The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Witchcraft Delusion in New England: Its Rise, Progress, and Termination (Vol. 3 of 3)
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Witchcraft Delusion in New England: Its Rise, Progress, and Termination (Vol. 3 of 3)

Editor: Samuel G. Drake

Author: Robert Calef
        Cotton Mather

Release date: October 30, 2016 [eBook #53412]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Dianna Adair, Louise Davies, Eleni Christofaki
        and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
        http://www.pgdp.net (This file was made using scans of
        public domain works from the University of Michigan Digital
        Libraries.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION IN NEW ENGLAND: ITS RISE, PROGRESS, AND TERMINATION (VOL. 3 OF 3) ***




Produced by Dianna Adair, Louise Davies, Eleni Christofaki
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This file was made using scans of
public domain works from the University of Michigan Digital
Libraries.)









Transcriber's Note.

A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book.

  Mark-up: _italic_
           ==blackletter==




The Witchcraft Delusion In New England Vol. III




==Woodward's Historical Series.==

No. VII.




                                  THE
                        ==Witchcraft Delusion==
                                  IN
                             NEW ENGLAND:

                                  ITS
                   RISE, PROGRESS, AND TERMINATION,
                            AS EXHIBITED BY
                          DR. COTTON MATHER,

                                  IN
                 _THE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD_;

                                AND BY
                           MR. ROBERT CALEF,
                                IN HIS
                _MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD_.

                                WITH A
                 ==Preface, Introduction, and Notes==,
                          BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE.

                           IN THREE VOLUMES.

                               VOL. III.

                _More Wonders of the Invisible World._


                    PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD,
                            ROXBURY, MASS.
                              MDCCCLXVI.




                               _No._____


        Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1865,
                          By SAMUEL G. DRAKE,
   in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
                  for the District of Massachusetts.


                   EDITION IN THIS SIZE 280 COPIES.


                           MUNSELL, PRINTER.




[Illustration]

[90] MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD.

PART V.

    _An Impartial Account of the most Memorable Matters of Fact,
      touching the supposed Witchcraft in_ New-England.

[_ Matters of Fact._]


MR. _Parris_[1] had been some years a Minister in _Salem-Village_,
when this sad Calamity (as a deluge) overflowed them, spreading
itself far and near. He was a Gentleman of Liberal Education, and not
meeting with any great Encouragement, or Advantage in Merchandizing,
to which for some time he apply'd himself, betook himself to the work
of the Ministry; this Village being then vacant, he met with so much
Encouragement, as to settle in that Capacity among them.

After he had been there about two years, he obtained a Grant from a
part of the Town, that the House and Land he Occupied, and which had
been Alotted by the whole People to the Ministry, should be and remain
to him, _&c._ as his own Estate in Fee Simple. This occasioned great
_Divisions_ both between the Inhabitants themselves, and between a
considerable part of them and their said Minister, which Divisions were
but as a beginning or _Præludium_ to what immediately followed.

It was the latter end of _February_ 1691,[2] when divers young
Persons belonging to Mr. _Parris's_ Family, and one or more of the
Neighbourhood, began to [91] Act, after a strange & unusual manner,
_viz._ as by getting into Holes, and creeping under Chairs and Stools,
and to use sundry odd Postures and Antick Gestures, uttering foolish,
ridiculous Speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others
could make sense of; the Physicians[3] that were called could assign
no reason for this; but it seems one of them, having recourse to the
old shift, told them he was afraid they were Bewitched; upon such
suggestions, they that were concerned, applied themselves to Fasting
and Prayer, which was attended not only in their own private Families,
but with calling in the help of others.

_March_ the 11_th_. Mr. _Parris_ invited several Neighbouring Ministers
to join with him in keeping a Solemn day of Prayer at his own House;
the time of the exercise those Persons were for the most part silent,
but after any one Prayer was ended, they would Act and Speak strangely
and Ridiculously, yet were such as had been well Educated and of good
Behaviour, the one a Girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem
to be in a _Convulsion_ Fit, her Limbs being twisted several ways, and
very stiff, but presently her Fit would be over.

A few days before this Solemn day of Prayer, Mr. _Parris's_ _Indian_
Man and Woman made a Cake of Rye Meal, with the Childrens Water, and
Baked it in the Ashes, and as is said, gave it to the Dog; this was
done as a means to Discover Witchcraft; soon after which those ill
affected or afflicted Persons named several that they said they saw,
when in their Fits, afflicting of them.

The first complain'd of, was the said _Indian_ Woman, named
_Tituba_,[4] she confessed that the _Devil_ urged her to sign a Book,
which he presented to her, and also to work Mischief to the Children,
_&c._ She was afterwards Committed to Prison, and lay there till Sold
for her Fees. The account she since gives of it is, that her Master did
beat her and otherways abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such
as he call'd) her Sister-Witches, and that whatsoever she said by way
of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage; her
Master refused to pay her Fees, unless she would stand to what she had
said.

The Children complained likewise of two other Women, to be the Authors
of their Hurt, _Viz._ _Sarah Good_, who had long been counted a
_Melancholy_ or _Distracted_ Woman, and one _Osburn_, an Old _Bed-rid_
Women, which two were Persons so ill thought of, that the accusation
was the more readily believed; and after Examination before two _Salem_
Magistrates were committed:[5] _March_ the 19_th_, Mr. _Lawson_ (who
had been formerly a Preacher at the said Village) came thither, and
hath since set forth in Print an account of what then passed, about
which time, as he saith, they complained of Goodwife _Cory_, and
Goodwife _Nurse_, Members of Churches at the Village, and at _Salem_,
many others being by that time Accused.

_March_ the 21_st_, Goodwife _Cory_[6] was examined before the
Magistrates of _Salem_, at the Meeting House in the Village, a throng
of Spectators being present to see the Novelty. Mr. _Noyes_,[7] one of
the Ministers of _Salem_ began with Prayer, after which the Prisoner
being call'd, in order to answer to what [92] should be Alledged
against her, she desired that she might go to Prayer, and was answered
by the Magistrates, that they did not come to hear her pray, but to
examine her.

The number of the Afflicted were at that time about Ten, _Viz._ Mrs.
_Pope_, Mrs. _Putman_, goodwife _Bibber_,[8] and Goodwife _Goodall_,
_Mary Wolcott_, _Mercy Lewes_ (at _Thomas Putmans_) and Dr. _Griggs_
Maid, and three Girls, _Viz._ _Elizabeth Parris_, Daughter to the
Minister, _Abigail Williams_ his Neice, and _Ann Putman_, which
last three, were not only the beginners, but were also the chief in
these Accusations.[9] These Ten were most of them present at the
Examination, and did vehemently accuse her of Afflicting them, by
Biting, Pinching, Strangling, &c. And they said, they did in their Fits
see her likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book for them to Sign;
Mr. _Hathorn_, a Magistrate of _Salem_, asked her, why she Afflicted
those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them, he asked her who
did then? she said, I do not know, how should I know? she said, they
were Poor Distracted Creatures, and no heed to be given to what they
said; Mr. _Hathorn_ and Mr. _Noyes_ replied that it was the Judgment
of all that were there present, that they were bewitched, and only
she (the Accused) said they were Distracted: She was Accused by them,
that the _Black Man_ Whispered to her in her Ear now (while she was
upon Examination) and that she had a Yellow Bird, that did use to
Suck between her Fingers, and that the said Bird did Suck now in the
Assembly; order being given to look in that place to see if there were
any sign, the Girl that pretended to see it said, that it was too late
now, for she had removed a Pin, and put it on her Head, it was upon
search found, that a Pin was there sticking upright. When the Accused
had any motion of their Body, Hands or Mouth, the Accusers would cry
out, as when she bit a Lip, they would cry out of being bitten, if she
grasped one hand with the other, they would cry out of being Pinched by
her, and would produce marks, so of the other motions of her Body, as
complaining of being Prest, when she lean'd to the seat next her, if
she stirred her Feet, they would stamp and cry out of Pain there. After
the hearing the said _Cory_ was committed to _Salem_ Prison, and then
their crying out of her abated.

_March_ the 24_th_, Goodwife _Nurse_ was brought before Mr. _Hathorn_
and Mr. _Curwin_ (Magistrates) in the Meeting House, Mr. _Hale_
Minister of _Beverly_, began with Prayer, after which she being Accus'd
of much the same Crimes made the like answers, asserting her own
Innocence with earnestness. The Accusers were mostly the same, _Tho
Putmans_ Wife, _&c._ complaining much. The dreadful Shreiking from her
and others, was very amazing, which was heard at a great distance; she
was also Committed to Prison.[10]

A Child of _Sarah Goods_, was likewise apprehended, being between 4 and
5 years Old, the Accusers said this Child bit them, and would shew such
like marks, as those of a small Sett of Teeth upon their Arms, as many
of the Afflicted as the Child cast its Eye upon, would complain they
were in Torment; which Child they also Committed.

Concerning these that had been hitherto Examined and Committed, it
is [93] among other things observed, by Mr. _Lawson_ (in Print[11])
that they were by the Accusers charged, to belong to a Company that
did muster in Arms, and were reported by them to keep Days of Fast,
Thanksgiving and Sacraments; and that those Afflicted (or Accusers)
did in the Assembly, Cure each other, even with a touch of their hand,
when strangled and otherways tortured, and would endeavour to get to
the Afflicted to relieve them thereby (for hitherto they had not used
the Experiment of bringing the Accused to touch the Afflicted, in order
to their Cure) and could foretell one anothers Fits to be coming, and
would say, look to such a one, she will have a Fit presently and so
it happened, and that at the same time when the Accused person was
present, the Afflicted said they saw her _Spectre_ or likeness in other
places of the Meeting House Sucking [suckling] their Familiars.

The said Mr. _Lawson_ being to Preach at the Village, after the Psalm
was Sung, _Abigail Williams_ said, _Now Stand up and name your Text_;
after it was read, she said, _It is a long Text_. Mrs. Pope in the
beginning of Sermon said to him, _Now there is enough of that_. In
Sermon, he referring to his Doctrine, _Abigail Williams_ said to him,
_I know no Doctrine you had, if you did name one I have forgot it_.
_Ann Putman_ an afflicted Girl, said, _There was a Yellow Bird sate on
his Hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit_.[12]

_March_ 31, 1692. Was set apart as a day of Solem Humiliation at
_Salem_, upon the Account of this Business, on which day _Abigail
Williams_ said, _That she saw a great number of Persons in the Village
at the Administration of a Mock Sacrament, where they had Bread as read
as raw Flesh, and red Drink_.[13]

_April_ 1. _Mercy Lewis_ affirmed, _That she saw a man in White, with
whom she went into a Glorious Place_, viz. in her fits, _where was
no Light of the Sun, much less of Candles, yet was full of Light and
Brightness, with a great Multitude in White Glittering Robes, who Sang
the Song in_ Rev. v. 9. _and the_ cx. _and_ cxlix. Psalms; _And was
given that she mighty tarry no longer in this place_. This White Man
is said to have appeared several times to others of them, and to have
given them notice how long it should be before they should have another
Fit.[14]

_April_ the 3_d_. Being Sacrament Day at the Village, _Sarah Cloys_,
Sister to Goodwife _Nurse_, a Member of one of the Churches, was (tho'
it seems with difficulty prevailed with to be) present; but being
entred the place, and Mr. _Parris_ naming his Text, _John_ vi. 70.
_Have not I chosen you Twelve, and one of you is a Devil_ (for what
cause may rest as a doubt whether upon the account of her Sisters being
committed, or because of the choice of that Text) she rose up and went
out, the wind shutting the Door forcibly, gave occasion to some to
suppose she went out in Anger, and might occasion a suspicion of her;
However she was soon after complain'd of, examin'd and committed.[15]

_April_ the 11_th_. By this time the number of the Accused and
Accusers being much increased, was a Public Examination at _Salem_,
Six of the Magistrates with several Ministers being present, there
appeared several who complain'd against others with hidious clamors and
Screechings. Goodwife _Proctor_[16] was brought thither, being Accused
or cryed out against; her Hus[94]band coming to attend and assist her,
as there might be need, the Accusers cryed out of him also, and that
with so much earnestness, that he was Committed with his Wife. About
this time besides the Experiment of the Afflicted falling at the sight,
_&c._ they put the Accused upon saying the Lord's Prayer, which one
among them performed, except in that petition [_Deliver us from Evil_]
she exprest it thus (_Deliver us from all Evil_) this was lookt upon
as if she Prayed against what she was now justly under, and being put
upon it again, and repeating those words [_Hallowed be thy name_] she
exprest it [_Hollowed be thy Name_] this was counted a depraving the
words, as signifying to make void, and so a Curse rather than a Prayer,
upon the whole it was concluded that she also could not say it, _&c._
Proceeding in this work of examination and Commitment many were sent
to Prison. As an Instance, see the following Mittimus:


To their Majesties Goal-keeper in _Salem_.

YOU _are in Their Majesties Names hereby required to take into your
care, and safe custody, the Bodies of_ William Hobs _and_ Deborah _his
Wife,_ Mary Easty, _the Wife of_ Isaac Easty, _and_ Sarah Wild, _the
Wife of_ John Wild, _all of_ Topsfield; _and_ Edward Bishop, _of_
Salem-Village; _Husbandman, and_ Sarah _his Wife, and_ Mary Black, _a_
negro _of Lieutenant_ Nathaniel Putmans, _of_ Salem-Village; _also_
Mary English _the Wife of_ Philip English,[17] _Merchant in_ Salem;
_who stand charged with High Suspicion of Sundry Acts of Witchcraft,
done or committed by them lately upon the Bodies of_ Ann Putman,
Mary Lewis _and_ Abigail Williams, _of_ Salem-Village; _whereby great
Hurt and Damage hath been done to the Bodies of the said Persons,
according to the complaint of_ Thomas Putnam _and_ John Buxton _of_
Salem-Village, _Exhibited_. Salem, Apr 21, 1692, _appears, whom you are
to secure in order to their further Examination. Fail not._

  John Hathorn,   } _Assistants_.
  Jona. Curwin,   }

  _Dated_ Salem, April 22, 1692.

  _To Marshall_ George Herrick }
  _of Salem Essex._            }

_YOU are in their Majesties Names hereby required to convey the
above-named to the Goal at_ Salem. _Fail not._

  John Hathorn, } _Assistants_,
  Jona. Curwin, }

  _Dated_ Salem, Apr 22, 1692.


The occasion of _Bishops_ being cry'd out of, was he being at an
Examination in _Salem_, when at the Inn an afflicted _Indian_ was
very unruly, whom he undertook, and so managed him, that he was very
orderly, after which in riding home, in company of him and other
Accusers, the _Indian_ fell into a fit, and clapping hold with his
Teeth on the back of the Man that rode before him, thereby held
himself upon the Horse, but said, _Bishop_ striking him with his stick,
the _Indian_ soon recovered, and promised he would do so no more; to
which _Bishop_ replied, that he [95] doubted not, but he could cure
them all, with more to the same effect; immediately after he was parted
from them, he was cried out of, _&c._

_May_ 14, 1692. Sir _William Phips_ arrived with Commission from
their Majesties to be Governor, pursuant to the New Charter; which
he now brought with him; the Ancient Charter having been vacated
by King _Charles_, and King James (by which they had a power not
only to make their own Laws; but also to chuse their own Governor
and Officers;) and the Countrey for some years was put under an
absolute Commission-Government, till the Revolution, at which time,
tho more than two thirds of the People were for reassuming their
ancient Government, (to which they had encouragement by his then
Royal Highness's Proclamation) yet some that might have been better
imployed[18] (in another Station) made it their business (by printing,
as well as speaking) to their utmost to divert them from such a
settlement; and so far prevailed, that for about seven Weeks after
the Revolution, here was not so much as a face of any Government; but
some few Men upon their own Nomination would be called a Committee
of Safety; but at length the Assembly prevailed with those that had
been of the Government, to promise that they would reassume; and
accordingly a Proclamation was drawn, but before publishing it, it
was underwritten, that they would not have it understood that they
did reassume Charter-Government; so that between Government and no
Government, this Countrey remained till Sir _William_ arrived: Agents
being in this time impowered in _England_, which no doubt did not all
of them act according to the Minds or Interests of those that impowered
them, which is manifest by their not acting jointly in what was done;
so that this place is perhaps a single Instance (even in the best of
Reigns) of a Charter not restored after so happy a Revolution.[19]

This settlement by Sir _William Phips_ his being come Governour put an
end to all disputes of these things,[20] and being arrived, and having
read his Commission, the first thing he exerted his Power in, was said
to be his giving Orders that Irons should be put upon those in Prison;
for tho for sometime after these were Committed, the Accusers ceased
to cry out of them; yet now the cry against them was renewed, which
occasioned such Order; and tho there was partiality in the executing it
(some having taken them off almost as soon as put on) yet the cry of
these Accusers against such ceased after this Order.[21]

_May_ 24. Mrs. _Cary_ of _Charlestown_, was Examined and Committed. Her
Husband Mr. _Nathaniel Cary_ has given account thereof, as also of her
Escape, to this Effect,

_I having heard some days, that my Wife was accused of Witchcraft,
being much disturbed at it, by advice, we went to_ Salem-Village,
_to see if the af[96]flicted knew her; we arrived there, 24. May,
it happened to be a day appointed for Examination; accordingly
soon after our arrival,_ Mr. Hathorn _and_ Mr. Curwin, &c. _went to
the Meeting-house, which was the place appointed for that Work, the
Minister began with Prayer, and having taken care to get a convenient
place, I observed, that the afflicted were two Girls of about Ten
Tears old, and about two or three other, of about eighteen, one of the
girls talked most, and could discern more than the rest. The Prisoners
were called in one by one, and as they came in were cried out of, &c.
The Prisoner was placed about 7 or 8 foot from the Justices, and the
Accusers between the Justices and them; the Prisoner was ordered to
stand right before the Justices, with an Officer appointed to hold each
hand, least they should therewith afflict them, and the Prisoner's
Eyes must be constantly on the Justices; for if they look'd on the
afflicted, they would either fall into their Fits, or cry out of being
hurt by them; after Examination of the Prisoners, who it was afflicted
these Girls, &c. they were put upon saying the Lord's Prayer, as a
tryal of their guilt; after the afflicted seem'd to be out of their
Fits, they would look steadfastly on some one person, and frequently
not speak; and then the Justices said they were struck dumb, and
after a little time would speak again; then the Justices said to the
Accusers, which of you will go and touch the Prisoner at the Bar? then
the most courageous would adventure, but before they had made three
steps would ordinarily fall down as in a Fit; the Justices ordered
that they should be taken up and carried to the Prisoner, that she
might touch them; and as soon as they were touched by the accused,
the Justices would say, they are well, before I could discern any
alteration; by which I observed that the Justices understood the manner
of it. Thus far I was only as a Spectator, my Wife also was there part
of the time, but no notice taken of her by the afflicted, except once
or twice they came to her and asked her name._

_But I having an opportunity to Discourse_ Mr. Hale _(with whom I had
formerly acquaintance)_ I _took his advice, what I had best to do, and
desired of him that I might have an opportunity to speak with her that
accused my Wife; which he promised should be, I acquainting him that I
reposed my trust in him._

_Accordingly he came to me after the Examination was over, and told me
I had now an opportunity to speak with the said Accuser,_ viz. Abigail
Williams, _a Girl of_ 11 _or_ 12 _Years old; but that we could not be
in private at Mr._ Parris's _House, as he had promised me; we went
therefore into the Alehouse, where an Indian man attended us, who it
seems was one of the afflicted: to him we gave some Cyder, he shewed
several Scars, that seemed as if they had been long there, and shewed
them as done by Witchcraft, and acquainted us that his Wife, who also
was a Slave, was imprison'd for Witchcraft.[22] And now instead of one
Accuser, they all came in, who began to tumble down like Swine, and
then three Women were called in to attend them. We in the Room were
all at a stand, to see who they would cry out of; but in a short time
they cried_ [97] _out,_ Cary: _and immediately after a Warrant was sent
from the Justices to bring my Wife before them, who were sitting in a
Chamber near by, waiting for this._

_Being brought before the Justices, her chief accusers were two Girls:
my Wife declared to the Justices, that she never had any knowledge of
them before that day; she was forced to stand with her Arms stretched
out. I did request that I might hold one of her hands, but it was
denied me; then she desired me to wipe the Tears from her Eyes, and
the Sweat from her Face, which I did; then she desired she might lean
herself on me, saying, she should faint._

Justice Hathorn _replied, she had strength enough to torment those
persons, and she should have strength enough to stand. I speaking
something against their cruel proceedings, they commanded me to be
silent, or else I should be turned out of the Room. The Indian before
mentioned, was also brought in to be one of her Accusers: being come
in, he now (when before the Justices) fell down and tumbled about like
a Hog, but said nothing. The Justices asked the Girls, who afflicted
the Indian? they answered she (meaning my wife) and now lay upon him;
the Justices ordered her to touch him, in order to his cure, but her
head must be turned another way, least instead of curing, she should
make him worse, by her looking on him, her hand being guided to take
hold of his; but the Indian took hold on her hand, and pulled her down
on the Floor, in a barbarous manner; then his hand was taken off,
and her hand put on his, and the cure was quickly wrought. I being
extreamly troubled at their Inhumane dealings, uttered a hasty Speech_
[That God would take vengeance on them, and desired that God would
deliver us out of the hands of unmerciful men.] _Then her Mittimus was
writ; I did with difficulty and charge obtain the liberty of a Room,
but no beds in it; if there had, could have taken but little rest that
Night, she was committed to Boston Prison; but I obtained a Habeas
Corpus to remove her to Cambridge Prison, which is in our County of
Middlesex. Having been there one Night, next Morning the Jaylor[23]
put Irons on her legs (having received such a command) the weight of
them was about eight pounds; these with her other Afflictions, soon
brought her into Convulsion Fits, so that I thought she would have
died that Night, I sent to intreat that the Irons might be taken off,
but all intreaties were in vain, if it would have saved her Life, so
that in this condition she must continue. The Tryals at Salem coming
on, I went thither, to see how things were managed; and finding that
the Spectre-Evidence was there received, together with Idle, if not
Malicious stories, against Peoples Lives, I did easily see which way
it would go; for the same Evidence that served for one, would serve
for all the rest; I acquainted her with her danger; and that if she
were carried to Salem to be tried, I feared she would never return. I
did my utmost that she might have her Tryal in our own County, I with
several others Petitioning the Judge for it, and were put in hopes of
it;_ [98] _but I soon saw so much, that I understood thereby it was not
intended, which put me upon consulting the means of her escape; which
thro the goodness of God was effected, and she got to Road Island, but
soon found herself not safe when there, by reason of the pursuit after
her; from thence she went to New-York, along with some others that had
escaped their cruel hands; where we found his Excellency_ Benjamin
Fletcher, _Esq: Governour, who was very courteous to us. After this
some of my Goods were seized in a Friends hands, with whom I had left
them, and myself imprisoned by the Sheriff, and kept in Custody half a
day, and then dismist; but to speak of their usage of the Prisoners,
and their Inhumanity shewn to them, at the time of their Execution, no
sober Christian could bear; they had also tryals of cruel mockings;
which is the more, considering what a People for Religion, I mean the
profession of it, we have been; those that suffered being many of them
Church-Members, and most of them unspotted in their Conversation, till
their Adversary the Devil took up this Method for accusing them._

                                                 Per Jonathan Cary.[24]


    _May 31._ Captain _John Aldin_ was Examined at _Salem_, and
      Committed to _Boston_ Prison, the Prison-Keeper seeing such a Man
      Committed, of whom he had a good esteem, was after this the more
      Compassionate to those that were in Prison on the like account;
      and did refrain from such hard things to the Prisoners, as before
      he had used. Mr. _Aldin_ himself has given account of his
      Examination, in these Words.

_An Account how_ John Aldin,[25] _Senior, was dealt with at_
Salem-_Village._

JOHN ALDIN Senior, _of Boston, in the County of Suffolk, Marriner,
on the_ 28_th Day of May,_ 1692, _was sent for by the Magistrates of_
Salem, _in the County of Essex, upon the Accusation of a company of
poor distracted, or possessed Creatures or Witches; and being sent by
Mr._ Stoughton, _arrived there the_ 31_st_ of May, _and appeared at_
Salem-Village, _before Mr._ Gidney,_ Mr._ Hathorn, _and Mr._ Curwin.

_Those Wenches being present, who plaid their jugling tricks, falling
down, crying out, and staring in Peoples Faces; the Magistrates
demanded of them several times, who it was of all the People in the
Room that hurt them? one of these Accusers pointed several times at
one_ Captain Hill,[26] _there present, but spake nothing; the same
Accuser, had a Man standing at her back to hold her up; he stooped down
to her Ear, then she cried out,_ Aldin, Aldin _afflicted her; one of
the Magistrates asked her if she had ever seen_ Aldin, _she answered
no, he asked how she knew it was_ Aldin? _She said, the Man told her
so._

_Then all were ordered to go down into the Street, where a Ring was
made; and the same Accuser cried out, there stands_ Aldin, _a bold
fellow with his Hat on before the Judges, he sells Powder and Shot to
the_ Indians _and_ French, [99] _and lies with the_ Indian _Squaes,
and has_ Indian _Papooses. Then was_ Aldin _committed to the Marshal's
Custody, and his Sword taken from him; for they said he afflicted
them with his Sword. After some hours_ Aldin _was sent for to the
Meeting-house in the Village before the Magistrates; who required_
Aldin _to stand upon a Chair, to the open view of all the People._

_The Accusers cried out that_ Aldin _did pinch them, then, when he
stood upon the Chair, in the sight of all the People, a good way
distant from them, one of the Magistrates bid the Marshal to hold open_
Aldins _hands, that he might not pinch those Creatures._ Aldin _asked
them why they should think, that he should come to that Village to
afflict those persons that he never knew or saw before? Mr._ Gidney
_bid_ Aldin _confess, and give glory to God:_ Aldin _said he hoped he
should give glory to God, and hoped he should never gratifie the Devil;
but appealed to all that ever knew him, if they ever suspected him
to be such a person, and challenged any one, that could bring in any
thing upon their own knowledge, that might give suspicion of his being
such an one. Mr._ Gidney _said he had known_ Aldin _many Years, and
had been at Sea with him, and always look'd upon him to be an honest
Man, but now he did see cause to alter his judgment:_ Aldin _answered,
he was sorry for that, but he hoped God would clear up his Innocency,
that he would recall that judgment again, and added that he hoped
that he should with_ Job _maintain his Integrity till he died. They
bid_ Aldin _look upon the Accusers, which he did, and then they fell
down._ Aldin _asked Mr._ Gidney, _what reason there could be given,
why_ Aldin's _looking upon him did not strike him down as well? but
no reason was given that I heard. But the Accusers were brought to_
Aldin _to touch them, and this touch they said made them well._ Aldin
_began to speak of the Providence of God, in suffering these Creatures
to accuse Innocent persons; Mr._ Noyes _asked_ Aldin _why he would
offer to speak of the Providence of God, God by his Providence (said
Mr._ Noyes) _governs the World, and keeps it in peace; and so went on
with Discourse, and stopt Aldin's mouth, as to that._ Aldin _told Mr._
Gidney, _that he could assure him that there was a lying Spirit in
them, for I can assure you that there is not a word of truth in all
these say of me. But_ Aldin _was again committed to the Marshal, and
his Mittimus written, which was as follows._


_To Mr. John Arnold, Keeper of the Prison in_ Boston, _in the County
of_ Suffolk.[27]

WHEREAS _Captain_ John Aldin _of_ Boston, _Mariner, and_ Sarah Rice,_
Wife of_ Nicholas Rice _of_ Reding, _Husbandman, have been this day
brought before us,_ John Hathorn _and_ Jonathan Curwin, _Esquires;
being accused and suspected of perpetrating divers acts of Witchcraft,
contrary to the form of the Statute, in that Case made and provided:
These are therefore_ [100] _in Their Majesties, King_ William _and
Queen_ Marys _Names, to Will and require you, to take into your
Custody, the bodies of the said_ John Aldin, _and_ Sarah Rice, _and
them safely keep, until they shall thence be delivered by due course of
Law; as you will answer the contrary at your peril; and this shall be
your sufficient Warrant. Given under our hands at_ Salem-_Village, the_
31st _of_ May, _in the Fourth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
and Lady,_ William _and_ Mary, _now King and Queen over_ England, _&c,_
Anno Dom. 1692.

  John Hathorn,     } _Assistants_.
  Jonathan  Curwin, }


_To_ Boston Aldin _was carried by a Constable, no Bail would be taken
for him; but was delivered to the Prison-keeper, where he remained
Fifteen Weeks; and then observing the manner of Tryals, and Evidence
then taken, was at length prevailed with to make his Escape, and being
returned, was bound over to Answer at the Superior Court at_ Boston,
_the last_ Tuesday _in_ April, Anno, 1693. _And was there cleared by
Proclamation, none appearing against him._

                                                       Per. John Aldin.

At Examination, and at other times, 'twas usual for the Accusers to
tell of the black Man, or of a Spectre, as being then on the Table, &c.
The People about would strike with Swords, or sticks at those places.
One Justice broke his cane at this Exercise, and sometimes the Accusers
would say, they struck the Spectre, and it is reported several of the
accused were hurt and wounded thereby, though at home at the same time.

The Justices proceeding in these works of Examination, and Commitment,
to the end of _May_, there was by that time about a Hundred persons
Imprisoned upon that Account.[28]

_June_ 2. A special Commission of _Oyer_ and _Terminer_, having been
Issued out, to Mr. _Stoughton_, the New Lieutenant Governour, Major
_Saltonstall_, Major _Richards_, Major _Gidny_, Mr. _Wait Winthrop_,
Captain _Sewall_, and Mr. _Sergeant_;[29] These (a _Quorum_ of them)
sat at _Salem_ this day; where the most that was done this Week, was
the Tryal of one _Bishop_ alias _Oliver_, of _Salem_; who having long
undergone the repute of a Witch, occasioned by the Accusations of one
_Samuel Gray_: he about 20 Years since, having charged her with such
Crimes, and though upon his Death-bed, he testified his sorrow and
repentance for such Accusations, as being wholly groundless; yet the
report taken up by his means continued, and she being accused by those
afflicted, and upon search a Tet, as they call it, being found, she
was brought in guilty by the Jury; she [101] received her Sentence of
Death, and was Executed, _June_ 10. but made not the least Confession
of any thing relating to Witchcraft.[30]

_June_ 15. Several Ministers in and near _Boston_, having been to that
end consulted by his Excellency, exprest their minds to this effect,
_viz._

That they were affected with the deplorable state of the afflicted;
That they were thankful for the diligent care of the Rulers, to detect
the abominable Witchcrafts, which have been committed in the Country,
praying for a perfect discovery thereof. But advised to a cautious
proceeding, least many Evils ensue, _&c._ And that tenderness be used
towards those accused, relating to matters presumptive and convictive,
and also to privacy in Examinations, and to consult Mr. _Perkins_
and Mr. _Bernard_, what tests to make use of in the Scrutiny: That
Presumptions and Convictions ought to have better grounds, than the
Accusers affirming that they see such persons Spectres afflicting
them; and that the Devil may afflict in the shape of good Men; and
that falling at the sight, and rising at the touch of the Accused, is
no infallible proof of guilt; That seeing the Devils strength consists
in such Accusations, our disbelieving them may be a means to put a
period to the dreadful Calamities; Nevertheless they humbly recommend
to the Government, the speedy and vigorous prosecution of such as have
rendered themselves obnoxious, according to the direction given in the
Laws of God, and the wholesome Statutes of the _English_ Nation, for
the Detection of Witchcraft.[31]

This is briefly the substance of what may be seen more at large in
_Cases of Conscience_, (_ult._) And one of them since taking occasion
to repeat some part of this advice, _Wonders_ of the _Invisible World_,
p. 83. declares, (notwithstanding the Dissatisfaction of others) that
if his said Book may conduce to promote thankfulness to God for such
Executions, he shall rejoice, _&c._

The 30th of _June_, the Court according to Adjournment again sat;
five more were tried, _viz._ _Sarah Good_ and _Rebecca Nurse_, of
_Salem-Village_; _Susanna Martin_ of _Amsbury_; _Elizabeth How_ of
_Ipswich_; and _Sarah Wildes_ of _Topsfield_: these were all condemned
that Sessions, and were all Executed on the 19th of _July_.[32]

At the Tryal of _Sarah Good_, one of the afflicted fell in a Fit, and
after coming out of it, she cried out of the Prisoner, for stabbing
her in the breast with a Knife, and that she had broken the Knife in
stabbing of her, accordingly a piece of the blade of a Knife was found
about her. Immediately information being given to the Court, a young
Man was called, who produced a Haft and part of the Blade, which the
Court having viewed and compared, saw it to be the same. And upon
inquiry the young Man affirmed, that yesterday he happened to brake
that Knife, and that he cast away the upper part, this afflicted person
being then [102] present, the young Man was dismist, and she was bidden
by the Court not to tell lyes;[33] and was improved (after as she had
been before) to give Evidence against the Prisoners.

At Execution, Mr. _Noyes_ urged _Sarah Good_ to Confess, and told her
she was a Witch, and she knew she was a Witch, to which she replied,
you are a lyer; I am no more a Witch than you are a Wizard, and if you
take away my Life, God will give you Blood to drink.

At the Tryal of _Rebecca Nurse_, this was remarkable that the Jury
brought in their Verdict not Guilty, immediately all the accusers in
the Court, and, suddenly after all the afflicted out of Court, made
an hideous out-cry, to the amazement, not only of the Spectators, but
the Court also seemed strangely surprized: one of the Judges exprest
himself not satisfied, another of them as he was going off the Bench,
said they would have her Indicted anew. The chief Judge said he would
not Impose upon the Jury; but intimated, as if they had not well
considered one Expression of the Prisoners when she was upon Tryal,
_viz._ That when one _Hobbs_, who had confessed herself to be a Witch,
was brought into the Court to witness against her, the Prisoner turning
her head to her, said, [_What, do you bring her? she is one of us_]
or to that effect, this together with the Clamours of the Accusers,
induced the Jury to go out again, after their Verdict, not Guilty. But
not agreeing, they came into the Court, and she being then at the Bar,
her words were repeated to her, in order to have had her explanation of
them, and she making no Reply to them, they found the Bill, and brought
her in Guilty; these words being the Inducement to it, as the Foreman
has signified in writing, as follows.

_July_ 4, 1692. I Thomas Fisk,[34] _the Subscriber hereof, being one of
them that were of the Jury last week at_ Salem-court,_ upon the Tryal
of_ Rebecca Nurse, _&c. being desired by some of the Relations to give
a Reason why the Jury brought her in Guilty, after her Verdict not
Guilty; I do hereby give my Reasons to be as follows, viz._

_When the Verdict not Guilty was, the honored Court was pleased to
object against it, saying to them, that they think they let slip the
words, which the Prisoner at the Bar spake against herself, which
were spoken in reply to Goodwife_ Hobbs _and her Daughter, who had
been faulty in setting their hands to the Devils Book, as they have
confessed formerly; the words were_ [What do these persons give in
Evidence against me now, they used to come among us.] _After the
honored Court had manifested their dissatisfaction of the Verdict,
several of the Jury declared themselves desirous to go out again, and
thereupon the Honoured Court gave leave; but when we came to consider
of the Case, I could not tell how to take her words, as an Evidence
against her, till she had a further opportunity to put her Sense upon
them, if she would take it; and then going into Court, I mentioned
the words aforesaid, which by one of the_ [103] _Court were affirmed
to have been spoken by her, she being then at the Bar, but made no
reply, nor interpretation of them; whereupon these words were to me a
principal Evidence against her._

                                                           Thomas Fisk.


    When goodwife _Nurse_ was informed what use was made of these
      words, she put in this following Declaration into the Court.

THESE _presents do humbly shew to the honoured Court and Jury, that I
being informed, that the Jury brought me in Guilty, upon my saying that
Goodwife_ Hobbs _and her Daughter were of our Company; but I intended
no otherways, than as they were Prisoners with us, and therefore did
then, and yet do judge them not legal Evidence against their fellow
Prisoners. And I being something hard of hearing, and full of grief,
none informing me how the Court took up my words, and therefore had no
opportunity to declare what I intended, when I said they were of our
Company._

                                                         Rebecka Nurse.

After her Condemnation she was by one of the Ministers of _Salem_
excommunicated; yet the Governour saw cause to grant a Reprieve, which
when known (and some say immediately upon granting) the Accusers
renewed their dismal outcries against her, insomuch that the Governour
was by some _Salem_ Gentleman prevailed with to recall the Reprieve,
and she was Executed with the rest.

The Testimonials of her Christian behaviour, both in the course of her
Life, and at her Death, and her extraordinary care in educating her
Children, and setting them good Examples, _&c._ under the hands of so
many, are so numerous, that for brevity they are here omitted.[35]

It was at the Tryal of these that one of the Accusers cried out
publickly of Mr. _Willard_ Minister in _Boston_, as afflicting of her,
she was sent out of the Court, and it was told about she was mistaken
in the person.

_August_ 5. The Court again sitting, six more were tried on the same
Account, viz. Mr. _George Burroughs_, sometime minister of _Wells_,
_John Procter_, and _Elizabeth Procter_ his Wife, with _John Willard_
of _Salem_-Village, _George Jacobs_ Senior, of _Salem_, and _Martha
Carryer_ of _Andover_; these were all brought in Guilty and Condemned;
and were all Executed _August_ 19, except _Procter's_ Wife, who pleaded
Pregnancy.[36]

Mr. _Burroughs_ was carried in a Cart with the others, through the
streets of _Salem_ to Execution; when he was upon the Ladder, he made
a Speech for the clearing of his Innocency, with such Solemn and
Serious Expressions, as were to the Admiration of all present; his
Prayer (which he concluded by repeating the Lord's Prayer,) was so well
worded, and uttered with such composedness, and such (at least seeming)
fervency of [104] Spirit, as was very affecting, and drew Tears from
many (so that it seemed to some, that the Spectators would hinder
the Execution) the accusers said the black Man stood and dictated to
him; as soon as he was turned off, Mr. _Cotton Mather_, being mounted
upon a Horse, addressed himself to the People, partly to declare,
that he was no ordained Minister, and partly to possess the People of
his guilt; saying That the Devil has often been transformed into an
Angel of Light;[37] and this did somewhat appease the People, and
the Executions went on; when he was cut down, he was dragged by the
Halter to a Hole, or Grave, between the Rocks, about two foot deep, his
Shirt and Breeches being pulled off, and an old pair of Trousers of
one Executed, put on his lower parts, he was so put in, together with
_Willard_ and _Carryer_, one of his Hands and his Chin, and a Foot of
one of them being left uncovered.

_John Willard_, had been imployed to fetch in several that were
accused; but taking dissatisfaction from his being sent, to fetch up
some that he had better thoughts of, he declined the Service, and
presently after he himself was accused of the same Crime, and that
with such vehemency, that they sent after him to apprehend him; he had
made his Escape as far as Nashawag,[38] about 40 Miles from _Salem_;
yet 'tis said those Accusers did then presently tell the exact time,
saying, now _Willard_ is taken.

_John Procter_ and his Wife being in Prison, the Sheriff came to his
House and seized all the Goods, Provisions, and Cattle that he could
come at, and sold some of the Cattle at half price, and killed others,
and put them up for the _West-Indies_; threw out the Beer out of a
Barrel, and carried away the Barrel; emptied a Pot of Broath, and took
away the Pot, and left nothing in the House for the support of the
Children: No part of the said Goods are known to be returned. _Procter_
earnestly requested Mr. _Noyes_ to pray with and for him, but it was
wholly denied, because he would not own himself to be a Witch.

During his Imprisonment he sent the following Letter, in behalf of
himself and others.


  Salem-_Prison_, July 23, 1692.

  Mr. Mather, Mr. Allen,
  Mr. Moody, Mr. Willard, and
  Mr. Bailey.[39]

  Reverend Gentlemen.

THE _innocency of our Case with the Enmity of our Accusers and our
Judges, and Jury, whom nothing but our Innocent Blood will serve their
turns, having Condemned us already before our Tryals, being so much
incensed and engaged against us by the Devil, makes us bold to Beg and
Implore your_ [105] _Favourable Assistance of this our Humble Petition
to his Excellency, that if it be possible our Innocent Blood may be
spared, which undoubtedly otherwise will be shed, if the Lord doth
not mercifully step in. The Magistrates, Ministers, Jewries, and all
the People in general, being so much inraged and incensed against us
by the Delusion of the Devil, which we can term no other, by reason
we know in our own Consciences, we are all Innocent Persons. Here are
five Persons who have lately confessed themselves to be Witches, and
do accuse some of us, of being along with them at a Sacrament, since
we were committed into close Prison, which we know to be Lies. Two of
the_ 5 _are_ (Carrier's _Sons_) _Young men, who would not confess any
thing till they tyed them Neck and Heels, till the Blood was ready to
come out of their Noses, and 'tis credibly believed and reported this
was the occasion of making them confess that they never did, by reason
they said one had been a Witch a Month, and another five Weeks, and
that their Mother had made them so, who has been confined here this
nine Weeks. My son_ William Procter, _when he was examin'd, because he
would not confess that he was Guilty, when he was Innocent, they tyed
him Neck and Heels till the Blood gushed out at his Nose, and would
have kept him so_ 24 _Hours, if one more Merciful than the rest, had
not taken pity on him, and caused him to be unbound. These actions are
very like the Popish Cruelties.[40] They have already undone us in our
Estates, and that will not serve their turns, without our Innocent
Bloods. If it cannot be granted that we can have our Trials at_ Boston,
_we humbly beg that you would evdeavour to have these Magistrates
changed, and others in their rooms, begging also and beseeching you
would be pleased to be here, if not all, some of you at our Trials,
hoping thereby you may be the means of saving the shedding our Innocent
Bloods, desiring your Prayers to the Lord in our behalf, we rest your
Poor Afflicted Servants_,

                                                    John Procter, _&c._


He pleaded very hard at Execution, for a little respite of time, saying
that he was not fit to die; but it was not granted.

Old _Jacobs_ being Condemned, the Sheriff and Officers came and seized
all he had, his Wife had her Wedding Ring taken from her, but with
great difficulty obtained it again. She was forced to buy Provisions of
the Sheriff, such as he had taken, towards her own support, which not
being sufficient, the Neighbours of Charity relieved her.

_Margaret Jacobs_ being one that had confessed her own Guilt, and
testified against her Grand-Father _Jacobs_, Mr. _Burroughs_, and _John
Willard_. She the day before Executions, came to Mr. _Burroughs_,
acknowledging that she had belyed them, and begged Mr. _Burroughs_
Forgiveness, who not only forgave her, but also Prayed with and for
her. She wrote the following Letter to her Father.


                  From the Dungeon in _Salem_ Prison,
                                                     _August_ 20, 1692.

  Honoured Father,

AFTER _my Humble Duty Remembered to you, hoping in the Lord of your
good Health, as Blessed be God I enjoy, tho in abundance of Affliction,
being close confined here in a loathsome Dungeon, the Lord look down in
mercy upon me, not knowing how soon I shall be put to Death, by means
of the Afflicted Persons; my Grand-Father having Suffered already,
and all his Estate Seized for the King. The reason of my Confinement
is this, I having, through the Magistrates Threatnings, and my own
Vile and Wretched_ [106] _heart, confessed several things contrary to
my Conscience and Knowledge, tho to the Wounding of my own Soul, the
Lord pardon me for it; but Oh! the terrors of a wounded Conscience
who can bear. But blessed be the Lord, he would not let me go on in
my Sins, but in mercy I hope so my Soul would not suffer me to keep
it in any longer, but I was forced to confess the truth of all before
the Magistrates, who would not believe me, but 'tis their pleasure
to put me in here, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death.
Dear Fathers, let me beg your Prayers to the Lord on my behalf, and
send us a Joyful and Happy Meeting in Heaven. My Mother poor Woman is
very Crazy, and remembers her kind Love to you, and to Uncle,_ viz.
_D. A.[41] So leaving you to the protection of the Lord, I rest your
Dutiful Daughter_,

                                                       Margaret Jacobs.


At the time appointed for her Tryal, she had an Imposthume in her head,
which was her Escape.

_September_ 9. Six more were tried, and received Sentance of Death,
viz. _Martha Cory_ of _Salem_-Village, _Mary Easty_ of Topsfield,
_Alice Parker_ and _Ann Pudeater_ of _Salem_, _Dorcas Hoar_ of
_Beverly_, and _Mary Bradberry_ of _Salisbury_. September 16, _Giles
Cory_ was prest to Death.[42]

_September_ 17. Nine more received Sentance of Death, viz. _Margaret
Scot_ of _Rowley_, Goodwife _Redd_ of _Marblehead, Samuel Wardwell,_
and _Mary Parker_ of _Andover,_ also _Abigail Falkner_ of _Andover,_
who pleaded Pregnancy, _Rebecca Eames_ of _Boxford, Mary Lacy,_ and
_Ann Foster_ of _Andover,_ and _Abigail Hobbs_ of _Topsfield._ Of
these Eight were Executed, _September_ 22, viz. _Martha Cory, Mary
Easty, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeater, Margaret Scot, Willmet Redd, Samuel
Wardwell,_ and _Mary Parker_.[43]

_Giles Cory_ pleaded not Guilty to his Indictment, but would not put
himself upon Tryal by the Jury (they having cleared none upon Tryal)
and knowing there would be the same Witnesses against him, rather chose
to undergo what Death they would put him to. In pressing his Tongue
being prest out of his Mouth, the Sheriff with his Cane forced it in
again, when he was dying. He was the first in _New-England_ that was
ever prest to Death.

The Cart going to the Hill with these Eight to Execution, was for some
time at a sett; the afflicted and others said, that the Devil hindered
it,[44] _&c._

_Martha Cory_, Wife to _Giles Cory_, protesting her Innocency,
concluded her Life with an Eminent Prayer upon the Ladder.

_Wardwell_ having formerly confessed himself Guilty, and after denied
it, was soon brought upon his Tryal; his former Confession and Spectre
Testimony was all that appeared against him. At Execution while he
was speaking to the People, protesting his Innocency, the Executioner
being at the same time smoaking Tobacco, the smoak coming in his Face,
interrupted his Discourse, those Accusers said, the Devil hindered him
with smoak.

[107] _Mary Easty_, Sister also to _Rebecca Nurse_, when she took her
last farewell of her Husband, Children and Friends, was, as is reported
by them present, as Serious, Religious, Distinct, and Affectionate
as could well be exprest, drawing Tears from the Eyes of almost all
present. It seems besides the Testimony of the Accusers and Confessors,
another proof, as it was counted, appeared against her, it having been
usual to search the Accused for Tets; upon some parts of her Body, not
here to be named, was found an Excrescence, which they called a Tet.
Before her Death she put up the following Petition:

_To the Honorable Judge and Bench now sitting in Judicature in_ Salem
_and the Reverend Ministers, humbly sheweth, That whereas your humble
poor Petitioner being Condemned to die, doth humbly beg of you, to take
it into your Judicious and Pious Consideration, that your poor and
humble Petitioner knowing my own Innocency (blessed be the Lord for it)
and seeing plainly the Wiles and Subtilty of my Accusers, by myself,
cannot but judge charitably of others, that are going the same way with
myself, if the Lord step not mightily in. I was confined a whole Month
on the same account that I am now condemned for, an then cleared by the
Afflicted persons, as some of your Honour know, and in two days time I
was cried out upon by them, and have been confined and now am condemned
to die. The Lord above knows my Innocency then, and likewise doth now,
as at the great day will be known to Men and Angels. I Petition to your
Honours not for my own Life, for I know I must die, and my appointed
time is set; but the Lord he knows it is, if it be possible, that no
more Innocent Blood be shed, which undoubtedly cannot be avoided in
the way and course you go in. I question not, but your Honours do the
utmost of your powers, in the discovery and detection of Witchcraft
and Witches, and would not be guilty of Innocent Blood for the World;
but by my own Innocency I know you are in the wrong way, the Lord in
his infinite Mercy direct you in this great work, if it be his blessed
will, that Innocent Blood be not shed; I would humbly beg of you, that
your Honours would be pleased to Examine some of those confessing
Witches, I being confident there are several of them have belyed
themselves and others, as will appear, if not in this World, I am sure
in the World to come, whither I am going; and I question not, but
yourselves will see an alteration in these things: They say, myself and
others have made a league with the Devil, we cannot confess, I know
and the Lord he knows (as will shortly appear) they belye me, and so I
question not but they do others; the Lord alone, who is the searcher of
all hearts, knows that as I shall answer it at the Tribunal Seat, that
I know not the least thing of Witchcraft, therefore I cannot, I durst
not belye my own Soul. I beg your Honours not to deny this my humble
Petition, from a poor dying Innocent person, and I question not but the
Lord will give a blessing to your Endeavours._

                                                            Mary  Esty.


