The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 18: 1572
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 18: 1572

Author: John Lothrop Motley

Release date: January 1, 2004 [eBook #4819]
                Most recently updated: December 28, 2020

Language: English

Credits: This eBook was produced by David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC — VOLUME 18: 1572 ***



This eBook was produced by David Widger



[NOTE: There is a short list of bookmarks, or pointers, at the end of the
file for those who may wish to sample the author's ideas before making an
entire meal of them.  D.W.]





MOTLEY'S HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS, PG EDITION, VOLUME 19.

THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

By John Lothrop Motley

1855



1572 [CHAPTER VII.]

     Municipal revolution throughout Holland and Zealand--Characteristics
     of the movement in various places--Sonoy commissioned by Orange as
     governor of North Holland--Theory of the provisional government--
     Instructions of the Prince to his officers--Oath prescribed--Clause
     of toleration--Surprise of Mons by Count Louis--Exertions of Antony
     Oliver--Details of the capture--Assembly of the citizens--Speeches
     of Genlis and of Count Louis--Effect of the various movements upon
     Alva--Don Frederic ordered to invest Mons--The Duke's impatience to
     retire--Arrival of Medina Coeli--His narrow escape--Capture of the
     Lisbon fleet--Affectation of cordiality between Alva and Medina--
     Concessions by King and Viceroy on the subject of the tenth penny--
     Estates of Holland assembled, by summons of Orange, at Dort--Appeals
     from the Prince to this congress for funds to pay his newly levied
     army--Theory of the provisional States' assembly--Source and nature
     of its authority--Speech of St. Aldegonde--Liberality of the estates
     and the provinces--Pledges exchanged between the Prince's
     representative and the Congress--Commission to De la Marck ratified
     --Virtual dictatorship of Orange--Limitation of his power by his own
     act--Count Louis at Mons--Reinforcements led from France by Genlis--
     Rashness of that officer--His total defeat--Orange again in the
     field--Rocrmond taken--Excesses of the patriot army--Proclamation of
     Orange, commanding respect to all personal and religious rights--His
     reply to the Emperor's summons--His progress in the Netherlands--
     Hopes entertained from France--Reinforcements under Coligny promised
     to Orange by Charles IX.--The Massacre of St.  Bartholomew--The
     event characterized--Effect in England, in Rome, and in other parts
     of Europe--Excessive hilarity of Philip--Extravagant encomium
     bestowed by him upon Charles IX.--Order sent by Philip to put all
     French prisoners in the Netherlands to Death--Secret correspondence
     of Charles IX. with his envoy in the Netherlands--Exultation of the
     Spaniards before Mons--Alva urged by the French envoy, according to
     his master's commands, to put all the Frenchmen in Mons, and those
     already captured, to death--Effect of the massacre upon the Prince
     of Orange--Alva and Medina in the camp before Mons--Hopelessness of
     the Prince's scheme to obtain battle from Alva--Romero's encamisada
     --Narrow escape of the prince--Mutiny and dissolution of his army--
     His return to Holland--His steadfastness--Desperate position of
     Count Louis in Mons--Sentiments of Alva--Capitulation of Mons--
     Courteous reception of Count Louis by the Spanish generals--
     Hypocrisy of these demonstrations--Nature of the Mons capitulation--
     Horrible violation of its terms--Noircarmes at Mons--Establishment
     of a Blood Council in the city--Wholesale executions--Cruelty and
     cupidity of Noircarmes--Late discovery of the archives of these
     crimes--Return of the revolted cities of Brabant and Flanders to
     obedience--Sack of Mechlin by the Spaniards--Details of that event.


The example thus set by Brill and Flushing was rapidly followed.  The
first half of the year 1572 was distinguished by a series of triumphs
rendered still more remarkable by the reverses which followed at its
close.  Of a sudden, almost as it were by accident, a small but important
sea-port, the object for which the Prince had so long been hoping, was
secured.  Instantly afterward, half the island of Walcheren renounced the
yoke of Alva, Next, Enkbuizen, the key to the Zuyder Zee, the principal
arsenal, and one of the first commercial cities in the Netherlands, rose
against the Spanish Admiral, and hung out the banner of Orange on its
ramparts.  The revolution effected here was purely the work of the
people--of the mariners and burghers of the city.  Moreover, the
magistracy was set aside and the government of Alva repudiated without
shedding one drop of blood, without a single wrong to person or property.
By the same spontaneous movement, nearly all the important cities of
Holland and Zealand raised the standard of him in whom they recognized
their deliverer.  The revolution was accomplished under nearly similar
circumstances everywhere.  With one fierce bound of enthusiasm the nation
shook off its chain.  Oudewater, Dort, Harlem, Leyden, Gorcum,
Loewenstein, Gouda, Medenblik, Horn, Alkmaar, Edam, Monnikendam,
Purmerende, as well as Flushing, Veer, and Enkbuizen, all ranged
themselves under the government of Orange, as lawful stadholder for the
King.

Nor was it in Holland and Zealand alone that the beacon fires of freedom
were lighted.  City after city in Gelderland, Overyssel, and the See of
Utrecht; all the important towns of Friesland, some sooner, some later,
some without a struggle, some after a short siege, some with resistance
by the functionaries of government, some by amicable compromise, accepted
the garrisons of the Prince, and formally recognized his authority.  Out
of the chaos which a long and preternatural tyranny had produced, the
first struggling elements of a new and a better world began to appear.
It were superfluous to narrate the details which marked the sudden
restoration of liberty in these various groups of cities.  Traits of
generosity marked the change of government in some, circumstances of
ferocity, disfigured the revolution in others.  The island of Walcheren,
equally divided as it was between the two parties, was the scene of much
truculent and diabolical warfare.  It is difficult to say whether the
mutual hatred of race or the animosity of religious difference proved the
deadlier venom.  The combats were perpetual and sanguinary, the prisoners
on both sides instantly executed.  On more than one occasion; men were
seen assisting to hang with their own hands and in cold blood their own
brothers, who had been taken prisoners in the enemy's ranks.  When the
captives were too many to be hanged, they were tied back to back, two and
two, and thus hurled into the sea.  The islanders found a fierce pleasure
in these acts of cruelty.  A Spaniard had ceased to be human in their
eyes.  On one occasion, a surgeon at Veer cut the heart from a Spanish
prisoner, nailed it on a vessel's prow; and invited the townsmen to come
and fasten their teeth in it, which many did with savage satisfaction.

In other parts of the country the revolution was, on the whole,
accomplished with comparative calmness.  Even traits of generosity were
not uncommon.  The burgomaster of Gonda, long the supple slave of Alva
and the Blood Council, fled for his life as the revolt broke forth in
that city.  He took refuge in the house of a certain widow, and begged
for a place of concealment.  The widow led him to a secret closet which
served as a pantry.  "Shall I be secure there?"  asked the fugitive
functionary.  "O yes, sir Burgomaster," replied the widow, "'t was in
that very place that my husband lay concealed when you, accompanied by
the officers of justice, were searching the house, that you might bring
him to the scaffold for his religion.  Enter the pantry, your worship; I
will be responsible for your safety."  Thus faithfully did the humble
widow of a hunted and murdered Calvinist protect the life of the
magistrate who had brought desolation to her hearth.

Not all the conquests thus rapidly achieved in the cause of liberty were
destined to endure, nor were any to be, retained without a struggle.  The
little northern cluster of republics which had now restored its honor to
the ancient Batavian name was destined, however, for a long and vigorous
life.  From that bleak isthmus the light of freedom was to stream through
many years upon struggling humanity in Europe; a guiding pharos across a
stormy sea; and Harlem, Leyden, Alkmaar--names hallowed by deeds of
heroism such as have not often illustrated human annals, still breathe as
trumpet-tongued and perpetual a defiance to despotism as Marathon,
Thermopylae, or Salamis.

A new board of magistrates had been chosen in all the redeemed cities, by
popular election.  They were required to take an oath of fidelity to the
King of Spain, and to the Prince of Orange as his stadholder; to promise
resistance to the Duke of Alva, the tenth penny, and the inquisition;
to support every man's freedom and the welfare of the country; to protect
widows, orphans, and miserable persons, and to maintain justice and
truth.

Diedrich Sonoy arrived on the 2nd June at Enkbuizen.  He was provided by
the Prince with a commission, appointing him Lieutenant-Governor of North
Holland or Waterland.  Thus, to combat the authority of Alva was set up
the authority of the King.  The stadholderate over Holland and Zealand,
to which the Prince had been appointed in 1559, he now reassumed.  Upon
this fiction reposed the whole provisional polity of the revolted
Netherlands.  The government, as it gradually unfolded itself, from this
epoch forward until the declaration of independence and the absolute
renunciation of the Spanish sovereign power, will be sketched in a future
chapter.  The people at first claimed not an iota more of freedom than
was secured by Philip's coronation oath.  There was no pretence that
Philip was not sovereign, but there was a pretence and a determination to
worship God according to conscience, and to reclaim the ancient political
"liberties" of the land.  So long as Alva reigned, the Blood Council, the
inquisition, and martial law, were the only codes or courts, and every
charter slept.  To recover this practical liberty and these historical
rights, and to shake from their shoulders a most sanguinary government,
was the purpose of William and of the people.  No revolutionary standard
was displayed.

