     labor, and unless we are strangely mistaken, unless we are ourselves
     altogether unfit for this office of criticising which we have here
     undertaken, the book is one which will take its place among the
     finest histories in this or in any language.  .  .  .  All the
     essentials of a great writer Mr. Motley eminently possesses.  His
     mind is broad, his industry unwearied.  In power of dramatic
     description no modern historian, except perhaps Mr. Carlyle,
     surpasses him, and in analysis of character he is elaborate and
     distinct.  His principles are those of honest love for all which is
     good and admirable in human character wherever he finds it, while he
     unaffectedly hates oppression, and despises selfishness with all his
     heart."

After giving a slight analytical sketch of the series of events related
in the history, Mr. Froude objects to only one of the historian's
estimates, that, namely, of the course of Queen Elizabeth.

     "It is ungracious, however," he says, "even to find so slight a
     fault with these admirable volumes.  Mr. Motley has written without
     haste, with the leisurely composure of a master.  .  .  .  We now
     take our leave of Mr. Motley, desiring him only to accept our hearty
     thanks for these volumes, which we trust will soon take their place
     in every English library.  Our quotations will have sufficed to show
     the ability of the writer.  Of the scope and general character of
     his work we have given but a languid conception.  The true merit of
     a great book must be learned from the book itself.  Our part has
     been rather to select varied specimens of style and power.  Of Mr.
     Motley's antecedents we know nothing.  If he has previously appeared
     before the public, his reputation has not crossed the Atlantic.  It
     will not be so now.  We believe that we may promise him as warm a
     welcome among ourselves as he will receive even in America; that his
     place will be at once conceded to him among the first historians in
     our common language."

The faithful and unwearied Mr. Allibone has swept the whole field of
contemporary criticism, and shown how wide and universal was the welcome
accorded to the hitherto unknown author.  An article headed "Prescott
and Motley," attributed to M. Guizot, which must have been translated,
I suppose, from his own language, judging by its freedom from French
idioms, is to be found in "The Edinburgh Review" for January, 1857.  The
praise, not unmingled with criticisms, which that great historian
bestowed upon Motley is less significant than the fact that he
superintended a translation of the "Rise of the Dutch Republic," and
himself wrote the Introduction to it.

A general chorus of approbation followed or accompanied these leading
voices.  The reception of the work in Great Britain was a triumph.  On
the Continent, in addition to the tribute paid to it by M. Guizot, it was
translated into Dutch, into German, and into Russian.  At home his
reception was not less hearty.  "The North American Review," which had
set its foot on the semi-autobiographical medley which he called
"Morton's Hope," which had granted a decent space and a tepid recognition
to his "semi-historical" romance, in which he had already given the
reading public a taste of his quality as a narrator of real events and a
delineator of real personages,--this old and awe-inspiring New England
and more than New England representative of the Fates, found room for a
long and most laudatory article, in which the son of one of our most
distinguished historians did the honors of the venerable literary
periodical to the new-comer, for whom the folding-doors of all the
critical headquarters were flying open as if of themselves.  Mr. Allibone
has recorded the opinions of some of our best scholars as expressed to
him.

Dr. Lieber wrote a letter to Mr. Allibone in the strongest terms of
praise.  I quote one passage which in the light of after events borrows
a cruel significance:--

     "Congress and Parliament decree thanks for military exploits,--
     rarely for diplomatic achievements.  If they ever voted their thanks
     for books,--and what deeds have influenced the course of human
     events more than some books?--Motley ought to have the thanks of our
     Congress; but I doubt not that he has already the thanks of every
     American who has read the work.  It will leave its distinct mark
     upon the American mind."

Mr. Everett writes:--

     "Mr. Motley's 'History of the Dutch Republic' is in my judgment a
     work of the highest merit.  Unwearying research for years in the
     libraries of Europe, patience and judgment in arranging and
     digesting his materials, a fine historical tact, much skill in
     characterization, the perspective of narration, as it may be called,
     and a vigorous style unite to make it a very capital work, and place
     the name of Motley by the side of those of our great historical
     trio,--Bancroft, Irving, and Prescott."

Mr. Irving, Mr. Bancroft, Mr. Sumner, Mr. Hillard, united their voices in
the same strain of commendation.  Mr. Prescott, whose estimate of the new
history is of peculiar value for obvious reasons, writes to Mr. Allibone
thus:--

     "The opinion of any individual seems superfluous in respect to a
     work on the merits of which the public both at home and abroad have
     pronounced so unanimous a verdict.  As Motley's path crosses my own
     historic field, I may be thought to possess some advantage over most
     critics in my familiarity with the ground.