[108] After Execution Mr. _Noyes_ turning him to the Bodies, said, what
a sad thing it is to see Eight Firebrands of Hell hanging there.[45]

In _October_ 1692, One of _Wenham_ complained of Mrs. _Hale_,
whose Husband, the Minister of _Beverly_, had been very forward in
these Prosecutions, but being fully satisfied of his Wifes sincere
Christianity, caused him to alter his Judgment; for it was come to
a stated Controversie, among the _New-England_ Divines, whether the
Devil could Afflict in a good Mans shape; it seems nothing else
could convince him: yet when it came so near to himself, he was
soon convinc'd that the Devil might so Afflict. Which same reason
did afterwards prevail with many others; and much influenced to the
succeeding change at Tryals.[46]

_October_ 7. (_Edward Bishop_ and his Wife having made their Escape
out of Prison) this day Mr. _Corwin_ the Sheriff, came and Seiz'd his
Goods, and Cattle, and had it not been for his second Son (who borrowed
Ten Pound and gave it him) they had been wholly lost, the Receipt
follows; but it seems they must be content with such a Receipt as he
would give them.

_Received this_ 7_th day of_ October 1692, _of_ Samuel Bishop _of
the Town of_ Salem, _of the County of_ Essex, _in_ New-England,
_Cordwainer, in full satisfaction, a valuable Sum of Money, for the
Goods and Chattels of_ Edward Bishop, _Senior, of the Town and County
aforesaid, Husbandman; which Goods and Chattels being seized, for
that the said_ Edward Bishop, _and_ Sarah _his Wife, having been
committed for Witchcraft and Felony, have made their Escape; and their
Goods and Chattels were forfeited unto their Magesties, and now being
in Possession of the said_ Samuel Bishop; _and in behalf of their
Majesties, I do hereby discharge the said Goods and Chattles the day
and year above written, as witness my hand,_

                                              George Corwin, _Sheriff._


But before this the said _Bishops_ Eldest Son, having Married into that
Family of the _Putmans_, who were chief Prosecutors in this business;
he holding a Cow to be branded lest it should be seiz'd, and having a
Push or Boyl upon his Thigh, with his straining it broke; this is that
that was pretended to be burnt with the said Brand; and is one of the
bones thrown to the Dogmatical to pick, in _Wonders of the Invisible
World_, P. 143. the other, of a Corner of a Sheet, pretended to be
taken from a Spectre, it is known that it was provided the day before,
by that Afflicted person, and the third bone of a Spindle is almost as
easily provided, as the piece of the Knife; so that _Apollo_ needs not
herein be consulted, _&c._

Mr. _Philip English_,[47] and his Wife having made their Escape out of
Prison, Mr. _Corwin_ the Sheriff seiz'd his Estate, to the value of
about Fifteen Hundred Pound, which was wholly lost to him, except about
Three Hundred Pound value, (which was afterward restored.)

[109] After Goodwife _Hoar_ was Condemned, her Estate was seiz'd, and
was also bought again for Eight Pound.

_George Jacobs_, Son to old _Jacobs_ being accused, he fled, then the
Officers came to his House, his Wife was a Woman Crazy in her Senses
and had been so several Years. She it seems had been also accused,
there were in the House with her only four small Children, and one of
them suck'd her Eldest Daughter, being in Prison; the Officer perswaded
her out of the House, to go along with him, telling her she should
speedily return, the Children ran a great way after her crying.

When she came where the Afflicted were, being asked, they said they
did not know her, at length one said, don't you know _Jacobs_ the old
Witch, and then they cry'd out of her, and fell down in their Fits; she
was sent to Prison, and lay there Ten Months, the Neighbours of pity
took care of the Children to preserve them from perishing.

About this time a New Scene was begun, one _Joseph Ballard_[48] of
_Andover_, whose Wife was ill (and after died of a Fever) sent to
_Salem_ for some of those Accusers, to tell him who afflicted his
Wife; others did the like: Horse and Man were sent from several places
to fetch those Accusers who had the Spectral sight, that they might
thereby tell who afflicted those that were any ways ill.

When these came into any place where such were, usually they fell into
a Fit; after which being asked who it was that afflicted the person,
they would, for the most part, name one whom they said sat on the
head, and another that sat on the lower parts of the afflicted. Soon
after _Ballard's_ sending (as above) more than Fifty of the People of
_Andover_ were complained of, for afflicting their Neighbours. Here it
was that many accused themselves, of Riding upon Poles through the Air;
many Parents believing their Children to be Witches, and many Husbands
their Wives, _&c._ When these Accusers came to the House of any upon
such account, it was ordinary for other young People to be taken in
Fits, and to have the same Spectral sight.[49]

Mr. _Dudley Bradstreet_,[50] a Justice of Peace in _Andover_, having
granted out Warrants against, and Committed Thirty or Forty to Prisons,
for the supposed Witchcrafts, at length saw cause to forbear granting
out any more Warrants. Soon after which he and his Wife were cried
out of, himself was (by them) said to have killed Nine persons by
Witchcraft, and found it his safest course to make his Escape.

A Dog being afflicted at _Salem_-Village, those that had the Spectral
sight being sent for, they accused Mr. _John Bradstreet_ (Brother to
the Justice) that he afflicted the said Dog, and now rid upon him: He
made his Escape into _Pescattequa_-Government, and the Dog was put to
death, and was all of the Afflicted that suffered death.

[110] At _Andover_, the Afflicted complained of a Dog, as afflicting of
them, and would fall into their Fits at the Dogs looking upon them; the
Dog was put to death.

A worthy Gentleman of _Boston_,[51] being about this time accused
by those at _Andover_, he sent by some particular Friends a Writ to
Arrest those Accusers in a Thousand Pound Action for Defamation, with
instructions to them, to inform themselves of the certainty of the
proof, in doing which their business was perceived, and from thence
forward the Accusations at _Andover_ generally ceased.

In _October_ some of these Accusers were sent for to _Gloucester_, and
occasioned four Women to be sent to Prison, but _Salem_ Prison being so
full it could receive no more; two were sent to _Ipswich_ Prison.[52]
In _November_ they were sent for again by Lieutenant _Stephens_, who
was told that a Sister of his was bewitched; in their way passing
over _Ipswich_-bridge, they met with an old Woman, and instantly fell
into their Fits: But by this time the validity of such Accusations
being much questioned, they found not that Encouragement they had done
elsewhere, and soon withdrew.

These Accusers swore that they saw three persons sitting upon
Lieutenant _Stephens's_ Sister till she died; yet Bond was accepted for
those Three.

And now Nineteen persons having been hang'd, and one prest to death,
and Eight more condemned, in all Twenty and eight, of which above a
third part were Members of some of the Churches in _N. England_, and
more than half of them of a good Conversation in general, and not one
clear'd. About Fifty having confest themselves to be Witches, of which
not one Executed; above an Hundred and Fifty in Prison, and above Two
Hundred more accused. The Special Commission of _Oyer_ and _Terminer_
comes to a period, which has no other foundation than the Governours
Commission, and had proceeded in the manner of swearing Witnesses,
_viz._ By holding up the hand, (and by receiving Evidences in writing)
according to the Ancient Usuge of this Countrey; as also having their
Indictments in _English_. In the Tryals, when any were Indicted for
Afflicting, Pining, and wasting the Bodies of particular persons by
Witchcraft; it was usual to hear Evidence of matter foreign, and of
perhaps Twenty or Thirty years standing, about over-setting Carts,
the death of Cattle, unkindness to Relations, or unexpected Accidents
befalling after some quarrel.[53] Whether this was admitted by the
Law of _England_, or by what other Law, wants to be determined;
the Executions seemed mixt, in pressing to death for not pleading,
which most agrees with the Laws of _England_, and Sentencing Women
to be hanged for Witchcraft, according to the former practice of
this Country, and not by burning, as is said to have been the Law of
_England_. And though the confessing Witches were many; yet not one of
them that confessed their own guilt, and abode by their Confession were
put to Death.

[111] Here followeth what account some of those miserable Creatures
give of their Confession under their own hands.

_We whose Names are under written, Inhabitants of_ Andover, _when as
that horrible and tremendous Judgment beginning at_ Salem-_Village,
in the Year_ 1692, _(by some) call'd Witchcraft, first breaking forth
at Mr._ Parris's _House, several Young persons being seemingly
afflicted, did accuse several persons for afflicting them, and many
there believing it so to be; we being informed that if a person were
sick, that the afflicted persons could tell, what or who was the
cause of that sickness._ Joseph Ballard _of_ Andover _(his Wife being
sick at the same time) he either from himself, or by the advice of
others, fetch'd two of the persons call'd the afflicted persons,
from_ Salem-_Village to_ Andover: _Which was the beginning  of that
dreadful Calamity that befel us in_ Andover. _And the Authority in_
Andover, _believing the said Accusations to be true, sent for the
said persons to come together to the Meeting-house in_ Andover _(the
afflicted persons being there.) After Mr._ Bernard[54] _had been
at Prayer, we were blindfolded, and our hands were laid upon the
afflicted persons, they being in their Fits, and falling into their
Fits at our coming into their presence (as they said) and some led
us and laid our hands upon them, and then they said they were well,
and that we were guilty of afflicting of them; whereupon we were all
seized as Prisoners, by a Warrant from the Justice of the Peace, and
forthwith carried to_ Salem. _And by reason of that suddain surprizal,
we knowing ourselves altogether Innocent of that Crime, we were all
exceedingly astonished and amazed, and consternated and affrighted even
out of our Reason; and our nearest and dearest Relations, seeing us in
that dreadful condition, and knowing our great danger, apprehending
that there was no other way to save our lives, as the case was then
circumstantiated but by our confessing ourselves to be such and such
persons, as the afflicted represented us to be, they out of tender
love and pitty perswaded us to confess what we did confess. And indeed
that Confession, that it is said we made, was no other than what was
suggested to us by some Gentlemen; they telling us, that we were
Witches, and they knew it, and we knew it, and they knew that we knew
it, which made us think that it was so; and our understanding, our
reason, and our faculties almost gone; we were not capable of judging
our condition; as also the hard measures they used with us, rendred
us uncapable of making our Defence; but said any thing and every
thing which they desired, and most of what we said, was but in effect
a consenting to what they said. Sometime after when we were better
composed, they telling of us what we had confessed, we did profess
that we were Innocent, and Ignorant of such things. And we hearing
that_ Samuel Wardwell _had renounced his Confession, and quickly after
Condemned and Executed, some of us were told that we were going after_
Wardwell.

Mary Osgood, Mary Tiler, Deliv. Dane, Abigail Barker, Sarah Wilson,
Hannah Tiler.[55]


[112] It may here be further added concerning those that did Confess,
that besides that powerful Argument, of Life (and freedom from
hardships, and Irons not only promised, but also performed to all that
owned their guilt.) There are numerous Instances, too many to be here
inserted, of the tedious Examinations before private persons, many
hours together; they all that time urging them to Confess (and taking
turns to perswade them) till the accused were wearied out by being
forced to stand so long, or for want of Sleep, _&c._ and so brought to
give an Assent to what they said; they then asking them, Were you at
such a Witch-meeting, or have you signed the Devils Book, _&c._ upon
their replying, yes, the whole was drawn into form as their Confession.

But that which did mightily further such Confessions, was their nearest
and dearest Relations urging them to it. These seeing no other way of
escape for them, thought it the best advice that could be given; hence
it was that the Husbands of some, by counsel often urging, and utmost
earnestness, and Children upon their Knees intreating, have at length
prevailed with them, to say they were guilty.


AS to the manner of Tryals, and the Evidence taken for Convictions at
_Salem_, it is already set forth in Print, by the Reverend Mr. _Cotton
Mather_ in his _Wonders of the Invisible World_, at the Command of his
Excellency Sir _William Phips_;[56] with not only the Recommendation,
but thanks of the Lieutenant Governour; and with the Approbation of the
Reverend Mr. _J. M._ in his Postscript to his _Cases of Conscience_;
which last Book was set forth by the consent of the Ministers in and
near _Boston_.[57]

Two of the Judges have also given their Sentiments in these words,
_p._ 147.

_The Reverend and worthy Author, having at the direction of his
Excellency the Governour, so far obliged the Publick, as to give some
account of the sufferings, brought upon the Countrey by Witchcrafts,
and of the Tryals which have passed upon several executed for the same._

_Upon perusal thereof, We find the matters of Fact and Evidence truly
reported, and a prospect given of the Methods of Conviction, used in
the proceedings of the Court at_ Salem.

                                                     William Stoughton,
                                                     Samuel Sewall.

Boston, October 11, 1692.

And considering that this may fall into the hands of such as never saw
those Wonders, it may be needful to transcribe the whole account he has
given thereof, without any variation (but with one of the Indictments
annext to the Tryal of each) which is thus prefaced, P. 81, 82, 83.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The following Entry is in the Hand-writing of Mr. Parris on his
_Church Records_: "It is well known that when these Calamities first
began, which was in my own Family, the Affliction was several Weeks
before such hellish Operations as Witchcraft was suspected; Nay, it
never broke forth to any considerable Light, until diabolical Means
was used, by the making of a Cake by my Indian Man [John], who had his
Directions from this our Sister Mary Sibly. Since which Apparitions
have been plenty, and exceeding much Mischief hath followed. But by
this Means (it seems) the Devil hath been raised amongst us, and his
Rage is vehement and terrible; and when he shall be silenced, the Lord
only knows."--_Hanson's Hist. Danvers_, 289. As will be seen, Mr.
Parris was made Scribe at the Examination.

[2] It is remarkable that this Case should not be noticed in the
_Wonders of the Invisible World_. It is told in Lawon's _Narrative_,
_Page 3_. See also _Records of Salem Witchcraft_, 49, where by Parris's
Deposition, his Age is stated at "Thirty and nine."

[3] None of the Accounts give the Names of the "Physicians." "One or
two of the First that were Afflicted, Complaining of unusual Illness
their Relations used Physic for their _Cure_, but it was altogether in
vain."--_Lawson, Second Edition_, 97-8.

[4] She is said to have been a Slave, formerly in New Spain. When
arrested and searched, the Marks on her Body produced by the Sting of
the Spaniard's Whip, were said to be made by the Devil.--_Hanson_,
_Hist. Danvers_, 273. Her first Examination was on the 1st of March,
1691-2. It occupies four full Pages of Foolscap, and is in the Editor's
possession, and has never been published. There is no copy at Salem,
probably, as it does not appear in Mr. Woodward's Publication.

[5] The two Magistrates were John Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin. William
Allen, John Hughes, William Good and Samuel Braybrook were Witnesses
against Sarah Good. Allen swore, that on the 1st of March, in the
Night, he saw a strange and unusual Beast lying on the Ground, which,
when he came up to it, it vanished away; and in the Place thereof,
started up two or three Women, who fled, though not as other Women, and
soon vanished out of Sight. It was about an Hour within Night, and he
took the Women to be Sarah Good, Sarah Osborn, and Tittabe. John Hughes
was with him and swore likewise. See _Records S. W._, i, 38, where much
more of the same Tenor may be seen.

[6] Martha Cory was witnessed against by Edward Putnam and Henry Keney,
at the Commencement; and the Mittimus sets forth that she is the Wife
of Giles Cory, of Salem Farms. At the same Time were committed Rebecka
Nurse, Wife of Francis Nurse, of Salem Village, Husbandman; Dorothy
Good, Daughter of William Good; Sarah Cloyce, the Wife of Peter Cloyce,
of Salem Village; John Proctor, of Salem Farms, and Elizabeth his
Wife. They were charged with afflicting Ann Putnam, Daughter of Thomas
Putnam, Abigail Williams, Elizabeth Hubbard, and others.

[7] Nicholas Noyes was Son of Nicholas Noyes, of Newbury, a Graduate of
H. C., 1667, and died in 1717. He was one of the severest Instigators
of the Proceedings against the accused Persons. He was settled in Salem
in 1683.

[8] Indifferently written in the Records _Bibber_ and _Vibber_. The
true Name appears to be _Bibber_. Sarah Bibber, in her Testimony
against Sarah Good, gives her Age as 36. She gave Evidence against nine
Persons at different Times. Not much has been found about her beyond
her own Testimony. She appears to have had a Husband, who had the
Prefix Goodman. At one Time she and her Husband lived at the House of
Joseph Fowler. Fowler gave her a bad Character; as given to Tattling
and Mischiefmaking; would call her Husband bad Names, was "of a very
turbulent, unruly Spirit." Also Thomas Jacobs and his Wife Mary, said
that "Good Bibbor did for a Time surgine [sojourn] in their House;"
that she "uery often spekeing against one and nother uery obsanely,
and wichshing [wishing] uery bad wichchis, and uery often. She wichs
that when hor chill [child] fell into the Reuer that she had neuer pull
hor child out." That she made ill Wishes against everybody and herself
too. "The nayborhud were she liueued amonkes aftor she bered hor fust
housbon hes tolld us that this John Bibber Wife coud fall into fitts as
she plesed."--_Records S. W._, ii, 204-5.

Neither Felt nor Savage appear to have met with either the Name of
_Bibber_ or _Vibber_.

[9] "It was several Times observed, that when they were discoursed with
about GOD or CHRIST, or the Things of _Salvation_, they were presently
afflicted at a dreadful Rate, and hence were oftentimes _Outragious_,
if they were permitted to be in the Congregation, in the Time of the
Publick Worship."--_Lawson, Second Edit._, 98.

"On Lord's Day, the 20th of _March_ were sundry of the afflicted
Persons at Meeting, as Mrs. _Pope_ [Wife of Mr. Joseph P.], Goodwife
_Bibber_, _Abigail Williams_, _Mary Walcut_, _Mary Lewes_, and Docter
_Grigg's_ Maid. There was also at Meeting Goodwife C. [Cory] (who
was afterward Examined on Suspicion of being a _Witch_:) They had
several sore Fits, in the Time of Publick Worship, which did something
interrupt me in my first Prayer; being so unusual. After Psalm was
Sung, _Abigail Williams_ said to me, _Now stand up_, and _Name your
Text_! And after it was read, she said, _It is a long Text_. In the
beginning of Sermon, Mrs. _Pope_, a Woman afflicted, said to me, _Now
there is enough of that_. And in the Afternoon, _Abigail Williams_,
upon my referring to my _Doctrine_, said to me, _I know no Doctrine
you had, if you did name one, I have forgot it_. In Sermon Time when
Goodwife C. was present _Ab. W._ called out, _Look where Goodwife C.
sits on the Beam suck[l]ing her Yellow Bird betwixt her Fingers_! _Anne
Putman_, another Girle afflicted, _said there was a Yellow Bird sat on
my Hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit_! But those that were by
restrained her from speaking loud about it."--_Lawson, First Edition_,
Pages 3 and 4.

This, as will have been noticed, is the Account of an Eye Witness.

[10] The Warrant for the Apprehension of Rebecca Nurse is dated 23
March, 169½. The Day following, the Marshal, George Herrick, made his
Return, that he had brought her to the house of _Nath. Ingersal_,
where she was in Custody. The Witnesses were Ann Puttnam, Jr., Abigail
Williams, Mary Walcott, and Elizabeth Hubbard. Mary Walcott's Age was
about 17; Elizabeth Hubbard's also about 17. Nothing could be too
abominable for these Miscreants to make up and swear to. Mary Walcott
said, among other things, that besides being "most greviously afflicted
by" being bitten, pinched, and almost choked by the Prisoner, because
she would not write in her Book, Goody N. said she would kill her if
she did not; and on the 3rd of May, in the Evening the Apparition
of the Prisoner told her "she had an Hand in the Deaths of Benjamin
Holton, John Harrod, Rebekah Sheppard and seuerall others."

Abigail Williams's Testimony is much the same. She heard the Accused
confess (by her Apparition) the committing of several Murders, together
with her Sister Cloyse; as upon old Goodm: Hanvood, Benj. Porter and
Rebek: Shepard.... Sarah Vibber, Mr. Sam: Parris, N. Ingersoll and T.
Putnam also testified against the poor aged Woman. Putnam's Age was
about 40; Parris's, as before mentioned, about 39. John Putnam, Sen.
(another Wit.) aged about 63. Edwd. Putnam, another, aged about 30.
Another, Sarah Holton, relict of Benj. Holton. Another, Ann Putnam,
Wife of Thomas, swore to the choking by the Accused, and to her
declaring she would kill her, and said she had killed Benj. Holton,
John Fuller and Rebekah Shepard; also that she and her Sister Cloyse
and Ed: Bishop had killed young John Putnam's Child.... "Immediately
there did appear to me six Children in Winding-sheets, which called
me Aunt.... Told me they were my Sister Baker's Children of Boston;
and that Gooddy Nurs, and Mistris Cary of Charlestown, and an old deaf
Woman at Boston had murthered them.... Also there appeared to me my
own Sister Bayley and three of her Children in Winding-sheets, and
told me Goody Nurs had murthered them." This was all taken as good and
sufficient Testimony!

[11] This Reference is to the first Edition of Lawson's Work, _A Brief
and True Narrative, &c._ His Account is given in Note 9.

[12] Lawson, _First Edition_, Page 4.

[13] Lawson, Page 8. The Words "_at a House in the Village_," are in
the Original, which shows that the Witch-meeting was in that part of
Salem since Danvers.

[14] This Affair of the 1st of April, is an Abridgement of Lawson, Page
8, but nothing important to the present Purpose is omitted.

[15] The following is the Relation by Lawson, given in his own Words,
that the Reader may judge of his accuracy: "The 3d of _April_, the
Lord's Day, being Sacrament Day, at the Village, _Good. C._, upon Mr.
_Parris's_ naming his Text, _John_, 6, 70. _One of them is a Devil_,
the said Good. _C._ went immediately out of the Meetinghouse, and flung
the door after her violently, to the amazement of the Congregation: She
was afterwards seen by some in their Fits, who said, _O Goodw. C. I did
not think to see you here_! (and being at their _red bread and drink_)
said to her, _Is this a Time to receive the Sacrament. You ran away on
the Lord's Day, and scorned to receive it in the Meetinghouse, and Is
this a Time to receive it? I wonder at you_! This is the Summ of what I
either saw myself, or did receive Information from Persons of undoubted
Reputation and Credit."--_Page_ 8.

[16] "On the 11th of April, 1692, a Council was convened at Salem; at
which there were present DEP. GOV. THOMAS DANFORTH, JAMES RUSSELL, JOHN
HATHORNE, ISAAC ADDINGTON, MAJ. SAMUEL APPLETON, CAPT. SAMUEL SEWALL
and JONATHAN CORWIN. To them Complaint was exhibited by Capt. Jonathan
Wallcott and Lieut. Nathaniell Ingersall, both of Salem Village, on the
behalf of several Neighbors, as well as on their own; against Sarah
Cloyce, wife of Peter Cloyce of Salem Village, and Elizabeth Proctor,
wife of John Proctor of Salem Farms [on the Road towards Boston] for
high suspition of sundry Acts of Witchcraft, committed on the Bodies
of Abigail Williams and John Indian, both of Mr. Samuel Parris his
Famyly, Mary Walcot, Ann Putnam and Mercy Lewis, &c." When the Accused
were brought before the Council, Mr. Parris "was desired and appointed
to wright ye Examination," which he accepted, and the Record is still
extant in his Hand-writing. Accordingly Elizabeth Proctor, and her
Husband, John Proctor, and Sarah Cloyce were all committed to Prison,
"per advise of ye Councill."--_Witchcraft Records_, i. 101-2.

[17] The Testimony and Indictment against Philip English may be seen
in the _Hist. and Antiq's Boston_, 497, printed from the Originals in
the Author's Possession. With the same are the two Indictments (in the
Hand-writing of Edward Rawson), charging him with bewitching Elizabeth
Booth, of Salem, Single-woman, and Mary Wallcott. These Indictments are
both dated May 31st, 1692. The Monsters who carried on the Charges,
were much like a Pack of hungry Wolves. One would set up the Howl of
Witch, and immediately others would follow. So in the Case of Philip
English, a large number of Persons joined those Girls in their "Crying
out on" him. This encouraged them to keep up their Deceptions. Mrs.
English was accused before her Husband. One Mary Warren, Servant to Mr.
Procter, outwent all others, except perhaps Elizabeth Booth, in the
Invention of Stories. Rebutting Testimony was brought against her, but
it had no Effect with the Court. Edward Bishop, aged 44; Sarah, 41, and
Mary Estey, 56; all said that they heard Mary Warren say, when in Jail
together in Salem, that the Magistrates might as well examine Keysar's
Daughter that had been distracted many Years, and believe what she
said, as well as what any of the Afflicted said. Mary English, aged 39,
said, being at Salem about a Month before, she heard Mary Warren speak
the same Words.

[18] Dr. Mather affirms that "the _Old Government_ was _Reassumed_,
and the _Old Charter_ too was _Reassumed_, as far as it was possible
to be done; Every thing in the World was done, but only declaring
that the _Judgment_ passed in the King's Court of Chancery (however
it might be thought a Grievance) did the _Charter_ no _Damage_; which
if some were wiser then to say, who can help it? Well, did I oppose
this _Reassumption_! They that were acquainted with me, I am sure,
did not think so; and they that sent their _Tory Pamphlets_ about
the Countrey against me, as an _Impudent Youth_ [then aged 26] for
my assisting the _Reassumed Government_, I am sure did not think
so. Let the things Published for the supporting of the Reassumed
Government; and particularly the very first _Passage_ in the _First
Sermon_, at the _Anniversary Election_, which the Deputies of the
_General-Court_ called me to _Preach_ and _Print_, (which by the way,
would they have done, if the _Young Man_ had been such an one as this
Man would render him?) be my Everlasting Apology; and let _Calves_
never Bleat, nor _Bulls_ (of _Bashan_) Roar against me, on that
Point any more."--_Remarks upon a Scandalous Book_, &c., Pages 46-7.
The "Passage" he refers to in his Election Sermon is too long to be
extracted here.

[19] Our Author is not the only one who thought Dr. I. Mather had some
selfish Ends to answer in his Management of Affairs in England. See
Quincy, _Hist. H. Col._, i, 60. But Quincy is entirely too one-sided,
ardent and dogmatical to be implicitly relied upon.

[20] That is the Disputes respecting the Form of Government.

[21] It appears that some Irons had been prepared before the Arrival
of Gov. Phips, though he may have ordered a further Supply, as
Prisoners greatly increased about that Time. Mr. Felt, the Annalist
of Salem, furnished Mr. J. W. Hanson with a Copy of an Account of the
Prison-keeper (John Arnold), of Boston, for various Items used in the
Prison. Said Account begins about the 7th of March, 1691-2. On "May
9th, To Chains for Sarah Good and Sarah Osborn, 14 _s._ May 23d, To
Shackles for 10 Prisoners. May 29th, to 1 pr. Irons for Mary Cox," &c.
See _Hist. Danvers_, 290. For other Items of this Sort, see _Records of
S. W._, ii, 212, _et seq._

[22] This was _Tituba_, of whom Mention has been before made. See
_Note_ 4. Her first Examination is a surprising Document, not only for
its Length, but for its Matter; and the Editor cannot but candidly
confess that the Questions were more ridiculous than the Answers of
the simple Indian Woman, if possible. Her Husband was known as _John
Indian_. The original Minutes are in the Editor's Possession.

[23] This application of Irons was of course after the Arrival of the
Governor. The Name of the Jailor has already been given.

[24] It would seem from the _Records_, (as published by Mr. Woodward)
that Cary's name was _Nathaniel_. In Savage, we find that _Jonathan_
Cary of Charlestown had Wife Hannah Winsor; that _Nathaniel_ was
Brother to Jonathan, and that they were Sons to James Cary, who came
to Charlestown in or before 1639. Complaint was made against Mrs.
Cary by Mr. Thomas Putnam and Benjamin Hatchinson, both of Salem
Village. The Complaint was that she had bewitched the miscreant Girls
before-mentioned, Mary Walcott, Abigall Willyams and Mercy Lewis.
Mrs. Cary's Husband is styled "Capt. Nathaniell Cary of Charls Towne,
Marener."--_Records_, ii., 196.

[25] He was the Son of the Pilgrim John of the Mayflower. See an
Account of him and his Persecution in _Hist. and Antiqs. Boston_,
499. Also _Records S. W._, ii., 196. His Accusers were the same
Wretches--Mary Lewis, Abigail Williams, Elizabeth Booth, Mary Walcott,
Elizabeth Hubbard, Ann Putnam and Mary Warren. The Warrant for his
Commitment was dated May 31st, 1692, as will be seen immediately onward.

[26] The same, probably, mentioned before. See Vol. ii, Page 75.

[27] The original Mittimus does not appear among the Records preserved
at Salem. If preserved, it has not been discovered.

[28] Their Names may, probably, nearly all be collected from the
Records. Interest should prompt some one to make the Attempt.

[29] Their Names have already appeared. Capt. Sewall was the well known
Judge Sewall.

[30] See the long and tedious Testimonies against her in Vol. I, Pages
163-174, and of the same ridiculous Character as others; yet not so
ridiculous there as in the original _Records_, which see. Ezekiel
Cheever took down the Examination.

[31] Of this Abstract Dr. Mather says: "His first and main Design is
to render me odious unto the Countrey, as being one chief _Abettor_
of that Opinion, That the Devils cannot afflict in the Shape of an
Innocent Person; and as being an _Inciter_ of the Judges, to the
Conviction of _Witchcrafts_ upon that Opinion. It is very certain that
his Conscience must needs tell him, this is a most _Lying Accusation_.
For in my Book of _Memorable Providences_, which I writ before the
Troubles at _Salem_, and even _before I was so fully acquainted with
the Wiles of Satan_, (for my saying of which, on a certain Occasion, he
flouts at me) I have a whole Paragraph to caution against _accounting
a bewitched Persons pretending to see an Apparition of such or such
an one, an Argument of their being Naughty People_. And some of the
Chief Ministers in this Land favoured that Book with their Attestation,
however my Friend Calef now Derides it." This was the Work recommended
by Mr. Baxter.

[32] The Trial of Susanna Martin is given in the _Wonders_ (Vol. i.)
Pages 175-187; that of Elizabeth How, Pages 188-194; that of Rebecca
Nurse in _Records of S. W._ i. 76-99; Vol. ii. 215; of Sarah Wilds of
Topsfield, _Ibid_, ii, 180-182, 215; Sarah Good; _Ibid_, 11-24; ii,
214-15. The Partiality in the Wonders is elsewhere noticed.

[33] The Trial of Sarah Good was one of a singularly revolting
Character. Her own Daughter, named Dorothy, was one of the Witnesses
against her. Said her Mother "had three Birds, one black, one
yellow, and that these Birds hurt the Children and afflicted
Persons."--_Records S. W._ i, 23. Her own Husband gave her a very bad
Character, but said he knew nothing of her being a Witch. The Story of
the broken Knife, I do not remember seeing in the _Records_. It was
probably suppressed. Samuel Abbey and Mary his Wife, aged about 45 and
38, respectively, testified that William Good and his Wife Sarah, being
destitute of a House to dwell in, they took them in out of Charity;
but about two years and a half before, were obliged to turn them out
"for quietness sake, the said Sarah was of so turbulant a Sperritt,
spitefull and mallitiously bent." Whereupon the said Abbey in about two
years lost 17 head of Cattle, besides Sheep and "Hoggs."--_Records_,
_ib._ 24-5. See also Mr. Upham's _Lectures on Witchcraft_.

[34] The Names of the Jurors are not recorded. John Ruck was the
Foreman, Brother-in-law, I suppose of Mr. Burroughs.

[35] It is much to be regretted that the Author found it necessary to
exclude such Documents. The Paper referred is of special regret.

[36] What has been preserved of the Trials of these Persons, will be
found in Vol. i, and in the _Records_ before cited.

[37] "I was present when these things were testified against him,
and observed that he could not make any Plea for himself (_in these
Things_) that had any Weight: He had the Liberty of Challenging his
_Jurors_, before empannelling, according to the _Statue_ in that Case,
and used his Liberty in Challenging many; yet the Jury that were
_Sworn_ brought him in Guilty."--Lawson, _Second Edition_, 115.

Mr. Burroughs' Trial is fully given in Vol. i, 152-63. It is not among
the Records, for the Reason, probably, that it had been given to Mr.
Mather to use, and was never returned. His Examination was before
Stoughton, Hathorne, Sewall and Corwin. The following are the Names of
the Men appointed to search him for Teats: Edward Welch, William Gill,
Zeb. Hill, Thomas Flint, Thomas West, Samuel Morgan and John Bare, as
Printed in the _Records_, ii, 112. They reported no "Tetts" upon Mr.
Burroughs.

Ann Putnam's Testimony was ingenious, and as damning as any _Infernal
Spirit_ could have desired. See _Records_, _ib._ 113-116. Mather does
not give it, but says such things were evidenced; as that he had
murdered sundry People. See Remarks of Mr. Upham, _Lectures_, 55.

[38] A misprint, probably, for _Nashaway_.

[39] Dr. Increase Mather, Mr. James Allen of the Old South, Mr. Joshua
Moody, Mr. Samuel Willard of the Old South, and Mr. John Bailey of the
First Church, Boston.

[40] My friend Savage calls this an "Infernal Business." I hope he will
never get further out of the Way. It would seem that the Officials of
that Day must have taken lessons of Roman Inquisitors.

[41] Daniel Andrew of Salem, as I conjecture.

[42] Nineteen Years after these Executions, the General Court of the
Province passed an Act declaring null and void all the Attainders
and Judgments against those who had suffered for Witchcraft. This
Act was passed "upon the Humble Petition of the said Persons and of
the Children of others of them whose Parents were Executed." The
General Assembly also appointed a Committee "to consider of ye Damages
sustained by sundry Persons prosecuted for Witchcraft in ye Year 1692."
The Committee computed the Damage to those above named as follows: Mr.
and Mrs. Cory £21; Mary Easty £20; Alice Parker got nothing, but Mary
Parker got £8; Nothing appears for Ann Pudeater; Dorcas Hoar £21; Mary
Bradberry £20; some that suffered had no Representative to receive the
Award.

[43] Allowances were made to the most of those or their Children, as
may be seen in the Records before cited.

[44] "The Hill" has ever since been pointed out as _Witch Hill_, or
more generally _Gallows Hill_; whence is had a fine view of the City of
Salem. Some Account of this noted Hill might reasonably be expected in
a History of Salem. The _Institute_ should look to the Matter.

[45] Surely Cotton Mather never uttered anything more inhuman. Mr.
Noyes has already been noticed.

[46] Mr. John Hale had testified against some of the Accused; but I do
not find that when his own Wife was accused any Record was made of it.

[47] The Case of Mr. English has been before referred to. See Note 17.

[48] Ballard's Testimony against Samuel Wardwell may be seen in the
_Records of S. W._, ii, 152. Ballard gave his Age as about 41 Years,
and mentions his Brother John. See onward.

[49] This was not the First of the Troubles by supposed Witchcraft at
Andover, as appears by the following Record, the Original of which
is in the Editor's Collection: "The Deposition of Job Tylar, aged
about 40 Yeares, Mary his Wife and Moses Tylʳ his Son aged betwixt 17
and 18 Years, and Mary Tyler aboue 15 Yeares olde.--These Deponents
witnesse that they saw a thing like a Bird to come in at the Dore of
there House with John Godfery in the Night about the bignes of a Black
Bird or rather bigger, to wit, as big as a Pigion, and did fly about;
John Godfery labouring to catch it, and the Bird vanished, as they
conceived, through the Chinck of a joynted Bord; and being asked by the
Man of the House wherefore it came, he answered, It came to suck your
Wife. This was (as they remember) about 5 or 6 Yeares since.--Taken
vpon Oath of the 4 above menconed Pties, this 27. 4. 59. Before mee

                                                    "SIMON BRADSTREETE.

Ouned in Court Mʳh, 65, by Job Tylar and Moses Tylar.

                                                              E. R. Sec

Owned in Court 13 March, 65, by Mary Tyler on hir former Oath.

                                                             E. R. Sec"

The Above is in the Autograph of Gov. Bradstreet and Edward Rawson.

[50] Son of Governor Simon Bradstreet. In 1698, when the Indians
attacked Andover, Bradstreet and his Family were captured; but they
were set at Liberty the same Day.

[51] I am unable to ascertain the Name of the "worthy Gentleman." He
was doubtless one of those, like Mr. Calef, not afraid "to take the
Bull by the Horns."

[52] Sarah, the Wife of Peter Cloyce and Mary Green were probably the
two Persons. The Latter seems to have made her Escape by the Assistance
of John Shepard of Rowley. See Felt, _History of Ipswich and Hamilton_,
207.

[53] See the Evidence against Susanna Martin, i, Pages 177, _et seq._
See, also, Woodward's _Rec. of Salem Witchcraft_, i, 193-206, ii, 215.

[54] Mr. John Barnard, who is duly commemorated by Dr. Allen in the
_Amer. Biog. Dictionary_. He was Author of several Works.

[55] Slight Notices of the Families to which these Persons belonged may
be seen in Abbot's _History of Andover_.

[56] It is a Wonder that Mr. Calef did not tell his Readers how
shockingly Mr. Mather reported those Trials; and it is accounted for
only by presuming that the Originals were not accessible to him, having
been put into the Hands of Mr. Mather.

[57] Their Names were not printed according to the original MS. in the
_Cases of Conscience_. They _are_ correctly printed from that MS.,
however, by the Editor, with some Remarks, in his Edition of Mather's
_Relation_, xxii. The Order of Subscription is entirely changed.


[Mather's _Preface to the Tryals_.]

[113] BUT I shall no longer detain my Reader from his expected
entertainment, in a brief account of the Tryals, which have passed
upon some of the Malefactors, lately Executed at _Salem_, for the
Witchcrafts whereof they stood convicted. For my own part I was not
present at any of them; nor ever had I any personal prejudice at the
persons thus brought upon the Stage; much less, at the surviving
Relations of those persons, with and for whom, I would be as hearty a
mourner, as any Man living in the World: _The Lord comfort them!_ But
having received a command so to do, I can do no other than shortly
relate the chief Matters of Fact, which occurr'd in the Tryals of some
that were Executed; in an Abridgment collected out of the Court-Papers,
on this occasion put into my hands. You are to take the truth, just
as it was; and the truth will hurt no good Man. There might have been
more of these, if my Book would not thereby have been swelled too
big; and if some other Worthy hands did not perhaps intend something
further in these Collections; for which cause I have only singled
out four or five, which may serve to Illustrate the way of dealing,
wherein Witchcrafts use to be concerned; and I report matters not as an
Advocate, but as an Historian.

They were some of the Gracious words inserted in the Advice, which many
of the Neighbouring Ministers did this Summer humbly lay before our
Honourable Judges, We cannot but with all thankfulness, acknowledge
the success, which the merciful God has given unto the Sedulous and
Assiduous Endeavours of our Honorable Rulers, to detect the Abominable
Witchcrafts, which have been committed in the Country; Humbly praying
that the discovery of those Mysterious, and Mischievous wickednesses,
may be perfected. If in the midst of the many Dissatisfactions
among us, the publication of these Tryals, may promote such a Pious
thankfulness unto God, for Justice being so far executed among us, I
shall rejoice that God is glorified; and pray that no wrong steps of
ours may ever sully any of his glorious works.


[George Burrough's _Tryal_.]

               _The Indictment of_ George Burroughs.[58]

[Essex ss.] _Anno Regni Regis & Reginæ Williemi & Mariæ nunc Angliæ,
&c. quarto._--

THE Jurors for our Sovereign Lord and Lady the King and Queen present,
That _George Burroughs_, late of _Falmouth_, in the Province of the
_Massachusetts-Bay_, in _New-England_, Clerk.

The 9th Day of _May_, in the fourth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign
Lord and Lady _William_ and _Mary_, by the Grace of God, of _England_,
_Scotland_, _France_ and _Ireland_, King and Queen Defenders of the
[114] Faith, _&c._ And divers other days and times, as well before as
after, certain detestable Arts, called Witchcrafts, and Sorceries,
Wickedly and Feloniously hath used, practised, and exercised, at and
within the Township of _Salem_, in the County of _Essex_ aforesaid,
in upon, and against one _Mary Wolcott_ of _Salem_-Village, in the
County of _Essex_, Single-woman, by which said wicked Arts the said
_Mary Wolcott_, the Ninth Day of _May_, in the fourth Year abovesaid,
and divers other days and times, as well before as after, was and is
Tortured, Afflicted, Pined, Consumed, Wasted and Tormented, against the
Peace of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, the King and Queen, and against
the Form of the Statute in that Case made and provided.

 Witnesses, _Mary Wolcott, Sarah Vibber,[59] Mercy Lewis, Ann Putnam,
                            Eliz. Hubbard_.

               Endorsed by the Grand Jury, _Billa Vera_.

There was also a second Indictment for afflicting _Elizabeth Hubbard_,
the Witnesses to the said Indictment were _Elizabeth Hubbard_, _Mary
Wolcott_, and _Ann Putnam_.

The third Indictment was for afflicting _Mercy Lewis_: the Witnesses,
the said _Mercy Lewis_, _Mary Wolcott_, _Elizabeth Hubbard_, and _Ann
Putnam_.

The fourth for acts of Witchcraft on _Ann Putnam_, the Witnesses, the
said _Ann Putnam_, _Mary Wolcott_, _Elizabeth Hubbard_, and _Mary
Warren_.[60]


    _The Tryal of_ G. B. _as Printed in_ Wonders of the Invisible
      World, _from_ P. 94 _to_ 104.

GLAD should I have been, if I had never known the name of this Man; or
never had this occasion to mention so much as the first Letters of his
name. But the Government requiring some Account of his trial, to be
inserted in this Book, it becomes me with all obedience to submit unto
the Order.

1. This _G. B._ was Indicted for Witchcrafts; and in the Prosecution
of the Charge against him, he was Accused by five or six of the
Bewitched, as the Author of their Miseries; he was accused by Eight of
the confessing Witches, as being an head Actor at some of their Hellish
Randezvouzes, and who had the promise of being a King in Satan's
Kingdom, now going to be erected; he was accused by Nine persons, for
extraordinary lifting, and such feats of strength as could not be done
without a Diabolical Assistance. And for other such things he was
accused, until about Thirty Testimonies[61] were brought in against
him; nor were these judg'd the half of what might have been consider'd
for his Conviction: however they were enough to fix the Character of a
Witch upon him, according to the Rules of Reasoning, by the judicious
_Gaule_, in that case directed.

[115] The Court being sensible, that the Testimonies of the Parties
Bewitched, use to have a Room among the Suspicions, or Presumptions,
brought in against one Indicted for Witchcraft, there were now heard
the Testimonies of several Persons who were most notoriously bewitched,
and every day tortured by Invisible hands, and these now all charged
the Spectres of _G. B._ to have a share in their Torments. At the
Examination of this _G. B._ the bewitched People were grievously
harrassed with preternatural Mischiefs, which could not possibly be
dissembled; and they still ascribed it unto the Endeavours of _G. B._
to kill them. And now upon his Trial, one of the bewitched persons
testified, That in her _Agonies_ a little Black-haired Man came to her,
saying his name was _B._ and bidding her set her hand unto a Book,
which he shewed unto her; and bragging that he was a Conjuror above
the ordinary Rank of Witches; that he often persecuted her, with the
offer of that Book, saying, she should be well, and need fear nobody,
if she would but sign it: but he inflicted cruel pains and hurts upon
her, because of her denying so to do.[62] The Testimonies of the other
Sufferers, concurred with these; and it was remarkable, that whereas
Biting, was one of the ways, which the Witches used, for the vexing of
the Sufferers, when they cry'd out of _G. B._ biting them, the print of
his Teeth would be seen on the Flesh of the Complainers; and just such
a set of Teeth as _G. B_'s. would then appear upon them, which could be
distinguished from those of some other Mens.

Others of them testified, that in their Torments _G. B._ tempted them
to go unto a Sacrament, unto which they perceived him with a sound of
Trumpet summoning of other Witches; who quickly after the sound would
come from all quarters unto the Randezvous. One of them falling into a
kind of Trance, afterwards affirmed, that _G. B._ had carried her into
a very high Mountain, where he shewed her mighty and glorious Kingdoms,
and said he would give them all to her, if she would write in his
Book; but she told him, They were none of his to give; and refused the
Motions; enduring of much misery for that refusal.[63]

It cost the Court a wonderful deal of trouble to hear the Testimonies
of the Sufferers; for when they were going to give in their
Depositions, they would for a long while be taken with Fits, that made
them uncapable of saying any thing. The chief Judge asked the Prisoner,
who he thought hindered these Witnesses from giving their Testimonies?
and he answered, He supposed it was the Devil. That Honourable person
then replied, How comes the Devil so loth to have any Testimony borne
against you? Which cast him into very great confusion.[64]

3. It hath been a frequent thing for the bewitched People, to be
entertained with Apparitions of Ghosts of murdered People, at the
same time that the Spectres of the Witches trouble them. These Ghosts
do always [116] affright the beholders, more than all the other
Spectral Representations; and when they exhibit themselves, they cry
out of being murdered by the Witchcrafts or other Violences of the
persons who are then in Spectre present. It is further considerable,
that once or twice these Apparitions have been seen by others, at
the very same time they have shown themselves to the bewitched; and
seldom have there been these Apparitions, but when something unusual
and suspected hath attended the death of the Party thus appearing.
Some that have been accused by these Apparitions, accosting of the
bewitched People, who had never heard a word of any such persons ever
being in the World, have upon a fair Examination, freely and fully
confessed the Murders of those very persons, although these also did
not know how the Apparitions had complained of them. Accordingly
several of the bewitched had given in their Testimony, that they had
been troubled with the Apparitions of two Women, who said they were
_G. B_'s two Wives; and that he had been the death of them; and that
the Magistrates must be told of it, before whom, if _B._ upon his
Tryal denied it, they did not know but that they should appear again
in the Court. Now _G. B._ had been infamous, for the barbarous usage
of his two successive Wives, all the Countrey over. Moreover, it was
testified, the Spectre of _G. B._ threatning of the Sufferers told them
he had killed (besides others) Mrs. _Lawson_ and her Daughter _Ann_.
And it was noted, that these were the Vertuous Wife and Daughter of
one, at whom this _G. B._ might have a prejudice, for being serviceable
at _Salem_-Village, from whence himself had in ill terms removed some
Years before, and that when they dy'd, which was long since, there were
some odd circumstances about them, which made some of the Attendants
there suspect something of Witchcraft, though none imagined from what
quarter it should come.

Well _G. B._ being now upon his Tryal, one of the bewitched persons
was cast into horror at the Ghosts of _B_'s. two deceased Wives, then
appearing before him, and crying for vengeance against him. Hereupon
several of the bewitched persons were successively called in, who all,
not knowing what the former had seen and said, concurred in their
horror of the Apparition, which they affirmed, that he had before him.
But he, though much appalled, utterly denied that he discerned any
thing of it, nor was it any part of his Conviction.

4. Judicious writers have assigned it a great place, in the Conviction
of Witches, when persons are Impeached by other notorious Witches to
be as ill as themselves, especially if the persons have been much
noted for neglecting the Worship of God. Now as there might have
been Testimonies enough of _G. B_'s. Antipathy to Prayer, and the
other Ordinances of God, though by his Profession singularly obliged
thereunto; so there now came in against the Prisoner, the Testimonies
of several persons, who [117] confessed their own having been horrible
Witches, and ever since their Confessions, had been themselves
terribly tortured by the Devils and other Witches, even like the other
Sufferers; and therein undergone the pains of many deaths for their
Confessions.

These now testified, that _G. B._ had been at Witch-meetings with them;
and that he was the person who had seduced and compelled them into the
Snares of Witchcraft: that he promised them fine Cloaths for doing
it; that he brought Poppets to them, and thorns to stick into those
Poppets, for the afflicting of other People: And that he exhorted them,
with the rest of the Crue to bewitch all _Salem_-Village; but be sure
to do it gradually; if they would prevail in what they did.