The written instructions given by the Prince to his Lieutenant Sonoy were
to "see that the Word of God was preached, without, however, suffering
any hindrance to the Roman Church in the exercise of its religion; to
restore fugitives and the banished for conscience sake, and to require of
all magistrates and officers of guilds and brotherhoods an oath of
fidelity."  The Prince likewise prescribed the form of that oath,
repeating therein, to his eternal honor, the same strict prohibition
of intolerance.  "Likewise," said the formula, "shall those of 'the
religion' offer no let or hindrance to the Roman churches."

The Prince was still in Germany, engaged in raising troops and providing
funds.  He directed; however, the affairs of the insurgent provinces in
their minutest details, by virtue of the dictatorship inevitably forced
upon him both by circumstances and by the people.  In the meantime; Louis
of Nassau, the Bayard of the Netherlands, performed a most unexpected and
brilliant exploit.  He had been long in France, negotiating with the
leaders of the Huguenots, and, more secretly, with the court.  He was
supposed by all the world to be still in that kingdom, when the startling
intelligence arrived that he had surprised and captured the important
city of Mons.  This town, the capital of Hainault, situate in a fertile,
undulating, and beautiful country, protected by lofty walls, a triple
moat, and a strong citadel, was one of the most flourishing and elegant
places in the Netherlands.  It was, moreover, from its vicinity to the
frontiers of France; a most important acquisition to the insurgent party.
The capture was thus accomplished.  A native of Mons, one Antony Oliver,
a geographical painter, had insinuated himself into the confidence of
Alva, for whom he had prepared at different times some remarkably well-
executed maps of the country.  Having occasion to visit France, he was
employed by the Duke to keep a watch upon the movements of Louis of
Nassau, and to make a report as to the progress of his intrigues with the
court of France.  The painter, however, was only a spy in disguise, being
in reality devoted to the cause of freedom, and a correspondent of Orange
and his family.  His communications with Louis, in Paris, had therefore a
far different result from the one anticipated by Alva.  A large number of
adherents within the city of Mons had already been secured, and a plan
was now arranged between Count Louis, Genlis, De la Noue, and other
distinguished Huguenot chiefs, to be carried out with the assistance of
the brave and energetic artist.

On the 23rd of May, Oliver appeared at the gates of Mons, accompanied by
three wagons, ostensibly containing merchandise, but in reality laden
with arquebusses.  These were secretly distributed among his confederates
in the city.  In the course of the day Count Louis arrived in the
neighbourhood, accompanied by five hundred horsemen and a thousand foot
soldiers.  This force he stationed in close concealment within the thick
forests between Maubeuge and Mons.  Towards evening he sent twelve of the
most trusty and daring of his followers, disguised as wine merchants,
into the city.  These individuals proceeded boldly to a public house,
ordered their supper, and while conversing with the landlord, carelessly
inquired at what hour next morning the city gates would be opened.  They
were informed that the usual hour was four in the morning, but that a
trifling present to the porter would ensure admission, if they desired
it, at an earlier hour.  They explained their inquiries by a statement
that they had some casks of wine which they wished to introduce into the
city before sunrise.  Having obtained all the information which they
needed, they soon afterwards left the tavern.  The next day they
presented themselves very early at the gate, which the porter, on promise
of a handsome "drink-penny," agreed to unlock.  No sooner were the bolts
withdrawn, however, than he was struck dead, while about fifty dragoons
rode through the gate.  The Count and his followers now galloped over the
city in the morning twilight, shouting "France!  liberty!  the town is
ours!"  "The Prince is coming!"  "Down with the tenth penny; down with
the murderous Alva!"  So soon as a burgher showed his wondering face at
the window, they shot at him with their carbines.  They made as much
noise, and conducted themselves as boldly as if they had been at least a
thousand strong.

Meantime, however, the streets remained empty; not one of their secret
confederates showing himself.  Fifty men could surprise, but were too few
to keep possession of the city.  The Count began to suspect a trap.  As
daylight approached the alarm spread; the position of the little band was
critical.  In his impetuosity, Louis had far outstripped his army, but
they had been directed to follow hard upon his footsteps, and he was
astonished that their arrival was so long delayed.  The suspense becoming
intolerable, he rode out of the city in quest of his adherents, and found
them wandering in the woods, where they had completely lost their way.
Ordering each horseman to take a foot soldier on the crupper behind him,
he led them rapidly back to Mons.  On the way they were encountered by La
Noue, "with the iron arm," and Genlis, who, meantime, had made an
unsuccessful attack to recover Valenciennes, which within a few hours had
been won and lost again.  As they reached the gates of Mons, they found
themselves within a hair's breadth of being too late; their adherents
had not come forth; the citizens had been aroused; the gates were all
fast but one--and there the porter was quarrelling with a French soldier
about an arquebuss.  The drawbridge across the moat was at the moment
rising; the last entrance was closing, when Guitoy de Chaumont, a French
officer, mounted on a light Spanish barb, sprang upon the bridge as it
rose.  His weight caused it to sink again, the gate was forced, and Louis
with all his men rode triumphantly into the town.

The citizens were forthwith assembled by sound of bell in the market-
place.  The clergy, the magistracy, and the general council were all
present.  Genlis made the first speech, in which he disclaimed all
intention of making conquests in the interest of France.  This pledge
having been given, Louis of Nassau next addressed the assembly: "The
magistrates," said he, "have not understoood my intentions.  I protest
that I am no rebel to the King; I prove it by asking no new oaths
from any man.  Remain bound by your old oaths of allegiance; let the
magistrates continue to exercise their functions--to administer justice.
I imagine that no person will suspect a brother of the Prince of Orange
capable of any design against the liberties of the country.  As to the
Catholic religion, I take it under my very particular protection.  You
will ask why I am in Mons at the head of an armed force: are any of you
ignorant of Alva's cruelties?  The overthrow of this tyrant is as much
the interest of the King as of the people, therefore there is nothing in
my present conduct inconsistent with fidelity to his Majesty.  Against
Alva alone I have taken up arms; 'tis to protect you against his fury
that I am here.  It is to prevent the continuance of a general rebellion
that I make war upon him.  The only proposition which I have to make to
you is this--I demand that you declare Alva de Toledo a traitor to the
King, the executioner of the people, an enemy to the country, unworthy of
the government, and hereby deprived of his authority."

The magistracy did not dare to accept so bold a proposition; the general
council, composing the more popular branch of the municipal government,
were comparatively inclined to favor Nassau, and many of its members
voted for the downfall of the tyrant.  Nevertheless the demands of Count
Louis were rejected.  His position thus became critical.  The civic
authorities refused to, pay for his troops, who were, moreover, too few,
in number to resist the inevitable siege.  The patriotism of the citizens
was not to be repressed, however, by the authority, of the magistrates;
many rich proprietors of the great cloth and silk manufactories, for
which Mons was famous, raised, and armed companies at their own expense;
many volunteer troops were also speedily organized and drilled, and the
fortifications were put in order.  No attempt was made to force the
reformed religion upon the inhabitants, and even Catholics who were
discovered in secret correspondence with the enemy were treated with such
extreme gentleness by Nassau as to bring upon him severe reproaches from
many of his own party.

A large collection of ecclesiastical plate, jewellery, money, and other
valuables, which had been sent to the city for safe keeping from the
churches and convents of the provinces, was seized, and thus, with little
bloodshed and no violence; was the important city secured for the
insurgents.  Three days afterwards, two thousand infantry, chiefly
French, arrived in the place.  In the early part of the following month
Louis was still further strengthened by the arrival of thirteen hundred
foot and twelve hundred horsemen, under command of Count Montgomery, the
celebrated officer, whose spear at the tournament had proved fatal to
Henry the Second.  Thus the Duke of Alva suddenly found himself exposed
to a tempest of revolution.  One thunderbolt after another seemed
descending around him in breathless succession.  Brill and Flushing had
been already lost; Middelburg was so closely invested that its fall
seemed imminent, and with it would go the whole island of Walcheren, the
key to all the Netherlands.  In one morning he had heard of the revolt of
Enkbuizen and of the whole Waterland; two hours later came the news of
the Valenciennes rebellion, and next day the astonishing capture of Mons.
One disaster followed hard upon another.  He could have sworn that the
detested Louis of Nassau, who had dealt this last and most fatal stroke,
was at that moment in Paris, safely watched by government emissaries; and
now he had, as it were, suddenly started out of the earth, to deprive him
of this important city, and to lay bare the whole frontier to the
treacherous attacks of faithless France.  He refused to believe the
intelligence when it was first announced to him, and swore that he had
certain information that Count Louis had been seen playing in the tennis-
court at Paris, within so short a period as to make his presence in
Hainault at that moment impossible.  Forced, at last, to admit the truth
of the disastrous news, he dashed his hat upon the ground in a fury,
uttering imprecations upon the Queen Dowager of France, to whose
perfidious intrigues he ascribed the success of the enterprise, and
pledging himself to send her Spanish thistles, enough in return for the
Florentine lilies which she had thus bestowed upon him.

In the midst of the perplexities thus thickening around him, the Duke
preserved his courage, if not his temper.  Blinded, for a brief season,
by the rapid attacks made upon him, he had been uncertain whither to
direct his vengeance.  This last blow in so vital a quarter determined
him at once.  He forthwith despatched Don Frederic to undertake the siege
of Mons, and earnestly set about raising large reinforcements to his
army.  Don Frederic took possession, without much opposition, of the
Bethlehem cloister in the immediate vicinity of the city, and with four
thousand troops began the investment in due form.

