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Title: The English-American, His Travail by Sea and Land: or, A New Survey of the West-India's

Author: Thomas Gage

Release date: March 25, 2017 [eBook #54425]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Clare Graham and Marc D'Hooghe at Free
        Literature (online soon in an extended version, also linking
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ENGLISH-AMERICAN, HIS TRAVAIL BY SEA AND LAND: OR, A NEW SURVEY OF THE WEST-INDIA'S ***




Produced by Clare Graham and Marc D'Hooghe at Free
Literature (online soon in an extended version, also linking
to free sources for education worldwide ... MOOC's,
educational materials,...) Images generously made available
by the Internet Archive.





_The English-American his Travail by Sea and Land:_

OR,
A NEW SURVEY
OF THE
WEST INDIA'S,

_CONTAINING_

A Journall of Three thousand and Three hundred
Miles within the main Land of AMERICA.

Wherin is set forth his Voyage from _Spain_ to _St. John de Ulhua_;
and from thence to _Xalappa_, to _Tlaxcallan_, the City of _Angeles_, and
forward to _Mexico_; With the description of that great City,
as it was in former times, and also at this present.

Likewise his Journey from _Mexico_ through the Provinces of _Guaxaca,
Chiapa, Guatemala, Vera Paz, Truxillo, Comayagua_; with his
abode Twelve years about _Guatemala_, and especially in the
Indian-towns of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, Amatitlan_.

As also his strange and wonderfull Conversion, and Calling from those
remote Parts to his Native COUNTREY.

With his return through the Province of _Nicaragua_, and _Costa Rica_,
to _Nicoya, Panama, Portobelo, Cartagena,_ and _Havana_, with divers
occurrents and dangers that did befal in the said Journey.

_ALSO,_

A New and exact Discovery of the Spanish Navigation to
those Parts; And of their Dominions, Government, Religion, Forts,
Castles, Ports, Havens, Commodities, fashions, behaviour of
Spaniards, Priests and Friers, Blackmores, Mulatto's, Mestiso's,
Indians; and of their Feasts and Solemnities.

With a Grammar, or some few Rudiments of the _Indian_ Tongue,
called, _Poconchi_, or _Pocoman_.

_By the true and painfull endevours of_ THOMAS GAGE, _now Preacher of
the Word of God at_ Acris _in the County of_ KENT. Anno Dom. 1648.

_London_, Printed by _R. Cotes_, and are to be sold by _Humphrey
Blunden_ at the Castle in _Cornhill_, and _Thomas Williams_ at the
Bible in _Little-Britain_, 1648.




CONTENTS

The Epistle Dedicatory.

To the Reader.

A New Survey of the West-Indies.

    Chapter I.
    Chapter II.
    Chapter III.
    Chapter IV.
    Chapter V.
    Chapter VI.
    Chapter VII.
    Chapter VIII.
    Chapter IX.
    Chapter X.
    Chapter XI.
    Chapter XII.
    Chapter XIII.
    Chapter XIV.
    Chapter XV.
    Chapter XVI.
    Chapter XVII.
    Chapter XVIII.
    Chapter XIX.
    Chapter XX.
    Chapter XXI.
    Chapter XXII.

Rules for the Indian tongue
called Poconchi, or Pocoman.

A Table of the Chapters of this
Booke, with the Contents of the
most Remarkeable things in them.




_To His Excellency_

Sr. THOMAS FAIRFAX Knight, Lord _FAIRFAX_ of CAMERON,
CAPTAIN-GENERALL of the Parliaments Army;

And of all their
Forces in _ENGLAND_, and the Dominion of _WALES_.


May it please your EXCELLENCY,

_The Divine Providence hath hitherto so ordered my life, that for the
greatest part thereof, I have lived (as it were) in exile from my
native Countrey: which happened, partly, by reason of my education in
the Romish Religion, and that in forraign Universities; and partly,
by my entrance into Monasticall orders. For twelve years space of
which time, I was wholly disposed of in that part of_ America _called_
New-Spain, _and the parts adjacent. My difficult going thither, being
not permitted to any, but to those of the Spanish Nation; my long stay
there; and lastly my returning home, not onely to my Country, but to
the true knowledg and free-profession of the Gospels purity, gave me
reason to conceive, That these great mercies were not appointed me by
the heavenly Powers, to the end I should bury my Talent in the earth,
or hide my light under a bushell, but that I should impart what I
there saw and knew to the use and benefit of my English Country-men;
And which the rather I held my self obliged unto, because in a manner
nothing hath been written of these Parts for these hundred years last
past, which is almost ever since the first Conquest thereof by the_
Spaniards, _who are contented to lose the honour of that wealth and
felicity they have there since purchased by their great endevours, so
they may enjoy the safety of retaining what they have formerly gotten
in peace and security. In doing whereof I shall offer no Collections,
but such as shall arise from mine own observations, which will as
much differ from what formerly hath been hereupon written, as the
picture of a person grown to mans estate, from that which was taken
of him when he was but a Childe; or the last hand of the Painter, to
the first or rough draught of the picture. I am told by others, that
this may prove a most acceptable work; but I doe tell my self that it
will prove both lame and imperfect, and therefore had need to shelter
my self under the shadow of some high protection, which I humbly pray
your Excellency to afford me; nothing doubting, but as God hath lately
made your Excellency the happy instrument, not onely of saving my
self, but of many numbers of godly and well-affected people in this
County of_ Kent, _(where now I reside by the favour of the Parliament)
from the imminent ruine and destruction plotted against them by their
most implacable enemies; so the same God who hath led your Excellency
through so many difficulties towards the settlement of the peace of
this Kingdom, and reduction of_ Ireland, _will, after the perfecting
thereof (which God of his mercy hasten) direct your Noble thoughts to
employ the Souldiery of this Kingdom upon such just and honourable
designes in those parts of_ America, _as their want of action at
home may neither be a burden to themselves nor the Kingdome. To your
Excellency therefore I offer a_ New-World, _to be the subject of your
future pains, valour, and piety, beseeching your acceptance of this
plain but faithfull relation of mine, wherein your Excellency, and
by you the English Nation shall see what wealth and honor they have
lost by one of their narrow hearted Princes, who living in peace and
abounding in riches, did notwithstanding reject the offer of being
first discoverer of_ America; _and left it unto_ Ferdinando _of_
Arragon, _who at the same time was wholly taken up by the Warrs, in
gaining of the City and Kingdome of_ Granada _from the_ Moores; _being
so impoverished thereby, that he was compelled to borrow with some
difficulty a few Crowns of a very mean man, to set forth_ Columbus
_upon so glorious an expedition. And yet, if time were closely followed
at the heels, we are not so farr behinde, but we might yet take him by
the fore-top. To which purpose, our Plantations of the_ Barbadoes, St.
Christophers, Mems, _and the rest of the_ Caribe-Islands, _have not
onely advanced our journey the better part of the way; but so inured
our people to the Clime of the_ Indies, _as they are the more inabled
thereby to undertake any enterprise upon the firm Land with greater
facility. Neither is the difficulty of the attempt so great, as some
may imagine; for I dare be bold to affirm it knowingly, That with
the same pains and charge which they have been at in planting one of
those pettie Islands, they might have conquer'd so many great Cities,
and large Territories on the main Continent, as might very well merit
the title of a Kingdome. Our Neighbors the_ Hollanders _may be our
example in this case; who whilst we have been driving a private Trade
from Port to Port, of which we are likely now to be deprived, have
conquered so much Land in the_ East _and_ West-Indies, _that it may
be said of them, as of the_ Spaniards, That the Sunn never sets upon
their Dominions. _And to meet with that objection by the way,_ That the
Spaniard being intituled to those Countries, it were both unlawfull
and against all conscience to dispossess him thereof. _I answer, that
(the Popes donation excepted) I know no title he hath but force,
which by the same title, and by a greater force may be repelled. And
to bring in the title of_ First-discovery; _to me it seems as little
reason, that the sailing of a_ Spanish _Ship upon the coast of_ India,
_should intitle the King of_ Spain _to that Countrey, as the sayling
of an_ Indian _or_ English _Ship upon the coast of_ Spain, _should
intitle either the_ Indians _or_ English _unto the Dominion thereof. No
question but the just right or title to those Countries appertains to
the Natives themselves; who, if they shall willingly and freely invite
the_ English _to their protection, what title soever they have in
them, no doubt but they may legally transferr it or communicate it to
others. And to say, That the inhumane butchery which the_ Indians _did
formerly commit in sacrificing of so many reasonable Creatures to their
wicked Idols, was a sufficient warrant for the_ Spaniards _to divest
them of their Country; The same argument may by much better reason be
inforced against the_ Spaniards _themselves, who have sacrificed so
many millions of_ Indians _to the Idol of their barbarous cruelty, that
many populous Islands and large Territories upon the main Continent,
are thereby at this day utterly uninhabited, as_ Bartholomeo de las
Casas, _the_ Spanish _Bishop of_ Guaxaca _in_ New-Spain, _hath by his
Writings in Print sufficiently testified. But to end all disputes of
this nature; since that God hath given the earth to the sons of Men
to inhabite; and that there are many vast Countries in those parts,
not yet inhabited either by_ Spaniard _or_ Indian, _why should my
Country-men the_ English _be debarred from making use of that, which
God from all beginning no question did ordain for the benefit of
mankinde?_

_But I will not molest your Excellency with any further argument
hereupon; rather offering my self, and all my weak endevours (such as
they are) to be employed herein for the good of my Country; I beseech
Almighty God to prosper your Excellency, Who am_

  The most devoted and humblest
    of your Excellencies servants,

      _THO. GAGE._




UPON This WORTHY WORK,
_Of his most worthy Friend
THE_ AUTHOR.


  _Reader_, behold presented to thine eye,
  What us _Columbus_ off'red long agoe,
  Of the _New-World_ a new discoverie,
  Which here our Author doth so clearly show;
  That he the state which of these Parts would know,
  Need not hereafter search the plenteous store
  Of _Hackluit, Purchas_ and _Ramusio_,
  Or learn'd _Acosta's_ writings to look o're;
  Or what _Herera_ hath us told before,
  Which merit not the credit due from hence,
  Those being but reck'nings of anothers score.
  But these the fruits of self-experience:
  Wherein our Author useth not the sence
  Of those at home, who doe their judgments leave,
  And after wandring farr with vast expence,
  See many things, which they doe ne'r perceive;
  Laborious are by study much at home
  To know those Parts, which they came lately from.
  Less doth he use us as the late writ Books
  Of Journeys made unto the _Levant_-States;
  Wherein when we doe pry with curious looks,
  Of _Greece_ and _Troy_ to know the present fates;
  They tell us what _Thucidides_ relates,
  What _Strabo_ writes, what _Homer_ crown'd with bayes,
  What Authors more, who have out-worn their daies,
  Besides what _Plutarch_ and _Polibius_ sayes:
  So what they were, not what they are, they sing,
  And shew their reading, not their travailing.
  But here our Author neither doth us tell,
  Or to us shew one inch of Sea or Ground,
  Unless such acts which in his time befell,
  Or what his eyes saw the Horizon bound:
  He uttereth nought at all he heard by sound,
  He speaks not of a City or a Street,
  But where himself hath often gone the round,
  And measured o're with his industrious feet.
  And yet it must acknowledg'd be for true,
  Since worthy _Hawkins_, and the famous _Drake_
  Did first present unto the English view
  This New-found-world, for great _Eliza's_ sake;
  Renowned _Rawleigh_ twice did undertake
  With labours great, and dangers not a few,
  A true discovery of these Parts to make,
  And thereof writ both what he saw and knew.
  But as the man who in a Ship doth pass
  Our narrow Seas, the flowings of each tide,
  The Ships course, soundings, turnings of the glass,
  What Land he makes on North or Southern side,
  He may impart: But who they be abide,
  Or what Religion, Language, or what Nation
  Possess each Coast; since he hath never tride,
  How can he make thereof a true Relation?
  So those who have describ'd these Parts before,
  Of Trade, Winds, Currents, Hurican's doe tell,
  Of Headlands, Harbours, tendings of the shore,
  Of Rocks and Isles: wherein they might as well
  Talk or a Nut, and onely shew the shell;
  The kernell neither tasted, touch'd nor seen
  Had yet remain'd; but that it so befell,
  That these Relations to us made have been;
  Differing as much from what before y'have heard,
  As doth a Land-Map from a Seamans Card.
  But how these truths reveal'd to us should bee,
  When none but _Spaniards_ to those Parts may go;
  Which was establish'd by severe Decree,
  Lest Forain people should their secrets know;
  This Order yet to be neglected so,
  As that our Author had permission free,
  Whose Nation too they count their greatest foe,
  Seemeth almost a miracle to me.
  Sure the prescience of that power Divine,
  Which safely to those parts did him convey,
  Did not for nought his constant heart incline
  There twelve whole years so patiently to stay:
  That he each thing exactly might survay,
  Then him return'd, nay more did turn to us,
  And to him shew'd of bliss the perfect way,
  Which of the rest seems most miraculous.
  For had the last of these not truly been,
  These fair Relations we had never seen.
  Nor can I think but this most usefull Book
  In time to come, may like some new-born Starr,
  Direct such Wisemen as therein will look,
  And shew their way unto these Regions farr.
  And though we now lie sunk in Civill war,
  Yet you the worthy Patriots of this Land,
  Let not your hearts be drowned in despair,
  And so your future happiness withstand.
  For time will come you shall enjoy a Peace,
  But then no longer you must joy in sinn,
  When they no more shall raign, these Wars shall cease,
  And then your after bliss shall soon beginn.
  The fiery trialls which you now are in,
  In stead of foes shall prove your best of friends,
  And you from servile base affection win,
  To fit your hearts for high and Nobler ends:
  Your Drums which us'd to beat their Martiall dance
  Upon the banks of _Garone, Seine_ and _Soane_;
  Whilst you trode measures through the Realm of _France_,
  Doe now at home (Oh grief!) on both sides groane,
  As if they did your ill spilt blood bemoane;
  Which long agoe with _Richard, England's_ King,
  When he the holy Warr maintain'd alone,
  Their dreadfull notes did through _Judea_ ring.
  Now shall the tawnie _Indians_ quake for fear,
  Their direfull march to beat when they doe hear;
  Your brave Red-Crosses on both sides display'd,
  The noble Badges of your famous Nation,
  Which you yet redder with your bloods have made,
  And dy'd them deep in drops of detestation.
  You shall again advance with reputation,
  And on the bounds of utmost Western shore
  Shall them transplant, and firmly fix their station,
  Where English Colours ne'r did fly before.
  Your well-built Ships, companions of the Sunn,
  As they were Chariots to his fiery beams,
  Which oft the Earths circumference have runn,
  And now lie moar'd in _Severn, Trent_, and _Tems_,
  Shall plough the Ocean with their gilded Stems,
  And in their hollow bottoms you convay
  To Lands inrich'd with gold, with pearls and gems,
  But above all, where many thousands stay
  Of wronged _Indians_, whom you shall set free
  From _Spanish_ yoke, and _Romes_ Idolatry.

      All this and more by you shall sure be done,
      Yet I no Prophet, nor no Prophets sonne.

            _THOMAS CHALONER._




A NEW SURVEY OF THE WEST-INDIES.

CHAP. I.

_How Rome doth yearly visit the American and Asian Kingdoms._


The policy, which for many yeares hath upheld the erring Church of
_Rome_, hath clearly and manifestly been discovered by the many Errors
which in severall times by sundry Synods or Generall Councells, (which
commonly are but Apes of the Popes fancy, will, pleasure, and ambition)
have been enacted into that Church. And for such purposes doth that
man of Sinne, and Antichristian tyrant, keep constantly in _Rome_ so
many poor Pensionary Bishops as hounds at his table, smelling out
his ambitious thoughts, with whom he fills the Synods, when he calls
them, charging them never to leave off barking and wearying out the
rest of the Prelates, untill they have them all as a prey unto his
proud and ambitious designes; from which if any of them dare to start,
not onely their Pensions shall be surely forfeited, but their souls
shall bee cursed, and they as Hereticks Anathematized with a Censure
of Excommunication _latæ sententiæ_. Hence sprung that Master-piece
of Policy, decreeing that the Pope alone should be above the Generall
Councell, lest otherwise one Mans pride might be curbed by many heads
joyned together; And secondly, that Synodicall definition, that the
Pope cannot erre, that though the Councels power, wisdome and learning
were all sifted into one mans brain, all points of faith straitned into
one head and channell; yet the People should not stagger in any lawfull
doubts, nor the learned sort follow any more the light of reason, or
the sunshine of the Gospel, but all yeelding to blind Obedience, and
their most holy Fathers infallibility, in the foggie and Cimmerian
mist of ignorance, might secure their souls from erring, or deviating
to the _Scylla_ or _Charybdis_ of Schism and Heresie. What judicious
eye, that will not be blinded with the napkin of ignorance, doth not
easily see that Policy only hath been the chief Actor of those damnable
Opinions of Purgatory, Transubstantiation, Sacrifice though unbloody
(as they term it) of the Mass, Invocation of Saints, their Canonization
or installing of Saints into the kingdom of heaven, Indulgences,
auricular Confession, with satisfactory Penance, and many such like:
All which doubtles have been commanded as points of Faith, not so much
to save those wretched souls, as to advance that crackt-brain head in
the conceits of his Europæan wonderers, who long agoe were espyed out
by the Spirit of _John_ wondring after the Beast, worshipping him for
his power, and saying, _Who is like unto the Beast, who is able to make
warre with him?_ Revel. 13. 3, 4. Thus can Policy invent a Purgatory,
that a Pope may be sought from all parts of _Europe_, nay now from East
and West _India's_, to deliver souls from that imaginary Fire which
never God created, but he himself hath fancyed, that so much glory may
be ascribed to him, and his power wondered at, who can plunge into
torments, condemn to burning, and when he list, deliver out of fire.
Much more would he be admired, and his goodnesse extolled, if he
would deliver at once all those his Purgatory Prisoners without that
Simoniacall receipt of money. But policy can afford an infinite price
and value of a sacrifice of the Masse, to delude the ignorant people,
that though they leave their whole estates to enrich Cloysters, and
fat proud Prelates and Abbots; yet this is nothing, and comes farre
short (being finite) to that infinite Sacrifice, which onely can and
must deliver their scorching, nay broyling souls: And if this infinite
Sacrifice be not enough, (which will not be enough, whereas Christs
infinit satisfaction was not enough in the opinion in that erroneous
Church) Policy will give yet power to a Pope _si divitiæ affluant_, if
money and rich bribes abound, to grant such plenary Indulgences, which
may upon one Saints day, or at such a Saints Altar, work that soul
out, which lyeth lurking and frying in the deepest pit of Purgatory.
O who is like unto the Beast? But will those that wonder at him, bee
also wondred at as workers of wonders and miracles? Policy will give
power to a Pope to canonize such, and set them at Gods right hand,
fit to be prayed unto, and called upon as Judges of our necessities,
and Auditors of our wants: But this honor must be given, after that
the whole Colledge of Cardinalls have been clothed with new Purple
Robes, and Loads of money brought to the Court of _Rome_; Witness
those many thousand pounds, which the City of _Barcelona_, and the
whole Country of _Catalonia_ spent in the Canonizing of _Raimundus
de Pennafort_, a Dominican Fryer: Witnesse at least ten Millions,
which I have been credibly informed, that the Jesuites spent for the
canonization of their two Twins, _Ignatius Loiola_, and _Franciscus
Xavier_, whom they call the East _India_ Apostle. And it is not seven
years ago yet that it was my chance to travail from _Frankford_ in
_Germany_ as far as _Millan_ in company of one Fryer _John Baptist_ a
_Franciscan_, who told me, That was the fourth time of his going to
_Rome_ from _Valencia_ in the Kingdome of _Arragon_ in _Spain_ about
the Canonization of one _John Capistrano_ of the same Order; and that
besides the great Almes which he had begged over many Countreys, (and
in that journey went purposely to _Inspurg_ to the Prince _Leopoldo_
for his Almes and Letters of commendation to the Pope and Cardinals)
he had spent of the City of _Valencia_ onely five thousand Duckets,
and yet was not his Saint enthroned, as he desired, in heaven; But
still money was wanting, and more demanded for the dignifying with a
Saints title him, who had lived a Mendicant and begging Frier. Thus
are those blinded Nations brought by Policy to run to _Rome_ with
rich treasures, and thus doe they strive who shall have most Saints
of their Countrey or Nation, though impoverishing themselves; whilst
at _Rome_ ambition and Policy say not, It is enough, fit mates for
the Horsleech his two daughters, crying, _Give, give, Prov._ 30. 15.
Give, say they, and the rigid Penance justly to be imposed upon thee
for thy sinnes most hainous, shall be extenuated and made easie for
thee. Give, say they, and thou shalt be dispensed with to marry thy
nearest Kinswoman or Kinsman. It would be a long story to insert
here how the Popes Policy sucks out of _England_ our gold and silver
for the authorizing of our Papists private Chambers and Altars for
the gaining of Indulgences in them, and delivering of souls out of
Purgatory, when Masses are said and heard at them. Thus hath _Romes_
policy blinded and deceived many of the _European_ Kingdomes; and
with the same greedinesse gapes at _Asia_ and _America_. Who would
not admire to see that at this day in _America_ onely, the Popes
authority and usurped power is extended to as many Countreys as all
_Europe_ containes, wherein no Religion but meer blinde Obedience and
subjection to that Man of Sin is known? And daily may it more and
more encrease, whereas the King of _Spain_ gloryeth to have received
from the Pope power over those Kingdomes farr greater than any other
Princes of _Europe_ have enjoyed from him. But the pity is, that what
power these Princes have, they must acknowledge it from _Rome_, having
given their own power and strength unto the Beast, _Revel._ 17. 13.
suffering themselves to be divested of any Ecclesiasticall power over
the Clergy, and unabled to tender any Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance
to their own and naturall subjects, onely so farre as his Holinesse
shall give them power. Which, Policy since the first Conquest of the
West _India's_, and ambition to advance the Popes name, hath granted
to the Kings of _Spain_, by a speciall title, naming those Kingdomes,
_El Patrimonio Real_, The Royall Patrimony; upon this Condition, that
the King of _Spain_ must maintain there the preaching of the Gospel,
Fryers, Priests and Jesuites to preach it with all the erroneous Popish
doctrines, which tend to the advancement of the Popes glory, power,
and authority. So that what power hee hath divested himself of, and
invested the Pope with; what power other Princes are divested of, and
the King of _Spain_ in his Kingdomes of _Europe_, from medling in
Ecclesiasticall affaires, or with Ecclesiasticall men; Arch-Bishops,
Bishops, Preists, Jesuites, Monkes and Fryers; that same power by way
of Royall Patrimony is conferred upon him in the _India's_ only. And
this only politickly to maintain there Popery; else never would it have
so much increased there; for poor Preists and mendicant Fryers would
never have had means enough to be at the charges of sending yeerly
Flockes and Sholes of Fryers thither, neither to keep and maintain
them there; neither would the covetousnesse of the Popes themselves
have afforded out of their full and rich treasures, means sufficient
for the maintaning of so many thousand Preachers as at this day are
preaching there, more _Rome_ and Antichrists name, then the name of
Christ and the truth of the Gospel. And policy having thus opened way
to those _American_ parts, the charges thus being laid upon the Crown
of _Spain_, and the honour of a Royall Patrimony, with power over the
Clergy thus conferred upon the Kings of _Spain_, how doth the Pope
yeerly charge the Catholike King with troopes of Jesuites and Fryers
to be conveyed thither? Now the Jesuites (the best scholars of _Romes_
policy) seeing this to bee thus setled between the Pope and the King
of _Spain_, for the increasing of their Order, and to suppresse the
increase of other Religions there, have thought first of a way of
challenging all the _India's_ to themselves, alleadging that _Francis
Xavierius_ companion of _Ignatius Loiola_ was the first Preacher that
ever preached in the _East India's_, and so by right that they being of
his profession ought only to be sent thither. But this their way being
stopped by the opposition of all other Religious orders, especially
by the solicitation of one Fryer _Diego Colliado_, a Dominican, as
hereafter I will shew more largely: Now, secondly, their policy is to
leane more to the Popes of _Rome_, then any other of those Orders, by
a speciall Vow which they make above the three Vowes of other orders,
Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience to their superiors; to wit, to be
alwaies ready to go to preach when or whither soever the Pope shall
send them, and to advance his name, defend his power in what parts
soever, maugre whatsoever danger, or opposition. Thus though the
remotenesse of _America_ may discourage other Orders from going thither
to preach, and their freewill which is left unto them to make choice
of so long and tedious a journey may retard their readinesse, and the
dangers of the _Barbarians_ unwillingnesse to submit to a Popes power,
and admit of a new Religion as superstitious as their own, may affright
them from hazarding their lives among a barbarous, rude, and idolatrous
people; yet if all others faile, the Pope, and the Jesuites being thus
agreed, and the King of _Spain_ bound by the new Royall Patrimony,
Preachers have nor, nor shall ever be wanting in those parts: And in
stead of the old Jesuites and Preachers grown in age, yeerly are sent
thither Missions (as they call them) either of Voluntiers, Fryers
mendicants, Preists or Monkes, or else of forced Jesuites: All which
entring once into the List and Bond of Missionaries, must abide there,
and be maintained by the King of _Spain_ ten yeers. And whosoever
before the ten yeers expired, shall desire to see _Spain_ again, or
runagate-like shall return, may be constrained (if taken in _Spain_) to
return again to the _India's_, as it happened whilst I lived in those
parts, to one Fryer _Peter de Balcazar_ a Dominican, who privily flying
back to _Spain_, was the year after shipped, and restored again to his
forced service under the Pope of _Rome_. And thus doth policy open the
wayes to those remote and forain parts of _America_. Thus hath policy
wrought upon the Kings of _Spain_; and Jesuiticall policy meeting with
Antichrists policy and Ambition, doth _Rome_ yeerly visit her new
nursed Children, greeting that Infantile Church of _Asia_ and _America_
with troopes of messengers one after another, like _Jobs_ messengers,
bringing under pretence of salvation, damnation and misery to their
poor and wretched souls.




CHAP. II.

_Shewing that the_ Indians _wealth under a pretence of their Conversion
hath corrupted the hearts of poor begging Fryers, with strife, hatred
and ambition._


It is a most true and certain saying, _Odia Religionum sunt
acerbissima_, hatred grounded in points and differences of Religion
(let me adde, if ambition blow the fire to that hatred) is the most
bitter and uncapable of reconciliation. Nay, it is an observation
worth noting of some (see Doctor _Day_ upon the I _Cor._ 16. 9. Verse)
that the neerer any are unto a conjunction in matters of Religion,
and yet some difference retained, the deeper is the hatred; As hee
observes, a Jew hates a Christian farre worse then hee doth a Pagan, or
a Turke; a Papist hates a Protestant worse then hee doth a Jew, and a
Formalist hates a Puritan worse then hee doth a Papist. No such hatred
under heaven (saith hee) as that between a Formalist, and a Puritan,
whereof our now Domestick and Civill Warres may bee a sad and woefull
experience. A truth which made _Paul_ burst out into a lamentable
complaint, I _Cor._ 16. 9. saying, _A great doore and effectuall is
opened unto mee, and there are many adversaries_.

And as when the doore of true Faith once is opened, then Adversaries
begin to swarme and rage; so in all points of false and fained Religion
where the entrance to it is laid open, hatred and enmity will act
their parts. But much more if with such pretended Religion, Wealth and
Ambition as counterfeit Mates thrust hard to enter at the opened doore,
what strife, hatred, and envy doe they kindle even in the hearts of
such who have vowed poverty and the contempt of worldly wealth? I may
adde to what hath beene observed above, that no hatred is comparable
to that which is betweene a Jesuite and a Fryer, or any other of
_Romes_ Religious Orders; And above all yet betweene a Jesuite, and
a Dominican. The ambition and pride of Jesuites is inconsistent in a
Kingdome or Common-wealth with any such as may bee equall to them in
Preaching, Counsell or Learning. Therefore strive they so much for the
education of Gentlemens Children in their Colledges, that by teaching
the sonnes, the love of the fathers and mothers may bee more easily
gained: and their love and good will thus gained, they may withall
gaine to themselves whatsoever praise, honour, glory may bee fit to
bee bestowed upon any other Ecclesiasticall Person. Which Policy and
Ambition in them being so patent and knowne to all the World, hath
stirred up in all other Religions a hatred to them uncapable ever of
Reconciliation. This hath made them all to conspire against them,
and to discover their unsatisfied covetousnesse in beguiling the
rich widowes of what meanes hath beene left them by their deceased
husbands, to erect and build those stately Colledges beyond the Seas,
the sight whereof both outward and inward doth draw the ignorant
people to resort more to their Churches and preaching then to any
other. Thus whilest in _Venice_, they got the favour of one of the
chief Senatours of that Common-wealth, they politickly drew him to
make his will according to their will and pleasure, leaving to his
son and heire no more then what they should think fit to afford him.
But they appropriating to themselves the chiefest part of the young
heires meanes, and with so proud a legacy thinking to overpower all
other Orders, were by them opposed so, that the Will was called for
by the whole State and Senatours of _Venice_, fully examined, and
they commanded to restore to the heire the whole Estate as enjoyed
by his Father. Well did that wise Senate conceive, that as one Noble
man had been cheated by them of his fortunes, so might they one by
one, and so at length the riches of _Venice_ might become a treasure
onely for Jesuites to maintaine the pride and pompe of their glorious
fabricks. And though those vowed servants to the Pope obtained his
Excommunication against the whole Estate of _Venice_ upon non-complying
with the foresaid Will and Testament; yet such was the preaching of
all other Preists and Orders against them, that they caused the State
to slight the Excommunication, and in lieu of making them heires of
the deceased Senatours Estate, they shamefully banished them out of
_Venice_. Thus also have the Preists and Fryers of _Biscaya_ in _Spain_
prevailed against the admitting of Jesuits into _San-Sebastian_,
though by the favour of some they have in severall occasions obtained
an house and erected a Bell to ring and summon in the People to their
pretended Church and Colledge. Nay the very house wherein their Patron
_Ignatius Loiola_ lived, have they often seriously offered to buy
for a Colledge; yet such hath been the opposition of the Preists and
Fryers of that Countrey, that they have dashed to nought their often
iterated endeavours to purchase that which they esteem their chiefest
Relique. But to come neerer to our owne Countrey, what a combustion
did this strife betweene Jesuites and other Preists of _England_ cause
among our Papists ten yeares agoe, when the Pope sending into _England_
Doctor _Smith_ pretended Bishop of _Chalcedon_ to bee the Metropolitan
head over all the Clergy and other Orders, how then was it to see
the pride of the Jesuites as inconsistent with any one that might
oversway them, or gain more credit then themselves? who never left
persecuting the Bishop, till by the Popes Letters they had banished
him out of _England_. Which curtesie, the secular Preists gaining yet
a head over them with title of Archdeacon, Doctor _Champney_, have
ever since sought to repay home, by endeavouring alwayes to cast them
out of _England_, as pernicious to the State of this Kingdome, more
then Fryers or any other sort of Preists; Which they have sufficiently
made known by discovering their covetousnesse in encroaching upon many
Houses and Farmes, enriching themselves, as namely at _Winifreds_ Well
(so tearmed by them) where they had bought an Inne; and speedily fell
to building there that they might make it a Colledge for Jesuites to
entertaine there all Papists comers and goers to that Well, and so
might win to themselves the hearts of most of the Papists of the Land,
who doe yearly resort thither to bee washed and healed upon any light
occasion either of Head-ach, Stomack-ach, Ague, want of children,
where they blindly phansie a speedy remedy for all maladies, or wants
of this World. Thus have the Preists discovered further our English
Jesuites covetousnesse in the building of the Sope-houses at _Lambeth_
under the name of Mr. _George Gage_ their purse-bearer, and since
projecting the Monopoly of Sope under Sir _Richard Weston_, Sir _Basil
Brooke_, and many others names, who were but Agents and Traders with
the Jesuites rich and mighty Stocke. Thus came out the discovery of
the Levelling of Hils and Mountaines, cutting of rocks at _Leige_ in
the Low Countryes at the Colledge of the English Jesuites, a worke
for Gardens and Orchards for their Novices recreation and pastime,
which (as I have heard from their owne mouthes) cost them thirty
thousand pound, which gift they squeezed out of one onely Countesse
of this Land. Like to this may prove their Colledge at _Gaunt_, for
which they have obtained already a faire beginning of eight thousand
pounds from the Old Countesse of _Shrewsberry_, and from the greatest
part of the Estate of Mr. _Sackefield_, whom whilst they had him in
their Colledges, they cherished with their best dainties, and with
hopes that one day hee should bee a Canonized Saint of their Religious
Order. All these knaveries doe even those Preists of the same Popish
Religion discover of them, and thereby endeavor to make them odious.
And though of all, the Jesuites be the most covetous, yet may I not
excuse the Secular Preists, Benedictine Monks, and the Fryers from this
damnable sinne; who also strive for wealth and meanes for their _Doway,
Paris_ and _Lisboe_ Colledges, and lose no opportunities at the death
of their Popish favourites for the obtaining a Legacy of one or two
hundred Pounds, assuring them their soules shall bee the better for
their Masses. Thus doe those miserable wretches in the very heat of
their zeale of soules seeke to suppresse one another, and having vowed
Poverty, yet make they the Conversion of _England_ the onely object of
their Ambition and unsatiable Covetousnesse. But above all is this envy
and hatred found between Dominicans and Jesuites, for these owe unto
them an old grudge, for that when _Ignatius Loiola_ lived, his Doctrine
_de Trinitate_ (which hee pretended was revealed to him from heaven,
for hee was certainely past the Age of studying at his Conversion) was
questioned by the Dominicans, and hee by a Church Censure publickly and
shamefully whipped about their Cloisters for his erroneous principles.
This affront done to their chief Patron hath stirred up in them an
unreconciliable hatred towards the Order of the Dominicans, and hath
made them even cracke their braines to oppose _Thomas Aquinas_ his
Doctrine. How shamefully doe those two Orders indeavour the destruction
of each other, branding one another with calumnies of heresie in the
Opinions especially _de Conceptione Mariæ, de libero arbitrio, de
Auxiliis_? And of the two, the Jesuites is more bold and obstinate in
malice and hatred. How did they some twenty yeares agoe, all _Spaine_
over, about the Conception of _Mary_ stirre up the people against the
Dominicans, in so much that they were in the very streets tearmed
Hereticks, stones cast at them, the King almost perswaded to banish
them out of all his Dominions, and they poore Fryers forced to stand
upon their Guard in their Cloisters in many Cities, especially in
_Sevill, Osuna, Antiquera_ and _Cordova_, to defend themselves from the
rude and furious multitude. Much like this was that publike Conference
and disputation betweene _Valentia_ the Jesuite and Master _Lemos_ the
Dominican, before the Pope, concerning their altercation _de Auxiliis_;
When the cunning Jesuite hoping to brand with heresie the whole Order
of Dominicans, had caused _Augustines_ Workes to bee falsly printed at
_Lions_, with such words which might directly oppose the _Thomists_
Opinion; and had prevailed, had not _Lemos_ begged of the Pope that the
Originall Bookes of _Augustin_ might bee brought out of his Vatican
Library, where was found the quite contrary words, to what the false
Jesuite had caused to be printed; hee was forced to confesse his
knavery, was harshly reprehended, and with the apprehension of that
great affront, the next night gave up his ghost to his father, the
father of lies and falshood.