When the _Lancashire_ Witches were Condemned, I do'nt remember
that there was any considerable further Evidence, than that of the
bewitched, and than that of some that had confessed. We see so much
already against _G. B._ But this being indeed not enough, there were
other things to render what had already been produced credible.

5. A famous Divine, recites this among the Convictions of a Witch; the
Testimony of the party bewitched, whether pining or dying; together
with the Joint Oaths of sufficient persons, that have seen certain
podigious pranks or feats, wrought by the party accused. Now God had
been pleased so to leave this _G. B._ that he had ensnared himself,
by several instances which he had formerly given of a preternatural
strength; and which were now produced against him. He was a very puny
Man, yet he had often done things beyond the strength of a Giant.[65]
A Gun of about 7 Foot barrel, and so heavy that strong Men could not
steadily hold it out, with both hands; there were several Testimonies
given in by persons of Credit and Honor, that he made nothing of taking
up such a Gun behind the Lock with but one hand, and holding it out
like a Pistol, at Arms-end. _G. B._ in his vindication was so foolish,
as to say, that an _Indian_ was there, and held it out, at the same
time: whereas, none of the Spectators ever saw any such _Indian_; but
they supposed the black Man (as the Witches call the Devil; and they
generally say he resembles an _Indian_) might give him that Assistance.
There was Evidence likewise brought in, that he made nothing of
taking up whole Barrels fill'd with Mellasses, or Cyder, in very
disadvantageous Postures, and carrying of them thro' the difficultest
places, out of a Canoa to the Shore.

Yea, there were two Testimonies, that _G. B._ with only putting the
Fore-finger of his right hand into the Muzzel of an heavy Gun, a
fowling piece of about six or seven foot Barrel did lift up the Gun,
and hold it out at Arms-end; a Gun which the Deponents, though strong
men, could not with both hands lift up, and hold out at the Butt-end,
as is usual. Indeed one of these Witnesses, was over-perswaded by
some persons to [118] be out of way upon _G. B_'s. Tryal; but he came
afterwards with sorrow for his withdraw, and gave in his Testimony. Nor
were either of these Witnesses made use of as Evidence in the Tryal.

6. There came in several Testimonies, relating to the Domestick affairs
of _G. B._ which had a very hard Aspect upon him; and not only proved
him a very ill Man, but also confirmed the belief of the Character,
which had been already fastned on him.

'Twas Testified, that keeping his two successive Wives in a strange
kind of slavery, he would when he came home from abroad pretend to
tell the talk which any had with them. That he has brought them to
the point of Death, by his harsh dealings with his Wives, and then
made the People about him to promise that in case Death should happen
they would say nothing of it. That he used all means to make his Wives
Write, Sign, Seal, and Swear a Covenant never to reveal any of his
Secrets. That his Wives had privately complained unto the Neighbours
about frightly Apparitions of Evil Spirits, with which their House was
sometimes infested; and that many such things have been whispered among
the Neighbourhood. There were also some other Testimonies, relating
to the death of People, whereby the Consciences of an impartial Jury
were convinced, that _G. B._ had bewitched the persons mention'd in
the Complaints. But I am forced to omit several such Passages in this
as well as in all the succeeding Tryals, because the Scribes who took
notice of them, have not supplied me.

7. One Mr. _Ruck_, Brother in Law to this _G. B._ testified that _G.
B._ and he himself, and his Sister, who was _G. B_'s. Wife, going
out for two or three Miles, to gather Strawberries, _Ruck_ with his
Sister, the Wife of G. B. rode home very softly, with G. B. on foot, in
their company, G. B. stept aside a little into the Bushes, whereupon
they halted and hollow'd for him. He not answering, they went away
homewards, with a quickened pace; without any expectation of seeing
him in a considerable while: and yet when they were got near home, to
their astonishment they found him on foot, with them, having a Basket
of Strawberries. G. B. immediately then fell to chiding his Wife, on
the account of what she had been speaking to her Brother of him on the
Road: which when they wondered at, he said, He knew their thoughts.
_Ruck_ being startled at that, made some reply, intimating that the
Devil himself did not know so far; but G. B. answered, my god, makes
known your thoughts unto me. The Prisoner now at the Bar had nothing
to answer unto what was thus witnessed against him, that was worth
considering. Only he said, _Ruck_ and his Wife left a man with him,
when they left him. Which _Ruck_ now affirm'd to be false; and when
the Court asked G. B. What the mans name was? His countenance was
much altered; nor [119] could he say who it was. But the Court began
to think that he then stept aside, only that by the Assistance of the
black Man, he might put on his invisibility, and in that fascinating
Mist, gratify his own jealous humour, to hear what they said of him.
Which trick of rendering themselves invisible, our Witches do in their
Confessions pretend that they sometimes are masters of; and it is the
more credible, because there is demonstration that they often render
many other things utterly invisible.

8. Faultering, Faulty, Unconstant, and contrary Answers upon Judicial
and deliberate Examination, are counted some unlucky symptoms of
Guilt in all Crimes, especially in Witchcrafts. Now there never was a
Prisoner more Eminent for them, than _G. B._ both at his Examination
and on his Tryal. His Tergiversations, Contradictions, and Falsehoods,
were very sensible: he had little to say, but that he had heard some
things that he could not prove, Reflecting upon the Reputation of some
of the Witnesses. Only he gave in a Paper to the Jury; wherein, altho'
he had many times before granted, not only that there are Witches, but
also that the present Sufferings of the Countrey are the Effects of
Horrible Witchcrafts, yet he now goes to evince it, that there neither
are nor ever were, Witches, that having made a compact with the Devil,
can send a Devil to torment other People at a distance. This Paper was
transcribed out of _Ady_; which the Court presently knew, as soon as
they heard it. But he said, he had taken none of it out of any Book;
for which his evasion afterwards was, that a Gentleman gave him the
Discourse in a Manuscript, from whence he transcribed it.

9. The Jury brought him in Guilty; but when he came to dye, he utterly
deny'd the Fact, whereof he had been thus Convicted.[66]


FOOTNOTES:

[58] As this Indictment does not appear to be among the Records,
its absence is accounted for as has been remarked of other similar
Documents before noticed; being taken from the Files and never returned.

[59] This Name as has been mentioned already, is doubtless _Bibber_.

[60] Of these abandoned Witnesses, we have already had sufficient.

[61] About twenty appear in the Records, which see, Vol. II, Pages 109,
_et seq._ Respecting Mr. Burrough's great Strength, Samuel Webber, aged
about 36, swore, that "aboute ceauen or eight Yeares agoe I liued at
Casco Bay, and George Burroughs was then Minester there, and haueing
heard much of the great Strength of him sd. Burroughs; he coming to our
House wee ware in discourse aboute the same and he then told mee yt he
had put his fingers into the Bung of a Barrell of Malases and lifted it
vp and carryed it round him." Salem, Augt. 2d, 1692.

Ann Putnam swore, that on the 20th of April, 1692, she saw the
_Apperishtion_ of Mr. Burroughs who tortured her in a terrible Manner;
told her he had had three Wives, and had bewitched two of them to
death; had killed Mistress Lawson because she was so unwilling to
go from the Village; had killed Mr. Lawson's Children because he
went to the Eastward with Sir Edmond [Andros] and preached so to the
Soldiers; had bewitched a great many Soldiers to death when Sir _Edmon_
was there, &c. At another time she swore that the two Wives of Mr.
Burroughs appeared to her in their Winding-sheets, and told her how
they were murdered. Also Mrs. Lawson and her Daughter Ann appeared
in the same Manner; also another Woman who told her she was Goodman
Fuller's first Wife, and that Mr. Burroughs killed her, because of a
Difference between her Husband and him.

Simon Willard, aged about 42 Years, was at the House of Mr. Robert
Lawrence, of Casco Bay, in Sept., 1689; saw Mr. Burroughs show where he
took hold of the Gun of about seven foot Barrel, which was behind the
Lock; and Mr. B. said he held it out with one Hand by so taking it, but
the Deponent did not see him do it. Willard commanded the Fort at Casco.

Thomas Greenslett, aged about 40 Years, said he was at Capt. Joshua
Scottow's at Black Point, about the breaking out of the late Indian
War, where he saw Mr. B. lift a Gun of six foot Barrel or there-about,
by putting the Forefinger of his right Hand into the Muzzle; holding
it out at Arm's Length. Lieut. Richard Hunnewell and John _Greinslett_
being present. The above are a few Specimens of the Evidence on which
Mr. Burroughs was condemned and executed.

[62] Several of those Girls before mentioned, swore to about the same
thing.

[63] The Girl who made oath to this was Mercy Lewis. It took place on
the 9th of May, 1692, as she said: "Mr. Burroughs carried me up to an
exceeding high Mountain and shewed me all the Kingdoms of the Earth,
and told me he would give them all to me if I would writ in his Book,
and if I would not, he would thro me down and break my Neck: but I
tould him they were none of his to give, and would not writ if he
throde me down on a hundred pichforks."--_Records S. W._ ii, 118.

[64] This is only Dr. Mather's Abridgment of the Record, it will be
remembered. "Sus. Sheldon testifyed that Burroughs two Wives appeared
in their Winding-sheets, and said that Man killed them. He was bid to
look upon Sus. Sheldon. He looked back and knockt down all (or most) of
the afflicted who stood behind him."--_Ibid._ ii, 109.

[65] By the Testimony extracted in Note 61, it will be seen that the
Doctor's Statement is rather beyond the Record. He may have, and
doubtless had more than is now extant.

[66] See Note 153, Page 163, Vol. I.


[Bridget Bishop's _Indictment_.]

                  _The Indictment of_ Bridget Bishop.

_Anno Regni Regis & Reginæ Willielmi & Mariæ, nunc Angliæ, &c. quarto._

[_Essex_ ss.]

THE jurors for our Sovereign Lord and Lady, the King and Queen present,
That _Bridget Bishop_, alias _Oliver_, the Wife of _Edward Bishop_
in _Salem_, in the County of _Essex_, Sawyer, the Nineteenth day
of _April_, in the Fourth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
and Lady, _William_ and _Mary_, by the Grace of God, of _England_,
_Scotland_, _France_ and _Ireland_, King and Queen, Defenders of the
Faith, _&c._ and divers other days and times, as well before as after,
certain detestable Arts, called Witchcrafts, and Sorceries, wickedly
and Felloniously hath used, practiced, and exercised at, and within the
Township of _Salem_, in the County of _Essex_, aforesaid, in, upon,
and against one [120] _Mercy Lewis_, of _Salem_-Village, in the County
aforesaid, single Woman; by which said wicked Arts, the said _Mercy
Lewis_, the said Nineteenth day of _April_, in the Fourth Year above
said, and divers other days and times, as well before as after, was and
is Hurt, Tortured, Afflicted, Pined, Consumed, Wasted and Tormented,
against the Peace of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, the King and Queen,
and against the form of the Statute, in that case made and provided.

_Endorsed_ Billa Vera.

Witnesses--_Mary Lewis, Nathaniel Ingarsoll_, Mr. _Samuel Parris,
Thomas Putnam_, Junior, _Mary Walcott_, Junior, _Ann Putnam_, Junior,
_Elizabeth Hubbard, Abigail Williams_.


There was also a Second Indictment, on the said _Bishop_, for
afflicting and practising Witchcraft on _Abigail Williams_. Witnesses
to the said Indictment, were the said _Abigail Williams_, Mr. _Parris,
Nathaniel Ingarsoll, Thomas Putnam, Ann Putnam, Mary Walcott, Elizabeth
Hubbard_.[67]

The Third Indictment was for afflicting _Mary Walcott_, Witnesses to
which said Indictment, were _Mary Walcott, Mercy Lewis_, Mr. _Samuel
Parris, Nathaniel Ingarsoll, Thomas Putnam, Ann Putnam, Elizabeth
Hubbard, Abigail Williams_.[68]

The Fourth Indictment was for afflicting _Elizabeth Hubbard_, Witnesses
to which said Indictment, were the said _Elizabeth Hubbard, Mercy
Lewis_, Mr. _Parris, Nathaniel Ingarsoll, Thomas Putnam, Ann Putnam,
Mary Walcott, Abigail Williams_.

The Fifth Indictment was for afflicting _Ann Putnam_, Witnesses to
which said Indictment, were the said _Ann Putnam_, Mr. _Samuel Parris,
Nathaniel Ingarsoll, Thomas Putnam, Mercy Lewis, Mary Walcott, Abigail
Williams, Elizabeth Hubbard_.[69]


[Bridget Bishop's _Tryal_.]

    _The Tryal_ of Bridget Bishop, _as printed_, _in Wonders of
      Invisible World_, June 2, 1692. P. 104 to 114.

1. S_HE was Indicted for bewitching several persons in the
Neighbourhood. The Indictment being drawn up, according to the form
in such cases usual, and pleading not guilty, there were brought in
several persons, who had long undergone many kinds of miseries, which
were preternaturally inflicted, and generally ascribed unto an horrible
Witchcraft. There was little occasion to prove the Witchcraft, it being
evident and notorious to all beholders. Now to fix the Witchcraft on
the Prisoner at the Bar, the first thing used was, the testimony of
the bewitched; whereof several testified, that the shape of the_ [121]
_Prisoner did oftentimes very grievously pinch them, choak them, bite
them, and afflict them; urging them to write their names in a Book,
which the said Spectre call'd Ours. One of them did further testifie,
that it was the shape of this Prisoner, with another, which one day
took her from her Wheel, and carrying her to the River side, threatned
there to drown her, if she did not sign the Book mention'd, which yet
she refused. Others of them did also testifie, that the said shape,
did in her threats, brag to them, that she had been the death of
sundry persons, then by her named. Another testified, the Apparition
of Ghosts unto the Spectre of_ Bishop, _crying out,_ You murdered us.
_About the truth whereof, there was in the matter of Fact, but too much
suspicion._[70]

2. _It was testified, that at the Examination of the Prisoner, before
the Magistrates, the bewitched were extreamly tortured. If she did
but cast her Eyes on them, they were presently struck down; and this
in such a manner as there could be no collusion in the business. But
upon the touch of her hand upon them, when they lay in their swoons,
they would immediately revive; and not upon the touch of any ones
else. Moreover upon some special Actions of her Body, as the shaking
of her head, or the turning of her Eyes, they presently and painfully
fell into the like postures. And many of the like accidents now fell
out, while she was at the Bar. One at the same time testifying,
that she said,_ She could not be troubled to see the Afflicted thus
tormented.[71]

3. _There was Testimony likewise brought in, that a Man striking once
at the place, where a bewitched person said, the shape of this_ Bishop
_stood, the bewitched cryed out that he had tore her Coat, in the place
then particularly specified; and the Womans Coat was found to be torn
in the very place._[72]

4. _One_ Deliverance Hobbs, _who had confessed her being a Witch, was
now tormented by the Spectres for her Confession. And she now testified
that this_ Bishop _tempted her to sign the Book again, and to deny
what she had confess'd. She affirmed, that it was the shape of this
Prisoner, which whipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her thereunto.
And she affirmed, that this_ Bishop _was at a General meeting of
the Witches in a field, at_ Salem-_Village; and there partook of a
Diabolical Sacrament, in Bread and Wine then administered._[73]

5. _To render it further unquestionable, that the Prisoner at the Bar
was the Person truly charged in this Witchcraft; there was produced
many Evidences of other Witchcrafts, by her perpetrated. For instance,_
John Cook _testified, that about five or six Years ago, one morning
about Sun-Rise, he was in his Chamber, assaulted by the shape of this
Prisoner: which look'd on him, grinn'd at him, and very much hurt him,
with a blow on the side of the head; and that on the same day about
Noon, the same shape walked in the Room where he was, and an Apple
strangely flew out of his hand, into the lap of his Mother, six or
eight foot from him._[74]

[122] 6. Samuel Gray, _testify'd, that about fourteen Years ago, he
wak'd on a Night, and saw the Room where he lay full of light; and
that he then saw plainly a Woman between the Cradle and the Bedside,
which looked upon him. He rose, and it vanished; tho he found the Doors
all fast: Looking out at the Entry door, he saw the same Woman in the
same garb again, and said,_ In God's name, what do you come for? _He
went to Bed, and had the same Woman again assaulting him. The Child
in the Cradle gave a great Screech, and the Woman disappeared. It was
long before the Child could be quieted; and tho it were a very likely
thriving Child, yet from this time it pined away, and after divers
Months died in a sad condition. He knew not_ Bishop, _nor her name; but
when he saw her after this, he knew by her countenance, and apparel,
and all circumstances, that it was the Apparition of this_ Bishop,
_which had thus troubled him._[75]

7. John Bly _and his Wife, testified, that he bought a Sow of_ Edward
Bishop, _the Husband of the Prisoner, and was to pay the price agreed
unto another person. This Prisoner being angry that she was thus
hindred from fingring the Money, quarrel'd with_ Bly, _soon after which
the Sow was taken with strange Fitts, jumping, leaping, and knocking
her head against the Fence, she seemed blind and deaf, and would
neither eat nor be sucked. Whereupon a Neighbour said, she believed the
creature was over-looked; and sundry other circumstances concurred,
which made the Deponents believe that_ Bishop _had bewitched it._[76]

8. Richard Coman _testified that Eight Years ago, as he lay awake in
his Bed, with a light burning in the Room, he was annoyed with the
Apparition of this_ Bishop, _and of two more that were strangers to
him; who came and oppressed him so that he could neither stir himself,
nor wake any one else: and that he was the Night after molested again
in the like manner; the said_ Bishop _taking him by the Throat, and
pulling him almost out of the Bed. His Kinsman offered for this cause
to lodge with him; and that night, as they were awake discoursing
together, this_ Coman _was once more visited by the Guests which had
formerly been so troublesome, his Kinsman being at the same time struck
speechless, and unable to move hand or foot. He had laid his Sword by
him; which those unhappy Spectres, did strive much to wrest from him,
only he held too fast for them. He then grew able to call the People of
his house; but altho they heard him, yet they had not power to speak or
stir, until at last, one of the People crying out, What's the matter!
the Spectres all vanished._[77]

9. _Samuel Shattuck_ testified, that in the Year, 1680. This
_Bridget Bishop_, often came to his house upon such frivolous and
foolish Errands, that they suspected she came indeed with a purpose
of Mischief. Presently whereupon his Eldest Child, which was of as
promising health and sense, as any Child of its Age, began to droop
exceedingly; and the [123] oftener that _Bishop_ came to the house,
the worse grew the Child. As the Child would be standing at the Door,
he would be thrown and bruised against the Stones, by an Invisible
hand, and in like sort knock his face against the sides of the house,
and bruise it after a miserable manner. Afterwards this _Bishop_ would
bring him things to Dye, whereof he could not Imagine any use; and when
she paid him a piece of Money, the Purse and Money were unaccountably
conveyed out of a lock'd Box, and never seen more. The Child was
immediately hereupon taken with terrible Fits, whereof his friends
thought he would have died: Indeed he did almost nothing but cry and
sleep, for several Months together; and at length his understanding
was utterly taken away. Among other Symptoms of an Inchantment upon
him one was, that there was a Board in the garden, whereon he would
walk; and all the Invitations in the world could never fetch him off.
About seventeen or eighteen Years after, there came a stranger to
_Shattocks_ house, who seeing the Child, said, _This poor Child is
bewitched; and you have a Neighbour living not far off who is a Witch_.
He added, _Your Neighbour has had a falling out with your Wife; and
she said in her heart, your Wife is a proud Woman, and she would bring
down her pride in this Child_: He then remembered, that _Bishop_ had
parted from his Wife in muttering, and menacing terms, a little before
the Child was taken ill. The abovesaid stranger would needs carry the
bewitched Boy with him to _Bishops_ House, on pretence of buying a Pot
of Cyder. The Woman entertained him in a furious manner; and flew also
upon the Boy, scratching his face till the Blood came, and saying,
_Thou Rogue, what? dost thou bring this fellow here to plague me?_ Now
it seems the Man had said before he went, that he would fetch Blood
of her. Ever after the Boy was followed with grievous Fits, which the
Doctors themselves generally ascribed unto Witchcraft; and wherein he
would be thrown still into the Fire or Water, if he were not constantly
looked after; and it was verily believed that _Bishop_ was the cause of
it.[78]

10. _John Louder_ testified, that upon some little controversie with
_Bishop_ about her Fowls, going well to bed, he did awake in the Night
by Moonlight, and did clearly see the likeness of this Woman grievously
oppressing him. In which miserable condition she held him unable to
help himself, till near day. He told _Bishop_ of this; but she utterly
denied it, and threatned him very much. Quickly after this, being at
home on a Lord's Day, with the doors shut about him, he saw a black Pig
approach him; at which he going to kick, it vanished away. Immediately
after sitting down he saw a black thing jump in at the Window, and come
and stand before him. The body was like that of a Monkey, the feet
like a Cocks, but the face much like a Mans. He being so extremely
afrighted, that he could not speak; this Monster spoke to him and said,
_I am a Messenger_ [124] _sent unto you, for I understand that you are
in some trouble of Mind, and if you will be ruled by me, you shall
want for nothing in this World._ Whereupon he endeavoured to clap his
hands upon it; but he could feel no substance, and it jumped out of
the Window again; but immediately came in by the Porch, though the
doors were shut, and said, _You had better take my counsel!_ He then
struck at it with a stick, but struck only the Groundsel, and broke the
stick. The Arm with which he struck was presently disenabled, and it
vanished away. He presently went out at the back door, and spied this
_Bishop_, in her Orchard, going toward her House; but he had not power
to set one foot forward unto her. Whereupon returning into the House,
he was immediately accosted by the Monster he had seen before; which
Goblin was now going to fly at him: whereat he cried out, _The whole
Armour of God be between me and you!_ so it sprang back, and flew over
the Apple-tree; shaking many Apples off the Tree in its flying over.
At its leap, it flung dirt with its Feet, against the Stomach of the
Man; whereon he was then struck dumb, and so continued for three Days
together. Upon the producing of this Testimony, _Bishop_ denied that
she knew this Deponent. Yet their two Orchards joined, and they had
often had their little quarrels for some Years together.[79]

11. _William Stacy_ testified, that receiving Money of this _Bishop_,
for work done by him, he was gone but a matter of three Rods from her,
and looking for his Money, found it unaccountably gone from him. Some
time after, _Bishop_ asked him whether his Father would grind her Grist
for her? He demanded why? she replied, because folks count me a Witch.
He answered, no question, but he will grind it for you; being then gone
about six Rods from her, with a small load in his Cart, suddainly the
off Wheel slumpt, and sunk down into an hole, upon plain ground, so
that the Deponent, was forced to get help for the recovering of the
Wheel. But stepping back to look for the hole which might give him this
disaster, there was none at all to be found. Some time after he was
waked in the Night; but it seemed as light as day, and he perfectly saw
the shape of this _Bishop_, in the Room troubling of him, but upon her
going out, all was dark again. He charg'd _Bishop_ afterwards with it,
and she denied it not; but was very angry. Quickly after, this Deponent
having been threatned by _Bishop_, as he was in a dark Night going to
the Barn, he was very suddenly taken or lifted from the ground and
thrown against a Stone-wall; after that he was again hoisted up, and
thrown down a bank, at the end of his House. After this, again passing
by this _Bishop_, his Horse with a small load, striving to draw, all
his Gears flew to pieces, and the Cart fell down; and this Deponent
going then to lift a bag of Corn, of about two Bushels, could not budge
it with all his might.[80]

[125] Many other pranks of this _Bishops_, this Deponent was ready to
testifie. He also testified, that he verily believed, the said _Bishop_
was the Instrument of his Daughter _Priscilla's_ death; of which
suspicion, pregnant reasons were assigned.

12. To crown all _John Bly_ and _William Bly_ testified, that being
employ'd by _Bridget Bishop_, to help take down the Cellar-wall of the
old House, wherein she formerly lived, they did in holes of the said
old Wall, find several Poppets made up of Rags, and Hogs Bristles, with
headless Pins in them, the points being outward. Whereof she could now
give no Account unto the Court, that was reasonable or tolerable.[81]

13. One thing that made against the Prisoner was, her being evidently
convicted of Gross lying in the Court, several times, while she
was making her Plea. But besides this, a Jury of Women, found a
preternatural Tet upon her Body; but upon a second search, within three
or four hours, there was no such thing to be seen. There was also an
Account of other People whom this Woman had Afflicted. And there might
have been many more, if they had been enquired for. But there was no
need of them.[82]

14. There was one very strange thing more, with which the Court was
newly entertained. As this Woman was under a guard, passing by the
great and spacious Meeting House of _Salem_, she gave a look towards
the House; and immediately a _Dæmon_ invisibly entring the Meeting
House, Tore down a part of it; so that tho there were no person to be
seen there, yet the People at the Noise running in, found a board which
was strongly fastened with several Nails, transported unto another
quarter of the House.[83]


FOOTNOTES:

[67] There are four Indictments recorded. The Witnesses to the first
correspond with the Records. Those to the second differ by the Omission
of "John Bligh, and Rebeckah, his Wife; Samuell Shattuck, and Sarah,
his Wife; William Bligh, William Stacey; John Loader."

[68] These correspond with the Original, with some very slight
Difference in the Orthography; and so of those to the fourth Indictment.

[69] It will be seen that much the same Set of Witnesses figure in most
of the Cases; and it is surprising that such _stereotype_ Testimony
should have been so long imposed upon the Judges.

[70] The Answers of Bridget at her Examination were Common-sense-like,
and carried with them such honest Simplicity, that it is Matter of
Astonishment the Judges could not distinguish between the most puerile
Absurdities and Truth. It appears that she had had a Husband, named
Oliver; hence she is often called Bridget Bishop, alias Oliver. During
her Examination, the Afflicted apparently suffered excessive Torture.
One "Sam. Gold" afterwards asked her if she was not troubled to see
them so tormented. He reported that her Answer was "No. She was not
troubled for them." This was viewed as strong Evidence against her.

[71] Among all the hard swearing, that of "Sus. Sheldon" was perhaps
equal to any. She was about 18 Years old. At one Time, June 2d, 1692,
she saw the "Apperishtion" of Bridget Bishop, and immediately came two
little Children, Twins, which told her (Bridget) to her Face that she
had murdered them by setting them into Fits, whereof they dyed. One
John Cooke, aged 18, swore about an Apple which jumped out of his Hand.
John _Blye_ and his Wife, about a Sow of theirs being bewitched, and
they "Judged Bishop bewitched said Sow." Elizabeth Balch of Beverly,
aged about 38, Wife of Benj. B. Juʳ, "being at Salem ye very Day that
Capt George Corwin was buried, and in ye Euening of said Day coming
from sd. Salem vnto sd. Beuerly, on Horseback, with her Sister, then
known by the Name of Abigail Woodburie, now Abigail Waldron lieuing in
Wenham, Wife vnto Nathaniell Waldron, riding behinde her; and were come
so far as Crane Riuer Common soe called, Edward Bishop and his Wife
ouertook vs (on horseback) who are both now in Prison vnder Suspition
of Witchcraft." Bridget complained of her Husband for riding into the
Water, and of riding too fast. Whereupon an Altercation arose, and
hard Words were bandied between them. "And then sd. Bishop directed
his Speech vnto vs as we rode along, and sd. that she had been a bad
Wife vnto him euer since they were marryed, and reckoned vp many of
her Miscarriages towards him; but now of late she was worse than euer
before (and that the she Devill did come bodyly vnto her, and that she
was familiar with the Deuil, and that she sate vp all ye Night long
with ye Deuill) or Words to that Purpose. Said Bishop's Wife made very
little Reply."--_Records S. W._, i, 167-8.

[72] "Sus. Sheldon," in additional Testimony said, that "on the fourth
Day, at Night, came Goody Olliuer, Mrs. English, Goodman Corie, and
a black Man with a hi crowned hatt, with Books in their Hands. Goody
Olliuer bid me touch her Book. I would not;" told me she had been a
Witch twenty Years. "Then there came a streacked Snake, creeping ouer
her Shoulder, and creep into her Bosom. Mrs. English had a Yello Bird
in her Bosom, and Goodman Corie had two Turcles hang to his Coat, and
he opened his Bosom and put his Turcles to his Brest and gave them
suck. Then Goodm. Core and Goody Oliuer kneeled downe before the Black
Man and went to prayer. The Black Man told me Goody Olliver had been
a Witch 20 years and an half. Then they all set to biting mee, and so
went away. Goodwife Core told me she lived in [B]osston Prison. Then
she pulled out her brest and the Black Man gave her a thing like a
blake Pig. It had no Hairs on it. Shee put it to her brest and gave it
suck. Goody Olliver told mee shee had killed four Women. Two of them
were the Fosters Wifes and John Traskes Wife, and did not name the
other. Then they did all bite mee."--_Records S. W._ ii, 169-170. Then
follows the "Death Warrant" of Bridget Bishop, dated at Boston, June
the 8th, 1692, signed by Lieutenant Governour Stoughton.

[73] Her Testimony, as recorded, may be read in the Records as above
cited, i, 148-9. It is a Tissue of Contradictory Nonsense; and if at
all relied upon would excite no Wonder, in view of what had gone before.

[74] John Cooke was a young Man of some 18 years of Age. It should be
remembered that these accounts of Evidence are Dr. Mather's Version. He
has omitted the most important Item in Cook's Testimony. He swore, that
after Goodwife Bishop had struck him on the side of the Head, he saw
her go out under the end Window at a little Crevice about as large as
one could thrust his hand into. See _Records S. W._ i, 165.

[75] Gray gave his age as about 42 Years. His Testimony is pretty fully
and fairly given above. See _Records_, _Ibid_, 152-3. He is noticed in
Savage's _Dictionary_, ii, 299.

[76] This Testimony was given June 2d, 1692. The Blighs gave other
Testimony, also, on the same Day. John _Blye_, Senior, aged about 57,
and William Blye, aged about 15 Years. These testified concerning the
finding of _Poppitts_, as given in Volume i, Page 173-4.

[77] Coman gave his Age as about 32 years. His Nightmare Story is here
a good deal abridged. The curious Reader must go to the Records, _as
published by_ Woodward, Vol. i, 163-4.

[78] Shattuck's Testimony occupies three and an half of Mr. Woodward's
quarto Pages. His Age was 41. A part of his Story reminds one of the
Man who appeared among his friends with an awfully bruised Face. On
being asked how it happened, replied that the Stones in the Road
flew up and struck him as he was walking along. Poor Shattuck was
unquestionably injured in the same way.

[79] John Louder gave his Age "about thirty two." He said he lived
with Mr. John Gedney in Salem about seven or eight Years since. He was
doubtless afflicted by the same Agents as Samuel Shattuck was, and saw
quite as much if not hurt as much. A black Pig seemed determined to
keep him Company; but there were some other Things equally nondescript.
See _Records_, i, 160-1.

[80] _Stacy_ was of Salem, aged thirty six, or thereabouts. He goes
back fourteen Years, which was the time of the Money Transaction.
So that Dr. Mather's version of the Affair, as though it had just
happened, is not a fair one. Stacy was often in the same Predicament
of Shattuck and Louder, only Stone Fences, Stumps and other odd things
knocked him about in a manner, which if it surprised the Magistrates,
it probably surprised nobody who might be better acquainted with him.
See _Wonders_, Vol. i, 172.

[81] This Evidence has been referred to in a previous Note.

[82] It was no difficult matter, during a long and tedious Examination,
so to bewilder and confound Persons of firmer nerves than an aged
Matron, and thus make them contradict themselves, not knowing what to
say and hardly what was said to them. Respecting the Jury of Women, who
searched her, the Reader may consult the Records, if his Patience is
equal to his Curiosity.

[83] It would be much more satisfactory if the matter of the Dæmon had
been well attested. If a Noise, and the Transportation of _that Board_
is all the Evidence that could be adduced that the Devil was at work
there, it can hardly be said to amount to much. Besides, if the Devil
had had any ill will towards the Meeting House, he could easily have
set fire to it. His Enmity to M. Houses is generally admitted.


[Susanna Martin's _Indictment_.]

                  _The Indictment of_ Susanna Martin.

[Essex ss.] _Anno Regni Regis & Reginæ Willielmi & Mariæ, nunc Angliæ,
&c. quarto._--

THE Jurors for our Soveraign Lord and Lady the King and Queen, present,
That _Susanna Martin_ of _Amesbury_ in the County of _Essex_, Widow,
The second Day of _May_, in the fourth Year of the Reign of our
Soveraign Lord and Lady _William_ and _Mary_, by the Grace of God,
of _England_, _Scotland_, _France_ and _Ireland_, King and Queen,
Defenders of the faith, _&c._ And divers other days and times, as
well before as after, certain detestable Arts, called Witchcrafts,
and Sorceries, Wickedly and Felloniously hath used, practised, and
exercised, at and within the Township of _Salem_, in the County of
_Essex_ aforesaid, in, upon, and against one _Mary Wolcott_ of
_Salem_-Village, in the County of _Essex_, Single-Woman, by which said
wicked Arts the said _Mary Wolcott_, the Second Day [126] of _May_,
in the fourth Year aforesaid, and at divers other days and times, as
well before as after, was and is Tortured, Afflicted, Pined, Consumed,
Wasted and Tormented; as also for sundry other Acts of Witchcraft, by
said _Susanna Martin_, committed and done before and since that time,
against the Peace of our Soveraign Lord and Lady, _William_ and _Mary_,
King and Queen of _England_; Their Crown and Dignity, and against the
Form of the Statute, in that Case made and provided.

               Return'd by the Grand-Jury, _Billa Vera_.

Witnesses--_Sarah Vibber, Mary Wolcott_, Mr. _Samuel Parris, Elizabeth
Hubbard, Mercy Lewis_.


The Second Indictment[84] was for afflicting _Mercy Lewis_.
Witnesses--_Samuel Parris, Ann Putnam, Sarah Vibber, Elizabeth Hubbard,
Mary Wolcott, Mercy Lewis_.


[Susanna Martin's _Tryal_.]

    The Trial of _Susanna Martin, June_ 29, 1692. As is Printed, in
      _Wonders of the Invisible World_, from p. 114 to p. 116.

1. S_USANNA Martin_, pleading not Guilty, to the Indictment of
Witchcrafts brought in against her; there were produced the Evidences
of many persons very sensibly and grievously bewitched; who all
complained of the Prisoner at the Bar, as the person whom they believed
the cause of their Miseries. And now as well as in the other Trials,
there was an extraordinary endeavour by Witchcrafts, with cruel and
frequent Fits, to hinder the poor Sufferers, from giving in their
Complaints; which the Court was forced with much patience to obtain, by
much waiting and watching for it.

There was now also an Account given, of what had passed at her first
Examination before the Magistrates. The cast of her Eye then striking
the Afflicted People to the Ground, whether they saw that cast or no:
There were these among other Passages between the Magistrates and the
Examinate.

_Magistrate._ Pray, what ails these People?

_Martin._ I don't know.

_Magist._ But, What do you think ails them?

_Martin._ I don't desire to spend my Judgment upon it.

_Magist._ Don't you think they are bewitched?

_Martin._ No, I do not think they are.

_Magist._ Tell us your thoughts about them then.

_Martin._ No, my thoughts are my own when they are in, but when they
are out, they are anothers. Their Master--

_Magist._ Their Master; Who do you think is their Master?

_Martin._ If they be dealing in the black Art, you may know as well as
I.

[127] _Magist._ Well, what have you done towards this?

_Martin._ Nothing at all.

_Magist._ Why, 'tis you or your appearance.

_Martin._ I can't help it.

_Magist._ Is it not your Master? How comes your appearance to hurt
these?

_Martin._ How do I know? He that appeared in the shape of _Samuel_, a
Glorified Saint may appear in any ones shape.

It was then also noted in her, as in others like her, that if the
Afflicted went to approach her, they were flung down to the ground.
And, when she was asked the reason of it, she said, I cannot tell, it
may be, the Devil bears me more Malice than another.--

The Court accounted themselves Alarm'd by these things, to inquire
further into the Conversation of the Prisoner; and see what there
might occur, to render these Accusations further credible.⒜ Whereupon
_John Allen_, of _Salisbury_ testified, that he refusing, because of
the weakness of his Oxen, to Cart some Staves at the request of this
_Martin_, she was displeased at it, and said, _It had been as good
that he had; for his Oxen should never do him much more service_.
Whereupon this Deponent said, _Dost thou threaten me, thou old Witch?
I'll throw thee into the Brook_: which to avoid, she flew over the
Bridge and escaped. But as he was going home, one of his Oxen tired, so
that he was forced to unyoke him, that he might get him home. He then
put his Oxen with many more, upon _Salisbury-Beach_, where Cattle did
use to get Flesh. In a few Days, all the Oxen upon the _Beach_ were
found by their Tracks, to have run unto the mouth of _Merrimack-River_
and not returned; but the next day they were found come ashore upon
_Plum-Island_. They that sought them, used all imaginable gentleness,
but they would still run away with a violence, that seemed wholly
Diabolical, till they came near the mouth of _Merrimack-River_; when
they ran right into the Sea, swimming as far as they could be seen.
One of them then swam back again, with a swiftness amazing to the
beholders, who stood ready to receive them, and help up his tired
Carcass: but the Beast ran furiously up into the Island, and from
thence thorough the Marishes, up into _Newbury_ Town, and so up into
the Woods; and there after a while found near _Amesbury_. So that of
Fourteen good Oxen, there was only this saved: the rest were all cast
up, some in one place, and some in another, Drowned.[85]

⒜: The Above is but a very small Part of the Examination, as appears by
the Records. See _Wonders of the Invisible World_, Vol. I, P. 175.

4. _John Atkinson_ testified, that he exchanged a Cow, with a Son
of _Susanna Martins_, whereat she muttered, and was unwilling he
should have it. Going to receive this Cow, tho he Hamstring'd her,
and halter'd her, she of a tame Creature grew so mad, that they could
scarce get her along. She broke all the Ropes that were fastened unto
her, and tho she was tied [128] fast unto a Tree, yet she made her
escape, and gave them such further trouble, as they could ascribe to no
cause but Witchcraft.[86]

5. _Bernard Peache_ testified that being in Bed, on a Lords Day Night,
he heard a scrabbling at the Window, whereat he then saw _Susanna
Martin_ come in, and jump down upon the floor. She took hold of this
Deponents Feet, and drawing his body up into an heap, she lay upon him
near two hours; in all which time he could neither speak nor stir.
At length when he could begin to move he laid hold on her hand, and
pulling it up to his mouth, he bit three of her Fingers as he judged
to the Bone. Whereupon she went from the Chamber down the Stairs, out
at the door. This Deponent thereupon called unto the people of the
House to advise them of what passed; and he himself did follow her. The
People saw her not; but there being a Bucket at the Left hand of the
door, there was a drop of Blood on it; and several more drops of Blood
upon the Snow, newly fallen abroad. There was likewise the print of her
two Feet, just without the Threshold; but no more sign of any footing
further off.[87]

At another time this Deponent was desired by the Prisoner, to come unto
a husking of Corn, at her House; and she said, _If he did not come,
it were better that he did_! He went not; but the night following,
_Susanna Martin_, as he judged, and another came towards him. One of
them said, _here he is_! but he, having a Quarterstaff, made a blow at
them. The Roof of the Barn broke his blow; but following them to the
Window, he made another blow at them, and struck them down; yet they
got up, and got out, and he saw no more of them.

About this time, there was a Rumour about the Town, that _Martin_ had a
broken head; but the Deponent could say nothing to that.

The said _Peache_ also testified, the bewitching of Cattle to Death,
upon_ Martin's_ discontents.

6. _Robert Downer_ testified, that this Prisoner being some years ago
prosecuted at Court for a Witch, he then said unto her, _He believed
she was a Witch_. Whereat she being disatisfied, said, _That some she
Devil would shortly fetch him away_; which words were heard by others,
as well as himself; the night following, as he lay in his Bed, there
came in at the Window, the likeness of a Cat, which flew upon him, and
took fast hold of his Throat, lay on him a considerable while, and
almost killed him; at length he remembered what _Susanna Martin_ had
threatened the Day before, and with much striving, he cried out, _Avoid
thou the Devil, In the name of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy
Ghost, avoid_: Whereupon it left him, leaped on the Floor, and flew out
at the Window.

And there also came in several Testimonies that before ever _Downer_
spoke a word of this Accident, _Susanna Martin_ and her Family had
related how this _Downer_ had been handled.[88]

[129] 7. _John Kembal_ testified, that _Susanna Martin_, upon a
causeless disgust had threatned him about a certain Cow of his, that
she should never do him any more good, and it came to pass accordingly;
for soon after the Cow was found stark dead on the dry ground, without
any Distemper to be discerned upon her. Upon which he was followed
with a strange death upon more of his Cattle. Whereof he lost in
one Spring, to the value of 30_l._ But the said _John Kembal_, had
a further Testimony to give in against the Prisoner, which was truly
admirable. Being desirous to furnish himself with a Dog, he applied
himself to buy one of this _Martin_, who had a Bitch with Whelps in
her House, but she not letting him have his choice; he said, _He would
supply himself then at one_ Blezdels. Having mark'd a Puppy which he
liked at _Blezdels_, he met George Martin, the Husband of the Prisoner
going by, who asked whether he would not have one of his Wives Puppy's;
and he answered, No. The same Day one _Edmund Eliot_,[89] being at
_Martins_ House heard _George Martin_ relate where this _Kembal_ had
been, and what he had said; whereupon _Susanna Martin_ reply'd, _If
I live I'll give him Puppies enough_. Within a few days after this,
_Kembal_ coming out of the Woods, there arose a little black Cloud
in the _N. W._ and _Kembal_ immediately felt a force upon him, which
made him not able to avoid running upon the stumps of Trees that were
before him, albeit he had a broad plain cart way before him; but tho
he had his Axe also on his Shoulder to endanger him in his falls, he
could not forbear going out of his way to tumble over them. When he
came below the Meeting-House, there appeared unto him a little thing
like a Puppy of a darkish Colour, and it shot backwards and forwards
between his Legs. He had the Courage to use all possible endeavours
of cutting it with his Axe, but he could not hit it; the Puppy gave a
jump from him and went, as to him it seem'd into the Ground. Going a
little further there appeared unto him a black Puppy, somewhat bigger
than the First, but as black as a Coal. It's motions were quicker than
those of his Axe. It flew at his Belly, and away at his Throat, so
over his Shoulders one way, and then over his Shoulders another way,
his heart now began to fail him, and he thought the Dog would have
tore his Throat out. But he recovered himself, and called upon God in
his distress, and naming the name of Jesus Christ it vanished away at
once. The Deponent spoke not one word of these Accidents, for fear
of affrighting his Wife. But the next morning, _Edmund Eliot_ going
into _Martins_ house, this Woman asked him, where _Kembal_ was? He
replied, at home a Bed, for ought he knew. She returned; they say he
was frighted last night. _Eliot_ asked with what? She answered with
Puppies. _Eliot_ asked, where she heard of it, for he had heard nothing
of it! She rejoined, about the Town. Altho' _Kembal_ had mentioned the
matter to no creature living.[90]

[130] 8. _William Brown_ testified, that Heaven having bless'd him
with a most Pious and Prudent Wife, this Wife of his, one day met with
_Susanna Martin_: but when she approached just unto her, _Martin_
vanished out of sight, and left her extreamly affrighted. After which
time the said _Martin_ often appeared unto her, giving her no little
trouble; and when she did come, she was visited with Birds that sorely
peck'd and prick'd her; and sometimes a bunch like a Pullets Egg would
rise on her Throat, ready to choak her, till she cry'd out, _Witch,
you shan't choak me!_ While this good Woman was in this Extremity, the
Church appointed a Day of Prayer on her behalf; whereupon the trouble
ceas'd; she saw not _Martin_ as formerly; and the Church instead of
their Fast, gave thanks for her deliverance. But a considerable while
after, she being summoned to give in some Evidence at the Court,
against this _Martin_, quickly this _Martin_ came behind her, while
she was Milking her Cow, and said unto her, _For thy defaming me at
Court, I'll make thee the miserablest Creature in the World._ Soon
after which she fell into a strange kind of Distemper, and became
horribly Frantick, and uncapable of any Reasonable Action, the
Physicians declaring, that her Distemper was preternatural, and that
some Devil had certainly bewitched her; and in that condition she now
remained.[91]

9. _Sarah Atkinson_ testified, that _Susanna Martin_ came from
_Amesbury_, to their House at _Newbury_, in an extraordinary Season,
when it was not fit for any one to Travel. She came (as she said unto
_Atkinson_) all that long way on foot. She bragg'd and show'd how dry
she was; nor could it be perceived that so much as the Soles of her
Shoes were wet. _Atkinson_ was amazed at it, and professed, that she
should herself have been wet up to the Knees, if she had then come so
far; but _Martin_ reply'd, _She scorned to be drabbled!_ It was noted
that this Testimony upon her Tryal, cast her into a very singular
confusion.[92]

10. _John Pressy_ testified, that being one Evening very unaccountably
bewildred near a Field of _Martin_, and several times as one under an
Enchantment, returning to the place he had left, at length he saw a
Marvellous light, about the bigness of an half Bushel, near two Rood
out of the way. He went and struck at it with a Stick, and laid it on
with all his might. He gave it near Forty blows; and felt it a palpable
substance. But going from it, his heels were struck up, and he was
laid with his back on the ground; sliding as he thought into a Pit:
from whence he recovered, by taking hold on the Bush; altho afterwards
he could find no such Pit in the place. Having after his recovery,
gone five or six Rood, he saw _Susanna Martin_ standing on his Left
hand, as the Light had done before; but they changed no words with one
another. He could scarce find his House in his return; but at length he
got home, extreamly af[131]frighted. The next Day it was upon enquiry
understood, that _Martin_ was in a miserable condition by pains and
hurts that were upon her.

It was further testified by this Deponent, that after he had given
in some Evidence against _Susanna Martin_ many Years ago, she gave
him foul words about it, and said, _He should never prosper, more
particularly, that he should never have more than two Cows: that tho he
were never so likely to have more, yet he should never have them._ And
that from that very day to this; namely for Twenty Years together, he
could never exceed that number; but some strange thing or other still
prevented his having of any more.[93]

11. _Jarvis Ring_ testified that about Seven Years ago he was
oftentimes grievously oppressed in the Night; but saw not who troubled
him, until at last he lying perfectly awake, plainly saw _Susanna
Martin_ approach him. She came to him and forcibly bit him by the
Finger; so that the print of the bite is now so long after to be seen
upon him.

12. But besides all these Evidences, there was a most wonderful Account
of one _Joseph Ring_ produced on this occasion. This Man has been
strangely carried about by _Dæmons_. From one Witch-meeting to another,
for near two Years together; and for one quarter of this time they made
him and kept him Dumb, though he is now again able to speak. There
was one _T. H._[94] who having, as 'tis judged, a design of Engaging
this _Joseph Ring_ in a snare of Devilism, contrived a while, to bring
this _Ring_ two Shillings in Debt unto him. Afterwards this poor Man
would be visited with unknown shapes, and this _T. H._ sometimes among
them; which would force him away with them, unto unknown places, where
he saw Meetings, Feastings, Dancings; and after his return wherein
they hurried him along thro the Air, he gave demonstrations to the
Neighbours, that he had indeed been so transported. When he was brought
unto these hellish meetings, one of the first things they still did
unto him, was to give him a knock on the back, whereupon he was ever
as if bound with Chains, uncapable of stirring out of the place, till
they should release him. He related, that there often came to him a
Man, who presented him a Book, whereto he would have him set his hand;
promising to him that he should then have even what he would; and
presenting him with all the delectable things, persons, and places,
that he could imagine. But he refusing to subscribe, the business would
end with dreadful shapes, noises and screeches, which almost scared him
out of his wits. Once with a Book, there was a Pen offer'd him, and
an Inkhorn, with liquor in it, that seem'd like Blood: but he never
touched it.[95]

This Man did now affirm, that he saw the Prisoner at several of those
hellish Randezvouzes.

[132] _Note_--This Woman was one of the most Impudent, Scurrilous,
wicked Creature in the World; and she did now throughout her whole
Tryal, discover herself to be such an one. Yet when she was asked what
she had to say for herself, her chief plea was, that she had led a most
vertuous and holy life.