Alva had, for a long time, been most impatient to retire from the
provinces.  Even he was capable of human emotions.  Through the sevenfold
panoply of his pride he had been pierced by the sharpness of a nation's
curse.  He was wearied with the unceasing execrations which assailed his
ears.  "The hatred which the people bear me," said he, in a letter to
Philip, "because of the chastisement which it has been necessary for me
to inflict, although with all the moderation in the world, make all my
efforts vain.  A successor will meet more sympathy and prove more
useful."  On the 10th June, the Duke of Medina Coeli; with a fleet of
more than forty sail, arrived off Blankenburg, intending to enter the
Scheld.  Julian Romero, with two thousand Spaniards, was also on board
the fleet.  Nothing, of course, was known to the new comers of the
altered condition of affairs in the Netherlands, nor of the unwelcome
reception which they were like to meet in Flushing.  A few of the lighter
craft having been taken by the patriot cruisers, the alarm was spread
through all the fleet.  Medina Coeli, with a few transports, was enabled
to effect his escape to Sluys, whence he hastened to Brussels in a much
less ceremonious manner than he had originally contemplated.  Twelve
Biscayan ships stood out to sea, descried a large Lisbon fleet, by a
singular coincidence, suddenly heaving in sight, changed their course
again, and with a favoring breeze bore boldly up the Hond; passed
Flushing in spite of a severe cannonade from the forts, and eventually
made good their entrance into Rammekens, whence the soldiery, about one-
half of whom had thus been saved, were transferred at a very critical
moment to Middelburg.

The great Lisbon fleet followed in the wake of the Biscayans, with much
inferior success.  Totally ignorant of the revolution which had occurred
in the Ise of Walclieren, it obeyed the summons of the rebel fort to come
to anchor, and, with the exception of three or four, the vessels were all
taken.  It was the richest booty which the insurgents had yet acquired by
sea or land.  The fleet was laden with spices, money, jewellery, and the
richest merchandize.  Five hundred thousand crowns of gold were taken,
and it was calculated that the plunder altogether would suffice to
maintain the war for two years at least.  One thousand Spanish soldiers,
and a good amount of ammunition, were also captured.  The unexpected
condition of affairs made a pause natural and almost necessary, before
the government could be decorously transferred.  Medina Coeli with
Spanish grandiloquence, avowed his willingness to serve as a soldier,
under a general whom he so much venerated, while Alva ordered that, in
all respects, the same outward marks of respect should be paid to his
appointed successor as to himself.  Beneath all this external ceremony,
however, much mutual malice was concealed.

Meantime, the Duke, who was literally "without a single real," was forced
at last to smother his pride in the matter of the tenth penny.  On the
24th June, he summoned the estates of Holland to assemble on the 15th of
the ensuing month.  In the missive issued for this purpose, he formally
agreed to abolish the whole tax, on condition that the estates-general of
the Netherlands would furnish him with a yearly supply of two millions of
florins.  Almost at the same moment the King had dismissed the deputies
of the estates from Madrid, with the public assurance that the tax was to
be suspended, and a private intimation that it was not abolished in
terms, only in order to save the dignity of the Duke.

These healing measures came entirely too late.  The estates of Holland
met, indeed, on the appointed day of July; but they assembled not in
obedience to Alva, but in consequence of a summons from William of
Orange.  They met, too, not at the Hague, but at Dort, to take formal
measures for renouncing the authority of the Duke.  The first congress of
the Netherland commonwealth still professed loyalty to the Crown, but was
determined to accept the policy of Orange without a question.

The Prince had again assembled an army in Germany, consisting of
fifteen thousand foot and seven thousand horse, besides a number of
Netherlanders, mostly Walloons, amounting to nearly three thousand more.
Before taking the field, however, it was necessary that he should
guarantee at least three months' pay to his troops.  This he could no
longer do, except by giving bonds endorsed by certain cities of Holland
as his securities.  He had accordingly addressed letters in his own name
to all the principal cities, fervently adjuring them to remember, at
last, what was due to him, to the fatherland, and to their own character.
"Let not a sum of gold," said he in one of these letters, "be so dear to
you, that for its sake you will sacrifice your lives, your wives, your
children, and all your descendants, to the latest generations; that you
will bring sin and shame upon yourselves, and destruction upon us who
have so heartily striven to assist you.  Think what scorn you will incur
from foreign nations, what a crime you will commit against the.  Lord
God, what a bloody yoke ye will impose forever upon yourselves and your
children, if you now seek for subterfuges; if you now prevent us from
taking the field with the troops which we have enlisted.  On the other
hand, what inexpressible benefits you will confer on your country, if you
now help us to rescue that fatherland from the power of Spanish vultures
and wolves."

This and similar missives, circulated throughout the province of Holland,
produced a deep impression.  In accordance with his suggestions, the
deputies from the nobility and from twelve cities of that province
assembled on the 15th July, at Dort.  Strictly speaking, the estates or
government of Holland, the body which represented the whole people,
consisted of the nobler and six great cities.  On this occasion, however,
Amsterdam being still in the power of the King, could send no deputies,
while, on the other hand, all the small towns were invited to send up
their representatives to the Congress.  Eight accepted the proposal; the
rest declined to appoint delegates, partly from motives of economy,
partly from timidity.'

These estates were the legitimate representatives of the people, but
they had no legislative powers.  The people had never pretended to
sovereignty, nor did they claim it now.  The source from which the
government of the Netherlands was supposed to proceed was still the
divine mandate.  Even now the estates silently conceded, as they had ever
done, the supreme legislative and executive functions to the land's
master.  Upon Philip of Spain, as representative of Count Dirk the First
of Holland, had descended, through many tortuous channels, the divine
effluence originally supplied by Charles the Simple of France.  That
supernatural power was not contested, but it was now ingeniously turned
against the sovereign.  The King's authority was invoked against himself
in the person of the Prince of Orange, to whom, thirteen years before,
a portion of that divine right had been delegated.  The estates of
Holland met at Dort on the 15th July, as representatives of the people;
but they were summoned by Orange, royally commissioned in 1559 as
stadholder, and therefore the supreme legislative and executive officer
of certain provinces.  This was the theory of the provisional government.
The Prince represented the royal authority, the nobles represented both
themselves and the people of the open country, while the twelve cities
represented the whole body of burghers.  Together, they were supposed to
embody all authority, both divine and human, which a congress could
exercise.  Thus the whole movement was directed against Alva and against
Count Bossu, appointed stadholder by Alva in the place of Orange.
Philip's name was destined to figure for a long time, at the head
of documents by which monies were raised, troops levied, and taxes
collected, all to be used in deadly war against himself.

The estates were convened on the 15th July, when Paul Buys, pensionary of
Leyden, the tried and confidential friend of Orange, was elected Advocate
of Holland.  The convention was then adjourned till the 18th, when Saint
Aldegonde made his appearance, with full powers to act provisionally in
behalf of his Highness.

The distinguished plenipotentiary delivered before the congress a long
and very effective harangue.  He recalled the sacrifices and efforts of
the Prince during previous years.  He adverted to the disastrous campaign
of 1568, in which the Prince had appeared full of high hope, at the head
of a gallant army, but had been obliged, after a short period, to retire,
because not a city had opened its gates nor a Netherlander lifted his
finger in the cause.  Nevertheless, he had not lost courage nor closed
his heart; and now that, through the blessing of God, the eyes of men had
been opened, and so many cities had declared against the tyrant, the
Prince had found himself exposed to a bitter struggle.  Although his own
fortunes had been ruined in the cause, he had been unable to resist the
daily flood of petitions which called upon him to come forward once more.
He had again importuned his relations and powerful friends; he had at
last set on foot a new and well-appointed army.  The day of payment had
arrived.  Over his own head impended perpetual shame, over the fatherland
perpetual woe, if the congress should now refuse the necessary supplies.
"Arouse ye, then," cried the orator, with fervor, "awaken your own zeal
and that of your sister cities.  Seize Opportunity by the locks, who
never appeared fairer than she does to-day."

The impassioned eloquence of St.  Aldegonde produced a profound
impression.  The men who had obstinately refused the demands of Alva,
now unanimously resolved to pour forth their gold and their blood at
the call of Orange.  "Truly," wrote the Duke, a little later, "it almost
drives me mad to see the difficulty with which your Majesty's supplies
are furnished, and the liberality with which the people place their lives
and fortunes at the disposal of this rebel."  It seemed strange to the
loyal governor that men should support their liberator with greater
alacrity than that with which they served their destroyer!  It was
resolved that the requisite amount should be at once raised, partly
from the regular imposts and current "requests," partly by loans from
the rich, from the clergy, from the guilds and brotherhoods, partly from
superfluous church ornaments and other costly luxuries.  It was directed
that subscriptions should be immediately opened throughout the land, that
gold and silver plate, furniture, jewellery, and other expensive articles
should be received by voluntary contributions, for which inventories and
receipts should be given by the magistrates of each city, and that upon
these money should be raised, either by loan or sale.  An enthusiastic
and liberal spirit prevailed.  All seemed determined rather than pay the
tenth to Alva to pay the whole to the Prince.