An other reason of this mortall enmity between these two Orders, is
for that the Jesuites surpasse all others in ambition or honour,
credit, and estimation, whence it is they cannot indure to behold the
Dominicans to exceed them in any preferment. Now it is that by the
Laws of _Arragon_ and the Kingdome of _Valencia_, the Kings of _Spain_
are tied to have a Dominican Fryer for their Confessor or ghostly
father; which could but the Jesuites obtain, how would they then rule
and govern _Spain_ and the Kings heart? But though they could never
yet prevail to alter this established law, yet have they prevailed now
lately so that _Antonio de Sotomayor_ the King of _Spains_ Confessor
should lie at rest in the Court of _Madrid_, with a pension and
dry title only; and that _Florencia_ that grand Statist should be
Confessor to the Count of _Olivares_, the Royall Issue, the Queen, and
should hear the Kings confessions oftner then his chosen and elected
Confessor _Sotomayor_. Secondly, the Dominicans as first Authors of the
Inquisition (which they prove from their Martyr _Peter_ of _Verona_)
still enjoy the highest places of that Court, which is a wofull sight
to the Jesuites to see their Religion affaires handled, their Church
kept pure from what they call heresy by any but themselves. O had they
(as they have often strived for it) in their hands the judicature of
that tribunall, how should all Dominicans, nay all sorts of Preists but
their own, presently by them be branded with heresy? Thirdly, in _Rome_
there is an other preferment successively due to Dominicans, from the
time of _Dominicus de Guzman_ founder of that Religion, to wit, to be
_magister Sacri Palatii_, the Popes Palace master, instituted to this
purpose that about him there may be some learned Divine (for commonly
the Popes are more Statists, and Canonists, then Divines) to read
a daily lecture of Divinity to such as will be instructed therein,
and to resolve the Pope himselfe of whatsoever difficult points in
Divinity may be questioned. This is the Dominicans due with a pension
to maintain Coach and servants within the Palace of _St. Peter_. Which
the Jesuites have often by favour and cunning Jesuiticall trickes
endeavoured to bereave the Dominicans of; but proving labour in vain,
they continue still in their unplacable enmity and hatred against them.
And thus you see the fountaines of their strife; which as here in
_Europe_ hath been well seen, so hath this contentious fire overpowered
the fire of their zeal of soules in the _East_ and _West-India's_;
and the wealth and riches of those Countries, the ambition of honor
in their Gospel function hath more powerfully drawn them thither,
then (what they pretend) the Conversion of a barbarous and idolatrous
nation. This was well published to the view of the whole world by a
most infamous libel which in the year 1626 fryer _Diego di Colliado_ a
missionary Fryer in _Philippinas_ and _Japan_ set out of the unheard
of passages and proceedings of the Jesuites in those _Eastern_ parts.
At that time the Jesuites pretended that mission to themselves only,
and petitioned the King of _Spain_, that only they might go thither to
preach, having been the first plantation of _Franciscus Xavier_, and
since continued successively by their Preists. To this purpose they
remembred the King of the great charges he was at in sending so many
Fryers and maintaining them there; all which should be saved, might
they only have free ingresse into those Kingdomes. All which charges
they offered themselves to beare, and further to bring up the _Indians_
in the true faith, to instruct them and civilize them, to teach them
all liberall sciences, and to perfect them in musick and all musicall
instruments, and in fencing, dancing, vaulting, painting and whatsoever
els might make them a compleat, and civill people. But against all
this was objected by _Diego Colliado_, that not zeal only and charity
moved them to this offer, but their ambition and covetousnesse, which
would soon be seen in their encroaching upon the silly and simple
_Indians_ wealth, bringing instances of many thousand pounds which
they had squeezed from the poore _Barbarians_ in the Islands of
_Philippinas_; And that their entring into _Japan_ was more to enrich
themselves, then to convert the _Japonians_ to Christianisme; that
whensoever they entred into that Kingdome they conveyed from _Manila_
whole ships laden with the richest commodities of those Islands; that
their trading was beyond all other Merchants trading, their Bench
for exchange mony farre more accustomed then any other whither for
_China_, for _Japan_, for _Peru_ and _Mexico_; and that the Viceroy
himselfe made use of none other, but theirs. That to keep out all
other orders out of _Japan_, they had ingratiated themselves so farre,
under pretence of trading, into the Emperours favour by gifts of
Watches, Clocks, Dials, Lockes, and Cabinets, and such like presents
of most curious and artificiall Workmanship, that they had got free
accesse to his Court, and counselled him to beware of Fryers, which
cunningly crept into his Kingdome to preach a new law, perswading him
by rigorous search and enquiries to root them out: thus politickly for
their own ends hindering the increase of Christianisme by any means
or instruments save themselves; and blinding the Emperors eyes with
their cunning insinuations, that he might not see in them, what they
desired he might discover in others, that they might appear in sheep
skins, and others clothed with wolves skins; and so the Fryers might
have little heart to trade, but enough to doe to save themselves from
the stormy persecution, whilst they freely might enjoy the liberty of
rich trading. This brand upon these cunning foxes was commanded to
be printed, thankes given to _Diego Colliado_ for discovering to the
Estate their crafty proceedings, with not a few tenents maintained by
them in _Japan_ even against their owne Soveraigne; a fat Bishoprick
was offered to the Fryer, which he refusing, commission was given unto
him for the raising of forty Fryers out of _Spain_, and the conducting
of them to the Islands of _Philippinas_, and that it should be free for
all Preists and Fryers, as well as Jesuites, to passe to those parts
for the preaching of Christ and the extending of Christianisme among
the Heathens and Barbarians. O that this my discovery made to _England_
of those dissembling and false Preists, would make us wise to know
and discover under the ashes of their pretended Religion, the fire of
strife and contention which they kindle in Kingdomes, and to rake up
that covetousnesse, which we may easily find in them; tending to the
ruine of many fair estates, and to the temporall and spirituall danger
of this our flourishing Kingdome!





CHAP. III.

_Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers and Jesuites to the_
India's.


All the Kingdomes of _America_, that have been conquered by the Kings
of _Spain_, are divided as into severall temporall governments, so
into severall spirituall jurisdictions, under the name of Provinces,
belonging unto severall religious Orders, and their Provincials. These
though so farre distant from _Europe_, yet live with a dependency and
subordination unto the Court of _Rome_, and are bound to send thither
a strict account and relation of what most remarkable passages and
successes happen there, as also what want of Preachers there is in
every severall Province. Which is to be performed in this manner. Every
religious Order (except the Jesuites and Dominicans, whose Generall
continueth till death, unlesse a Cardinals cap be bestowed upon him)
maketh election of one of the same order to be the head Ruler, or (as
they call him) Generall over all those of the same profession every
sixth year. The subjects unto this Generall which are dispersed in
_Italy, Germany, Flanders, France, Spain, East_ and _West-India's_ are
divided into sundry Provinces, as in _Spain_ there is one Province
of _Andaluzia_, another of _Castilia nueva_, new Castile, another
of _Castilia vieja_, old Castile, another of _Valencia_, another of
_Arragon_, of _Murcia_, of _Catalonia_; So likewise in _America_ there
is the Province of _Mexico_, of _Mechoacan_, of _Guaxaca_, of _Chiapa_
and _Guatemala_, of _Comayagua, Nicaragua_ and the like. Every Province
of these hath a head named the Provinciall, chosen by the chief of the
Province every three years; which election is called a Provinciall
Chapter, and the former a Generall Chapter, which also is allotted to
be in some chief City, commonly in _Italy, France_, or _Spain_. When
the Provinciall Chapter is kept, then by the consent of all that meet
in it is there one named by name of Procurator or Diffinitor, who is
to goe in the name of the whole Province to the next election of the
Generall, and there to demand such things as his Province shall think
fit, and to give an account of the State of the Province from whence
he is sent. Thus from the _West-India's_ are sent Procurators, who
commonly are the best prizes the _Holland_ Ships meet with, for that
they carry with them great wealth, and gifts to the Generalls, to the
Popes and Cardinals and Nobles in _Spain_, as bribes to facilitate
whatsoever just or unjust, right or wrong they are to demand. Among
other businesses their charge is this, to make known the great want
of laborers in the aboundant and plentifull harvest of the _India's_
(though not all Provinces demand Preachers from _Spain_, as I will shew
hereafter) and to desire a number of thirty or forty young Preists, who
may be fit for any _Indian_ language and to succeed the old standers.

The Order of the Province being read to the Generall, or his Generall
Chapter, then are Letters Patents granted unto this Procurator from
the Generall, naming him his Vicar Generall for such a Province, and
declaring his sufficiency and worthy parts, (though none at all in
him, as I have beene witnesse of some) the great paines hee hath taken
in the new planted _Indian_ Church, and how fit hee hath been judged
to convey to those parts, a Million of such as shall voluntarily
offer themselves for the propagation of Christianity amongst those
Barbarians. Then the tauny _Indian_ Fryer being well set out with high
Commendations, and fairly painted with flattering Elogies, presents
these his Patents (and with them peradventure a little wedge of Gold,
a Box of Pearles, some Rubies or Diamonds, a Chest of Cochinill, or
Sugar, with some boxes of curious Chocolatte, or some feather works
of _Mechoacan_, some small fruits of his great paines and labour) to
the Pope; who for his first reward gives him his Toe and Pantofle to
kisse, seconding this honour with a joyfull countenance to behold an
Apostle, judging him worthy of the best of the _Indian_ wealth, and
his soule peradventure fit for the title of a Saint; This complacency
in the gift and the giver, breeds immediately a _motus proprius_ in
his Holinesse to grant a Bull with a degree of the Popes Commissary,
wherein this poore Mendicant Fryer is inabled to runne over all the
Cloisters of his Profession in _Spain_, to gather up his thirty or
forty yong Preachers. Who for their better encouragement are at their
first listing by the Popes Authority absolved _à culpa et à poena_,
from all sinne, and from their Purgatory and Hell due unto it, by a
plenary Indulgence. And whosoever shall oppose, or any way discourage
this Popes Commissary, or those that are or would be listed by him,
are _ipso facto_ excommunicated with an Anathem reserved only to this
Commissary or his Holiness himself. O what is it to see, when such a
Commissaries coming is knowen, how the young birds, that as in Cages
are shut up within the walls of a Cloister, leap and cherish themselves
with hopes of liberty? What is it to see disordered Fryers, who for
their misdemeanours, and leaping over their Cloister wals in the night
to find out their wanton harlots, have been imprisoned, now rejoyce
at the coming of a Popes Commissary, and Plenary Indulgence, freeing
them from sinnes past, and fitting them for the Conversion of souls,
though there be not one averted from their Harlot, nor as yet truly and
unfainedly converted to the love of God? True it is, I have knowne some
that have written their names in the list of _Indian Missionaries_,
men of sober life and Conversation, moved onely with a blind zeale of
encreasing the Popish Religion: yet I dare say and confidently print
this truth without wronging the Church of _Rome_, that of thirty
or forty which in such occasions are commonly transported to the
_India's_, the three parts of them are Fryers of leud lives, weary of
their retired Cloister lives, who have beene punished often by their
Superiours for their wilfull back-sliding from that obedience which
they formerly vowed; or for the breach of their poverty in closely
retaining money by them to Card and Dice, of which sort I could here
namely insert a long and tedious Catalogue; or lastly such, who have
been imprisoned for violating their vow of chastity with leud and
lascivious women, either by secret flight from their Cloisters, or by
publike Apostatizing from their Order, and cloathing themselves in
Lay-mens Apparell, to run about the safer with their wicked Concubines.
Of which sort it was my chance to bee acquainted with one Fryer _John
Navarro_ a Franciscan in the City of _Guatemala_, who after hee had in
secular apparell enjoyed the leud company of one _Amaryllis_ a famous
Woman player in _Spain_ for the space of a year, fearing at last hee
might bee discovered, listed himselfe in a Million to _Guatemala_,
the year 1632, there hoping to enjoy with more liberty and lesse
feare of punishment any lustfull or carnfull object. Liberty, in a
word, under the Cloak of Piety and Conversion of Soules, it is, that
drawes so many Fryers (and commonly the younger sort) to those remote
_American_ parts; where after they have learned some _Indian_ language,
they are licenced with a Parish Charge to live alone out of the sight
of a watching Prior or Superiour, out of the bounds and compasse of
Cloister walls, and authorized to keep house by themselves, and to
finger as many Spanish Patacones, as their wits device shall teach
them to squeeze out of the newly Converted _Indians_ wealth. This
liberty they could never injoy in _Spain_, and this liberty is the
Midwife of so many foule falls of wicked Fryers in those parts. For the
present onely, I shall return again to my Fryer _John Navarro_, who
at his comming to _Guatemala_, being made for his wit and learning,
Master and Reader of Divinity, and much esteemed of for his acute
Preaching, among many others got the estimation and love of a chief
Gentlewoman, (_Qua semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem, testa diu_)
who continued in _Navarro_ his heart the former sent of the unchast
love of _Amaryllis_, so far that the Fryer being blinded and wounded
with _Cupids_ Arrow sticking in his heart, ran headlong to quench his
lustfull thirst upon St. _James_ his day, 1635. for bitter memory of
the Tragical event (being the Spaniards common Advocate, and speciall
Patron of that City, named _St. Jago de Guatemala_) where cruell _Mars_
oppressing _Venus_ in her wanton Acts, the injured husband acting
_Mars_, & finding _Navarro Cupids_ page saluting his _Venus_ upon her
bed, drew his sword, cutting the Fryer first in the head and face, who
strugling with death, and purchasing his life with a swift and nimble
flight to a Garden, where his own brother a Fryer of the same Order,
& Pander to that foul act, entertained the Motherlesse children; for
the husband having missed his fatall blow (willingly as some imagined,
or unwillingly as others judged) in the Fryers heart, wilfully laid it
in the throat of his unchast Wife, scarce leaving way for breath to
make a speedy Confession of her sinne to _Navarro_ his Brother; who
tendring her soule as much as his Brother had tendred her body absolved
her from her sinne, finding signes, though no uttering speech of
Repentance, while the murderer fled, and the murdered lay in the doore
of her house for a sad object to all, that immediately flocked thither
to see that bloody Tragedy. The Wife being the same day buried, the
Husband being retired to a close Sanctuary, _Navarro_ was carried to
his Convent to bee cured; and after his Cure was banished that Country;
whom two yeares after it was my chance to meet in _Cartagena_ returning
to _Spain_ with his scard face, bearing the marke of his lascivious
life, and of that liberty which hee had injoyed in _America_. Such are
the fruits of the zeale of those wretches, who upbraid our Church and
Ministers for want of zeale to labour in the Conversion of Infidels.
Who when they arrive to those parts, are entertained with ringing of
Bells, with sounding of Trumpets most part of the way as they travaile,
and as Apostles are received by the _Indians_, though soon like _Judas_
they fall from their calling, and for pleasure and covetousnesse sell
away Christ from their Soules. _England_ may here learn to beware of
such Converters, who are daily by name of Missionaries sent hither by
the Pope to preach among us Popery; but like _Navarro_ come to feed and
cherish their wanton lusts, as I could give many instances, might I not
be censured for long digressions in mingling English Histories with my
_American_ Travailes.




CHAP. IV.

_Shewing to what Provinces of the East and West_ India's _belonging to
the Crown of_ Castilia _are sent Missions of Fryers and Jesuites. And
specially of the Mission sent in the yeare_ 1625.


In all the Dominions of the King of _Spain_ in _America_, there are
two sorts of Spaniards more opposite one to another then in _Europe_
the Spaniard is opposite to the French, or to the Hollander, or to the
Portingall; To wit, they that are born in any parts of _Spain_ and goe
thither, and they that are borne there of Spanish parents, whom the
Spaniards, to distinguish them from themselves, terme _Criolio's_,
signifying the Natives of that Countrey. This hatred is so great, that
I dare say, nothing might bee more advantagious then this, to any
other Nation that would conquer _America_. And nothing more easily
gained, then the Wils and affections of the Natives of the Country,
to joyne with any other Nation to free and rescue themselves from
that subjection, or kind of Slavery, which they suffer under the hard
usage of the Spaniards, and their partiall Government and justice
toward them, and those that come from _Spain_. This is so grievous to
the poore Criolio's or Natives, that my selfe have often heard them
say, They would rather bee subject to any other Prince, nay to the
_Hollanders_, then to the _Spaniards_, if they thought they might
enjoy their Religion; and others wishing the _Hollanders_, when they
tooke _Truxillo_ in _Honduras_, had stayed in it and entred further
into the land, they should have been welcome to them; and that the
Religion they enjoyed with so much slavery, was nothing sweet unto
them. This mortall hatred betwixt these two sorts of _Spaniards_,
made the Criolio's so ready to joyn against the Marquesse of _Gelves_
Viceroy of _Mexico_, in the tumult and mutiny of that City, wherein
they cleaving to _Don Alonso de Zerna_, the Arch-Bishop caused the
Viceroy to escape for his life by flight, and would then have utterly
rooted out the Spanish Government, had not some Preists disswaded
them from it; but of this I shall speak more largely hereafter. The
cause of this deadly hatred hath proceeded from a jealousie which the
_Spaniards_ have ever had of the Criolio's, that they would faine
withdraw themselves first from the commerce with _Spain_, and secondly,
from the Government which is laid upon them; which is such, that the
Criolio's must be alwaies under, and a subject, alwaies governed, but
scarce any a Governour. Never yet was there seen any Criolio made
Viceroy of _Mexico_, or _Peru_; or President of _Guatemala_, or _Santa
fe_, or S. _Domingo_; or Governour of _Yucatan, Cartagena, Havana_;
or _Alcalde Mayor_ (as they call them) of _Soconusco, Chiapa, San
Salvador_, and such like places of credit. So likewise in the Courts
of Chancery, as _Sto. Domingo, Mexico, Guatemala, Lima_, and the rest,
where commonly there are Six, called _Oydores_ and one _Fiscal_, scarce
one of them to be found a Criolio, or native of the Countrey; though
there be among them those that descended of the chief Conquerors; as in
_Lima_ and _Peru_ the _Pizarros_, in _Mexico_ and _Guaxaca_ the house
of the Marquesse _Del Valle, Ferdinando Cortez_ his Successors, others
of the house of _Giron_, others of the house of _Alvarado_, others
of the _Guzmanes_, finally many of the chiefest houses of _Spain_;
yet none of these ever preferred to any dignity. And not onely thus
are they kept from offices, but daily affronted by the _Spaniards_ as
uncapable of any Government, and termed halfe _Indians_ by them.

Which generall contempt hath also spread it selfe in the Church, where
no Criolio Preist is scarce ever preferred to be a Bishop, or Canon in
a Cathedrall Church, but all such as come from _Spain_. So likewise
in the religious orders they have many years indeavored to keep under
and suppress such as have bin admitted to their orders of the natives
of the Countrey, lest the number of them should prevail against those
that are brought from _Spain_; they have been very nice in choosing of
them, & though they have been forced to admit of some, yet stil the
Provincials, the Priors, and all Superiors have been _Spaniards_ born
in _Spain_. Till now lately some Provinces have got the upper hand and
prevailed against the _Spaniards_, & have so filled their cloisters
with Criolio's or natives, that they have utterly refused to admit the
supplies of _Spanish_ Missions which formerly were sent unto them, and
till this day are sent to others. In the Province of _Mexico_ there
are Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, Carmelites, Mercenarians, and
Jesuites, whereof the Jesuites and Carmelites only to this day prevail
against Criolio's, bringing every two or three years Missions from
_Spain_. The last Mission that was sent to the Mercenarians was the
year 1625. and then was the opposition such between that Mission and
the Criolio's, that in the election of the next Provinciall in their
Cloister of _Mexico_, the Fryers drew knives one against another,
and were like to kill each other, had not the Viceroy gone to their
Cloister to make peace, and imprison some of them. Yet at last by
the multitude of voices the native party prevails, and till this day
have exempted themselves from _Spanish_ Missions, alleadging (as
others have done) that they have Fryers enough in their Cloisters, and
need none to be sent them from _Spain_; submitting themselves to the
Pope, and presenting to him as stately gifts as ever _Spaniards_ did
before them. In the Province of _Guaxaca_ none admit of Missionaries
from _Spain_; true it is the Dominicans are but newly subdued by
the Criolian party; and as yet are strongly pleading at _Rome_ for
_Spanish_ Fryers, alleadging that the glory and lustre of their
Religion hath been much blurred since the non-admittance of supplies
of their zealous Compatriots. The Province of _Guatemala_, (which
is of a large extent) containing _Guatemala, Chiapa_, the _Zoques_,
part of _Tabasco_, the _Zeldales_, the _Sacapulas_, the _Vera Paz_,
all the coast lying to the South sea _Suchutepeques_ and _Soconusco,
Comayagua, Honduras, S. Salvador, Nicaragua_ hath in it these orders
chiefly, Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, (who are subject to
_Mexico_ being one poore Cloister in _Guatemala_) Jesuites also in
_Guatemala_ subject to the government of _Mexico_ and Mercenarians;
whereof the three orders of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenarians,
are the only Preachers and parish Preists throughout all the forenamed
Provinces. And these three Orders have still kept under the Criolian
party, never as yet suffering any of them to be Provinciall, bringing
every two or three years some one year and some another, Missions of
Fryers from _Spain_ to maintain and keep up their faction against the
Criolians. The Provinces of _Peru_ being more distant from _Spain_,
and hard to come to by sea, have no Missions sent unto them. There are
of the most Romish religious orders, yet the chief are Dominicans; and
they all live above their vow of poverty, abounding in wealth, riot,
liberty and pleasures. In the Kingdome of _Nuevo reino de Granada_, and
_Cartagena, Santa fee, Barinas, Popayan_, and the government of _St.
Martha_, are Dominicans, Jesuites, Franciscans, Carmelites, Augustines
and Mercenarians, whereof the Dominicans, Jesuites and Franciscans till
this day admit of Missions from _Spain_. The Island of _Cuba, Jamaica,
la Margarita, Puerto rico_, all are subject to the head Provinciall
of _Santo Domingo_, being Dominicans, Jesuites, and Franciscans, and
have all now and then Missions from _Spain. Yucatan_ hath in it only
Franciscans, who live most richly and plentifully, and strongly uphold
the _Spanish_ faction with _European_ Missions: _Mechoacan_ belongeth
to the _Mexican_ Fryers, and is in the same condition as was said
before of _Mexico._ Thus have I briefly run over all _America_ that
pertains to the Crown of _Castilia_: for the _East-India's_ they belong
to the Crown of _Portingall_ and _Brasill_, as first discovered and
possessed by the _Portingalls_, and now doubtlesse are subject to King
_John_, the new King of _Portingall_. Yet the Islands of _Philippinas_
are subject to the King of _Spain_, and there are Dominicans,
Franciscans, Augustines, and Jesuites, all which lie still in wait in
_Manila_ the Metropolitan City, for some sure shipping to _Japan_, to
convert that Kingdome. And though they admit of some few Criolio's
among them, especially some of their Converts of _China_ and _Japan_;
yet their chief number and strength is of Spanish Missionaries, who
are more frequently conveyed thither then to the parts afore-mentioned
of _America_. First they are sent in the ships that are bound for
_Nueva Espana_ and _Mexico_; and after they have rested two or three
moneths in _Mexico_, they are sent to _Acapulco_, lying on the _Mar
del Zur_, there they are shipped in two great Caracks which yearly go
and come richly laden with _China, Japan_, and all _East-India_ ware
from _Manila_ to _Acapulco_ to enrich _Mexico_ with farre greater
riches then any are sent by the North sea from _Spain_. The voiage from
_Acapulco_ thither, is longer then from _Spain_ to _Mexico_, and easy
and pleasant, though the return is farre longer and most dangerous.
The year of our Lord 1625. there were four Missions sent; the one
of Franciscans to _Yucatan_, the other of Mercenarians to _Mexico_,
the other two of Dominicans and Jesuites to _Philippinas_. At which
time it was my fortune to reside among the Dominicans in _Xerez_ in
_Andaluzia_. The Popes Commissary for that Mission was Fryer _Matheo
de la Villa_, who having a Commission for thirty and having gathered
some 24 of them about _Castilia_ and _Madrid_, sent them by degrees
well stored with mony to _Cales_, to take up a convenient lodging for
himselfe and the rest of his crew, till the time of the setting forth
of the _Indian_ Fleet. This Commissary named one Fryer _Antonio Calvo_
to be his substitute, and to visit the Cloisters of _Andaluzia_ lying
in his way; namely _Cordova, Sevill, St. Lucar_, and _Xerez_, to try
if out of them he could make up his compleat number of thirty, which
was after fully compleated. About the end of _May_ came this worthy
_Calvo_ to _Xerez_, and in his Company one _Antonio Melendez_ of the
Colledge of _St. Gregory_ in _Valladolid_, with whom I had formerly
neer acquaintance. This _Melendez_ greatly rejoyced when he had found
mee; and being well stocked with _Indian_ Patacones, the first night
of his coming invited me to his chamber to a stately supper. The
good _Xerez_ Sack which was not spared, set my friend in such a heat
of zeale of converting _Japonians_, that all his talke was of those
parts never yet seen, and at least six thousand leagues distant.
_Bacchus_ metamorphosed him from a Divine into a Orator, and made him
a _Cicero_ in parts of Rhetoricall eloquence. Nothing was omitted
that might exhort mee to joyne with him in that function, which he
thought was Apostolicall. _Nemo Propheta in patria sua_, was a great
argument with him; sometimes he propounded Martyrdome for the Gospel
sake, and the glory after it, to have his life and death printed, and
of poore Fryer _Antony_ a Clothiers son of _Segovia_ to bee stiled
_St. Anthony_ by the Pope, and made collaterall with the Apostles in
heaven; thus did _Bacchus_ make him ambitious of honor upon the earth,
and preferrement in heaven. But when he thought this Rhetoricke had
not prevailed, then would he act a _Midas_ and _Croesus_, fancying
the _India's_ paved with tiles of gold and silver, the stones to be
Pearls, Rubies, and Diamonds, the trees to bee hung with clusters of
nutmegs bigger then the clusters of grapes of _Canaan_, the fields to
be planted with Sugar Canes, which should so sweeten the _Chocolatte_,
that it should farre exceed the milke and hony of the land of promise;
the silkes of _China_ hee conceited so common, that the sailes of the
Ships were nothing else; finally he dreamed of _Midas_ happinesse,
that whatsoever he touched should be turned to gold: Thus did _Xerez_
Nectar make my friend and mortified Fryer, a covetous worldling. And
yet from a rich covetous Merchant did it shape him to a Courtier in
pleasures; fancying the _Philippinas_ to be the _Eden_, where was all
joy without teares, mirth without sadnesse, laughing without sorrow,
comfort without griefe, plenty without want, no not of _Eves_ for
_Adams_, excepted only that in it should be no forbidden fruit, but
all lawfull for the taste and sweetning of the palate; and as _Adam_
would have been as God, so conceited _Melendez_ himselfe a God in that
_Eden_, whom travelling, _Indian_ Waites and trumpets should accompany;
and to whom, entring into any Town, nosegaies should be presented,
flowers and boughes should be strowed in his way, Arches should be
erected to ride under, Bels for joy should be rung, and _Indian_ knees
for duty & homage, as to a God, should be bowed to the very ground.
From this inducing argument, and representation of a Paradise, he
fell into a strong Rhetoricall point of curiosity; finding out a tree
of knowledge, and a Philosophicall maxime, _Omnus homo naturaliter
scire desiderat_, man naturally inclines to know more and more; which
knowledge he fancied could be no where more furnished with rare
curiosities then in those parts; for there should the Gold and Silver,
which here are fingered, in their growth in the bowels of the earth
be known; there should the pepper be known in its season, the nutmeg
and Clove, the Cinnamon as a rine or bark on a tree; the fashioning of
the Sugar from a green growing Cane into a loaf; the strange shaping
the _Cochinil_ from a worme to so rich a Scarlet die; the changing
of the _Tinta_ which is but grasse with stalke and leaves into an
_Indigo_ black dye, should be taught and learned; and without much
labour thus should our ignorance be instructed with various and sundry
curiosities of knowledge and understanding. Finally, though _Xerez_
liquor (grapes bewitching tears) had put this bewitching eloquence
into my _Antonies_ brain, yet he doubted not to preferre before it
his wine of _Philippinas_, growing on tall and high trees of _Coco_,
wherein he longed to drinke a Spanish Brindis in my company to all his
friends remaining behind in _Spain_. Who would not bee moved by these
his arguments to follow him, and his _Calvo_, or ball pated Superiour?
Thus supper being ended my _Melendez_ desired to know how my heart
stood affected to his journey; and breaking out into a _Voto a Dios_
with his converting zeal, he swore he should have no quiet nights rest
untill he were fully satisfied of my resolution to accompany him. And
having learned the Poets expression, _Quid non mortalia pectora cogis,
Auri sacra fames?_ he offered unto me halfe a dozen of Spanish pistols,
assuring me that I should want nothing, and that the next morning
_Calvo_ should furnish me with whatsoever monies I needed, for to buy
things necessary for the comfort of so long and tedious a journy. To
whom I answered, suddain resolutions might bring future grief and
sorrow, and that I should that night lye down and take counsell with
my pillow, assuring him that for his sake I would doe much, and that
if I resolved to goe, my resolution should draw on an other friend of
mine, an Irish Fryer, named _Thomas Deloon_. Thus tooke I my leave of
my _Melendez_, and retired my self to my chamber and bed, which that
night was no place of repose and rest to me as formerly it had been. I
must needs say _Melendez_ his arguments, though most of them moved me
not; yet the opportunity offered me to hide my self from all sight and
knowledge of my dearest friends, stirred up in me a serious thought of
an angry and harsh letter, which not long before I had received out
of _England_ from mine own father, signifying unto me the displeasure
of most of my friends and kindred, and his own grievous indignation
against me, for that having spent so much money in training me up to
learning, I had not only utterly refused to be of the Jesuites Order
(which was his only hopes) but had proved in my affections a deadly foe
and enemy unto them. And that he would have thought his money better
spent, if I had been a Scullion in a Colledge of Jesuites, then if I
should prove a Generall of the Order of Dominicans; that I should never
think to be welcome to my Brothers nor kindred in _England_, nor to
him; that I should not expect ever more to heare from him, nor dare to
see him if ever I returned to _England_; but expect that he would set
upon mee even Jesuites, whom I had deserted and opposed, to chace mee
out of my Country; that _Hailing_ house though hee had lost it with
much more meanes for his Religion during his life; yet with the consent
of my Eldest Brother (now Governour of _Oxford_, and Masse-founder in
that our Famous University) hee would sell it away; that neither from
the Estate, or money made of it, I might injoy a childs part due unto
mee. These reasons stole that nights rest from my body, and sleep from
my eyes, teares keeping them unclosed and open, lest _Cynthia's_ black
and mourning Mantle should offer to cover, close and shut them. To this
Letters consideration was joyned a strong opposition, which serious
Studies & ripenesse of Learning, with a carefull discussion of some
Schoole-points and Controversies had bred in mee against some chief of
the Popish Tenents. Well could I have wished to have come to _England_,
there to satisfie and ease my troubled Conscience; well considered
I, that if I stayed in _Spain_, when my Studies were compleatly
finished, the Dominicans with a Popes Mandamus would send me home for
a Missionary to my Country. But then well considered I the sight of a
wrathfull Father, the power of a furious Brother a Colonell, who (as
now landed in _England_ to search me out, and do me mischief) then,
when _Zephryus_ with a pleasant gale seconded his Popish zeale, might
violently assault mee. Well considered I the increased rout and rable
of both their great friends, the Jesuites, who what with Court friends
power, what with subtile plots and Policies would soone and easily
hunt me out of _England_. Lastly, well considered I my _Melendez_ his
last inducing Argument of the increase of knowledge naturall by the
insight of rich _America_ and flourishing _Asia_, and of knowledge
spirituall by a long contemplation of that new planted Church, and of
those Church Planters lives and Conversations. Wherefore after a whole
nights strife and inward debate, as the glorious Planet began to banish
nights dismall horror, rising with a bright and cheerefull countenance,
rose in my minde a firme and setled resolution to visit _America_, and
there to abide till such time as Death should surprise my angry Father,
_Ignatius Loiola_ his devoted Mecænas, and till I might there gain out
of _Potosi_ or _Sacatecas_ treasure that might Counterpoise that Childs
part, which for detesting the foure Cornered Cap, and black Coat of
Jesuites, my Father had deprived mee of. So in recompence of the Supper
which my friend _Anthony_ had bestowed upon mee, I gave him a most
pleasing breakfast by discovering unto him my purpose and resolution
to accompany him in his long and Navall journey. And at noon I feasted
him with a dinner of one dish more then his breakfast, to wit, the
company also of my Irish friend _Thomas Deloon_. After dinner wee both
were presented to _Calvo_ the bald pate Superiour; who immediately
imbraced us, promised to us many curtesies in the way, read unto us a
Memorandum of what dainties he had provided for us, what varieties of
fish and flesh, how many Sheep, how many Gammons of Bacon, how many
fat Hens, how many Hogs, how many barrels of white Bisket, how many
Jars of wine of _Casalla_, what store of Rice, Figs, Olives, Capars,
Raysins, Lemmons, sweet and sowre Oranges, Pomegranates, Comfits,
Preserves, Conserves and all sorts of _Portingall_ sweet meates; hee
flattered us that hee would make us Masters of Arts, and of Divinity in
_Manila_; then opened hee his purse, and freely gave us to spend that
day in _Xerez_, and to buy what most we had a mind to, and to carry
us to _Cales_; Lastly hee opened his hands to bestow upon us the holy
Fathers Benediction, that no mischiefe might befall us in our way; I
expected some Relique or naile of his great toe, or one of his velvet
Pantofles to kisse; But peradventure with frequent kissing through
_Italy_ and all _Castilia_ it was even worn thredbare. Much were wee
frowned at by the Dominicans our chiefest friends of _Xerez_, but the
liberty which with _Melendez_ we injoyed that day about the City of
_Xerez_ tooke from us all sad thoughts, which so suddaine a departure
from our friends might have caused in us. And _Calvo_ much fearing
that the love of some Nuns (too powerfull with Spanish Fryers) might
yet keep us back from pursuing our purposed journey, with cunning
policy perswaded us to depart from _Xerez_ the next morning. Which
willingly wee performed in company of _Melendez_ and another Spanish
Fryer of that City (leaving our Chests and Bookes to _Calvo_ to send
after us) and that day wee travailed like Spanish Dons upon our little
Boricoes, or Asses towards _Puerto de Santa Maria_, taking in our way
that stately Convent of _Cartusians_, and the River of _Guadalethe_,
the former Poets River of oblivion, tasting of the fruits of those
_Elysian_ fields and Gardens and drinking of _Guadalethes_ Crystall
Streams, that so perpetuall oblivion might blind and cover all those
Abstractive Species which the intuitive knowledge of _Spains_ and
_Xerezes_ pleasant objects had deeply stamped in our thoughts and
hearts. At evening wee came to that _Puerto_ so famous for harbouring
_Spains_ chief Gallies, and at that time _Don Frederique de Toledo_;
who hearing of the arrivall of foure _Indian_ Apostles, would not loose
that occasion of some Soule-Sanctification (which he thought might
bee his purchase) by entertaining us that night at Supper. The Town
thought their Streets blessed with our walking in them, and wished
they might injoy some Reliques from us, whom they beheld as appointed
to Martyrdome for Christ and Antichrists sake together; the Galley
slaves strived who should sound their Waits and Trumpets most joyfully,
_Don Frederique_ spared no cost in Fish and Flesh that night, doubting
not but that receiving foure Prophets, hee should receive a fourefold
reward hereafter. Supper being ended, wee were by _Don Frederique_ his
Gentlemen conveyed to the Cloister of the _Minims_ appointed by _Don
Frederique_ to lodge us that night, who to shew their brotherly love
washed our feet, and so recommended us to quiet and peaceable rest. The
next morning after a stately breakfast bestowed upon us by those poor
Mendicant Fryers, a boat was prepared for us and _Don Frederique_ his
Gentlemen to wait on us, and to convey us to _Cales_. Where wee found
out our fellow Apostles, and the Popes Commissary Fryer _Mathew De la
Villa_, who welcomed us with _Romes_ Indulgences, _a culpa & a poena_,
and with a flourishing Table stored with Fish and Flesh for dinner.
There wee continued in daily honour and estimation, enjoying the sights
most pleasant which _Cales_ both by Sea and Land could afford unto us,
untill the time of the Fleets departing. Which when it drew neere, our
Grand Apostle Fryer _Mathew De la Villa_, (whom wee thought burned
with zeal of Martyrdome) tooke his leave of us; shewing us the Popes
Commission to nominate in his place whom hee list, and naming bald
_Calvo_ for Superiour, returning himselfe to _Madrid_ with more desire
to enjoy a Bishoprick in _Spain_ (as wee understood) then to sacrifice
his life in _Japan_. His departure caused a Mutiny among us, and cooled
the spirit of two of our Missionaries, who privily fled from us. The
rest were pleased with honest _Calvo_, for that hee was a simple and
ignorant old man, (whom they could more jeere then any way respect)
more Scullion-like in daily greazing his white habit with handling his
fat Gammons of Bacon, then like a Popes Commissary; for his Masters Toe
the proudest of our Missioners then would willingly have kissed; yet
_Calvoes_ greazy fists the humblest would loath to have kissed. Thus
under a sloven was that Apostolicall Mission to bee conveyed first to
_Mexico_ three thousand _Spanish_ Leagues from _Spain_, and afterwards
three thousand Leagues further from thence to _Manila_ the Metropolitan
and Court City of the Islands of _Philippinas_.