FOOTNOTES:

[84] This second Indictment is given in full in the Records, for which
see _Records of Salem Witchcraft_, Vol. i, 195-6.

[85] Lieut. John Allen was of Salisbury; and his Age 45. The Accused
troubled him at some previous Period, but the Time he does not state.

[86] The Witness, John Atkinson, was aged about 56 Years. His Evidence
related to Matters of some five Years past. See _Wonders of Invisible
World_, Vol. I, Page 178.

[87] Peache's Evidence was of Troubles of about ten Years before. He
said his Age was about 42; and at the Time of the Witchcraft complained
of, he lived with William Osgood, of Salisbury.

[88] Downer's Age was 52, and he belonged to Salisbury. What he swore
to was of Events which happened "several Years ago."

[89] Three Persons of the Name of _Elliot_ are implicated in the
Witch Court Proceedings--Andrew, Daniel, and this Edmund, who was of
Amesbury. The Boston _Eliots_ were of this Lineage.

[90] John Kimball was of Amesbury, and was "aged 45 or vpward." His
swearing was to Occurrencies of twenty-three Years standing; that about
that Time he removed from Newbury to Amesbury, having bought a Piece
of Land of Geo. Martin. The Testimony of Kimball occupies three and an
half Pages of the _Records_, i, 218-21. He probably married Mary Hobbs,
in Newbury.

[91] This Testimony was by William Browne, of Amesbury, whose Age was
70 Years, or "ther about." What he swore to happened, he said "about
on or to and thirty Years ago." The Trouble seems to have been between
Mrs. Martin, and Browne's Wife, who was afflicted with hysteric Fits:
insomuch that she was insane. He had applied to Doctors Fuller and
Crosby, but they said her Complaint was supernatural, and that some
evil Person had bewitched her. When in this State she would not own him
for her Husband, and "asked him whether he did not mett with one Mr.
Bent of Abey in England by whom he was divorced."--_Records S. W._, i,
206-8.

[92] Sarah Atkinson was probably the Wife of John Atkinson, mentioned
at Note 86. The "singular Confusion" appears to have been gratuitously
thrown in by Dr. Mather. It is not in the Record. Her Age is given as
48 Years, or thereabouts.

[93] John Pressy, aged 53, and "Marah his Wif aged 46 or ther abouts."
It comes out in this Evidence, but is not mentioned by Mather, that at
some 20 Years previous, this John Pressy and Wife had testified against
Mrs. Martin, and that she had accused them of taking a false Oath. Such
was the Origin of much of the Testimony.

[94] Thomas Hardy of Great Island, at Pascatequay. Why Mather conceals
his Name, except by the Initials, is not known.

[95] Jarvis Ring's Case could have been nothing but one of Nightmare.
Joseph Ring, brother of Jarvis, was 27 years of Age. They belonged to
Salisbury. His Evidence compares very well with that of the Girls and
other Miscreants, foregone. The Testimonies of the Amesbury Accusers
were taken before "Robert Pike, _Assist._"


[_Indictment_ of Elizabeth How.]

                  The Indictment of _Elizabeth How_.

[_Essex_ ss.] _Anno Regni Regis & Reginæ Williemi & Mariæ, nunc Angliæ,
&c. quarto._--

THE Jurors for our Soveraign Lord and Lady, the King and Queen present,
That _Elizabeth How_, Wife of _James How_ of _Ipswich_, the Thirty
first Day of _May_, in the Fourth Year of the Reign of our Soveraign
Lord and Lady, _William_ and _Mary_, by the Grace of God, of _England_,
_Scotland_, _France_, and _Ireland_, King and Queen, Defenders of the
Faith, _&c._ and divers other days and times, as well before as after,
certain detestable Arts, called Witchcrafts and Sorceries, wickedly
and Felloniously hath used, practiced, and exercised at, and within
the Township of _Salem_, in the County of _Essex_ aforesaid, in, upon,
and against one _Mary Wolcott_, of _Salem_-Village, in the County
aforesaid, single Woman; by which said wicked Arts, the said _Mary
Wolcott_, the said Thirty first Day of _May_, in the Fourth Year as
abovesaid, and divers other days and times, as well before as after,
was and is Tortured, Afflicted, Pined, Consumed, Wasted and Tormented;
and also for sundry other Acts of Witchcrafts, by said _Elizabeth How_;
committed and done before and since that time, against the Peace of our
Sovereign Lord and Lady, the King and Queen, and against the form of
the Statue, in that case made and provided.

Witnesses--_Mary Wolcott_, _Ann Putnam_, _Abigail Williams_, _Samuel
Pearly_, and his Wife _Ruth_, _Joseph Andrews_, and Wife _Sarah_, _John
Sherrin_, _Joseph Safford_, _Francis Lane_, _Lydia Foster_, _Isaac
Cummins_, Junior.


There was also a second Indictment for afflicting of _Mercy Lewis_.

Witnesses--_Mercy Lewis_, _Mary Wolcott_, _Abigail Williams_, _Ann
Putnam_, _Samuel Pearly_ and Wife, _Joseph Andrews_ and Wife, _John
Sherrin_, _Joseph Safford_, _Francis Lane_, _Lydia Foster_.


[Elizabeth How's _Tryal_.]

    [133] The Tryal of _Elizabeth How_,[96] _June_ 30, 1692. As is
      Printed In _Wonders of the Invisible World_, from P. 126 to P.
      132, inclusively.

1. E_LIZABETH How_, pleading, not Guilty to the Indictment of
Witchcrafts, then charged upon her; the Court, according to the usual
proceeding of the Courts in _England_; in such Cases, began with
hearing the Deposition of several Afflicted People, who were grievously
tormented by sensible and evident Witchcrafts, and all complained of
the Prisoner, as the cause of their trouble. It was also found that
the Suffers were not able to bear her look, as likewise, that in their
greatest swoons, they distinguished her touch from other Peoples, being
thereby raised out of them.

And there was other Testimony of People to whom the shape of this
_How_, gave trouble Nine or Ten Years ago.[97]

2. It has been a most usual thing for the bewitched persons at the
same time that the Spectres representing the Witches, Troubled them
to be visited with Apparitions of Ghosts, pretending to have been
murdered by the Witches then represented. And sometimes the confessions
of the Witches afterwards acknowledged those very Murders, which
these Apparitions charged upon them; altho they had never heard what
Information had been given by the Sufferers.

There was such Apparitions of Ghosts testified by some of the present
Sufferers, and the Ghosts affirmed that this _How_ had murdered them:
which things were fear'd, but not proved.[98]

3. This _How_ had made some attempts of Joining to the Church at
_Ipswich_, several Years ago; but she was denied an Admission into that
holy Society, partly thro a suspicion of Witchcraft, then urged against
her. And there now came in Testimony of preternatural Mischiefs,
presently befalling some that had been Instrumental to debar her from
the Communion whereupon she was intruding.[99]

4. There was a particular Deposition of _Joseph Safford_, that his
Wife had conceived an extream Aversion, to this _How_, on the reports
of her Witchcrafts; but _How_ one day taking her by the hand, and
saying, _I believe you are not Ignorant of the great scandal, that
I lye under, by an Evil report raised upon me_. She immediately,
unreasonably, and unperswadeably, even like one Inchanted, began to
take this Womans part. _How_ being soon after propounded, as desiring
an Admission to the Table of the Lord, some of the Pious Brethren were
unsatisfied about her. The Elders appointed a meeting to hear matters
objected against her; and no arguments in the World could hinder this
Goodwife _Safford_ from going to the Lecture. She did indeed promise
with much ado that she would not go to the Church-meeting; yet she
could not refrain going thither also. [134] _How_'s affairs there
were so canvassed, that she came off rather Guilty, than cleared;
nevertheless Goodwife _Safford_ could not forbear taking her by the
Hand, and saying, _Tho you are condemned before Men, you are justified
before God_. She was quickly taken in a very strange manner; Frantick,
Raving, Raging, and crying out, _Goody_ How _must come into the Church;
she is a precious Saint, and tho' she be condemned before Men, she
is justified before God_. So she continued for the space of two or
three hours; and then fell into a Trance. But coming to herself, she
cried out, _Ha! I was mistaken!_ afterwards again repeated, _Ha! I
was mistaken!_ being asked by a stander by, Wherein? she replied, _I
thought Goody_ How _had been a precious Saint of God, but now I see she
is a Witch: she has bewitched me and my Child, and we shall never be
well, till there be Testimony for her, that she may be taken into the
Church._[100]

And _How_ said afterwards, _That she was very sorry to see_ Safford _at
the Church-meeting mentioned. Safford_ after this, _declared herself
to be Afflicted by the shape of_ How, _and from that shape she endured
many miseries._

5. _John How_, Brother to the Husband of the Prisoner testified that
he refusing to accompany the Prisoner unto her Examination as was by
her desired, immediately some of his Cattle, were bewitched to Death,
leaping Three or four Foot high, turning about, squeaking, falling and
dying at once; and going to cut off an Ear, for an use, that might as
well perhaps have been omitted, the Hand wherein he held his Knife was
taken very Numb; and so it remained, and full of pain for several Days;
being not well at this very time. And he suspected this Prisoner, for
the Author of it.[101]

6. _Nehemiah Abbot_ testified, that unusual and mischievous accidents
would befall his Cattle, whenever he had any difference with this
Prisoner. Once particularly she wished his Ox choaked, and within
a little while, that Ox was choaked with a Turnip in his Throat.
At another time, refusing to lend his Horse, at the request of her
Daughter, the Horse was in a preternatural manner abused. And several
other odd things of that kind were testified.[102]

7. There came in Testimony that one Goodwife _Sherwin_, upon some
difference with _How_ was bewitched, and, that she died, charging this
_How_ of having an hand in her Death. And that other People had their
Barrels of Drink unaccountably mischiev'd, spoiled, and spilt upon
their displeasing her.[103]

The things in themselves were trivial; but there being such a course
of them, it made them the more to be considered. Among others, _Martha
Wood_ gave her testimony, that a little after, her Father had been
employed in gathering an account of this _How's_ Conversation, they
once and again lost great quantities of Drink, out of their Vessels, in
such a [135] manner, as they could ascribe to nothing but Witchcraft.
As also that _How_ giving her some Apples, when she had eaten of them,
she was taken with a very strange kind of a maze, insomuch that she
knew not what she said or did.[104]

8. There was likewise a Cluster of Depositions, that one _Isaac
Cummings_, refusing to lend his Mare, unto the Husband of this _How_;
the Mare was within a Day or two taken in a strange condition. The
beast seemed much abused; being bruised, as if she had been running
over the Rocks, and marked where the Bridle went, as if burnt with a
red hot Bridle. Moreover one using a Pipe of Tobacco for the cure of
the Beast, a blew flame issued out of her, took hold of her hair, and
not only spread and burnt on her, but it also flew upwards towards the
Roof of the Barn, and had like to have set the Barn on fire. And the
Mare dy'd very suddenly.[105]

9. _Timothy Perly_ and his Wife, testified, not only that unaccountable
Mischiefs befel their Cattle, upon their having of differences
with this Prisoner; but also that they had a Daughter destroyed by
Witchcrafts; which Daughter still charged _How_, as the cause of her
Affliction; and it was noted that she would be struck down, whenever
_How_ were spoken of. She was often endeavoured to be thrown into
the Fire, and into the Water, in her strange Fitts; tho her Father
had corrected, for charging _How_ with bewitching her, yet (as was
testified by others also) she said she was sure of it, and must dye
standing to it. Accordingly she charged _How_ to the very death; and
said, _Tho_ How _could Afflict and Torment her Body, yet she could not
hurt her Soul, and that the truth of this matter would appear when she
should be dead and gone_.[106]

10. _Francis Lane_ testified, that being hired by the Husband of this
_How_ to get him a parcel of Posts and Rails, this _Lane_ hired _John
Pearly_ to assist him. This Prisoner then told _Lane_ that she believed
the Posts and Rails would not do, because _John Pearly_ helped him; but
that if he had got them alone without _John Pearly_'s help, they might
have done well enough. When _James How_ came to receive his Posts and
Rails of _Lane_, _How_ taking them up by the Ends, they, tho good and
sound yet unaccountably broke off, so that _Lane_ was forced to get
Thirty or Forty more. And this Prisoner being informed of it, she said,
_She told him so before: because_ Pearly _helped about them_.[107]

11. Afterwards there came in the Confessions of several other
(penitent) Witches, which affirmed this _How_ to be one of those
who with them had been baptized by the Devil in the River, at
_Newberry-Falls_: before which he made them there kneel down by the
Brink of the River, and Worship him.[108]


FOOTNOTES:

[96] The Indictment does not appear in the Records, probably for the
Reason that it had been given to or taken by Dr. Mather, and never
returned. Mrs. How was of Topsfield, Wife of James How of that Town.
Ephraim Wildes was the Constable who apprehended her. Her Examination
was on the 30th of May, 1692, occupies two Pages, and was taken down by
Mr. "Sam. Parris."

[97] The Author has not taken up the respective Parties who gave
Evidence. Among others, no Notice is taken of that of two Ministers,
namely, Mr. Samuel Phillips and Mr. Edward Payson, both of Rowley. Mr.
Phillips gave his Age as about 67. Mr. _Paison_ did not state his.
Their Testimonies were passed over undoubtedly because they did not in
the least criminate Mrs. How; nor did they pretend that they had seen
any Thing like Witchcraft.

[98] They were not only not proved, but there are no Testimonies
recorded containing these Ghost Stories. The following Witnesses are
not noticed by Dr. Mather, viz.: Samuel Perley, aged about 52, and his
Wife about 46. Deborah Hadley, aged about 70 Years; had lived near
Elizabeth How ("ye Wife of James How, Jr. of Ipswich 24 year.") She
gave her a good Character. Mrs. Hadley testified on the 24th of June.
The next Day Daniel Warner, Sen. gave in his Testimony. It was of the
same tenor of Mrs. Hadley's. John Warner, Senʳ. also signed the same
Evidence. They had been well acquainted with Mrs. How "aboue 20 yeers."
So Simon Chapman and his Wife testified. Simon gave his Age as about
48--"hath ben aquainted with the Wiuef of James How, iunʳ. as a Naybar
for this 9 or 10 Yers;" never knew any harm of her, and "found hur
joust in hur delling, faythfooll," &c.

[99] Against such gratuitous, and to say the least, hearsay Testimony,
the Doctor should, in fairness, have noticed such Evidence as that
referred to in the last Note. A few others must not be overlooked.
Joseph Knowlton stated that he had been acquainted with Mrs. How, as
a Neighbor, and sometimes boarded in the House at his first coming to
live in these Parts, which was about ten Years ago. He and his Wife
Mary both gave her a good Character. His Age was "forty tu," and his
Wife's "thurty-tu."

James How, Sen., aged about 94, testified that he had lived by
Elizabeth, the Wife of James How, Junʳ, for about thirty Years; and,
"setting a side humain Infurmity," she always behaved well, becoming
her Place as a Daughter and Wife in all Relations.

Respecting the Church Difficulty, referred to in the Text, one Jacob
Foster, aged about 29, swore, that "some Years agoe," as Goodwife How
was about to join the Church, his Father was a Means of preventing it.
Whereupon his Mare was lost for several Days. When found she looked as
if she had been miserably beaten and abused. Sworn June 30th, 1692.
Thomas Andrews of Boxford, aged about 50, told a more ridiculous Story
about a Mare, belonging to Josiah Comings, Senʳ of Topsfield.

[100] Joseph Safford gave his Age about 60.

[101] John How gave his Age as about 50. The Doctor has made some
wretched Mistakes in his Abstract of this Testimony. It was his Sow
that "leaped up about three or foure foot hie," and fell down dead. The
_squeaking_ belonged to the Swine, and not to the Cattle.

[102] I do not find any Note of Nehemiah Abbot's Evidence in the
Records.

[103] This has reference, perhaps, to the Ghost Stories darkly hinted
at by the Dr. Mather in a previous Page.

[104] I have not noticed Martha Wood's Evidence among the Records. The
"great Quantities of Drink" reported lost, was probably found by some
of the Witnesses already noticed.

[105] Cummin's Testimony occupies above two solid Pages. His Age was
about sixty Years. His Christian Name was mistaken by Mather, being
Isaac instead of Josiah, as appears by the Records.

[106] Timothy _Perley_ and his Wife Deborah testified, June 1st, 1692,
that he was about 39 Years of Age, and his Wife about 33. The Abstract
above is exceedingly defective. See the _Records_, ii, 73-4.

[107] Francis Lane gave his Age as about 27, and said that the Time the
Witches afflicted the Rails was about "seauen" Years ago, and makes a
long Story out of it; but it is of a Piece with most of the Evidence.
Lane's Parentage has not been traced.

[108] They affirmed that many of those wretched Souls had been Baptized
at Newberry Falls; and at several other Rivers and Ponds; and as to the
Manner of Administration, the Great Officer of _Hell_ took them up by
the Body, and putting their Heads into the Water, said over them, _Thou
art mine, and I have full Power over the_: And thereupon they engaged
and covenanted to renounce GOD, CHRIST, their _sacred Baptism_, and the
whole Way of _Gospel Salvation_; and to use their utmost Endeavours to
oppose the Kingdom of CHRIST, and to set up and _advocate_ the Kingdom
of _Satan_.--Lawson, _Second Edition_, 118. See, also, Vol. I, Page
102-3.


[Martha Carryer's _Indictment_.]

            [136] _The Indictment of_ Martha Carryer.[109]

[Essex ss.] _Anno Regni Regis & Reginæ Wilielmi & Mariæ, nunc Angliæ,
&c. quarto._--

THE Jurors for our Soveraign Lord and Lady the King and Queen, present,
That _Martha Carryer_, Wife of _Thomas Carryer_ of _Andover_, in the
County of _Essex_, Husbandman, The Thirty first Day of _May_, in the
fourth Year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord and Lady _William_ and
_Mary_, by the Grace of God, of _England_, _Scotland_, _France_ and
_Ireland_, King and Queen, Defenders of the Faith, _&c._ And divers
other days and times, as well before as after, certain detestable Arts,
called Witchcrafts, and Sorceries, Wickedly and Felloniously hath
used, practised, and exercised, at and within the Township of _Salem_,
in the County of _Essex_ aforesaid, in, upon, and against one _Mary
Wolcott_ of _Salem_-Village, Single Woman, in the County of _Essex_
aforesaid; by which said wicked Arts the said _Mary Wolcott_, the
Thirty first Day of _May_, in the fourth Year aforesaid, and at divers
other days and times, as well before as after, was and is Tortured,
Afflicted, Pined, Consumed, Wasted and Tormented; against the Peace
of our Soveraign Lord and Lady, _William_ and _Mary_, King and Queen
of _England_; their Crown and Dignity, and against the Form of the
Statute, in that Case made and provided.

Witnesses--_Mary Wolcott, Elizabeth Hubbard, Ann Putnam_.


There was also a Second Indictment for afflicting _Elizabeth Hubbard_,
by Witchcraft. Witnesses--_Elizabeth Hubbard_, _Mary Wolcott_, _Ann
Putnam_, _Mary Warrin_.


[Martha Carryer's _Tryal_.]

    The Trial of _Martha Carryer_, August 2, 1692. As may be seen in
      _Wonders of the Invisible World_, from P. 132, to 138.

1. M_Artha Carryer_ was indicted for the bewitching of certain persons
according to the form usual in such Cases: Pleading not Guilty to her
Indictment; there were first brought in a considerable number of the
Bewitched persons; who not only made the Court sensible of an horrid
Witchcraft committed upon them, but also deposed, That it was _Martha
Carryer_, or her shape, that grievously tormented them by biting,
pricking, pinching and choaking them. It was further deposed that while
this _Carryer_ was on her Examination before the Magistrates, the poor
People were so tortured, that every one expected their Death upon the
very spot; but that upon the binding of _Carryer_ they were eased.
[137] Moreover the looks of _Carryer_ then laid the Afflicted People
for dead, and her Touch, if her Eyes at the same time were off them,
raised them again. Which things were also now seen upon her Tryal. And
it was testified, that upon the mention of some having their Necks
twisted almost round by the shape of this _Carryer_, she replied, _Its
no matter, tho their Necks had been twisted quite off_.[110]

2. Before the Tryal of this Prisoner, several of her own Children had
frankly and fully confessed not only that they were Witches themselves,
but that this their Mother had made them so. This confession they made
with great shows of Repentance, and with much Demonstration of Truth.
They related Place, Time, Occasion; they gave an Account of Journeys,
Meetings, and Mischiefs by them performed; and were very credible in
what they said. Nevertheless, this Evidence was not produced against
the Prisoner at the Bar, in as much as there was other Evidence enough
to proceed upon.[111]

3. _Benj. Abbot_ gave in his Testimony, That last _March_ was a Twelve
month, this _Carryer_ was very angry with him, upon laying out some
Land near her Husbands. Her expressions in this Anger were, _That she
would stick as close to_ Abbot, _as the Bark stuck to the Tree; and
that he should repent of it afore seven Years came to an end, so as
Doctor_ Prescot _should never cure him_. These words were heard by
others, besides _Abbot_ himself, who also heard her say, _She would
hold his Nose as close to the Grind-stone as ever it was held since his
name was_ Abbot. Presently after this he was taken with a swelling in
his Foot, and then with a Pain in his Side, and exceedingly tormented.
It bred unto a Sore, which was lanced by Dr. _Prescot_, and several
Gallons of Corruption ran out of it. For six Weeks it continued very
bad; and then another Sore bred in his Groin, which was also lanced
by Dr. _Prescot_. Another Sore bred in his Groin which was likewise
Cut, and put him to very great misery. He was brought unto Death's
door, and so remained until _Carryer_ was taken and carried away by the
Constable. From which very day he began to mend, and so grew better
every day, and is well ever since.[112]

_Sarah Abbot_ also his Wife testified, that her Husband was not
only all this while Afflicted in his Body; but also that strange,
extraordinary and unaccountable calamities befel his Cattle; their
Death being such as they could guess at no Natural Reason for.[113]

4. _Allin Toothaker_ testified, that _Richard_ the Son of _Martha
Carryer_, having some difference with him, pull'd him down by the Hair
of the Head, when he rose again, he was going to strike at _Richard
Carryer_, but fell down flat on his back to the ground, and had not
power to stir Hand or foot, until he told _Carryer_ he yielded; and
then he saw the shape of _Martha Carryer_, go off his Breast.

[138] This _Toothaker_ had received a wound in the Wars, and he
now testified, that _Martha Carryer_ told him, _He shall never be
cured_. Just afore the apprehending of _Carryer_, he could thrust a
Knitting-Needle into his wound four Inches deep, but presently after
her being seized, he was thoroughly healed.

He further testified, that when _Carryer_ and he sometimes were at
variance, she would clap her Hands at him and say, _He should get
nothing by it_. Whereupon he several times lost his Cattle, by strange
Deaths, whereof no natural causes could be given.[114]

5. _John Roger_ also testified, that upon the threatning words of this
malicious _Carryer_, his Cattle would be strangely bewitched; as was
more particularly then described.[115]

6. _Samuel Preston_ testified, that about two Years ago, having
some difference with _Martha Carryer_, he lost a Cow in a strange,
preternatural, unusual manner; and about a Month after this, the said
_Carryer_, having again some difference with him, she told him, _He had
lately lost a Cow, and it should not be long before he lost another!_
which accordingly came to pass; for he had a thriving and well kept
Cow, which without any known cause quickly fell down and died.[116]

7. _Phebe Chandler_ testified, that about a Fortnight before the
Apprehension of _Martha Carryer_, on a Lords Day, while the Psalm was
singing in the Church, this _Carryer_ then took her by the Shoulder,
and shaking her, asked her, _Where she lived?_ she made her no Answer,
altho as _Carryer_, who lived next door to her Father's House, could
not in Reason but know who she was. Quickly after this, as she was at
several times crossing the Fields she heard a Voice that she took to
be _Martha Carryers_, and it seem'd as if it were over her head. The
Voice told her, _She should within two or three Days be Poison'd_:
Accordingly within such a little time, one half of her Right Hand
became greatly swollen and very painful; as also part of her Face;
whereof she can give no Account how it came. It continued very bad
for some days; and several times since she has had a great pain in
her Breast; and been so seized on her Legs that she has hardly been
able to go. She added that lately, going well to the House of God,
_Richard_ the Son of _Martha Carryer_, look'd very earnestly upon
her, and immediately her Hand which had formerly been Poisoned, as is
abovesaid, began to pain her greatly, and she had a strange burning
at her Stomach; but was then struck deaf, so that she could not hear
any of the Prayer, or Singing, till the two or three last words of the
Psalm.[117]

8. One _Foster_, who confessed her own share in the Witchcraft, for
which the Prisoner stood Indicted, affirmed, that she had seen
the Prisoner at some of their Witch-meetings, and that it was this
_Carryer_, who perswaded her to be a Witch. She confessed that the
Devil carried them on [139] a Pole to a Witch-meeting, but the Pole
broke, and she hanging about _Carryer's_ Neck, they both fell down, and
she then received an hurt by the fall, whereof she was not at this very
time recovered.[118]

9. One _Lacy_, who likewise confessed her share in this Witchcraft,
now testified that she and the Prisoner, were once bodily present, at
a Witch-meeting in _Salem_-Village, and that she knew the Prisoner to
be a Witch, and to have been at a Diabolical Sacrament, and that the
Prisoner was the undoing of her and her Children, by enticing them into
the Snare of the Devil.[119]

10. Another _Lacy_, who also confessed her share in this Witchcraft,
now testified that the Prisoner was at the Witch meeting in
_Salem_-Village, where they had Bread and Wine administred unto them.

11. In the time of this Prisoners Tryal, one _Susanna Shelden_[120]
in open Court, had her Hands unaccountably tied together, with a
Wheel-band, so fast, that without cutting, it could not be loosed. It
was done by a Spectre; and the Sufferer affirm'd, it was the Prisoners.

_Memorandum._ This _Rampant Hag, Martha Carryer_, was the person of
whom the Confessions of the Witches and of her own Children, among the
rest, agreed, that the Devil had promised her, she should be Queen of
Hell.[121]

Thus far the Account given in _Wonders of the Invisible World_; in
which setting aside such words as these, in the Tryal of _G. B._ viz.
[_They_ (i. e.) _the Witnesses were enough to fix the character of a
Witch upon him._]

In the Tryal of _Bishop_, these words, [_but there was no need of
them_] i. e. of further Testimony.

In the Tryal of _How_, where it is said, [and there came in Testimony
of preternatural Mischiefs, presently befalling some that had been
instrumental to debar her from the Communion, whereupon she was
_intruding_.] _Martin_ is call'd [one of the most impudent, scurrilous,
wicked Creatures in the World.] In his Account of _Martha Carryer_, he
is pleased to call her [a _Rampant Hag_,] &c.

These Expressions as they manifest, that he wrote more like an Advocate
than an Historian; so also that those that were his Imployers were not
mistaken in their choice of him for that work, however he may have mist
it in other things.

As in his owning (in the Tryal of _G. B._) That the _Testimony of the
bewitched, and confessors was not enough against the Accused_, for it
is known that not only in _New-England_, such Evidence has been taken
for sufficient, but also in _England_, as himself there owns, and will
also hold true of _Scotland_, &c. they having proceeded upon such
Evidence, to the taking away of the Lives of many, to assert that this
is not enough, is to tell the World that such Executions were but so
many Bloody Murders; which surely was not his intent to say.[122]


FOOTNOTES:

[109] Complaint was made against Martha Carrier on the 28th of May,
by Joseph Houlton and John Wallcott, both of Salem. John Ballard,
Constable, arrested her. John _Bayley_, Assistant Constable of Andover,
summoned the Witnesses. See _Records S. W._ ii, 54, 55, &c.

[110] Martha Carrier underwent the usual Examination, which occupies
two Pages, and the Original is in the Hand of Mr. Samuel Parris. The
above is but a very unsatisfactory Abridgement of it.

[111] It appears from Lawson's Account that such Accusations were much
heeded. He says--"Several have confessed against their own Mothers,
that they were Instruments to bring them into the _Devil's Covenant_,
to the undoing of their Body and Soul. And some Girls of Eight or Nine
Years of Age did declare that after they were so betrayed by their
Mothers, to the Power of _Satan_, they saw the _Devil_ go in their _own
shapes_ to afflict others."--Page 118-19.

[112] Benjamin Abbot was of Andover, and his Age was about 31.

[113] Sarah Abbot gave her Age as about 32 Years.

[114] Allen Toothaker was a young Man, aged about 22 Years. He may have
received his Wound when the Indians attacked Andover, as mentioned in
an earlier Note.

[115] John _Rogers_ was of Billerica. He gave his Age as about 50.
His Testimony takes up a quarto Page in the Records. Three Years
later, viz., August 5th, 1695, he, with several others, was killed at
Billerica by the Indians.

[116] Samuel Preston gave his Age as about 41 Years. He swore he "lost
a Cow in a strange Manner." That _strange Manner_, it is evident from
his Story, referred to the Way in which she was cast, and not being
able to free herself, died. The _preternatural_ and _unusual_ being
thrown in by the Doctor.

[117] It is only necessary to state that Phebe Chandler was but about
12 Years old, as a Reason that no Notice should be taken of her
Evidence; and notwithstanding near two solid Pages of her Testimony are
in the Records. However, Bridget Chandler, her Mother, aged 40 Years,
corroborated the Daughter's Story.

[118] This has reference to Ann Foster, of Salem Village. See _Records
S. W._, ii, 136-7.

[119] Mary Lacy was Wife of Lawrence Lacy, of Andover, and Daughter of
Ann Foster. See _Ibid._, ii, 139-40. This "other Lacy" was also named
"Mary." _Ibid._, 142.

[120] Susanna Sheldon was a ready Witness in a large Number of Cases,
as has already been noticed.

[121] No Testimony appears to have been omitted that could be tortured
by any Construction against "this rampant Hag," by the Author, while
all that went to clear her was rejected. Fortunately the Case is
changed, and the whole is spread before disinterested Inquirers,
or enough upon which to form a correct Judgment. Mr. Francis Dane,
the second Minister of Andover, dared to give his Thoughts upon the
Witchcraft Cases. These he communicated to the Court, and the Scribe
recorded them among the Evidence. He said he had lived above forty
Years in Andover, and in his "healthfull Yeares had been frequent among
ye Inhabitants in their Habitations," and never heard of anything of
the Nature of Witchcraft until the Arrests the last Summer (1692). If
there were any Suspicions that Martha Carrier was a Witch, before she
was apprehended, he said he had never heard of it; and "as for any
other Persons, I had no Suspicion of them, and had Charity been put
on, the Diuel would not have had such an Advantage against us, and I
beleeve many innocent Persons have been accused." This Testimony of
an aged and worthy Gentleman (then 77), well acquainted with all the
Circumstances, and with the Accused, should accompany that against "the
rampant Hag."

[122] This Passage caused Dr. Mather to utter some very wrathful
Expressions against the Author. He says, or rather, his Defenders
for him: "What was done in the dark Time of our Troubles from the
_Invisible World_, all honest Men believe, they did in Conscience of
the _Oath_ of God upon them, and they followed unto the best of their
Understanding, as we are informed, the Precedents of _England_ and
_Scotland_, and _other Nations_ on such a dark and doleful Occasion.
When they found the Matter carried beyond the Reach of Mortals, they
stopt."--_Some Few Remarks_, 6; _Magnalia_, B. ii, 64.


[_Law Enacted, &c._]

[140] His telling that the Court began to think that _Burroughs_ stept
aside to put on Invisibility, is a rendring them so mean Philosophers,
and such weak Christians, as to be fit to be imposed upon by any silly
pretender.

His calling the Evidence against _How_ trivial, and others against
_Burroughs_, he accounts no part of his Conviction; and that of lifting
a Gun with one Finger, its being not made use of as Evidence, renders
the whole but the more perplext. (Not to mention the many mistakes
therein contain'd.)

Yet all this (and more that might have been hinted at) does not hinder,
but that his Account of the manner of Trials of those for Witchcraft
is as faithfully related as any Tryals of that kind, that was ever
yet made publick; and it may also be reasonably thought that there
was as careful a Scrutiny, and as unqestion'd Evidences improved, as
had been formerly used in the Tryals of others, for such crimes in
other places.[123] Tho indeed a second part might be very useful to
set forth which was the Evidence Convictive in these Tryals, for it
is not supposed, that Romantick or Ridiculous stories should have any
influence, such as biting a Spectres Finger so that the Blood flowed
out, or such as _Shattock's_ Story of 12 Years standing, which yet was
presently 18 Years or more, and yet a Man of that excellent Memory,
as to be able to recall a small difference his Wife had with another
Woman when Eighten Years were past.

As it is not to be supposed that such as these could Influence any
Judge or Jury, so not unkindness to relations, or God's having given to
one Man more strength than to some others, the over-setting of Carts,
or the death of Cattle, nor yet Excrescencies (call'd Tets) nor little
bits of Rags tied together (call'd Poppets.) Much less any persons
illness, or having their Cloaths rent when a Spectre has been well
hanged, much less the burning the Mares Fart, mentioned in the Tryal of
_How_.

None of these being in the least capable of proving the Indictment; The
supposed Criminals were Indicted for Afflicting, _&c._ such and such
particular persons by Witchcraft, to which none of these Evidences have
one word to say, and the Afflicted and Confessors being declared not
enough, the matter needs yet further explaining.

But to proceed, the General Court having sat and enacted Laws,
particularly one against Witchcraft, assigning the Penalty of Death to
any that shall feed, reward or employ, _&c._ Evil Spirits, though it
has not yet been explained what is intended thereby, or what it is to
feed, reward or imploy Devils, _&c._ yet some of the Legislators have
given this instead of an Explanation, that they had therein but Copied
the Law of another Country.[124]

[_against Witchcraft_]

_January_ 3. By vertue of an Act of the General Court, the first
Superior Court was held at _Salem_, for the County of _Essex_, the
Judges appointed were Mr. _William Stoughton_ (the Lieutenant Governor)
_Thomas_ [141] _Danforth_, _John Richards_, _Wait Winthorp_, and
_Samuel Sewall_, Esquires. Where Ignoramus was found upon the several
Bills of Indictment against Thirty, and _Billa-Vera_ against Twenty
six more; of all these Three only were found Guilty by the Jewry upon
Trial, two of which were (as appears by their Behaviour) the most
senseless and Ignorant Creatures that could be found; besides which it
does not appear what came in against those more than against the rest
that were acquitted.[125]

The Third was the Wife of _Wardwell_, who was one of the Twenty
Executed, and it seems they had both confessed themselves Guilty;
but he retracting his said Confession, was tried and Executed; it is
supposed that this Woman fearing her Husbands fate, was not so stiff
in her denials of her former Confession, such as it was. These Three
received Sentence of Death.[126]


FOOTNOTES:

[123] See Volume I, Pages 35, 86.

[124] What the Laws of England were on the Subject of Witchcraft
has been exhibited in the Introduction to the first Volume. Their
Abrogation by Parliament, through the exertions of Lord Talbot, took
place in 1736. See Douglass' _Summary_, i, 451.

[125] I do not find the Court Proceedings at this Period.

[126] The Indictments and Examination of Samuel Wardwell may be seen
in the Records, in the usual Form. He was of Andover, and is styled
Carpenter. His first Indictment was for afflicting one Martha Sprague
of Boxford, in August last (1692). The second charges, that "about
20 Yeares agoe, in the Towne of Andivor, he the said Samuel Wardell,
with the Evill Speritt the Devill [did felloniously make] a Couenant
wherein he promised to honor, worship and belieue the Devill Contrary
to the Stattute." His Examination was before John Higginson, Esq. on
Sept. 1st, 1692. He was then about 46 Years old. His strange Answers
clearly indicate a state of Insanity. Martha Sprague, aged 16, swore
to being bewitched by him. Ephraim Foster of Andover, aged about 34,
swore that he foretold Events by looking in people's Hands; "would cast
his Eyes down upon ye ground allways before he told enything." Thomas
Chandler, aged about 65, often heard said Wardwell tell young Persons
their Fortunes. Joseph Ballard, aged about 41, swore that his Brother
John Ballard told him that Samuel Wardwell told him, that he (Wardwell)
had bewitched his (Joseph Ballard's) Wife. Abigail Martin of Andover,
aged 16, said that some time last Winter S. Wardwell and John _Farnam_
were at her Fathers. W. told F.'s Fortune. He also told Jeams Bridge's
Fortune. See _Records S. W._ ii, 146-153.


[Sara Dasston's _Tryal_.]

At these Tryals some of the Jewry made Inquiry of the Court, what
Account they ought to make of the Spectre Evidence? and received for
Answer [as much as of Chips in Wort][127]

_January_ 31, 169⅔. The Superior Court began at _Charlestown_, for the
County of _Middlesex_, Mr. _Stoughton_, M. _Danforth_, M. _Winthorp_,
and Mr. _Sewall_ Judges, where several had Ignoramus returned upon
their Bills of Indictment, and _Billa Vera_ upon others.[128]

In the time the Court sat, word was brought in, that a Reprieve was
sent to _Salem_, and had prevented the Execution of Seven of those that
were there Condemned, which so moved the chief Judge, that he said
to this effect, _We were in a way to have cleared the Land of these,
&c. who it is obstructs the course of Justice I know not; the Lord
be merciful to the Countrey_, and so went off the Bench, and came no
more that Court:[129] The most remarkable of the Tryals, was of _Sarah
Daston_, she was a Woman of about 70 or 80 Years of Age, To usher in
her Tryal, a report went before, that if there were a Witch in the
World she was one, as having been so accounted of, for 20 or 30 Years;
which drew many People from _Boston, &c._ to hear her Tryal. There
were a multitude of Witnesses produced against her; but what Testimony
they gave in seemed wholly forreign, as of accidents, illness, &_c._
befalling them, or theirs after some Quarrel; what these testified
was much of it of Actions said to be done 20 Years before that time.
The Spectre-Evidence was not made use of in these Tryals, so that the
Jewry soon brought her in not Guilty, her Daughter and Grand-daughter,
and the rest that were then tried, were also acquitted. After she was
cleared Judge _Danforth_ Admonished her in these words, _Woman, Woman,
repent, there are shrewd things come in against you_; she was remanded
to Prison for her Fees, and there in a short time expired.[130] One of
_Boston_ that had been at the Tryal of _Daston_, being the same Evening
in company with one of the Judges [142] in a publick place, acquainted
him that some that had been both at the Tryals at _Salem_ and at this
at _Charlestown_, had asserted that there was more Evidence against
the said _Daston_ than against any at Salem, to which the said Judge
conceeded, saying, _That it was so_. It was replied by that person,
_that he dare give it under his hand, that there was not enough come in
against her to bear a just reproof_.

_April_ 25, 1693. The first Superior Court was held at _Boston_, for
the County of _Suffolk_, the Judges were the Lieutenant Governour, Mr.
_Danforth_, Mr. _Richards_, and Mr. _Sewall_, Esquires.

[Mary Watkins's _Tryal_.]

Where (besides the acquitting Mr. _John Aldin_ by Proclamation) the
most remarkable was, what related to _Mary Watkins_, who had been a
Servant, and lived about Seven Miles from _Boston_, having formerly
Accused her Mistress of Witchcraft, and was supposed to be distracted,
she was threatned if she persisted in such Accusations to be punished,
this with the necessary care to recover her Health, had that good
effect, that she not only had her Health restored, but also wholly
acquitted her Mistress of any such Crimes, and continued in Health till
the return of the Year, and then again falling into Melancholy humours
she was found strangling herself; her Life being hereby prolonged,
she immediately accused herself of being a Witch; was carried before
a Magistrate and committed. At this Court a Bill of Indictment was
brought to the Grand Jury against her, and her confession upon her
Examination given in as Evidence, but these not wholly satisfied
herewith, sent for her, who gave such account of herself, that they
(after they had returned into the Court to ask some Questions) Twelve
of them agreed to find Ignoramus, but the Court was pleased to send
them out again, who again at coming in returned it as before.

She was continued for some time in Prison, _&c._ and at length was sold
to _Virginia_. About this time the Prisoners in all the Prisons were
released.

To omit here the mentioning of several Wenches in _Boston, &c._ who
pretended to be Afflicted, and accused several, the Ministers often
visiting them, and praying with them, concerning whose Affliction
Narratives are in being. In Manuscript not only these, but the
generality of those Accusers may have since convinced the Ministers by
their vicious courses that they might err in extending too much Charity
to them.

The conclusion of the whole in the _Massachusetts_ Colony was Sir
_William Phips_, Governour, being call'd home, before he went he
pardon'd such as had been condemned, for which they gave about 30
Shillings each to the Kings Attorney.[131]

[_Case of_ Mrs. Benom.]

In _August_ 1697. The Superior Court sat at _Hartford_, in the Colony
of _Connecticut_, where one Mistress _Benom_ was tried for Witchcraft,
she [143] had been accused by some Children that pretented to the
Spectral sight; they searched her several times for Tets; they tried
the Experiment of casting her into the Water, and after this she
was Excommunicated by the Minister of _Wallinsford_. Upon her Tryal
nothing material appeared against her, save Spectre Evidence, she was
acquitted, as also her Daughter, a Girl of Twelve or Thirteen Years
old, who had been likewise Accused; but upon renewed Complaints against
them, they both flew into _New-York_ Government.[132]


FOOTNOTES:

[127] _Q. D. of no Account whatever._ I do not find that the Expounders
of Proverbs have fallen upon this.

[128] One of the Original _Billa veras_ is now before me, and runs
thus: "The Deposition of Mercy Lewis Aged [19.] This Deponent
testifieth and saith that last Night Philip English and his Wife came
to mee, also Goodwife Dasten, Eliza Johnson, and Old Pharoh of Linn:
sd. Mrs. English vrged mee to set my Hand to a Booke, and told mee she
would afflict me dreadfully and kill me if I did not: Said also if I
would but touch the Booke I should bee well, or else I should never.
Mrs. English said she might bring the Book now she thought everie one
of them would bee cleared, and now at this present Time before the
Grandiury sd Philip English, his Wife, and old Pharoh, come into the
Roome, or their Shape and stroke mee on the Brest, and almost choaked
mee, and said they would strangle me if they could. _Owned before the
Grandiury upon the Oath she had taken, Janr_ 12_th,_ 169⅔. _Attests_
Robert Payne, _Foreman._" All in the Autograph of Mr. Saml. Parris,
except the Signature of Payne. See APPENDIX, NUMBER III.

[129] The "Chief Judge," it will be remembered, was Lieut. Gov.
Stoughton.

[130] The Complainants were "Mr. Thomas Putnam, and Mr. John Putnam,
Jr., of Salem Village." She is styled single Woman, "of Redding,"
and her Name is spelt Dusting, Dastin, and Dasting, in the Records.
It would be interesting to know if she was a Relative of the noted
Heroine, Hannah Dustin, of Haverhill, who slew her Indian Captors, and
escaped out of Captivity in 1697. Mr. Chase, the able Historian of
Haverhill, does not seem to have consulted the Records at Salem, as we
find nothing of this Case in his History.

[131] If this was supposed to be dealing justly by the Accused, the
Government Officers of that Day must have had a very _angular_ Idea of
Justice, as understood by upright Men of the present Day. Such a Course
reminds one of "Lidford Law," and of those sentenced "to be hanged and
to pay 40 shillings."

[132] "One that many Years since was Executed at Hartford, in
Connecticut Colony, on the Account of Witchcraft, confessed, that she
had employed Evil Spirits to be revenged on several; but that when she
would have had them do the Like to Mr. Stone (the Eminent Teacher of
the Church there) they told her, they had not leave to do it: Nor is
this to be Evaded by saying some Persons (as of late in New England)
have falsely accused themselves, for this Person was upon Rational
Grounds, thought to be a true Penitent, before her Death. We cannot
argue, that because some have failed in their cursed Attempts, that
therefore never any Succeeded. But the known Success of many was
that which emboldened others to Endeavour the Like.".--I. Mather, in
_Angelographia, To the Reader_. See, also, _Remarkable Providences_ (by
the same), Chap. V.


[_A Fast Proclaimed._]

Before this the Government Issued forth the following Proclamation.

    _By the Honourable the Lieutenant Governour, Council and Assembly
      of his Majesties[133] Province of the_ Massachusetts Bay, _in
      General Court Assembled._

Whereas the Anger of God is not yet turned away, but his Hand is still
stretched out against his People in manifold Judgments, particularly
in drawing out to such a length the troubles of _Europe_,[134] by a
perplexing War; and more especially, respecting ourselves in this
Province, in that God is pleased still to go on in diminishing our
Substance, cutting short our Harvest, blasting our most promissing
undertakings more ways than one, unsettling of us, and by his more
Immediate hand, snatching away many out of our Embraces, by sudden and
violent Deaths, even at this time when the Sword is devouring so many
both at home and abroad, and that after many days of publick and Solemn
addressing of him. And altho considering the many Sins prevailing
in the midst of us, we cannot but wonder at the Patience and Mercy
moderating these Rebukes; yet we cannot but also fear that there is
something still wanting to accompany our Supplications. And doubtless
there are some particular Sins, which God is Angry with our _Israel_
for, that have not been duly seen and resented by us, about which God
expects to be sought if ever he turn again our Captivity.

Wherefore it is Commanded and Appointed, that _Thursday_ the Fourteenth
of _January_ next, be observed as a Day of Prayer, with Fasting
throughout this Province, strictly forbidding all Servile labour
thereon; that so all Gods People may offer up fervent Supplications
unto him, for the Preservation, and Prosperity of his Majesty's Royal
Person and Government, and Success to attend his Affairs both at home
and abroad; that all iniquity may be put away which hath stirred God's
Holy jealousie against this Land; that he would shew us what we know
not, and help us wherein we have done amiss to do so no more; and
especially that whatever mistakes on either hand have been fallen into,
either by the body of this People, or any orders of men, referring to
the late Tragedy, raised among us by Satan and his Instruments, thro
the awful Judgment of God, he [144] would humble us therefor and pardon
all the Errors of his Servants and People, that desire to love his Name
and be attoned to his Land; that he would remove the Rod of the wicked
from off the Lot of the Righteous, that he would bring the _American_
Heathen, and cause them to hear and obey his Voice.

_Given at_ Boston, Decemb 17, 1696, _in the_ 8_th Year of his Majesties
Reign_.

                                          Isaac Addington, _Secretary_.

Upon the Day of the Fast in the full Assembly at the South
Meeting-House in _Boston_ one of the Honourable Judges,[135] who had
sat in Judicature in _Salem_, delivered in a Paper, and while it was
in reading stood up, But the Copy being not to be obtained at present,
It can only be reported by Memory to this effect, _viz._ _It was to
desire the Prayers of God's People for him and his, and that God having
visited his Family,_ &c. _he was apprehensive that he might have fallen
into some Errors in the Matters at_ Salem, _and pray that the Guilt of
such Miscarriages may not be imputed either to the Country in general,
or to him or his family in particular_.


[_Jury-men's Acknowledgement._]

    Some that had been of several Jewries, have given forth a Paper,
      Sign'd with their own hands in these words.

W_E whose names are under written, being in the Year_ 1692, _called to
serve as Jurors in Court at_ Salem _on Tryal of many; who where by some
suspected Guilty of doing Acts of Witchcraft upon the Bodies of sundry
Persons:_

_We confess that we ourselves were not capable to understand, nor able
to withstand the mysterious delusions of the Powers of Darkness, and
Prince of the Air; but were for want of Knowledge in ourselves, and
better Information from others, prevailed with to take up with such
Evidence against the Accused, as on further consideration, and better
Information, we justly fear was insufficient for the touching the Lives
of any, Deut._ xvii. 6. _whereby we fear we have been instrumental with
others, tho Ignorently and unwittingly, to bring upon ourselves, and
this People of the Lord, the Guilt of Innocent Blood; which Sin the
Lord saith in Scripture, he would not pardon,_ 2 Kings xxiv. 4. _that
is we suppose in regard of his temporal Judgments. We do therefore
hereby signifie to all in general (and to the surviving Sufferers in
especial) our deep sense of, and sorrow for our Errors, in acting on
such Evidence to the condemning of any person._

_And do hereby declare that we justly fear that we were sadly deluded
and mistaken, for which we are much disquieted and distressed in our
minds; and do therefore humbly beg forgiveness, first of God for
Christ's sake for this our Error; And pray that God would not impute
the guilt of it to ourselves, nor_ [145] _others; and we also pray that
we may be considered candidly, and aright by the living Sufferers as
being then under the power of a strong and general Delusion, utterly
unacquainted with, and not experienced in matters of that Nature._

_We do heartily ask forgiveness of you all, whom we have justly
offended, and do declare according to our present minds, we would none
of us do such things again on such grounds for the whole World; praying
you to accept of this in way of Satisfaction for our Offence; and that
you would bless the Inheritance of the Lord, that he may be entreated
for the Land._

  _Foreman, Thomas Fisk_,
             _William Fisk_,
             _John Bacheler_,
             _Thomas Fisk, Junior_
             _John Dane_,
             _Joseph Evelith_,
             _Thomas Perly, Senior_
             _John Pebody_,
             _Thomas Perkins_,
             _Samuel Sayer_,
             _Andrew Elliott_,
             _Henry Herrick, Senior_,[136]


FOOTNOTES:

[133] William III, Mary being dead. She died on the 28th Dec, 1694. Was
Dau. of James II, by A. Hyde.