The estates, furthermore, by unanimous resolution, declared that they
recognized the Prince as the King's lawful stadholder over Holland,
Zealand, Friesland, and Utrecht, and that they would use their influence
with the other provinces to procure his appointment as Protector of all
the Netherlands during the King's absence.  His Highness was requested to
appoint an Admiral, on whom, with certain deputies from the Water-cities,
the conduct of the maritime war should devolve.

The conduct of the military operations by land was to be directed by
Dort, Leyden, and Enkbuizen, in conjunction with the Count de la Marck.
A pledge was likewise exchanged between the estates and the pleni-
potentiary, that neither party should enter into any treaty with the
King, except by full consent and co-operation of the other.  With regard
to religion, it was firmly established, that the public exercises of
divine worship should be permitted not only to the Reformed Church, but
to the Roman Catholic--the clergy of both being protected from all
molestation.

After these proceedings, Count de la Marck made his appearance before the
assembly.  His commission from Orange was read to the deputies, and by
them ratified.  The Prince, in that document, authorized "his dear
cousin" to enlist troops, to accept the fealty of cities, to furnish them
with garrisons, to re-establish all the local laws, municipal rights, and
ancient privileges which had been suppressed.  He was to maintain freedom
of religion, under penalty of death to those who infringed it; he was to
restore all confiscated property; he was, with advice of his council, to
continue in office such city magistrates as were favorable, and to remove
those adverse to the cause.

The Prince was, in reality, clothed with dictatorial and even regal
powers.  This authority had been forced upon him by the prayers of the
people, but he manifested no eagerness as he partly accepted the onerous
station.  He was provisionally the depositary of the whole sovereignty of
the northern provinces, but ho cared much less for theories of government
than for ways and means.  It was his object to release the country from
the tyrant who, five years long, had been burning and butchering the
people.  It was his determination to drive out the foreign soldiery.  To
do this, he must meet his enemy in the field.  So little was he disposed
to strengthen his own individual power, that he voluntarily imposed
limits on himself, by an act, supplemental to the proceedings of the
Congress of Dort.  In this important ordinance made by the Prince of
Orange, as a provisional form of government, he publicly announced "that
he would do and ordain nothing except by the advice of the estates, by
reason that they were best acquainted with the circumstances and the
humours of the inhabitants."  He directed the estates to appoint
receivers for all public taxes, and ordained that all military officers
should make oath of fidelity to him, as stadholder, and to the estates of
Holland, to be true and obedient, in order to liberate the land from the
Albanian and Spanish tyranny, for the service of his royal Majesty as
Count of Holland.  The provisional constitution, thus made by a sovereign
prince and actual dictator, was certainly as disinterested as it was
sagacious.

Meanwhile the war had opened vigorously in Hainault.  Louis of Nassau
had no sooner found himself in possession of Mons than he had despatched
Genlis to France, for those reinforcements which had been promised by
royal lips.  On the other hand, Don Frederic held the city closely
beleaguered; sharp combats before the walls were of almost daily
occurrence, but it was obvious that Louis would be unable to maintain the
position into which he had so chivalrously thrown himself unless he
should soon receive important succor.  The necessary reinforcements were
soon upon the way.  Genlis had made good speed with his levy, and it was
soon announced that he was advancing into Hainault, with a force of
Huguenots, whose numbers report magnified to ten thousand veterans.
Louis despatched an earnest message to his confederate, to use extreme
caution in his approach.  Above all things, he urged him, before
attempting to throw reinforcements into the city, to effect a junction
with the Prince of Orange, who had already crossed the Rhine with his new
army.

Genlis, full of overweening confidence, and desirous of acquiring singly
the whole glory of relieving the city, disregarded this advice.  His
rashness proved his ruin, and the temporary prostration of the cause of
freedom.  Pushing rapidly forward across the French frontier, he arrived,
towards the middle of July, within two leagues of Mons.  The Spaniards
were aware of his approach, and well prepared to frustrate his project.
On the 19th, he found himself upon a circular plain of about a league's
extent, surrounded with coppices and forests, and dotted with farm-houses
and kitchen gardens.  Here he paused to send out a reconnoitring party.
The little detachment was, however, soon driven in, with the information
that Don Frederic of Toledo, with ten thousand men, was coming instantly
upon them.  The Spanish force, in reality, numbered four thousand
infantry, and fifteen hundred cavalry; but three thousand half-armed
boors had been engaged by Don Frederic, to swell his apparent force.  The
demonstration produced its effect, and no sooner had the first panic of
the intelligence been spread, than Noircarmes came charging upon them at
the head of his cavalry.  The infantry arrived directly afterwards, and
the Huguenots were routed almost as soon as seen.  It was a meeting
rather than a battle.  The slaughter of the French was very great, while
but an insignificant number of the Spaniards fell.  Chiappin Vitelli was
the hero of the day.  It was to his masterly arrangements before the
combat, and to his animated exertions upon the field, that the victory
was owing.  Having been severely wounded in the thigh but a few days
previously, he caused himself to be carried upon a litter in a recumbent
position in front of his troops, and was everywhere seen, encouraging
their exertions, and exposing himself, crippled as he was, to the whole
brunt of the battle.  To him the victory nearly proved fatal; to Don
Frederic it brought increased renown.  Vitelli's exertions, in his
precarious condition, brought on severe inflammation, under which he
nearly succumbed, while the son of Alva reaped extensive fame from the
total overthrow of the veteran Huguenots, due rather to his lieutenant
and to Julian Romero.

The number of dead left by the French upon the plain amounted to at least
twelve hundred, but a much larger number was butchered in detail by the
peasantry, among whom they attempted to take refuge, and who had not yet
forgotten the barbarities inflicted by their countrymen in the previous
war.  Many officers were taken prisoners, among whom was the Commander-
in-chief, Genlis.

That unfortunate gentleman was destined to atone for his rashness and
obstinacy with his life.  He was carried to the castle of Antwerp, where,
sixteen months afterwards, he was secretly strangled by command of Alva,
who caused the report to be circulated that he had died a natural death.
About one hundred foot soldiers succeeded in making their entrance into
Mona, and this was all the succor which Count Louis was destined to
receive from France, upon which country he had built such lofty and such
reasonable hopes.

While this unfortunate event was occurring, the Prince had already put
his army in motion.  On the 7th of July he had crossed the Rhine at
Duisburg, with fourteen thousand foot, seven thousand horse, enlisted in
Germany, besides a force of three thousand Walloons.  On the 23rd of
July, he took the city of Roermond, after a sharp cannonade, at which
place his troops already began to disgrace the honorable cause in which
they were engaged, by imitating the cruelties and barbarities of their
antagonists.  The persons and property of the burghers were, with a very
few exceptions, respected; but many priests and monks were put to death
by the soldiery under circumstances of great barbarity.  The Prince,
incensed at such conduct, but being unable to exercise very stringent
authority over troops whose wages he was not yet able to pay in full,
issued a proclamation, denouncing such excesses, and commanding his
followers, upon pain of death, to respect the rights of all individuals,
whether Papist or Protestant, and to protect religious exercises both in
Catholic and Reformed churches.

It was hardly to be expected that the troops enlisted by the Prince in
the same great magazine of hireling soldiers, Germany, from whence the
Duke also derived his annual supplies, would be likely to differ very
much in their propensities from those enrolled under Spanish banners; yet
there was a vast contrast between the characters of the two commanders.
One leader inculcated the practice of robbery, rape, and murder, as a
duty, and issued distinct orders to butcher every mother's son in the
cities which he captured; the other restrained every excess to, the
utmost of his ability, protecting not only life and property, but even
the ancient religion.

The Emperor Maximilian had again issued his injunctions against the
military operations of Orange.  Bound to the monarch of Spain by so many
family ties, being at once cousin, brother-in-law, and father-in-law of
Philip, it was difficult for him to maintain the attitude which became
him, as chief of that Empire to which the peace of Passau had assured
religious freedom.  It had, however, been sufficiently proved that
remonstrances and intercessions addressed to Philip were but idle breath.
It had therefore become an insult to require pacific conduct from the
Prince on the ground of any past or future mediation.  It was a still
grosser mockery to call upon him to discontinue hostilities because the
Netherlands were included in the Empire, and therefore protected by the
treaties of Passau and Augsburg.  Well did the Prince reply to his
Imperial Majesty's summons in a temperate but cogent letter, in which he
addressed to him from his camp, that all intercessions had proved
fruitless, and that the only help for the Netherlands was the sword.

The Prince had been delayed for a month at Roermonde, because, as he
expressed it; "he had not a single sou,"  and because, in consequence,
the troops refused to advance into the Netherlands.  Having at last been
furnished with the requisite guarantees from the Holland cities for three
months' pay, on the 27th of August, the day of the publication of his
letter to the Emperor, he crossed the Meuse and took his circuitous way
through Diest, Tirlemont, Sichem, Louvain, Mechlin, Termonde, Oudenarde,
Nivelles.  Many cities and villages accepted his authority and admitted
his garrisons.  Of these Mechlin was the most considerable, in which he
stationed a detachment of his troops.  Its doom was sealed in that
moment.  Alva could not forgive this act of patriotism on the part of a
town which had so recently excluded his own troops.  "This is a direct
permission of God," he wrote, in the spirit of dire and revengeful
prophecy, "for us to punish her as she deserves, for the image-breaking
and other misdeeds done there in the time of Madame de Parma, which our
Lord was not willing to pass over without chastisement."