     "However this may be, I can honestly bear my testimony to the extent
     of his researches and to the accuracy with which he has given the
     results of them to the public.  Far from making his book a mere
     register of events, he has penetrated deep below the surface and
     explored the cause of these events.  He has carefully studied the
     physiognomy of the times and given finished portraits of the great
     men who conducted the march of the revolution.  Every page is
     instinct with the love of freedom and with that personal knowledge
     of the working of free institutions which could alone enable him to
     do justice to his subject.  We may congratulate ourselves that it
     was reserved for one of our countrymen to tell the story-better than
     it had yet been told--of this memorable revolution, which in so many
     of its features bears a striking resemblance to our own."

The public welcomed the work as cordially as the critics.  Fifteen
thousand copies had already been sold in London in 1857.  In America it
was equally popular.  Its author saw his name enrolled by common consent
among those of the great writers of his time.  Europe accepted him, his
country was proud to claim him, scholarship set its jealously guarded
seal upon the result of his labors, the reading world, which had not
cared greatly for his stories, hung in delight over a narrative more
exciting than romances; and the lonely student, who had almost forgotten
the look of living men in the solitude of archives haunted by dead
memories, found himself suddenly in the full blaze of a great reputation.




XII.

1856-1857.  AEt.  42-43.

VISIT TO AMERICA.--RESIDENCE IN BOYLSTON PLACE.

He visited this country in 1856, and spent the winter of 1856-57 in
Boston, living with his family in a house in Boylston Place.  At this
time I had the pleasure of meeting him often, and of seeing the changes
which maturity, success, the opening of a great literary and social
career, had wrought in his character and bearing.  He was in every way
greatly improved; the interesting, impulsive youth had ripened into a
noble manhood.  Dealing with great themes, his own mind had gained their
dignity.  Accustomed to the company of dead statesmen and heroes, his own
ideas had risen to a higher standard.  The flattery of society had added
a new grace to his natural modesty.  He was now a citizen of the world by
his reputation; the past was his province, in which he was recognized as
a master; the idol's pedestal was ready for him, but he betrayed no
desire to show himself upon it.




XIII.

1858-1860.  AEt.  44-46.

RETURN TO ENGLAND.--SOCIAL RELATIONS.--LADY HARCOURT'S LETTER.

During the years spent in Europe in writing his first history, from 1851
to 1856, Mr. Motley had lived a life of great retirement and simplicity,
devoting himself to his work and to the education of his children, to
which last object he was always ready to give the most careful
supervision.  He was as yet unknown beyond the circle of his friends,
and he did not seek society.  In this quiet way he had passed the two
years of residence in Dresden, the year divided between Brussels and the
Hague, and a very tranquil year spent at Vevay on the Lake of Geneva.
His health at this time was tolerably good, except for nervous headaches,
which frequently recurred and were of great severity.  His visit to
England with his manuscript in search of a publisher has already been
mentioned.

In 1858 he revisited England.  His fame as a successful author was there
before him, and he naturally became the object of many attentions.  He
now made many acquaintances who afterwards became his kind and valued
friends.  Among those mentioned by his daughter, Lady Harcourt, are Lord
Lyndhurst, Lord Carlisle, Lady William Russell, Lord and Lady Palmerston,
Dean Milman, with many others.  The following winter was passed in Rome,
among many English and American friends.

     "In the course of the next summer," his daughter writes to me, "we
     all went to England, and for the next two years, marked chiefly by
     the success of the 'United Netherlands,' our social life was most
     agreeable and most interesting.  He was in the fulness of his health
     and powers; his works had made him known in intellectual society,
     and I think his presence, on the other hand, increased their
     effects.  As no one knows better than you do, his belief in his own
     country and in its institutions at their best was so passionate and
     intense that it was a part of his nature, yet his refined and
     fastidious tastes were deeply gratified by the influences of his
     life in England, and the spontaneous kindness which he received
     added much to his happiness.  At that time Lord Palmerston was Prime
     Minister; the weekly receptions at Cambridge House were the centre
     of all that was brilliant in the political and social world, while
     Lansdowne House, Holland House, and others were open to the
     'sommites' in all branches of literature, science, rank, and
     politics.  .  .  .  It was the last year of Lord Macaulay's life,
     and as a few out of many names which I recall come Dean Milman, Mr.
     Froude (whose review of the 'Dutch Republic' in the 'Westminster'
     was one of the first warm recognitions it ever received), the Duke
     and Duchess of Argyll, Sir William Stirling Maxwell, then Mr.
     Stirling of Keir, the Sheridan family in its different brilliant
     members, Lord Wensleydale, and many more."