CHAP. V.

_Of the_ Indian _Fleet that departed from_ Cales, Anno Dom. 1625. _And
of some remarkable passages in that Voiage._


Upon the first of _July_ in the afternoon, _Don Carlos de Ybarra_
Admirall of the Galeons that then lay in the Baye of _Cales_ gave
order that a warning Peece should be shot off to warne all Passengers,
Souldiers, and Mariners to betake themselves the next morning to
their Ships. O what was it to see some of our Apostolicall company
who had injoyed much liberty for a moneth in _Cales_, who had began
to entangle their hearts with some young Nuns love, now hang down
their heads, and act with sad and demure lookes loath to depart, and
cry out, _Bonum est nos hic esse_, it is good for us to be here? and
amongst them one Fryer _John De Pacheco_ made the warning Peece to be
a warning to him to hide himself (who could no more be found amongst
his fellow Missioners) thinking it a part of hard cruelty to forsake
a young Franciscan Nun to whom he had engaged and wholly devoted his
heart. What was it to see others with weeping eyes piercing through the
Iron grates the tender Virgins hearts, leaving and bequeathing unto
them some pledges of their wanton love, and receiving from them some
Cordialls against Sea-sicknesse, Caps, Shirts and Hand-kerchiefs, to
eye them or weare them when _Æolus_ or _Neptune_ should most oppose
them? The second of _July_ in the morning early notice was given unto
us, that one Fryer _Pablo de Londres_, an old crab faced English
Fryer living in St. _Lucar_ had got the Duke of _Medina_ his letter
and sent it to the Governour of _Cales_ charging him to search for
me & to stay me, signifying the King of _Spains_ will and pleasure,
that no _English_ should passe to the _India's_, having a Countrey
of their own to convert; this did that old fryer to stop my passage,
having before wrote unto me many letters to the same purpose, and
got a letter from that father _Master_ that was in _England_ before,
with the Count of _Gondomar, alias_ Fryer _Diego de la Fluente_, then
Provinciall of _Castilia_, and sent it unto mee, wherein that Superiour
offered mee many kind offers of preferrement, if I would desist from
my journey, and return to him to _Castilia_; but none of these letters
could prevail with mee; nor the Governours searching stop mee; for
immediately I was conveyed alone to our ship, and there closely hid
in a barrell that was emptied of Bisquet to that purpose; so that
when the Governour came a ship-board to enquire for an _English_
man, Fryer _Calvo_ having the father of liers in my stead about him,
resolutely denyed mee, who would not be found, because not sought for
in a barrells belly. This found our Apostles sport and talk that first
day. Then went out the ships one by one crying _A dios, A dios_, and
the Towne replying _Buen viaie, buen viaie_; when all were out and no
hopes of enjoying more _Cales_ pleasures and liberty, then began my
young Fryers to wish themselves again a Land, some began presently
to feed the fishes with their Nuns sweet dainties; others to wonder
at the number of stately ships, which with eight Galeons that went
to convey us beyond the Islands of _Canaria_ were fourty one in all;
some for one Port of the _Indiaes_, and some for another. To _Puerto
Rico_ went that year two ships; to _Santo Domingo_ three, to _Jamaica_
two, to _Margarita_ one, to the _Havana_ two, to _Cartagena_ three, to
_Campeche_ two, to _Honduras_ and _Truxillo_ two, and to _St. John de
Ulhua_, or _Vera Crux_ sixteen; all laden with Wines, Figs, Raisins,
Olives, Oyle, Cloth, Carsies, Linnen, Iron, and quick silver for the
Mines, to fetch out the pure silver of _Sacatecas_ from the earthen
drosse from whence it is digged. The persons of most note that went
that year, was first the Marquesse _de Serralvo_ with his Lady, who
went for Viceroy of _Mexico_, in stead of the Conde _de Gelves_ then
retired to a Cloister for feare of the common people, who the year
before had mutinied against him; this Marquesse went in the ship
called _St. Andrew_, and with him in the same ship went _Don Martin de
Carillo_ a Preist, and Inquisitor of the Inquisition of _Valladolid_;
who was sent for Visiter Generall to _Mexico_, to examine the strife
between the Conde _de Gelves_ and the Arch-Bishop, and the mutiny that
for their sakes had happened, with full Commission and Authority to
imprison, banish, hang and execute all Delinquents. In the ship called
_Santa Gertrudis_ went _Don John Nino de Toledo_, who was sent to be
President of _Manila_ in _Philippinas_; and in the same ship with him
went the whole Mission of thirty Jesuites sent to _Philippinas_; who
had already got the favour of the President, and politickly sought to
be passengers in the same ship, that so they might the more ingratiate
themselves to him; for this cunning generation studies purposely how
to insinuate themselves with Kings, Princes, Great men, Rulers, and
Commanders. In the ship called _St. Antony_ went my Dominican Mission
of 27 Fryers. In the ship called _Nostra Sennora de Regla_ went four
and twenty Mercenarian Fryers bound for _Mexico_; part of those that
afterwards drew their knives to slash and cut the Criolio's of their
Profession. Thus with the Convoy of eight Galeons for fear of _Turkes_
and _Hollanders_ (whom the Spanish _Dons_ shake and tremble at) set
forward our fleet with a pleasant and prosperous gale, with a quiet
and milken sea, untill we came to the Golfe, called _Golfo de Yeguas_,
or of _kicking Mares_, whose waves and swelling surges did so kick our
ships, that wee thought they would have kicked our _St. Anthonies_
gilded image out of our ship, and bereaved my _Antonio Melendez_ of his
gilt and painted idol, (to whom hee daily bowed and prayed against the
mercilesse element,) and that all our ships galleries would have been
torn from us with these spurnings and blowes of that outragious Golfe.
But at last having overcome the danger of this Golfe, the eight Galeons
took their leave of us, and left our Merchant ships now to shift for
themselves. The departure of these Galeons was most solemnly performed
on each side, saluting each other with their Ordnance, visiting each
other with their Cock-boates, the Admirall of the Fleet feasting with
a stately dinner in his ship, the Admirall of the Galeons; and the
like performing most of the other ships to the severall Colonells and
Captains and other their allied friends that were of the Roiall Fleet.
Here it was worth noting to heare the sighes of many of our _Indian_
Apostles, wishing they might return again in any of those Galeons to
_Spain_; their zeal was now cold, and some endeavoured many waies for
_Calvo_ his licence to returne (which could not be granted) others
imployed themselves most of that day in writing letters to their
friends, and Sisters in _Cales_. Thus dinner being ended, and the
two Admiralls solemnly taking their leaves, the warning piece being
shot off for the Galeons to joyn together, and turne their course to
_Spain_, we bad mutuall adieu, crying one to another _Buen Viaie,
Buen passage_; we kept our course towards _America_, sailing before
the wind constantly till we came to _America_; a thing worth noting
in that voiage from _Spain_ to the _Indies_; that after the Islands
of _Canaria_ are once left, there is one constant wind, continuing to
_America_ still the same without any opposition or contrariety of other
winds; and this so prosperous and full on the sailes, that did it blow
constantly, and were it not interrupted with many calmes, doubtlesse
the voiage might be ended in a moneth or lesse. But such were the
calmes that many times we had, that we got not to the sight of any land
till the twentieth day of _August_; so that neer six weeks we sailed as
on a river of fresh water, much delighting and sporting our selves in
fishing many sorts fishes, but especially one, which by the _Spaniards_
is called _Dorado_, the golden fish, for the skin and scales of it
that glitter like gold; of this sort we found such abundance, that
no sooner was the hooke with any small bait cast into the sea, when
presently the _Dorado_ was caught, so that we tooke them many times
for pleasure, and cast them againe into the sea, being a fish fitter
to be eaten fresh then salted. Many were the feasts and sports used
in the ships, till wee discovered the first land, or Island called
_Desseada_. The last day of _July_ (being according to the Jesuites
Order, and _Romes_ appointment, the day of _Ignatius_ their Patron and
founder of their Religion) the gallant ship called _Sta. Gertrudis_
(wherein went 30 Jesuites) for theirs and their Saints sake made to all
the rest of the Fleet a most gallant shew, shee being trimmed round
about with white linnen, her flags and top gallants representing some
the Jesuites arms, others the picture of _Ignatius_ himself, and this
from the evening before, shooting off that night at least fifty Shot
of Ordinance, besides four or five hundred squibs (the weather being
very calme) and all her masts and tacklings hung with paper Lanthornes
having burning lights within them; the waits ceased not from sounding,
nor the _Spaniards_ from singing all night. The daies solemne sport
was likewise great, the Jesuites increasing the _Spaniards_ joy with
an open procession in the ship, singing their superstitious Hymnes
and Anthemes to their supposed Saint, and all this seconded with
roaring Ordnance, no powder being spared for the compleating of that
daies joy and triumph. The fourth of _August_ following, being the
day which _Rome_ doth dedicate to _Dominick_, the first founder of
the Dominicans or Preachers Order, the ship wherein I was, named _St.
Anthony_, strived to exceed _Sta. Gertrudis_, by the assistance of the
27 Dominicans that were in her. All was performed both by night and
day; as formerly in _Sta. Gertrudis_, both with powder, squibs, lights,
Waits and musick. And further did the Dominicans joy and triumph exced
the Jesuites, in that they invited all the Jesuites, with _Don John
Nino de Toledo_ the President of _Manila_, with the Captaine of the
ship of _Sta. Gertrudis_, to a stately dinner both of Fish and Flesh;
which dinner being ended, for the afternoones sport they had prepared
a Comedy out of famous _Lope de Vega_, to be acted by some Souldiers,
Passengers and some of the younger sort of Fryers; which I confesse
was as stately acted and set forth both in shewes and good apparell,
in that narrow compasse of our ship, as might have been upon the best
stage in the Court of _Madrid_. The Comedy being ended, and a banquet
of sweet meates prepared for the closing up of that daies mirth, both
ours, and _Sta. Gertrudis_ Cock-boat carried backe our invited friends,
bidding each other adieu with our Waits and chiefest Ordnance. Thus
went we on our Sea Voiage without any storme, with pleasant gales, many
calmes, dayly sports and pastimes till we discovered the first land
called _Desseada_ upon the twentieth day of _August_.




CHAP. VI.

_Of our discovery of some Islands, and what trouble befell us in one of
them._


The Admirall of our Fleet wondring much at our slow sailing, who from
the second of _July_ to the 19 of _August_ had seen nor discovered
any land, save only the Islands of _Canaria_; the same day in the
morning called to Councell all the Pilots of the ships, to know their
Opinions concerning our present being, and the neernesse of Land. The
Ships therefore drew neere unto the Admirall one by one, that every
Pilot might deliver his opinion. Here was cause of laughter enough,
for the passengers to heare the wise Pilots skil; One saying, we were
three hundred miles, another two hundred, another one hundred, another
fifty, another more, another lesse, all erring much from the truth (as
afterward appeared) save onely one old Pilot of the smallest Vessell
of all, who affirmed resolutely, that with that small gale wherewith
wee then sailed, wee should come to _Guadalupe_ the next morning. All
the rest laughed at him, but he might well have laughed at them, for
the next morning by Sun-rising wee plainly discovered an Island called
_Desseada_ by the _Spaniards_, or the desired Land, for that at the
first discovery of the _India's_ it was the first Land the _Spaniards_
found, being then as desirous to find some Land after many dayes
sailing as wee were. After this Island presently we discovered another
called _Marigalante_, then another called _Dominica_, and lastly,
another named _Guadalupe_, which was that wee aimed at to refresh our
selves in, to wash our foule cloathes, and to take in fresh water,
whereof wee stood in great need. By two or three of the clock in the
afternoone wee came to a safe Rode lying before the Island, where wee
cast our Anchors, no wayes fearfull of the naked Barbarians of that and
the other Islands, who with great joy doe yearly expect the _Spanish_
Fleets coming, and by the Moones doe reckon the Moneths, and thereby
make their guesse at their comming, and prepare some their sugar Canes,
others the Plantin, others the Tortois, some one Provision, some
another to barter with the _Spaniards_ for their small Haberdash, or
Iron, Knives, or such things which may help them in their Wars, which
commonly they make against some other Islands. Before our Anchors were
cast, out came the _Indians_ to meet us in their Canoa's, round like
Troughes, some whereof had beene painted by our _English_, some by the
_Hollanders_, some by the _French_, as might appeare by their severall
Armes, it being a common Rode and harbour to all Nations that saile to
_America_.

Before wee resolved to goe to shore, wee tasted of those _Indian_
fruites, the plantin above all pleasing our taste and Palate. Wee could
not but much wonder at that sight never yet seene by us of people
naked, with their haire hanging down to the middle of their backes,
with their faces cut out in severall fashions, or flowers, with thin
plates hanging at their Noses, like Hog-rings, and fauning upon us
like children, some speaking in their unknowne tongue, others using
signs for such things as we imagined they desired. Their signe for
some of our _Spanish_ Wine was easily perceived, and their request
most willingly granted to by our men, who with one reasonable Cup of
_Spanish_ Sacke presently tumbled up their heeles, and left them like
swine tumbling on the Deck of our Ship. After a while that our people
had sported with these rude and Savage Indians, our two Cock-Boates
were ready to carry to shore such as either had clothes to wash, or a
desire to bathe themselves in a River of fresh Water which is within
the Island, or a mind to set their feet again upon unmoveable Land,
after so many daies of uncertain footing in a floating and reeling
Ship. But that day being farre spent, our Fryers resolved to stay in
the Ship, and the next whole day to visit the Island; many of the
Mariners and Passengers of all the Ships went that evening to shore,
some returning at night, and some without feare continuing with the
_Indians_ all night on shore. The next morning my selfe and most of our
Fryers went and having hired some _Spaniards_ to wash our cloathes, we
wandred sometimes all together sometimes two and two, and sometimes
one alone about the Island, meeting with many _Indians_, who did us no
hurt, but rather like children fauned upon us, offering us of their
fruits, and begging of us whatsoever toies of pins, points or gloves
they espied about us. Wee ventured to goe to some of their houses which
stood by a pleasant River, and were by them kindly entertained, eating
of their fish, and wild deeres flesh. About noone wee chanced to meet
with some of the Jesuites of _Santa Gertrudis_ Ship in the midst of
the Mountain, who were very earnest in talke with a _Mulatto_, all
naked like the rest of the _Indians_. This _Mulatto_ was a Christian,
born in _Sevill_ in _Spain_, and had been slave there formerly to a
rich Merchant, his name was Lewis, and spoke the _Spanish_ Language
very perfectly. Some twelve yeeres before, hee had run away from his
Master by reason of hard and slavish usage, and having got to _Cales_,
offering his service to a Gentleman then bound for _America_, the
Gentleman fearing not that his true Master should ever have more notice
of him from a new World, took him a Ship board with him as his slave.
The _Mulatto_ remembring the many stripes which hee had suffered from
his first cruell Master, and fearing that from _America_ hee might by
some intelligence or other be sent back again to _Spain_, and also
jealous of his Second Master (whose blowes hee had begun to suffer in
the Ship) that hee would prove as cruell as his first; when the Ships
arrived at _Guadalupe_, resolved rather to die among the _Indians_
(which hee knew might be his hardest fortune) then evermore to live
in slavery under _Spaniards_. So casting his life upon good or bad
fortune, hee hid himselfe among the trees in the Mountaine till the
Ships were departed; who after being found by the _Indians_, and giving
them some toyes which hee had got by stealth from his Master, hee was
entertained by them, they liking him, and hee them. Thus continued
this poore Christian slave among those Barbarians from yeare to yeare;
who had care to hide himselfe at the comming of the _Spanish_ Fleet
yearely. In twelve yeares that hee had thus continued amongst them,
hee had learned their language, was married to an _Indian_, by whom
hee had three children living. The Jesuites by chance having met with
him, and perceiving more by the Wooll upon his head, that hee was a
_Mulatto_, then by his black and tauny skin (for those _Indians_ paint
themselves all over with a red colour) they presently imagined the
truth that hee could not come thither but with some _Spaniard_, so
entering into discourse with him, and finding him to speak _Spanish_,
they got the whole truth of him. Then wee joyning with the Jesuites,
began to perswade the poore Christian to forsake that heathenish life,
wherein his soule could never bee saved, promising him if hee would
goe along with us, hee should bee free from slavery forever. Poore
Soule, though hee had lived twelve yeares without hearing a word of
the true God, worshipping stockes and stones with the other Heathens;
yet when hee heard again of Christ, of eternall damnation in hells
torments, and of everlasting Salvation in Heavens joyes, hee began to
weep, assuring us that hee would goe with us, were it not for his Wife
and Children, whom hee tenderly loved, and could not forsake them. To
this wee replyed, that thee might be a meanes of saving likewise their
Souls, if hee would bring them with him; and further that wee would
assure him that care should bee taken that neither hee, his Wife, nor
children should ever want meanes competent for the maintenance of their
lives. The _Mulatto_ hearkned well to all this, though a suddaine feare
surprized him, because certaine _Indians_ passed by, and noted his
long conference with us. The poore and timorous _Mulatto_ then told
us, that hee was in danger, for having been knowen by us, and that hee
feared the _Indians_ would kill him, and suspect that wee would steale
him away; which if they did, and it were noised about the island, wee
should soone see their love changed into cruell rage and Mutiny. Wee
perswaded him not to feare any thing they could doe to us, who had
Souldiers, Guns and Ordnance to secure ours and his life also, wishing
him to resolve to bring his Wife and Children but to the Sea side,
where our men were drying their Clothes, and would defend him, and a
Boat should bee ready to convey him with his Wife and Children a Ship
board. The _Mulatto_ promised to doe as wee had counselled him, and
that hee would entice his Wife and Children to the Sea side to barter
with us their Wares for ours, desiring some of the Jesuites (whom hee
said he should know by their black Coates) to bee there ready for
him with a Cock-Boat. _Lewis_ departed, as to us hee seemed resolute
in what hee had agreed; Our joy likewise was great with the hope of
bringing to the light of Christianity five Soules out of the darknesse
of heathenish Idolatry. The Jesuites who had begun with this _Mulatto_
were desirous that the happy end and conclusion might bee their glory.
So taking their leaves of us, they hastened to the Sea to informe the
Admirall of what they had done, and to provide that the Cock-Boat of
their Ship might bee in readinesse to receive _Lewis_, and his family.
Wee likewise returned to the shore to see if our Shirts, and Clothes
were dry. Most of us (among whom my selfe was one) finding our Linnen
ready and our Boat on Shore went aboard to our Ship, leaving two or
three of our company with many of other Ships on shore, especially
the Jesuites waiting for their prey. When we came to our Ship, most
of our Fryers with what love they had found in the Barbarians, were
inflamed with a new zeale of staying in that Island, and converting
those Heathens to Christianity, apprehending it an easie businesse
(they being a loving people) and no wayes dangerous to us, by reason of
the Fleet that yearely passeth that way, and might enquire after our
usage. But by some it was objected, that it was a rash and foolish
zeale with great hazard of their lives, and many inconveniences were
objected against so blind and simple an attempt. But those that were
most zealous slighted all reasons, saying that the worst that could
happen to them could bee but to be butchered, sacrificed and eaten
up; and that for such a purpose they had come out of _Spain_ to be
crowned with the Crowne of Martyrdome for confessing and preaching
Jesus Christ. While wee were hot in this solemne consultation, behold
an uproare on the shoare; our people running to and fro to save their
lives, leaving their clothes, and hasting to the Cock-Boats, filling
them so fast and so full, that some sunke with all the people in them;
Above al, most pitiful and lamentable were the cries of some of our
women, many casting themselves to the Sea, choosing rather to venture
to be taken up by some Boat, or at worst to bee drowned, then to bee
taken and to bee cruelly butchered by the _Indians_. Wee wondering at
this suddain alteration, not knowing the cause of it, at last perceived
the Arrowes to come out thick from the Wood from behind the Trees, and
thereby guessed at the truth that the Barbarians were mutinied. The
uproare lasted not halfe an houre, for presently our Admirall shot
off two or three Peeces of Ordnance and sent a Company of Souldiers
to shore to guard it and our people with their Muskets; which was
well and suddainly performed, and all the _Indians_ soon dispersed.
Three of our Fryers who had remained on the land, our Cock-Boat
brought them to us with more of our Passengers, among whom one Fryer
_John de la Cueva_, was dangerously shot and wounded in one of his
shoulders; this Fryer had beene earnest with mee to stay on shore with
him, which I refused, and so escaped that cruell and fiery onset of
the _Indians_. Besides those that were drowned and taken up at shore
(which were fifteen persons) two Jesuites were found dead upon the
Sand, three more dangerously wounded, three passengers likewise slaine,
ten wounded, besides three more of the Fleet which could never bee
found alive or dead, and were thought to have beene found in the Wood
by the _Indians_, and to have beene murthered by them. Our _Mulatto
Lewis_ came not according to his word; but in his stead a suddaine
Army of treacherous _Indians_, which gave us motive enough to thinke,
that either _Lewis_ himselfe had discovered the Jesuites Plot to take
him away with his Wife and Children; or that the _Indians_ suspecting
it by his talke with us had made him confesse it. And certainly this
was the ground of their Mutiny; for whereas _Lewis_ before had said,
that hee would know the Jesuites by their black Coats, it seemes hee
had well described them above all the rest unto the _Indians_, for
(as it was after well observed) most of their Arrowes was directed to
the black Markes, and so five of them in little above a quarter of an
houre slaine and wounded. All that night our Souldiers guarded the
Coast, often shooting off their Muskets, to affright the _Indians_,
who appeared no more unto us. All that night wee slept little, for wee
watched our Ship; lest the _Indians_ in their Canoas should set upon us
and take us asleepe. Some lamented the dead and drowned, others pitied
our wounded Fryer _John De la Cueva_, who all that night lay in great
torment and misery, others laughed and jeared at those zealous Fryers,
who would have stayed in that Island to Convert the Barbarians, saying
they had had their full desire of Martyrdome, for had they beene but
that night with the _Indians_, doubtlesse they had beene shred for
their Suppers. But now wee perceived their zeale was coole, and they
desired no more to stay with such a Barbarous kind of People; but
rather wished the Admirall would shoot off the warning Peece for us
all to take up our Anchors, and depart from so dangerous a place. In
the morning all the Ships made hast to take in such fresh water as was
necessary for their voiage yet to _America_, a strong watch being kept
along the Coast, and a Guard guarding our men to the River; and all
the morning while this was doing not one _Indian_ could bee found or
seen, nor our three men that were missing, appeared. Thus at noone with
a pleasant and prosperous Gale we hoisted up our Sailes, leaving the
Islands, and harbour of _Guadalupe_.




CHAP. VII.

_Of our further Sayling to St._ John de Ulhua, aliàs, Vera Crux; _and
of our landing there._


Upon the 22 day of _August_, wee sailed so pleasantly that wee soone
left the sight of the Islands; The _Indians_ uproare had weaved for
us a thred of long discourse; It made some hate their calling to
teach and convert _Indians_, but _Calvo_ hee encouraged us, telling
us many Stories of the good and gentle nature of the _Indians_ of
_Philippinas_, to whom we were going, and that most of them were
Christians already, who esteemed their Preists as Gods upon the earth;
and that those that were not as yet converted to Christianity, were
kept in awe by the power of the _Spaniards_. Our chiefe care the first
two or three daies was to looke to our plantins which we got from the
_Indians_. This fruit pleased us all exceedingly, judging it to bee as
good, or better then any fruit in _Spain_. It is not gathered ripe from
the tree; but being gathered green, it is hung up some daies, and so
ripens and growes yellow and mellow, and every bit as sweet as honey.
Our Sugar Canes were no lesse pleasing unto us, whilst chewing the
pith, we refreshed and sweetned our mouthes with the juice. We fed for
the first week almost upon nothing but _Tortois_; which seemed likewise
to us that had never before seen it, one of the Sea monsters, the Shell
being so hard as to beare any Cart wheel, and in some above two yards
broad; when first they were opened, we were amazed to see the number of
egges that were in them, a thousand being the least that we judged to
be in some of them. Our _Spaniards_ made with them an excellent broth
with all sorts of spices. The meat seemed rather flesh then Sea fish,
which being corned with salt, and hung up two or three dayes in the
aire, tasted like Veal. Thus our Hens, our Sheep, our powdred Beef,
and gammons of Bacon, which we brought from _Spain_, were some dayes
slighted, while with greedy stomacks we fell hard to our Sea Veale.