Meantime the Prince continued his advance.  Louvain purchased its
neutrality for the time with sixteen thousand ducats; Brussels
obstinately refused to listen to him, and was too powerful to be forcibly
attacked at that juncture; other important cities, convinced by the
arguments and won by the eloquence of the various proclamations which he
scattered as he advanced, ranged themselves spontaneously and even
enthusiastically upon his side.  How different world have been the result
of his campaign but for the unexpected earthquake which at that instant
was to appal Christendom, and to scatter all his well-matured plans and
legitimate hopes.  His chief reliance, under Providence and his own
strong heart, had been upon French assistance.  Although Genlis, by his
misconduct, had sacrificed his army and himself, yet the Prince as still
justly sanguine as to the policy of the French court.  The papers which
had been found in the possession of Genlis by his conquerors all spoke
one language.  "You would be struck with stupor," wrote Alva's secretary,
"could you see a letter which is now in my power, addressed by the King
of France to Louis of Nassau."  In that letter the King had declared his
determination to employ all the forces which God had placed in his hands
to rescue the Netherlands from the oppression under which they were
groaning.  In accordance with the whole spirit and language of the French
government, was the tone of Coligny in his correspondence with Orange.
The Admiral assured the Prince that there was no doubt as to the
earnestness of the royal intentions in behalf of the Netherlands, and
recommending extreme caution, announced his hope within a few days to
effect a junction with him at the head of twelve thousand French
arquebusiers, and at least three thousand cavalry.  Well might the
Prince of Orange, strong, and soon to be strengthened, boast that the
Netherlands were free, and that Alva was in his power.  He had a right
to be sanguine, for nothing less than a miracle could now destroy his
generous hopes--and, alas!  the miracle took place; a miracle of perfidy
and bloodshed such as the world, familiar as it had ever been and was
still to be with massacre, had not yet witnessed.  On the 11th of August,
Coligny had written thus hopefully of his movements towards the
Netherlands, sanctioned and aided by his King.  A fortnight from that
day occurred the "Paris-wedding;" and the Admiral, with thousands of his
religious confederates, invited to confidence by superhuman treachery,
and lulled into security by the music of august marriage bells, was
suddenly butchered in the streets of Paris by royal and noble hands.

The Prince proceeded on his march, during which the heavy news had been
brought to him, but he felt convinced that, with the very arrival of the
awful tidings, the fate of that campaign was sealed, and the fall of Mons
inevitable.  In his own language, he had been struck to the earth "with
the blow of a sledge-hammer,"--nor did the enemy draw a different augury
from the great event.

The crime was not committed with the connivance of the Spanish
government.  On the contrary, the two courts were at the moment bitterly
hostile to each other.  In the beginning of the summer, Charles IX. and
his advisers were as false to Philip, as at the end of it they were
treacherous to Coligny and Orange.  The massacre of the Huguenots had
not even the merit of being a well-contrived and intelligently executed
scheme.  We have seen how steadily, seven years before, Catharine de
Medici had rejected the advances of Alva towards the arrangement of a
general plan for the extermination of all heretics within France and the
Netherlands at the same moment.  We have seen the disgust with which Alva
turned from the wretched young King at Bayonne, when he expressed the
opinion that to take arms against his own subjects was wholly out of the
question, and could only be followed by general ruin.  "'Tis easy to see
that he has been tutored," wrote Alva to his master.  Unfortunately,
the same mother; who had then instilled those lessons of hypocritical
benevolence, had now wrought upon her son's cowardly but ferocious nature
with a far different intent.  The incomplete assassination of Coligny,
the dread of signal vengeance at the hands of the Huguenots, the
necessity of taking the lead in the internecine snuggle; were employed
with Medicean art, and with entire success.  The King was lashed into a
frenzy.  Starting to his feet, with a howl of rage and terror, "I agree
to the scheme," he cried, "provided not one Huguenot be left alive in
France to reproach me with the deed."

That night the slaughter commenced.  The long premeditated crime was
executed in a panic, but the work was thoroughly done.  The King,
who a few days before had written with his own hand to Louis of Nassau,
expressing his firm determination to sustain the Protestant cause both in
France and the Netherlands, who had employed the counsels of Coligny in
the arrangement, of his plans, and who had sent French troops, under
Genlis and La None, to assist their Calvinist brethren in Flanders, now
gave the signal for the general massacre of the Protestants, and with his
own hands, from his own palace windows, shot his subjects with his
arquebuss as if they had been wild beasts.

Between Sunday and Tuesday, according to one of the most moderate
calculations, five thousand Parisians of all ranks were murdered.  Within
the whole kingdom, the number of victims was variously estimated at from
twenty-five thousand to one hundred thousand.  The heart of Protestant
Europe, for an instant, stood still with horror.  The Queen of England
put on mourning weeds, and spurned the apologies of the French envoy with
contempt.  At Rome, on the contrary, the news of the massacre created a
joy beyond description.  The Pope, accompanied by his cardinals, went
solemnly to the church of Saint Mark to render thanks to God for the
grace thus singularly vouchsafed to the Holy See and to all Christendom;
and a Te Deum was performed in presence of the same august assemblage.

But nothing could exceed the satisfaction which the event occasioned in
the mind of Philip the Second.  There was an end now of all assistance
from the French government to the Netherland Protestants.  "The news of
the events upon Saint Bartholomew's day," wrote the French envoy at
Madrid, Saint Goard, to Charles IX., "arrived on the 7th September.  The
King, on receiving the intelligence, showed, contrary to his natural
custom, so much gaiety, that he seemed more delighted than with all the
good fortune or happy incidents which had ever before occurred to him.
He called all his familiars about him in order to assure them that your
Majesty was his good brother, and that no one else deserved the title of
Most Christian.  He sent his secretary Cayas to me with his felicitations
upon the event, and with the information that he was just going to Saint
Jerome to render thanks to God, and to offer his prayers that your
Majesty might receive Divine support in this great affair.  I went to
see him next morning, and as soon as I came into his presence he began
to laugh, and with demonstrations of extreme contentment, to praise your
Majesty as deserving your title of Most Christian, telling me there was
no King worthy to be your Majesty's companion, either for valor or
prudence.  He praised the steadfast resolution and the long dissimulation
of so great an enterprise, which all the world would not be able to
comprehend."

"I thanked him," continued the embassador, "and I said that I thanked
God for enabling your Majesty to prove to his Master that his apprentice
had learned his trade, and deserved his title of most Christian King.
I added, that he ought to confess that he owed the preservation of the
Netherlands to your Majesty."

Nothing certainly could, in Philip's apprehension, be more delightful
than this most unexpected and most opportune intelligence.  Charles IX.,
whose intrigues in the Netherlands he had long known, had now been
suddenly converted by this stupendous crime into his most powerful ally,
while at the same time the Protestants of Europe would learn that there
was still another crowned head in Christendom more deserving of
abhorrence than himself.  He wrote immediately to Alva, expressing his
satisfaction that the King of France had disembarrassed himself of such
pernicious men, because he would now be obliged to cultivate the
friendship of Spain, neither the English Queen nor the German Protestants
being thenceforth capable of trusting him.  He informed the Duke,
moreover, that the French envoy, Saint Goard, had been urging him to
command the immediate execution of Genlis and his companions, who had
been made prisoners, as well as all the Frenchmen who would be captured
in Mons; and that he fully concurred in the propriety of the measure.
"The sooner," said Philip, "these noxious plants are extirpated from the
earth, the less fear there is that a fresh crop will spring up."  The
monarch therefore added, with his own hand, to the letter, "I desire that
if you have not already disembarrassed the world of them, you will do it
immediately, and inform me thereof, for I see no reason why it should be
deferred."

This is the demoniacal picture painted by the French ambassador, and by
Philip's own hand, of the Spanish monarch's joy that his "Most Christian"
brother had just murdered twenty-five thousand of his own subjects.  In
this cold-blooded way, too, did his Catholic Majesty order the execution
of some thousand Huguenots additionally, in order more fully to carry out
his royal brother's plans; yet Philip could write of himself, "that all
the world recognized the gentleness of his nature and the mildness of his
intentions."

In truth, the advice thus given by Saint Goard on the subject of the
French prisoners in Alva's possessions, was a natural result of the Saint
Bartholomew.  Here were officers and soldiers whom Charles IX. had
himself sent into the Netherlands to fight for the Protestant cause
against Philip and Alva.  Already, the papers found upon them had placed
him in some embarrassment, and exposed his duplicity to the Spanish
government, before the great massacre had made such signal reparation for
his delinquency.  He had ordered Mondoucet, his envoy in the Netherlands,
to use dissimulation to an unstinted amount, to continue his intrigues
with the Protestants, and to deny stoutly all proofs of such connivance.
"I see that the papers found upon Genlis;" he wrote twelve days before
the massacre, "have been put into the hands of Assonleville, and that
they know everything done by Genlis to have been committed with my
consent."

     [These remarkable letters exchanged between Charles IX. and
     Mondoucet have recently been published by M. Emile Gachet (chef du
     bureau paleographique aux Archives de Belgique) from a manuscript
     discovered by him in the library at Rheims.--Compte Rendu de la Com.
     Roy. d'Hist., iv. 340, sqq.]