There was no society to which Motley would not have added grace and
attraction by his presence, and to say that he was a welcome guest in the
best houses of England is only saying that these houses are always open
to those whose abilities, characters, achievements, are commended to the
circles that have the best choice by the personal gifts which are
nature's passport everywhere.




XIV.

1859.  AEt.  45.

LETTER TO MR. FRANCIS H. UNDERWOOD.--PLAN OF MR. MOTLEY'S HISTORICAL
WORKS.--SECOND GREAT WORK, "HISTORY OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS."

I am enabled by the kindness of Mr. Francis H. Underwood to avail myself
of a letter addressed to him by Mr. Motley in the year before the
publication of this second work, which gives us an insight into his mode
of working and the plan he proposed to follow.  It begins with an
allusion which recalls a literary event interesting to many of his
American friends.

                                        ROME, March 4, 1859.

     F. H. UNDERWOOD, ESQ.

     My dear Sir,--.  .  .  I am delighted to hear of the great success
     of "The Atlantic Monthly."  In this remote region I have not the
     chance of reading it as often as I should like, but from the
     specimens which I have seen I am quite sure it deserves its wide
     circulation.  A serial publication, the contents of which are purely
     original and of such remarkable merit, is a novelty in our country,
     and I am delighted to find that it has already taken so prominent a
     position before the reading world.  .  .

     The whole work [his history], of which the three volumes already
     published form a part, will be called "The Eighty Years' War for
     Liberty."

     Epoch I.  is the Rise of the Dutch Republic.

     Epoch II.  Independence Achieved.  From the Death of William the
     Silent till the Twelve Years' Truce.  1584-1609.

     Epoch III.  Independence Recognized.  From the Twelve Years' Truce
     to the Peace of Westphalia.  1609-1648.

     My subject is a very vast one, for the struggle of the United
     Provinces with Spain was one in which all the leading states of
     Europe were more or less involved.  After the death of William the
     Silent, the history assumes world-wide proportions.  Thus the volume
     which I am just about terminating .  .  .  is almost as much English
     history as Dutch.  The Earl of Leicester, very soon after the death
     of Orange, was appointed governor of the provinces, and the alliance
     between the two countries almost amounted to a political union.  I
     shall try to get the whole of the Leicester administration,
     terminating with the grand drama of the Invincible Armada, into one
     volume; but I doubt, my materials are so enormous.  I have been
     personally very hard at work, nearly two years, ransacking the
     British State Paper Office, the British Museum, and the Holland
     archives, and I have had two copyists constantly engaged in London,
     and two others at the Hague.  Besides this, I passed the whole of
     last winter at Brussels, where, by special favor of the Belgian
     Government, I was allowed to read what no one else has ever been
     permitted to see,--the great mass of copies taken by that government
     from the Simancas archives, a translated epitome of which has been
     published by Gachard.  This correspondence reaches to the death of
     Philip II., and is of immense extent and importance.  Had I not
     obtained leave to read the invaluable and, for my purpose,
     indispensable documents at Brussels, I should have gone to Spain,
     for they will not be published these twenty years, and then only in
     a translated and excessively abbreviated and unsatisfactory form.
     I have read the whole of this correspondence, and made very copious
     notes of it.  In truth, I devoted three months of last winter to
     that purpose alone.