After foure dayes sail, our Fryer _John de la Cueva_, who had been shot
by the _Indians_, died; all his body being swelled, which gave us just
occasion to thinke, that the arrow which was shot into his shoulder was
poisoned. His buriall was as solemnly performed as could be at Sea.
His grave being the whole Ocean, he had weighty stones hung to his
feet, two more to his shoulders, and one to his brest; and then the
superstitious _Romish Dirige_ and _Requiem_ being sung for his soul,
his Corpse being held out to the Sea on the ship side, with ropes ready
to let him fall, all the ship crying out three times, _buen Viaie_
(that is, a good Voiage) to his soul chiefly, and also to his Corpse
ready to travail to the deep to feed the Whales; at the first cry all
the Ordnance were shot off, the ropes on a suddain loosed, and _John de
la Cueva_ with the weight of heavy stones plunged deep into the Sea,
whom no mortall eyes ever more beheld. The like we saw performed in the
ship of _Santa Gertrudis_, to another Jesuite, one of the three who had
been dangerously wounded by the _Indians_ of _Guadalupe_; who likewise
died like our Fryer, his body being swelled as with poyson. Now our
sailing was more comfortable then before; for we passed in the sight
of the land of _Puerto Rico_, and then of the great Island of _Sto.
Domingo_; and here our company began to be lessened, some departing to
_Puerto Rico_, and _Sto. Domingo_, others to _Cartagena_, and _Havana_,
and _Honduras, Jamaica_, and _Jucatan_. We remained now alone the Fleet
for _Mexico_; and so sailed till we came to what the _Spaniards_ call
_la Sonda_, or the sound of _Mexico_; for here we often sounded the
Sea; which was so calme, that a whole week we were stayed for want of
wind, scarce stirring from the place where first we were caught by the
calme. Here likewise we had great sport in fishing, filling again our
bellies with _Dorados_, and saving that provision which we had brought
from _Spain_. But the heat was so extraordinary, that the day was no
pleasure unto us; for the repercussion of the suns heat upon the still
water and pitch of our ships, kindled a scorching fire, which all the
day distempered our bodies with a constant running sweat, forcing us
to cast off most of our clothes. The evenings and nights were somewhat
more comfortable, yet the heat which the sun had left in the pitched
ribs and plankes of the ship was such, that under deck and in our
Cabins wee were not able to sleep, but in our shirts were forced to
walke, or sit, or lie upon the deck. The Mariners fell to washing
themselves and to swimming, till the infortunate death of one in the
ship called _St. Francisco_, made them suddainly leave off that sport.
The neerer wee come to the main land, the sea abounds with a monstrous
fish called by the _Spaniards, Tiburon_. Some mistake this fish for
the _Caiman_, or _Crocodile_, holding them both for one; and thinking
that it is only the _Caiman_ or _Crocodile_ (by abuse called _Tiburon_)
which devoures mans flesh, a whole joynt at a bit in the water. But the
mistake is grosse, for the _Caiman_ is plated all over with shells,
whereas the _Tiburon_ hath no shells, but only like other great Sea
fishes, hath a thick skin. The _Caiman_ though the _Indians_ eat of
it, yet the _Spaniards_ hate it; who eat of the _Tiburon_; and in our
ship catching one with a tridentall iron Fork, and haling him with a
Cable rope to the ship side, and then binding him with it, (being as
much as a dozen or fifteen men could do to hoise him up into the ship)
we found him to be a most monstrous creature, twelve els long at least,
which we salted, and found likewise to eat like flesh, as hath been
said of the _Tortois_. This kind is as ravenous after mans flesh as the
_Crocodile_, and many of them were to be seen in this Sound of _Mexico_.

The _Spaniards_ bathing themselves dayly by the ships side, (where
there is no such danger of the _Tiburon_; who useth not to come too
neere the ships) one Mariner of the ship called _St. Francisco_ being
more venturous then the rest, and offering to swimme from his ship,
to see some friends in another not farre off, chanced to be a most
unfortunate prey to one of them, who before any boat could be set out
to help him, was thrice seen to bee pulled under water by the Monster,
who had devoured a leg, an arme, and part of his shoulder; the rest of
the body was after found and taken up, and carried to _S. Francisco_,
and there buried in the forme and manner as hath been said of our
Fryer _John de la Cueva. They that goe downe to the sea in ships,
these see the workes of the Lord, and his wonders in the deepe, Ps._
107. 23, 24. Here they shall see not only Whales, but other Fishes
like Monsters mastering strong and valiant men, with severall sets of
sharpe, strong and mighty teeth, devouring at one bit whole limmes
with flesh and bones together. This mischance sadded all our Fleet for
three daies till it pleased God to refresh our burning heat with a cool
and prosperous wind, driving us out of that calm Sound, which (if we
had continued in it with that excessive heat) might have proved most
unsound and unhealthy to our bodies. Three daies after we had sailed,
being Munday in the morning about seven of the clock, one of our
Fryers saying Masse, and all the people in the ship kneeling to hear
it, and to adore their bread God, one Mariner with a loud and suddain
voice crieth out _Tierra, Tierra, Tierra_, Land, Land, Land, which
rejoyced the hearts of all that were in the ship, as it seemed, more
then their Masse, for leaving that, and their God upon the Altar with
the Preist to eat him alone, they arose from their knees, to behold
the Continent of _America_. Great was the joy of all the ships that
day; and great was the slaughter which our old _Calvo_ made among his
fowles, (which he had spared formerly) to feast that day his Fryers.
About ten of the clock the whole face of the land was visibly apparent,
and wee with full sale running to imbrace it. But our wise Admirall
knowing the danger of the Coast, and especially the dangerous entring
into the Haven, by reason of the many rockes that lie about it, and
are known only by markes and flags set out to give all ships warning
of them; perceiving that with the wind wherewith wee sailed then, we
should not come till towards evening to the Port: and lastly, fearing
lest some North-wind (which is dangerous upon that Coast, and ordinary
in the month of _September_) should in the night arise, and endanger
all our ships upon the rockes; he therefore called to Councell all
the Pilots, to know whether it were best to keep on our sailing with
full sail that day, with hopes to get that day in good time into the
Haven, or else with the middle sail only to draw neer, that the next
morning with more security wee might with the help of boats from land
be guided in. The result of the Councell was not to venture that day
too neer unto the Port, for fear of being benighted, but to pull down
all, but the middle sail. The wind began to calme, and our ships to
move slowly towards land, and so we continued till night. A double
watch was kept that night in our ship, and the Pilot was more watchfull
himselfe and more carefull then at other times; But our Fryers betooke
themselves to their rest; which continued not long; for before midnight
the wind turned to the North, which caused a suddain and generall cry
and uproar in ours, and all the other ships. Our Mariners came to the
Fryers, using almost the same words of Jonah 1. 6. _What meanest thou,
O sleeper? Arise call upon thy God, if so bee that God will thinke
upon us, that we perish not._ They changed the name of God into the
blessed Virgin _Mary_, in whom they seeme to confide in such occasions
more then in God himselfe. Their feare was more for the apprehension
of danger by that kind of wind, and of what might happen, then for
what as yet the wind threatned, which was not strong nor boisterous;
however hallowed wax candles were lighted by the Fryers, knees bowed
to _Mary_, Letanies and other hymnes and prayers sung aloud unto
her, till towards the dawning of the day; when behold the North wind
ceased, our wonted gale began to blow again, it being Gods will and
pleasure, and no effect of the howling Fryers prayers to _Mary_, who
yet superstitiously to deceive the simple people, cryed out, _Milagro,
Milagro, Milagro,_ a miracle, a miracle, a miracle. By eight a clock in
the morning wee came to the sight of the houses, and made signes for
boats to convey us into the Haven; which immediately with great joy
came out, and guided us one by one between those Rockes, which make
that Port as dangerous as any I have discovered in all my travailes
both upon the North and South sea. Our Waits plaied most pleasantly,
our Ordnance saluted both Towne and Fort over against it, our hearts
and countenances reciprocally rejoyced; wee cast our Anchors, which yet
were not enough to secure our ships in that most dangerous Haven, but
further with Cable ropes we secured them to Iron rings, which for that
purpose are fastned into the Wall of the Fort, for feare of the strong
and boisterous Northerne winds. And thus welcoming one another to a new
world, many boates waiting for us, we presently went with joy to set
footing in _America_.




CHAP. VIII.

_Of our Landing at_ Vera Crux, _otherwise St._ John de Ulhua, _and of
our entertainment there._


Upon the 12 day of _September_, we happily arrived in _America_ in
that famous Towne, called _St. John de Ulhua_, otherwise _Vera Crux_;
famous for that it was the first beginning of the famous conquest of
that valiant and ever renowned Conqueror _Hernando Cortez_. Here first
was that noble and generous resolution, that never heard of policy,
to sinke the ships, which had brought the first _Spaniards_ to that
Continent, greater then any of the other three parts of the world,
to the intent that they might thinke of nothing but such a conquest
as after followed, being destitute of the helpe of their ships, and
without hopes evermore to returne to _Cuba, Yucatan_, or any of those
parts from whence they had come. Here it was, that the first five
hundred _Spaniards_ strengthned themselves against millions of enemies,
and against the biggest fourth part of all the world. Here were the
first Magistrates, Judges, Aldermen, Officers of Justice named. The
proper name of the Towne is _S. John de Ulhua_, otherwise called _Vera
Crux_, from the old Harbour and Haven of _Vera Crux_, six leagues from
this, and so called for that upon good Friday it was first discovered.
But the old _Vera Crux_ proving too dangerous an Harbour for ships, by
reason of the violence of the Northern winds; it was utterly forsaken
by the _Spaniards_, who removed to _St. John de Ulhua_, where their
ships found the first safe road by reason of a Rocke, which is a strong
defence against the winds. And because the memory of the worke of that
good Friday should never be forgotten; to _S. John de Ulhua_ they have
added the name also of _Vera Crux_, taken from that first Haven which
was discovered upon good Friday, _Anno_ 1519.

As soone as we came to shore, wee found very solemne preparations for
entertainment, all the Towne being resorted to the Sea side, all the
Preists and Canons of the Cathedrall Church, all the religious Orders
of the severall Convents (which are there Dominicans, Franciscans,
Mercenarians, and Jesuites) being in a readinesse with their Crosses
borne before them, to guide the new Viceroy of _Mexico_, in procession
to the chiefe Cathedrall Church. The Fryers and Jesuites were quicker
in going to land then the great _Don_ the Marquesse _de Serralvo_ and
his Lady. Some of them kissed the ground as holy in their opinion,
for the Conversion of those _Indians_ to Christianity, who before had
worshipped Idols, and sacrificed to Devils; others kneeled upon their
knees making short prayers, some to the Virgin _Mary_, others to such
Saints as they best affected; and so betooke themselves to the places
and stations of those of their profession. In the mean time all the
Cannon playing both from ships and Castle, landed the Viceroy and his
Lady and all his Traine, acccompanyed with _Don Martin de Carrillo_
the Visiter generall for the strife between the Count of _Gelves_
the last Viceroy, & the Archbishop of _Mexico_. The great Don and
his Lady being placed under a Canope of state, began the _Te Deum_
to be sung with much variety of musicall instruments, all marching
in procession to the Cathedrall, where with many lights of burning
lampes, torches, & Wax candles, was to the view of all set upon the
high Altar their God of bread; to whom all knees were bowed; a prayer
of thanks-giving sung, holy water by a Preist sprinkled upon all the
people, and lastly a Masse with three Preists solemnly celebrated. This
being ended the Viceroy was attended on by the Chief High Justice,
named _Alcalde_ Major by the Officers of the Town, some Judges sent
from _Mexico_ to that purpose, and all the Souldiers of the Ships and
Town unto his lodging; The Fryers likewise in Procession with their
Crosse before them were conducted to their severall Cloisters. Fryer
_Calvo_ presented his Dominicans to the Prior of the Cloister of St.
_Dominicke_, who entertained us very lovingly with some sweet Meates,
and everyone with a Cup of the _Indian_ drink called _Chocolatte_,
whereof I shall speake hereafter. This refreshment being ended, wee
proceeded to a better, which was a most stately Dinner both of Fish and
Flesh; no Fowles were spared, many Capons, Turky Cocks, and Hens were
prodigally lavished, to shew us the abundance and plenty of Provision
of that Country. The Prior of this Cloister was no stayed, ancient,
grey-headed man, such as usually are made Superiours to govern young
and wanton Fryers; but hee was a Gallant and Amorous young Sparke,
who (as wee were there informed) had obtained from his Superiour the
Provinciall the Government of that Convent with a Bribe of a thousand
Duckats. After dinner hee had some of us to his Chamber, where wee
observed his lightnesse and little savour of Religion or Mortification
in him; We thought to have found in his Chamber some stately Library,
which might tel us of Learning and love of Study; but we found not
above a dozen old Bookes, standing in a corner covered with dust and
Cobwebs, as if they were ashamed that the Treasure that lay hid in
them, should be so much forgotten, and undervalued, and the Guitarra
(the _Spanish_ Lute) preferred and set above them. His Chamber was
richly dressed and hung with many pictures, and with hangings, some
made with Cotten Wooll, others with various coloured feathers of
_Mechoacan_, his Tables covered with Carpets of Silk; his Cubboards
adorned with severall sorts of _China_ Cups and Dishes, stored within
with severall dainties of sweet Meates and Conserves.

This sight seemed to the zealous Fryers of our Mission most vaine,
and unbeseeming a poore and mendicant Fryer; to the others, whose end
in comming from _Spain_ to those parts was Liberty, and loosnesse,
and covetousnesse of riches, this sight was pleasing and gave them
great incouragement to enter further into that Country, where soone
a Mendicant _Lazarus_ might become a proud and wealthy _Dives_. The
discourse of the young and light headed Prior was nothing but vaine
boasting of himself, of his birth, his parts, his favour with the
chiefe Superior or Provinciall, the love which the best Ladies, the
richest Merchants Wives of the Towne bare unto him, of his cleere and
excellent voice, and great dexterity in Musick, whereof he presently
gave us a taste, tuning his _Guitarra_ and singing to us some verses
(as hee said, of his owne composing) some lovely _Amaryllis_, adding
scandall to scandall, loosenesse to liberty, which it grieved some of
us to see in a Superiour who should have taught with words, and in
his life and Conversation examples of Repentance and Mortification.
No sooner were our senses of hearing delighted well with Musick, our
Sight with the objects of Cotten-Wool, Silke and Feather workes, but
presently our Prior caused to be brought forth of all his store of
dainties, such variety as might likewise relish well and delight our
sense of tasting. Thus as wee were truely transported from _Europe_
to _America_, so the World seemed truely to bee altered, our senses
changed from what they were the night & day before when we heard the
hideous noise of the Mariners hoising up Sailes, when wee saw the deep
and monsters of it, when we tasted the stinking water, when we smelt
the Tarre and Pitch; but here wee heard a quivering and trembling
voice and instrument well tuned, wee beheld wealth and riches, wee
tasted what was sweet, and in the Sweet-meates smelt the Muske and
Civit, wherewith that Epicurean Prior had seasoned his Conserves. Here
wee broke up our discourse and pastimes, desirous to walke abroad and
take a view of the Towne, having no more time then that, and the next
day to stay in it. Wee compassed it round about that afternoone; and
found the situation of it to bee sandy, except on the South-West side,
where it is Moorish ground, and full of standing Bogs, which with the
great heates that are there, cause it to bee a very unhealthy place;
The number of Inhabitants may bee three thousand, and amongst them
some very rich Merchants, some worth two hundred, some three hundred,
and some foure hundred thousand Duckats. Of the buildings little we
observed, for they are all, both Houses, Churches, and Cloisters built
with Boards and Timber, the Walls of the richest mans house being made
but of boards, which with the impetuous Winds from the North hath bin
cause that many times the town hath bin for the most part of it burnt
down to the ground. The great Trading from _Mexico_, & by _Mexico_ from
the _East-India's_, from _Spain_, from _Cuba, Sto. Domingo, Jucatan,
Portabello_, and by _Portabello_ from _Peru_, from _Cartagena_ and
all the Islands lying upon the North Sea, and by the River _Alvarado_
going up to _Zapotecas, St. Ildefonso_, and towards _Guaxaca_, and by
the River _Grijalva_, running up to _Tabasco, Los Zoques_ and _Chiapa
de Indios_, maketh this little Town very rich, and to abound with
all the Commodities of the Continent Land, and of all the _East_ and
_West-India's_ Treasures. The unhealthinesse of the place is the reason
of the paucity of Inhabitants, and the paucity of them, together with
the rich Trading and commerce, the reasons that the Merchants therein
are extraordinary rich; who yet might have been farre richer, had not
the Town been so often fired, and they in the fire had great losses.
All the strength of this Towne is first the hard and dangerous entrance
into the Haven; and secondly, a rock which lyeth before the Town lesse
then a Musket shot off; upon which is built a Castle, and in the Castle
a slight Garrison of Souldiers. In the Town there is neither Fort, nor
Castle, nor scarce any people of warlike mindes. The Rocke and Castle
are as a Wall, defence, and inclosure to the Haven, which otherwise
lyeth wide open to the Ocean, and to the Northern Winds. No Ship dares
cast anchor within the Haven, but onely under the Rock and Castle, and
yet not sure enough so with Anchors, except with Cables also they be
bound and fastened to Rings of Iron for that purpose to the side of the
Rock; from whence sometimes it hath happened that Ships floating with
the Stream too much on one side the Rocke have been driven off and cast
upon the other Rockes or out to the Ocean, the Cables of their Anchors,
and those wherewith they have beene fastned to the Castle being broken
with the force of the Winds. This happened to one of our Ships the
first night after we landed; who were happy that we were not then at
Sea; for there arose such a storme and Tempest from the North, that it
quite broke the Cables of one Ship and drove it out to the maine Sea,
and wee thought it would have blowne and droven us out of our beds
after it, for the slight boarded houses did so totter & shake, that we
expected every houre when they would fal upon our heads. We had that
first night enough of St. _John de Ulhua_, and little rest, though
feasted as well at Supper as at Dinner by our vaine boasting Prior,
who before wee went to bed, had caused all our feet to bee washed,
that now in easier beds then for above two moneths together the strait
and narrow Cabins of the Ship had allowed us, our sleep might be more
quiet, and more nourishing to our bodies; but the whistling Winds and
tottering Chambers, which made our Beds uneasie Cradles to us, caused
us to flie from our rest at midnight, and with our bare (though washed)
feet to seeke the dirty Yard for safer shelter. In the morning the
Fryers of the Cloister who were acquainted with those winds and storms,
laughed at our fearefulnesse, assuring us, that they never slept better
then when their Beds were rocked with such like blasts. But that nights
affrightment made us weary already of our good and kind entertainment;
wee desired to remove from the Sea side; which our Superiour _Calvo_
yeelded to, not for our feare sake so much, as for his feare, lest
with eating too much of the fruits of that Countrey, and drinking
after them too greedily of the water (which causeth dangerous Fluxes,
and hasteneth death to those that newly come from _Spain_ to those
parts) wee should fall sick, and die there, as hundreds did after our
departure for want of temperance in the use of those fruits, which
before they had never seen, or eaten. Thirty Mules were ready for us,
which had bin brought a purpose from _Mexico_, and had waited for us
in St. _John de Ulhua_ six days before ever the Fleet arrived. _Calvo_
that day busied himselfe a Ship board in sending to shore our Chests,
and such Provision as had been left of Wines, and Bisket, Gammons of
Bacon, and salted Beefe, whereof there was some store, besides a dozen
Hens and three Sheep, which was much wondred at, that so much should be
left after so long a voiage. In the mean time we visited our friends
and tooke our leaves of them in the forenoone; and after Dinner seats
were prepared for us in the Cathedrall Church to sit and see a Comedy
acted, which had beene on purpose studied and prepared by the Town for
the entertainment of the new Viceroy of _Mexico_. Thus two daies onely
we abode in St. _John de Ulhua_, and so departed.




CHAP. IX.

_Of our journey from St. _John de Ulhua _to_ Mexico; _and of the most
remarkeable Townes and Villages in the way._


Upon the 14 day of _September_ we left the Town and Port of _S. John
de Ulhua_, entring into the rode to _Mexico_, which we found the first
three or four leagues to bee very sandy, as wide and open as is our
rode from _London_ to _S. Albans_. The first _Indians_ we met with,
was at the old _Vera Crux_, a Towne seated by the sea side, which the
_Spaniards_ that first conquered that countrey thought to have made
their chief Harbour: but afterwards by reason of the small shelter they
found in it for their ships against the North winds, they left it, and
removed to _S. John de Ulhua_. Here we began to discover the power of
the Preists and Fryers over the poore _Indians_, and their subjection
and obedience unto them. The Prior of _S. John de Ulhua_ had writ a
letter unto them the day before of our passing that way, charging
them to meet us in the way, and to welcome us into those parts; which
was by the poor _Indians_ gallantly performed; for two miles before
we came to the Towne, there met us on Horse-back some twenty of the
chiefe of the Towne, presenting unto every one of us a nosegay of
flowers; who rid before us a bow shot, till we met with more company on
foot, to wit, the Trumpeters, the Waits; (who sounded pleasantly all
the way before us) the Officers of the Church, such as here we call
Church-wardens, though more in number, according to the many sodalities
or confraternities of Saints whom they serve, these likewise presented
to each of us a nosegay; next met us the singing men and boyes, all the
Quiristers, who softly and leisurely walked before us singing, _Te Deum
laudamus_, till we came to the midst of the Towne, where were two great
Elme trees, the chiefe Market place; there was set up one long arbour
with green bowes, and a table ready furnished with boxes of conserves,
and other sweet meates, and diet-bread, to prepare our stomacks for a
cup of _Chocolatte_, which while it was seasoning with the hot water
and Sugar, the chiefe _Indians_ and Officers of the Towne made a speech
unto us, having first kneeled downe and kissed our hands one by one;
they welcomed us into their Countrey, calling us the Apostles of Jesus
Christ, thanked us for that we had left our own Countrey, our friends,
our fathers and mothers for to save their soules; they told us they
honoured us as Gods upon earth; and many such complements they used
till our _Chocolatte_ was brought. We refreshed ourselves for the space
of one hour, and gave hearty thanks to the _Indians_ for their kind
respects unto us, assuring them that nothing was more deare unto us in
this world then their souls, which that we might save, wee regarded
not sea, nor land dangers, nor the unhumane cruelties of barbarous and
savage _Indians_, (who as yet had no knowledge of the true God) no nor
our owne lives.

And thus we took our leaves, giving unto the chief of them some Beads,
some medals, some Crosses of brasse, some _Agnus Dei_, some reliques
brought from _Spain_, and to every one of the Town an Indulgence of
fourty years, (which the Pope had granted unto us, to bestow where, and
upon whom, and as often as wee would) wherewith we began to blind that
simple people with ignorant, erroneous, and Popish principles. As we
went out of the Arbour to take our Mules, behold the Market place was
full of _Indian_ men and women; who as they saw us ready to depart,
kneeled upon the ground as adoring us for a blessing, which as we rid
along, we bestowed upon them with lifted up hands on high, making
over them the signe of the Crosse. And this submission of the poor
_Indians_ unto the Preists in those parts; this vain-glory in admitting
such ceremonious entertainment and publike worship from them, did so
puffe up some of our young Fryers hearts, that already they thought
themselves better then the best Bishops in _Spain_, who though proud
enough, yet never travail there with such publike acclamations as we
did. The Waits and Trumpets sounded againe before us, and the chiefe of
the Town conducted us a mile forward, and so tooke their leaves. The
first two daies we lodged but in poore small _Indian_ Townes, among
whom we still found kind entertainment, and good store of provision,
especially of Hens, Capons, Turkeys, and severall sorts of fruits.
The third day at night we came to a great Towne consisting of neere
two thousand inhabitants, some _Spaniards_, some _Indians_, called
_Xalappa de la Vera Crux_. This Towne in the yeare 1634. was made a
new Bishops Sea (the Bishoprick of the City, called _La Puebla de los
Angeles_ being divided into two) and this being not above the third
part of it, is thought to be worth ten thousand duckats a yeer. It
stands in a very fertile soile for _Indian_ wheat called _Maiz_, and
some _Spanish_ wheat. There are many Townes about it of _Indians_; but
what makes it rich, are the many farmes of Sugar, and some which they
call _Estantia's_, rich farmes for breeding of Mules, and cattell; and
likewise some Farmes of _Cochinil_. In this Towne there is but one
great Church and an inferiour Chappell, both belonging to a Cloister
of Franciscan Friers, wherein we were lodged that night and the next
day, being the Lords day. Though the revenues of this Cloister be
great, yet it maintaines not above halfe a dozen Fryers, where twenty
might be plentifully maintained, that so those few lubbers might be
more abundantly, and like Epicures fed and nourished. The Superiour
or Guardian of this Cloister was no lesse vaine then the Prior of
_S. John de Ulhua_; and though he were not of our profession, yet he
welcomed us with stately entertainment. Here and wheresoever further
we travailed, we still found in the Preists and Fryers loosenesse
of life, and their waies and proceedings contrary to the waies of
their profession, sworne to by a solemne Vow and Covenant. This Order
especially of the mendicant Franciscan Fryers voweth (besides chastity
and obedience) poverty more strictly to be observed, then any other
Order of the _Romish_ Church; for their Clothing ought to be corse
sackcloth, their girdles made of hemp should be no finer then strong
halters, their shirts should be but woollen, their legs should know no
stockings, their feet no shoes, but at the most and best either wooden
clogs, or sandals of hemp, their hands and fingers should not so much
as touch any money, nor they have the use or possession or propriety of
any, nor their journeys be made easy with the help of Horses to carry
them, but painfully they ought to travaile on foot; and the breach of
any of these they acknowledge to be a deadly and mortall sinne, with
the guilt of a high soul-damning and soul-cursing excommunication.
Yet for all these bonds and obligations, those wretched Impes live in
those parts as though they had never vowed unto the Lord, shewing in
their lives that they have vowed what they are not able to performe.
It was to us a strange and scandalous sight to see here in _Xalappa_
a Fryer of the Cloister riding in with his lackey boy by his side,
upon a goodly gelding, (having gone but to the Townes end, as we were
informed, to heare a dying mans confession) with his long habit tucked
up to his girdle, making shew of a fine silke orange colour stockin
upon his legs, and a neate Cordovan shoe upon his foot, with a fine
Holland paire of drawers, with a lace three inches broad at knee. This
sight made us willing to pry further into this and the other Fryers
carriages, under whose broad sleeves we could perceive their dublets
quilted with silke, and at their wrists the laces of their Holland
shirts. In their talke we could discerne no mortification, but meer
vanity and worldlinesse. After supper some of them began to talk of
carding and dicing; they challenged us, that were but new comers to
those parts, to a Primera; which though most of ours refused, some for
want of money, some for ignorance of that game, yet at last with much
ado they got two of our Fryers to joyn with two of theirs; so the cards
were handsomely shuffled, the vies and revies were doubled, losse made
some hot & blind with passion, gain made others eager and covetous; and
thus was that religious Cloister made all night a gaming house, and
sworne religious poverty turned into profane and worldly covetousnesse.
We that beheld some part of the night the game, found enough to
observe, for the more the sport increased, scandalls to the sport were
added, both by drinking and swearing that common oath _Voio a Christo,
Voio a Dios_, and also by scoffing and jearing at the religious vowes
of poverty which they had vowed; for one of the Franciscans though
formerly he had touched money, and with his fingers had laid it to the
Stake on the table; yet sometimes to make the company laugh, if he had
chanced to winne a double vie (and sometimes the vies and revies went
round of twenty patacons) then would he take the end of one sleeve of
his habit, and open wide the other broad sleeve, and so with his sleeve
sweep the money into his other sleeve, saying, I have vowed not to
touch money, nor to keep any, I meaned then a naturall contact of it;
but my sleeve may touch it, and my sleeve may keep it: shewing with
scoffes and jests of his lips, what religion was in his heart. My eares
tingled with hearing such oathes, my tongue would have uttered some
words of reproofe, but that I considered my self a guest and stranger
in a strange house, and that if any thing I should say, it would doe
no good; so silently I departed to my rest, leaving the Gamesters,
who continued til Sun-rising, and in the morning I was informed that
the jesting Fryer, that rather roaring Boy then religious Franciscan,
fitter for _Sardanapalus_ or _Epicurus_ his Schoole, then to live in a
Cloister, had lost fourescore and odde Patacons, his sleeve (it seemes)
refusing to keep for him what hee had vowed never to possesse. Here
I began to find out by experience of these Franciscans, that liberty
and loosnesse of life it was that brought yeerly so many Fryers and
Jesuites from _Spain_ to those parts, rather then zeale of Preaching
the Gospel and Converting Soules to Christ, which indeed being an act
of highest Charity, they make a speciall badge of the truth of their
Religion: But the loosnesse of their lives sheweth evidently that the
love of money, of vain-glory, of Power and Authority over the poore
_Indians_, is their end and aime more then any love of God. From
_Xalappa_ we went to a place called by the _Spaniards, La Rinconada_,
which is no Towne nor Village, and therefore not worth mentioning in
such a Rode as now I am in; yet as famous in two things, it must not
bee omitted amongst greater places. This place stands so far from any
other Town, that Travellers can scarce make their journeys without
either baiting there at noone, or lying there at night, or declining
three or foure miles out of the Rode to some _Indian_ Town. It is
no more then one house, which the _Spaniards_ call, _Venta_, or as
our _English_, Innes, seated in the corner of a low Valley, which
is the hottest place from St. _John de Ulhua_ to _Mexico_; about it
are the best Springs and Fountaines in all the Rode, and the water
though warme with the heat of the Sun, yet as sweet as any Milk. The
Inne-keepers knowing wel the _Spaniards_ heat, that it seeks coole
and refreshing drink, have speciall care so to lay in water in great
earthen Vessels, which they set upon a moist and waterish Sand, that
it is so cold that it maketh the teeth to chatter. This sweetnesse
and this coolnesse together of that water in so hot and scorching a
Countrey, was to us a wonder, who could find no other refreshment from
that extraordinary heat. Besides our Provision here of Beefe, Mutton,
Kid, Hens, Turkeys, Rabbets, Fowles, and especially Quailes, was so
plentifull and cheape, that wee were astonished at it. The Valley and
Countrey about it is very rich and fertile, full of _Spanish_ Farmes
of Sugar, and _Cochinil, Spanish_ and _Indian_ Wheate. But what maketh
mee more especially remember this _Venta_, or Inne, is, for that though
Art and experience of man have found a way to provide for Travellers
in so hot a place coole and refreshing water, and God have given it
the sweetnesse of Milk, and to the place such abundance of Provision;
yet all this in the day onely is comfortable and pleasant; but in the
night the _Spaniards_ call it, _Cumfites en infierno_, that is to say,
Cumfits in hell, for not onely the heat is so extraordinary, that it
is impossible to bee feeding without wiping away the continuall sweat
of the Face, whose drops from the Browes are alwayes ready to blind
our eyes and to fill with sauce our dishes, but the swarmes of Gnats
are such that waking and sleeping no device of man is able to keep
them off. True it is, most of us had our Pavilions which wee carried
with us to hang about and over our beds, but these could not defend us
from that piercing and stinging Vermine, which like _Egypts_ Plague of
Frogs would be sure to be in every place, and through our Curtaines
to come upon our very Beds. Yet in the day they are not; but just at
Sun setting they begin to swarme about, and at Sun rising away they
goe. After a most tedious and troublesome night, when wee found the
rising of the Sun had dispersed and banished them away, wee thought it
best for us to flie away from that place with them; and so from thence
earely wee departed to a Towne as pleasant and fertill and abounding
with Provision as this _Rinconada_, and free from such busie guests
and individuall Mates and Companions as the night before had intruded
themselves upon us. The next night wee got to a Towne called _Segura_,
inhabited both by _Indians_ and _Spaniards_, consisting of about a
thousand Inhabitants; here again without any charges we were stately
entertained by Franciscan Fryers, as light and vain glorious as those
of _Xalappa_. This Town had its first beginning and foundation from
_Hernando Cortez_, and is called _Segura de la Frontera_, being built
up by him for a Frontier Town to secure the _Spaniards_ that came from
St. _John de Ulhua_ to _Mexico_, against the _Culhuacans_ and people
of _Tepeacac_, who were allied to the _Mexicans_, and so much annoyed
the _Spaniards_. But what most incensed _Cortez_ was, that after his
first repulse from _Mexico_, the _Indians_ insulting over him and the
rest of his Company, whom they heard had beene dangerously wounded,
and were retired to _Tlaxcallan_ to recover and strengthen themselves;
the two Townes, _Culhua_ and _Tepeacac_, then in League with the
_Mexicans_ against _Cortez_ and the Town of _Tlaxcallan_, lying in
wait for the _Spaniards_, took twelve of them, and sacrificed them
alive to their Idols and eat their flesh. Whereupon _Cortez_ desired
_Maxixca_, a chief Captain of _Tlaxcallan_, and divers other Gentlemen
of that Towne to goe with him and to help him to bee avenged of the
people of _Tepeacac_ for the cruelty used to twelve of his _Spaniards_,
and for the daily and great hurt they also did to the Inhabitants of
_Tlaxcallan_ with the helpe of their allied friends the _Culhuacans_
and _Mexicans. Maxixca_ and the chief of _Tlaxcallan_ forthwith
entred into counsell with the States and and Communalty of the Town,
and there determined with generall consent to give unto him forty
thousand fighting Men, besides many _Tamemez_, who are Foot Carriers,
to beare the Baggage, Victuall, and other things. With this number of
_Tlaxcalteca's_, his owne men, and horses, _Cortez_ went to _Tepeacac_,
requiring them in satisfaction of the death of the twelve Christians,
that they should now yeeld themselves to the obedience of the Emperour
and King of _Spain_ his Master, and hereafter never more to receive any
_Mexican_ into their Town or houses, neither yet any of the Province of
_Culhua_. The _Tepeacacs_ answered that they had slain the _Spaniards_
for good and just cause, which was that being time of Warre, they
presumed to passe through their Countrey by force without their will
and License. And also that the _Mexicans_ and _Culhuacans_ were their
friends and Lords, whom alwayes they would friendly entertaine within
their Towne and houses, refusing utterly their offer and request,
protesting to give no obedience to whom they knew not, wishing them
therefore to return incontinent to _Tlaxcallan_, except they had desire
to end their weary days, and to be sacrificed and eaten up as their
twelve friends had been. _Cortez_ yet invited them many times with
peace; and seeing it prevailed not, he began his Wars in earnest. The
_Tepeacacs_ with the favour of the _Culhuacans_ were brave and lusty,
and began to stop and defend the _Spaniards_ entrance into their Town.
And being many in number with divers valiant men among them, began to
skirmish sundry times; but at the end they were overthrown and many
slain without killing any _Spaniard_, although many _Tlaxcalteca's_
were killed that day. The Lords and principall persons of _Tepeacac_
seeing their overthrow, and that their strength could not prevaile,
yeelded themselves unto _Cortez_ for Vassals of the Emperour with
condition to banish for ever their allied friends of _Culhua_; and that
hee should punish and correct at his will and pleasure all those which
were occasion of the death of the twelve _Spaniards_. For which causes
and obstinacy, at the first _Cortez_ judged by his sentence that all
the Townes which had been privy to the murther, should for ever remain
Captives and slaves; others affirm that he overcame them without any
condition, and corrected them for their disobedience, being Sodomites,
Idolaters and eaters of mans flesh, and chiefly for example of all
others. And in conclusion, they were condemned for slaves, and within
twenty daies that these Wars lasted, hee pacified all that Province,
which is very great, hee drave from thence the _Culhuacans_, hee threw
down the Idols, and the chiefest persons obeyed him. And for more
assurance he built there this Town, naming it _Segura De la Frontera_,
appointing all Officers for the purpose, whereby the Christians and
strangers might passe without danger from _Vera Crux_ to _Mexico_. This
Town likewise, as all the rest from St. _John de Ulhua_ to _Mexico_,
is very plentifull of provision, and many sorts of fruits, namely
Plantins, _Sapottes_, and _Chicosapottes_, which have within a great
black kernell as big as our horse Plums, the fruit it self is as red
within as Scarlet, as sweet as Honey; but the _Chicosapotte_, is lesse
and some of them red, some browne coloured, and so juicy that at the
eating the juyce like drops of Honey fall from them, and the smell is
like unto a baked Peare. Here likewise were presented unto us Clusters
of Grapes as faire as any in _Spain_, which were welcome unto us, for
that wee had seen none since we came from _Spain_, and wee saw by them
that the Countrey thereabouts would be very fit for Vineyards, if the
King of _Spain_ would grant the planting of Vines in those parts;
which often hee hath refused to doe, lest the Vineyards there should
hinder the Trading and Trafique between _Spain_ and those parts, which
certainly had they but Wine, needed not any commerce with _Spain_. This
Towne is of a more temperate Climate then any other from _Vera Crux_ to
_Mexico_, and the people who formerly had been eaters of Mans flesh,
now as civill and politick, as loving and curteous as any in the rode.
From whence we declined a little out of our way more Westward (the rode
being North-Westward) only to see that famous Towne of _Tlaxcallan_,
whose inhabitants joyned with _Cortez_, and wee may say were the chiefe
instruments of that great and unparalleld Conquest.