"Nevertheless, you will tell the Duke of Alva that these are lies invented
to excite suspicion against me.  You will also give him occasional
information of the enemy's affairs, in order to make him believe in your
integrity.  Even if he does not believe you, my purpose will be answered,
provided you do it dexterously.  At the same time you must keep up a
constant communication with the Prince of Orange, taking great care to
prevent discovery of your intelligence with King."

Were not these masterstrokes of diplomacy worthy of a King whom his
mother, from boyhood upwards, had caused to study Macchiavelli's
"Prince," and who had thoroughly taken to heart the maxim, often repeated
in those days, that the "Science of reigning was the science of lying"?

The joy in the Spanish camp before Mons was unbounded.  It was as if the
only bulwark between the Netherland rebels and total destruction had been
suddenly withdrawn.  With anthems in Saint Gudule, with bonfires, festive
illuminations, roaring artillery, with trumpets also, and with shawms,
was the glorious holiday celebrated in court and camp, in honor of the
vast murder committed by the Most Christian King upon his Christian
subjects; nor was a moment lost in apprising the Huguenot soldiers shut
up with Louis of Nassau in the beleaguered city of the great catastrophe
which was to render all their valor fruitless.  "'T was a punishment,"
said a Spanish soldier, who fought most courageously before Mons, and who
elaborately described the siege afterwards, "well worthy of a king whose
title is 'The Most Christian,' and it was still more honorable to inflict
it with his own hands as he did."  Nor was the observation a pithy
sarcasm, but a frank expression of opinion, from a man celebrated alike
for the skill with which he handled both his sword and his pen.

The, French envoy in the Netherlands was, of course, immediately informed
by his sovereign of the great event: Charles IX. gave a very pithy
account of the transaction.  "To prevent the success of the enterprise
planned by the Admiral," wrote the King on the 26th of August, with hands
yet reeking, and while the havoc throughout France was at its height,
"I have been obliged to permit the said Guises to rush upon the said
Admiral,--which they have done, the said Admiral having been killed and
all his adherents.  A very great number of those belonging to the new
religion have also been massacred and cut to pieces.  It is probable that
the fire thus kindled will spread through all the cities of my kingdom,
and that all those of the said religion will be made sure of." Not
often, certainly, in history, has a Christian king spoken thus calmly
of butchering his subjects while the work was proceeding all around
him.  It is to be observed, moreover, that the usual excuse for such
enormities, religious fanaticism, can not be even suggested on this
occasion.  Catharine, in times past had favored Huguenots as much as
Catholics, while Charles had been, up to the very moment of the crime,
in strict alliance with the heretics of both France and Flanders, and
furthering the schemes of Orange and Nassau.  Nay, even at this very
moment, and in this very letter in which he gave the news of the
massacre, he charged his envoy still to maintain the closest but most
secret intelligence with the Prince of Orange; taking great care that
the Duke of Alva should not discover these relations.  His motives were,
of course, to prevent the Prince from abandoning his designs, and from
coming to make a disturbance in France.  The King, now that the deed was
done, was most anxious to reap all the fruits of his crime.  "Now, M. de
Mondoucet, it is necessary in such affairs," he continued, "to have an
eye to every possible contingency.  I know that this news will be most
agreeable to the Duke of Alva, for it is most favorable to his designs.
At the same time, I don't desire that he alone should gather the fruit.
I don't choose that he should, according to his excellent custom, conduct
his affairs in such wise as to throw the Prince of Orange upon my hands,
besides sending back to France Genlis and the other prisoners, as well
as the French now shut up in Mons."

This was a sufficiently plain hint, which Mondoucet could not well
misunderstand.  "Observe the Duke's countenance carefully when you
give him this message," added the King, "and let me know his reply."
In order, however, that there might be no mistake about the matter,
Charles wrote again to his ambassador, five days afterwards, distinctly
stating the regret which he should feel if Alva should not take the city
of Mons, or if he should take it by composition.  "Tell the Duke," said
he, "that it is most important for the service of his master and of God
that those Frenchmen and others in Mons should be cut in pieces."  He
wrote another letter upon the name day, such was his anxiety upon the
subject, instructing the envoy to urge upon Alva the necessity of
chastising those rebels to the French crown.  "If he tells you,"
continued Charles, "that this is tacitly requiring him to put to death
all the French prisoners now in hand as well to cut in pieces every man
in Mons, you will say to him that this is exactly what he ought to do,
and that he will be guilty of a great wrong to Christianity if he does
otherwise."  Certainly, the Duke, having been thus distinctly ordered,
both by his own master and by his Christian Majesty, to put every
one of these Frenchmen to death, had a sufficiency of royal warrant.
Nevertheless, he was not able to execute entirely these ferocious
instructions.  The prisoners already in his power were not destined to
escape, but the city of Mons, in his own language, "proved to have
sharper teeth than he supposed."

Mondoucet lost no time in placing before Alva the urgent necessity of
accomplishing the extensive and cold-blooded massacre thus proposed.
"The Duke has replied," wrote the envoy to his sovereign, "that he is
executing his prisoners every day, and that he has but a few left.
Nevertheless, for some reason which he does not mention, he is reserving
the principal noblemen and chiefs."  He afterwards informed his master
that Genlis, Jumelles, and the other leaders, had engaged, if Alva would
grant them a reasonable ransom, to induce the French in Mons to leave
the city, but that the Duke, although his language was growing less
confident, still hoped to take the town by assault.  "I have urged him,"
he added, "to put them all to death, assuring him that he would be
responsible for the consequences of a contrary course."--"Why does not
your Most Christian master," asked Alva, "order these Frenchmen in Mons
to come to him under oath to make no disturbance?  Then my prisoners will
be at my discretion and I shall get my city."--"Because," answered the
envoy, "they will not trust his Most Christian Majesty, and will prefer
to die in Mons."--[Mondoucet to Charles IX., 15th September, 1572.]

This certainly was a most sensible reply, but it is instructive to
witness the cynicism with which the envoy accepts this position for his
master, while coldly recording the results of all these sanguinary
conversations.

Such was the condition of affairs when the Prince of Orange arrived at
Peronne, between Binche and the Duke of Alva's entrenchments.  The
besieging army was rich in notabilities of elevated rank.  Don Frederic
of Toledo had hitherto commanded, but on the 27th of August, the Dukes of
Medina Coeli and of Alva had arrived in the camp.  Directly afterwards
came the warlike Archbishop of Cologne, at the head of two thousand
cavalry.  There was but one chance for the Prince of Orange, and
experience had taught him, four years before, its slenderness.  He might
still provoke his adversary into a pitched battle, and he relied upon God
for the result.  In his own words, "he trusted ever that the great God of
armies was with him, and would fight in the midst of his forces."  If so
long as Alva remained in his impregnable camp, it was impossible to
attack him, or to throw reinforcements into Mons.  The Prince soon found,
too, that Alva was far too wise to hazard his position by a superfluous
combat.  The Duke knew that the cavalry of the Prince was superior to his
own.  He expressed himself entirely unwilling to play into the Prince's
hands, instead of winning the game which was no longer doubtful.  The
Huguenot soldiers within Mons were in despair and mutiny; Louis of Nassau
lay in his bed consuming with a dangerous fever; Genlis was a prisoner,
and his army cut to pieces; Coligny was murdered, and Protestant France
paralyzed; the troops of Orange, enlisted but for three months, were
already rebellious, and sure to break into open insubordination when the
consequences of the Paris massacre should become entirely clear to them;
and there were, therefore, even more cogent reasons than in 1568, why
Alva should remain perfectly still, and see his enemy's cause founder
before his eyes.  The valiant Archbishop of Cologne was most eager for
the fray.  He rode daily at the Duke's side, with harness on his back and
pistols in his holsters, armed and attired like one of his own troopers,
and urging the Duke, with vehemence, to a pitched battle with the Prince.
The Duke commended, but did not yield to, the prelate's enthusiasm.
"'Tis a fine figure of a man, with his corslet and pistols," he wrote to
Philip, "and he shows great affection for your Majesty's service."

The issue of the campaign was inevitable.  On the 11th September, Don
Frederic, with a force of four thousand picked men, established himself
at Saint Florian, a village near the Havre gate of the city, while the
Prince had encamped at Hermigny, within half a league of the same place,
whence he attempted to introduce reinforcements into the town.  On the
night of the 11th and 12th, Don Frederic hazarded an encamisada upon the
enemy's camp, which proved eminently successful, and had nearly resulted
in the capture of the Prince himself.  A chosen band of six hundred
arquebussers, attired, as was customary in these nocturnal expeditions,
with their shirts outside their armor, that they might recognize each
other in the darkness, were led by Julian Romero, within the lines of the
enemy.  The sentinels were cut down, the whole army surprised, and for a
moment powerless, while, for two hours long, from one o'clock in the
morning until three, the Spaniards butchered their foes, hardly aroused
from their sleep, ignorant by how small a force they had been thus
suddenly surprised, and unable in the confusion to distinguish between
friend and foe.  The boldest, led by Julian in person, made at once for
the Prince's tent.  His guards and himself were in profound sleep, but a
small spaniel, who always passed the night upon his bed, was a more
faithful sentinel.  The creature sprang forward, barking furiously at the
sound of hostile footsteps, and scratching his master's face with his
paws.--There was but just time for the Prince to mount a horse which was
ready saddled, and to effect his escape through the darkness, before his
enemies sprang into the tent.  His servants were cut down, his master of
the horse and two of his secretaries, who gained their saddles a moment
later, all lost their lives, and but for the little dog's watchfulness,
William of Orange, upon whose shoulders the whole weight of his country's
fortunes depended, would have been led within a week to an ignominious
death.  To his dying day, the Prince ever afterwards kept a spaniel of
the same race in his bed-chamber.  The midnight slaughter still
continued, but the Spaniards in their fury, set fire to the tents.  The
glare of the conflagration showed the Orangists by how paltry a force
they had been surprised.  Before they could rally, however, Romero led
off his arquebusiers, every one of whom had at least killed his man.
Six hundred of the Prince's troops had been put to the sword, while many
others were burned in their beds, or drowned in the little rivulet which
flowed outside their camp.  Only sixty Spaniards lost their lives.