     The materials I have collected from the English archives are also
     extremely important and curious.  I have hundreds of interesting
     letters never published or to be published, by Queen Elizabeth,
     Burghley, Walsingham, Sidney, Drake, Willoughby, Leicester, and
     others.  For the whole of that portion of my subject in which
     Holland and England were combined into one whole, to resist Spain in
     its attempt to obtain the universal empire, I have very abundant
     collections.  For the history of the United Provinces is not at all
     a provincial history.  It is the history of European liberty.
     Without the struggle of Holland and England against Spain, all
     Europe might have been Catholic and Spanish.  It was Holland that
     saved England in the sixteenth century, and, by so doing, secured
     the triumph of the Reformation, and placed the independence of the
     various states of Europe upon a sure foundation.  Of course, the
     materials collected by me at the Hague are of great importance.  As
     a single specimen, I will state that I found in the archives there
     an immense and confused mass of papers, which turned out to be the
     autograph letters of Olden Barneveld during the last few years of
     his life; during, in short, the whole of that most important period
     which preceded his execution.  These letters are in such an
     intolerable handwriting that no one has ever attempted to read them.
     I could read them only imperfectly myself, and it would have taken
     me a very long time to have acquired the power to do so; but my
     copyist and reader there is the most patient and indefatigable
     person alive, and he has quite mastered the handwriting, and he
     writes me that they are a mine of historical wealth for me.  I shall
     have complete copies before I get to that period, one of signal
     interest, and which has never been described.  I mention these
     matters that you may see that my work, whatever its other value may
     be, is built upon the only foundation fit for history,--original
     contemporary documents.  These are all unpublished.  Of course, I
     use the contemporary historians and pamphleteers,--Dutch, Spanish,
     French, Italian, German, and English,--but the most valuable of my
     sources are manuscript ones.  I have said the little which I have
     said in order to vindicate the largeness of the subject.  The
     kingdom of Holland is a small power now, but the Eighty Years' War,
     which secured the civil and religious independence of the Dutch
     Commonwealth and of Europe, was the great event of that whole age.

     The whole work will therefore cover a most remarkable epoch in human
     history, from the abdication of Charles Fifth to the Peace of
     Westphalia, at which last point the political and geographical
     arrangements of Europe were established on a permanent basis,--in
     the main undisturbed until the French Revolution.  .  .  .

     I will mention that I received yesterday a letter from the
     distinguished M. Guizot, informing me that the first volume of the
     French translation, edited by him, with an introduction, has just
     been published.  The publication was hastened in consequence of the
     appearance of a rival translation at Brussels.  The German
     translation is very elegantly and expensively printed in handsome
     octavos; and the Dutch translation, under the editorship of the
     archivist general of Holland, Bakhuyzen v. d. Brink, is enriched
     with copious notes and comments by that distinguished scholar.

     There are also three different piratical reprints of the original
     work at Amsterdam, Leipzig, and London.  I must add that I had
     nothing to do with the translation in any case.  In fact, with the
     exception of M. Guizot, no one ever obtained permission of me to
     publish translations, and I never knew of the existence of them
     until I read of it in the journals.  .  .  .  I forgot to say that
     among the collections already thoroughly examined by me is that
     portion of the Simancas archives still retained in the Imperial
     archives of France.  I spent a considerable time in Paris for the
     purpose of reading these documents.  There are many letters of
     Philip II.  there, with apostilles by his own hand.  .  .  .  I
     would add that I am going to pass this summer at Venice for the
     purpose of reading and procuring copies from the very rich archives
     of that Republic, of the correspondence of their envoys in Madrid,
     London, and Brussels during the epoch of which I am treating.

     I am also not without hope of gaining access to the archives of the
     Vatican here, although there are some difficulties in the way.

                         With kind regards .  .  .
                                   I remain very truly yours,
                                                  J. L. MOTLEY.




XV.

1860.  AT.  46.

PUBLICATION OF THE FIRST TWO VOLUMES OF THE "HISTORY OF THE UNITED
NETHERLANDS."--THEIR RECEPTION.

We know something of the manner in which Mr. Motley collected his
materials.  We know the labors, the difficulties, the cost of his toils
among the dusty records of the past.  What he gained by the years he
spent in his researches is so well stated by himself that I shall borrow
his own words:--

     "Thanks to the liberality of many modern governments of Europe, the
     archives where the state secrets of the buried centuries have so
     long mouldered are now open to the student of history.  To him who
     has patience and industry, many mysteries are thus revealed which no
     political sagacity or critical acumen could have divined.  He leans
     over the shoulder of Philip the Second at his writing-table, as the
     King spells patiently out, with cipher-key in hand, the most
     concealed hieroglyphics of Parma, or Guise, or Mendoza.  He reads
     the secret thoughts of 'Fabius' [Philip II.] as that cunctative
     Roman scrawls his marginal apostilles on each dispatch; he pries
     into all the stratagems of Camillus, Hortensius, Mucius, Julius,
     Tullius, and the rest of those ancient heroes who lent their names
     to the diplomatic masqueraders of the sixteenth century; he enters
     the cabinet of the deeply pondering Burghley, and takes from the
     most private drawer the memoranda which record that minister's
     unutterable doubtings; he pulls from the dressing-gown folds of the
     stealthy, soft-gliding Walsingham the last secret which he has
     picked from the Emperor's pigeon-holes or the Pope's pocket, and
     which not Hatton, nor Buckhurst, nor Leicester, nor the Lord
     Treasurer is to see,--nobody but Elizabeth herself; he sits
     invisible at the most secret councils of the Nassaus and Barneveld
     and Buys, or pores with Farnese over coming victories and vast
     schemes of universal conquest; he reads the latest bit of scandal,
     the minutest characteristic of king or minister, chronicled by the
     gossiping Venetians for the edification of the Forty; and after all
     this prying and eavesdropping, having seen the cross-purposes, the
     bribings, the windings in the dark, he is not surprised if those who
     were systematically deceived did not always arrive at correct
     conclusions."