CHAP. X.

_Wherein is set downe the estate and condition of the great Towne of_
Tlaxcallan, _when the first_ Spaniards _entred the Empire of_ Mexico;
Cortez _his first encounter with the_ Tlaxcalteca's; _their league with
him, with a description of the Towne; and of the state and condition of
it now._


_Tlaxcallan_ being worth all the rest of the Townes and Villages
between _S. John de Ulhua_ and _Mexico_; I thought it not fit to
parallell it with the others in naming it briefely and passing by it
as a Traveller, but rather I judged it convenient, and beseeming my
present History, to record to posterity with one whole Chapter, the
greatnesse of it, and the valour of its inhabitants, from the conquest
of _America_ made by _Hernando Cortez_. Who being upon his march to
_Mexico_, and having arrived to _Zaclotan_, and being informed that
the _Tlaxcalteca's_ were men of valour, and enemies to _Montezuma_ the
Emperour of _Mexico_, thought it his best policy to joyne with them
against the _Mexicans_.

Whereupon hee dispatched unto them foure _Indians_ of a Towne called
_Zempoallan_, as Ambassadours to acquaint them of his coming into
those parts, and of his desire to visit their Towne, not for any harme
he intended to them, but rather for their good. The _Tlaxcalteca's_
fearing _Cortez_, and judging him a friend of _Montezuma_, because upon
his way to visit him, and having heard of the many costly presents
which the Emperour had sent unto him; they resolved to resist his
coming, and to send him no answer to his ambassage; but tooke the
four Messengers which he had sent, and imprisoned them, minding to
sacrifice them unto their Gods as Espies. _Cortez_ seeing the long
tarrying of the Messengers, departed from _Zaclotan_, without any
intelligence from _Tlaxcallan_. His camp had not marched much after
their departure from that place, but they came to a great circuit
of stone made without lime or morter, being of a fadome and a halfe
high, and twenty foot broad, with loupe holes to shoot at; this wall
crossed over a whole valley, from one mountain to another, and but one
only entrance or gate, in the which the one wall doubled against the
other, and the way there was fourty paces broad, in such sort that it
was an evil and perillous passage, if any had been there to defend it.
_Cortez_ demanded the cause of that circuit, and who had built it;
the _Indians_ that went with him, told him that it was but a division
from their countrey and _Tlaxcallan_, and that their Antecessors had
made the same to disturbe the entrance of the _Tlaxcalteca's_ in time
of warre, who came to rob and murther them because of the friendship
betwixt them and _Montezuma_, whose vassals they were. That strange
and costly wall seemed a thing of great majesty to the _Spaniards_,
and more superfluous then profitable, yet they suspected that the
_Tlaxcalteca's_ were valiant warriers, who had such defence made
against them. But _Cortez_ setting all fear aside, with three hundred
Souldiers on a ranke, entred the way in the wall, and proceeded in
good order all the way forwards, carrying the Ordnance ready charged,
and he himselfe the Leader of all his Army, and sometimes he would be
halfe a league before them, to discover and make the way plain. And
having gone the space of three leagues from that circuit, he commanded
his Foot-men to make haste, because it was somewhat late, and he
with his Horse-men went to descry the Way forwards, who ascending
up a hill, two of the formost Horse-men met with fifteen _Indians_
armed with swords, and targets, and tuffes of feathers, which they
used to weare in the warres. These fifteen being Spies, when they saw
the Horse-men, began to flie with fear, or else to give advice. But
_Cortez_ approaching with other three Horsemen called to them to stay;
which they by no means would hearken unto; till six more Horse-men
ran after them, and overtooke them. The _Indians_ then joyning all
together with determination rather to die then to yeeld, shewed to
the _Spaniards_ signes to stand still. But the Horsemen coming to
lay hands on them; they prepared themselves to battel, and fought,
defending themselves for a while. In this fight the _Indians_ slew two
of their Horses, and (as the _Spaniards_ do witnesse) at two blowes
they cut off a Horse head, bridle and all. Then came the rest of the
Horsemen, the Army also of the _Indians_ approached, for there were
in sight neer five thousand of them in good order, to succour their
fifteen fighting men; but they came too late for that purpose, for
they were all slain by the _Spanish_ fury, because they would not
render themselves in time, and had killed two of their Horses. Yet
notwithstanding their fellowes fought, until they espied the _Spanish_
Army coming, and the Ordnance, then they returned leaving the field
to the _Spaniards_, whose Horse-men followed them, and slew about
seventy of them, without receiving any hurt. With this the _Indians_
perceiving the great advantage which the _Spaniards_ had against them
with their Horses, and meaning to come upon them subtilly with a more
powerful Army, that they might the better deceive and delude them,
they sent unto _Cortez_ two of the four Messengers which had been sent
unto them with other _Indians_, saying, that they of _Tlaxcallan_ knew
nothing of the things that had happened, certifying likewise that those
with whom he had fought, were of other communities, and not of their
jurisdiction, being sorrowfull for that which had passed; and for so
much as it happened in their countrey, they would willingly pay for the
two Horses which were slain, praying them to come in good time to their
Towne, who would gladly receive them, and enter into their league of
friendship, because they seemed to bee valiant men; But all this was a
feigned and a false message. Yet _Cortez_ beleeved them, and gave them
thanks for their courtesie and good will; and that according to their
request he would goe unto their Towne, and accept their friendship. And
touching the death of his Horses, hee required nothing, for that within
short time he expected many more; yet sorrowfull he was not so much
for the want of them, as that the _Indians_ should thinke that Horses
could die or be slain. _Cortez_ proceeded forwards about two leagues,
where the Horses were killed, although it was almost sun set, and his
men wearied, having travelled far that day. He planted his Army by a
river side, remaining all that night with good watch both of Foot-men
and Horse-men, fearing some assault; but there was no attempt given
that night. The next morning at sun rising, _Cortez_ departed with
his Army in good order, and in the midst of them went the Fardage and
Artillerie, and after a little marching they met with the other two
Messengers whom they had sent from _Zaclotan_; they came with pitifull
cryes exclaiming of the Captaines of the power of _Tlaxcallan_, who
had bound them and detained them from returning; but with good fortune
that night they had broken loose, and escaped, for otherwise in the
morning following they had been sacrificed to the God of Victory, and
after the sacrifice they had been eaten for a good beginning of the
warres; the _Tlaxcalteca's_ protesting to doe the like to the bearded
men (for so they termed the _Spaniards_) and to as many as came with
them. They had no sooner told their tale, when there appeared behind a
little hil about a thousand _Indians_, very well appointed after their
fashion, and came with such a marvellous noise and cry, as though their
voyces should have pierced the heavens; hurling at the _Spaniards_,
stones, darts, and shot with bowes and arrowes. _Cortez_ made many
tokens of peace unto them, and by his Interpreters desired them to
leave the battail. But so much the more as he intreated for peace, the
more hasty and earnest were they, thinking either to overcome them,
or else to hold them play, to the intent that the _Spaniards_ should
follow them to a certaine ambush that was prepared for them, of more
then fourescore thousand men. Here the _Spaniards_ began to cease
from words, and to lay hand upon their weapons; for that company of a
thousand were as many as on the _Spaniards_ side were fighting men;
though they were well practised in the warres, very valiant, and also
pitched in a better place for fight. This battail endured certaine
houres, and at the end the _Indians_ being either wearied, or else
meaning to take the _Spaniards_ in the snare appointed, began to flie
towards the main battail, not as overcome, but to joyne with their own
side. The _Spaniards_ being hot in the fight and slaughter, which was
not little, followed them with all their fardage, and unawares fell
into the ambush, among an infinite number of _Indians_ armed; they
stayd not, because they would not put themselves out of order, and
passed through their campe with great haste and fear. The _Indians_
began to set upon the _Spanish_ Horse-men, thinking to have taken their
lances from them, their courage was so stout; many of the _Spaniards_
had there perished, had it not been for their _Indian_ friends, who
had come with them from _Zempoallan_ and _Zaclotan_. Likewise the
courage of _Cortez_ did much animate them; for although hee led his
Army making way, yet divers times hee turned him back to place his
men in order, and to comfort them, and at length came out of that
dangerous way and ambush, where the Horses might help, and the Ordnance
stand instead, which two things did greatly annoy the _Indians_ to
their great wonder and marvell, and at the sight thereof began to
flie. In both incounters remained many _Indians_ slain and wounded,
and of the _Spaniards_ some were hurt, but none killed, who gave most
hearty thankes unto God for their delivery from so great a multitude
as were foure score thousand against one thousand onely of _Indians_
and _Spaniards_ joyned together. The _Indians_ of _Zempoallan_ and
_Zaclotan_ did play the valiant men that day, wherefore _Cortez_
honoured them with hearty thankes. Then they went to pitch their
Campe in a village called _Teoacazinco_, where was a little Tower and
a Temple, and there fortified themselves. The night following the
_Spaniards_ slept not quietly with fear of a third Invasion of the
_Tlaxcalteca's_. As soone as it was day _Cortez_ sent to the Captains
of _Tlaxcallan_ to require them of Peace and Friendship, willing them
quietly to suffer them to passe through their Countrey to _Mexico_,
for that they meant them no hurt, but rather good wil. The answer
of the captains of _Tlaxcallan_ was, that the next day they would
come and talke with him and declare their minds. _Cortez_ was well
prepared that night, for the answer liked him not, but rather seemed
brave, and a matter determined to be done, as some had told him (whom
hee tooke prisoners) who likewise certified that the _Tlaxcalteca's_
were joyned together, to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand
men to give battaile the next day following, and to swallow up alive
the _Spaniards_ whom so mortally they did hate, thinking them to bee
friends unto the Emperour _Montezuma_, unto whom they wished all evill
and mischief. Their intent was therefore with all their whole power to
apprehend the bearded men, and to make of them a more solemne Sacrifice
unto their Gods then at any time they had done, with a generall banquet
of their flesh, which they called _Celestiall_.

The Captaines of _Tlaxcallan_ divided their Souldiers into foure
Battailes, the one to _Tepeticpac_, another to _Ocotelulco_, the third
to _Tizatlan_, and the fourth to _Quiahuiztlan_, that is to say,
the men of the Mountaines, the men of the Limepits, the men of the
Pinetrees, and the Water men; all these foure sorts of men did make
the Body of the Common-weelth of _Tlaxcallan_, and commanded both in
time of War and Peace. Every of these Captaines had his just portion or
number of Warriers, but the Generall of all the whole Army was called
_Xicotencatl_, who was of the Limepits; and hee had the Standard of the
Common-wealth, which is a Crane of gold with his wings spread, adorned
with Emeralds and Silver worke, which Standard was according to their
use either carryed before the whole Host, or else behind them all. The
Lieutenant Generall of the Army was _Maxixcazin_; and the number of the
whole Army was a hundred and fifty thousand men. Such a great number
they had ready against foure hundred _Spaniards_, and seven hundred
_Indians_ of _Zempoallan_ and _Zaclotan_, and yet at length overcome;
and after this fight they were the greatest friends that _Cortez_ had
in those parts against _Montezuma_. These Captaines came with their
Companies, that the fields where they were seemed a Forrest. They were
gallant Fellowes and well Armed according to their use, although they
were painted, so that their faces shewed like Devils, with great tuffes
of Feathers, and they boasted gallantly. Their Weapons and Armour were
Slings, Staves, Speares, Swords, Bowes and Arrowes, Sculles, Splintes,
Gantlets, all of Wood, guilt or else covered with Feathers or Leather;
their Corselets were made of Cotton Wooll, their Targets and Bucklers
gallant and strong, made of wood covered with leather and trimmed with
latten, and feathers, their Swords were staves with an edge of flint
stone cunningly joyned into the staffe, which would cut very well and
make a sore wound. Their instruments of War were hunters hornes, and
Drummes called _Ataballs_ made like a Caldron and covered with Vellam.
So that the _Spaniards_ in all their discovery of _India_ did never
see a better Army together, nor better ordered; that which I could
not omit to speake of here, having come in the order of my history
to _Tlaxcallan_, where this numerous and gallant _Indian_ Army was
set forth against 400 _Spaniards_ and 600 _Indians_ their friends.
These _Indians_ thus ordered in Battail bragged very much against the
_Spaniards_, and said amongst themselves, What mad people are these
bearded men that threaten us and yet know us not? But if they will bee
so bold to invade our Countrey without our licence, let us not set
upon them so soone, it is meet they have a little rest, for wee have
time enough to take and bind them; let us also send them meat, for
they are come with empty stomackes, and so they shall not say that we
do apprehend them with wearinesse and hunger. Whereupon they sent unto
the _Spaniards_ three hundred Turkey cocks and two hundred baskets
of bread, called _Centli_; the which present was a great succour and
refreshment for the need the _Spaniards_ stood in. And soone after,
Now (say they) let us goe and set upon them, for by this time they
have eaten their meat, and now we will eat them, and so shall they
pay us the victuals that we sent. These & such like brags they used,
seeing so few _Spaniards_ before them, and not knowing the strength
of their Ordnance against their so numerous an host. Then the foure
Captaines sent two thousand of their valiantest men of warre, and old
Souldiers, to take the _Spaniards_ quietly, with commandement that if
they did resist, either to binde them, or else to kill them, meaning
not to set their whole Army upon them, saying, that they should get
but small honour for so great a multitude to fight against so few.
The two thousand Souldiers passed the trench that was betwixt the two
campes, and came boldly to the Tower where the _Spaniards_ were. Then
came forth the Horse-men, and after them the Foot-men, and at the first
encounter, they made the _Indians_ feele how the iron swords would cut;
at the second, they shewed of what force those few in number were,
of whom a little before they had so jested: but at the third brunt,
they made those lusty Souldiers flie, who were come to apprehend them,
for none of them escaped, but only a few such as knew the passage of
the trenches or ditch. Then the main battail and whole Army set forth
with a terrible and marvellous noise, and came so fierce upon the
_Spaniards_, till they entred into their campe without any resistance,
and there were at handy strokes with the _Spaniards_, and in a good
space could not get them out, many of them being killed, which were
so bold to enter. In this sort they fought four houres, before they
could make way among their enemies. Then the _Indians_ began to faint,
seeing so many dead on their side, and the great wounds they had, and
that they could kill none of the Christians; yet the battail ceased
not, till it drew neere night, and then they retired. Whereof _Cortez_
and his Souldiers were exceeding glad, for they were fully wearied
with killing of _Indians_. The next day in the morning _Cortez_ went
forth to runne the fields as he had done before, leaving halfe his men
to keepe the campe; and because he should not be espied, he departed
before day, and burned about ten Townes, and sacked one Towne, which
was of three thousand houses, in the which were found but few people,
because the most of them were gone to their campe. After the spoile
he set fire on the Town, and came his way to his campe with a great
prey by noone time. The _Indians_ pursued thinking to take away their
prey, and followed them into the camp, where they fought five houres,
and could not kill one _Spaniard_, although many of their side were
slain; for even as they were many, and stood on a throng together,
the Ordnance made a wonderfull spoil among them, so that they left
off fighting, and the victory remained for the _Spaniards_, whom the
_Indians_ thought were inchanted, because their arrowes could not hurt
them. The next day following, the four Captaines sent three severall
things in present to _Cortez_, and the messengers that brought them
said. Sir, behold here five slaves, and if thou be that rigorous God
that eatest mans flesh and blood, eat these which we bring unto thee,
and we will bring thee more. And if thou be the gentle and meek God,
behold here frankincense and feathers. And if thou bee a mortall man,
take here fowle, bread and cherries. _Cortez_ answered that both he and
his were mortall men even as they were. And because that alwaies he had
used to tell them truth, wherefore did they use to tell him lies, and
likewise to flatter him, for he desired to be their friend, advising
them not to be mad and stubborn in their opinion, for if they so did,
assuredly they should receive great hurt and dammage.

Notwithstanding this answer, there came againe about thirty thousand
of them even to _Cortez_ his campe, to prove their corslets, as they
had done the day before, but they returned with broken pates. Here is
to be noted that although the first day the whole host of _Indians_
came to combat with the _Spaniards_; yet the next day they did not so,
but every severall Captaine by himselfe, for to divide the better the
travaile and paines equally among them; and because that one should not
disturbe another through the multitude, considering that they should
fight but with a few, and in a narrow place; and for this consideration
their battails were more fresh and strong, for each Captain did
contend who should doe most valiantly for to get honour, and especially
in killing one _Spaniard_, for they thought that all their hurts should
be satisfied with the death of one _Spaniard_, or taking one Prisoner.
Likewise is to be considered the strangenesse of their battail, for
notwithstanding their controversie fifteen daies that they were there,
whether they fought or no, they sent unto the _Spaniards_ cakes of
bread, Turkey cocks and cherries. But this policy was not to give
them that meat for good will, but onely to espie and see what hurt
was done amongst them, and also to see what feare or stomack they had
to proceed. But finding by their many spies that the _Spaniards_ were
nothing daunted nor diminished, they resolved to send unto _Cortez
Xicotencatl_, who was chiefe and generall Captain in _Tlaxcallan_,
and of all the warres; he brought in his company fifty persons of
authority to keep him company. They approached neer where _Cortez_
was, and saluted each other according to the use of their countrey.
Their salutations ended, and the parties being set downe; _Xicotencatl_
began the talke, saying. Sir, I am come on mine owne behalfe and also
of my fellow Captain and Lieutenant _Maxixca_, and in the name of many
other noble personages, and finally in the name of the whole State and
Common-wealth of _Tlaxcallan_, to beseech and pray you to admit us into
your friendship, and to yeeld our selves and countrey unto your King,
craving also at your hand pardon for our attempt in taking up armes
against you, wee not knowing what you were, nor what you fought for in
our countrey. And where we presumed to resist and defend your entrance,
wee did it as against strangers whom we knew not, and such men as we
had never heretofore seen; and fearing also that you had been friends
to _Montezuma_, who is, and alwaies hath been our mortall enemy. And we
had rather all in generall to end our lives, then to put our selves in
subjection to him; for we thinke our selves as valiant men in courage
as our fore-fathers were, who alwaies have resisted against him and
his grand-father, who was as mighty as now is he. We would also have
withstood you and your force, but we could not, although we proved all
our possibility by night and day, and found your strength invincible,
and we no lucke against you. Therefore since our fate is such, we had
rather be subject unto you then unto any others; for wee have knowne
and heard by the _Zempoallanezes_, that you doe no evill, nor came not
to vexe any, but were most valiant and happy, as they have seen in
the warres, being in your company. For which consideration, we trust
that our liberty shall not be diminished, but rather our own persons,
wives and families better preserved, and our houses and husbandry not
destroyed. And in some of his talke, the tears trickling down his
cheeks, he besought _Cortez_ to weigh that _Tlaxcallan_ did never at
any time acknowlege any superiour Lord or King, nor at any time had
come any person among them to command, but only he, whom now they did
voluntarily elect and choose as their Superiour and Ruler. _Cortez_
much rejoyced with this ambassage, and to see such a mighty Captaine,
who commanded a hundred and fifty thousand Souldiers, come unto his
camp to submit himselfe; judging it also matter of great weight to
have that Common-wealth in subjection, for the enterprise which he had
in hand, whereby he fully made an account, that the wars were at an
end, to the great contentation of him and his company, and with great
fame and reputation among the _Indians_. So with a merry and loving
countenance he answered, laying first to their charge, the hurt and
damage which he had received in their countrey, because they refused
at the first to hearken unto him, and quietly to suffer him to enter
into their countrey, as he had required and desired by his messengers
sent unto them from _Zaclotan_. Yet all this notwithstanding, he
did both pardon the killing of his two Horses, the assaulting of
him in the high way, and the lies which they had most craftily used
with him, (for whereas they themselves fought against him, yet they
laid the fault to others) likewise their pretence to murther him in
the ambush prepared for him (enticing him to come to their Towne)
without making first defiance according to the law of Arms. Yet these
injuries notwithstanding, he did lovingly receive their offer made in
subjection to the Emperour, and that very shortly he would be with
him in _Tlaxcallan_. At this same time there were Ambassadours from
_Montezuma_ with _Cortez_, who grieved much to see the League that
was now beginning between the _Tlaxcalteca's_ and the _Spaniards_;
they advised _Cortez_ to give no credit unto them, saying, they meant
nothing but treason, and lies, and to lock them up in _Tlaxcallan.
Cortez_ answered the Ambassadours, that although their advice were
true, yet he did determine to goe thither, for that he feared them
lesse in the Towne then in the field. They hearing this answer and
determination, besought him to give unto one of them licence to returne
unto _Mexico_, to advertise _Montezuma_ of all that was past, with an
answer to their ambassage, promising within six dayes to have newes
from _Mexico_, and till then prayed him not to depart with his campe.
_Cortez_ granted their request, and abode there the time appointed,
expecting their answer, and within himselfe rejoycing to see how the
_Mexicans_ began to feare, that his peace with the _Tlaxcalteca's_
would be their ruine and destruction, as indeed afterwards it proved.
In this mean season came many of _Tlaxcallan_ to the campe, some
brought Turkey cockes, other brought bread and cherries, with merry
countenances, desiring them to goe home with them unto their houses.
The sixt day the _Mexican_ Ambassadour came according to promise, and
brought unto _Cortez_ ten jewels of gold, both rich and well wrought,
and fifteen thousand garments of Cotton exceeding gallant, and most
earnestly besought him on the behalfe of _Montezuma_, that he should
not danger himselfe in trusting to the words of the _Tlaxcalteca's_,
who were so poore that with necessity they would rob him of the things
and presents which his Master had sent him, yea and likewise murther
him, knowing of the friendship between his Master and him. At the
very same time all the chiefest Lords of _Tlaxcallan_ came to intreat
him to goe with them to _Tlaxcallan_, where he should be cherished,
lodged and well provided: for it was a great dishonour and shame unto
them to permit such personages to abide in such vile cottages, as
they were in. And if (said they) you trust us not, then we are ready
to give you for your security whatsoever pledges or gages you shall
demand. And they did both swear and faithfully promise that they might
safely goe with them, saying also that the Oath and Faith of their
Common-wealth should never be broken for all the goods in the world.
Thus was _Cortez_ on both sides earnestly solicited, and intreated; the
_Mexicans_ fearing his League and friendship with the _Tlaxcalteca's_,
and these hoping that his friendship with them would be their chiefe
protection against the tyranny of _Montezuma_. But _Cortez_ aiming
chiefly at the Empire of _Mexico_, which _Montezuma_ his dissembled
friendship would never helpe him to enjoy; and seeing the good will of
so many gentlemen his new friends of _Tlaxcallan_, the most mortall
enemies of _Montezuma_, and likewise the _Indians_ of _Zempoallan_, of
whom he had good credit, did so importune him, and assure him of his
going, he commanded his Fardage to be laden, and also his Ordnance,
and departed toward _Tlaxcallan_, with as good order as it had been
to a battail; and at the Tower where he had pitched his camp, he left
certain crosses for a memory with a great heape of stones (which till
this day remain in the place, and my selfe have seen them) and entred
into _Tlaxcallan_ the eighteenth of _September_. There came out such
a multitude of people to see him and to meet him in the way, that it
was a wonder to see. He was lodged in the greatest Temple, which had
many great and fair lodgings sufficient for him and all his company,
except the _Indians_ of _Zempoallan_ and _Zaclotan_ his friends, who
were lodged in other Temples. He set certaine limits, out of the which
he commanded straitly that none of his company should passe upon
pain of death, and also commanded that they should take nothing, but
what should be given them. His commandement was well observed, for
none presumed to goe a stones cast without his licence. The _Indian_
gentlemen shewed great pleasure and curtesie to the strangers, and
provided them of all things necessary, and many of them gave their
daughters unto them in token of true friendship, and likewise to have
fruit of their bodies, to be brought up for the wars, being such
valiant men. _Cortez_ being throughly satisfied of their hearty good
wills, demanded of them the estate and riches of _Montezuma_. They
exalted him greatly as men that had proved his force. And as they
affirmed it was neer a hundred yeers, that they maintained warres with
him and his father _Axaica_, and others his uncles and grand-fathers;
they assured him also that the gold and treasure of _Montezuma_ was
without number, and his power and dominion over all the land, and his
people innumerable; for (said they) he joyneth sometimes two hundred
thousand men, yea and three hundred thousand for one battail. And if
it pleased him, he would make as many men double, and thereof they
were good witnesse, because they had many times fought with them.
_Cortez_ told them he was nothing discouraged at all that his power,
but intended a journey to _Mexico_, not doubting to oppose _Montezuma_,
if hee should encounter him in the way. He promised them likewise
that he would free them from his tyranny, and subdue in his way all
those Townes which were allied to the _Mexicans_, and did any way
annoy them and their Common-wealth. They gave him hearty thankes,
assuring him to assist him and accompany him to _Mexico_; and for
the present offered him twenty thousand men, making a solemne League
and Covenant never to forsake him. Thus was _Tlaxcallan_ subdued and
sworne to the power and command of the _Spaniards_, being in those
times one of the chiefest, though not richest, Townes in _America_;
whose Inhabitants after clave most faithfully to _Cortez_, and were
chief instruments for the subduing of _Mexico_; and therefore to this
day are freed from tribute by the Kings of _Spain_, paying not the
money which as a tribute taxe is layed upon every _Indian_ to bee
payed yeerely, but onely in acknowledgement of subjection they pay
yeerely one corne of _Maiz_, which is their _Indian_ Wheat. This great
Towne of _Tlaxcallan_ is properly in the _Indian_ tongue as much as
to say, as bread well baked, for there is more Graine called _Centli_
gathered, then in all the Province roundabout. In times past the Towne
was called _Texcallan_, that is to say, a Valley betwixt two hills.
It is planted by a River side, which springeth out of a hill called
_Atlancapetec_, and watereth the most part of the Province, and from
thence issueth out into the South Sea, by _Zacatullan_. This Town
hath foure goodly streets, which are called _Tepeticpac, Ocotelulco,
Tizatlan, Quiahuiztlan_. The first street standeth on high upon a hill,
farre from the River which may be about half a League, and because it
standeth on a hill, it is called _Tepeticpac_, that is to say, a hill,
and was the first population, which was founded there on high because
of the Wars. An other street is situated on the hill side towards the
River; because at the building thereof, there were many Pine trees,
they named it _Ocotelulco_, which is to say, A pine apple plot. This
street was beautifull, and most inhabited of all the Town, and there
was the chiefest Market place, where all the buying and selling was
used, and that place they called _Tianquiztli_; in that street was
the dwelling house of _Maxixca_. Along the River side in the plaine
standeth another street called _Tizatlan_, because there is much Lime
and Chalke. In this street dwelled _Xicotencatl_, Captaine Generall of
the whole Common-wealth. There is another street named by reason of the
brackish water, _Quiahuiztlan_; but since the _Spaniards_ came thither,
all those buildings are almost altered, after a better fashion, and
built with stone. In the plain by the riverside standeth the Town
house, & other Offices, as in the City of _Venice_. This _Tlaxcallan_
was governed by Noble and rich men; they used not that one alone should
rule, but did rather flie from that Government as from tyranny, and
therefore hated _Montezuma_ as a tyrant. In their Wars (as I have said
before) they had foure Captaines, which governed each one street, of
the which foure they did elect a Captaine Generall. Also there were
other Gentlemen, that were Under-Captaines, but a small number. In the
Wars they used their Standard to bee carried behind the Army, but when
the battaile was to be fought, they placed the Standard, where all the
Hoste might see it, & he that came not incontinent to his Ancient,
payed a penalty. Their Standard had two Crosse-bow Arrowes set thereon,
which they esteemed, as the Reliques of their Ancestours. This Standard
two old Souldiers and valiant men, being of the chiefest Captaines,
had the charge to carry, in the which an abuse of soothsaying either
of losse or victory was noted. In this order they shot one of these
Arrowes against the first enemies that they met, and if with that Arrow
they did either kill or hurt, it was a token that they should have
the victory, and if it neither did kil nor hurt, then they assuredly
believed that they should lose the field. This Province or Lordship of
_Tlaxcallan_ had 28 Villages and Townes, wherein were contained 150000
housholders. They are men well made, and were good Warriers, the like
were not among the _Indians_. They are very poore, and have no other
riches, but onely the Graine and Corne called _Centli_, and with the
gain and profit thereof, they doe both clothe themselves, and provide
all other necessaries. They have many Market places, but the greatest
and most used daily, standeth in the street of _Ocotelulco_, which
formerly was so famous, that 20000 persons came thither in one day to
buy and sell, changing one thing for another, for they knew not what
money meaned. They have now and had formerly all kind of good policy in
the Town; there are Goldsmiths, Feather-dressers, Barbers, hot houses,
and Potters, who make as good earthen Vessel, as is made in _Spain_.
The earth is fat and fruitfull for Corne, fruit, and pasture, for among
the Pinetrees groweth so much grasse, that the _Spaniards_ feed their
Cattell there, which in _Spain_ they cannot doe. Within two Leagues
of the Town standeth a round hill of six miles of heigth, and five
and forty miles in compasse, and is now called St. _Bartholomewes_
hill, where the snow freezeth. In times past they called that hill
_Matealcucic_, who was their God for water. They had also a God for
Wine, who was named _Ometochtli_, for the great drunkenesse which they
used. Their chiefest God was called _Camaxtlo_, and by another name
_Mixcovatl_, whose Temple stood in the street of _Ocotelulco_, in the
which Temple there was sacrificed some yeeres above eight hundred
persons. In the Towne they speak three languages, that is to say,
_Nahualh_, which is the courtly speech, and chiefest in all the land
of _Mexico_; another is called _Otomir_, which is most commonly used
in the Villages; There is one onely street that speaketh _Pinomer_,
which is the grossest speech. There was also formerly in the Town a
common Jayle, where Felons lay in Irons, and all things which they held
for sinne, were there corrected. At the time that _Cortez_ was there
it happened that a townsman stole from a _Spaniard_ a little gold;
whereof _Cortez_ complained to _Maxixca_, who incontinent made such
enquiry, that the offender was found in _Chololla_, which is another
great Town five Leagues from thence; they brought the Prisoner with
the gold, and delivered him to _Cortez_, to doe with him his pleasure.
_Cortez_ would not accept him, but gave him thankes for his diligence;
then was hee carried with a cryer before him, manifesting his offence,
and in the Market place upon a Scaffold they brake his joynts with a
cudgell: the _Spaniards_ marvelled to see such strange justice, and
began to bee more confident that as in this point they had endeavoured
to pleasure and right them, so likewise they should afterwards find
them very forward to doe their wills and pleasures for the better
conquering of _Mexico_ and _Montezuma. Ocotelulco_ and _Tizatlan_,
are the two streets which now are most inhabited. In _Ocotelulco_
standeth a Cloister of Franciscan Fryers who are the Preachers of that
Town; they have there joyning to their Cloister a very faire Church,
to which belong some fifty _Indians_ singers, Organists, players on
Musicall Instruments, Trumpeters and Waits, who set out the Masse
with a very sweet and harmonious Musick, and delight the fancy and
senses, while the spirit is sad and dull as little acquainted with God,
who will bee worshipped in spirit and in truth. In _Tepeticpac_ and
_Quiahuiztlan_ are two Chappels onely, to which on the Lords Day, and
upon other occasions the Fryers of the Cloister resort to say Masse.
In this Cloister wee were entertained a day and two nights with great
Provision of Flesh and Fish, which is very plentifull by reason of the
River; The Fryers are allowed by the Town a dozen _Indians_ who are
free from other Services onely to fish for the Fryers. They change
their turnes by Weekes, foure one Weeke and foure another, except they
be called upon for some speciall occasion, and then they leave all
other worke, and attend onely with fish upon the Fryers. The Town now
is inhabited by _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ together; and is the seat
of a chief Officer of Justice sent from _Spain_ every three yeares,
called _Alcalde Major_, whose power reacheth to all the Townes within
twenty Leagues about. Besides him the _Indians_ have likewise among
themselves, _Alcaldes, Regidores_ and _Alguaziles_, superiour and
inferiour Officers of Justice appointed yeerely by the _Alcalde Major_,
who keepes them all in awe, and takes from them for his Service as many
as hee pleaseth without paying any thing for the Service done unto him.
The hard usage of this _Alcalde Major_ and other _Spaniards_ hath much
decayed that populous Town, which should rather have been cherished,
then disheartned by the _Spaniards_, who by meanes of it gained all the
rest of the Country.