This disaster did not alter the plans of the Prince, for those plans had
already been frustrated.  The whole marrow of his enterprise had been
destroyed in an instant by the massacre of Saint Bartholomew.  He
retreated to Wronne and Nivelles, an assassin, named Heist, a German,
by birth, but a French chevalier, following him secretly in his camp,
pledged to take his life for a large reward promised by Alva--an
enterprise not destined, however, to be successful.  The soldiers flatly
refused to remain an hour longer in the field, or even to furnish an
escort for Count Louis, if, by chance, he could be brought out of the
town.  The Prince was obliged to inform his brother of the desperate
state of his affairs, and to advise him to capitulate on the best terms
which he could make.  With a heavy heart, he left the chivalrous Louis
besieged in the city which he had so gallantly captured, and took his way
across the Meuse towards the Rhine.  A furious mutiny broke out among his
troops.  His life was, with difficulty, saved from the brutal soldiery--
infuriated at his inability to pay them, except in the over-due
securities of the Holland cities--by the exertions of the officers who
still regarded him with veneration and affection.  Crossing the Rhine at
Orsoy, he disbanded his army and betook himself, almost alone, to
Holland.

Yet even in this hour of distress and defeat, the Prince seemed more
heroic than many a conqueror in his day of triumph.  With all his hopes
blasted, with the whole fabric of his country's fortunes shattered by the
colossal crime of his royal ally, he never lost his confidence in himself
nor his unfaltering trust in God.  All the cities which, but a few weeks
before, had so eagerly raised his standard, now fell off at once.  He
went to Holland, the only province which remained true, and which still
looked up to him as its saviour, but he went thither expecting and
prepared to perish.  "There I will make my sepulchre," was his simple and
sublime expression in a private letter to his brother.

He had advanced to the rescue of Louis, with city after city opening its
arms to receive him.  He had expected to be joined on the march by
Coligny, at the head of a chosen army, and he was now obliged to leave
his brother to his fate, having the massacre of the Admiral and his
confederates substituted for their expected army of assistance, and with
every city and every province forsaking his cause as eagerly as they had
so lately embraced it.  "It has pleased God," he said, "to take away
every hope which we could have founded upon man; the King has published
that the massacre was by his orders, and has forbidden all his subjects,
upon pain of death, to assist me; he has, moreover, sent succor to Alva.
Had it not been for this, we had been masters of the Duke, and should
have made him capitulate at our pleasure."  Yet even then he was not cast
down.

Nor was his political sagacity liable to impeachment by the extent to
which he had been thus deceived by the French court.  "So far from being
reprehensible that I did not suspect such a crime," he said, "I should
rather be chargeable with malignity had I been capable of so sinister a
suspicion.  'Tis not an ordinary thing to conceal such enormous
deliberations under the plausible cover of a marriage festival."

Meanwhile, Count Louis lay confined to his couch with a burning fever.
His soldiers refused any longer to hold the city, now that the altered
intentions of Charles IX. were known and the forces of Orange withdrawn.
Alva offered the most honorable conditions, and it was therefore
impossible for the Count to make longer resistance.  The city was so
important, and time was at that moment so valuable that the Duke was
willing to forego his vengeance upon the rebel whom he so cordially
detested, and to be satisfied with depriving, him of the prize which he
had seized with such audacity.  "It would have afforded me sincere
pleasure," wrote the Duke, "over and above the benefit to God and your
Majesty, to have had the Count of Nassau in my power.  I would overleap
every obstacle to seize him, such is the particular hatred which I bear
the man."  Under, the circumstances, however, he acknowledged that the
result of the council of war could only be to grant liberal terms.

On the 19th September, accordingly, articles of capitulation were signed
between the distinguished De la None with three others on the one part,
and the Seigneur de Noircarmes and three others on the side of Spain.
The town was given over to Alva, but all the soldiers were to go out with
their weapons and property.  Those of the townspeople who had borne arms
against his Majesty, and all who still held to the Reformed religion,
were to retire with the soldiery.  The troops were to pledge themselves
not to serve in future against the Kings of France or Spain, but from
this provision Louis, with his English and German soldiers, was expressly
excepted, the Count indignantly repudiating the idea of such a pledge, or
of discontinuing his hostilities for an instant.  It was also agreed that
convoys should be furnished, and hostages exchanged, for the due
observance of the terms of the treaty.  The preliminaries having been
thus settled, the patriot forces abandoned the town.

Count Louis, rising from his sick bed, paid his respects in person to the
victorious generals, at their request.  He was received in Alva's camp
with an extraordinary show of admiration and esteem.  The Duke of Medina
Coeli overwhelmed him with courtesies and "basolomanos," while Don
Frederic assured him, in the high-flown language of Spanish compliment,
that there was nothing which he would not do to serve him, and that he
would take a greater pleasure in executing his slightest wish than if he
had been his next of kin.

As the Count next day, still suffering with fever, and attired in his
long dressing-gown, was taking his departure from the city, he ordered
his carriage to stop at the entrance to Don Frederic's quarters.  That
general, who had been standing incognito near the door, gazing with
honest admiration at the hero of so many a hard-fought field, withdrew
as he approached, that he might not give the invalid the trouble of
alighting.  Louis, however, recognising him, addressed him with the
Spanish salutation, "Perdone vuestra Senoria la pesedumbre," and paused
at the gate.  Don Frederic, from politeness to his condition, did not
present himself, but sent an aid-de-camp to express his compliments and
good wishes.  Having exchanged these courtesies, Louis left the city,
conveyed, as had been agreed upon, by a guard of Spanish troops.  There
was a deep meaning in the respect with which the Spanish generals had
treated the rebel chieftain.  Although the massacre of Saint Bartholomew
met with Alva's entire approbation, yet it was his cue to affect a holy
horror at the event, and he avowed that he would "rather cut off both his
hands than be guilty of such a deed"--as if those hangman's hands had the
right to protest against any murder, however wholesale.  Count Louis
suspected at once, and soon afterwards thoroughly understood; the real
motives of the chivalrous treatment which he had received.  He well knew
that these very men would have sent him to the scaffold; had he fallen
into their power, and he therefore estimated their courtesy at its proper
value.

It was distinctly stated, in the capitulation of the city, that all the
soldiers, as well as such of the inhabitants as had borne arms, should be
allowed to leave the city, with all their property.  The rest of the
people, it was agreed, might remain without molestation to their persons
or estates.  It has been the general opinion of historians that the
articles of this convention were maintained by the conquerors in good
faith.  Never was a more signal error.  The capitulation was made late
at night, on the 20th September, without the provision which Charles IX.
had hoped for: the massacre, namely, of De la None and his companions.
As for Genlis and those who had been taken prisoners at his defeat,
their doom had already been sealed.  The city was evacuated on the 21st
September: Alva entered it upon the 24th.  Most of the volunteers
departed with the garrison, but many who had, most unfortunately,
prolonged their farewells to their families, trusting to the word of the
Spanish Captain Molinos, were thrown into prison.  Noircarmes the butcher
of Valenciennes, now made his appearance in Mons.  As grand bailiff of
Hainault, he came to the place as one in authority, and his deeds were
now to complete the infamy which must for ever surround his name.
In brutal violation of the terms upon which the town had surrendered,
he now set about the work of massacre and pillage.  A Commission of
Troubles, in close imitation of the famous Blood Council at Brussels, was
established, the members of the tribunal being appointed by Noircarmes,
and all being inhabitants of the town.  The council commenced proceedings
by condemning all the volunteers, although expressly included .in the
capitulation.  Their wives and children were all banished; their property
all confiscated.  On the 15th December, the executions commenced.  The
intrepid De Leste, silk manufacturer, who had commanded a band of
volunteers, and sustained during the siege the assaults of Alva's troops
with remarkable courage at a very critical moment, was one of the
earliest victims.  In consideration "that he was a gentleman, and not
among the most malicious," he was executed by sword.  "In respect that he
heard the mass, and made a sweet and Catholic end," it was allowed that
he should be "buried in consecrated earth."  Many others followed in
quick succession.  Some were beheaded, some were hanged, some were burned
alive.  All who had borne arms or worked at the fortifications were,
of course, put to death.  Such as refused to confess and receive the
Catholic sacraments perished by fire.  A poor wretch, accused of having
ridiculed these mysteries, had his tongue torn out before being beheaded.
A cobbler, named Blaise Bouzet, was hanged for having eaten meat-soup
upon Friday.  He was also accused of going to the Protestant preachings
for the sake of participating in the alms distributed an these occasions,
a crime for which many other paupers were executed.  An old man of sixty-
two was sent to the scaffold for having permitted his son to bear arms
among the volunteers.  At last, when all pretexts were wanting to justify
executions; the council assigned as motives for its decrees an adhesion
of heart on the part of the victims to the cause of the insurgents,
or to the doctrines of the Reformed Church.  Ten, twelve, twenty persons,
were often hanged, burned, or beheaded in a single day.  Gibbets laden
with mutilated bodies lined the public highways,--while Noircarmes, by
frightful expressions of approbation, excited without ceasing the fury of
his satellites.  This monster would perhaps, be less worthy of execration
had he been governed in these foul proceedings by fanatical bigotry or by
political hatred; but his motives were of the most sordid description.
It was mainly to acquire gold for himself that he ordained all this
carnage.  With the same pen which signed the death-sentences of the
richest victims, he drew orders to his own benefit on their confiscated
property.  The lion's share of the plunder was appropriated by himself.
He desired the estate; of Francois de Glarges, Seigneur d'Eslesmes.  The
gentleman had committed no offence of any kind, and, moreover, lived.
beyond the French frontier.  Nevertheless, in contempt of international
law, the neighbouring territory was invaded, and d'Eslesmes dragged
before the blood tribunal of Mons.  Noircarmes had drawn up beforehand,
in his own handwriting, both the terms of the accusation and of the
sentence.  The victim was innocent and a Catholic, but he was rich.
He confessed to have been twice at the preaching, from curiosity, and
to have omitted taking the sacrament at the previous Easter.  For these
offences he was beheaded, and his confiscated estate adjudged at an
almost nominal price to the secretary of Noircarmes, bidding for his
master.  "You can do me no greater pleasure," wrote Noircarmes to the
council, "than to make quick work with all these rebels, and to proceed
with the confiscation of their estates, real and personal.  Don't fail to
put all those to the torture out of whom anything can be got."