The fascination of such a quest is readily conceivable.  A drama with
real characters, and the spectator at liberty to go behind the scenes and
look upon and talk with the kings and queens between the acts; to examine
the scenery, to handle the properties, to study the "make up" of the
imposing personages of full-dress histories; to deal with them all as
Thackeray has done with the Grand Monarque in one of his caustic
sketches,--this would be as exciting, one might suppose, as to sit
through a play one knows by heart at Drury Lane or the Theatre Francais,
and might furnish occupation enough to the curious idler who was only in
search of entertainment.  The mechanical obstacles of half-illegible
manuscript, of antiquated forms of speech, to say nothing of the
intentional obscurities of diplomatic correspondence, stand, however,
in the way of all but the resolute and unwearied scholar.  These
difficulties, in all their complex obstinacy, had been met and overcome
by the heroic efforts, the concentrated devotion, of the new laborer in
the unbroken fields of secret history.

Without stopping to take breath, as it were,--for his was a task
'de longue haleine,'--he proceeded to his second great undertaking.

The first portion--consisting of two volumes--of the "History of the
United Netherlands" was published in the year 1860.  It maintained and
increased the reputation he had already gained by his first history.

"The London Quarterly Review" devoted a long article to it, beginning
with this handsome tribute to his earlier and later volumes:--

     "Mr. Motley's 'History of the Rise of the Dutch Republic' is already
     known and valued for the grasp of mind which it displays, for the
     earnest and manly spirit in which he has communicated the results of
     deep research and careful reflection.  Again he appears before us,
     rich with the spoils of time, to tell the story of the United
     Netherlands from the time of William the Silent to the end of the
     eventful year of the Spanish Armada, and we still find him in every
     way worthy of this 'great argument.'  Indeed, it seems to us that he
     proceeds with an increased facility of style, and with a more
     complete and easy command over his materials.  These materials are
     indeed splendid, and of them most excellent use has been made.  The
     English State Paper Office, the Spanish archives from Simancas, and
     the Dutch and Belgian repositories, have all yielded up their
     secrets; and Mr. Motley has enjoyed the advantage of dealing with a
     vast mass of unpublished documents, of which he has not failed to
     avail himself to an extent which places his work in the foremost
     rank as an authority for the period to which it relates.  By means
     of his labor and his art we can sit at the council board of Philip
     and Elizabeth, we can read their most private dispatches.  Guided by
     his demonstration, we are enabled to dissect out to their ultimate
     issues the minutest ramifications of intrigue.  We join in the
     amusement of the popular lampoon; we visit the prison-house; we
     stand by the scaffold; we are present at the battle and the siege.
     We can scan the inmost characters of men and can view them in their.
     habits as they lived."

After a few criticisms upon lesser points of form and style, the writer
says:--

     "But the work itself must be read to appreciate the vast and
     conscientious industry bestowed upon it.  His delineations are true
     and life-like, because they are not mere compositions written to
     please the ear, but are really taken from the facts and traits
     preserved in those authentic records to which he has devoted the
     labor of many years.  Diligent and painstaking as the humblest
     chronicler, he has availed himself of many sources of information
     which have not been made use of by any previous historical writer.
     At the same time he is not oppressed by his materials, but has
     sagacity to estimate their real value, and he has combined with
     scholarly power the facts which they contain.  He has rescued the
     story of the Netherlands from the domain of vague and general
     narrative, and has labored, with much judgment and ability, to
     unfold the 'Belli causas, et vitia, et modos,' and to assign to
     every man and every event their own share in the contest, and their
     own influence upon its fortunes.  We do not wonder that his earlier
     publication has been received as a valuable addition, not only to
     English, but to European literature."