CHAP. XI.

_Concluding the rest of our journey from_ Tlaxcallan _to_ Mexico,
_through the City of_ Angels, _and_ Guacocingo.


The next place most remarkable in the Rode wherein wee travelled
was the City called by the _Spaniards, La Puebla de los Angeles_,
the City of Angels. To the which wee were desirous to goe, knowing
that in it there was a Convent of Dominicans of our profession, not
having met with any such since the day we departed from St. _John de
Ulhua_. Here wee refreshed our selves at leasure three dayes, finding
our selves very welcome to our owne Brethren, who spared nothing
that was fit for our entertainment. Wee visited all the City, and
tooke large notice of it, judging of the wealth and riches of it
not only by the great Trading in it, but by the many Cloisters both
of Nuns and Fryers, which it maintaineth, such being commonly very
burthensome to the places where they live, an idle kind of beggers
who make the people believe the maintaining of them is meritorious
and saving to their Soules, and that their prayers for them is more
worth then the meanes and sustenance which they receive from them.
Of these there is in that City a very great Cloister of some fifty
or threescore Dominicans, another of more Franciscans, another of
Augustins, another of Mercenarians, another of discalced Carmelites,
another of Jesuits, besides foure of Nuns. This City is seated in a
low and pleasant Valley, about ten leagues from a very high Mountaine,
which is alwayes covered with snow; It standeth twenty leagues from
_Mexico_, it was first built and inhabited in the yeare 1530. by the
command of _Don Antonio de Mendoza_ Viceroy of _Mexico_, together with
the consent of _Sebastian Ramirez_, who was a Bishop, and had been
President in time past in _Sto. Domingo_, and was that yeare in stead
of _Nunnio de Guzman_, (who had behaved himselfe very evill both with
the _Indians_ and _Spaniards_) sent to bee President of the Chancery
of _Mexico_ with these other foure Judges the Licenciates _John de
Salmeron, Gasco Quiroga, Francisco Ceynos_, and _Alonso Maldonado_.
These Judges governed the land farre better then _Nunnio de Guzman_
before them had done; and among other remarkable things they did, was
to cause this City to bee inhabited; and set at liberty the _Indians_
who inhabited there before, and were grievously suppressed and inslaved
by the _Spaniards_, and therefore many of them departed from thence,
who had inhabited there before, and went to seeke their living at
_Xalixco, Honduras, Guatemala_ and other places, where Warre then was.
This City was formerly called by the _Indians Cuetlaxcoapan_, that
is to say, a Snake in water; the reason was, because there are two
Fountaines, the one of evill water, and the other of good. This City
is now a Bishops Sea, whose yeerely Revenues since the cutting off
from it _Xalappa De la Vera Crux_, are yet worth above twenty thousand
Duckats; By reason of the good and wholesome aire it dayly increaseth
with Inhabitants, who resort from many other places to live there; but
especially the yeare 1634. when _Mexico_ was like to bee drowned with
the inundation of the lake, thousands left it, and came with all their
goods and Families to this City of the _Angels_, which now is thought
to consist of ten thousand Inhabitants. That which maketh it most
famous is the Cloth which is made in it, and is sent farre and neere,
and judged now to bee as good as the Cloth of _Segovia_, which is the
best that is made in _Spain_, but now is not so much esteemed of, nor
sent so much from _Spain_ to _America_ by reason of the abundance of
fine Cloth which is made in this City of _Angels_. The Felts likewise
that are made, are the best of all that Country; there is likewise a
glassehouse, which is there a rarity, none other being as yet knowne
in those parts. But the mint house that is in it, where is coyned
halfe the Silver that cometh from _Sacatecas_, makes it the second
to _Mexico_; and it is thought that in time it will bee as great and
populous as _Mexico_. Without it there are many Gardens, which store
the Markets with provision of Salets; the soile abounds with Wheat,
and with Sugar Farmes; among the which not farre from this City there
is one so great and populous (belonging to the Dominican Fryers of
_Mexico_) that for the work onely belonging unto it, it maintained
in my time above two hundred black-more slaves men and women besides
their little children. The chief Town betweene this City of _Angels_,
and _Mexico_, is called _Guacocingo_ consisting of some five hundred
_Indians_, and one hundred _Spaniards_ Inhabitants. Here is likewise
a Cloister of Franciscans, who entertained us gallantly, and made
shew unto us of the dexterity of their _Indians_ in Musick. Those fat
Fryers wanted not like the rest all Provision necessary for the body.
But their greatest glory and boasting to us was the education which
they had given to some children of the Town, especially such as served
them in their Cloister, whom they had brought up to dancing after the
_Spanish_ fashion at the sound of the Guitarra. And this a dozen of
them (the biggest not being above fourteene years of age) performed
excellently for our better entertainment that night, wee were there
till midnight, singing both _Spanish_ and _Indian_ tunes, capering and
dancing with their Castannettas, or knockers on their fingers with such
dexterity, as not onely did delight, but amaze and astonish us. True
it is, wee thought those Franciscans might have been better imployed
at that time in their Quire at their midnight devotions according to
their profession; but we still found vowed religious duties more and
more neglected, and worldlinesse too too much imbraced, by such as had
renounced and forsaken the world and all its pleasures, sports and
pastimes.

This Towne of _Guacocingo_ is almost as much as _Tlaxcallan_
priviledged by the Kings of _Spain_; for that it joyned with
_Tlaxcallan_ against the _Mexicans_, in defence of _Hernando Cortez_
and the rest of the _Spaniards_ that first conquered that land. These
of _Guacocingo_ being confederated with the inhabitants of _Tlaxcallan,
Chololla,_ and _Huacacholla_ strongly defended the inhabitants of
_Chalco_, when they sent to _Cortez_ for succour, declaring that the
_Mexicans_ made great spoile among them. Which succour _Cortez_ at
that time not being able to send them; being busied in sending for
his Vergantines to besiege _Mexico_ by water as well as by land, he
remitted them to the helpe of the _Tlaxcalteca's_, and unto these of
_Guacocingo, Chlolla_, and _Huacacholla_; who shewed great valour
as yet never buried in oblivion, in relieving _Chalco_ against the
strength, and power of _Montezuma_, which had issued out of _Mexico_,
to keep the _Spaniards_ from drawing neer unto that City. For that
fact is this Towne with the others fore-mentioned, untill this day
priviledged and highly esteemed of the _Spaniards_. From hence wee made
our last journey to the City of _Mexico_, parting over the side of
that high hill which we had discovered at the City of _Angels_, some
thirty miles off. There are no Alpes like unto it for height, cold, and
constant snow that lieth upon it. From _Spain_ to that place we had not
felt any such extremity of cold, which made the _Spaniards_ that had
come out of the hot climate of _Spain_, and endured excessive heat at
sea, wonder and admire. This last journey from _Guacocingo_ to _Mexico_
we reckoned to be thirty _English_ miles, and of the thirty miles we
judged at least the fifteen to be up and downe the hill; and yet the
top of it (whither we ascended not) was far higher. From that highest
part of it which we travailed over, we discovered the City of _Mexico_,
and the lake about it, which seemed to us to be neer at hand, standing
some ten _English_ miles in a plain from the bottome of this mountaine.
When _Hernando Cortez_ went the second time from _Tlaxcallan_ to
_Mexico_, to besiege it by land and by water, with Vergantines which
for that purpose he had caused to be made, on the side of this
mountaine were his land Forces lodged, where many had perished with
cold, had it not been for the store of wood which they found there.
But in the morning he ascended upwards on this hill, and sent his
scout of foure Foot-men and four Horse-men to discover, who found the
way stopped with great trees newly cut downe by the _Mexicans_, and
placed crossewise in the way. But they thinking that yet forwards it
was not so, proceeded forth as well as they might, till at length the
let with great huge Cedars was such, that they could passe no further,
and with this newes were forced to return, certifying _Cortez_ that
the Horse-men could not passe that way in any wise. _Cortez_ demanded
of them whether they had seen any people; they answered No. Whereupon
he proceeded forward, with all the Horse-men, and a thousand Foot-men,
commanding all the residue of his Army to follow him with as much speed
as might be; so that with that company which he carried with him, he
made way, taking away the trees that were cut downe to disturbe his
passage; and in this order in short time passed his host without any
hurt or danger, but with great pain and travaile; for certainly if
the _Mexicans_ had been there to defend that passage, the _Spaniards_
had not passed; for it was then a very evill way (though now it be a
reasonable wide open rode, where Mules laden with wares from _St. John
de Ulhua_, and the Sugar farmes daily passe) and the _Mexicans_ also
thought the same to be sure with the trees which were crossed the way;
whereupon they were carelesse of that place, and attended their coming
in plain ground; for from _Tlaxcallan_ to _Mexico_ are three wayes, of
the which _Cortez_ chose the worst, imagining the thing that afterwards
fell out, or else some had advised him how that way was cleare from
the enemies. At the descent of this hill _Cortez_ abode and rested
himselfe, till all the whole Army were come together, to descend downe
into the plaine; for from hence they descried the fires and beacons of
their enemies in sundry places, and all those who had attended their
coming by the other two waies, were now gathered together, thinking
to set upon them betwixt certain bridges (which are in the plain made
for travellers by reason of the many dikes and currents of water which
issue from the lake) where a great company abode expecting their
coming. But _Cortez_ sent twenty Horse-men who made way among them, and
then followed the whole Army, who slew many of them without receiving
any hurt. Thus did the remembrance of those antiquities newly
refreshed by the object of the hill and plain beneath, make that cold
and hard passage more comfortable and easie unto us. The first Towne
we came to below the hill, was _Quahutipec_, of the jurisdiction of
_Tezcuco_; where we also called to mind, that this was the place, neer
unto which was pitched the Campe of the _Indians_ of _Culhua_, which
was neer a hundred thousand men of warre, who were sent by the Seniors
of _Mexico_ and _Tezcuco_ to encounter _Cortez_; but all in vain; for
his Horse-men broke through them, and his Artillerie made such havock
among them, that they were soon put to flight.

Three leagues from hence on our right hand as we travailed, we
discovered _Tezcuco_ by the side of the lake, and out of the Rode; yet
it ministred unto us matter of a large discourse, taken from the time
of _Cortez_ and the first Conquerers, who found it a great City, and at
that time even as big as _Mexico_; though in it _Cortez_ met with no
resistance; for as he journeyed towards it, foure principall persons
inhabitants of it met with his forces, bearing a rod of gold with a
little flag in token of peace, saying that _Coacuacoyocin_ their Lord
had sent them to desire him not to make any spoile in his City, and
Townes about it; and likewise to offer his friendship, praying also
that it might please him with his whole Army to take his lodging in the
Town of _Tezcuco_, where he should be well received. _Cortez_ rejoycing
at this message, yet jealous of some treachery, and mistrusting the
people of _Tezcuco_ (whose forces joyned with the _Mexicans_ and
_Culhuacans_ he had met with a little before) went forward on his way
and came to _Quahutichan_ and _Huaxuta_ (which then were suburbs of the
great City _Tezcuco_, but now are petty Villages by themselves) where
he and all his host were plenteously provided of all things necessary,
and threw down the Idols. This done he entred into the City, where his
lodging was prepared in a great house, sufficient for him and all the
_Spaniards_, with many other his _Indian_ friends. And because that
at his first entry, he saw neither women nor children, he suspected
some treason, and forthwith proclaimed upon pain of death that none
of his men should goe out. In the evening the _Spaniards_ went up
into the Zoties and galleries to behold the City, and there they saw
the great number of Citizens that fled from thence with their stuffe,
some towards the mountaines, and others to the water side to take
boat, a thing strange to see the great haste and stirre to provide for
themselves. There were at that time at least twenty thousand little
boats (called _Canoas_) occupied in carrying houshold-stuffe and
passengers; _Cortez_ would faine have remedied it, but the night was so
nigh at hand, that he could not. He would gladly also have apprehended
the Lord, but hee was one of the first that fled unto _Mexico_. This
Towne of _Tezcuco_ to this day is famous among the _Spaniards_; for
that it was one of the first, if not the first (which according to the
Histories of those parts is very probable) that received a Christian
King to rule and governe. For _Cortez_ hearing that _Coacuacoyocin_
then King of that City and Townes adjacent was fled, caused many of
the Citizens to be called before him, and having in his company a
young gentleman of a Noble house in that countrey, who had been lately
Christened, and had to name _Hernando_ (_Cortez_ being his God-father,
who loved him well) said unto the Citizens, that this new Christian
Lord _Don Hernando_ was sonne unto _Nezavalpincintli_ their loving
Lord, wherefore he required them to make him their King, considering
that _Coacuacoyocin_ was fled unto the enemies, laying also before
them his wicked fact in killing of _Cacuza_ his owne brother, onely to
put him from his inheritance and Kingdome, through the enticement of
_Quahuatimoecin_ a mortall enemy to the _Spaniards_. In this sort was
that new Christian _Don Hernando_ elected King, and the fame thereof
being blown abroad, many Citizens repaired home again to visit their
new Prince, so that in short space the City was as well replenished
with people, as it was before, and being also well used at the
_Spaniards_ hands, they served them diligently in all things that they
were commanded. And _Don Hernando_ abode ever after a faithfull friend
unto the _Spaniards_ in their warres against _Mexico_, and in short
time learned the _Spanish_ tongue. And soone after came the inhabitants
of _Quahutichan, Huaxuta_, and _Autenco_ to submit themselves, craving
pardon if in any thing they had offended. Within two daies after _Don
Hernando_ was made King of this great City and Territorie belonging to
it (whose borders reach unto the borders of _Tlaxcallan_) came certaine
gentlemen of _Huaxuta_ and _Quahutichan_, to certifie unto him, how
all the power of the _Mexicans_ was coming towards them, and to know
if it were his pleasure, that they should carry their wives, children
and other goods into the mountaines, or else to bring them where he
was, their feare was so great. _Cortez_ for the King his God-child and
favourite made unto them this answer, saying, Bee ye of good courage,
and feare ye not. Also I pray you to command your wives and families
to make no alteration, but rather quietly to abide in your houses. And
concerning the enemies I am glad of their coming, for yee shall see
how I will deale with them. But the enemies went not to _Huaxuta_,
as it was thought, neverthelesse _Cortez_ having intelligence where
they were, went out to encounter them with two pieces of Ordnance,
twelve Horsemen and two hundred _Spaniards_, and with many _Indians_
of _Tlaxcallan_. He fought with the enemy, and slew but few, for they
fled to the water, and so escaped in their _Canoa's_. Thus did _Cortez_
in _Tezcuco_ defend himselfe and friends from the great power of the
_Mexicans_, who daily attempted to be revenged on him, and the new
Christian King whom he had made. But _Cortez_, thinking that place the
most convenient to lanch his Vergantines to the water, and hearing
that they were finished at _Tlaxcallan_, sent _Gonzalo de Sandoval_ to
bring them from _Tlaxcallan_; who at the border of that Province met
with them being brought in pieces, as tables, planks and nayles, with
all other furniture, the which eight thousand men carried upon their
backes. There came also for their safe conduct twenty thousand men of
warre, and a thousand _Tamemez_, who were the Carriers of victuals,
and servants. _Chichimecatetl_, a principall and valiant _Indian_
and Captaine of a thousand men had the Rere-gard. And _Tupitil_ and
_Teutecotl_, very principall gentlemen, had the Vant-gard with ten
thousand men. In the midst were placed the _Tamemez_, and those that
carried the Foyst, with all the apparell of the Vergantines. Before
those two Captains went a hundred _Spaniards_, and eight Horse-men,
and behind and last came _Gonzalo de Sandoval_ with all the residue,
and seven Horse-men. Thus they tooke their way towards _Tezcuco_,
with a marvellous noise, crying, Christians, Christians, _Tlaxcallan,
Tlaxcallan_, and _Spaine_. When they came to _Tezcuco_, they entred
in very good order, with the sound of Drummes, Snail shels, and other
like instruments of musick; and against their entry into the City, they
put on all their bravery of clothes, and bushes of feathers, which
was a gallant sight; they were six houres in entring into the Towne,
keeping their array. At the fame of this many Provinces came to submit
and offer their service unto _Cortez_, some for fear of destruction,
and others for the hatred which they bare to the _Mexicans_; so that
now _Cortez_ was strong both with _Spaniards_ and _Indians_; and his
Court at _Tezcuco_ was as great, or greater then _Montezuma's_ formerly
had been at _Mexico_. And here _Cortez_ made his preparation for the
siege of _Mexico_ with all hast, and furnished himselfe with scaling
ladders, and other necessaries fit for such a purpose. His Vergantines
being nayled and throughly ended, he made a sluce, or trench of halfe
a league of length, twelve foot broad and more, and two fadome in
depth. This worke was fifty daies a doing, although there were foure
hundred thousand men daily working; truly a famous worke and worthy
of memory, which hath made _Tezcuco_ gloriously mentioned, though now
almost decayed in the great number of inhabitants. The Dock or Trench
being thus finished, the Vergantines were calked with towe and cotton
wooll, and for want of Tallow and oyle, they were (as some Authors
report) driven to take mans grease, not that _Cortez_ permitted them
to slay men for that effect, but of those which were slaine in the
warres, and of such as sallied dayly out of _Mexico_ to hinder this
work, and fighting were slaine. The _Indians_, who were cruel and
bloody Butchers, using sacrifice of mans flesh, would in this sort open
the dead body and take out the grease. The Vergantines being lanched,
_Cortez_ mustered his men, and found nine hundred _Spaniards_, of the
which were fourscore and six Horse-men, and a hundred and eighteen
with Crosse-bowes, and Hargabushes; and all the residue had sundry
weapons, as Swords, Daggers, Targets, Launces, and Halberts. Also they
had for armour, Corslets, coats of Mayle, and Jackes. They had moreover
three great Peeces of cast Iron, fifteen small peeces of brasse, and
ten hundred weight of powder, with store of shot, besides a hundred
thousand _Indians_, men of warre. On Whitsunday all the _Spaniards_
came into the field, that great plaine below the high mountaine spoken
of before, where _Cortez_ made three chiefe Captaines, among whom he
divided his whole Army. Unto _Pedro de Alvarado_ the first Captaine he
appointed thirty Horse-men, and a hundred and seventy Foote men of the
_Spaniards_, two peeces of Ordnance, and thirty thousand _Indians_,
commanding him to campe in _Tlacopan_. Unto _Christoval de Olid_ the
second Captaine hee gave three and thirty horsemen, and a hundred and
eighteen footmen of the _Spanish_ Nation, two Peeces of Ordnance and
thirty thousand _Indians_, and appointed him to pitch his campe in
_Culhuacan_. To _Gonzalo de Sandoval_, who was the third Captaine, hee
gave three and twenty horsemen, and a hundred and threescore footmen,
two peeces of Ordnance, and forty thousand _Indians_, with Commission
to choose a place to pitch his campe. In every Vergantine hee planted
a peice or Ordnance, six Hargabushes, or Crosse-bowes, and three and
twenty _Spaniards_, men most fit for that purpose. Hee appointed also
Captaines for each, and himselfe for Generall, whereof some of the
chiefest of his Company began to murmur, that went by land, thinking
that they had been in greater danger; wherefore they required him
to goe with the maine battaile, and not by water. _Cortez_ little
esteemed their words; for although there was more danger in the land
then in the water, yet it did more import to have greater care in the
Warres by water, then on the land, because his men had beene in the
one, and not in the other. Besides the chiefest hopes that _Cortez_
had to winne _Mexico_, were these Vessels, for with them he burned a
great part of the _Canoa's_ of _Mexico_, and the rest hee so locked
up, that they were no help unto the _Mexicans_, and with twelve onely
Vergantines hee did annoy his enemy as much by water, as the rest of
his Army did by land. All this preparation for the siege of _Mexico_ by
land and water, with above a hundred thousand _Indians_, besides the
_Spaniards_ above mentioned, and the twelve Vergantines by water, was
finished in this City of _Tezcuco_, which is a sufficient argument of
the greatnesse of it at that time, maintaining with Provision fit and
necessary so many thousands of people, and it yeelded matter enough
unto us for a large discourse, whilst not farre from the sight of it
wee travelled in the open and direct plaine Rode to _Mexico_. And as
we talked of the greatnesse of it in former times, so likewise wee
now wondered to consider it to bee but a small Government, where doth
constantly reside a _Spanish_ Governour sent from _Spain_, whose power
reacheth to those borders of _Tlaxcallan_ and _Guacocingo_, and to most
of the petty Townes and Villages of the plaine, which were formerly
under the command and power of a King; but now are not able to make up
above a thousand Duckats a yeer, which is supposed to bee the yeerly
revenues of the Governour; and _Tezcuco_ it self this day judged to
consist onely of a hundred _Spaniards_, and three hundred _Indian_
Inhabitants, whose chiefe riches come by gardening, and sending daily
in their _Canoa's_ Herbes and Salets to _Mexico_. Some wealth likewise
they get by their Cedar trees which grow there, and are ready timber
for the buildings of _Mexico_. Yet now also are these Cedars much
decayed by the _Spaniards_, who have wasted and spoiled them in their
too too sumptuous buildings. _Cortez_ onely was accused by _Pamfilo
de Narvaez_, for that hee had spent seven thousand beames of Cedar
trees in the worke of his owne house. Gardens there were in _Tezcuco_
formerly, that had a thousand Cedar trees for walls and circuite,
some of them of a hundred and twenty foot long, and twelve foot in
compasse from end to end; but now that Garden that hath fifty Cedar
trees about it, is much regarded. At the end of this plain wee passed
through _Mexicalcinco_, which formerly was a great Town, but now not of
above an hundred Inhabitants, and from thence to _Guetlavac_, a petty
Village, yet most pleasant for the shade of many fruit trees, Gardens,
and stately houses which for their recreation some Citizens of _Mexico_
have built there, being at the foot of the Cawsey which from this Town
through the Lake reacheth about five _English_ miles to _Mexico_. And
thus upon the third day of _October_, 1625. wee entred into that famous
and gallant City, yet not abiding in it, but onely passing through
it, till we came to a house of recreation, standing among the Gardens
in the way to _Chapultepec_, named Saint _Jacintho_, belonging to the
Dominicans of _Manila_ in the _East-India's_, (whither our course was
intended) where wee were stately entertained, and abode till after
_Candlemasse_ day, the time of our second shipping at _Acoapulco_ (80
leagues from Manila) by the South-Sea to _Manila_ the chief City of the
Islands named _Philippinas_.




CHAP. XII.

_Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of_ Mexico _in
former times, with a true description of it now; and of the State and
condition of it the yeare_ 1625.