Notwithstanding the unexampled docility of the commissioners, they found
it difficult to extract from their redoubted chief a reasonable share in
the wages of blood.  They did not scruple, therefore, to display their,
own infamy, and to enumerate their own crimes, in order to justify their
demand for higher salaries.  "Consider," they said, in a petition to this
end, "consider closely, all that is odious in our office, and the great
number of banishments and of executions which we have pronounced among
all our own relations and friends."

It may be added, moreover, as a slight palliation for the enormous crimes
committed by these men, that, becoming at last weary of their business,
they urged Noircarmes to desist from the work of proscription.
Longehaye, one of the commissioners, even waited upon him personally,
with a plea for mercy in favor of "the poor people, even beggars, who,
although having borne arms during the siege, might then be pardoned."
Noircarmes, in a rage at the proposition, said that "if he did not know
the commissioners to be honest men, he should believe that their palms
had been oiled," and forbade any farther words on the subject.  When
Longehaye still ventured to speak in favor of certain persons "who were
very poor and simple, not charged with duplicity, and good Catholics
besides," he fared no better.  "Away with you!" cried Noircarmes in a
great fury, adding that he had already written to have execution done
upon the whole of them.  "Whereupon," said poor blood-councillor
Longehaye, in his letter to his colleagues, "I retired, I leave you to
guess how."

Thus the work went on day after day, month after month.  Till the 27th
August of the following year (1573) the executioner never rested, and
when Requesens, successor to Alva, caused the prisons of Mons to be
opened, there were found still seventy-five individuals condemned to the
block, and awaiting their fate.

It is the most dreadful commentary upon the times in which these
transactions occurred, that they could sink so soon into oblivion.
The culprits took care to hide the records of their guilt, while
succeeding horrors, on a more extensive scale, at other places, effaced
the memory of all these comparatively obscure murders and spoliations.
The prosperity of Mons, one of the most flourishing and wealthy
manufacturing towns in the Netherlands, was annihilated, but there were
so many cities in the same condition that its misery was hardly
remarkable.  Nevertheless, in our own days, the fall of a mouldering
tower in the ruined Chateau de Naast at last revealed the archives of all
these crimes.  How the documents came to be placed there remains a
mystery, but they have at last been brought to light.

The Spaniards had thus recovered Mons, by which event the temporary
revolution throughout the whole Southern Netherlands was at an end.
The keys of that city unlocked the gates of every other in Brabant and
Flanders.  The towns which had so lately embraced the authority of Orange
now hastened to disavow the Prince, and to return to their ancient,
hypocritical, and cowardly allegiance.  The new oaths of fidelity were
in general accepted by Alva, but the beautiful archiepiscopal city of
Mechlin was selected for an example and a sacrifice.

There were heavy arrears due to the Spanish troops.  To indemnify them,
and to make good his blasphemous prophecy of Divine chastisement for
its past misdeeds, Alva now abandoned this town to the licence of his
soldiery.  By his command Don Frederic advanced to the gates and demanded
its surrender.  He was answered by a few shots from the garrison.  Those
cowardly troops, however, having thus plunged the city still more deeply
into the disgrace which, in Alva's eyes, they had incurred by receiving
rebels within their walls after having but just before refused admittance
to the Spanish forces, decamped during the night, and left the place
defenceless.

Early next morning there issued from the gates a solemn procession of
priests, with banner and crozier, followed by a long and suppliant throng
of citizens, who attempted by this demonstration to avert the wrath of
the victor.  While the penitent psalms were resounding, the soldiers were
busily engaged in heaping dried branches and rubbish into the moat.
Before the religious exercises were concluded, thousands had forced the
gates or climbed the walls; and entered the city with a celerity which
only the hope of rapine could inspire.  The sack instantly commenced.
The property of friend and foe, of Papist and Calvinist, was
indiscriminately rifled.  Everything was dismantled and destroyed.
"Hardly a nail," said a Spaniard, writing soon afterwards from Brussels,
"was left standing in the walls."  The troops seemed to imagine
themselves in a Turkish town, and wreaked the Divine vengeance which
Alva had denounced upon the city with an energy which met with his
fervent applause.

Three days long the horrible scene continued, one day for the benefit of
the Spaniards, two more for that of the Walloons and Germans.  All the
churches, monasteries, religious houses of every kind, were completely
sacked.  Every valuable article which they contained, the ornaments of
altars, the reliquaries, chalices, embroidered curtains, and carpets of
velvet or damask, the golden robes of the priests, the repositories of
the host, the precious vessels of chrism and extreme unction, the rich
clothing and jewellery adorning the effigies of the Holy Virgin, all were
indiscriminately rifled by the Spanish soldiers.  The holy wafers were
trampled underfoot, the sacramental wine was poured upon the ground, and,
in brief, all the horrors which had been committed by the iconoclasts in
their wildest moments, and for a thousandth part of which enormities
heretics had been burned in droves, were now repeated in Mechlin by the
especial soldiers of Christ, by Roman Catholics who had been sent to the
Netherlands to avenge the insults offered to the Roman Catholic faith.
The motive, too, which inspired the sacrilegious crew was not fanaticism,
but the, desire of plunder.  The property of Romanists was taken as
freely as that of Calvinists, of which sect there were; indeed, but few
in the archiepiscopal city.  Cardinal Granvelle's house was rifled.  The
pauper funds deposited in the convents were not respected.  The beds were
taken from beneath sick and dying women, whether lady abbess or hospital
patient, that the sacking might be torn to pieces in search of hidden
treasure.

The iconoclasts of 1566 had destroyed millions of property for the sake
of an idea, but they had appropriated nothing.  Moreover, they had
scarcely injured a human being; confining their wrath to graven images.
The Spaniards at Mechlin spared neither man nor woman.  The murders and
outrages would be incredible, were they not attested by most respectable
Catholic witnesses.  Men were butchered in their houses, in the streets,
at the altars.  Women were violated by hundreds in churches and in grave-
yards.  Moreover, the deed had been as deliberately arranged as it was
thoroughly performed.  It was sanctioned by the highest authority.  Don
Frederic, Son of Alva, and General Noircarmes were both present at the
scene, and applications were in vain made to them that the havoc might be
stayed.  "They were seen whispering to each other in the ear on their
arrival," says an eye-witness and a Catholic, "and it is well known that
the affair had been resolved upon the preceding day.  The two continued
together as long as they remained in the city."  The work was, in truth,
fully accomplished.  The ultra-Catholic, Jean Richardot, member of the
Grand Council, and nephew of the Bishop of Arras, informed the State
Council that the sack of Mechlin had been so horrible that the poor and
unfortunate mothers had not a single morsel of bread to put in the mouths
of their children, who were dying before their eyes--so insane and cruel
had been the avarice of the plunderers.  "He could say more," he added,
"if his hair did not stand on end, not only at recounting, but even at
remembering the scene."

Three days long the city was abandoned to that trinity of furies which
ever wait upon War's footsteps--Murder, Lust, and Rapine--under whose
promptings human beings become so much more terrible than the most
ferocious beasts.  In his letter to his master, the Duke congratulated
him upon these foul proceedings as upon a pious deed well accomplished.
He thought it necessary, however; to excuse himself before the public in
a document, which justified the sack of Mechlin by its refusal to accept
his garrison a few months before, and by the shots which had been
discharged at his troops as they approached the city.  For these
offences, and by his express order, the deed was done.  Upon his
head must the guilt for ever rest.




ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

Hanged for having eaten meat-soup upon Friday
Provided not one Huguenot be left alive in France
Put all those to the torture out of whom anything can be got
Saint Bartholomew's day
Science of reigning was the science of lying







*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC — VOLUME 18: 1572 ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.