[134] The "perplexing war" of this Period is sketched with a Master's
Hand by Macaulay in his _History of England_.

[135] The Honorable Samuel Sewall. He worshipped at the _Old_ South
Church. His Name will be found inscribed upon the Plan of the House in
Mr. Wisner's _History_, Page 102, denoting the Pew which he occupied.
Its internal Arrangement is much the same now.

[136] Both Mather and Calef have avoided giving Lists of the Trial
Jurors, doubtless to avoid increasing the number of their Pages. The
Records (that remain) are very imperfect in this, as well as in many
other Respects, already noticed. On this Period much remains to be done.


[_Postscript._]

POSTSCRIPT.

    _Since making the foregoing Collections of Letters, to the Reverend
      Mr._ Cotton Mather, _and others, &c. (which as yet remain
      unanswered) a Book is come to hand Intituled_,

THE _Life of Sir_ William Phips, _printed in_ London, 1697. Which Book,
tho it bears not the Authors name, yet the Stile, manner and matter
is such, that were there no other demonstration or token to know him
by, it were no Witchcraft to determine that the said Mr. _C. M._ is
the Author of it. But that he that has _encountred Enchantments_, and
gone through the _Wonders of the Invisible World_, and _discovered
the Devil_, that he should step aside into a Remote Country to put on
Invisibility! Tho the reason of this be not so manifest, yet it may be
thought to be to gratifie some peculiar fancies; and why may not this
be one, that he might with the better grace extol the Actions of Mr.
_Mather_, as Agent in England, or as President of _Harvard_ College,
not forgetting his own.[137]

As to Sir _William_, it will be generally _acknowledged_  that
notwithstanding the meanness of his Parentage and Education, he
attain'd to be Master of a Ship, and that he had the good hap to find
a _Spanish_ Wreck, not only sufficient to repair his Fortunes, but
to raise him to a considerable Figure; which King _James_ did so far
accommodate as to make _him a Knight_.

[146] And that after this, in the Reign of his Present Majesty, _he
took up with those of the Agents, that were for accepting the New
Charter, whereby himself became Governour_.[138]

It is not doubted, but that he aimed at the good of the People, and
great Pitty it is that his Government was so sullied (for want of
better Information and Advice, from those whose duty it was to have
given it) by that Hobgoblin Monster, Witchcraft, whereby this Countrey
was Night-Mar'd, and harrast, at such a rate, as is not easily
imagined.[139]

After which some complaints going to _England_ about
Male-Administration, in the least matters comparatively; yet were such,
that he was call'd home to give account thereof, where he soon after
expired, so finishing his Life and Government together.[140]

Death having thus drawn the Curtain, forbidding any further Scene, it
might have been prudence, to let his dust remain without disturbance.

But the said Book endeavouring to raise a Statue to him (_i. e._) to
ascribe to him such Achievements as either were never performed by him,
or else unduly aggravated, this has opened the Mouth, both of Friends
and Enemies to recount the mistakes in the said Book; as also those
miscarriages, wherewith Sir _William_ was chargeable; such as, had it
not been for this Book, had been buried with him.[141]

In P. 3, search is made over the World, to whom to compare him in his
Advancement; and most unhappily _Pizarro_ is pitched upon as a match
for him, who was a Bastard, dropt in a Church-Porch, put to Suck of a
Sow, and being grown, ran away, and Shipt himself for _America_; there
so prospered, as to Command an Army; and therewith did mighty things,
particularly took _Attaballipa_, one of the Kings of _Peru_ Prisoner,
and having received for his Ransom, in Gold and Silver to the value of
Ten Millions, perfidiously put him to Death; and was the Death of no
Man knows how many Thousands of Innocents, and is certainly one of the
worst that could have been pitched upon for such comparison.[142]

Tho this together with the Rhetorical flourishes, and affected
strains therein, are instances of the Author's variety of Learning;
for which he is recommended by these Three _Venerable_ Person[143]
in the entrance to the said Book. Yet the _Integrity_, _Prudence_,
and _Veracity_ thereof, is not so manifestly to be seen. Passing over
a multitude of Misrepresentations that are therein relating to the
Acts of Sir _William_, as not designing to rake in the Grave of the
Dead, Who is it can see the Veracity of those words? P. 40. [He lay
within _Pistol-Shot_ of the Enemies Cannon, and beat them from thence,
and much batter'd the town, having his Ship shot thro in an hundred
places, with _Four and twenty Pounders_,] When in the Judgment of those
present, they were not nearer to the Enemy, than about _half or three
quarters of a Mile_; that there might be in all about _Seven Shot_ that
[147] struck the Hull of the Vessel, none of them known to be bigger
than 18 Pounders, the Enemy having but one Gun that could carry so big
as an 18 pound Ball.[144]

It were a fondness after such assertions, to take any notice of this
bedeck'd Statue, when there was so much the less need of erecting
one (as is asserted P. 108) having already been done so well, that
even this Author himself despairs of doing it better;[145] and that
by one, a Man of such diffused and Embalm'd a Reputation, _as that
his Commendations_ are asserted to be enough to _Immortalize_ the
Reputation of Sir _William_, or whomsoever else _he should_ please to
bestow them upon, _viz._ That Reverend person _who was_ the President
of the only University then in the _English America_, P. 109. Which
by the way is a much fairer Statue, in honour of the President of the
University, than that erected for Sir _William_.

For notwithstanding all this noise of Erecting Statues, and the great
danger in plucking them down, _&c._ yet in P. 89, 'tis said that
even Sir _William_ shewed Choler enough, leaving it open for others,
thereby to understand, that he was wholly given over to Passion and
Choler.[146] And in P. 92, 'tis said he did not affect any mighty
shew of Devotion; these expressions with others may prevail with the
unbiased Reader to think that these builders of Statues, had some
further design in it, than to blazen the Achievements of Sir _William
Phips, viz._ To set forth Mr. _J. Mathers_ Negociation in _England_,
his procuring the New-Charter for Sir _William_ to be Governour,
and himself Establish'd President of the College, are the things
principally driven at in the Book.[147]

Another principal thing is to set forth the supposed Witchcrafts in
_New-England_, and how well Mr. _Mather_ the Younger therein acquitted
himself.[148]

As to the New Charter for the right understanding that Affair, it will
be needful to say, that the People that afterwards settled in _New
England_, being about to leave their Native soil, and to seek (as the
Providence of God should direct them) a settlement in remote Regions,
wherein they might best secure their Civil and Religious Interests,
before they enter'd upon this, considering it might be needful on
many accounts for their future well being, they obtain'd a Charter to
be in the nature of a prime agreement, setting forth the Soveraigns
Prerogative, and the People's Priviledges; in the enjoyment whereof
they long continued, after having purchas'd the Title to their Lands,
of the Natives of the Country, and settled themselves therein, without
any charge to the Crown.

That Clause in their Charter for this Country, _viz._ (Provided
that no other Christian Prince be prepossest of it) being a tacit
acknowledgment, that before settlement no one Christian Prince had any
right thereto more than another. During this time of _New-England's_
Prosperity, the Government here were very sparing of Granting
Freedoms, except to such as [148] were so and so qualfied. Whereby
the number of _Non_-Freemen[149] being much increas'd, they were
very uneasie, by their being shut out from having any share in the
Government, or having any Votes for their Representatives, _&c._ it
rendred many of them ready to join with such as were undermining the
Government, not duly considering that it had been far more safe to have
endeavoured to prevail with the Legislators for an enlargement.

So that it will not be wonder'd at that in the latter end of the Reign
of King _Charles_ the II. and of King _James_, (when most of the
Charters in _England_ were vacated) that this was _quo warranto'd_ and
finally Judgment entered up against it, and the Country was put into
such a form of Government as was most agreeable to those times, _viz._
A Legislative pow'r was lodg'd in the Governour (or President) and
some few appointed to be of his Counsel, without any regard therein,
either to the Laws of _England_, or those formerly of this Colony:
Thus rendering the Circumstances of this Country beyond comparison
worse than those of any Corporation in _England_. The People of those
Corporations being acknowledged still to have a right to _Magna
Charta_, when their particular Charters were made void. But here when
_Magna Charta_ has been pleaded, the People have been answered, that
they must not expect that _Magna Charta_ would follow them to the end
of the World: not only their Estates, but their Lives being thereby
rendered wholly precarious. And Judge _Palmer_[150] has set forth in
Print, that the King has power to grant such a Commission over this
People.

It is not hard to imagine that under such a Commission, not only the
People were liable to be opprest by Taxes, but also by Confiscations,
and Siezing of Lands, unless Patents were purchased at Excessive
prizes, with many other Exorbitant Innovations.

The first that accepted this Commission was Mr. _Dudley_, a Gentleman
born in this Country, who did but prepare the way for Sir _Edm.
Andros_. In whose time things being grown to such Extremities, not
only here, but in _England_, as render'd the succeeding Revolution
absolutely necessary; the Revolution here being no other than an acting
according to the Precedent given by _England_.

During the time of Sir _Edmonds'_ Government, Mr. _Increase Mather_,
Teacher of the North Church in _Boston_, having undergone some trouble
by Fobb-Actions[151] laid upon him, _&c._ (tho with some difficulty) he
made his Escape, and got passage for _England_, being therein assisted
by some particular Friends; where being arrived, he applied himself to
King _James_ for redress of those Evils the Country then groaned under;
and meeting with a seeming kind reception, and some promises, it was as
much as might at that time be reasonably expected.[152]

[149] Upon the Day of the Revolution here, tho the greatest part of
the People were for reassuming their Ancient Government, pursuant to
his Royal Highness' Proclamation; yet matters were so clog'd, that the
People were dissmist without it, who did not in the least mistrust but
that those who were put out of the Government by Mr. _Dudley_, would
reassume: Mr. _Broadstreet_, who had been then Governour, being heard
to say that Evening, when returned home, _That had not he thought they
would have reassum'd, he would not have stirr'd out of his House that
Day_.[153] But after this, some that were driving at other matters,
had opportunities by Threats and other ways not only to prevail with
that good Old Gentleman, but with the rest of the Government wholly to
decline it; which some few observing, they took the opportunity to call
themselves a Committee of Safety, and so undertook to Govern such as
would be govern'd by them.[154]

It has been an Observation of long continuance _that matters of State
seldom prosper, when managed by the Clergy_. Among the opposers of the
reassuming few were so strenuous as some of the Ministers, and among
the Ministers none more vehement than Mr. _Cotton Mather_, Pastor of
the _North_ Church in _Boston_, who has charged them as they would
answer it another day to reassume. Among his Arguments against it, one
was that it would be to put a slight upon his Father, who, he said,
was in _England_, labouring for a compleat Restoration of Charter
Privileges, not doubting, but they would be speedily obtain'd. Any Man
that knows _New England_ cannot but be sensible, that such Discourses
from such Men, have always been very prevalent. And hence it was that
even those that would think themselves wronged, if they were not
numbred among the best Friends to _New-England_, and to its Charter,
would not so much as stoop to take it up, when there was really nothing
to hinder them from the Enjoyment thereof.[155]

After the Committee of Safety had continued about seven Weeks, or
rather after Anarchy had been so long Triumphant, an Assembly having
been call'd came to this resolve and laid it before those Gentlemen
that had been of the Government, that if they would not act upon the
Foundation of the Charter, that persuant to it, the Assembly would
appoint some others in that Station. The Answer to which was, that
they would accept, _&c._ And when a Declaration signifying such a
reassuming, was prepared with the good liking of the Deputies, in order
to be published, some that were opposers, so terrified those Gentlemen,
that before publishing it was underwritten [that they would not have
it understood that they did reassume Charter-Government] to the no
small amazement of the People, and disappointment of the Deputies, who
if these had not promised so to act, had taken other care, and put in
those that would.[156]

[150] The next principal thing done was, they chose two of their
Members, _viz._ one of the upper House, the other of the lower, both
of them Gentlemen of known Integrity, as well as ability to go to
_England_, in order to obtain their Resettlement;[157] and in regard
Mr. _I. Mather_ was already there, they joined him, as also a certain
Gentleman in _London_[158] with these other two: Those from hence
being arrived in _London_, they all united for the common Interest of
the Countrey, though without the desired effect. They were in doubt,
whether it were best to Improve their Utmost for a reversal of the
Judgment in a Course of Law, or to obtain it in a Parliamentary way,
or to Petition his Majesty for a New Grant of former Priviledges; And
considering that the two first might prove Dilatory and Expensive,
as well as for other reasons, they resolved upon the latter, and
Petition'd his Majesty for the Countries Resettlement, with former
Privileges, and what further additionals his Majesty in his Princely
Wisdom should think fit. Accordingly it pleased his Majesty to declare
in Counsel his Determination, _viz._ That there should be a Charter
granted to _New-England_. But the Minutes then taken thereof, and a
Draught of the _New-Charter_ being seen, it was the Opinion of the two
Gentlemen sent from hence, that it were best to tarry his Majesties
return from _Flanders_; in hopes then to obtain ease in such things as
might be any ways deemed to be grievous. And this was the result of the
Advice of such as were best able to give it, that they could meet with,
and accordingly they wholly desisted taking it out of the Offices.[159]

But Mr. _Mather_ and that other Gentleman had, as it is said, other
advice given them, which they strenuously pursued, and his Majesty
having left it as is asserted in this of the Life of Sir _William_,
P. 57, to them to nominate a Governour, they pitcht upon Sir _William
Phips_, who was then in _England_, [As the most likely and able to
serve the King's Interests among the People there; under the changes in
some things unacceptable now brought upon them, P. 62.] and without
tarrying for the concurrence of those other Agents, the Charter was
taken out, _&c._[160]

But Mr. _Mather_ perhaps fearing he should have but small thanks
here, for his having so far an hand in bringing upon them those
unacceptable Changes, wrote, and caused to be Printed, an Account
of his Negotiation, but surely by some Error in the Conception, it
proved only an _Embrio_, and was stifled as soon as born. One indeed,
designed to be as it were a _Posthumous_ was left with Mr. _Bailey_,
formerly of _Boston_, and a Member of the _North-Church_, with a charge
not to suffer it to be seen till he were gone to _New-England_; yet
it seems some other person got a sight of it, which was the occasion
of Mr. _Mather_'s sending him that Minatory Epistle, by some call'd
a Bull. But besides this, for fear of the worst, Mr. _Mather_ got
several _Non-con_ Ministers to give him a Testimonial, or Letters of
Commendations for his great Service herein.[161]

[151] In the mean time Mr. _Cotton Mather_, being in some doubt of the
same thing, handed about a Paper of Fables; wherein his Father under
the Name of _Mercurius_, and himself under the Name of _Orpheus_, are
extoll'd, and the great Actions of _Mercurius_ magnified; the present
Charter exalted, by trampling on the former, as being very defective,
and all those call'd unreasonable that did not readily agree with the
New one: And indeed the whole Country are compared to no better than
Beasts, except _Mercurius_ and _Orpheus_, the Governour himself must
not Escape being termed an Elephant, tho as good as he was great, and
the Inferiours told by _Orpheus_ that for the quiet Enjoyment of their
Lands, _&c._ they were beholding to _Mercurius_. Tho this Paper was
judged not convenient to be Printed, yet some Copies were taken, the
Author having shown variety of _Heathen_ Learning in it.[162]

This is in short that eminent Service for which the said Mr. _I. M._ is
in the present Book so highly extol'd. In so many Pages, that to repeat
them were to transcribe a considerable part of the said Book.

And no doubt he deserves as much thanks as Dr. _Sharp_[163] did,
when he was sent by the Presbytery of _Scotland_, to procure the
settlement of their Kirk by King _Charles_ II. at his Restauration.

Not but that the present Charter of _New-England_ is indeed truly
valuable, as containing in it peculiar Priviledges, which abundantly
Engages this People to pay the tribute of thankfulness to his
Majesty,[164] and all due subjection to whom it shall please him to
substitute as Governour over us; and to pray that the King of Kings
would pour out of his richest blessings upon him, giving him a long and
prosperous Reign over the Nations, under the benign Influences whereof,
Oppression and Tyranny may flee away.

And if his Majesty hath put this People into the present form of
Government, to the end they might be in the better condition of
Defence in a time of War; or that they might the better understand
the Priviledge of choosing their own Governour by the want of it, and
should be graciously pleased (the War being over) to restore to these,
as has been already granted to the rest of his Majesties Subjects,
the full employment of their Ancient Priviledges, it would be such
an obligation upon them to thankfulness and Duty as could never be
forgotten, nor sufficiently exprest, and would rather abate than
increase charge to the Crown.

As to the supposed Witchcrafts in _New-England_, having already said so
much thereof, there is the less remains to be added.

In the times of Sir _Ed. Andros_ his Government, Goody _Glover_, a
despised, crazy, ill-conditioned old Woman, an _Irish Roman_ Catholick,
was tried for Afflicting _Goodwins_ Children; by the Account of which
Tryal, taken in Short-hand, for the use of the Jury, it may appear that
the ge[152]nerality of her Answers, were Nonsense, and her behaviour
like that of one distracted. Yet the Drs. finding her as she had been
for many Years, brought her in _Compos Mentis_; and setting aside her
crazy Answers to some insnaring questions, the proof against her was
wholly deficient: The Jury brought her Guilty.[165]

Mr. _Cotton Mather_ was the most active and forward of any Minister
in the Country in those matters, taking home one of the Children, and
managing such intreagues with that Child, and after printing such an
Account of the whole, in his Memorable Providences, as conduced much to
the kindling those Flames, that in Sir _Williams_ time threatned the
devouring this Country.[166]

King _Saul_ in his destroying the Witches out of _Israel_, is
thought by many to have exceeded, and in his Zeal to have slain the
_Gibeonites_ wrongfully under that notion: Yet went after this to a
Witch to know his Fortune. For his wrongful destroying the _Gibeonites_
(besides the Judgments of God upon the Land) his Sons were hanged;
and for his going to the Witch, himself was cut off. Our sir _William
Phips_ did not do this, but as appears by this Book had first his
Fortune told him, (by such as the Author counts no better) and though
he put it off (to his Pastor, who he new approved not thereof) as if
it were brought to him in writing, without his seeking, _&c._ Yet by
his bringing it so far, and safe keeping it so many Years, it appears
he made some Account of it; for which he gave the Writer, after he
had found the Wreck, as a reward, more than Two hundred pounds. His
telling his Wife (P. 6.) that he should be a Commander, should have a
Brick-House in _Greenlane_,[167] _&c._ might be in confidence of some
such Prediction, and that he could foretel to him (P. 90.) that he
should be Governour of _New-England_, was probably such an one, (the
Scriptures not having revealed it.) Such Predictions would have been
counted at _Salem_, pregnant proofs of Witchcraft, and much better than
what were against several that suffered there. But Sir _William_, when
the Witchcrafts at _Salem_ began (in his Esteem) to look formidable,
that he might Act safely in this Affair, he asked the Advice of the
Ministers in and near _Boston_; the whole of their Advice and Answer
is Printed in _Cases of Conscience_, the last Pages. But lest the
World should be Ignorant who it was that drew the said Advice, in this
Book of the Life of Sir _William Phips_, P. 77. are these words, _the
Ministers made unto his Excellency and the Counsel a return, drawn up
at their desire, by Mr. Mather the Younger, as I have been informed_.
Mr. _C. M._ therein intending to beguile the World, and make them think
that another, and not himself had taken that notice of his (supposed)
good Service done therein, which otherwise would have been ascribed
to those Ministers in General, though indeed the Advice then given,
looks most like a thing of his Composing, as carrying both Fire [153]
to increase, and Water to quench the Conflagration.[168] Particularly
after the Devils Testimony, by the supposed Afflicted had so prevailed,
as to take away the Life of one, and the Liberty of an Hundred, and
the whole Country set into a most dreadful consternation, then this
Advice is given, ushered in with thanks for what was already done,
and in conclusion, putting the Government upon a speedy and vigorous
prosecution according to the Laws of God, and the wholesome Statutes
of the _English_ Nation, so adding Oil, rather than Water to the
Flame; for who so little acquainted with proceedings of _England_, as
not to know that they have taken some methods, with those here used
to discover who were Witches. The rest of the Advice, consisting
of cautions and directions, are inserted in this of the Life of Sir
_William_. So that if Sir _William_, looking upon the thanks for what
was past, and Exhortation to proceed, went on to take away the Lives of
Nineteen more, this is according to the Advice said to be given him by
the Ministers, and if the Devil after those Executions be affronted,
by disbelieving his testimony, and by clearing and Pardoning all the
rest of the Accused; yet this also is according to that Advice, but
to cast the Scale; the same that drew this Advice, saith, in _Wonders
of the Invisible World, Enchantments Encountered_; [that to have a
hand in any thing that may stifle or obstruct a regular detection of
that Witchcraft, is what we may well with a Holy fear avoid: Their
Majesties good Subjects must not every day be torn to pieces by horrid
Witchcraft, and those bloody Felons be wholly left unprosecuted; The
Witchcraft is a business that will not be shamm'd.][169] The Pastor
of that Church, of which Sir _William_ was a Member, being of this
Principle, and thus declaring it, after the former advice; no wonder
tho it cast the Scale against those Cautions. It is rather a Wonder
that no more Blood was shed, for if that Advice of his Pastors could
still have prevail'd with the Governour, Witchcraft had not been
so shammed off as it was. Yet now in this Book of the Life of Sir
_William_, the pardoning the Prisoners when Condemn'd, and clearing
the Goals, is call'd (P. 82) a Vanquishing the Devil, adding this
Conquest to the rest of the Noble Atchievements of Sir _William_, tho
Performed not only without, but directly against his Pastors Advice.
But this is not all, tho this Book pretends to raise a Statue in Honour
of Sir _William_, yet it appears it was the least part of the design
of the Author to Honour him, but it was rather to Honour himself,
and the Ministers; It being so unjust to Sir _William_, as to give a
full Account of the cautions given him, but designedly hiding from
the Reader the Incouragements and Exhortations to proceed, that were
laid before him (under the name of the Ministers Advice) in effect,
telling the World that those Executions at _Salem_, were without,
and against the Advice of the Ministers, exprest in those Cautions,
purposely hiding their giving thanks for what was already done, and
exhorting to proceed; thereby rendering Sir _William_ of so sanguin a
Complexion, that the Ministers had such cause to fear his going on with
the Tragedy, tho against their Advice; that they desired the President
to write his _Cases of Conscience, &c._ To plead misinformation
will not salve here, however it may seem to palliate other things,
but is a manifest, designed traversty, or misrepresentation of the
Ministers Advice to Sir _William_, a hiding the truth, and a wronging
the dead, whom the Author so much pretends to honour; for which the
Acknowledgments ought to be as Universal as the offence. But tho
the Ministers Advice, or rather Mr. C. _Mather's_ was perfectly
Ambidexter, giving as great or greater Encouragement to proceed in
those dark methods, than cautions against [154] them; yet many Eminent
persons being accused, there was a necessity of a stop to be put to
it. If it be true what was said at the Counsel-board in answer to the
commendations of Sir _William_, for his stopping the proceedings about
Witchcraft, _viz._ That it was high time for him to stop it, his own
Lady being accused; if that Assertion were a truth, then _New-England_
may seem to be more beholden to the accusers for accusing of her, and
thereby necessitating a stop, than to Sir _William_, or to the Advice
that was given him by his Pastor.[170]

Mr. _C. M._ having been very forward to write Books of Witchcraft, has
not been so forward either to explain or defend the Doctrinal part
thereof, and his belief (which he had a Years time to compose) he
durst not venture so as to be copied.[171] Yet in this of the Life of
Sir _William_ he sufficiently testifies his retaining that Heterodox
belief, seeking by frightfull stories of the sufferings of some, and
the refined sight of others, _&c._ P. 69 to obtrude upon the World, and
confirm it in such a belief, as hitherto he either cannot or will not
defend, as if the Blood already shed thereby were not sufficient.[172]

Mr. _I. Mather_, in his _Cases of Conscience_, P. 25, tells of a
Bewitched Eye, and that such can see more than others. They were
certainly bewitched Eyes that could see as well shut as open, and
that could see what never was, that could see the Prisoners upon the
Afflicted, harming of them, when those whose Eyes were not bewitched
could have sworn that they did not stir from the Bar. The Accusers
are said to have suffered much by biting, P. 73. And the prints of
just such a set of Teeth, as those they Accused, had, but such as had
not such bewitch'd Eyes have seen the Accusers bite themselves, and
then complain of the Accused. It has also been seen when the Accused,
instead of having just such a set of Teeth, has not had one in his
head.[173] They were such bewitched Eyes that could see the Poisonous
Powder (brought by Spectres P. 70.) And that could see in the Ashes
the print of the Brand, there invisibly heate to torment the pretended
Sufferers with, _&c._[174]

These with the rest of such Legends have this direct tendency, _viz._
To tell the World that the Devil is more ready to serve his Votaries,
by his doing for them things above or against the course of Nature,
shewing himself to them, and making explicit contract with them,
_&c._ than the Divine Being is to his faithful Servants, and that as
he is willing, so also able to perform their desires.[175] The way
whereby these People are believed to arrive at a power to Afflict their
Neighbours, is by a compact with the Devil, and that they have a power
to _Commissionate_ him to those Evils, P. 72. However Irrational, or
inscriptural such Assertions are, yet they seem a necessary part of the
_Faith_ of such as maintain the belief of such a sort of _Witches_.

As the Scriptures know nothing of a covenanting or commissioning Witch,
so Reason cannot conceive how Mortals should by their Wickedness
arrive at a power to Commissionate Angels, Fallen Angels, against
their Innocent Neighbours. But the Scriptures are full in it, and
the Instances numerous, that the Almighty, Divine Being has this
prerogative to make use of what Instrument he pleaseth, in Afflicting
any, and consequently to commissionate Devils: And tho this word
commissioning, in the Authors former Books, might be thought to be
by inadvertency, yet now after he hath been caution'd of it, still
to persist in it seems highly Criminal. And therefore in the name of
God, I here charge such belief as guilty of Sacrilege in the highest
Nature, and so much worse than stealing Church Plate, _&c._ As it
is a higher Offence to steal any of the glorious Attributes of the
Al[155]mighty, to bestow them upon Mortals, than it is to steal the
Utensils appropriated to his Service. And whether to ascribe such power
of commissioning Devils to the worst of Men, be not direct Blasphemy,
I leave to others better able to determine. When the _Pharisees_ were
so wicked as to ascribe to _Beelzebub_, the mighty works of Christ
(whereby he did manifestly shew forth his Power and Godhead) than it
was that our Saviour declar'd the Sin against the Holy Ghost to be
unpardonable.

When the Righteous God is contending with Apostate Sinners, for their
departures from him, by his Judgments, as Plagues, Earthquakes, Storms
and Tempests, Sicknesses and Diseases, Wars, loss of Cattle, _&c._
Then not only to ascribe this to the Devil, but to charge one another
with sending or commissionating those Devils to these things, is so
abominable and so wicked, that it requires a better Judgment than mine
to give it its just denomination.[176]

But that Christians so called should not only charge their fellow
Christians therewith, but proceed to Trials and Executions; crediting
that Enemy to all Goodness, and Accuser of the Brethren, rather than
believe their Neighbours in their own Defence; this is so Diabolical a
Wickedness as cannot proceed, but from a Doctrine of Devils; how far
damnable it is let others discuss. Though such things were acting in
this Country in Sir _Williams_ time, yet P. 65. There is a Discourse
of a Guardian Angel, as then over-seeing it, which notion, however it
may suit the Faith of _Ethnicks_, or the fancies of _Trithemius_; it
is certain that the Omnipresent Being, stands not in need as Earthly
Potentates do, of governing the World by Vicegerents. And if Sir
_William_ had such an Invisible pattern to imitate, no wonder though
some of his Actions were unaccountable, especially those relating to
Witchcraft: For if there was in those Actions an Angel superintending,
there is little reason to think it was _Gabriel_ or the Spirit of
_Mercury_, nor _Hanael_ the Angel or Spirit of _Venus_, nor yet
_Samuel_ the Angel or Spirit of _Mars_; Names feigned by the said
_Trithemius_, _&c._ It may rather be thought to be _Apollyon_, or
_Abaddon_.

_Obj._ But here it will be said, What are there no Witches? Do's not
the Law of God command that they should be extirpated? Is the Command
vain and Unintelligible? _Sol._ For any to say that a Witch is one
that makes a compact with, and Commissions Devils, _&c._ is indeed to
render the Law of God vain and Unintelligible, as having provided
no way whereby they might be detected, and proved to be such; And
how the _Jews_ waded thro this difficulty for so many Ages, without
the Supplement of Mr. _Perkins_ and _Bernard_ thereto, would be very
mysterious. But to him that can read the Scriptures without prejudice
from Education, _&c._ it will manifestly appear that the Scripture is
full and Intelligible, both as to the Crime and means to detect the
culpable. He that shall hereafter see any person, who to confirm People
in a false belief, about the power of Witches and Devils, pretending to
a sign to confirm it; such as knocking off of invisible Chains with the
hand, driving away Devils by brushing, striking with a Sword or Stick,
to wound a person at a great distance, _&c._ may (according to that
head of Mr. _Gauls_, quoted by Mr. _C. M._ and so often herein before
recited, and so well proved by Scripture) conclude that he has _seen
Witchcraft performed_.

[156] If _Baalam_ became a Sorcerer by Sacrifizing and Praying to the
true God against his visible people; Then he that shall pray that the
afflicted (by their _Spectral_ Sight) may accuse some other Person
(whereby their reputations and lives may be indangered) such will
justly deserve the Name of a _Sorcerer_. If any Person pretends to know
more than can be known by humane means, and professeth at the same time
that they have it from the _Black-Man, i. e. the Devil_, and shall from
hence give Testimony against the Lives of others, they are manifestly
such as have a familiar Spirit; and if any, knowing them to have their
Information from the _Black-man_, shall be inquisitive of them for
their Testimony against others, they therein are dealing with such as
have a _Familiar-Spirit_.

And if these shall pretend to _see the dead_ by their _Spectral Sight_,
and others shall be inquisitive of them, and receive their Answers what
it is the _dead say_, and who it is they accuse, both the one and the
other are by Scripture _Guilty of Necromancy_.

These are all of them crimes as easily proved as any whatsoever, and
that by such proof as the Law of God requires, so that it is _no
Unintelligible Law_.

But if the Iniquity of the times be such that these Criminals not only
Escape Indemnified, but are Incouraged in their wickedness, and made
use of to take away the Lives of others, this is worse than a making
the Law of God _Vain_, it being a rendring of it _dangerous_, against
the Lives of Innocents, and without all hopes of better, so long as
these Bloody Principles remain.

As long as Christians do Esteem the _Law of God to be Imperfect_, as
not describing that crime that it requires to be Punish'd by Death.

As long as men suffer themselves to be Poison'd in their Education, and
be grounded in a _False-Belief by the Books of the Heathen_.

As long as the _Devil_ shall be believed to have _a Natural Power, to
Act above and against a course of Nature_.

As long as the _Witches_ shall be believed to have a Power to
_Commission him_.

As long as the _Devil's Testimony_, by the pretended afflicted, shall
be received as _more valid to Condemn_, than their Plea of _Not Guilty_
to acquit.

As long as the _Accused_ shall have their _Lives and Liberties_
confirmed and restored to them, _upon their Confessing themselves
Guilty_.

As long as the _Accused_ shall be forc't to _undergo Hardships and
Torments_ for their not Confessing.

As long as _Tets_ for the _Devil to Suck_ are searched for upon the
Bodies of the accused, as a token of guilt.

As long as the _Lord's Prayer_ shall be profaned, by being made a Test,
who are culpable.

As long as _Witchcraft, Sorcery, Familiar Spirits, and Necromancy_,
shall be improved to discover who are _Witches_, _&c._

_So long it may be expected that innocents will suffer as Witches_.

_So long God will be Daily dishonoured, And so long his Judgments, must
be expected to be continued._[177]


_FINIS._


FOOTNOTES:

[137] This Insinuation is quite well sustained, as will appear by an
Extract from Mr. Mather's Diary, printed in Quincy's _Hist. H. C._ i,
60. The Life of Phips is substantially included in the Magnalia. As
originally published, it is of considerable rarity.

[138] See Vol. I, Page 25-6.

[139] This Judgment has been sustained by Posterity. Phips's Hands were
tied. He could not have done differently, had he had the Knowledge
and Disposition, without giving offence to President Mather, who had
secured his Advancement.

[140] To this rather mild and inoffensive remark of the Author,
Mr. Mather replies: "The last Effort of his [Calef's] Malice is a
Postscript against the Life of Sir William Phips, against whose Memory,
why any whose _Throats are an open Sepulchre_, should be so monstrously
envious, that like Jackalls, they can't let him rest quietly in his
Sepulchre, good Men can't imagine any Reason but the third Chapter of
Genesis."--_Some Few Remarks_, &c. 47.

[141] "I have endured more than a little from some sort of Men, for
my writing the Life of Sir William Phips, and speaking well of him,
without either doing or speaking ill against any one good Man under the
whole Heavens, in the whole Composure. It seems that I must now write
an Apology, for that Book: for which I have no Confession to make, but,
_That I don't wish one Line of it unwritten_."--_Ibid_, 47-8.

[142] It must be allowed that the Doctor was a little unfortunate in
his Choice of a Hero by which to measure his own.

[143] The "three venerable Persons" were "Nath. Mather, John Howe and
Matthew Mead." The first was the Uncle to Dr. Cotton Mather, then a
Minister in Dublin, where he died a few Months later. Howe and Mead are
too well known to require a notice here.

[144] To this Dr. Mather answers: "When mine Adversaries had, with a
concocted Malice, done all they could, they thought at least they had
found one Passage wherein they might impeach my Veracity. I had said,
that before Quebeck, Sir William lay _within Pistol Shot of the Enemies
Cannon_, and that his Ship was shot through, in _an hundred Places_,
and that it was shot through with _Four and Twenty Pounders_. (Tis a
gross Hardship for any to make my Meaning as if all the shot had been
so.) And now they fall to Tragical Exclamattons; they think _Four and
Twenty Pounders_ to be too small Dimensions for the Clamors they must
batter me withal.... I wrote no more than the very Words which I find
in a Journal of the Expedition to Qcebec.... _Calef_ himself has lately
owned, that he verily believes I did so."--_Some Few Remarks_, &c. 51-2.

[145] After the Doctor had spoken of being "battered with Clamors," he
triumphantly Exclaims--"But hold _Robin_, [Mr. Calef's Christian Name
being Robert] I am not so soon _shot through_; and the _Statue_, as I
told thee, has _knock'd out thy Brains_!"--_Ibid_, Page 52. His Life of
Phips he calls a _Statue_.

[146] The harsh and ungovernable Temper of the Governor was a Matter of
Notoriety in his Time. See _Life of Phips in the Magnalia_, B. ii, Page
72, &c.

[147] "It is not worth our while to take Notice of every thing this
_Calf_ sayes, 'tis often so impertinent; however, we will lay open one
thing more. He says that Mr. Mather procured a Charter for Sir William
to be Governor, and _himself established President of the Colledge_.
Can there be greater Nonsense mixed with Malice! How could that be,
when Mr. Mather had been President of the Colledge _ten_ Years before
Sir William came to be Governor?" This is a very shallow Attempt
to impeach, by Hypercriticism, the Truth of Mr. Calef's Statement.
Everybody knew the fact that Dr. I. Mather was President of the
College. Mr. Calef's Meaning is plain enough, namely, that Mr. Mather's
Solicitude was about _keeping_ his Office of President.

[148] "It is to be confessed and bewailed, that many Inhabitants of
New England, and young People especially, had been led away with
little _Sorceries_, wherein they _did secretly those things that were
not right against the Lord their God_; they would often cure Hurts
with _Spells_, and practice detestable Conjurations with _Sieves_,
and _Keyes_, and _Pease_, and _Nails_, and _Horse-shoes_, and other
Implements to learn the Things for which they had a forbidden and
impious Curiosity. Wretched Books had stolen into the Land, wherein
Fools were instructed how to become able Fortune-tellers."--_Life of
Sir W. Phips._ See _Magnalia_, B. ii, 60. Some twenty Years later the
Author's Ideas had undergone a slight Change. See _Remarkables_, 161,
_et seq._

[149] Complete Lists of all the Freemen in Massachusetts, and the
Qualifications necessary to become such, will be found in the _New Eng.
Hist. and Gen. Register_, Vols. III, IV and VII.

[150] Palmer's Book is thus entitled: "An Impartial Account of the
State of New England: or, the Late Government there, Vindicated. In
Answer to the Declaration which the Faction set forth, when they
Overturned that Government. With a Relation of the Horrible Usage they
treated the Governour with, and his Council; and all that had His
Majesty's Commission. _In a_ Letter _to the_ Clergy _there._ By _John
Palmer_. London: Printed for _Edward Poole_, at the _Ship_ over against
the _Royal Exchange_, in _Cornhill_, 1690." 4to, 40 Pages. This Work is
about to be republished by the PRINCE SOCIETY.

[151] Actions brought without Foundation.

[152] "The Superior Gentlemen in the Oppressed Country, thought, that
a Well-qualified Person going over with the Addresses of the Churches
to the King, might, by the Help of such Protestant Dissenters as the
King began upon Political Views to cast a fair Aspect upon, obtain
some Relief to the growing Distresses of the Country; and Mr. Mather
was the Person that was pitch'd upon.... To his Wonderment, they that
at another Time would have almost assoon parted with their Eyes as
have parted with him now were willing to it."--_Remarkables of Dr. I.
Mather_, 103.

[153] Mr. Bradstreet was then about 86 Years of Age. A pretty full
Account of the Transactions of this Period may be read in Hutchinson,
_Hist. Mass._, i, _sub. An._ 1689: "The Representatives of 54 Towns met
at Boston, on the 22d of May. They soon discovered a Desire to reassume
the Charter. The major Part of the Council were against it." _Ibid._,
i, 386, first Edition.

[154] I do not find this animadverted upon in the _Some Few Remarks_.

[155] See Neal's _Hist. N. England_, where will be found the
"Declaration" in full, in which it is said: "Having fully and
deliberately examined the Minds and Instructions of the several Towns,
do find it to be the general Consent and Concurrence of our several
Towns to reassume the Government according to Charter-Rights," &c. Vol.
II, 55.

[156] The _underwritten_ Recantation does not appertain to the printed
Declaration. Neal says: "'Tis certain the Massachuset-Provinces had
hard Measure in the Loss of their Charter, and harder yet, in not
having it restored at the Revolution," &c. Vol. II, 59.

[157] Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes, both of them Assistants. See
Hutchinson, _Hist. Mass._, i, 393.

[158] Sir Henry Ashurst.

[159] Dr. I. Mather's Narrative of this Affair runs thus: "When the
King was pleased to give a positive Command that the Charter of New
England should be dispatched, it was not for the Agents to say, It
shall not be so. True it is, that all the Agents, when they saw what
Minutes would be inserted in the Charter, were desirous of a Delay,
until the Kings happy Return to England. And I may without Vanity say,
no Man laboured to have it so, more than myself. I prayed Arch-Bishop
Tillotson to intercede with the Queen for this Favour to us, who at my
Request did so. Moreover, I drew up several Reasons against that which
in the Minutes of the New Charter is most grievous to us; which were by
Sir Henry Ashurst, and my self, delivered to His Majesties Attourney
General, on July 24. 1691, and which I did also send to my Lord Sidney,
one of His Majesties principal Secretaries of State, then with the
King in Flanders."--_Some Few Remarks_, 22-3. Lord Henry _Sydney_ was
afterwards Earl of Romney.

[160] Thinking there would be no further Proceedings about the Charter
before the Return of the King, Mr. Mather says he went into the
Country for the Recovery of his impaired Health, where, before he had
been three Weeks, he was surprised by being sent for to London, "with
Information that the King had signified His Royal Pleasure to the Earl
of Nottingham, that there should be a Procedure with a Charter for the
Massachusetts Colony, according to the Minutes that the Lords of the
Committee for Plantations had agreed to, notwithstanding the Objections
of the Agents."--_Some Few Remarks_, 23.

[161] This Document is printed in the Work just cited, Pages 14 to 18;
and also by the Son in his _Remarkables_ of his Father, Pages 157-60.
The rebutting of the "Bull" has been noticed in an earlier Page.

[162] Whether this Paper, containing the _variety of Heathen Learning_,
was ever printed, the Editor is unable to say.

[163] The Defenders of Dr. Mather say, that, by what they have heard
about that Story of Dr. Sharp, attempting "to get himself made Bishop,
did what he could to undermine the Presbyterian Government:" and
continue,--"Certainly, Satan _himself_ could not but blush to say, that
ever Mr. Mather went to destroy the Government of New England, either
as to their Civil or Ecclesiastical Constitution."--_Some Few Remarks_,
29, 30. Mr. Calef is very far from bringing any such Charge. Some later
Authors are far more severe on Dr. Mather than he. See Baylies, _N.
Plymouth_, iv, 134.

[164] After extracting this Acknowledgement of our Author, his
Reviewers say: "With what Face then can he insinuate that no Thanks are
due to the Instruments of obtaining such a valuable Charter, and so
many peculiar Priviledges? Surely he was beside himself, when he wrote
such Things as these."--_Ibid._, Page 30.

[165] The Authors of the _Some Few Remarks_, print a Letter from Mr.
John Goodwin, as a triumphant Vindication of what Dr. Cotton Mather
published respecting the bewitchment of Goodwin's Children. The Letter
is too long and too unimportant to occupy Space here. It may be seen
on Pages 62 and 63 of that Work. It is, of course, an attempt to
sustain Dr. Mather's Account, the substance of which Account is in
the _Magnalia_. They then go on: "Now behold how active and forward
Mr. Mather was, in transacting the Affairs relating to this Woman;
and be astonished, that ever any _One_ should go to insinuate things
to the World, as are known by most that ever heard of those afflicted
Children, to be so far different from _Truth_, as to do what in you
lies to lessen the Esteem of those Servants of Christ, (which you make
your chiefest _Butts_) among the Lord's People.... We pray God _Pardon_
your Sin, and give you the Grace to Repent."--_Ibid_, 65. See also
_Magnalia_, B. ii, 61; where it appears that Mr. Joseph Dudley was
Chief Judge when the poor old crazy Woman was tried and Executed.

[166] Dr. Mather answers: "After the Storm was raised at Salem, I did
myself offer to provide Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for no less than
_Six_ of the Afflicted, that so an Experiment might be made, whether
_Prayer_ with _Fasting_, upon the Removal of those Miserables, one
from another, might not put a Period unto the Trouble then arising,
without giving the Civil Authority the Trouble of Prosecuting the
Methods of the Law on that Occasion. You'll say, How came it then to
pass that many People took up another Notion of me? Truly, _Satan
knows_. Perhaps 'twas because I thought it my Duty alwayes to speak of
the Honourable Judges with as much Honour as I could; (a Crime which I
am generally taxed for, and _for which I have been finely requited_!)
This made People, who judge of Things _at a Distance_, to dream that I
_approved_ of all that was done."--_Ibid_, 39-40. Certainly, if Words
mean any thing, what he published fully justifies that Conclusion,
notwithstanding his rare _Ambidexterity_. See Vol. I, _Ubique loci_.

[167] Salem Street was in those Times, called _Green-Lane_; at the
Corner made by that _Lane_ and Charter Street, the Governor actually
resided. See _History and Antiquities of Reason_, 816.

[168] Dr. Mather says in Reply: "Moreover, when the Ministers presented
unto the Governour and Council, their Advice against making the
_Spectral Exhibitions_ to be so much as a _Presumption of Witchcraft_,
it was _my_ poor Hand which drew up that Advice, and my Heart was
always in it."--_Some Few Remarks_, 38-9. But the Doctor does not
explain how, in speaking of this _Address_ in the Life of Phips, he
came to make use of the Words--_as I have been informed_--while in the
_Some Few Remarks_ he owns that it was drawn by his _poor Hand_. See
_Life of Phips in Magnalia_, Book II, 63.

[169] See Volume I, Page 34.

[170] Dr. Douglass goes further in this Matter. He says that "some of
the Confessing Witches, by overacting their Parts in accusing some
of Gov. Phips's, and the Rev. Mr. Mather's Relations; as also some
of the Accused good Christians, and of good Estates, those arrested
the Accusers in high Actions for Defamation; this put a stop to
Accusations."--_Summary_, i, 450.

[171] Referring to certain Answers in writing put into Mr. Calef's
Hands, with an Injunction against his printing them. See _ante_, Vol.
II, Page 86.

[172] This Statement is fully borne out, as will be seen on referring
to the Life of Phips, as directed above, or to the same in the
_Magnalia_, B. ii, 60, _et seq._; one Extract here must suffice: "But
of all the _Preternatural_ things which befel these People, there
were none more unaccountable than those, wherein the prestigious
_Dæmons_ would ever now and then cover the most _Corporeal_ Things in
the World with a _Fascinating Mist_ of Invisibility. As now; a Person
was cruelly assaulted by a _Spectre_, that, she said, run at her with
a _Spindle_, though no Body else in the Room could see either the
_Spectre_ or the _Spindle_: At last, in her Agonies, giving a Snatch
at the _Spectre_, she pulled the _Spindle_ away; and it was no sooner
got into her Hand, but the other Folks then present beheld that it was
indeed a Real, Proper, Iron _Spindle_; which, when they locked up very
safe, it was nevertheless by the _Dæmons_ taken away to do farther
Mischief." In the _Wonders of the Invisible World_ (Vol. I, 205), this
Story of the Spindle will be seen among the _Curiosities_ and is given,
as the Author there tells the Reader, as "a Bone to pick" for the
_Dogmatical_. _See also_ Lawson, 102.

[173] It is highly interesting to hear the Doctor's Account of this:
"It was also found, that the Flesh of the Afflicted was often _Bitten_
at such a Rate, that not only the _Print of Teeth_ would be left on
their _Flesh_, but the very _Slaver_ of _Spittle_ too: As there would
appear just such a _set of Teeth_ as was in the _Accused_, even such
as might be clearly distinguished from other People's. And usually
the _Afflicted_ went through a terrible Deal of seeming Difficulties
from the tormenting _Spectres_, and must be long waited on before they
could get a Breathing Space from their Tormentors to give in their
Testimonies."--_Life of Phips, in Magnalia_, B. ii, 61-2.

[174] The Doctor must once again be heard, otherwise the Reader can
have but a faint Idea of what our Author is exposing: "The Miserable
exclaimed extreamly of _Branding Irons_ heating at the Fire on the
Hearth to mark them; now, though the Standers by could see no _Irons_,
yet they could see distinctly the Print of them in the Ashes, and
_smell_ them too as they were carried by the _not-seen Furies_,
unto the poor Creatures for whom they were intended; and those poor
Creatures were thereupon _Stigmatized_ with them, that they will
bear the Marks of them to their Dying Day. Nor are these the _Tenth
Part_ of the _Prodigies_ that fell out among the Inhabitants of New
England."--_Ibid._, Page 61. If any one, after reading these strongly
expressed Opinions of the learned Doctor, will entertain Doubts, as to
his extreme Credulity and Faith in Witchcraft, it is not likely to be
in human Power to remove them.