It hath been no small peece of Policy in the Fryers and Jesuites of
_Manila_ and the Islands of _Philippinas_ to purchase neere about
_Mexico_, some house and Garden to carry thither such Missionary
Preists as they yeerly bring from _Spain_ for those parts. For were
it not that they found some rest and place of Recreation, but were
presently closed up in the Cloisters of _Mexico_ to follow those
Religious duties (which sore against their wills most of them are
forced to) they would soone after a tedious journey from _Spain_ by
Sea and land relent of their purposes of going forward, and venturing
upon a second voiage by the South-Sea; and would either resolve upon
a returne to _Spain_, or of staying in some part of _America_; as my
selfe and five more of my company did, though secretly and hiddenly,
and sore against the will of Fryer _Calvo_ and others, who had the
tutoring and conducting of us. Therefore that all such as come from
_Spain_ to bee shipped againe at _Acoapulco_ for _Philippinas_, may
have all manner of incouragement, rest and recreations becomming
their Professions, whilst they doe abide in _America_, and may not
bee disheartned by those that live about _Mexico_, (who doe truely
envy all that passe that way to _Asia_) the Fryers and Jesuites have
purchased for their Missions houses of Recreation among the Gardens,
which are exempted from the power and command of the Superiors of
_Mexico_, and are subordinate unto the Government of the Provincials
of _Philippinas_, who send from thence their substitute Vicars to
rule, and to looke to the forementioned houses and Gardens. To the
Dominicans belonged this house called St. _Jacintho_, whither wee
were carried, and where wee did abide neere five moneths, having all
things provided that were fit and necessary for our Recreations, and
for our better encouragement to a second voiage by Sea. The Gardens
belonging to this house might bee of fifteen Acres of ground, divided
into shady walkes under the Orange and Lemmon trees; there wee had
the Pomegranates, Figges, and Grapes in abundance, with the Plantin,
Sapotte, Chicosapotte, Pine-fruit, and all other fruits that were
to bee found in _Mexico_. The Herbes and Salets, and great number
of _Spanish Cardoes_ which were sold out, brought in a great Rent
yeerely; for every day there was a Cart attended to bee filled and
sent to the Market of _Mexico_; and this not at seasons of the yeere,
as here in _England_ and other parts of _Europe_, but at all times and
seasons, both Winter and Summer, there being no difference of heat,
cold, frosts, and snow, as with us; but the same temper all the whole
yeer, the Winter differing onely from the Summer by the raine that
falls, and not by excessive frosts that nip. This wee enjoyed without
dores; but within wee had all sorts and varieties both of fish and
flesh. What most wee wondred at, was the abundance of sweet-Meats; and
especially of Conserves that were provided for us; for to every one of
us during the time of our abode there, was brought on Munday morning
halfe a dozen Boxes of Conserve of Quinces, and other fruits, besides
our Biskets, to stay our stomackes in the mornings and at other times
of the day; for in our stomackes we found a great difference betweene
_Spain_ and that Countrey. For in _Spain_ and other parts of _Europe_
a mans stomack will hold out from meale to meale, and one meale here
of good cheer will nourish and cherish the stomack foure and twenty
houres; But in _Mexico_ and other parts of _America_ wee found that two
or three houres after a good meale of three or foure severall dishes of
Mutton, Veale or Beefe, Kid, Turkies, or other Fowles, our stomackes
would bee ready to faint, and so wee were faine to support them with
either a cup of _Chocolatte_, or a bit of Conserve or Bisket, which
for that purpose was allowed us in great abundance. This seemed to mee
so strange, (whereas the meat seemed as fat and hearty, excepting the
Beefe, as ours in _Europe_) that I for some satisfaction presently
had recourse to a Doctor of Physick; who cleared my doubt with this
answer, That though the meat we fed on was as faire to looke on, as in
_Spain_; yet the substance and nourishment in it came farre short of
it, by reason of the pasture, which is dryer and hath not the change of
springs which the pastures of _Europe_ have, but is short and withers
soone away. But secondly, hee told mee that the Climate of those
parts had this effect, to produce a faire shew, but little matter or
substance. As in the flesh wee fed on; so likewise in all the fruits
there, which are most faire and beautifull to behold, most sweet and
luscious to taste, but little inward virtue or nourishment at all in
them, not halfe that is in a _Spanish Camuesa_, or _English Kentish_
Pippin. And as in Meat, and fruit there is this inward and hidden
deceit, so likewise the same is to bee found in the people that are
borne and bred there, who make faire outward shewes, but are inwardly
false and hollow hearted. Which I have heard reported much among the
_Spaniards_ to have beene the answer of our Queene _Elizabeth_ of
_England_ to some that presented unto her of the fruits of _America_,
that surely where those fruits grew, the women were light, and all the
people hollow and false hearted. But further reasons I omit to search
into for this; of experience onely I write, which taught me that little
substance & virtue is in the great abundance and variety of food which
there is enjoyed, our stomackes witnessing this truth, which ever and
anon were gaping and crying, Feed, feed. Our Conserves therefore and
dainties were plentifully allowed us; and all other incouragements and
no occasion denied us of going to visit _Mexico_, (which was not two
full miles from us) all the while wee abode there. It was a pleasant
walke for us to goe out in the morning, and to spend all the day in the
City and come home at night; our way lying by Arches made of stone,
three miles long to convey the water from _Chapultepec_ unto the City.
Take therefore, gentle Reader, from mee what for the space of five
moneths I could learne concerning it in former and present times. The
situation of this City is much like that of _Venice_; but onely differs
in this, that _Venice_ is built upon the Sea-water, and _Mexico_ upon
a lake, which seeming one, indeed is two; one part whereof is standing
water; the other ebbeth and floweth according to the wind that bloweth.
That part which standeth, is wholesome, good, and sweet, and yeeldeth
store of small fish. That part which ebbeth and floweth, is of saltish,
bitter, and pestiferous water, yeelding no kind of fish, small or
great. The sweet water standeth higher then the other, and falleth
into it, and reverteth not backward, as some conceive it doth. The
salt Lake containeth fifteen miles in breadth, and fifteen in length,
and more then five and forty in Circuite; and the Lake of sweet water
containeth even as much; in such sort that the whole Lake containeth
much about a hundred miles. The _Spaniards_ are divided in opinions
concerning this water and the springs of it; some hold that all this
water hath but one spring out of a great and high Mountaine which
standeth Southwest within sight of _Mexico_, and that the cause that
the one part of the Lake is brackish or saltish, is that the bottome
or ground is all salt; But however this opinion bee true or false,
certaine it is and by experience I can witnesse that of that part of
the salt water great quantity of Salt is dayly made, and is part of
the great Trading of that City into other parts of the Countrey, nay
it is sent part of it to the _Philippinas_ Islands. Others say that
this Lake hath two springs, and that the fresh water springeth out of
that Mountaine which standeth Southwest from _Mexico_, and the salt
brakish water springeth out of other high Mountaines which stand more
Northwest; But these give no reason for the saltnesse of it, without
it bee the agitation of it in the ebbing and flowing; which not being
with tides like the Sea, but with the winds onely (which indeed make it
as stormy sometimes as is the Sea) why may not the winds produce the
same effect in the fresh water Lake? I think rather, if it spring from
a different spring from that from whence springeth the fresh water, the
brackishnesse and saltishnesse of it may proceed from some brackish and
sulphurous minerals through which it passeth in those Mountaines. For
by experience I know the like in the Province of _Guatemala_, where
by a Towne called _Amatitlan_, there is a standing Lake of water not
altogether sweet and fresh, but a little brackish, which certainly
hath its spring from a fiery Mountaine called there a _Vulcan_, (whose
burning proceeds from the Mines of brimstone that are within it) from
whence spring neere the same Towne likewise two or three springs of
exceeding hot water, which are resorted to for wholesome bathes, as
coming through a sulphurous mine, and yet the standing Lake proceeding
from the same Mountaine is of that quality that it maketh the ground
about it salt, and especially in the mornings the people go to gather
up the salt which lyeth upon the ground by the water side like unto a
hoary frost. But thirdly, others concieve that that part of the Lake
of _Mexico_ which is saltish and brackish comes through the earth
from the North Sea; and though springs of water which come from the
Sea lose their brackishnesse through the earth, yet this may keepe
some brackishnesse by reason of the minerals, which are many in those
parts; or by reason of the great, wide and open concavities of those
mountaines, which being very hollow within (as wee find by experience
of the Earthquakes which are more frequent there then here by reason
of the wind that getteth into those concavities, and so shake the
earth to get out) give no way to the water to sweeten through the
earth, or to lose all that saltnesse which it brought with it from the
Sea. But whatsoever the true reason bee, there is not the like Lake
knowne of sweet and saltish water, one part breeding fish, the other
breeding none at all. This Lake had formerly some fourescore Townes,
some say more, situated round about it; many of them containing five
thousand housholds, and some ten thousand, yea and _Tezcuco_ (as I
have said before) was as bigge as _Mexico_. But when I was there,
there might bee thirty Townes and Villages about it, and scarce any
of above five hundred housholdes between _Spaniards_ and _Indians_;
such hath beene the hard usage of the _Spaniards_ towards them, that
they have even almost consumed that poore Nation. Nay two yeers before
I came from those parts, which were the yeers of 1635. and 1636. I
was credibly informed that a million of _Indians_ lifes had been lost
in an indeavour of the _Spaniards_ to turne the water of the Lake
another way from the City, which was performed by cutting away through
the Mountaines, for to avoid the great inundations that _Mexico_ was
subject unto, and especially for that the yeer 1634. the waters grew so
high that they threatned destruction to all the City, ruinating a great
part, and coming into the Churches that stood in the highest part of
it, in so much that the people used commonly boats and _Canoa's_ from
house to house. And most of the _Indians_ that lived about the Lake
were imployed to strive against this strong Element of water, which
hath been the undoing of many poore wretches, but especially of these
thirty Towns and Villages that bordered near upon the Lake; which now
by that great work is further from the houses of the City; and hath
a passage made another way, though it was thought it would not long
continue, but would find againe its old course towards _Mexico_. This
City when _Cortez_ first entred into it, (was as some say) of sixty,
but more probably it is reported to have beene of fourescore thousand
houses. _Montezuma_ his palace was very great, large and beautifull,
which in the _Indian_ language was named _Tepac_; and that had twenty
doores or gates, which had their outcoming into the common streets. It
had three Courts; and in the one stood a faire Fountaine, many hals,
and a hundred chambers of three and twenty, and thirty foot long, an
hundred bathes, and hot houses; and all this without nailes, yet very
good workmanship. The walls were made of Masons worke, and wrought of
Marble, Jaspe, and other black stone, with veines of red, like unto
Rubies and other stones which glistered very faire; the roofs were
wrought of timber, and curiously carved, being of Cedar, Cypres, and
Pine tree; the Chambers were painted and hung with cloth of Cotton,
and of Coneys haire and feathers. The beds onely were unseeming this
great state, very poore and of no value, such as to this day the best
and richest _Indians_ use; for they weare nothing but mantles laid
upon mattes, or upon hey, or else mattes alone. Within this Palace
lived a thousand women, nay some affirme three thousand, reckoning
gentlewomen, servants and slaves, all together; But the most were
principall _Indians_ daughters; of whom _Montezuma_ tooke for himselfe
those that liked him best, and the others hee gave in marriage to
gentlemen his servants. It is credibly reported among the _Spaniards_
that hee had at one time a hundred and fifty women his wives with
child, who commonly tooke medicines to cast their creatures, because
they knew that they should not inherit the State; and these had many
old women to guard them, for no man was permitted to looke upon them.
Besides this _Tepac_; which signifieth, Palace, _Montezuma_ had yet in
_Mexico_ another house with very curious lodgings and fair Galleries,
built upon pillars of Jaspe, which looked towards a goodly Garden, in
the which there were at least a dozen Ponds, some of salt water for Sea
fowles, and others of fresh water for River fowles and Lake fowles,
which Ponds were devised with Sluces to empty and to fill at pleasure
for the cleannesse of the Fowles feathers; and these Fowles are said
to have beene so many in number, that the Ponds could scarcely hold
them, and of such severall sorts, and of such strange and various
coloured feathers, that the most of them the _Spaniards_ knew not,
nor had at any time seen the like. There did belong to that house
above three hundred persons of service, who had their severall charge
concerning these Fowles; some had care to cleanse the Ponds; others
were appointed to fish for bait; others served them with meat; and to
every kind of fowle they gave such bait as they were wont to feed of in
the fields or rivers; others did trim their feathers; others had care
to look to their egs; others to set them abrood; & the principallest
office was to pluck the feathers; for of them were made rich mantles,
tapistry, targets, tuffes of feathers, and many other things wrought
with gold and silver.

Besides this house, _Montezuma_ had yet another house within _Mexico_,
appointed only for hawking fowles, and fowles of rapine. In which house
there were many high Halls, wherein were kept men, women, and children,
such as were dwarfes, crook-backs or any monstrous persons, and with
them such as were born white of colour, which did very seldome happen;
nay some would deform their children on purpose to have them carried
to the Kings house, to helpe to set forth his greatnesse by their
deformity. In the lower Halls of this house there were Cages for fowls
of rapine of all sorts, as Hawkes, Kites, Boyters (which are very many
in those parts) and of the Hawkes neer a dozen sundry kinds of them.
This house had for daily allowance five hundred Turkey cocks, and three
hundred men of service, besides the Falconers and Hunters, which some
say were above a thousand men. The Hunters were maintained in that
house, because of the ravenous Beasts which were also kept in the lower
Halls in great cages made of timber, wherein were kept in some Lions,
in other Tygres, in other Ownzes, in other Wolves; in conclusion, there
was no four-footed beast that wanted there, only to the effect, that
the mighty _Montezuma_ might say that he had such things in his house;
and all were fed daily with Turkey cocks, Deare, Dogges, and such like.
There were also in another Hall great earthen vessels, some with earth,
and some with water, wherein were Snakes, as grosse as a mans thigh,
Vipers, Crocodiles which they call _Caymanes_, of twenty foot long
with scales and head like a Dragon; besides many other smaller Lisarts
and other venemous beasts and Serpents, as well of the water as of the
land. To these Snakes and the other venemous beasts they usually gave
the blood of men sacrificed to feed them. Others say they gave unto
them mans flesh, which the great Lisarts, or _Caimanes_ eat very well.
But what was wonderfull to behold, horrid to see, hideous to heare in
this house, was the Officers dayly occupations about these Beasts,
the floor with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house,
and the roaring of the lions, the fearfull hissing of the Snakes and
Adders, the dolefull howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowfull
yelling of the Ownzes and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet
in this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of Hell, and
a dwelling place of the Devill, could a heathen Prince pray unto his
Gods and idols: for neer to this Hall was another of a hundred and
fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappell with the
roofe of silver and gold in leafe wainscotted and decked with great
store of pearl and stone, as Agats, Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and
divers other sorts; and this was the Oratory where _Montezuma_ prayed
in the night season, and in that chappell the Devill did appear unto
him, and gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were
uttered among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of
them which represented Hell itselfe, were fitted for a Devils answer.
He had also his Armoury, wherein was great store of all kind of such
Ammunition which they used in their wars, as Bowes, Arrowes, Slings,
Launces, Darts, Clubs, Swords and bucklers, and gallant Targets more
trimme then strong, and all made of wood, gilt or covered with leather.
The wood whereof they made their Armour and Targets was very hard and
strong; and at their arrowes ends they inclosed a little peece of
flint-stone, or a peece of a fish-bone called _Libisa_, which was so
venemous, that if any were hurt with it, and the head remained in the
wound, it so festered that it was almost incurable. Their Swords were
of wood, and the edge thereof was flint-stone, inclosed or joyned into
a staffe; and with these swords they cut speares, yea and a Horses
neck at a blow, and could make dents into iron, which seemeth a thing
unpossible and incredible. These flints were joyned into the staffes
with a certain kind of glew, which was made of a root called _Zacolt_,
and _Teuxalli_, which is a kind of strong sand, whereof they made a
mixture, and after kneaded it with blood of Battes, or Reare-mice and
other fowle, which did glew so strong, that it scarce ever uncleaved
again; and of these _Montezuma_ had in his house of Armour great
store. But besides these houses it is wonderfull to relate, yet many
others which that great heathen Emperour had for his only recreation
and pastime, with excellent fair gardens of medicinall herbs, sweet
flowers, and trees of delectable savour. But of one garden more
especially it is said, that in it there were a thousand personages
made, and wrought artificially of leaves and flowers. And _Montezuma_
would not permit that in this garden should be any kind of Pot-herbs,
or things to be sold, saying that it did not appertain to Kings to
have things of profit among their delights and pleasures, for that
such did appertaine to Merchants. Yet out of _Mexico_ he had Orchards
with many and sundry fruits; and likewise pleasant houses in woods and
forrests, of great compasse, environed with water, in the which he had
fountaines, rivers, ponds with fish, rockes and coverts where were
Harts, Bucks, Hares, Foxes, Wolves and such like, whither he himselfe
seldome went; but the Lords of _Mexico_ used to goe to sport themselves
in them. Such and so many were the houses of _Montezuma_, wherein few
Kings were equall with him. He had dayly attending upon him in his
privy guard six hundred noblemen and gentlemen, and each of them three
or foure servants, and some had twenty servants or more according to
their estate; and the most credible report goes, that in this manner
he had three thousand men attendants in his Court, all which were fed
in his house of the meat that came from his table. There were in those
times under the _Mexicall_ empire three thousand Lords of Townes,
who had many vassals; but more especially there were thirty of high
estate, who were able to make each of them a hundred thousand men of
warre. And all these noble men did abide in _Mexico_, certaine time
of the yeare in the Court of _Montezuma_, and could not depart from
thence without especiall licence of the Emperour, leaving each of them
a sonne or brother behind them for security of rebellion; and for this
cause they had generally houses in the City; such and so great was the
Court of _Montezuma_. Moreover he spent nothing in the buildings of
all these his houses, for he had certayne Townes that payed no other
tribute, but only to work and repair continually his houses at their
own proper cost, and payed all kind of workemen, carrying upon their
backes, or drawing in sleds stone, lyme, timber, water, and all other
necessaries for the worke. Likewise they were bound to provide all the
wood that should be spent in the Court, which was five hundred mens
burthens, and some daies in the winter much more. But especially for
the Emperours chimneys they brought the barke of Oke trees, which was
esteemed for the light. Thus was that great City formerly illustrated
with a mighty Monarch, his houses, and attendants. There were then
also in _Mexico_ three sorts of streets, very broad and faire; the one
sort was only of water, with many bridges, another sort of only earth,
and the third of earth and water, the one half being firme ground to
walke upon, and the other halfe for boats to bring provision to the
City; the most part of the houses had two doores, the one toward the
Cawsey, and the other toward the water, at the which they tooke boat to
goe whither they list. But this water (though so neer to the houses)
being not good to drinke, there is other water fresh and sweet brought
by conduit to _Mexico_, from a place called _Chapultepec_ three miles
distant from the City, which springeth out of a little hill, at the
foot whereof stood formerly two statues, or images wrought in stone,
with their Targets and Launces, the one of _Montezuma_, the other of
_Axaiaca_ his father. The water is brought from thence to this day in
two pipes built upon Arches of brick and stone like a fair bridge; and
when the one pipe is foule, then all the water is conveyed into the
other, till the first be made cleane. From this fountaine all the whole
City is provided, and the Water-men go selling the same water from
street to street, some in little boats, others with earthen Tankards
upon Mules or Asses backs. The chiefe and principall division of this
City when the _Spaniards_ first conquered it, was into two streets,
the one was called _Tlatelulco_, that is to say, a little Island, and
the other _Mexico_, where _Montezuma_ his dwelling and Court was,
signifying in the language a spring. And because of the Kings palace
there, the whole City was named _Mexico_. But the old and first name
of the City according to some Histories was _Tenuchtitlan_, which
signifieth fruit out of a stone, being a compounded name of _Tetl_,
which in the language is stone, and _Nuchtli_, which is a sweet fruit
called generally in _Cuba_, and all other parts of _America_ by the
_Spaniards, Tunas_; the name of the tree whereon this fruit groweth
is called _Nopal_. And when this City begunne to be founded it was
placed neer unto a great stone that stood in the midst of the lake,
at the foot whereof grew one of these _Nopal_ trees; which is the
reason why _Mexico_ giveth for armes and device the foot of a _Nopal_
tree springing from a stone according to the first name of the City
_Tenuchtitlan_. But others do affirme that this City hath the name
of the first founder of it, called _Tenuch_, the second sonne of
_Iztacmixcoatl_, whose sonnes and descendents did first inhabit all
that part of _America_, which is now called new _Spain. Mexico_ is as
much as to say a spring or fountain, according to the property of the
vowell or speech, from whence some judge that City to be so named. But
others doe affirme that _Mexico_ hath its name from a more ancient
time, whose first founders were called _Mexiti_, for unto this day the
_Indian_ dwellers in one street of this City are called of _Mexica_.
And that these _Mexiti_ tooke name of their principall idol called
_Mexitli_, who was in as great veneration as _Vitzilopuchtli_, God
of the warre. But others affirme (and this opinion is most received
among the _Spaniards_) that the _Mexicans_ first were the inhabitants
of _nova Galicia_; from whence they made a violent irruption _Anno
Domini_ 720. and lingered in divers places till the yeare 902. when
under the leading of _Mexi_ their chiefe Captaine they built this City,
and called it after the name of their Generall. They were in all seven
Tribes, which ruled long in an Aristocraticall state; till the most
puissant of the Tribes called _Navatalcas_ elected a King to whom they
submitted themselves. The first King that was thus elected, was called
_Vitzilovitli_; the second, _Acamopitzli_; the third, _Chimalpapoca_;
the fourth, _Izchoalt_; the fifth, _Montezuma_ the first; the sixth,
_Acacis_; the seventh, _Axaiaca_; the eighth, _Antzlol_, the ninth,
_Montezuma_ the second, who reigned when _Cortez_ came first; the
tenth, was _Quahutimoc_, who lost _Mexico_, and in whom ended that
_Indian_ Empire. The most fortunate of these Kings was _Izchoalt_, who
by his cousin _Tlacacllec_, subdued the other six Tribes, and brought
them under the _Mexican_ Kings. And after the death of _Izchoalt,
Tlacacllec_ was by the first electours (which were six in number)
chosen King, as a man of whose vertue they had formerly made tryall.
But he very nobly refused it, saying that it was more convenient for
the Common-wealth that another should be King, and that he should
execute that which was otherwise more fit for the necessity of the
State, then to lay the whole burthen upon his back; and that without
being King, he would not leave to labour for the publike as well as
if he were King. Upon this generous refusall they made choice of
_Montezuma_ the first. The most unhappy Kings of that nation (at whose
birth could not but be some dysastrous aspect of the Planets) were
the two last _Montezuma_ the second, and _Quahutimoc_, who were both
vanquished by _Ferdinando Cortez_, who tooke _Montezuma_ prisoner out
of his owne palace, and with fair words and language carried him to his
lodging in _Mexico_; and kept him there, knocking a paire of gyves on
his legges, untill the execution of _Qualpopoca_ Lord of _Nabutlan_,
now called _Almeria_ (who was to be burnt for killing nine _Spaniards_)
was past. But this imprisonment of their Emperour stirred up the hearts
of all the _Mexicans_ to conspire against _Cortez_ and the _Spaniards_,
against whom they fought a most fierce and bloody battaile two or three
daies together, crying out for their Emperour, and threatning them
with the cruellest death that ever man suffered. Whereupon _Cortez_
desired _Montezuma_ to goe up into the Sotie of his house which they
were battering with stones, and to command his subjects to cease from
their heat and fury; who at _Cortez_ his request went up and leaned
over the wall to talke with them, and beginning to speake unto them,
they threw so many stones out of the street, houses, and windows, that
one happened to hit _Montezuma_ on the temples of his head, with which
blow he fell down dead to the ground; and this was his end, even at the
hands of his owne subjects and vassals against their wills, in the City
of his greatest glory, and in the power and custody of a forain and
strange nation. The _Indians_ affirm that he was of the greatest blood
of all his linage, and the greatest King in estate that ever was in
_Mexico_. And from hence it may very well be noted, that when Kingdomes
doe most flourish, then are they nighest to a change; or els to change
their Lord, as doth appeare in this History of _Montezuma_, whose great
glory and majesty presaged the downfall of that City and people; who
though after the death of _Montezuma_ they made _Quahutimoc_ their
Emperour, and persisting in their furious battery against _Cortez_ his
palace, caused him and all his _Spaniards_ to flie out of _Mexico_; yet
having strengthened themselves againe in _Tlaxcallan_; and prepared
sixteen, or as others say, eighteen Vergantines for the lake, they
soone after besieged _Mexico_ so by water and land, that the Citizens
were in great necessity, and so many dead with hunger and sicknesse,
that there were heapes of dead bodies in the houses, only to keep close
their extreme misery; who would not yeeld even when they saw their King
_Quahutimoc_ his fair houses burned, and the greatest part of their
City consumed with fire and beaten downe plaine with the ground, so
long as they could injoy any one street, Tower, or Temple to defend
themselves and oppose the _Spaniards_; who after many fierce and bloody
fights by land and with their boates by water having wonne the chief
Market place and most of the City, as they went walking in the streets
found heapes of dead bodies in the houses, streets, and in the water,
and the very barkes of trees and roots gnawne by the hungry creatures,
and the men so leane and yellow that it was a pitifull sight to behold.
And with this _Cortez_ yet required them to yeeld; but they although
they were so leane of body were strong in heart, and answered that
hee should not speak of any friendship to them, nor yet hope of their
spoile, for when no fortune would favour them, then they would either
burne their treasure, or throw it into the Lake, where they should
never profit thereby, and that they would fight while one alone should
remain alive.

_Cortez_ desirous to see what remained of the City to win, went up into
a high Tower, and having well viewed the City, hee judged that of eight
parts one remained yet to win. And assailing the same, the sorrowfull
Citizens bewailing their unfortunate fate and destiny, beseeching the
_Spaniards_ to make an end, and to kill them all out of hand; others
standing at the brim of the water neere unto a draw-bridge cried out,
Oh Captain _Cortez_, seeing that thou art the Child of the Sun, why
dost thou not intreat the Sun thy Father to make an end of us? Oh thou
Sun that canst goe round about the World in a day and a night, wee pray
thee make an end of us and take us out of this miserable life, for we
desire death to goe and rest with our God _Quetcavatlh_ who tarrieth
for us. _Cortez_ seeing the great extremity that these poor wretched
people were in, thinking now that they would yeeld unto him, sent a
message to _Quahutimoc_, desiring him to consider his Subjects great
extremity, which yet might be greater if hee yeelded not to Peace. But
when the stubborn King heard this ambassage, hee was so moved with ire
and choler, that forthwith hee commanded _Cortez_ his Ambassadour to
bee sacrificed, and gave the rest of the _Spaniards_ that went with
him for answer blowes with stones, staves, and Arrowes, saying that
they desired death and no Peace. Whereupon _Cortez_ seeing the King
to stubborn and refractory after so much slaughter and misery of his
subjects, after so many Combates and skirmishes made with the losse of
almost all the City, sent forthwith _Sandoval_ with his Vergantines
one way, and went himself another combating the houses and forts that
yet remained, where hee found small resistance, so that hee might
doe what hee pleased. One would have thought there had not been five
thousand left in all the City seeing the heapes of dead bodies that
lay about the streets and in the houses, and yet such was this last
combate, that there were that day slain and taken prisoners forty
thousand persons. The lamentable cry and mourning of the women and
children, would have made a strong heart relent, the stench also of
the dead bodies was wonderfull noysome. That night _Cortez_ purposed
to make an end the next day of the Warres; and _Quahutimoc_ pretended
to flie, and for that purpose had enbarked himself in a _Canoa_ of
twenty Oares. When the day appeared, _Cortez_ with his men, and foure
Peeces of Ordnance came to the corner where those that yet remained
were shut up as Cattel in a Pound. Hee gave order to _Sandoval_ and
_Alvarado_ what they should doe, which was to be ready with their
Vergantines, and to watch the coming out of the _Canoa's_, which were
hidden betwixt certaine houses, and especially to have regard unto the
Kings person, and not to hurt him, but to take him alive. Hee commanded
the residue of his men to force the _Mexican_ boates to goe out, and
hee himselfe went up into a Tower, inquiring for the King, where hee
found _Xihuacoa_, Governour and Captaine Generall of the City, who
would in no wise yeeld himself. Then came out of the City a great
multitude of old folkes, men, women and children to take boat. The
throng was so great with hast to enter the _Canoa's_, that many by that
meanes were drowned in the lake. _Cortez_ required his men not to kill
those miserable creatures; But yet hee could not stay the _Indians_
his friends of _Tlaxcallan_, and other places, who slew and sacrificed
above fifteen thousand. The men of Warre stood in the housetoppes, and
Zoties beholding their perdition. All the Nobility of _Mexico_ were
enbarked with the King. Then _Cortez_ gave signe with the shot of a
hand-Gunne, that his Captaines should bee in a readinesse, so that in
short space they wan fully and wholly the great City of _Mexico_. The
Vergantines likewise brake in among the Fleet of boates without any
resistance, and presently beat down _Quahutimoc_ his Royall Standard.
_Garcia Holguin_ who was a Captaine of one of the Vergantines, espied
a great _Canoa_ of twenty Oares deep laden with men, who (being by one
of his prisoners informed that the King was in it) gave chase to it and
presently overtooke it. When _Quahutimoc_, who stood upon the Puppe
of his _Canoa_ ready to fight, saw the _Spaniards_ Crosse-bowes bent
to shoot, and many drawne swords against him, hee yeelded himselfe,
declaring that hee was King. _Garcia Holguin_ being a glad man of such
a prisoner tooke him and carried him unto _Cortez_, who received him
very respectfully. But when _Quahutimoc_ came neer unto him, hee laid
his hand upon _Cortez_ his dagger, saying, I have done all my best
and possible endeavour to defend my self and my Vassals according to
my duty, hoping not to have come to this estate and place where now
I stand; and considering that you may doe with mee what you please,
I beseech you to kill mee, and that is my onely request. _Cortez_
comforted him with faire words, giving him hope of life; and tooke
him up into a _Zotie_, requiring him to command his Subjects that yet
held out, to yeeld and render themselves. Which _Quahutimoc_ presently
performed; and at that time after so many Prisoners taken, and so
many thousands slain and starved, there were about threescore and ten
thousand persons, who seeing their Prince a Prisoner, threw down their
weapons and submitted themselves. Thus did _Hernando Cortez_ winne the
famous and stately City of _Mexico_, on the 13 day of _August, Anno
Dom._ 1521. In remembrance whereof every yeere on that day they make in
_Mexico_ a sumptuous feast and solemne procession, wherein is carried
the Standard Royall, with the which the City was wonne. In the losse of
it was as much to bee observed as Antiquity can produce of any Victory;
wherein was one Emperour the greatest that ever was in those parts
slain; and another as great a Warrier as ever _America_ had knowne,
taken Prisoner. The Siege endured from the time the Vergantines came
from _Tlaxcallan_ three moneths, and therein were on _Cortez_ his side
neer 200000 _Indians_, who dayly increased and came in to help him,
900 _Spaniards_; fourescore horses onely, seventeen or eighteen Peeces
of Ordnance; sixteen or as some say eighteen Vergantines, and at least
6000 _Canoa's_. In this Siege were slain fifty _Spaniards_ onely and
six horses, and not above eight thousand of the _Indians Cortez_ his
friends. And on the _Mexicans_ side were slaine at least a hundred and
twenty thousand _Indians_, besides those that died with hanger and
Pestilence. At the defence of the City were all the Nobility, by reason
whereof many of them were slaine. The multitude of people in the City
was so great, that they were constrained to eat little, to drink salt
water, and to sleep among the dead bodies, where was a horrible stench;
and for these causes the disease of Pestilence fell among them, and
thereof died an infinite number. Whereupon is to bee considered their
valour, and stedfast determination; for although they were afflicted
with such hunger that they were driven to eat boughes, rindes of trees,
and to drink salt water, yet would they not yeeld themselves. And here
also is to be noted that although the _Mexicans_ did eat mans flesh,
yet they did eat none but such as were their enemies; for had they
eaten one another and their owne children, there would not so many
have died with hunger. The _Mexican_ women were highly commended, not
onely because they abode with their husbands and fathers, but also for
the great paines they tooke with the sick and wounded persons; yea
and also they laboured in making slings, cutting stones fit for the
same, and throwing stones from the _Zoties_; for therein they did as
much hurt as their men. The City was yeelded to the spoile, and the
_Spaniards_ tooke the gold, plate and feathers, the _Indian_ friends
had all the rest of cloth and other stuffe. Thus was that famous
City ruinated, and burnt by the _Spaniards_, and the power of that
Nation brought under the _Spanish_ subjection. _Cortez_ having found
the aire of that City very temperate and pleasant for mans life, and
the situation commodious, thought presently of rebuilding it, and of
making it the chief Seat of Justice and Court for all that Country.
But before I come to speake of it as rebuilded and now flourishing, I
must adde unto what hath been said of _Montezuma_ his former state and
houses in it, the greatnesse of the Market place and Temple, which was
in it, when the _Spaniards_ ruined and destroyed it. The conveniency
of the Lake about this City gave encouragement to the _Mexicans_ to
set apart a most spacious Market place, whither all the Country about
might resort to buy, exchange and sell; which was the more easie for
them by reason of the abundance of Boates which were made onely for
such Trafique. In this great lake there were at that time above two
hundred thousand of these little boats, which the _Indians_ call
_Acalles_, and the _Spaniards_ call them _Canoa's_, wrought like a
kneading trough, some bigger then others according to the greatnesse
of the body of the tree, whereof they are made. And where I number two
hundred thousand of these boats, I speak of the least, for _Mexico_
alone had above fifty thousand ordinarily to carry and bring unto the
City victuall, provision, and passengers, so that on the market-daies
all the streets of water were full of them. The Market is called in the
_Indian_ tongue _Tlanquiztli_; every parish had his Market place to buy
and sell in; but _Mexico_ and _Tlatelulco_ only, which are the chiefest
Cities, had great Fayres and places fit for the same; and especially
_Mexico_ had one place, where most dayes in the yeer was buying and
selling; but every fourth day was the great Market ordinarily. This
place was wide and large compassed about with dores, and was so great
that a hundred thousand persons came thither to chop and change, as
a City most principall in all that region. Every occupation and kind
of merchandize had his proper place appointed, which no other might
by any means occupie or disturb. Likewise pesterous wares had their
place accordingly, such as stone, timber, lyme, bricke and all such
kind of stuffe unwrought, being necessary to build withall. Also mattes
both fine and course, of sundry workmanship; also coales, wood, and
all sorts of earthen vessells, glazed and painted very curiously.
Deere skinnes both raw and tanned in hair and without hair, of many
colours, for Shoemakers, for bucklers, Targets, Jerkins, and lining of
woodden corslets. Also skinnes of other Beasts, and fowle in feathers
ready dressed of all sorts. The colours and strangenesse thereof was
a thing to behold. The richest merchandize was salt, and mantles of
Cotton wool of divers colours, both great and small; some for beds,
other for garments and clothing, other for Tapistry to hang houses;
other Cotton-cloth was wont to be sold there for linnen drawers (which
to this day the _Indians_ use) for shirts, tablecloths, towels, and
such like things. There were also mantles made of the leaves of a
tree called _Metl_, and of the Palme-tree and Conie-hair, which were
well esteemed, being very warme, but the coverlets made of feathers
were the best. They sold thred there made of Conie-haire, and also
skains of other thred of all colours. But the great store of poultrey
which was brought to that Market was strange to see, and the uses
they sold and bought them for; for although they did eat the flesh of
the fowl, yet the feathers served for clothing, mixing one sort with
another. But the chiefe bravery of that market was the place where
gold and feathers joyntly wrought were sold; for any thing that was
in request, was there lively wrought in gold and feathers and gallant
colours. The _Indians_ were so expert and perfect in this science, that
they would work or make a butter-flie, any wild beast, trees, roses,
flowers, hearbs, roots, or any other thing so lively that it was a
thing marvellous to behold. It happened many times that one of these
workemen in a whole day would eat nothing, only to place one feather
in his due perfection, turning and tossing the feather to the light
of the sunne, into the shade or darke place to see where was his most
naturall perfection, and till his worke were finished he would neither
eat nor drinke. There are few nations of so much fleame or substance.
The art, or science of Gold-smiths among them was the most curious, and
very good workmanship, engraven with tooles made of flint or in mould.
They will cast a platter in mould with eight corners, and every corner
of severall metall, the one of gold, and the other of silver, without
any kind of solder. They will also found or cast a little cauldron with
loose handles hanging thereat, as we use to cast a bell; they will also
cast in mould a fish of metall, with one scale of silver on his back,
and another of gold; they will make a Parret or Popingay of metall,
that his tongue shall shake, and his head move, and his wings flutter;
they will cast an Ape in mould, that both hands and feet shall stirre,
and hold a spindle in his hand seeming to spin, yea and an apple in his
hand as though he would eat it. They have skill also of Amell work and
to set any pretious stone. But now as touching the market, there was
to sell gold, silver, Copper, Lead, Latten, and Tinne; although there
was but very little of the three last metals mentioned. There were
pearls, pretious stones, divers and sundry sorts of shelles, and bones,
Sponges, and Pedlers ware. There were also many kind of herbes, roots,
and seeds, as well to be eaten, as for medicine; for both men, women
and children had great knowledge in herbs, for through poverty and
necessity they did seeke them for their sustenance and help of their
infirmities and diseases. They did spend little among Physitians,
although there were some of that art, and many Apothecaries, who did
bring into the market, oyntments, syrups, waters, and other drugs
fit for sick persons. They cure all diseases almost with herbs; yea
as much as for to kill lice they have a proper herb for the purpose.
The severall kinds of meats to bee sold was without number, as Snakes
without head and tail, little dogges gelt, Moules, Rats, Long-wormes,
Lyce, yea and a kind of earth; for at one season in the yeer they
had Nets of Mayle, with the which they raked up a certaine dust that
is bred upon the water of the lake of _Mexico_, and that is kneaded
together like unto oas of the sea. They gathered much of this and kept
it in heapes, and made thereof cakes like unto brick-bats. And they
did not only sell this ware in the Market, but also sent it abroad to
other Fayres and markets afarre off; and they did eat this meal with as
good a stomack as we eat cheese; yea and they hold opinion, that this
skumme or fatnesse of the water is the cause that such great number of
fowl cometh to the lake, which in the winter season is infinite. They
sold likewise in this market Venison by quarters or whole, as Does,
Hares, Conies, and Dogges, and many other beasts, which they brought up
for the purpose and tooke in hunting. The great store of sundry kinds
of fruits was marvellous, which were there sold, both green and ripe.
There is a sort as bigge as an Almond called _Cacao_ (whereof is the
drinke called _Chocolatte_ well known now in Christendome) which is
both meat and currant money. In these times of the bigger sort sixscore
or sevenscore, and of the lesser sort two hundred are worth a _Spanish_
Riall, which is sixpence, and with these the _Indians_ buy what they
list; for five, nay for two Cacao's which is a very small part of a
Riall, they doe buy fruits and the like. There were divers kinds of
colours to be sold, which they made of roses, flowers, fruits, barks
of trees, and other things very excellent. All the things recited, and
many others which I speak not of, were sold in this great market, and
in every other Market of _Mexico_; and all the sellers payed a certain
summe for their shops or standings to the King, as a custome, and they
were to be preserved and defended from theeves and robbers. And for
that purpose there went Serjeants or Officers up and down the market
to espie out malefactors. In the midst of this Market stood a house,
which was to bee seen throughout the Fayr, and there did sit commonly
twelve ancient men for Judges to dispatch law matters. Their buying and
selling was to change one ware for another, one gave a hen for a bundle
of Maiz, others gave mantles for salt or money which was _Cacao_.
They had measure and strike for all kind of corne, and other earthen
measures for hony and oyle, and such wines as they made of Palme-trees,
and other roots and trees. And if any measure were falsified, they
punished the offenders and brake their measures. This was the civility
they had when they were Heathens, for buying and selling. And although
they knew not the true God, but worshipped Idols; yet to their Idols
and to the Divell they dedicated Temples and places of worship, wherein
they used those sacrifices which _David_ speaks of in the 106 _Ps._
37 saying, _They sacrificed their sonnes, and their daughters unto
Devills._

The Temple is called in the _Mexican_ language _Teucalli_, which is
a compound word of _Teutl_, which signifieth God, and _Calli_, which
signifieth a house. There were in _Mexico_ many parish Churches with
towers, wherein were Chappels and Altars where the Images and Idols did
stand. All their Temples were of one fashion; the like I beleeve was
never seen nor heard of. And therefore it shall be now sufficient to
describe the chiefe and greatest Temple, which was as their Cathedrall
Church. This Temple was square, and did containe every way as much
ground as a Crosse-bow can reach levell. It was made of stone, with
four dores that abutted upon the three Cawseys, and upon another part
of the City that had no Cawsey, but a fair street. In the midst of
this Quadern stood a mount of earth and stone square likewise, and
fifty fadome long every way, built upward like unto a pyramide of
_Ægypt_, saving that the top was not sharpe, but plain and flat, and
ten fadom square. Upon the West side were steps up to the top, in
number a hundred and fourteen, which being so many high and made of
good stone, did seeme a beautifull thing. It was a strange sight to
behold the Preists, some going up, and some downe with ceremonies, or
with men to be sacrificed. Upon the top of this Temple were two great
Altars, a good space distant the one from the other, and so nigh the
edge or brimme of the wall, that scarcely a man might go behind them at
pleasure. The one Altar stood on the right hand, and the other on the
left; they were but of five foot high; each of them had the back part
made of stone, painted with monstrous and foul figures. The Chappell
was fair and well wrought of Masons work and timber; every Chappell
had three lofts one above another, sustained upon pillars, and with
the height thereof it shewed like unto a faire tower, and beautified
the City afarre off. From thence a man might see all the City and
Towns round about the lake, which was undoubtedly a goodly prospect.
And because _Cortez_ and his company should see the beauty thereof,
_Montezuma_ himselfe (to make the more ostentation of his greatnesse
and the Majesty of his Court) carried the first _Spaniards_ thither,
and shewed them all the order of the Temple, even from the foot to
the top. There was a certain plot or space for the Idoll Preists to
celebrate their service without disturbance of any. Their generall
prayers were made toward the rising of the sunne; upon each Altar stood
a great Idoll.