One or two other contemporary criticisms may help us with their side
lights.  A critic in "The Edinburgh Review" for January, 1861, thinks
that "Mr. Motley has not always been successful in keeping the graphic
variety of his details subordinate to the main theme of his work."
Still, he excuses the fault, as he accounts it, in consideration of the
new light thrown on various obscure points of history, and

     "it is atoned for by striking merits, by many narratives of great
     events faithfully, powerfully, and vividly executed, by the clearest
     and most life-like conceptions of character, and by a style which,
     if it sacrifices the severer principles of composition to a desire
     to be striking and picturesque, is always vigorous, full of
     animation, and glowing with the genuine enthusiasm of the writer.
     Mr. Motley combines as an historian two qualifications seldom found
     united,--to great capacity for historical research he adds much
     power of pictorial representation.  In his pages we find characters
     and scenes minutely set forth in elaborate and characteristic
     detail, which is relieved and heightened in effect by the artistic
     breadth of light and shade thrown across the broader prospects of
     history.  In an American author, too, we must commend the hearty
     English spirit in which the book is written; and fertile as the
     present age has been in historical works of the highest merit, none
     of them can be ranked above these volumes in the grand qualities of
     interest, accuracy, and truth."

A writer in "Blackwood" (May, 1861) contrasts Motley with Froude somewhat
in the way in which another critic had contrasted him with Prescott.
Froude, he says, remembers that there are some golden threads in the
black robe of the Dominican.  Motley "finds it black and thrusts it
farther into the darkness."

Every writer carries more or less of his own character into his book, of
course.  A great professor has told me that there is a personal flavor in
the mathematical work of a man of genius like Poisson.  Those who have
known Motley and Prescott would feel sure beforehand that the impulsive
nature of the one and the judicial serenity of the other would as surely
betray themselves in their writings as in their conversation and in their
every movement.  Another point which the critic of "Blackwood's Magazine"
has noticed has not been so generally observed: it is what he calls "a
dashing, offhand, rattling style,"--"fast" writing.  It cannot be denied
that here and there may be detected slight vestiges of the way of writing
of an earlier period of Motley's literary life, with which I have no
reason to think the writer just mentioned was acquainted.  Now and then I
can trace in the turn of a phrase, in the twinkle of an epithet, a faint
reminiscence of a certain satirical levity, airiness, jauntiness, if I
may hint such a word, which is just enough to remind me of those perilous
shallows of his early time through which his richly freighted argosy had
passed with such wonderful escape from their dangers and such very slight
marks of injury.  That which is pleasant gayety in conversation may be
quite out of place in formal composition, and Motley's wit must have had
a hard time of it struggling to show its spangles in the processions
while his gorgeous tragedies went sweeping by.




ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

All classes are conservative by necessity
Already looking forward to the revolt of the slave States
Attacked by the poetic mania
Becoming more learned, and therefore more ignorant
But not thoughtlessly indulgent to the boy
Cold water of conventional and commonplace encouragement
Could paint a character with the ruddy life-blood coloring
Emulation is not capability
Excused by their admirers for their shortcomings
Excuses to disarm the criticism he had some reason to fear
Fear of the laugh of the world at its sincerity
Fitted "To warn, to comfort, and command"
How many more injured by becoming bad copies of a bad ideal
Ignoble facts which strew the highways of political life
Indoor home life imprisons them in the domestic circle
Intellectual dandyisms of Bulwer
Kindly shadow of oblivion
Misanthropical, sceptical philosopher
Most entirely truthful child whe had ever seen
Nearsighted liberalism
No two books, as he said, ever injured each other
Not a single acquaintance in the place, and we glory in the fact
Only foundation fit for history,--original contemporary document
Radical, one who would uproot, is a man whose trade is dangerous
Sees the past in the pitiless light of the present
Self-educated man, as he had been a self-taught boy
Solitary and morose, the necessary consequence of reckless study
Spirit of a man who wishes to be proud of his country
Studied according to his inclinations rather than by rule
Style above all other qualities seems to embalm for posterity
Talked impatiently of the value of my time
The dead men of the place are my intimate friends
The fellow mixes blood with his colors!
The loss of hair, which brings on premature decay
The personal gifts which are nature's passport everywhere
Twenty assaults upon fame and had forty books killed under him
Vain belief that they were men at eighteen or twenty
Weight of a thousand years of error


[The End]




*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY. A MEMOIR — VOLUME 1 ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.