[175] The Cry of "Blasphemer, Sadducee, Infidel, Liar, Slanderer,"
&c., &c., could not then, nor at any other Time, alter the Facts so
truly and so succinctly stated here. Against the above is found: "He
insinuates, that our Reverend Ministers make the Devil an _Independent
Being_, and (as he says) _consequently a God_. An abominable
Charge!"--_Some Few Remarks_, 8, 9. See, also, Vol. I, Page 72-3.

[176] And yet, as inconsistent with Reason as this absurd Stuff is,
it was the generally prevailing Belief, and is thus _defended_ in the
_Some Few Remarks_, P. 8: "The whole Body of the Ministers in the
Country are charged, as Guilty of Sacriledge in the highest Degree,
if not direct Blasphemy, and Diabolical Wickedness." It will at once
be seen that this is as unjust a Charge as Malignity in its Blindness
could invent. Well did our Quaker Poet write, some 17 Years ago:

    "When the Thought of Man is free,
      Error fears its lightest Tones;
    So the Priest cried 'Sadducee!'
      And the People took up Stones."


[177] These Notes may fittingly be closed by another Extract from
our amiable Quaker Poet, who seems attentively to have examined the
Characters of both the _Wonders_ and the _More Wonders_:

    "In the solemn Days of Old,
      Two Men met in Boston Town--
    One a Merchant Frank and bold,
      One a Preacher of renown.

    Cried the last, in bitter Tone--
      'Prisoner of the Wells of Truth,
    Satan's Hireling thou hast sown
      With his Tares the Heart of Youth!'

    Spake the honest Merchant then--
      God be Judge 'twixt Thee and I;
    All thou knowst of Truth hath been
      Unto Men like thee a lie."




[Illustration]

APPENDIX.


NUMBER I.

_Examination of Giles Cory._

WHY this Examination was not given by Dr. Mather, in his Account of the
Witchcraft, cannot be certainly stated; while it may be conjectured
that it was omitted for one of the two following Reasons: 1st, it may
have been thought not sufficiently damning to the Accused; or, 2dly,
it may have been rejected, as a great Part of the Proceedings was,
for want of Room. It seems not now to be among the Copies of those
Proceedings recently made, or Mr. Woodward would not have omitted it in
his Work. It is given here, as transcribed by Mr. David Pulsifer, for
the Edition of the _More Wonders_, &c., published in Salem by Cushing
& Appleton, in 1823. The previous Edition, of course, does not contain
it.[178]

    The Examination of Giles Cory, at a Court at Salem Village, held by
      John Hathorn and Jonathan Curwin, Esqrs., April 19, 1692.

Giles Cory, you are brought before Authority upon high Suspicion of
sundry Acts of Witchcraft. Now tell us the Truth in this Matter.

I hope, through the Goodness of God, I shall; for that Matter I never
had no Hand in, in my Life.

Which of you have seen this Man hurt you?

Mary Wolcott, Mercy Lewis, Ann Putman, Jr., and Abigail Williams
affirmed he had hurt them.

Hath he hurt you too? speaking to Elizabeth Hubbard. She going to
answer was prevented by a Fit.

Benjamin Gold, Hath he hurt you?

I have seen him several Times, and been hurt after it, but cannot
affirm that it was he.

Hath he brought the Book to any of you?

Mary Wolcott and Abigail Williams and others affirmed he had brought
the Book to them.

Giles Cory, they accuse you, or your Appearance, of hurting them, and
bringing the Book to them. What do you say? Why do you hurt them? Tell
us the Truth.

I never did hurt them.

It is your Appearance hurts them, they charge you; tell us. What have
you done?

I have done nothing to damage them.

Have you never entered into Contract with the Devil?

I never did.

What Temptations have you had?

I never had Temptations in my Life.

What! have you done it without Temptations?

What was the Reason (said Good wife Bibber) that you were frighted in
the Cow-house? And then the Questionist was suddenly seized with a
violent Fit.

Samuel Braybrook, Goodman Bibber, and his Daughter, testified that he
had told them this Morning that he was frighted in the Cow-house.

Cory denied it.

This was not your Appearance but your Person, and you told them so this
Morning. Why do you deny it?

What did you see me in the Cow-house?

I never saw nothing but my Cattle.

Divers witnessed that he told them he was frighted.

Well, what do you say to these Witnesses?

What was it frighted you?

I do not know that ever I spoke the Word in my Life.

Tell the Truth. What was it frighted you?

I do not know any Thing that frighted me.

All the Afflicted were seized now with Fits, and troubled with Pinches.
Then the Court ordered his Hands to be tied.

What! Is it not enough to act Witchcraft at other Times, but must you
do it now in Face of Authority?

I am a poor Creature and cannot help it.

Upon the Motion of his Head again, they had their Heads and Necks
afflicted.

Why do you tell such wicked Lies against Witnesses, that heard you
speak after this Manner, this very Morning?

I never saw anything but a black Hog.

You said that you were stopped once in Prayer; what stopt you?

I cannot tell. My Wife came towards me and found Fault with me for
saying living to God and dying to Sin.

What was it frighted you in the Barn?

I know nothing frighted me there.

Why there are three Witnesses that heard you say so to-day.

I do not remember it.

Thomas Gold testified that he heard him say, that he knew enough
against his Wife, that would do her Business.

What was that you knew against your Wife?

Why, that of living to God, and dying to Sin.

The Marshal and Bibber's Daughter confirmed the same; that he said he
could say that that would do his Wife's Business.

I have said what I can say to that.

What was that about your Ox?

I thought he was hipt.

What Ointment was that your Wife had when she was seized? You said it
was Ointment she made by Major Gidney's Direction.

He denied it, and said she had it of Goody Bibber, or from her
Direction.

Goody Bibber said it is not like that Ointment.

You said you knew upon your own Knowledge, that she had it of Major
Gidney.

He denied it.

Did you not say, when you went to the Ferry with your Wife, you would
not go over to Boston now, for you should come yourself next Week?

I would not go over because I had not Money.

The Marshal testified he said as before.

One of his Hands was let go, and several were afflicted. He held his
Head on one Side, and then the Heads of several of the Afflicted were
held on one Side. He drew in his Cheeks, and the Cheeks of some of the
Afflicted were suckt in.

John Bibber and his Wife gave in Testimony concerning some Temptations
he had to make away with himself.

How doth this agree with what you said, that you had no Temptations?

I meant Temptations to Witchcraft.

If you can give way to self-murther, that will make way to Temptation
to Witchcraft.

_Note._--There was Witness by several, that he said he would make away
with himself, and charge his Death upon his Son.

Goody Bibber testified that the said Cory called said Bibber's Husband,
Damned Devilish Rogue.

Other vile Expressions testified [to] in open Court by several others.

Salem Village, April 19, 1692. Mr. Samuel Paris being desired to
take in Writing the Examination of Giles Cory, delivered it in; and
upon hearing the same, and seeing what we did see at the Time of his
Examination, together with the Charge of the afflicted Persons against
him, we committed him to their Majesties Gaol.[179]

  JOHN HATHORN.


NUMBER II.

THE following Ballad, in the Chevy Chase Style, was cut from a
Newspaper sixteen years ago. No one at this Day will probably require
to be informed who was the Author of it, as but _one_ Person probably
_could_ have written it. I have not looked over the Poems of Mr.
Whittier to see if it be there. Any one having an inclination may do
so. The Introduction accompanied it, on its first appearance:


The following Ballad is handed in for Preservation as illustrative of
that dark Period in our local History. Giles Corey and his Wife lived
in what is now Danvers, and the Spot is now pointed out on the Estate
of Hon. Daniel P. King where their House formerly stood. The Localities
are fast fading out from Remembrance, and I venture the Suggestion that
it may be in the Province of the Historical Department of our Essex
Institute to mark them by some permanent Monumental Erection.--_Salem
Observer._

GILES COREY AND GOODWYFE COREY.

A BALLAD OF 1692.

    Come all New-England Men
      And hearken unto me,
    And I will tell what did befalle
      Upon ye Gallows Tree.

    In Salem Village was the Place
      As I did heare them saye,
    And Goodwyfe Corey was her Name
      Upon that paynfull Daye:

    This Goody Corey was a Witch
      The People did believe,
    Afflicting of the Godly Ones
      Did make them sadlie Greave.

    There were two pyous Matron Dames
      And goodly Maidens Three,
    That cryed upon this heynous Witch
      As you shall quicklie see.

    Goodwyfe Bibber, she was one,
      And Goodwyfe Goodall two,
    These were ye sore afflicted ones
      By Fyts and Pynchings too:

    And those Three Damsels fair
      She worried them full sore,
    As all could see upon their Arms
      The divers Marks they bore.

    And when before the Magistrates
      For Tryall she did stand,
    This Wicked Witch did lye to them
      While holding up her Hand;

    "I pray you all Good Gentlemen
      Come listen unto me,
    I never harmed those two Goodwyfes
      Nor yet these Children Three:"

    "I call upon my Saviour Lord"
      (Blasphemously she sayed)
    "As Witness of my Innocence
      In this my hour of Need."

    The Godly Ministers were shockt
      This Witch-prayer for to hear,
    And some did see ye Black Man[180] there
      A whispering in her Eare.

    The Magistrates did saye to her
      Most surely thou doth lye,
    Confess thou here thy hellish Deeds
      Or ill Death thou must dye.

    She rent her Cloaths, she tore her Haire,
      And lowdly she did crye,
    "May Christe forgive mine Enimies
      When I am called to dye."

    This Goodwyfe had a Goodman too,
      Giles Corey was his Name,
    In Salem Gaol they shut him in
      With his blasphemous Dame.

    Giles Corey was a Wizzard strong,
      A stubborn Wretch was he,
    And fitt was he to hang on high
      Upon ye Locust Tree:

    So when before ye Magistrates
      For tryall he did come,
    He would no true Confession make
      But was compleatlie dumbe.

    "Giles Corey," said ye Magistrates
      "What hast thou heare to pleade
    To these who now accuse thy soule
      Of Crymes and horrid Deed?"

    Giles Corey--he sayde not a Word,
      No single Word spake he:
    "Giles Corey," sayth ye Magistrate,
      "We'll press it out of thee."

    They got them then a _heavy Beam_,
      They layde it on his Breast,
    They loaded it with heavy Stones,
      And hard upon him prest.

    "More weight," now sayd this wretched Man,
      "More weight," again he cryed,
    And he did no Confession make
      But wickedlie he Dyed.

    Dame Corey lived but six Dayes more,
      But six Day's more lived she,
    For She was hung at Gallows Hill
      Upon ye Locust Tree.

    Rejoyce all true New-England Men,
      Let Grace still more abounde,
    Go search ye Land with myght and maine
      Till all these Imps be founde:

    And that will be a glorious Daye,
      A goodlie Sight to see,
    When you shall hang these Brands of Fyre
      Upon ye Gallows Tree.


NUMBER III.

    _Testimony of William Beale, of Marblehead, against Mr. Philip
      English of Salem, Given August_ 2_d_, 1692. Taken from
      the Original.

AS Philip English was a Man of a large Estate for those Days, and
carried on an extensive Business, it may be thought singular that Mr.
Calef should make no Mention of his Case in his Work. It may be that
he had not sufficient Data for the Purpose; or, more probably, it
may have been, that for certain Reasons he chose to leave the Matter
in the Hands of the two Ministers of the Old South, who, or one of
whom, had not the Independence to work openly with Mr. Calef, but who,
clandestinely, took the Part of the Accused, and helped him to escape.
However this may have been, so far as Mr. Willard was concerned,
enough will have been seen in Mr. Calef's Work to cause an Agitation
of the Question. And yet, it will appear, from what is to follow, that
Mr. Moody (then with Mr. Willard in the Old South) was the principal
Instrument in the Protection and final Escape of Mr. English and his
Wife from the Jaws of a "blind Ferocity."

The Testimony of William Beale, which follows was probably contrived by
certain Parties to recover Property owned or claimed by Mr. English.
At the Time of his Arrest, he owned a Ship of 170 Tons, named the
Porcupine, which was commanded by Robert Bartel, whose Son, William
Bartel, was living in 1739, at the Age of 45.

Mr. English, it is said, was an Episcopalian. Whether his Sentiments
had anything to do with his being proceeded against, does not appear.
He stated that by the Prosecution he was damaged £1,500. A Petition
of his to the Committee appointed by the General Court to compensate
Sufferers may be seen in Mr. Woodward's _Collections_, ii, 233. It is
curious to see now the Awards made to the Survivors of those whose
Mothers and Fathers had been judicially murdered! A few Pounds seems to
have settled the Account.

What follows, previous to William Beale's Testimony, although once
printed, will be quite new, probably, to the Majority of Readers; and
it is due to the Memory of a persecuted Family to perpetuate it in
Connection with the wicked Attempt at their Ruin.

About the Year 1810, the Rev. Timothy Alden was engaged in preparing
a Catalogue of Books for the Massachusetts Historical Society. While
in this Employment he procured from the Rev. William Bentley, D.D., of
Salem, the ensuing Account of Mr. English. What led to this Result was
Mr. Alden's Endeavors to obtain Information concerning a Portsmouth
Gentleman. Mr. Alden was then much interested in Portsmouth Affairs.
Dr. Bently proceeds: "In the Times of the Witchcraft in Salem Village,
no Person distinguished for Property, and known in the commercial
World, was accused but Philip English.[181] He came young into America,
from the Island of Jersey, lived in the Family of Mr. Hollingworth, a
rich Inhabitant of Salem, and afterwards married his only Daughter and
Child, Susanna. The Wife had received a better Education than is common
even at this Day [1809], as Proofs I hold sufficiently discover.

From some Prejudices, as early as April 21st, 1692, she was accused of
Witchcraft, examined, and committed to Prison in Salem. Her Firmness
is memorable. Six Weeks she was confined; but, being visited by a fond
Husband, her Husband was also accused, and confined in the same Prison.
By the Intercession of Friends, and by a Plea that the Prison was
crowded, they were removed to Arnold's Jail in Boston, till the Time of
Trial.

In Boston, upon giving Bail, they had the Liberty of the Town, only
lodging in Prison. Upon their Arrival, Messrs. Willard and Moodey
visited them, and discovered every Disposition to console them in their
Distress. On the Day before they were to return to Salem for Trial,
Mr. Moodey waited upon them in the Prison, and invited them to publick
Worship. On the Occasion he chose for the Text, IF THEY PERSECUTE YOU
IN ONE CITY, FLEE TO ANOTHER. In the Discourse, with a manly Freedom,
he justified every Attempt to escape from the Forms of Justice, when
Justice was violated in them. After Service Mr. Moodey visited the
Prisoners in the Gaol, and asked Mr. English whether he took Notice of
his Discourse? Mr. English said he did not know whether he had applied
it as he ought, and wished some Conversation upon the Subject. Mr.
Moodey then frankly told him that his Life was in Danger, and he ought
by all means to provide for an Escape. Many, said he, have suffered.
Mr. English then replied, God will not suffer them to hurt me. Upon
this, Mrs. English said to her Husband, Do you not think that they,
who have suffered already, are innocent? He said, Yes. Why then may
not we suffer also? Take Mr. Moody's Advice. Mr. Moody then told Mr.
English, that, if he would not carry his Wife away, he would. He then
informed him, that he had persuaded several worthy Persons in Boston,
to make Provision for their Conveyance out of the Colony; and, that a
Conveyance had been obtained, encouraged by the Governour, Gaoler, &c.,
which would come at Midnight, and that proper Recommendations had been
obtained to Gov. Fletcher of New-York; so that he might give himself no
concern about any one Circumstance of the Journey; that all Things were
amply provided. The Governour also gave Letters to Gov. Fletcher, and,
at the Time appointed, Mr. English, his Wife, and Daughter were taken
and conveyed to New York. He found that, before his Arrival, Mr. Moodey
had dispatched Letters, and the Governour, with many private Gentlemen
came out to meet him; and the Governour entertained him at his own
House, and paid him every Attention, while he remained in the City. On
the next Year he returned.[182]

In all this Business, Mr. Moody openly justified Mr. English, and,
in defiance of all the Prejudices which prevailed, expressed his
Abhorrence of the Measures which had obliged a useful Citizen to flee
from the Executioners. Mr. Moodey was commended by all discerning Men;
but he felt the angry Resentment of the deluded Multitude of his own
Times; among whom, some of high Rank were included. He soon after left
Boston and returned to Portsmouth.

Mrs. English died in 1694, at 42 Years of Age, in Consequence of the
ungenerous Treatment she had received. Her Husband died at 84 Years of
Age, in 1734.

This is the Substance of Communications made to me at different
Times from Madam Susanna Hathorne, his great-grand-Daughter, who
died in Salem, 28 August, 1802, at the Age of 80 Years, who received
the Account from the Descendants of Mr. English, who dwelt upon his
Obligations to Mr. Moodey with great Pleasure."


William Beale[183] of Marbllee Head, aged upward of Sixty Yeares,
testifieth and saith, that last March past was twelve Moenth, towards
the latter end of the Moenth; then myself beeinge in the House of
George Bonfeilds, of Marbllee Head, whither I repaired, that I might
haue helpe to nurse, or Looke after mee, because of a very greate
and wracking Paine had seized upp on my Body, and the Distemper of
the Small Pox then beeing in my House, and my Son Jamis at the same
Time then in my House, lying sick; then towards the latter End of
that Moenth, Aforesayed, in that House, as I lay in my Bed, in the
Morneinge, presently after it was faiere light abroade in the Roome
where I lay in my Bed, which was layed lowe and neere unto the Fire,
towards the norward part of the Roome; I beeing broade Awake, I then
saw upon the south Iaume [Jamb] of that Chimny, A darke Shade which
couered the Iaume of that Chimney aforesayed, from the under Floore to
the upper Flloore, and alsoe A dar[k]ness more then it was beefore,
in the southerne Part of the House, and alsoe in the Middllee of the
Darkness, in the Shade uppon the Iaume of the Chimny aforesayed,
I beeheld somethinge of the Forme or Shape of A Man. I tooke most
notice of his Legs, because they weere of A very greate Statute, or
Bigness. I wondred at the Sighte, and therefore I turned my Head as I
lay in my Bed, and cast my Eyes towards the south Side of the House,
to see if the Sun weere risen, or whether there weere any Person or
anythinge in the House, which by the help of the Sun might cause such A
Shade or Shape, but I saw non, nor any Lighte of the Sun in that Room
then. I then turned my Head uppon the Pillow, where it was before,
I saw in the darkness aforesayed the plaine Shape or els the Person
of Phillip English of Salem, the which, Reports say, married with
William Hollingworths[184] Daughter of Salem, ackcordinge to my best
Iudgement, Knoledg and Understandinge of him, as I had formerly Knoledg
and Ackyuaintance with him, my Coniecktures of him and these Passages
aforesayed were as followeth: what is this Mans buisness heere now? I
remember not that euer I bought or sold with him, either more or less,
or which way came hee hither, so soone this Morneinge, by Land or by
Water; or hath he been at Marbllee Head all Nighte? And then laboreing
to correckt my [Thoughts] not to thinke that hee was A Wich, and
flyinge to our Omnipotent Jehouah for his Blessing and Protecktion, by
secret Eiaculations, instantly the Roome, aforesayed, became cleare,
and the Shape, Shade, or Person vanished; and this was about the Time
News was brought to mee in the Morning, that my Son James was very
like to recover of the Small Pox, which I left at Home sick; and the
same Day, in the After noone, came News that hee was suddenly strooke
with A Paine on his Side, and did not expect to liue three Houres; and
according to my Iudgment, before three Houres weere ended, Newes came
that he was departed this Life, at which Docktor Iackson, which was
his Docktor, and William Dagget, which was his Nurse, both of Marbllee
Head, told mee that they Admired and Wondred; and it was not many
Moenths before, that my Son George Beale, departed this Life in the
same House, and complained of A stoping in his Throate, after he was
recouered of the Small Pox. Hee deceased Ianuary the 23 before my Son
Eames decease aforesayde.

  Marbllee Head             Attested to this Truth by
  Agust the 2_cond_                     mee WILLIAM BEALE.
  1692


Far[ther] this Deponent testifieth that in the Springe of the Yeare
before the New England Forces went for Cannady, Phillip English
aforesayed, came into a Neighbors House where this Deponent then was
present, and then in a fawning and flattering Manner, sayed to me: You
are him which can give mee A good Evidence in shewing mee the Bounds
of my Land. This Deponent replyed, and sayed, I know not of any you
have; Phillip English replyed yes you doe, and If you will I[le pay]
you well. I have a Peice of eighte in my Pocket for you, and named
A Peice of Land ly[ing] a certaine Distance from my House, which I
think Mr. Richard Reede[185] of Marblle [Head] was then and is now
in Possession of it; this Deponent replyed, doe not tell mee of your
Peice of eight, for If I bee called, I must give Evidence against
you, and told him what I must say; at which hee seemed to bee moued,
and told me that I lyed, with more Discourse aboute [it,] and so then
wee departed. Then the next [Feb?] ensuing, which was about the Time
that the Forces began to com from Cannady, I then haueing heard that
Phillip English aforesayd, had arrested Mr. Reade aforesayde, about
the Land aforesayde, I then, as I thought it my Duty in Concience,
ackquainted Mr. Reeds Son with what I could say concerninge the Titllee
of the Lande aforesayed, and withall told him of Witness, as namely
Thomas Farrar Senr,[186] of Linn; then afterward uppon their Request I
rode to Lin and at Lin Mill there I found Thomas Farare, aforesayed,
and as wee rode alonge Lin Commons there beetwixt the Reuerende Mr.
Sheapards House and Mr. Leytons, then beinge in discourse aboute the
Titllee of the Lande aforesayed, my Nose gushed out bleedeinge in
a most extrordinary manner; so that I bllodyed a Hankershiff of an
considerablle biggness, and allsoe ran downe uppon my Cloaths and uppon
my Horse Mane. I lighted of my Hors thinking the iodginge [jogging] of
my Horse mighte cause it; but it kept on, Allthough not alltog[eth]er
so bad, till I came to Mr. Reades at Marbllee head, and it hath not
blead as I can remember neuer since I was a Boy, exept about that time,
nor since that time, exept by Ackcident that it was hurt.

Thiese Things that are set downe last were before the former Euidence.

  WILLIAM
  BEALE

Owned the aboue written before the Grand Iury vpon the Oath hee had
taken in Covrt

  Jenʳʸ 12th, 1692.

  Robert Payne
         Foreman.


NUMBER IV.

ON a first and cursory Perusal of the Examination of the Indian Woman
belonging to Mr. Parris's Family, it was concluded not to Print it, and
only refer to it; that is, only refer to the Extract from it contained
in the HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF BOSTON. But when the Editorial
labor upon these Volumes was nearly completed, a reperusal of that
Examination was made, and the result determined the Editor to give it a
place in this Appendix. His opinion of it, and of those who procured it
of the simple Indian, has been expressed in a previous Page.

The Examination is valuable on several accounts, the Chief of which
is the Light it throws on the Commencement of the Delusion. It does
not appear that either Dr. Mather or Mr. Calef ever saw it, or their
Accounts of the Beginning of the Transactions would have been more
explicitly stated. The Original (now for the first time Printed,[187])
came into the Editor's Hands some five and twenty Year's since. It is
more extensive than any of the Examinations yet brought to light. This
is accounted for by its being the First of that cruel and senseless
Series of illegal Proceedings which ended in so much Agony, Distress,
Wretchedness and Blood.

This Examination, more, perhaps, than any of the rest, exhibits the
atrocious Method employed by the Examinant of causing the poor,
ignorant Accused to own and acknowledge Things put into their Mouths
by a manner of questioning as much to be condemned as Perjury itself;
inasmuch as it was sure to produce that Crime. In this Case the
Examined was taken from Jail and placed upon the Stand, and was soon
so confused that she could scarcely know what to say; while it is
evident that all of her Answers were at first true, because direct,
straightforward, and reasonable. The Strangeness of the Questions
and the long Persistence of the Questioners could lead to no other
result but the confounding of what little Understanding the Accused was
at best possessed of. Hence this Record of incoherent Nonsense here
submitted; and of the same tenor was nearly all the Evidence used,
which took away the Lives of numbers of innocent People.

The Examination was before Messrs. Hathorne and Corwin. The Former
took down the result, which is all in his peculiar Chirography. The
first Proceeding printed in Mr. Woodward's Collection, having relation
to the Witchcraft affair, is a Warrant for the Apprehension of Sarah
Good, and is dated Feb. 29th, 169½.[188] On the next Day, March 1st,
the Constable, George Locker, made Return, that he had brought the said
"Saragh Good," &c. Whether she were present at Tituba's Examination,
does not appear; while the Documents show that the Apprehension of
Sarah Good, and the Examination of Tituba were on the same Day.


Tittube the Indian Woman Examined, March. 1. 169½.

Q. Why doe you hurt these poor Children? What harme haue thay done
unto you? A. They doe noe harme to mee. I noe hurt them att all. Q.
Why have you done itt? A. I haue done nothing. I cant tell when the
Devill works. Q. What, doth the Devill tell you that he hurts them? A.
Noe. He tells me nothing. Q. Doe you never see something appeare in
some Shape? A. Noe, never see any thing. Q. What Familiarity have you
with the Devill, or what is itt that you converse withall? Tell the
Truth, whoe itt is that hurts them? A. The Devill, for ought I know. Q.
What Appearance, or how doth he appeare when he hurts them with what
Shape, or what is he like, that hurts them A. Like a Man, I think.
Yesterday, I being in the Leantoe Chamber, I saw a Thing like a Man,
that tould me searve him, and I tould him Noe, I would nott doe such
Thing. She charges Goody Osburne and Sarah Good, as those that hurt
them Children, and would have had hir done itt: she sayth she hath seen
foure, two of which she knew nott; she saw them last Night, as she was
washing the Roome. They tould me hurt the Children, and would haue had
me gone to Boston. Ther was 5 of them with the Man. They tould me if
I would nott goe and hurt them they would doe soe to mee. Att first I
did agree with them, but afterward I tould them I doe soe noe more. Q.
Would they have had you hurt the Children the last Night? A. Yes, butt
I was sorry, and I sayd I would doe soe noe more, but tould I would
Feare God. Q. Butt why did nott you doe soe before? A. Why they tell
me I had done soe before, and therefore, I must goe on. These were the
4 woemen, and the Man, but she knew none but Osburne and Good, only;
the other were of Boston. Q. Att first beginning with them, what then
appeared to you; what was itt like, that gott you to doe itt? A. One
like a Man, Just as I was goeing to sleep, came to me. This was when
the Children was first hurt. He sayd he would kill the Children, and
she would never be well; and he sayd, If I would nott serue him he
would doe soe to mee. Q. Is that the same Man that appeared before to
you? that appeared the last Night and tould you this? A. Yes. Q. what
other Likenesses besides a Man hath appeared to you? A. Sometimes like
a Hogge, sometimes like a great black Dogge, foure tymes. Q. But what
did they say unto you? A. They tould me serve him, and that was a good
way; that was the black Dogge. I tould him I was afrayd. He tould me he
would be worse then to me. Q. What did you say to him then, after that?
A. I answer, I will serve you noe Longer. He tould me he would doe me
hurt then. Q. What other Creatures have you seen? A. A Bird. Q. What
Bird? A. A little yellow Bird. Q. Where doth itt keep? A. With the Man
whoe hath pretty Things more besides. Q. What other pretty Things? A.
He hath nott showed them unto me, but he said he would showe them me to
morrow, and tould me if I would serve him, I should have the Bird. Q.
What other Creatures did you see? A. I saw 2 Catts, one Red, another
Black, as bigge as a little Dogge. Q. What did these Catts doe? A. I
dont know. I have seen them two tymes. Q. What did they Say? A. They
Say, Serve them. Q. When did you see them? A. I saw them last Night. Q.
Did they do any hurt to you or threaten you? A. They did Scratch me.
Q. When? A. After prayer; and Scratched me because I would not serve
hir. And when they went away I could nott see, but thay stood before
the Fire. Q. What Service doe thay expect from you? A. They say more
hurt to the Children. Q. How did you pinch them when you hurt them? A.
The other pull mee and hall me to pinch the Childe, and I am very sorry
For itt? Q. Whatt made you hould your Arme when you were searched? What
had you there? A. I had nothing. Q. Do nott those Catts suck you? A.
Noe, never yett. I would nott lett them. But they had almost thrust me
into the Fire. Q. How doe you hurt those that you pinch? Doe you gett
those Catts, or other Things to doe itt for you? Tell us, how is itt
done? A. The Man sends the Catts to me, and bids me pinch them; and I
think I went once to Mr. Griggs's, and have pinched hir this Day in the
Morneing. The Man brought Mr. Griggs's Mayd to me, and made me pinch
hir. Q. Did you ever goe with these Woemen? A. They are very strong,
and pull me, and make me goe with them. Q. Where did you goe? A. Up to
Mr. Putnams, and make me hurt the Child. Q. Whoe did make you goe? A. A
Man that is very strong, and these two woemen, Good, and Osburne, but I
am sorry. Q. How did you goe? Whatt doe you Ride upon? A. I Ride upon
a Stick, or Poale, and Good, and Osburne behind me; we Ride takeing
hold of one another; don't know how we goe, for I saw noe Trees, nor
Path, but was presently there, when wee were up. Q. How long since you
began to pinch Mr. Parris's Children? A. I did nott pinch them att the
First, but thay made me afterward. Q. Have you seen Good, and Osburne
Ride upon a Poule? A. Yes, and have held Fast by mee: I was nott att
Mr. Griggs's but once, butt it may be send something like mee; neither
would I have gone, butt that they tell me, they will hurt me. Last
Night they Tell me I must kill some body with the Knife. Q. Who were
they that Told you Soe? A. Sarah Good, and Osburne, and they would
have had me killed Thomas Putnam's Child last Night. The Child alsoe
affirmed, that att the same Tyme, thay would have had hir Cutt of hir
own Head; for if she would nott, they Tould hir Tittubee would Cutt itt
off; and then she Complayned att the same Time of a Knife Cutting of
hir. When hir Master hath asked hir about these Things, She Sayth thay
will nott lett hir Tell, but Tell hir if she Tells, hir Head shall be
Cutt off. Q. Who Tells you soe? A. The Man, Good, and Osburnes Wife.
Goody Good Came to hir last Night, when her Master was att Prayer, and
would nott lett hir hear, and she Could nott hear a good whyle. Good
hath one of those Birds, the yellow Bird, and would have given mee itt,
but I would not have itt: and in Prayer Tyme she stoped my Eares and
would nott lett me hear. Q. What should you have done with itt. A. Give
itt to the Children, which yellow Bird hath bin severall Tymes seen by
the Children. I saw Sarah Good have itt on hir Hand, when she Came to
hir, when Mr. Parris was att prayer: I saw the Bird suck Good betweene
the fore Finger and Long Finger, upon the Right Hand. Q. Did you never
practise Witchcraft in your owne Country? A. Noe. Never before now. Q.
Did you see them doe itt now? A. Yes. To Day; but twas in the Morning.
Q. Butt did you see them doe itt now, while you are Examininge? A. Noe,
I did nott See them, but I Saw them hurt att other Tymes. I saw Good
have a Catt beside the yellow Bird, which was with hir. Q. What hath
Osburne gott to goe with hir? A. Some thing I don't know what itt is.
I can't name itt. I don't know how itt looks. She hath two of them.
One of them hath Wings, and two Leggs, and a Head like a Woeman. The
Children Saw the Same butt Yesterday, which afterward Turned into a
Woeman. Q. What is the Other Thing that Goody Osburne hath? A. A Thing
all over hairy; all the Face hayry, and a long Nose, and I don't know
how to tell how the Face looks; with Two Leggs, itt goeth uprighte,
and is about Two or three Foot high, and goeth upright like a Man;
and last Night itt Stood before the Fire, in Mr. Parris's Hall. Q.
Whoe was that appeared like a Wolfe to Hubbard, as she was goeing from
Proctures? A. Itt was Sarah Good, and I saw hir send the Wolfe to hir.
Q. What Cloathes doth the Man appeare unto you in? A. Black Cloaths,
sometimes, sometimes Searge Coat of other Couler; a Tall Man with white
hayr, I think. Q. What Aparrell doe the Woemen ware? A. I don't know
what Couller. Q. What kind of Cloathes hath She? A. A black silk Hood,
with a white Silk Hood under itt, with Sopknotts, which Woeman I know
not, but have seen hir in Boston, when I lived there. Q. What Cloathes
the little Woman? A. a Searge Coat with a white Cap, as I think. The
Children having Fitts at this very Time, She was asked, whoe hurt
them? She Answers Goody Good; and the Children affirmed the same; butt
Hubbard being taken in an Extreame Fitt; after, she was asked, whoe
hurt hir? and she sayd she Could nott tell, butt Sayd they blinded hir,
and would not lett hir see, and after that, was once or twice taken
dumb hir self.


Second Examination. March. 2. 169½.

Q. What Covenant did you make with that Man that came to you? What did
he tell you. A. He tell me he God, and I must beleive him, and serve
him six Yeares, and he would give me many fine Things. Q. How longe
a goue was this? A. About six Weeks, and a little more; Fryday Night
before Abigall was Ill. Q. What did he say you must doe more? Did he
say you must write any Thing? Did he offer you any Paper? A. Yes, the
next Time he come to me, and showed me some fine Things; some Thing
like Creatures; a little Bird, some Thing like green and white. Q. Did
you promise him this when he spake to you? Then what did you answer
him. A. I then Sayd this, I tould him I Could nott beleive him God;
I tould him I ask my Maister, and would have gone up, but he stopt
mee, and would nott lett me. Q. Whatt did you promiss him? A. The
first Tyme I beleive him God, and then he was Glad. Q. What did he say
to you then? What did he say you must doe? A. Then he tell me they
must meet together. Q. When did he say you must meet together? A. He
tell me Weddnesday next, att my masters House, and then they all meet
together, and thatt Night I saw them all stand in the Corner, all four
of them, and the Man stand behind mee, and take hold of mee, to make
mee stand still in the Hall. Q. Whare was your Master then? A. In the
other Roome. Q. What Time of Night? A. A little before prayer Time.
Q. What did this Man say to you when he took hold of you? A. He say
goe into the other Room and see the Children, and doe hurt to them,
and Pinch them; and then I went in, and would nott hurt them a good
while; I would nott hurt Betty, I loved Betty, but they hall me and
make me pinch Betty, and the next Abigall, and then quickly went away
altogether a[fter] I had pinch them. Q. Did you goe into that Room
in your own Person, and all the rest? A. Yes, and my Master did nott
see us, for they would nott lett my Master see. Q. Did you goe with
the Company? A. Noe, I stayd and the Man stayd with mee. Q. What did
he then to you? A. He tell me my Master goe to Prayer, and he read in
Book, and he ask me what I remember, but don't you remember any thing?
Q. Did he ask you noe more but the frst Time to serve him, or the
second time? A. Yes, he ask me againe, and if I serve him six yeares
and he Come the Next Time, and show mee a Book. Q. And when would he
come then? A. The next Fyday, and showed me a Book in the Day Time,
betimes in the Morning. Q. And what Booke did he bring, a great or
little Booke? A. He did nott show itt me, nor would nott, but had itt
in his Pockett. Q. Did he nott make you write your Name? A. Noe, nott
yett, for my Mistris Called me into the other Roome. Q. Whatt did he
say you must do in that Book? A. He sayd, Write, and sett my name to
itt. Q. Did you Write? A. Yes, once I made a Marke in the Book, and
made itt with red like Bloud. Q. Did he gett itt out of your Body? A.
He said he must gett itt out. The Next Time he Come againe he give me a
Pin, tyed in a Stick, to doe itt with, butt he noe lett me Bloud with
itt as yett, butt Intended another Time, when he came again. Q. Did
you see any other Marks in his Book? A. Yes, a great many, some Marks
Red, some Yellow, he opened his Book, and a great many Marks in itt. Q.
Did he tell you the Names of them? A. Yes, of two, noe more; Good, and
Osburne, and he say they make them Marks in that Book, and he shewed
them mee. Q. How many Marks doe you think there was? A. Nine. Q. Did
thay write there Names? A. They made Marks, Goody Good sayd she made
hir Mark, but Goody Osburne would nott tell; she was Cross to mee. Q.
When did Good tell you she sett hir Hand to the Book? The same Day I
came hither to Prison? Q. Did you see the Man thatt Morning? A. Yes, a
litle in the Morning, and he tell me the Magistrates Come up to examine
me. Q. What did he say you must say? A. He tell me, tell nothing, if I
did he would cutt my Head off. Q. Tell us true how many Woemen doe use
to come when you Rid abroad? A. Foure of them, these two, Osburne, and
Good, and those two Strangers. Q. You say that there was Nine. Did he
tell you whoe they were? A. Noe, he noe lett me see, but he tell me I
should see them the next Tyme. Q. What Sights did you see? A. I see a
Man, a Dogge, a Hogge, and two Catts, a Black and Red; and the strange
Monster was Osburnes, that I mentioed before; this was the Hayry Imp:
the Man would give itt to mee, but I would nott have itt. Q. Did he
show you in the Book which was Osburns and which was Goods Mark? A.
Yes, I see there Marks. Q. Butt did he tell the Names of the other?
A. Noe sir. Q. And what did he say to you when you made your Mark? A.
He sayed Serve mee, and always serve mee. The Man with the two Woemen
Came from Boston. Q. How many times did you goe to Boston? A. I was
goeing and then Came back againe. I was never att Boston. Q. Whoe Came
back with you againe? A. The Man came back with mee, and the Woemen
goe away; I was nott willing to goe. Q. How farr did you goe, to what
Towne? A. I never went to any Towne. I see noe Trees, noe Towne. Q. Did
he tell you where the Nine Lived? A. Yes, some in Boston, and some here
in this Towne, but he would nott tell mee whoe thay were.


NUMBER V.

    _The Examination of Mary Clark[189] of Haverhill. Taken before Jno.
      Hauthorn, Esq. and otheir their Majesties Justices of the Peace,
      August_ 4_th,_ 1692.

THE Accused, Mary Clark, being called, it was enquired of Mary Walcot,
if ever Clark had afflicted her? She answered Yes, that is the very
woman. And, upon Mary Clarks looking upon Walcott, and others of the
afflicted, they were struck into Fitts.

The Justices having used severall Arguments (for the Good of her
Soul) to confess, if she knew herself guilty. She absolutely denyed.
And then the Constable[190] of Haverhill was called; and being asked
of what Fame and Reputation Mary Clark was off? He answered they had
heard she was or had been guilty of such Things, but, as to any Thing
in Particular, he could not say. The Justices asked Mary Walcot if she
were not mistaken in this Woman? Walcot answered, This is the very
Woman I saw afflict Timothy Swan,[191] and she has afflicted me several
Times. And after a Fitt she was then immediately in, she said she saw
the above Mary Clark afflict Betty Hubbard, and Ann Putnam.

The said Mary Clark looking upon Walcott, Hubbard, Putnam, Warrin, they
were in Fitts.

Mary Walcott haveing a Pinn runn into her Arme suddenly, said that Mary
Clark did it.

At the same Tyme Mary Warrin had a Pinn run into her Throat, under her
Chin, which Mr. Noice took out.

Susanna Sheldon, upon said Examination, had four Pinns taken out of her
Hand; saying that said Clark put in two of them, and Mr. Usher[192] the
other two.

Mary Post[193] said she saw the said Clark afflict Timothy Swan.

Richard Carryer, a former Confessor said he beleeved he saw the said
Mary Clark with some others and himself baptised at Newburry Falls.

Betty Hubbard[194] was struck down, by her looking upon her.

It was asked, if she could say the Lords Prayer, perfectly.

She erred much.

Ann Putnam said that said Clark had afflicted her by pinching,
choakeing, and striking her in the Face, and told her, that her Name
was Mistriss Mary Clark, but that People used to call her Goody Clark.

Ann Putnam said further, that she saw the said Clark stabb Timothy Swan
with a square ragged Speare, as long as her Hand. And, being asked why
she called it a _ragged_ Speare, she said because it was ragged like a
File.

Mary Post said she saw this Mary Clarks Spirit at the Village
Witch-meeting, and that she did eat and drink there as the rest did.
And further, she has seen the said Mary Clark afflict Timothy Swan.

I, underwritten, being appoynted by Authority, to take the within
Examination, in Wryting, Doe testify upon Oath, taken in Court,
that this is a true Coppy of the Substance of it, to the best of my
Knowledge.

[_All of the Above is in the Hand of Edward Rawson. There is no
Signature attached._]


NUMBER VI.

    _An Account of the Life and Character of the Rev. Samuel Parris, of
      Salem Village, and of his Connection with the Witchcraft Delusion
      of_ 1692.

BY SAMUEL P. FOWLER, ESQUIRE.[195]

MR. Parris, whose History is so intimately connected with the Salem
Witchcraft Delusion of 1692, was a Son of Thomas Parris of London,
and was born in 1653. He was a Member of Harvard College, but did not
graduate at that Institution. He was at first a Merchant in Boston,
but not succeeding in Business he left it, and offered himself as a
Candidate for the Ministry.

The People at Salem Village being without a Pastor, on the 15th of
November, 1688, sent a Committee, consisting of three Persons, viz:
Captain John Putnam, Mr. Joshua Rea, Sen., and Francis Nurse, "to treat
with Mr. Parris about taking ministerial Office." Nothing was done
however at this Meeting towards effecting a Settlement, and on the 25th
of November, after the Services in the Afternoon, the Audience was
stayed, and by a general Vote, requested Mr. Parris to take Office. On
the 10th of December, 1688, the Brethren of the Church, sent Lieut.
Nath'l Putnam, Sergeant Fuller, Mr. Joshua Rea, Sen., and Sergeant
Ingersoll, who came, they said, "as Messengers to know whether Mr.
Parris would accept of Office." He replied, "ye Work was weighty, they
should know in due Time." After this, several came on like Errands, but
as yet, no Proposals of Maintenance were tendered.

On the 29th of April, 1689, Deacons Nath'l Ingersoll and Edward Putnam,
Daniel Rea, Thomas Fuller, Jr., and John Tarbell, came to Mr. Parris,
from the meeting House, where there had been a general Meeting of the
Inhabitants, and said, "being the aged Men had had the Matter of Mr.
Parris's Settlement so long in Hand, and effected nothing, they were
desirous to try what the Younger could do." Upon Mr. Parris's asking
them what their Will was, they answered "they were sent, by ye People
to desire him to take Office, and had concluded to offer him sixty
Pounds for his Salary." Twenty Pounds of which, was to be in Money,
and the Remainder as follows: Wheat at 4 Shillings per Bushel, Indian
Corn at 2 Shillings per Bushel, Barley, Rye and Malt at 3 Shillings per
Bushel, Pork at 2 Pence per. Pound, Beef at 1½ Pence per. Pound.

The Committee being desirous of a speedy Answer, Mr. Parris informed
them, that he would accept of their Proposals, provided they would
comply with the following Provisions for his Maintenance: 1st, "When
Money shall be more plenteous, the Money Part to be paid me, shall
accordingly be increased. 2d, Tho' Corn or like Provisions should arise
to a higher Price than you have set, yet for my own Family Use, I
shall have what is needful, at ye Price now stated; and so if it fall
lower. 3d, The whole sixty Pounds to be only from our Inhabitants,
that are dwelling in our Bounds, or proportionable to what Lands they
have, within ye same. 4th, No Provision to be brought in, without
just asking whether needed, and myself to make choice of what, unless
ye Person is unable to pay in any Sort but one. 5th, Fire Wood to be
given in yearly freely. 6th, Two Men to be chosen yearly to see that
due Payments be made. 7th, Contributions each Sabbath in Papers, and
only such as are in Papers, and dwelling within in our Bounds, to be
accounted as Part of the sixty Pounds. 8th, As God shall please to
bless ye Place, so as to be able to rise higher, than ye said sixty
Pounds, that then a proportionable Increase be made. If God shall
please for our Sins to diminish the Substance of said Place, I will
endeavour accordingly to bear such Losses, by proportionable Abatements
of such as shall reasonably desire it."

These Proposals of Mr. Parris to the Committee were read to them and
accepted, and they expressed their Belief, that the Inhabitants would
approve of them. But it would seem that at a Meeting of the People of
the Village, May 17th, 1689, Mr. Parris was sent for, when Objections
were made against the 5th and 7th Provisions of his Settlement.
"Touching the 5th it was objected, they had no Commons, and therefore
could not conveniently give in Fire Wood, because some must bring in
half Cord, others more, others less, &c. Therefore they would allow six
Pounds per annum, one third Money, which would buy 30 Cords, as they
had dealt by former Ministers." Parris replied, he was willing to ease
them, but then he desired, that one of them would take the six Pounds
annually, and furnish him with 30 Cords of Wood, to which Proposal he
found none of them willing to consent. He then told them, if he did
accept the six Pounds, it might in Time be insufficient to purchase 30
Cords of Wood. In reply to the Fears of Parris in regard to the Rise
of the Price of Wood, he says, I had a general Answer from many that
at four Shillings per Cord, I should be supplied during my Life among
them. He continues, after much urging, I replied I would try them for
one Year. Mr. Parris says: "touching his 7th Provision, nothing at
the Time was said or objected against Contributions by Papers, for it
had been their former usual Way, but only against those, that dwelled
within their Bounds, they urging that some did not live within their
Bounds, yet they were constant Hearers, and therefore it was meet to
have their Help."

"In fine, after much Agitation here, it was agreed on my Part and
theirs, that such out Persons had Liberty to please themselves, in
paying to the Minister or the meeting House. And so I left them, fully
acquiescing with my aforesaid Conditions, not doubting but that they
had truly entered it on the Records, as I took for granted, nor heard
any Thing otherwise, till after my Ordination a good while, in another
public Meeting of the Village; when another Vote, recorded and read,
vastly different from the Agreement, as above said--which I then openly
did, and still must deny, to be any Contract of mine."

We have now presented Mr. Parris's Account, of the Transactions between
himself and the People of Salem Village, in regard to his Settlement.
This was drawn up by him, and used upon his Trial before the Court of
Common Pleas at Ipswich in 1696-7. We have been thus particular in
Relation to the Settlement of Mr. Parris at Salem Village, it being
one of the Causes, which led to the most bitter parochial Quarrel,
that ever existed in New-England, and in the Opinion of some Persons,
was the chief or primary Cause of that world-wide famous Delusion, the
Salem Witchcraft.

Salem Village, since embraced in the Parish of Rev. Dr. Milton P.
Braman, in Danvers, Massachusetts, was, on the 19th of November, 1689
(when the Rev. Samuel Parris entered upon his Duties there as a Pastor
and Teacher,) a small Hamlet or Village, inhabited principally by
Farmers, but embracing within its Limits, much adjoining Territory,
extending its Lines to Wills Hill, now Middleton, there being many
Families who attended Worship at Salem Village. The number of rateable
Polls in the Parish was 100. It appears, from the Records, that Mr.
Parris presented to his Church, upon his Settlement, a new Covenant and
Form of Admission for its Members, together with the Question, who were
the proper Subjects of Baptism? These caused some Debate in the Church,
but none opposed the final Action upon them. Some singular and unusual
Cases of Discipline came before them, but they appeared to have been
disposed of peaceably. It was not until the 8th of October, 1691, that
we discover any unfriendly feeling, existing between Mr. Parris and
his People. It was on that Day, he says in his Church Records,--"Being
my Lecture Day after public Service was ended, I was so bare of Fire
Wood, that I was forced publicly to desire the Inhabitants to take
Care that I might be provided for, telling them, had it not been for
Mr. Corwin (who had brought Wood, being here at my House), I should
hardly have had any to burn." Upon the Pastor's informing the Church
of his Destitution of Fire Wood, the Brethren raised a Committee, who
were instructed to see the Town Committee, and desire them to make a
Rate for the Minister. The Committee on Rates met November 10th, 1691,
and reported that they did not see good Cause to take Notice of the
Church Committee, without they had a Letter to show, under the Church
and Pastor's Hand. Upon this, Mr. Parris complained of the Treatment
of the Committee towards him, but more especially the Church, whom
he said manifested an indifference in this Affair. The Committee,
whose Business it was to raise a Tax to procure the Pastor's Wood,
still continuing to refuse to do it, on the 27th of December, 1691,
a Petition was sent to the Quarter Sessions, wherein the Petitioners
complain, that "no Reparations of the Village Meeting House has been
for a great while regarded, so that broken Windows, stopt up some of
them by Boards or otherwise, and others wide open, and is sometimes so
dark, that it is almost _unuseful_." The Court, upon this Petition,
appointed a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Village, to choose a new
Committee to meet on the 25th of January, 1692, for the Purpose of
assessing Rates to repair the meeting House, and procure the Pastor's
Wood. The Inhabitants of the Village met on that Day, and made choice
of Joseph Pope, Joseph Holten, Jr., John Tarbell, Thomas Preston, and
James Smith, as their Committee.

This is the last we hear about this Affair of procuring Wood, &c.,
probably all further Consideration of it was absorbed in the great
Witchcraft Delusion, which was now close at Hand, and about to break
forth.

We are now brought to the Period of the Commencement of Salem
Witchcraft, as it first developed itself in the Family of Samuel
Parris, Minister at Salem Village in 1692.

Mr. Parris's Household consisted, at this Time, of himself and
Wife, his age being 39 Years, that of his Wife 44 Years, a Daughter
Elizabeth, aged nine Years, a Niece of eleven Years by the Name of
Abigail Williams, and two Servants named John Indian, and Tituba his
Wife, both Natives of South America, then called New Spain. These were
held as Slaves, and Parris probably came into possession of them in
some of his Commercial Transactions. By some Persons, these Indians
have been supposed to belong to the Aborigines of our Country and to
have obtained their knowledge of Witchcraft from the Indian Powows; but
this appears to have been a mistake. Mr. Parris's nearest Neighbors
were Capt. Jona. Walcut, who had a Daughter called Mary, 17 years of
Age, and his Parish Clerk. Thomas Putnam, who had a Daughter named Ann,
aged 12 Years, and a servant Girl, living with him, named Mercey Lewis
aged 17 Years, Mary Warren, aged 20 Years, lived with John Proctor,
Elizabeth Booth, aged 18 Years, lived near to John Proctor, Sarah
Churchill, aged 20 Years, lived in the Family of Geo. Jacobs, Sen.,
Susannah Sheldon, aged 18 Years, lived in the Village. These Girls,
together with Abigail Williams, a Niece of Mr. Parris, aged 11 Years,
were in the Habit of meeting in a Circle in the Village, to practice
Palmistry, Fortune Telling, &c. It appears by Evidence, given at the
Courts, that some of their Parents and Guardians did not approve of
these Meetings. Mary Warren, one of the most Violent of the accusing
Girls, lived as we have before said, with John Proctor, and at last
became his principal Accuser, upon his examination for Witchcraft.
Proctor, out of all Patience with the Meetings of the Girls, composing
this Circle, one Day said he "was a going to the Village to bring Mary
Warren, the Jade, Home; for, if let alone, these Girls would make us
all _Devils and Witches together quickley_. They should rather be had
to the Whipping Post; but he would fetch his Jade Home, and thrash
the Devil out of her." Proctor said, when Mary Warren was first taken
with Fits, he kept her close to the Wheel, and threatened to thrash
her, and then she had no more Fits; but the next Day, he being gone
from Home, she had her Fits again. If the accusing Girls had been dealt
with as John Proctor would have had them, we probably should have had
a short Story to tell, about Salem Witchcraft. It is at the Meeting of
this Circle of eight Girls, for the purpose of practising Palmistry
and Fortune Telling, that we discover the Germ, or the first Origin of
the Delusion. We have endeavored to follow them after the Excitement
had subsided, for the Purpose of ascertaining their Character in after
Life. One only of this Circle, Ann Putnam, confessed her Folly, and
sought Forgiveness. Some of them grew up Licentious in their Habits,
and all of them appear to have sought Obscurity. Their whole Course,
as seen in their Depositions, discloses much Malignancy, and their
Ignorance was so great, that of the Eight accusing Girls, Six of them
signed their Names with a Cross.

It was in the latter End of February, 1692, that the Daughter of
Mr. Parris, named Elizabeth, aged 9 Years, together with his Niece,
Abigail Williams, aged 12 Years, were taken Sick and received such
attention from Mrs. Parris as their Case seemed to require. But growing
worse under her Treatment, and not being able to ascertain what their
Disease was, application was made to their Family Physician, Dr. Gregg,
living in the Village. He visited them, and observed that they were
afflicted with a sad Distemper, the Name of which he could not tell.
Other Physicians were called in, in Consultation, when one of them
gave it as his Opinion, that the Children were under an evil Hand. It
is probable that it was Dr. Gregg that supposed the Girls bewitched,
for he had expressed the same Opinion of many of his Patients when he
could not understand their Disease, many times before. It is highly
probable that the Opinion of these Physicians went far to form the
Belief of not only Parris, but also of his ministerial Friends, in the
Existence of Witchcraft in the Village. Mr. Parris appears to have been
much astonished, when the Physicians informed him, that his Daughter
and Niece were, no doubt, under an evil Hand. There is Evidence that
Mr. Parris endeavored to keep the Opinion of the Physicians a Secret,
at least, till he could determine what Course to pursue. At this Time,
Mary Sibley, a Member of his Church, gave directions to John Indian
how to find out, who bewitched Betsy Parris and Nabby Williams. This
was done without the Knowledge of Parris. The Means used to make
this Discovery, was to make a Cake of Rye Meal, with the Urine of
the Children, and Bake it in the Ashes, and give it to a Dog to eat.
Similar disgusting Practices appear to have been used to discover and
kill Witches, during the whole Period of the Delusion.

On the 27th of March, 1692, Mr. Parris called together his Church,
when he presented Testimony against the Error of sister Mary Sibley,
in giving direction to John Indian in an unwarrantable Way, to find
out Witches. Upon Mary Sibley's manifesting Sorrow and Grief for her
Conduct, the Brethren of the Church received Satisfaction. By the
diabolical Means thus used by Mary Sibley, Mr. Parris supposed the
Devil had been raised, and seeing the apparent distressed Condition
of his Family, and not knowing what Course to pursue, requested
some worthy Gentlemen of Salem, and some neighboring Ministers to
consult together at his House; who when they came, and had inquired
diligently into the Sufferings of the Afflicted, concluded they were
Preternatural, and feared the Hand of Satan was in them. The Advice
given to Parris by them was, that he should sit still and wait upon
the Providence of God, to see what Time might discover; and to be much
in Prayer for the Discovery of what was yet secret. They also examined
Tituba, who confessed the making a Cake, and said her Mistress in her
own Country was a Witch, and had taught her some Means to be used for
the Discovery of a Witch, and for the Prevention of being bewitched,
&c. But said she herself, was not a Witch. Soon after this, there were
two or three private Fasts at Parris's House, one of which was kept by
the neighboring Ministers, and another in Public at the Village. And
one general Fast, by Order of the General Court, observed throughout
the Colony, to seek the Lord, that he would rebuke Satan, and be a
Light unto his People in this Day of Darkness.

It is evident from the Account given by Rev. John Hale, who was an
Eye Witness to many of the Transactions at Salem Village, and one of
the Ministers called for Consultation, that Mr. Parris proceeded with
Caution at the Commencement of the Troubles, and was anxious to seek
Council and Advice. He likewise wished to inform himself on the Subject
of Witchcraft, and for that Purpose received as a Loan from Dea. Robert
Sanderson, of Boston, a Copy of Perkins' Works, which treated upon that
Subject.

We are among those who believe Mr. Parris was honest in his Belief
in Witchcraft, and that he was not moved in this Affair by personal
Malice, or the Desire to promote the Cause of Religion in his Parish,
as has been supposed by the Author of the History of Danvers. We have
not as yet, found a Particle of Evidence, that he entertained ill Will
against those who were accused and executed.

Mr. Parris, in common with his ministerial Brethren, appears to have
come, after the Confession of Tituba, to the full Conclusion, that
Witchcraft had broken out in his Parish, and that the Devil had
commenced his Operations in his own Family; and as a faithful Pastor,
he should not hesitate, for a Moment, to grapple with the Enemy.

It was in this Point of View, that we discover the Courage of the
People of Salem Village, who were engaged in opposing what they
considered the Machinations of the Devil--they supposing that he was
the Cause, operating through the Agency of Witches, of all the Torture
and Misery they beheld, and that, by their Opposition, they were liable
also to suffer from his Malignancy. They believed, also, that the Devil
was about to establish an Agency, or Kingdom in New England; and had
actually commenced Operations in Salem Village. This, Cotton Mather,
Parris, and others, were determined should not be done, at least if
they could help it. There was some very singular Evidence given at
the Courts on this Point. Ann Foster, of Andover, a confessing Witch,
testified at her Examination, July 21, 1692, "that she was at a Witch
Meeting at the Village, where there was a large Number of Witches
present, and that the principal Discourse at this Gathering, was in
regard to the setting up of the Devil's Kingdom at the Village, and
making it their Rendezvous!" And another confessing Witch testified, at
a subsequent Meeting, that they had, by an unanimous Vote, concluded
to set up the Devil's Kingdom at Salem Village--it being thought, all
Things considered, the most suitable Place to begin the Enterprise,
and, by so doing, they were in Hopes it would spread over New England.
This was solemnly and religiously believed by many, and it required
Courage and Pluck to stand up and resist the Designs of a powerful,
malicious Being, capable, as they supposed, of tormenting them in
various Ways, destroying their Cattle, &c.

Parris appears to have been very desirous of preventing his Daughter,
Elizabeth, from participating in the Excitement at the Village. She was
sent by her Father, at the Commencement of the Delusion, to reside at
Salem with Capt. Stephen Sewall. While there, the Captain and his Wife
were much discouraged in effecting a Cure, as she continued to have
sore Fits. Elizabeth said that the great _black Man_, came to her, and
told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she
desired, and go to a _Golden City_. She related this to Mrs. Sewall,
who immediately told the Child it was the Devil, and he was a Liar, and
bid her tell him so if he came to her again; which she did accordingly
the next Time the black Man came to her. The Devil, it would seem,
unaccustomed, in those Days, to experience such Resistance, and utterly
astonished at the cool Impudence of Betsy Parris, never troubled her
afterwards; and,--although this Girl was one of the first Originators
of the Witchcraft Delusion, in connection with her Cousin Abigail
Williams,--she appears to have had, afterwards, but little to do with
Witchcraft. This arose in Consequence of following the sage Advice of
Mrs. Sewall, in getting rid of the Devil; or, what was more probable,
in her Father taking her from the weekly Circle of accusing and
bewitching Girls, and placing her in a very respectable Family in Salem.

It has been said that Parris had a Rival in Rev. George Burroughs, who
had Friends in Salem Village, desirous of his Settlement; and that that
was a sufficient Reason why Parris should appear at the Courts against
him. We have never seen any Proof of this Rivalship between these
Clergymen. It is difficult now to ascertain the Cause of the Arrest of
Burroughs who was preaching at Wells, at the Time, in his Pulpit. The
Girl who accused him of bewitching her, was Mercy Lewis, who was then
living with Thomas Putnam. She formerly lived with Burroughs, when he
preached at the Village; and, upon one or more Occasions, he whipped
her severely. This we suspect was the true Cause of her crying out
against him.

It had been said that Rebecca Nurse was an Object of special Hatred
to Parris; but this we have failed to discover. We cannot imagine the
Cause of the alleged Complaint of Witchcraft against Rebecca Nurse. She
appears to have been an amiable and exemplary Woman, and well educated
for the Times in which she lived. We suspect, from an Examination
of the Charges brought against her at the Courts, that she had
several Times severely rebuked the accusing Girls for their Folly and
Wickedness, when meeting in their Circles. In this Way, she probably
incurred the Displeasure of Ann Putnam and her Mother--her principal
Accusers. Mr. Parris has often been accused of being over Officious,
and a swift Witness against the Accused at the Courts. Parris could
not be said to have been a chief Witness in the Prosecutions, although
he may be said to have been a frequent corroborating Witness with his
Neighbors. The chief Witnesses were the accusing Girls, as they were
called. At the preliminary Examinations before the Magistrates, Parris
and others were required to be present when the Depositions were taken
down, as related by the Girls, and afterwards made use of at the Trials
before the Courts.

These being given in and related by Children, and young Persons, the
Court required an Endorsement from some older Persons, who witnessed
their supposed Afflictions, and could attest to their Depositions. It
is in this Way Mr. Parris's Name, as well as his Neighbors, frequently
appear in the Court Documents. Parris appears to have been frequently
at the Examinations of those accused of Witchcraft, and put Questions
to those on Trial. He also acted as a Recorder to the Magistrates more
frequently than others. The Reason for his being often employed by the
Courts was simply because he was requested to do so, and was discovered
to be well qualified for that Purpose. We have seen the Records of
several Persons thus employed, and should say Parris's was the Best. It
was his Practice to take down the Examinations in short Hand,--he being
a good Stenographer,--and then write them out in full, in a plain,
legible Hand.

We have not been able to discover the Cause of the alleged Complaint
of Witchcraft, against those three excellent Women, viz: Rebecca
Nurse, Mary Easty, and Sarah Cloyce. They were Sisters, of a good
Education, and fair Reputation. It is not to be denied, that the Part
Parris took in the Trials of these Women, was the chief Cause of the
Opposition towards him, and led at last to his Dismission from the
People at the Village. His principal Opposers were the Relatives of
these three unfortunate Sisters. Samuel Nurse, a Son of Rebecca Nurse,
John Tarbell, who had married her Daughter, and Peter Cloyce, who had
married Sarah Cloyce. These three Persons, together with one Thomas
Williams, after the Execution of Rebecca Nurse and Mary Easty, and the
Imprisonment of Sarah Cloyce, became much dissatisfied with Parris,
and sought Advice of the Elders in some of the neighboring Churches,
as to the best Mode of bringing him before a Council to answer for his
Conduct in the Witchcraft Delusion. They were Members of the Village
Church, and had for some Time neglected Public Worship on the Sabbath,
and absented themselves from the Communion. While these discontented
Brethren were considering what Course to pursue against their Pastor,
Parris, either in order to divert their Proceedings from himself, or to
administer Discipline, on the 14th of August, 1692, caused the Church
to be stayed, and entered a Complaint against Samuel Nurse and Wife,
John Tarbell and Wife, and Peter Cloyce, for absenting themselves from
the Communion. This Complaint was entered by the Church, and Brother
Nathaniel Putnam, and the two Deacons were chosen to be joined with the
Pastor to discourse with the Absentees. Much Time was spent by this
Committee, in endeavoring to obtain Satisfaction from the offending
Brethren;--while on the other Hand, they were striving by all the Means
in their Power, to bring Parris before a Council. At last, on the
16th of February, 1693, at a Meeting of the Committee of the Church,
the Dissenting Brethren gave their Reasons for withdrawing from the
Communion.

"Whereas we, Thomas Williams, and John Tarbell, and Samuel Nurse,
having a long Time gone under the Burden of great Grievances, by Reason
of some unwarrantable Actings of Mr. Parris, as we esteem them, and
were proceeding in an orderly Way, to obtain Satisfaction from him,
and had taken some Steps thereunto, according to the Advice of some
neighboring Elders. But obstructive to our Proceedings therein, Mr.
Parris and some Brethren of the Church, were appointed by the Church,
to demand a Reason of us, of our withdrawing from Communion. The
Regularity of which Proceeding, we do not understand, because in this
Case, we esteem ourselves to be Plaintiffs and Parties offended, and in
an orderly Way, seeking Satisfaction, tho' hitherto denied. Our Answer
to the Church is, that we esteem ourselves hereby prevented in our
Duty, which we account a Grievance, seeing we were first in Prosecution
of the Rule of our Lord Jesus Christ, laid down in Mathew 18 C., 15,
16 vs. Wherefore, if the Church give us the Liberty and Freedom of
attending our Duty, as according to Rule bound, possibly then further
Trouble may be prevented, or otherwise, the Case will necessarily and
regularly come before them. But if they deny us the Request, we shall,
as in Duty bound, give the Reasons of our Proceedings to the Church, or
any others, when orderly demanded."

Parris says, in the Records of the Church, "that these displeased
Brethren were told in Reply to their Communication, that they did
ill to reflect on the Church, who, as also the Pastor, were ignorant
of their Methods, and that they should have spoken with the Pastor
himself, before they went to consult neighboring Elders. But to this
Last they pleaded Ignorance. So we gave Way to their Request of
proceeding orderly."

On the 27th of March, 1693, the dissenting Brethren handed to the
Pastor the following Document:--

"To our Pastor and Minister, Mr. Samuel Parris, of Salem Village, and
to some others of the Plantation. We, whose Names are underwritten,
being deeply sensible, that those uncomfortable Differences that are
amongst us, are very dishonorable to God, and a Scandal to Religion,
and very uncomfortable to ourselves, and an ill Example to those, who
may come after us. And by our maintaining and upholding Differences,
that are amongst us, we do but gratify the Devil, the great Adversary
to our Souls. For the Removal of which we have thought meet to proffer
our present Thoughts to your serious Consideration, hoping, that
there may be such Methods propounded, as may be for the settling and
confirming Peace and Unity amongst us, both at the Present and for the
Future. And our Desires are, that such a Foundation may be laid for
Peace and Truth, that the Gates of Hell may not prevail against it. And
in Order thereunto, Solomon adviseth Counsel; and our Desires are, that
a Council of Elders may be chosen, to hear all our Grievances between
Mr. Parris and us, and determine where the blameable Cause is. And we
hope, that their Wisdom and Prudence may direct us to such a Method, as
may be for our Comfort for both Present and Future."

Much Time was spent by the Committee of the Church, in endeavoring to
obtain Satisfaction from the dissenting Brethren, while the Latter
were striving by all the Means in their Power, to bring Parris before
a Council. At last, on the 16th of February, 1693, at a Meeting of the
Committee, the dissenting Brethren gave their Reasons for withdrawing
from the Ministry at the Village. They are the following.[196]

After the Pastor had read the Charges against him, he brought forward
his "Meditations for Peace." This Paper, having been considered at the
Time as an Acknowledgment of his Mistakes in the Witchcraft Delusion,
we have given it entire. It is as follows.[197]

Notwithstanding the discontented Brethren continued to press the
Acceptance of their Petition, for a mutual Council. Parris refused to
notice it, and says, "I put it up in my Pocket, and told them I would
consider it." It appears, by the Records, that the Acknowledgment of
Mr. Parris was first read before the Church, November, 18, 1694, in the
Presence of the dissenting Brethren, when Tarbell remarked, that if
the Pastor had formerly made but _half the Acknowledgment he now had_,
it had never come to this. It would seem that the Acknowledgment of
the Pastor was not satisfactory to the Brethren, and they continued to
persist in the calling of a Council. In the Meantime, Parris brought
sundry Objections, as he called them, against Tarbell and his Friends,
which were read before the Church, November 13th. These Objections,
were as follows:--"Their precipitant, schismatical and total
withdrawing from the Church; Their bringing forward a factious Libel to
the Pastor, consisting of Calumnies, or Reflections on said Minister,
and others of the Plantation; their impetuous Pursuit of the Minister
at his House, for Answer to said Libel to his great Disquietude;
there restless Pursuit of the Minister, on the 14th of April, 1693,
for an Answer to said Libel; their persisting with great Heat, that
their Charge might be read, yea loudly and fiercely before the whole
Brotherhood, clamouring against the Church, and their publishing under
their own Hands, in divers Places of the Country, sundry Obloquies
against the Church; their ensnaring several to join them in a Petition
to his Excellency and General Court, scandalizing the Church and
Minister, as unpeaceable with their Neighbors; their withdrawing their
Purses, as well as their Persons from upholding the Lord's Table, and
the Ministry; their gross Mistake in their Letter to the Church at
Malden, wherein they profess so much Dissatisfaction with the Doctrine,
Practice and Administration of their Pastor, for above a Year, before
the Date of said Letter, as that they were forced to withdraw from
all public Worship; whereas it is most notorious, that they were not
wanting as to a Profession of much Respect to their Pastor, all along
before, yea, and a considerable while after the breaking out of the
late horrid Witchcraft." These are some of the Charges brought against
the three Brethren by Parris, and he informs us, "as soon as the public
Reading of these Articles was ended, Brother Thomas Wilkins, in a
scoffing and contemptuous Way, said openly, 'this is a large Epistle.'"
It would seem by the Records, that the dissenting Brethren continued to
make strenuous Efforts to bring Parris before a Council, which was at
last recommended by the Pastors of the Churches in the Neighborhood,
when Parris in his last Attempt to evade it, proposed to give the
discontented Brethren, a Dismission to some other orthodox Church,
to which Tarbell replied, "Aye, if we could find a Way to remove our
Living too." After a Delay of more than two Years, the Church consented
to call a Council, who met at the Village, April 3d, 1695. Dr. Increase
Mather was chosen Moderator, and offered the following Report, which
was accepted by the Council, and presented to the Church:--1st, They
unanimously declared that "we judge that altho' in the late and dark
Time of the Confusions, wherein Satan had obtained a more than ordinary
Liberty to sift this Plantation, there were sundry unwarrantable
and uncomfortable Steps taken, by Mr. Samuel Parris, the Pastor of
the Church in Salem Village, then under the hurrying Distractions of
amazing Afflictions; yet the said Mr. Parris, by the good Hand of God,
brought unto a better Sense of Things, hath so fully expressed it, that
a Christian Charity may, and should, receive Satisfaction therewith. 2,
They advised the dissenting Brethren to accept the Satisfaction, which
he had tendered in his Christian Acknowledgment of the Errors therein
committed, and in case Mr. Parris finds after all, that he can not with
any Comfort and Service, continue in his present Station, his Removal
from thence, will not expose him to any hard Character with us. Having
observed that there is, in Salem Village, a Spirit full of Contention
and Animosity, too sadly verifying the Blemish, which hath heretofore
lain upon them; and that some Complaints against Mr. Parris have been
either causeless or groundless, or unduly aggravated, we do, in the
Name and Fear of the Lord, solemnly warn them to consider whether, if
they continue to devoure one another, it will not be Bitterness in the
latter End."

The Recommendation of the Council appears to have been satisfactory
to the Friends of Mr. Parris and the Pastor was resolved to continue
in the Ministry. At the same Time, the Report of the Council was
unsatisfactory to those Persons opposed to Mr. Parris, as it did
not recommend his Dismission; accordingly, on the 3d Day of May,
1695, a Paper, signed by 16 young Men, 52 Householders and 18 Church
Members, was handed to the Rev. Elders, composing the late Council
at the Village, requesting them to give Parris's Case a rehearing,
and more plainly advise the Pastor to cease his Labors, and seek to
dispose himself elsewhere, &c. On the 6th of May, 1695, in Answer to
the Opponents of Mr. Parris, the Council sent a Letter to the Pastor,
informing him of the Extent of the Opposition to his Ministry, and
advising him to come away from his present Station, and unite in
calling another Minister, and forgiving and forgetting all former
Grievances.

Mr. Parris appears to have been nettled with the last Recommendation
of the Council for him to leave his Parish, and says, in the Church
Records, under his own Hand, that the Paper (in Answer to the
Instrument and _classical_ Letter from Cambridge) was brought by Deacon
Putnam to the Elders, assembled at Boston, at Mr. Willard's, May 29th,
1695, being the Day of Election after Dinner, when was assembled the
Body of Elders, belonging to this Province. This Paper was addressed
to the Rev. Mr. Increase Mather and others of the Rev. Elders, which
lately met at Cambridge, under Date of May 20th, 1695, and signed by 53
Householders and 52 Church members, all belonging to Salem Village. In
this Letter, they say, that the Removing of Mr. Parris from his present
Station will not unite us in calling another Minister. That they justly
fear, should he be removed, they would be left, as a Sheep, without a
Shepherd. Therefore they desire, that Mr. Parris may continue in his
present Station.

The Council appear to have been at last fully satisfied that Mr. Parris
should leave Salem Village, and they therefore procured a Parish for
him in Suffield, and sent two Messengers from that Church, to persuade
the Church at Salem Village to dismiss their Pastor. Parris informs us,
in his Church Records, that at a Meeting of the Church, held at his
House, June 3d, 1695, he acquainted the Brethren, that here were two
Messengers from Suffield, who were looking out for a Minister, and by
the Desire of some Elders in Boston, made application to him, and was
willing to go with them, if the Brethren pleased, and in his Absence
for a few Months, they might try if they could (with others who now
dissented,) unite in some other Minister. But, after several Hours
debate, both with the Brethren, and some other Christian Neighbors,
they all declared an Averseness to his Motion. Thereupon thanking them
for their professed Love to him, he told them, he was not free to go,
without their Consent, and seeing they would not let him go, he prayed
for them _to keep him, and make much of him_. The same Day, June 3d,
1695, the Church sent the following decisive Letter to Rev. Increase
and Cotton Mather, saying, "we cannot fault ye Intendment of our
Brethren Sergent David Winchell, and Corporal Victory Sikes, Messengers
from Suffield, sent by yourselves to obtain the Ministry of our Pastor
if we were so minded, as to part with him. But upon maturing together,
this Day both of Church and others, to consult that Affair, do hereby
signify at the Desire of the above Suffield Messengers, with unanimous
Agreement, not one excepted--(save the Four known Dissenters) we are
resolved--_God helping against such a Separation during our ability to
prevent it_. And our Pastor tho' otherwise inclined, yet as unwilling
to leave so many of his Flock, as testify so strong Affections towards
him. So earnestly requesting the constant Helps of your Prayers, and as
much otherwise as you can, we rest, worthy and much esteemed Sirs, your
needy Brethren.

                                                 SAMUEL PARRIS, Pastor,
  in the Name of the Church and other Christian
  Neighbors.

  To the Rev. Mr. Increase Mather
  and Mr. Cotton Mather, Jun., Boston."

It does not appear that there were any more Efforts made by the Boston
Elders, to bring about a Reconciliation; and it seems that there was
always a Majority of the Parish in Favor of Mr. Parris, remaining with
them; and there appears to have been a very general Mistake, with many
Authors, in Regard to his Dismission from his People, they, supposing
that he was hastily driven away from the Village. Whereas he continued
and maintained himself through a ministerial Quarrel of five Years,
until he saw fit to discontinue it, when he informed his Church of his
Intentions.

There were three distinct Matters of Dispute between Parris and his
People at Salem Village. The First arose previous to the Breaking
out of the Witchcraft Delusion, in Consequence of the Neglect of his
Parish to furnish him with the stipulated Supply of 30 Cords of Wood
per Annum. The second Dispute with the four Dissenting Brethren of
the Church, arose in Consequence of the Course pursued by Parris in
Regard to Witchcraft. The Third, was in Consequence of his claiming the
Parsonage and Lands, under a vote of the Inhabitants of the Village,
and their Refusing to pay him his Arrears due him, on his old Lists
of Rates. These three Disputes, caused a long and continued Quarrel,
which at last attracted the People far and near--was a grave Matter
for learned Councils, was brought before the County Courts, and was
a Subject for Petition before the great and General Court at Boston.
After it was understood that Parris was to leave the People at the
Village, and that he claimed the Parsonage, a fierce Quarrel arose
between him and the Inhabitants, which was carried before the Court at
Ipswich.

The Matter, without being settled, was taken from the Courts, and
given to Wait Winthrop, Elisha Cook, and Samuel Sewall, Esqrs., and
they decided "that Mr. Parris should have some of his Arrears paid him,
also a sum of Money for his Repairs of the ministerial House, and be
dismissed from Salem Village."

It was during his greatest Difficulties with his People, that he lost
his Wife by Death. This occurred on the 14th of July, 1696. She was
buried in the Wadsworth burial Ground, in Danvers, where can be seen
a gray Slate Stone,--a fine Specimen of the lapidary Art,--with its
Lines as sharp as on the Day when they were first cut, erected over
her Grave, on which is the following Inscription, with the Initials of
Samuel Parris at the Bottom:--

    "Sleep precious Dust, no stranger now to Rest,
    Thou hast thy longed wish, within Abraham's Brest--
    Farwell Best Wife, Choice Mother, Neighbor, Friend,
    We'll wail the less, for hopes of the in the end."  S. P.

After his Dismission from Salem Village he removed to Concord,
Massachusetts, where he lived in 1705; and 1711, preached six Months
in Dunstable. He died at Sudbury, February 27th, 1720; Mrs. Dorothy
Parris, his second Wife, died there on the 6th of September, 1719. The
following are the Children of Mr. Parris:--Elizabeth, who was married
to Benj. Barnes, at Concord, January 13th, 1710; Dorothy, married
Hopestill Brown, of Sudbury, 1718, and died March 4th, 1725; Samuel,
who was a Deacon of a Church in Sudbury, died November 22d, 1792, aged
91 Years; Noyes, graduated at Harvard College, 1721, was deranged, and
supported by the Town; Mary, married Peter Bent, of Sudbury, April
18th, 1727.

[Eleven Years after the Death of Mr. Parris, the following
Advertisement appeared. Whether his Descendants acted upon the
Suggestion contained in it, the Editor is not informed.]

    "Any Person, who knew Mr. Samuel Parris, formerly of Barbadoes,
    afterwards of Boston, in New-England, Merchant, and after that,
    Minister at Salem Village, &c., deceas'd, to be a Son of Thomas
    Parris, of the Island afore said, Esqr,--who deceased 1673, or sole
    Heir by Will to his Estate in said Island,--are desired to give or
    send Notice thereof to the Printer of this Paper; and it shall be
    for their Advantage."

                     [_Boston News-Letter, No. 1433, July_ 15_th_, 1731.

[Illustration]


FOOTNOTES:

[178] As will be seen, Mr. Pulsifer modernized the Orthography, while
we have corrected the Punctuation, in a few Instances, and capitalized
it agreeable to our previous uniform Old Style.

[179] It does not appear that these Minutes of Examination were read to
the Accused; or that any Opportunity was afforded him to correct any
Misstatements which the biassed Scribe might have made, carelessly or
purposely; while, viewing the Case as it stands, it seems incredible
that the Accused could have been thought deserving of even a lenient
Reprimand. Too humiliating for Contemplation!

[180] Satan.

[181] This Opinion of the Doctor may be questioned, so long as we do
not know by what Standard he measured Wealth at that Time.

[182] Mr. English was arrested by Jacob Manning, the Deputy Marshal,
31 May, 1692. Mrs. English was committed on April 22d, preceding. The
Time of their Transfer to Boston, I do not find; but Mr. English was
in Prison about nine Weeks. Hence it is inferred that their Escape was
about the first of August following. See Felt, _Annals of Salem_, ii,
479.

[183] Of this Person, I have not attempted to add anything to what is
contained in Lewis's _Lynn_ and Savage's _Dictionary_. Perhaps he was
wise enough to keep out of the Way of Philip English after his Return.

[184] Mr. Savage says that Mr. Hollingworth's Name was _Richard_.
Beale, though apparently much wanting in Sense, may be supposed to have
known the given Name of a prominent Man like Hollingworth, with whom he
was probably well acquainted. It seems however, that Beale confounded
the Name of the Son with that of the Father. The Hollingworth Family
came to Salem in 1635. The Name is often since spelt _Hollingsworth_.
See _Founders of N. Eng._ P. 40.

[185] For some Account of him, consult the _History of the Reed
Family_, by J. W. Reed, Esq. published 1861, Page 42.

[186] In the _N. Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg._ Vol. VI, Page 316, some
Account of this Individual will be found.

[187] A brief and garbled Extract is among the Records, not dated, but
placed after the "29th of March, 169½"!

[188] The Papers inserted in the Records previous to this are, of
course, out of place, as they are of a later Date. A Rearrangement, or
Recompilation of the Witchcraft Papers must at sometime be made.

[189] There was a large Family of _Clarks_ early at Haverhill. To what
Family this injured Woman belonged, my Materials do not disclose.

[190] In 1687, Joseph Peasely was chosen Constable, but there is no
certainty that he exercised the Office in 1692. John Ayer, Jr., shared
the Duties. See Chase, _Hist. Haverhill_, 145.

[191] Like the Clarks, the _Swan_ Family was extensive at Haverhill;
but Mr. Chase did not find a Timothy.

[192] Perhaps Mr. Hezekiah, of Boston. It may be he to whom Mr. Calef
refers in his _Postscript_. See Page 154, _original paging_.

[193] I do not find the Name of Post in Mr. Chase's _Haverhill_. There
was a Family at Woburn; and, according to Mr. Savage, John Post, of
that Town, had by Wife Mary Tyler, a Daughter Mary, born 1664, who may
have been this Witness.

[194] The same who has been so often mentioned as Elizabeth Hubbard. In
the next Article of this Appendix she is particularly noticed.

[195] Mr. Fowler has very kindly placed this highly valuable Article at
the Editor's Disposal. It was originally read before the _Essex Inst't._

[196] Being the Same contained in Mr. Calef's Part Third, are omitted
here. See Vol. II, P. 140-3; or Pages 55-7, original Edition.

[197] See Vol. II, P. 143-8, where this Paper is given entire.




NOTE BY THE EDITOR.


WHEN this Edition of the _More Wonders_ had passed through the Press,
the Publisher brought in the following ERRATA, which, it seems, had
been inserted in some Copies of the original Edition; and, although
several of the Errors are quite immaterial, and others have been
corrected in the Process of Revision, yet it was thought best to insert
it here entire.

Mr. Woodward informs the Editor, that he copied it from a Copy of
Mr. Calef's Work in the Library of the Massachusetts Hist. Society,
which once belonged to Dr. COTTON MATHER, and afterwards to Dr. Jeremy
Belknap. Hence it is very probable that this Copy was presented to
Dr. Mather by the Author. However this may have been, the following
Extract, written in Dr. Mather's own Hand in the same Volume, seems odd
indeed:

"Job, xxxi, 35, 36. My Desire is, _that_ mine Adversary had written a
Book. Surely I would take it upon my Shoulder, and bind it as a Crown
to me."

  "CO. MATHER."

ERRATA.

    [The Reference is to the Pages of the original Edition; being those
    of the inner Margin of this Edition.]

THE Pages from 48 to 57 may be corrected with the Pen as also in the
Preface 7 Lines from the End instead of use read me. P. 3. L. 17. f.
furiously r. seriously P. 13. L. 2. f. fruitful r. faithful. P. 16 L.
3 from the Bottom f. me r. Mr. P. 18. L. 6. f. drawing r. chaining.
P. 28. L. 13. the Word More to be left out. P. 49. L. 12. r. the
Ancients did worship. P. 52. L. 9. r. the more nearly. P. 55. L. 14. f.
unaccountable r. uncomfortable. P. 61. L. 26. after the Word propose r.

I. That if yourselves please to take the Trouble with Patience once
more to hear the Case and give full Liberty of proving, &c. to the Word
Place.

P. 63. L. 3. f. proved r. procured P. 65. L. 25. f. dear. r. clear.

P. 85. L. 20. r. best learn. P. 93. L. 12. f. sucking r. suckling.

P. 94. L. 22. r. Mercy Lewis. P. 98. L. 16. Nathaniel Cary.

P. 106. L. 31. r. up the Hill. P. 143. L. 8. f. flew r. fled.

P. 152 L. 26. f. that he r. he that.

ERRATA, _in the present Edition_.--Vol. i, P. 102, Note 114, f.
credulous, r. incredulous. P. 110, L. 11, for on r. out. P. 189, N.
174, r. Dr. Felt. Vol. iii, P. 184, L. 1, r. James.




[Illustration]

INDEX.


NOTE.--As the small Roman Numerals in this Index denote both the
Volumes and the Pages of the Introductions, those who consult it
may observe, that when the Introductory Pages are referred to, the
Reference to the Volume is in large or Roman Capitals:--For Example, I,
xx, refer to the first Volume, and to Page 20 of the Introduction to
the same Volume; II, xxii, refer to Volume second, and Page 22 of that
Volume.


ABBOT, Benjamin, 195, iii, 116, 117.

Abbot, Nehemiah, 191.

Abbot, Sarah, 196, iii, 117.

Acosta, Joseph, 201.

Addington, Isaac, 26, iii, 15, 133.

Ady, ----, a Writer against Witchcraft, iii, 74.

Alcot, Job, appointed Counsellor, 26.

Alden, John, Jr., II, xxiv; tried and imprisoned, iii, 26; his
Narrative, 26-8; Bail refused, 30; escapes, _ib._; cleared by
Proclamation, 128.

Alden, Timothy, iii, 177, 178.

Allen, James, 108, 151, iii, 40.

Allen, John, sees one of the Accused fly in the Air, i, 177; his Oxen
bewitched, iii, 93.

Allen, William, cited, 7.

Ambrose, Isaac, on the Devil, 56.

America, a squallid, horid Desart, 13; of what Use is it, 46; some
hopeful Symptoms of, 97; ever to be in the Devil's Hands? _ib._;
Spirits common to be seen Day and Night in, ii, 116.

Andover, People of, bewitched, iii, 117, 120, 121, 125, 126.

Andrew, Daniel, ii, 159, iii, 44; Joseph, 105; Sarah, _ib._

Andrews, Thomas, iii, 107.

Andros, Edmund, Sir, I, lxxxi.

Andrus, Silas, I, xcii.

Angels, evil ones, ii, 32, 43, 75; Notions concerning, 187-8.

Apparition, of those Murdered, 34; of the Devil, 79; of Mr. Beacon,
136-7; Accusers at Trials, 155; their Charges confessed, 188-9;
Witnesses, iii, 106.

Appleton, Samuel, 26, iii, 15.

Arnold, John, Jailor of Boston, iii, 20, 179.

Arnold, Margaret, 145.

Ashurst, Henry, Sir, I, vi; Agent for Massachusetts, iii, 148-9.

Astrology, injudiciously regarded, 122, 238.

Atkinson, John, Witness against Martin, 178; Sarah, 184; John's Cow
bewitched, iii, 94; Sarah, is amazed, _at nothing_, 100.

Attaballipa, his Fate, iii, 138-9.

Austin, sweet spirited, 27.

Aves, Samuel, ii, 68.

Ayer, John, Jr., iii, 196.


BACHELOR, John, Apology of, iii, 135.

Bailey, John, iii, 40; Constable, 113.

Bailey, N., his Definition of Witchcraft, I, xiii.

Baker, ----, Sister to Ann Putnam, iii, 11.

Balch, Benj. Jr., Wife Elizabeth, swears against Mrs. Bishop, iii, 78.

Ballantine, John, II, xxii.

Ballard, Joseph, iii, 51; Brother John, _ib._, 113; Operations to
discover Witches, 55; Witnesses, 126.

Baptism by the Devil, Ceremony of, iii, 113.

Bare, John, Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Barker, Abigail, signed a Recantation, iii, 57.

Barnard, John, II, xxi; prays at Witch Examinations, iii, 56.

Barnes, Benjamin, iii, 221.

Bartel, Robert, Capt., iii, 178.

Barton, James, II, xxiii.

Bates, William, Extract from, ii, 113-14.

Baxter, Richard, I, xxx; on Memorable Providences, 10, 141; thanks C.
Mather, ii, 43; quoted, 45; his ungainsayable Book, 86; cure of Church
Divisions, 111; commends I. Mather, 113; his Ideas of a Devil and
Witch, &c., 113-119; his Work the Effect of aged Imbecility, 119.

Bayley, Mrs., Sister to Ann Putnam, iii, 11.

Beacon, Joseph, 136, 137.

Beale, William, swears against Mr. English, iii, 177-86; Son dies, 182,
183.

Belknap, Jeremy, referred to, ii, 85.

Belzebub, Works ascribed to, iii, 163.

Bent, Peter, of Sudbury, iii, 221.

Benom, Mistress, accused, iii, 130.

Bent, Mr., ----, iii, 100.

Bentley, William, D. D., on P. English, iii, 179-81.

Bereans, reference to, ii, 3.

Bernard, Richard, on detecting Witches, 45-6; Remarks on, ii, 12; Calef
on, 56; how did the Jews manage without him, iii, 165.

Bibber, John, Witness against Giles Cory, iii, 172.

Bibber, Sarah, iii, 8; swears against Mrs. Nurse, 11; against Mr.
Burroughs, 62; against Cory, 170.

Billerica, People of, bewitched, iii, 118.

Bishop, Bridget, Trial of, 163; what her Shape did, 164; her Coat torn
while Invisible, 165; her Poppets discovered, 173; Teats found upon
her, 174; accused ten Years before, 208; long reputed a Witch, iii, 31;
Executed, _ib._; Copy of her Indictment, 74; others, 75-6; Trial of,
77-80; why called Oliver, 78; has a preternatural Teat, which vanished,
88.

Bishop, Edward, iii, 11; and Wife Sarah, committed, 16; why cried out
on, 17; escape from Prison, 49; his Sow bewitched, 81-2.

Bishop, Samuel, iii, 49; had married a Putnam, _ib._

Black-art taught by the Devil, I, xii.

Black, Mary, arrested, iii, 16.

Blackmore, Richard, Sir, I, lxxvi.

Black Pig, one appears to John Louder, iii, 85-6.

Blazdel, [Henry?] 181, iii, 97.

Bligh, (Bly,) John, swears against Mrs. Bishop, 167, iii, 81-2, 88.

Bligh, William, 173, iii, 76, 78, 82, 88.

Blount, Thomas, Definition of Witchcraft, I, xii-xiii.

Bocking, Jane, 142.

Bodin, John, Writer on Demonology, ii, 6, 117.

Bohun, Edmund, Licencer, I, cii.

Booth, Elizabeth, iii, 16, 204.

Boxford, Witchcraft in, iii, 126.

Boynton, Joseph, ii, 151.

Bradbury, Mary, condemned, iii, 44.

Bradford, William, 26.

Bradley, Samuel, II, xxvii.

Bradstreet, John, accused, iii, 52; makes his escape, 53.

Bradstreet, Simon, 26, ii, 85, iii, 52, 145-6; Dudley commits accused,
iii, 52.

Brattle, Thomas, Letter to, ii, 85-92; William, 108.

Braybrook, Samuel, iii, 7; accuses Giles Cory, 170.

Bridges, James, iii, 126.

Bridgham, Joseph, ii, 151.

Bridgman, Orlando, Sir, 141.

Brimstone, horrid Scent of, 121; without a Metaphor, 122; a Flood of,
ii, 4; used in tormenting, ii, 33; scalded with, 47; smelt in Margaret
Rule's Case, 53.

Brinley, George, I, viii.

Brown, Hopestill, iii, 221.

Brown, William, Witness, 182; his Wife sees Susannah Martin vanish,
iii, 99; some Devil bewitches her, _ib._

Bunyan, John, I, xxi.

Burder, George, I, lxxix.

Burnet, Bishop, 140.

Burroughs, George, 151; Charges against, 153; childish Accusations
against, 154; alleged Confusion, 155; accused of Murders, 156; Ghosts
of his Wives, 157; his Promises to induce People to become Witches,
158; had the Strength of a Giant, 159; Treatment of his Wives, 160;
puts on Invisibility, 161-2; denies the Existence of Witches, 162;
Executed, 163; his great Strength from the Devil, ii, 9; further
Account of his Execution, iii, 38-9; Confession of one of his Accusers,
43; Indictment, 61; Trial, 63; Brother-in-Law to Mr. Ruck, 72-3; denies
that there are Witches, 74; about his putting on Invisibility, 123;
Cause of his being prosecuted, 210.

Burrows, [Burroughs] Jeremiah, 84.

Burton, Robert, I, xxxviii.

Buxton, John, afflicted, iii, 17.


CALEF, Robert, I, xxix, lxxv; his _More Wonders_, &c., lxxvi; a
singular Judgment upon, lxxxvii; little known of him, II, xii; a Sir
John, xiii; his _More Wonders_ burnt, xxi; Will of, xxiii; before
Authority to defend himself, ii, 8; Visit to Margaret Rule, 49;
threatened with Arrest for Slander, 54; proposes an Interview with Mr.
C. Mather, 55; Letter to Mr. C. M., 56-59; prosecuted, 55; explains his
Belief of Witchcraft, 56; on the Power of the Devil, 58; complains of
Mr. M.'s bad Faith, 60; not appeared against at Court, _ib._; another
Letter to C. M., 70-74; the Case of Rule further examined, 72, &c.
another Letter to C. M., 79-85; his Endeavors to clear the Accused, 78;
expects Enemies, 84; will do his Duty, 85; Letter to Mr. B., 85-92;
Letter to the Ministers, 92-102; charges C. M. with being a Cause of
the Witch Troubles, 92; his Answer, 93; his _More Wonders_ denounced,
96; Letter to S. Willard, 102-105; another to C. M., 113; describes
the Perils to an Opposer of Witchcraft, 122; Letter to the Ministers,
124-34; rebukes the Ministers, 132-3; Letter to Wadsworth, 134-40;
Exposure of C. M.'s bad Logic, 136; Answer to Stuart, 186-198; on
Angels, 187; accused of Blasphemy, 202; another in Answer to Stuart,
207-212; Strictures on I. Mather's Agency, iii, 18 or 19.

Camerarius, living Library, ii, 6.

Carlton, William, II, vii.

Carrier, Martha, Indictment and Trial of, 194, iii, 113-121; horribly
tortures poor People, 115; her Children swear against her, _ib._;
causes Sores, 116; pulls one by his Hair, 117; kills Cattle, 118;
shakes Phebe Chandler, 119; makes Noises in the Air, _ib._; seen at
Witch-meetings, 120; goes through the Air on a Pole, _ib._; at a
diabolical Sacrament, _ib._; a rampant Hag, 121; to be Queen of Hell,
_ib._

Carrier, Richard, 197, 199, iii, 117; afflicts one, 118.

Carrier, Thomas, 194.

Cary, Mrs., accused, iii, 11; sent to Prison, 20; Barbarity towards,
20-25; escapes to New York, _ib._

Cary, Jonathan, [Nathaniel,] iii, 25.

Cat-rope, described, ii, 7.

Chamberlain, Edward, I, lxxvi.

Chandler, Bridget, swears against Mrs. Carrier, iii, 119.

Chandler, Phebe, 198; shaken by a Witch, iii, 118; her Legs seized on,
119.

Chandler, Susan, 142.

Chandler, Thomas, Evidence, iii, 126.

Chapman, Simon, and Wife, iii, 107.

Charity, recommended, 28.

Charles, Second, iii, 143.

Charlestown, Witchcraft Trials at, iii, 126.

Charms, by whom practiced, ii, 28.

Chase, G. W., _History of Haverhill_, iii, 128, 196-7.

Checkley, Samuel, ii, 151.

Cheever, Ezekiel, Scribe, iii, 31.

Chester, Bishop of, I, ix.

Chips in Wort, defined, iii, 126.

Choate, Thomas, II, xxvi.

Christian, Philosopher, I, lxxii-iii.

Churches, why often struck by Thunder, 68-9; prevent Witchcraft, 130-1.

Churchill, Sarah, iii, 204.

Circles.--See WITCH-CIRCLES.

Clark, Mary, Examination of, iii, 195-7.

Clark, Samuel, his Story of the Devil's Appearance, 121.

Clavigero, [Francis Xavier,] 202.

Cloyce, Peter, protests against Mr. Parris, ii, 143.

Cloyce, Sarah, iii, 7, 53; Sister Nurse, 11, 13; goes out of Meeting,
14; an excellent Woman, 211.

Colman, Benjamin, I, xci, xcvi.

Coman, Richard, 167; swears against Mrs. Bishop, iii, 82.

Comings.--See CUMMINGS.

Connecticut, Witchcraft in, iii, 130, 131.

Cook, Elisha, Judge, ii, 157; Agent to England, iii, 148, 221.

Cook, John, a Witness, i, 166, iii, 78, 80-1.

Cooper, Thomas, on Witchcraft, xxxv.

Corwin, Jonathan, I, vii, 26, iii, 6, 10, 15; examines Giles Cory, 169.

Corwin, George, Sheriff, iii, 49, 50; buried, 79, 187, 202.

Cory, Giles, pressed to Death, 209, II, vii, iii, 7, 44-5, 79; his
Examination, 169-173; Site of his Residence, 174.

Cory, Martha, accused, ii, 7, 9; sent to Prison, 10; sentenced to
Death, iii, 44; executed, 45; Ballad on her and her Husband's Fate,
174-77.

Cotton, John, I, xxv, lxvi.

Cox, Mary, Irons for, iii, 20.

Crosby, [Anthony?] a Doctor, declares Hysterics a Case of Witchcraft,
iii, 100.

Cullender, Rose, 142.

Cumbey, Robert, II, xxi.

Cummings, Josiah, iii, 107.

Cummings, Isaac, Witness, 192, iii, 105; his Mare dies, 111.

Curiosities, matchless, 201-210.

Cushing, John D., II, vii.


DAGGET, William, iii, 183.

Dane, Deliverance, signs a Recantation, iii, 57.

Dane, Francis, iii, 121; John, his Apology, 135.

Danforth, Samuel, I, xcvi; Thomas, ii, 109; iii, 15; Judge, 125;
Services, 126; admonishes Mrs. Daston, 128.

Daniel, Samuel, 26.

Dastin, Goodwife, iii, 126; cleared, 127; but dies in Prison, 128.

Davis, Silvanus, 26.

Dean, John Ward, 13.

Dee, John, Astrologer, 124.

Defoe, D., on the Devil, 102.

Delrio, on Witchcraft, I, xiii, xx.

Demonology, by King James, I, xx; its Character, xxi, xli-iii.

Demons, prestigious ones, iii, 160.

Denmark, great Discovery of Witches in, 148.

Desaguliers, J. T., I, lxxvi.

Devil, I, xi; teaches the Black Art, xii; how he creates Witches, xv;
Nature of his Covenant with, xviii-xix; exists by God's Permission,
xx; the Principal in Witchcraft, but cannot be tried, xxvi; assents
to good Offices, xxxvii; appears personally to Witches, liv; what he
requires of them, lv; coming down in great Wrath, I, 50, 54, 76, 95,
101, 117, 122, 135; owned N. England, 15; an Army of Devils, 17; many
sign his Book, 18; has made a dreadful Knot of Witches, _ib._; his
Juggles feared, 19; bid come out of a Damsel, 20; Speech of, 20-1;
may represent an innocent Person, 21; darting Operations, 24; raises
Storms and Tempests, 25; envies the Prospects of the Country, 26;
made us a troubled Sea, 27; gives us Shakes, _ib._; commissioned by
Witches, 29; tells many Truths, 31; Devil-ridden, 33; always leaves
the Mark of his Covenant, 40; League with, 41; his Existence not
doubted, 55-6; Government among, 57; swarm about us like the Frogs of
Egypt, _ib._; Prince of the Power of the Air, _ib._; Belzebub, 58;
knows every Language, _ib._; Degrees of Devils, 59; horrible Dragon,
60; a Tyger, 61; gets Liberty to make a Descent upon Men, _ib._;
Rendezvous of his Troops, _ib._; his long Journey, 62; a Do-evil, 64;
a Moloch, 65; prevents Discoveries and Inventions, 66; sends Plagues,
and Pestilence, and Wars, 67; a Vulcan, 68; makes a horrible Tempest,
69; uses a hot Iron, 71; his Wrath increases, is Prince of this World,
72; God swears at, 73; his Time almost out, 74; God's Command to,
76; makes Earthquakes, 77; his present Quarters, 79; his World, 80;
incredible Droves of, 81; nibbles at the Heels of Saints, 83; the
World his Country, 85; his Time nearly out, 88-91; his eldest Son, 89;
alarmed at the Settlement of N. England, 94; an Eyesore to, _ib._; an
antagonistic Force, 96; appears as a black Man, 102; his Law Book, 104;
takes on the Likeness of harmless People, 106; permitted by God, 107;
burning and sooty, 109; in God's Chain, 110; baptises, 111; administers
the Sacrament, _ib._; how influenced to come down, 114; the Way to
out-wit him, _ib._; we give Rest to, 115; Sparks of Hell Fire flashing
from every Side of, 115; on a Chimney in Germany, 116; throwing Stones
there, and other Mischief, 117; set on by the Wrath of God, 118;
rattling of his Chains heard, 121; an Asp, 122; infernal Dragon, 124;
flies about as a Bird, 130; Children dedicated to, 131; a Whip for his
Back, 132; forced to fly by a Woman behind the Door, 133; a Prince, a
God, 134; afflicts with Distempers, 148-9; a black Man, 159; described,
171; one in a Meeting-house, 174; performs Baptisms at Newbury Falls,
194; carries some to a Witch-meeting on a Pole, 199; appoints a Queen
of Hell, 200; apishly affects divine Things, 201; his Proceedings among
the Swedes, 216; discovered by the Author, 217; his Power, 218; Dog of
Hell, 219; Serpent upon a Rock, 220; tempts with Friendship, 224; a
speckled Snake when he tempted Eve, 225; shoots cruel Bombs, 227; would
burn all the Bibles, 229; a Throng of in the Author's Meeting-house,
230; he rocks Persons to sleep there, 231; hurried Jesus to the Top of
the Temple, 232; prevents Witches from uttering all the Lord's Prayer,
_ib._; a Nimrod, 233; can attack with Thunder and Lightning; raise
Storms, _ib._; a Goliah; dogs Ministers, bad at quoting Scripture, 234;
quotes it for our Terror, 235; plays the Preacher, 236; consulting
Astrologers is going to the Devil, 238; a Mountebank, 241; to worship
him is Witchcraft, 243; with lengthened Chains, ii, 4; commissioned
by Witches questioned, 7; further discussed, _ib._, 8; his Power to
create Strength? 9; origin of the Belief in such a Character, 11; a
damnable Doctrine, 12; appears to an Indian, 25; prodigious Descent
of, 26; his Size, Complexion and Voice, 29-30; his Power, 41; very
uncertain, 42; "horrendous Operations," 46; got a Scourge for his Back,
47; not commissioned by a Witch, 58; denied, 76; can work Miracles, 74;
his Bounds set, 76; causes Plagues, 79; does not know every Language,
80; his Testimony not to be regarded, 82; the oldest Sinner, 90;
more about his Powers, 94-5; vast Numbers of, _ib._; a Free-willer,
118; commissioned by Contract, 128; only commissioned by God, 130-1;
no Father of Bastards, 196; an independent Power, 201; resembles
an Indian, iii, 70; described, 85; flies over an Apple-tree, 86;
Depredation in a Meeting-house, 89; performs Baptism, 112; his Manner
of Baptising, 113; vanquished by Sir W. Phips, 158; commissioned by
Witches, 162; meets with Astonishment, 209.

Douglass, William, I, lxix, lxx, iii, 125, 159.

Downer, Robert, Witness against Mrs. Martin, 180; tormented by her in
the Shape of a Cat, iii, 96.

Dragon, makes Wars, 67; insinuates Witchcraft, 124; a great Devil, 216;
hard after Ministers, 234; keeping Guard, ii, 79.

Drake, Nathan, Extracts from, I, xxxiii.

Dudley, Joseph, iii, 145; presides at the Trial of Glover, 153.

Dummer, Jeremiah, ii, 151.

Dunton, John, I, vi, viii, 217, ii, 109.

Durent, Ann, 142; William, _ib._

Dustin, Hannah.--See DASTIN.


EAMES, Rebecca, condemned and executed, iii, 45.

Earl, Robert, on Margaret Rule, ii, 69.

Earth, recedes from the Sun, 75; filled with firey-flying Serpents, 81.

Earthquakes, the Work of the Devil, 77, 78; happening all over Europe,
91, 92.

Easty, Isaac, committed for Witchcraft, iii, 16.

Easty, Mary, sentenced, iii, 44; her Execution, 46; dies protesting her
Innocence, 46-48; an excellent Woman, 211.

Elimas, Sorceries of, ii, 171.

Eliot, Edmund, 181, 182, iii, 97-8.

Eliot, John I, lxvi.

Elizabeth, Queen, Witchcraft in her Time, I, xxxix.

Elliott, Andrew, Apology of, iii, 135.

Ember-weeks, what they are, ii, 116.

Enchantments encountered, 9-48.

Endicott, Zerobbabel, 210.

English, Mary, committed, iii, 16; escapes, 50, 79; Testimony against,
126-7.

English, Philip, indicted, iii, 16; escapes from Prison, 50; Account
of, 177; an Episcopalian, 178; dies, 181.

Ethnics, Gentiles, ii, 119, iii, 164.

Evelith, Joseph, Apology of, iii, 135.


FALKNER, condemned to Death, iii, 45.

Familiar Spirit, who hath it, iii, 166.

Farnam, John, iii, 126.

Farnum, [Varnum?] Ralph, 195.

Farrare, Thomas, iii, 185.

Fast, appointed in Reference to Witchcraft, iii, 132.

Felt, Joseph B., cited, ii, 109, iii, 20, 181.

Filmer, Robert, Sir, on Witchcraft, I, xvii-xx, xxv.

Firmin, Giles, 13.

Fisk, Thomas, Apology of, iii, 36, 135.

Fisk, William, iii, 135.

Fletcher, Benjamin, Gov., iii, 25; his Kindness to Fugitives from
Witchcraft Prosecutions, 180.

Flint, Thomas, a Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Flood, a great one in the Connecticut, 29.

Fogg, John S. H., ii, 75.

Fools, made able Fortune-tellers, iii, 142.

Foster, Ann, executed, iii, 45; her Confession, 119-20; Remark upon,
208.

Foster, Ephraim, Evidence in Wardwell's Case, iii, 126.

Foster, Hannah, confesses being carried on a Pole to a Witch-meeting,
199.

Foster, Jacob, iii, 107.

Foster, John, first Printer in Boston, 26.

Fowler, Joseph, iii, 8.

Fowler, Samuel P., ii, 6; his Life of Parris, iii, 198.

Foy, [John?] Captain, 137.

Franckius, [Peter?] I, lxxvi.

Franklin, Benjamin, I, lxxvi-vii.

Freemen, and Non-freemen, iii, 143.

Fuller, Goodman, is killed by Witchcraft, iii, 64.

Fuller, [Jacob?] a Doctor, decides a Case of Hysterics to be
Witchcraft, iii, 100.

Fuller, John, iii, 11.

Fuller, Thomas, D. D., I, lxxvi-vii, II, 196.

Fuller, Thomas, iii, 199.


GALLOWS-HILL, where reputed Witches were executed, iii, 45.

Gallows-Tree, iii, 177.

Gaul, John, on Detection of Witches, 42-4; his Rules observed, 153;
Remarks upon, ii, 12; Calef on, 56, 70, 178, 197; Mather on, iii, 64.

Gedney, Bartholomew, I, vii, 26; Judge, iii, 26; Conduct at Capt.
Alden's Trial, 28, 30, 172.

Gee, Joshua, I, xcvi.

Germany, the Devil on a Chimney there, 116, 117; Witchcraft in, ii, 197.

Ghosts of murdered People appear, 155, 156-7, 209, iii, 106.

Gibbs, Barnabas, II, xxv.

Gidney, Bartholomew.--See GEDNEY.

Gill, Obadiah, II, xxi; William, a Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Glanville, Joseph, describes Unbelievers in Witchcraft, I, lxi.

Glover, _Goody_, executed, iii, 153.

Goblin, one described, iii, 85-6.--See HOBGOBLIN.

God, swears in loud Thunders at the Devil, 73; more abandons the World
than formerly, 75; bids the Devil make all miserable, 76; permits the
Devil to come upon us, 107; has the Devil in a Chain, 110; his Wrath
sets on the Devil, 118; would have subdued the Devil if called upon,
120; swears in Wrath, 125; clucks to us, 130; a Dog of Hell barking
at him, 219; the Devil superior to, ii, 9; whether he commissions the
Devil, 70; the Mother of, 82; leaves the Devil at free-will, 118;
commissions the Devil, 130-1.

Godfrey, John, iii, 52.

Gold, Sam., at Mrs. Bishop's Trial, iii, 78; at Giles Cory's, 170.

Good, Sarah, accused of being a Witch, iii, 6, 7; her Child also, 11;
Chains for, 20; executed, 33; Horrors attending, 34, 187.

Good, William, iii, 7.

Goodall, Goodwife, iii, 8.

Goodwin, John, Children bewitched, I, lxxxviii; testifies to a Miracle,
II, xxi; Baxter on the Story, 45; farther Note on, iii, 153.

Gould, William, II, xxiii.

Gowans, William, I, xciii.

Gray, Samuel, swears against Mrs. Bishop, 166, iii, 31.

Green Lane, iii, 115.

Green, Mary, imprisoned and escapes, iii, 53.

Green, Thomas, II, xxv.

Greenslett, John, iii, 64.

Greenslett, Thomas, swears against Mr. Burroughs, iii, 64.

Griggs, Dr., iii, 8, 190, 205-6.


HADLEY, Deborah, iii, 107.

Hale, John, prays at Witch Trials, iii, 10; attends Examinations, 22;
his Wife accused, 48; on Mr. Parris's Conduct, 207.

Hall, Bishop, on the Devil's Prevalency, 112; on Astrology and Magic,
124.

Hanvoord, Goodman, iii, 11.

Happy Family, Origin of, 29.

Hardy, Thomas, his Snare of Devilism, iii, 102.

Harris, Benjamin, I, vii, II, 55.

Harrod, John, iii, 11.

Hathorne, John, I, vii, 26, iii, 6, 9, 15; Inhumanity of, 23; Examinant
of Giles Cory, 169; of Tituba, 187; of Mary Clark, 195.

Hathorne, Susanna, iii, 195.

Haverhill, Witchcraft in, iii, 128, 195, 197.

Hell, Toyls of, 19; Belial of, 22; Mad Dogs of, 27; Philistines of, 27;
Mastives of, 64; lowest Depths of, 77; hellish Rattlesnakes, 80; wild
Beasts of, 86; Ty-dogs of, 108; Adders of, 118; a little Portraiture
of, 131; a Queen appointed for, 200; the Pilate of, ii, 27; Lions and
Bears of, 43; lively Demonstrations of, 47; Covenant with, 136; great
Officers of, iii, 113.

Hemmingius, Nicholas, 204.

Herrick, George, ii, 109; Marshal, iii, 11, 17; testifies against Giles
Cory, 172.

Herrick, Henry, iii, 135.

Heyman, Samuel, 26.

Hiacoomes, a Christian Indian, ii, 23.

Higginson, John, I, vii, 201, 207; Examiner, iii, 126.

Hill, John, Capt., ii, 75; at Salem, iii, 27.

Hill, Zeb., a Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Hinckley, Thomas, 26.

Hoar, Dorcas, condemned, iii, 44; Estate seized, 50.

Hobs, William, committed, iii, 16.

Hobbes, Thomas, ii, 201.

Hobbs, Abigail, condemned and executed, iii, 45.

Hobbs, Deliverance, Witness against Bishop, 165; committed as a Witch,
iii, 16; tormented, 80.

Hobgoblin, Witchcraft, iii, 137.--See GOBLIN.

Holland, Joseph, II, xxii.

Hollingworth, Richard, iii, 179, 182; William, _ib._

Holton, Benjamin, iii, 11; Sarah, Witness against Mrs. Nurse,
_ib._--See HOULTON.

Hopkins, Matthew, 30.

Horneck, Anthony, 19, 69, 221.

Horse-shoes, used by Conjurors, iii, 142.

Houlton, Joseph, iii, 113, 203.--See HOLTON.

How, Elizabeth, 188, iii, 33; Indictment of, 104; Trial of, 105-113;
Wife of James, _ib._, 107; baptised by the Devil, 112.

How, John, 190; Witness against his Sister, iii, 109.

Howe, John, Mr., iii, 139.

Howell, James, on Witchcraft, ii, 127.

Hubbard, Elizabeth, iii, 7, 62; swears against Mrs. Bishop, 75-6;
against Carrier, 114; against Giles Cory, 170; has Fits, 192.

Hudibras, on A. Ross, ii, 126.

Hudson, William, sees Margaret Rule go up without Hands, ii, 70.

Hughes, John, iii, 7.

Huguenots, Note on the, 70.

Hunnewell, Richard, Lt., iii, 64.

Hunt, Ephraim, ii, 151.

Hutchinson, Benj., Complainant, iii, 26.

Hutchinson, Elisha, 26.


IMPS, Employment of, 112; one sinks a Ship, _ib._; one appears like a
Rat, ii, 35.

Indians, vast Herds of, 65; Efforts of Powawes against the Settlers,
94-5; one of great Strength, 159; under Conduct of the Devil, 207;
Christian, ii, 23; one tempted by the Devil, 25; Witches among, 75;
Reason for, 117-18; Notions of Religion, 125; Covenant to adore the
Devil, 136; practice Witchcraft, iii, 5; resemble the Devil, 70; in
Witchcraft, 185-95; two at Salem, 204.

Ingersol, John, 163; Nathaniel, ii, 143, iii, 11; Witness, 15, 17, 199.

Inventions, hindered by the Devil, 66.

Invisibility of Witches, 204; Mist of, iii, 160.


JACOBS, George, Executed, iii, 38; further noticed, 43, 50, 204.

Jacobs, Margaret, confesses, iii, 43-4; escapes Death, _ib._

Jacobs, Mary, one of the Afflicted, iii, 8.

Jacobs, Thomas, Evidence against Bibber, iii, 8.

Jackson, Doctor, iii, 183.

Jamaica, Earthquake at, 78.

James First, his Demonology, I, xx; his Royal Nonsense, xxii; his Rules
for detecting Witches, _ib._; followed by Cooper, xxxvii; Effect of
James's Book, xli; describes what Witches can do, lii, liii.

James Second, 10, 92, iii, 131; Knights Sir William Phips, 137, 143.

Jennings, David, I, lxvii.

Jesus, on the Top of the Temple, 232; on the Battlements, 233.

Jewel, Bishop, [John,] I, xxxix.

Jewett, Nehemiah, ii, 151.

John, Indian, iii, 3; bewitched, 15; accuses E. Bishop, 17; his Wife
Tituba, 22.

Johnson, Eliza, iii, 126.

Johnson, Samuel, defines Witchcraft, xiv.

Jolliffe, John, Counsellor, 26.

Judges, remarkably blind, 107; pitiable, 127; defer to Hale's
Decisions, 141; their Reason departed, 174.

Jurin, James, I, lxxvi.

Jurors, some acknowledge their Errors, iii, 134-5.

Justin, Martyr, ii, 10.


KEELING, Judge, a wise Decision of, disregarded, 148.

Kembal, John, Witness against Martin, 180; she bewitches his Cattle,
iii, 96-7; sees a black Cloud, and runs upon Stumps, _ib._; Puppies
appear to him, 98.

Keney, Henry, testifies against Mrs. Cory, iii, 7.

Kersey, John, his Definition of Witchcraft, I, xii.

Keys, used by Conjurors, iii, 142.

Keysar, ----, Daughter distracted, iii, 16.

Kimball.--See KEMBLE.

King, D. P., owned the Site of Giles Cory's House, iii, 74.

Knowlton, Joseph, and Wife, iii, 107.


LACY, Lawrence, Wife bewitched, iii, 120.

Lacy, Mary, 199; another, 200; Condemned and Executed, iii, 45; her
Confession, 120.

Lancashire Witches, 158.

Lane, Francis, Witness, 193, iii, 105; his Rails bewitched, 112.

Laplanders, Witchcraft among, 22, 108.

Lawrence, Robert, of Casco, iii, 64.

Laws, against Witchcraft, remark on, iii, 125; repealed, _ib._

Lawson, Dedot, his History, I, iv, vii, 156, 186; endorses the Story
of the Iron Spindle, 205; defends the Proceedings against Witchcraft,
ii, 154-5; at Salem, iii, 7, 12; on Mr. Burroughs, 39; his Wife and
Children killed, 64; Chaplain to Andros's Expedition, _ib._; more about
the Murder of his Family, 68; on the Devil's Baptism, 113.

Le Clerc, [Jean,] cited, ii, 212.

Legion, definition of, 56; of Devils, 218, ii, 95.

Leverett, John, Gov., ii, 108.

Lewis, Mary, [Mercy,] iii, 26, 75.

Lewis, Mercy, iii, 8; sees a Man in White, 13; Witness against Mr.
Burroughs, 62, 64; against Mrs. Bishop, 75; against Philip English,
126; against Giles Cory, 170; Account of, 204; why she accused Mr.
Burroughs, 210.

Leyton, [Thomas,] Mr., of Lynn, iii, 185.

Loader, [Louder?] John, Evidence against Mrs. Bishop, iii, 76.

Locker, George, Constable, iii, 187.

Lothrop, Barnabas, Counsellor, 26.

Louder, John, 170; sees the Devil, 171; sees a Black Pig, iii, 85.

Louis, Fourteenth, 93.

Lynd, Joseph, Counsellor, 26.


MANCHESTER, a Spectre worsted there, 206.

Maniche, an Arabian God, ii, 125, 128.

Manning, Jacob, Dep. Marshal, arrests Mr. English, iii, 181.

Marshall, John, II, xxviii.

Martin, George, iii, 97.

Martin, Susanna, Trial of, 175; Execution, iii, 33; Indictment against,
89-103; cast into a very singular Confusion, 100; appears to John
Pressy, 101.

Martyr, Justin, ii, 10.

Mary, Queen of William Third, 92; Death of, iii, 131.

Mascon, the Devil of, 59, 70.

Mason, Stephen, Counsellor, 26.

Mather, Cotton, why charged with an undue Share of the Persections, I,
iii, lxxiv, lxxxv; his Faith in Witchcraft, v; his unfortunate Book,
xxxiv; Memoirs of, lxv-xcviii; his Defence, 1-4; further Defence of
the Prosecutions, iii, 59-61; Countermines the Plot of the Devil, i,
3; bedeviled, 80; condemns Astrology, 123-4; Pity for the Judges,
127-8; not present at the Witch Trials, 139; Rejoices at the Justice
of the Work against Witches, 140; Horror at the Name of Mr. Burroughs,
152; believes in the Ability of Witches to put on Invisibility, 162,
204; gives Unbelievers three Bones to pick, 205; some Misgivings about
shedding Blood, 207; Argument against Calef, II, xiii-xviii; Story of
Margaret Rule, ii, 21-36; read many Books of Physic, 34; relieves M.
Rule by three Fasts, 39; pains to rescue the Miserable from Lions and
Bears of Hell, 42; thanked by Venerable Baxter, 43; tries to prevent
excessive Credit of spectral Evidence, 44; his own Estimate of his
Labors, 46-7; Complaints, 48; Letters to, 48-62; threatens Calef,
54; has him arrested, 55; fails to meet him, 60; Whittier on, 61;
Letter to Calef, 62-8; brings heavy Charges against him, 64; People
believe smutty Things of him, 65; Defends his Father, 66; offers Mr.
Calef the Use of his Books, 67; Charges of Hellish Witchcraft, 80;
does not understand the Wiles of the Devil, 83; Thunder breaks into
his House, 86; defines a Witch, 90; a Cause of the Convictions, 92;
his Answer, 93; Denial of Statements made by Calef, 96; does not
distinguish between Miracles and Works of the Devil, 97; Arraigned by
R. C. in Argument, 135-6; Messenger, 151; heavy Charges against Calef,
iii, 32; Acquainted with the Wiles of the Devil, _ib._; Conduct at
Mr. Burroughs's Execution, 38; Defence of the Prosecutions, 59-61;
Omissions, iii, 106, 109, 111; an Advocate, 122; his Account of Trials
as faithful as others, 123; his Life of Phips anonymous, and why, 136;
Defends it, 137-8, 140; strenuous for a Reassumption of the Charter,
146; compares Mr. Calef to Satan, 151; the most Active of any in
prosecuting Witches, 154; his contradictory Statements pointed out,
157-8; his Ambidexterity, 154, 159; his Relatives accused, _ib._;
sincere and credulous, 161.

Mather, Increase, I, vi, xxx; ii, 12; prays with Margaret Rule, 51;
Proceedings against Mr. Calef, 55; cited, 60; defended by his Son, C.,
66; on the Devil, 90, 95; _Remarkable Providences_, 106-7; Messenger,
151; Defence about the Charter, iii, 18; Proctor's Appeal to, 40; Cases
of Conscience, 58; Angelographia, 131; his Acts retold by his Son, 136,
141; his Ideas undergo a Change, 142; troubled by Fobb-actions, appears
to King James, 145; his Reason for accepting a new Charter, 149; the
bewitched _Eye_, 160; Moderater of Mr. Parris's Council, 216.

Mather, Nathaniel, iii, 139.

Mather, Samuel, Life of his Father, I, lxvii; Funeral Sermon on, xcvii.

Mead, Matthew, Mr., iii, 139.

Meeting House, the Devil in one, iii, 89.

Memorable Providences, approved by Baxter, 10; a Work by I. Mather, ii,
12, 106-7.

Merlin, Ambrose, ii, 196.

Mexico, Indians of, 201-2.

Middlecot, Richard, 26, ii, 151.

Millenium, near at Hand, 90-1.

Milton, John, I, xi.

Ministers, why dogged more by the Devil than others, 234; Stars of
Heaven, in danger of the Dragon's Tail, _ib._

Miracles, one witnessed, ii, 74; wrought by Men, 128.

Mist of Invisibility, iii, 160.

Moody, Joshua, iii, 40; aids Philip English to escape from Jail,
179-180.

_More Wonders_, a vile Book, 96.

Morgan, Samuel, Searcher for Witch teats, iii, 39.

Mormons, reference to, ii, 81.

Morton, Charles, ii, 108.


NAZIANZEN, the Author like a, 28.

Newbury-Falls, Baptisms there by the Devil, 194, iii, 112, 197.

New England, Loyalty and Religion in, 10; no Land so free from Vices,
12; once the Devil's Territory, 15, 120; broken in upon by an Army of
Devils, 17; a Scandal feared from Witchcraft, 19; Province of, 20;
stocked with Rattle-snakes, 25; little Hope of, from the Wrath of the
Devil, 93-4; a howling Wilderness, 94; its Losses by Indians and by
Sea, 95; Decline of Godliness in, 96; poor N. England, 109; People in
the Belly of Hell, 110; pleases the Devil, 122; no People so basely
despise the Gospel, 125; hast destroyed thyself, ii, 6; a Charter
obtained, iii, 142; why Quo Warrantoed, 143; worse circumstanced than
any Corporation in England, _ib._; Revolution in, 144-153; Prodigies
in, not a tenth Part related, 161.

Necromancy, who are guilty of it, iii, 166.

Noyes, Nicholas, I, vii, iii, 7, 9; at Alden's Trial, 28; Conduct at
Executions, 34; his Firebrands of Hell, 48; at the Examination of Mary
Clark, 196.

Nurse, Francis, iii, 7, 198.

Nurse, Rebecca, iii, 7, 10; Sister Cloyce, 13; executed, 33; her
Explanation, 36, 37; Sister Easty, 46; why accused, 210.

Nurse, Samuel, ii, 143, 159, 211.


OAKES, Thomas, Agent to England, iii, 148.

Ogilvie, John, Definition of Witchcraft, I, xiv-xvi.

Old South Church, Boston, iii, 133; Ministers of, in Witchcraft Times,
177.

Oliver, alias Bishop.--See BISHOP, BRIDGET.

Orton, Job, on W. Perkins, 38.

Osborn, Sarah, accused, iii, 6, 7; Iron Chains prepared for, 20;
accused by Tituba, 188.

Osgood, Mary, Recantation of, iii, 57.


PACY, Deborah, afflicted, 142.

Pacy, Elizabeth, afflicted, 142.

Paganism, Popery, 52.

Palmer, John, his Book on N. England, iii, 144.

Paracelsus, [Auroleus,] I, xxxviii, 68.

Parker, Alice, a Witch, 208; Sentence to die, iii, 44.

Parker, Mary, condemned and executed, iii, 45.

Parris, Elizabeth, iii, 8, 209.

Parris, Noyes, iii, 221.

Parris, Samuel, Protest against, ii, 141-3; long and humble
Acknowledgment, 143-8; Ministers and Elders of the Churches recommend
his Acknowledgment be accepted, 149-51; further Protest against, 152-3;
the Elders' Plea for, 155-6; accused of swearing falsely, 158; his
Account of the Beginning of the Troubles, iii, 3-4; swears against
Rebecca Nurse, 11; preaches, 14; appointed Scribe at the Examinations,
15; Examinations at his House, 22; swears against Mrs. Bishop, 75;
Scribe at How's Trial, 105; at other Times, 127; at Cory's Examination,
173; Account of, 198-222; Family of, 203-4, 209; not an Enemy to Mr.
Burroughs, 210; not a swift Witness, _ib._; how his Name comes to be
frequent in the Trials, 211; cleared by a Council, 217; but dismissed,
218; Epitaph on his Wife, 221; his Death, _ib._

Parris, Samuel, Deacon, iii, 221.

Parris, Thomas, iii, 198, 222.

Payne, Robert, Juror, iii, 127, 185.

Payson, Edward, ii, 151; pleads for Mrs. How, iii, 106.

Peabody, John, Apology of, iii, 135.

Peach, Bernard, a Witness against Mrs. Martin, 178-9; bites a Witch,
iii, 94, 95.

Peasley, Joseph, Constable, iii, 196.

Pemberton, Ebenezer, ii, 15.

Pennington, Thomas, I, ix.

Perd, Margaret, ii, 50, 51; smells Brimstone, 53.

Perkins, Thomas, Apology of, iii, 135.

Perkins, William, defines Witchcraft, I, xiii; his Rules questioned,
xxxiii; Notice of, 37; his Doctrine of Witchcraft, ii, 12; Mr. Calef
on, 56, iii, 165.

Perley, John, 193-4; Fence Rails bewitched by, iii, 111; Apology of,
135; Samuel and Wife, 105, 106.

Perley, Timothy, Witness, 192.

Pharaoh, Old, accused of Witchcraft, iii, 126-7.

Philistines of Hell, 27.

Phillips, Edward, I, xi; John, 26; Samuel, ii, 151; Evidence for Mrs.
How, iii, 106.

Phips, William, arrives, 25, iii, 18; orders Irons for the Accused,
20; orders the Trials for Witchcraft published, 58; called Home, 130;
how became Governor, 137; finished his Life and Government together,
_ib._; a Pizarro, 138; harsh Temper, 141; had his Fortune told, 154;
vanquishes the Devil, 158; his Relatives accused, 159.

Pike, Robert, 26, iii, 103.

Pithagoras, Doctrine of, ii, 118.

Pitman, Thomas, 206.

Pizarro, Sir W. Phips compared to, iii, 138.

Plagues, caused by the Devil, ii, 79.

Plastic Spirit of Witches, 204, ii, 88; a Nonentity hooked in, 90;
Mischief to the Devil, 96.

Plynyism, what it is, 204.

Pope, Joseph, and Wife, iii, 8, 203.

Popery, revived Paganism, 52.

Poppets, used by Spectres, ii, 40, iii, 82; some found and described,
88; Remark upon, 124.

Porter, Benjamin, iii, 11.

Post, Mary, Evidence against Mary Clark, iii, 197.

Prayers, the great Artillery of Heaven, 132; a Whip for the Devil's
Back, _ib._

Prescot, Peter, Dr., 196, iii, 116.

Pressy, John, Witness against Martin, 184; sees a great Light, iii,
100; his Heels are struck up, 101; Loss of Cows, _ib._

Preston, Samuel, 198; his Cow bewitched, iii, 118.

Preston, Thomas, iii, 203.

Prince, Thomas, I, xc, xci, xcv.

Printing, not sooner discovered owing to the Devil, 66.

Procter, Elizabeth, iii, 7; John, _ib._; Mrs., cried out on, 15; John,
executed, 38; Barbarity to his Family, 40; his Letter to Ministers,
40-2; his Course to prevent Witchcraft, 204.

Procter, William, made to confess by Torture, iii, 41.

Prodigies, in N. England, not a tenth Part related, iii, 161.

Pudeater, Ann, sentenced to be executed, iii, 44.

Pulsifer, David, 13, II, vii, III, 169.

Putnam, Ann, iii, 7, 8, 9; Witness against Mrs. Nurse, 11; against Mr.
Burroughs, 39, 62, 63; against Mrs. Bishop, 75; against Giles Cory,
170; against Mary Clark, 197; why she became an Accuser, 210.

Putnam, Edward, ii, 143, iii, 7.

Putnam, John, Witness against Mrs. Nurse, iii, 11; Mrs. Dastin, 128; of
Parris's Society, 198.

Putnam, Joseph, ii, 159.

Putnam, Thomas, iii, 7; swears against Mrs. Nurse, 11; Mrs. Bishop, 75;
Mrs. Daston, 128.


QUINCY, Josiah, on "Certain Proposals," ii, 106; one-sided and
dogmatical, iii, 19; on I. Mather's Diary, 136.


RAVEN, Story of one speaking, 33.

Rawson, Edward, iii, 16, 52, 197.

Rea, Joshua, iii, 198.

Redd, Willmet, condemned to die, iii, 45.

Reed, Richard, iii, 184.

Rice, Nicholas, iii, 29.

Rice, Sarah, sent to Prison, iii, 29.

Richards, John, 26, iii, 30; Judge, 125, 128.

Ring, Jervis, 185; suffers from Nightmare, iii, 103.

Ring, Joseph, 186; carried about by Demons, iii, 102; in a Snare of
Devilism, _ib._; hurried through the Air, _ib._; taken to Hellish
Meetings, 102-3.

Ring, Robert, an Error, 186.

Robie, William, II, xxi.

Robinson, George, II, xxvii.

Roggers, John, Witnesses against Martha Carrier, 197; of Billerica,
iii, 118; killed by Indians, _ib._

Ross, Alexander, Hudibras on, ii, 126.

Ruck, John, Foreman of Jury, 161, iii, 35, 72-3.

Russell, James, 26, iii, 15.

Rule, Margaret, Story of, ii, 21; seized by evil Angels, 26; fell into
odd Fits, 28; assaulted by eight cruel Spectres, _ib._; bring her a
red Book to sign, 29; her Tortures described, 30; fasts nine Days, 31;
stuck full of Pins, 32; Liquor poured down her Throat "as of scalding
Brimstone," 33; her Hurts soon cured, 34; taken up to the Ceiling and
held there, 35; her Minister interferes, 38; gets the better of the
Devil, 40; visited by Mr. Calef, 49; his Report of her Case, 49-54; a
Sweetheart in it, 51-2; Aves's Testimony concerning, 68; others, 69-70.

Rum, used in a Case of Witchcraft, ii, 51.


SABBATH, begins at Sunset, Saturday, 223.

Sadducees, unbelievers in Witchcraft, 32; Baxter on, ii, 45;
Mischievous, 46; Witlings, 60, 61; Atheists, 108; Infidels, iii, 162,
163.

Safford, Joseph, Witness, 189, iii, 105, 108-9.

Salem Village, Church Difficulties, ii, 140-3.

Saltonstall, Nathaniel, 26, ii, 109, iii, 30.

Sanderson, Robert, Deacon, iii, 207.

Sargent, Peter, 26.

Satan.--See DEVIL.

Sayer, Samuel, Apology of, iii, 135.

Scotland, Witchcraft in, ii, 7, 197.

Scott, Margaret, condemned to Death, iii, 44.

Scott, Reginald, writes against Witchcraft, I, xxxix; Extracts from,
xlv-vii; has taken great Pains, lix.

Scottow, Joshua, iii, 64.

Scribonius, Note upon, 1.

Sergeant, Mr. [Peter,] iii, 31.

Sewall, Samuel, 26, 209; subscribes to the Truth and Accuracy of
Mather's _Wonders_, 211, iii, 59; Judge, II, xxiv, 157, iii, 15, 31;
Appointment of Judge, 125; Services, 126, 128; in Sorrow for the Part
he took those accused of Witchcraft, 133; a Referee in Mr. Parris's
Case, 221.

Sewall, Stephen, Captain, iii, 209.

Sharp, [James,] D. D., iii, 151.

Shattock, Samuel, 168; swore against Mrs. Bishop, iii, 76; Wife Sarah,
also, _ib._, 83-4; Remarks on his Evidence, 123.

Sheldon, Susanna, 200; swears against Mr. Burroughs, iii, 66-7; against
Mrs. Bishop, 78; against Mrs. Carrier, 120; against Mary Clark, 196;
Account of, 204.

Shepard, John, iii, 53; Rev. Mr., 185.

Sheppard, Rebekah, iii, 11.

Sherrin, John, iii, 105.

Sherringham, Robert, 150.

Sherwin, _Goodwife_, 191.

Short, Mercy, ii, 27, 37, 51.

Sibley, John L., I, viii; Mary, iii, 3, 206.

Sieves, used to conjure with, iii, 142.

Sikes, Victory, Corporal, iii, 219.

Simpkins, Thomas, II, xxv.

Slavery, a Divine Institution, xvi; Effect of its Denunciation, 12-13.

Smith, James, II, xxiii, III, 203.

Snow, falls as Wool, I, lxxiii; some red, lxxiv.

Soam, John, his Cart bewitched, 149.

Sobieski, John, King, 91.

_Some Few Remarks_, an Answer to Calef, II, xxi.

Sorceries, 122, 123; little ones, iii, 142; how known, 165.

Sow, one bewitched, iii, 109.

Spectacles invented, 66.

Spectral Sight, Pretenders to, iii, 166.

Spectres, how allayed, 30, 31, 35, 103-4; take the Name and Shape of
Accused, 106; call upon People before Death, 109; pranks with an Iron
Spindle, 205; severe Scuffle with one, 206; "Eight Cruel ones" assault
Margaret Rule, ii, 28; "Cursed ones" bring a Book to sign, 29; Threats
of, 34; they steal a Will, _ib._; heard to clap their Hands, 35;
Caution about, 44; one cruelly assaults a Person, [Margaret Rule,] iii,
160.

Spencer, Edmund, a Witch described by. I, xlix.

Spencer, Richard, Witness, 150.

Spindle, Story of one, 205, iii, 160.

Spirits, white ones, ii, 37; one appears to Margaret Rule, 39.

Sprague, Martha, bewitched, iii, 126.

Stacy, William, 172, iii, 86-7, 76.

Star, Margaret, II, xxv.

Stephens, Lieutenant, iii, 53; Sister of, 54.

Stoughton, William, commends the _Wonders_, &c., 5-6; of unspotted
Fidelity, 26; declares Mather's Wonders true, 211; commissions Judges,
iii, 30; attests to the Truth of Mather's _Wonders_, 59; signs the
Death Warrant of Mrs. Bishop, 80; his Appointment, 125; Services, 126.

Stuart, one, Letter in Defence of Witchcraft, ii, 160-186; another,
198-207; on Blasphemy, 202.

Swan, Timothy, afflicted, iii, 196.

Swedeland, Witchcraft in, 108, 211.

Swinnerten, John, II, xxv.

Sydney, Henry, Lord, iii, 149.

Symons, Edward, 9.


TALBOT, Lord, causes the Repeal of Witchcraft Laws, iii, 125.

Tarbell, John, ii, 143, 159, iii, 199, 211, 215.

Taylor, Zachary, A. M., I, ix.

Teats, on Witches, ii, 57.--See WITCHTEATS.

Thacher, Peter, I, xcvii.

Thompson, Agnes, Confession of, I, xli-ii.

Thornton, Thomas, testifies to the Performances of Margaret Rule, ii,
69-70.

Thyaneus, Appolonius, ii, 70.

Tillotson, Archbishop, 56; aids Dr. Mather, iii, 149.

Tituba, practices Witchcraft, iii, 6; Note on her Examination, 22;
Examination in full, 178-95; a South American Indian, 200.

Tockinosh, John, ii, 23.

Tompson, Benjamin, I, xcv.

Toothaker, Allin, 196; Family of, 197; abused by a Witch, iii, 117.

Torry, Samuel, ii, 151; William, _ib._

Transubstantiation, as old as the Devil, ii, 200-1.

Trask, John, his Wife killed by Witchcraft, iii, 79.

Trithemius, Fancies of, iii, 164.

Tupper, Samuel, ii, 26; Thomas, _ib._

Tyler, Hannah, Recantation of, iii, 57.

Tyler, Jobe, Deposition concerning Witchcraft, iii, 52.

Tyler, John, II, xxiv.

Tyler, Mary, signs a Recantation, iii, 57, 197.

Tyng, Eleazer, II, xxvii.


USHER, Hezekiah, accused, iii, 196.


VAN Helmont, Jean, Baptist, ii, 41.

Varnum, [Farnum,] Ralph, 195.

Vibber.--See BIBBER.

Virgin Mary, Mother of God, ii, 82.

Vitzlipultzli, an Indian Idol, 201.


WADSWORTH, Benjamin, Letter to, ii, 134, 135; Timothy, xxi.

Walcutt, John, Witness, iii, 113.

Walcutt, Jonathan, iii, 15; Mary, ii, 158, iii, 8, 26, 62, 170, 195,
205.

Waldron, Abigail, iii, 79.

Waldron, Nathaniel, iii, 79.

Waldron, William, I, xcvii.

Waller, Edmund, I, lxxxi.

Walley, John, i, 26, ii, 151.

Walter, Nehemiah, ii, 108.

Ward, Nathaniel, i, 13.

Wardwell, Samuel, condemned, iii, 45; Scene at his Execution, 46, 57;
his Wife executed, 125; he covenants with the Devil, 126.

Warner, Daniel, testifies in Favor of Mrs. How, iii, 107.

Warren, Mercy, an Accuser, iii, 16, 26, 62, 204.

Watkins, Mary, had been a Servant, iii, 128; sold into Slavery, 129.

Watts, Isaac, I, lxvii, lxxvi.

Way, Aaron, ii, 143; William, _ib._

Webber, Samuel, swears in Mr. Burroughs's Case, ii, 9, iii, 63.

Webster, Noah, Definition of Witchcraft, I, xiv.

Welch, Edward, a Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Wendell, Edward, II, xxvii.

Wentworth, Samuel, II, xxiv.

West, Abigail, II, xxv.

West, Thomas, Searcher for Witchteats, iii, 39.

Wheeler, Thomas, II, xxiii.

Whetford, ----, 208.

Whiston, William, I, lxxvi.

Whittier, J. G., on C. Mather, ii, 61, 160, iii, 163, 167, 174.

Wigglesworth, M., his Day of Doom, ii, 4.

Wild, John, iii, 16; his Wife Sarah, _ib._; executed, iii, 33.

Wild, ----, Captain, i, 137.

Wilds, Ephraim, Constable, iii, 105.

Wilkins, John, on Margaret Rule, ii, 69.

Wilkins, Richard, ii, 55, 56.

Wilkins, Thomas, ii, 143, iii, 216.

Willard, John, executed, iii, 38, 39; Escape and Capture, 40.

Willard, Samuel, Letter to, ii, 102, 151; cried out of, iii, 37; appeal
to by Procter, 40; his Agency in the Escape of Mr. English, 177-8.

Willard, Simon, testifies in Mr. Burroughs's Case, iii, 64.

William and Mary, I, lxxxiv, 25; Death of Mary, iii, 131.

Williams, Abigail, ii, 156, 158, iii, 7, 8, 9; at the Devil's
Sacrament, 13; cries out on Capt. Alden, 26; of Mrs. Bishop, 75;
Mr. Cory, 170, 179; Account of, 204; one of the Originators of the
Witchcraft Delusion, 209.

Williams, Daniel, on Margaret Rule, ii, 69.

Williams, Nathaniel, a Committee on Salem Affairs, ii, 151.

Williams, Thomas, opposes Mr. Parris, iii, 212.

Wilson, John, of Boston, 7.

Wilson, Sarah, accused, iii, 57.

Winchell, David, Sergent, iii, 219.

Winsor, Hannah, iii, 26.

Winthrop, Adam, Counsellor, 26.

Winthrop, Wait, 26, ii, 157, iii, 30; Judge, 125, 221.

Witchcraft, Cause of its Decline, I, iv; Works upon, v-x; Definitions
of, xi-xvi; taught in the Bible, xvi; how People's Eyes were opened,
xvii; how carried on, xxii; Practiced through Images or Pictures,
_ib._; Laws respecting, xxiv-v; the Bible upon, xvi, xxvii; Ideas
respecting, xxviii; opposed only by Infidels, xxix; Origin of, xxxi;
the Question which stayed its Progress, xxxii; Works upon, xxxiv-viii;
Law against, xxxix, xliii; not Spiritualism, lx; at the present Day,
lxxv; came near blowing up all the Churches, 17; Storms of, 20; thorny
Business, 29; will not be shammed, 34; disposed of, 42; in Lapland,
68-9; flourishes where are no Churches, 130-1; to worship the Devil,
243; a Relict of Heathen Learning, ii, 11; a principal ecclesiastical
Engine, 12; further defined, 56-7; how Prosecutions were eventually
checked, 110-11; sensible and evident, 105; Laws made against, iii,
124; repealed in England, 125; a Hobgoblin Monster, 137.

Witchteats, for the Devil to suck, ii, 57, 100; a horrid Barbarity to
search for, 132; Excrescences, iii, 124.

Witches, how made, I, xv; Nature of their Covenant with the Devil,
xxiii; the Devil a Slave to, xix; exist by God's Permission, xx; how to
detect, xxiii; vast Numbers executed, xv, xxvii; Punishment impossible,
xxxi; good Witches, xxxvii; one described by Spencer, xlix; different
Kinds, l, lii; how they contract with the Devil, liv-v; Manner of
living, lvi-viii; the Devil has made a dreadful Knot of, 18; prodigious
Meetings of, 19; commission the Devil, 29; Way of discovering, 37;
Confessions and Practices, 103; fairly executed, 107; Executions of,
in Suffolk and Essex, 112; thorny Business, 114; firey Serpents, 124;
in Denmark, 148; Witches impeach Witches, 157; Symptoms of Guilt, 162;
Conduct after the Manner of Congregational Churches, 202-3; by applying
the _Plastic Spirit_, render themselves and Tools invisible, 204; Cause
of Suicides, 207; nineteen executed, 217; can't say the Lord's Prayer,
232; their Power to commission Devils Questioned, ii, 7; Scriptures
do not describe it, _ib._, 8; commission Devils? 76; drive a Trade of
commissioning, 80-1; let fly Demons, 81; turn into Cats, Dogs, and
Cattle, 127; a Witch not known to Reason, 138; can commission Devils,
139; of Lancashire, reference to, iii, 69; steal Liquor, 110; some goe
on a Pole to a Witch-meeting, 120.

Witch-Circles, held by young Girls, iii, 208; Origin of the Salem
Troubles, _ib._, 209-10.

Witch-Hill, where the Execution of those accused of Witchcraft were
executed, iii, 45.

Wizard, a Witch, I, xii, xxxviii; reveals the Witch by the Devil's
Help, 40; the Soul that goeth a whoring after, ii, 154.

Wood, Martha, Witness, 192, iii, 110.

Woodbury, Abigail, iii, 79.

Woodward, John, I, lxxvi.

Woodward, W. E., I, viii, x-xvi.

Wolcott.--See WALCUTT.

Wool, Pall of, as Snow, I, lxxiii.

Wyllys, Edward, II, xii.


  _FINIS._


Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired. Footnotes were renumbered
and placed at the end of each section. The entries _Kembell_ and
_Tockinosh, John, ii, 23._ in the index do not correspond to the text.


Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

Footnote 18:

  Remarks upou a Scandalous Book
  Remarks upon a Scandalous Book

Footnote 19:

  Qnincy is entirely too
  Quincy is entirely too

Footnote 37:

  is fully given in Vo.l i, 152-63
  is fully given in Vol. i, 152-63

Footnote 90:

  Newbury to Amesbury, having boughtPiece of
  Newbury to Amesbury, having bought a Piece of

Footnote 96:

  does not appear in the Reeords
  does not appear in the Records

Footnote 167:

  and Charter Streeet,
  and Charter Street,

p. 138:

  Achievements as either were never peformed by
  Achievements as either were never performed by

p. 226:

  Baxter, Richard, I, xx
  Baxter, Richard, I, xxx

p. 236:

  his own Estimate of of his Labors
  his own Estimate of his Labors

p. 240:

  Roggers, John, Witnesses against Martha Carrier, 197; of Billerica,
  iil, 118;
  Roggers, John, Witnesses against Martha Carrier, 197; of Billerica,
  iii, 118;

p. 241:

  Stacy, William, 172, iii, 86-7, 76, 86-7.
  Stacy, William, 172, iii, 86-7, 76.


Errata.

The first line indicates the original, the second how it should read.

p. 42:

  you would evdeavour to have
  you would endeavour to have

Footnote 144:

  And now they fall to Tragical Exclamattons;
  And now they fall to Tragical Exclamations;








*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION IN NEW ENGLAND: ITS RISE, PROGRESS, AND TERMINATION (VOL. 3 OF 3) ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.