Besides this tower which stood upon the Pyramide, there were fourty
towers great and small belonging to other little Temples which stood
in the same circuite; the which although they were of the same making,
yet their prospect was not West-ward, but other waies, because there
should be a difference betwixt the great Temple and them. Some of
these Temples were bigger then others, and every one of a severall
God; among the which there was one round Temple dedicated to the God
of the ayre called _Quecalcovatl_; for even as the ayre goeth round
about the heavens, even for that consideration they made his Temple
round. The entrance of that Temple had a dore made like unto the mouth
of a Serpent, and was painted with foule and divellish gestures, with
great teeth and gummes wrought, which was a sight to fear those that
should enter in thereat, and especially the Christians unto whom it
represented hell it selfe with that ugly face and monstrous teeth.
There were other Teucallies in the City, that had the ascending up by
steps in three places; and all these Temples had houses by themselves
with all service belonging to them, and Preists, and particular Gods.
And from this manner of these Heathens Temples, and Altars made
with steps, wee may observe how like unto them is now the Church of
_Rome_, which as it confesseth that there never was a Church without
a visible sacrifice, and therefore teacheth that Christs body must be
broken upon their Altars, and distributed not only as a sacrament to
the people, but as a sacrifice in the Preists hands, differing only
that the sacrifices of Sheep and Oxen in the old law, and these of
the Heathens were bloody sacrifices, but theirs of Christs body they
call _Incruentum Sacrificium_, an unbloody sacrifice; so likewise in
the buildings of their Churches with severall Towers and Altars and
Chappels dedicated to severall Saints they seem to have taken from the
very Heathens; but especially in the many steps whereby they ascend up
to their Altars, they resemble these, forgetting Gods words in Exod.
20. 26. saying, _Neither shalt thou goe up by steps unto mine Altar,
that thy nakednesse be not discovered thereon_. And lastly in their
houses and cloisters joyning to their Churches for the service of them,
being full of idolatrous Preists and Fryers consecrated for their
service, they seem likewise to have borrowed that fancy of Convents,
Abbeys, and Priories from the very Heathens, who (as presently I
shall shew) had neer joyning to this great Temple, houses containing
thousands of Preists, with yeerly rents and revenues, like those of
_Romes_ Abbeys, and Cloisters. At every dore of this great Temple
of _Mexico_ stood a large hall, and goodly lodgings both high and
low round about, which houses were common Armories for the City. The
Heathens it seems had so much understanding as to know that the force
and strength of a Towne, City, or Countrey is the Temple, and therefore
they placed there their storehouse of munition.

They had other darke houses full of Idols great and small, wrought of
sundry metals, which were all bathed and washed with blood, and did
shew very blacke through their dayly sprinkling and anointing them with
the same, when any man was sacrificed; yea and the walls were an inch
thick with blood, and the ground a foot thick of it, so that there was
a divellish stench. The Preists went dayly into those Oratories, and
suffered none other but great personages to enter in. And when any
such went in, they were bound to offer some man to be sacrificed, that
those bloudy hangmen and Ministers of the devill might wash their hands
in the blood of those so sacrificed, and might sprinkle their house
therewith. For their service in the Kitchin they had a pond of water,
that was filled once a year, which was brought by the Conduit pipes
before mentioned, from the principall fountaine. All the residue of
the fore-said circuit served for places to breed fowles, with gardens
of herbs and sweet trees, with roses and flowers for the Altars; and
this is also the Church of _Romes_ custome and superstition, to trim
and deck their Saints and Altars with Garlands and Crowns of Roses and
other flowers. Such, so great and strange was this Temple of _Mexico_,
for the service of the devill, who had deceived those simple _Indians_.
There did reside (as I said before of Monkes and Fryers in their
Cloisters joyning to their Churches) in this Temple and houses joyning
to it, continually five thousand persons, and all these were lodged and
had their living there; for that Temple was marvellous rich, and had
divers Townes onely for their maintenance, and reparation, and were
bound to sustaine the same alwaies on foot. These Townes did sow corn,
and maintain all those five thousand persons with bread, fruit, flesh,
fish, and firewood as much as they needed, for they spent more firewood
then was spent in the Kings Court. These persons did live like _Romes_
Abby-lubbers at their hearts ease, as servants and vassals unto the
Gods, which were many; and every God had severall rankes and Orders of
Preists to serve him; as the severall Saints canonized by the Popes of
_Rome_ have under them distinct Religious Orders of Preists, Dominick
hath Dominicans, Francis Franciscans, Benedict Benedictines, Basil
Basilians, Bernard Bernardines, Augustin Augustines, and the like.

The Gods of _Mexico_ (as the _Indians_ reported to the first
_Spaniards_) were two thousand in number; the chiefest were
_Vitzilopuchtli_, and _Tezcatlipuca_, whose Images stood highest in
the Temple upon the Altars. They were made of stone in full proportion
as bigge as a Gyant. They were covered with a lawne called _Nacar_;
they were beset with pearles, pretious stones, and peeces of gold,
wrought like birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers, adorned with Emeralds,
Turquies, Chalcedons, and other little fine stones, so that when the
lawne was taken away, the Images seemed very beautifull and glorious
to behold. But must I find out _Rome_ still among these heathens? and
will the Papists bee angry if I tell them plainly that what I mislike
in these Idolatrous _Mexicans_, I mislike in them? for doe not they
deck and adorne their Idol Saints, as the heathens did _Vitzilopuchtli_
and _Tezcatlipuca_? Doe not they cover their woodden and stony statues
of Saints, and of the Virgin _Mary_ with fine lawne shirts, and hide
them with curtaines of cloth of Gold, and crowne them with Crowns of
Silver and Gold, and enrich them with costly and pretious jewels and
Diamonds; not considering that they are the workes of their owne hands?
_Ad quid perditio hæc? poterant enim venundari, & dari pauperibus?_
These two _Indian_ Idols had for a girdle great snakes of gold, and
for collars or chaines about their necks ten hearts of men made of
gold; and each of them had a counterfeit Visor with eies of glasse,
and in their necks Death painted. These two Gods were brethren, for
_Tezcatlipuca_ was the God of Providence, and _Vitzilopuchtli_, God
of the Warres; who was worshipped and feared more then all the rest.
There was another God, who had a great Image placed upon the top of the
chappell of Idols, and hee was esteemed for a speciall and singular
God above all the rest. This God was made of all kind of seeds that
grow in that Countrey, which being ground, they made a certain paste
tempered with childrens blood and Virgins sacrificed, who were opened
with rasors in their brests, and their hearts taken out, to offer as
first fruits unto the Idoll. The Preists consecrated this Idoll with
great pompe and many Ceremonies. All the _Comarcans_ and Citizens were
present at the Consecration with great triumph and incredible devotion.
After the Consecration many devout persons came and sticked in the dowy
Image pretious stones, wedges of gold, and other Jewels. And after
all this pompe ended, no secular man might touch that holy Image; no
nor yet come into his Chappel; nay scarcely religious persons, except
they were _Tlamacaztli_, who were Preists of Order. They did renew
this Image many times with new dough, taking away the old. And then
(like againe unto the Papists who think themselves happy with their
Saints reliques, though ragges or bones) blessed was hee that could
get one peece of the old ragges, or a peece of the old dough, for the
which there was most earnest suites made by the Souldiers, who thought
themselves sure therewith in the Warres. Also at the Consecration of
this Idoll, a certaine vessell of water was blessed with many words
and ceremonies (peradventure from this heathenish Ceremonie came the
superstitious holy water to _Rome_) and that water was preserved very
religiously at the foot of the Altar, for to consecrate the King when
hee should bee crowned, and also to blesse any Captaine Generall, when
hee should be elected for the Wars, with onely giving him a draught
of that water. And as the _Romish_ Church makes much of their dead
mens skulles and rotten bones, laying them up in their Churchyards
under some arches made for that purpose in the Churchwalls, even so
was it here in _Mexico_; for without this Temple, and over against the
principall doore thereof, a stones cast distant stood a Charnell house
onely of dead mens heads, Prisoners in Warres and sacrificed with the
knife. This monument was made like unto a Theatre, more large then
broad, wrought of lime and stone, with ascending steps; in the walls
whereof was graffed betwixt stone and stone a skull with the teeth
outwards. At the foot and head of this Theatre, were two towers made
onely of lime and skulles, the teeth outward, which having no other
stuffe in the wall seemed a strange sight. At and upon the top of
the Theatre were threescore and ten poles, standing the one from the
other foure or five foot distant, and each of them was full of staves
from the foot to the top. Each of these staves had others made fast
unto them, and every one of them had five skulles broched through the
temples. When the _Spaniards_ first entred into _Mexico_ as friends
before the death of _Montezuma_ they visited all these monuments; and
in what they have written and transmitted to posterity of that City,
it is recorded of one _Andrew de Tapia_, and _Gonzalo de Umbria_ that
one day they did reckon these skulles, and found a hundred thirty and
six thousand skulles on the poles, staves and steps. The other Towers
were replenished out of number; and there were men appointed, that when
one skull fell, to set up another in his place, so that the number
might never want. But all these Towers and Idols were pulled down, and
consumed with fire, when the _Spaniards_ wanne that City. And certainly
they had beene more renowned in destroying those Altars of the devill
and those Idoll Gods, if in their stead they had not set up new Idols
and Saints of stockes and stones, and built unto them as many more
Churches as they found at their comming thither. All therefore that
hath been mentioned hitherto of _Montezuma_ his houses and Gardens,
of the spacious Market place, and Temples of that City was utterly
destroyed and brought downe to the very ground. But _Cortez_ reedified
it againe, not onely for the situation and majesty, but also for the
name and great fame thereof. Hee divided it among the Conquerours,
having first taken out places for Churches, Market places, Towne
house and other necessary plots to build houses, profitable for the
Common-wealth. Hee separated the dwellings of the _Spaniards_ from the
_Indians_, so that now the water passeth and maketh division betwixt
them. Hee promised to them that were naturalls of the City of _Mexico_
plotts to build upon, inheritance, freedome, and other liberties, and
the like unto all those that would come and inhabit there, which was a
meanes to allure many thither. Hee set also at liberty _Xihuaco_, the
Generall Captaine, and made him chief over the _Indians_ in the City,
unto whom hee gave a whole street. He gave likewise another street to
_Don Pedro Montezuma_ who was sonne to _Montezuma_ the King. All this
was done to winne the favour of the people. Hee made other Gentlemen
Seniors of little Islands, and streets to build upon, and to inhabit,
and in this order the whole situation was reparted, and the work began
with great joy and diligence. And when the same was blowne abroad that
_Mexico_ should bee built again, it was a wonder to see the people
that resorted thither hearing of liberty and freedome. The number was
so great that in three miles compasse was nothing but people men and
women. They laboured sore and did eate little, by reason whereof many
sickned, and pestilence ensued, whereof died an infinite number. Their
paines was great, for they bare on their backes, and drew after them
stones, earth, timber, lyme, brick, and all other things necessary in
this sort; And by little and little _Mexico_ was built againe with a
hundred thousand houses, more strong and better then the old building
was. The _Spaniards_ built their houses after the _Spanish_ fashion;
and _Cortez_ built his house upon the plot where _Montezuma_ his
house stood, which renteth now yeerely foure thousand duckats, and is
called now the Palace of the Marques _Del Valle_, the King of _Spain_
having conferred upon _Cortez_ and his heires this title from the
great Valley of _Guaxaca_. This Palace is so stately that (as I have
observed before) seven thousand beames of Cedar Trees were spent in it.
They built faire Dockes covered over with Arches for the Vergantines;
which Dockes for a perpetuall memory doe remaine untill this day.
They dammed up the streets of water, where now faire houses stand, so
that _Mexico_ is not as it was wont to bee, and especially since the
yeare 1634. the water cometh not by farre so neere the City as it was
wont to come. The Lake sometimes casteth out a vapour of stench, but
otherwise it is a wholesome and temperate dwelling, by reason of the
Mountaines that stand round about it, and well provided through the
fertility of the Countrey, and commodity of the Lake. So that now is
_Mexico_ one of the greatest Cities in the World in extention of the
situation for _Spanish_ and _Indian_ houses. Not many yeeres after
the Conquest it was the Noblest City in all _India_ as well in Armes
as Policy. There were formerly at the least two thousand Citizens,
that had each of them his horse in his stable with rich furniture for
them, and Armes in readinesse. But now since all the _Indians_ farre
and neer are subdued, and most of them especially about _Mexico_
consumed, and there is no feare of their rising up any more against
the _Spaniards_, all armes are forgotten, and the _Spaniards_ live
so secure from enemies, that there is neither Gate, Wall, Bulwarke,
Platforme, Tower, Armory, Ammunition, or Ordnance to secure and defend
the City from a Domestick or forraine enemy; from the latter they
thinke St. _John de Ulhua_ sufficient and strong enough to secure them.
But for Contractation it is one of the richest Cities in the World; to
the which by the North Sea commeth every yeer from _Spain_ a Fleet of
neere twenty ships laden with the best Commodities not onely of _Spain_
but of the most parts of Christendome. And by the South Sea it enjoyeth
Traffique from all parts of _Peru_; and above all it Trades with the
_East-India's_, and from thence receiveth the Commodities as well from
those parts which are inhabited by _Portingals_, as from the Countries
of _Japan_ and _China_, sending every yeere two great _Caracas_ with
two smaller Vessels to the Islands of _Philippinas_, and having every
yeere a returne of such like ships. There is also in _Mexico_ a Mint
house where Money is dayly coyned; and is brought thither in wedges
upon Mules from the Mines called _St. Lewis de Sacatecas_, standing
fourescore Leagues from _Mexico_ Northward, and yet from _Sacatecas_
forward have the _Spaniards_ entred above a hundred Leagues conquering
daily _Indians_, where they discover store of Mines; and there they
have built a City, called _Nova Mexico_, new _Mexico_. The _Indians_
there are great Warriers, and hold the _Spaniards_ hard to it. It is
thought the _Spaniard_ will not bee satisfied, untill hee subdue all
the Country that way, which doubtlesse reacheth to our plantations
of _Virginia_ and the rest being the same continued continent land.
There is yet more in _Mexico_, a faire schoole, which now is made an
University, which the Viceroy _Don Antonio De Mendoza_ caused to be
built. At the rebuilding of this City there was a great difference
betwixt an Inhabitant of _Mexico_, and a Conquerour; for a Conquerour
was a name of honour, and had lands and rents given him and to his
posterity by the King of _Spain_, and the Inhabitant or onely dweller
payed rent for his house. And this hath filled all those parts of
_America_ with proud _Dons_ and Gentlemen to this day; for every one
will call himselfe a descendent from a Conquerour, though hee bee as
poore as _Job_; and aske him what is become of his Estate and fortune,
hee will answer that fortune hath taken it away, which shall never
take away a _Don_ from him. Nay a poore Cobler, or Carrier that runs
about the Countrey farre and neere getting his living with half a dozen
Mules, if hee bee called _Mendoza_, or _Guzman_, will sweare that hee
descended from those Dukes houses in _Spain_, and that his Grandfather
came from thence to Conquer, and subdued whole Countries to the Crowne
of _Spain_, though now fortune have frowned upon him, and covered his
ragges with a thredbare Cloake. When _Mexico_ was rebuilt, and Judges,
Aldermen, Attorneys, Towne Clerks, Notaries, Skavengers, and Serjeants
with all other Officers necessary for the Common-weale of a City were
appointed, the fame of _Cortez_ and majesty of the City was blowne
abroad into farre Provinces, by meanes whereof it was soone replenished
with _Indians_ againe, and with _Spaniards_ from _Spain_, who soone
conquered above foure hundred Leagues of Land, being all governed by
the Princely Seat of _Mexico_. But since that first rebuilding, I
may say it is now rebuilt the second time by _Spaniards_, who have
consumed most of the _Indians_; so that now I will not dare to say
there are a hundred thousand houses which soone after the Conquest
were built up, for most of them were of _Indians_. Now the _Indians_
that live there, live in the suburbs of the City, and their situation
is called _Guadalupe_. In the yeare 1625. when I went to those parts,
this Suburbe was judged to containe five thousand Inhabitans; But
since most of them have beene consumed by the _Spaniards_ hard usage
and the worke of the Lake. So that now there may not bee above two
thousand Inhabitants of meere _Indians_, and a thousand of such as
they call there _Mestizos_, who are of a mixt nature of _Spaniards_
and _Indians_, for many poore _Spaniards_ marry with _Indian_ women,
and others that marry them not but hate their husbands, find many
trickes to convey away an innocent _Uriah_ to enjoy his _Bathsheba_.
The _Spaniards_ daily cousen them of the small plot of ground where
their houses stand, and of three or foure houses of _Indians_ build
up one good and fair house after the _Spanish_ fashion with Gardens
and Orchards. And so is almost all _Mexico_ new built with very faire
and spatious houses with Gardens of recreation. Their buildings are
with stone, and brick very strong, but not high, by reason of the many
Earth-quakes, which would indanger their houses if they were above
three stories high. The streets are very broad, in the narrowest of
them three Coaches may goe, and in the broader six may goe in the
breadth of them, which makes the City seeme a great deale bigger then
it is. In my time it was thought to bee of betweene thirty and forty
thousand Inhabitants _Spaniards_, who are so proud and rich, that half
the City was judged to keepe Coaches, for it was a most credible report
that in _Mexico_ in my time there were above fifteen thousand Coaches.
It is a by-word that at _Mexico_ there are foure things faire, that is
to say, the women, the apparell, the horses, and the streets. But to
this I may adde the beauty of some of the Coaches of the gentry, which
doe exceed in cost the best of the Court of _Madrid_ and other parts of
Christendome; for there they spare no Silver, nor Gold, nor pretious
stones, nor Cloath of Gold, nor the best Silkes from _China_ to enrich
them. And to the gallantry of their horses the pride of some doth adde
the cost of bridles, and shooes of silver. The streets of Christendome
must not compare with those in breadth and cleannesse, but especially
in the riches of the shops which doe adorn them. Above all the
Goldsmiths shops and workes are to bee admired. The _Indians_, and the
people of _China_ that have been made Christians and every yeere come
thither, have perfected the _Spaniards_ in that Trade. The Viceroy that
went thither the yeere 1625. caused a _Popingay_ to bee made of silver,
gold, and pretious stones with the perfect colours of the _Popingays_
feathers, (a bird bigger then a pheasant) with such exquisite art and
perfection, to present unto the King of _Spain_, that it was prized to
bee worth in riches and workmanship halfe a Million of Duckats. There
is in the Cloister of the Dominicans a lampe hanging in the Church
with three hundred branches wrought in silver to hold so many Candles,
besides a hundred little lampes for oyle set in it, every one being
made with severall workmanship so exquisitely, that it is valued to
be worth four hundred thousand duckats; and with such like curious
workes are many streets made more rich and beautifull from the shops
of Goldsmiths. To the by-word touching the beauty of the women I must
adde the liberty they enjoy for gaming, which is such that the day and
night is to short for them to end a Primera when once it is begun; nay
gaming is so common to them that they invite gentlemen to their houses
for no other end. To my self it happened that passing along the streets
in company with a Fryer that came with me that yeare from _Spain_, a
gentlewoman of great birth knowing us to be _Chapetons_ (so they call
the first yeer those that come from _Spain_) from her window called
unto us, and after two or three slight questions concerning _Spain_
asked us if wee would come in and play with her a Game at Primera. Both
men and women are excessive in their apparell, using more silkes then
stuffes and cloth; pretious Stones and Pearles further much this their
vaine ostentation; a hat-band and rose made of Diamonds in a Gentlemans
hat is common, and a hat-band of Pearles is ordinary in a Tradesman;
nay a Blackmore or Tauny young maide and slave will make hard shift but
shee will bee in fashion with her Neckchaine and Bracelets of Pearls,
and her Eare-bobs of some considerable Jewels. The attire of this
baser sort of people of Blackmores and Mulatta's (which are of a mixt
nature, of _Spaniards_ and Blackmores) is so light, and their carriage
so enticing, that many _Spaniards_ even of the better sort (who are too
too prone to Venery) disdaine their Wives for them. Their cloathing is
a Petticoate, of Silk or Cloth, with many silver or golden Laces, with
a very broad double Ribband of some light colour with long silver or
golden Tags hanging down before, the whole length of their Peticoat
to the ground, and the like behind; their Wascoats made like bodies,
with skirts, laced likewise with gold or silver, without sleeves, and
a girdle about their body of great price stuck with Pearls and knots
of Gold, (if they bee any waies well esteemed of) their sleeves are
broad and open at the end, of _Holland_ or fine _China_ linen, wrought
some with coloured silks, some with silke and gold, some with silk and
silver, hanging downe almost unto the ground; the locks of their heads
are covered with some wrought quoife, & over it another of net work of
silk bound with a fair silk, or silver or golden ribband which crosseth
the upper part of their forehead, and hath commonly worked out in
letters some light and foolish love posie; their bare black and tauny
breasts are covered with bobs hanging from their chaines of pearls.
And when they goe abroad they use a white mantle of lawne or cambricke
rounded with a broad lace, which some put over their heads, the breadth
reaching only to their middle behind, that their girdle and ribbands
may be seen, and the two ends before reaching to the ground almost;
others cast their mantles only upon their shoulders, and swaggerers
like, cast the one end over the left shoulder, that they may the better
jog the right arme, and shew their broad sleeve as they walke along;
others instead of this mantle use some rich silke petticoat, to hang
upon their left shoulder, while with their right arm they support the
lower part of it, more like roaring boyes then honest civil maids.
Their shooes are high & of many soles, the outside whereof of the
prophaner sort are plated with a list of silver, which is fastned with
small nailes of broad silver heads. Most of these are or have been
slaves, though love have set them loose at liberty, to inslave souls to
sinne and Satan. And there are so many of this kind both men and women
growne to a height of pride and vanity, that many times the _Spaniards_
have feared they would rise up and mutiny against them. And for the
loosnesse of their lives, and publike scandals committed by them and
the better sort of the _Spaniards_, I have heard them say often who
have professed more religion and feare of God, they verily thought God
would destroy that City, and give up the Countrey into the power of
some other nation.

I will not relate particulars of their obscene and scandalous, yea
and publike carriages, which would offend my Readers patience, and
make his eares to tingle; only I say, certainly God is offended with
that second _Sodom_, whose inhabitants though now they be like the
green bay-tree flourishing with jewels, pearles, gold, silver, and all
worldly pleasures; _They shall soone be cut downe like the grasse and
wither as the green herbe, Ps._ 37. 2. And though their great Master
and Cardinall _Bellarmine_ make outward happinesse and flourishing a
marke and note of a true Church and Congregation of Gods people: and
of my selfe I could say with _David_ in the 73. _Ps._ 2, 3. when I
lived blindly amongst them, _My feet were almost gone, my steps had
well-nigh slipt; for I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the
prosperity of the wicked_; yet now being enlightned in a more sure and
certaine truth, I will conclude of them, as _David_ of the flourishing
wicked men of his time in the same Chapter the 16, 17, 18. _v. When I
thought to know this, it was too painfull for mee, untill I went into
the Sanctuary of God, then understood I their end. Surely thou didst
set them in slippery places; thou callest them downe to destruction._
And I doubt not but the flourishing of _Mexico_ in coaches, horses,
streets, women, and apparell is very slippery, and will make those
proud inhabitants slip and fall into the power and dominion of some
other Prince of this world, and hereafter in the world to come, into
the powerfull hands of an angry Judge, who is the King of Kings and
Lord of Lords, which _Paul_ saith _Heb._ 10. 31. _is a fearfull_ thing.
For this City doth not only flourish in the waies aforesaid, but also
in their superstitious worshiping of God and Saints, they exceed _Rome_
it selfe, and all other places of Christendome. And it is a thing which
I have very much and carefully observed in all my travailes both in
_Europe_ and in _America_, that in those Cities wherein there is most
lewd licentiousnesse of life, there is also most cost in the Temples,
and most publike superstitious worshipping of God and of the Saints.

It seems that religion teacheth that all wickednesse is allowable,
so the Churches and Clergy flourish; nay while the purse is open to
lasciviousnesse, if it be likewise opened to enrich the temple walls
and roofes, this is better then any their holy water to wash away the
filth of the other. _Rome_ is held to be the head of superstition;
and what stately Churches, Chappels, and Cloisters are in it? what
fastings, what processions, what appearances of devotion? and on the
other side, what liberty, what profanenesse, what whoredomes, nay what
sinnes of _Sodom_ are committed in it? In so much that it could be the
saying of a Fryer to my selfe while I was in it, that he verily thought
there was no one City in the world wherein were more Atheists then in
_Rome_. I might shew this truth in _Madrid, Sevill, Valladolid_, and
other famous Cities in _Spaine_, and in _Italy_, in _Millan, Genoa_
and _Naples_, relating many instances of scandalls committed in those
places, and yet the Temples mightily enriched by such who have thought
those alms a sufficient warrant to free them from hell & Purgatory.
But I must return to _Mexico_ which is _mille testes_ of this truth,
sin and wickednesse abounding in it; and yet no such people in the
world toward the Church and Clergy, who in their life time strive to
exceed one another in their gifts to the Cloisters of Nuns and Friers,
some erecting Altars to their best devoted Saints, worth many thousand
thousand duckats, others presenting crowns of gold to the pictures of
_Mary_, others lamps, others golden chains, others building Cloisters
at their own charge, others repairing them, others at their death
leaving to them two or three thousand duckats for an annuall stipend.
Among these great Benefactors to the Churches of that City I should
wrong my History if I should forget one that lived in my time, called
_Alonso Cuellar_, who was reported to have a Closet in his house laid
with bars of gold in stead of bricks; though indeed it was not so, but
only reported for his abundant riches and store of bars of gold which
he had in one chest standing in a closet distant from another, where
he had a chest full of wedges of silver. This man alone built a Nunery
of Franciscan Nuns, which stood him in above thirty thousand duckats,
and left unto it for the maintainance of the Nuns two thousand duckats
yeerly, with obligation of some masses to be said in the Church every
yeer for his soule after his decease. And yet this mans life was so
scandalous, that commonly in the night with two servants he would round
the City, visiting such scandalous persons whose attire before hath
been described, carrying his beads in his hands, and at every house
letting fall a beade and tying a false knot, that when he came home in
the morning towards breake of the day he might number by his beades
the uncivil stations he had walked and visited that night. But these
his works of darkenesse came to light, and were published farre and
neer for what happened unto him whilst I was in _Mexico_; for one night
meeting at one of his stations with a gentleman that was jealous of
him, swords on both sides were drawne, the Concubine first was stabbed
by the Gentleman who was better manned and attended; and _Cuellar_ (who
was but a Merchant) was mortally wounded and left for dead, though
afterwards he recovered. Great Almes and liberality towards religious
houses in that City commonly are coupled with great and scandalous
wickednesse. They wallow in the bed of riches and wealth, and make
their Almes the Coverlet to cover their loose and lascivious lives.
From hence are the Churches so fairly built and adorned. There are
not above fifty Churches and Chappels, Cloisters and Nunneries, and
Parish Churches in that City; but those that are there are the fairest
that ever my eyes beheld, the roofes and beams being in many of them
all daubed with gold, and many Altars with sundry marble pillars,
and others with Brasil wood staies standing one above another with
Tabernacles for several Saints richly wrought with golden colours, so
that twenty thousand duckats is a common price of many of them. These
cause admiration in the common sort of people, and admiration brings
on daily adoration in them to those glorious spectacles and images of
Saints; so Satan shewes Christ all the glory of the Kingdomes to intice
him to admiration, and then _All these things will I give thee if thou
wilt fall downe and worship mee_, Mat. 4. 8, 9. The devill will give
all the world to be adored.

Besides these beautifull buildings, the inward riches belonging to
the Altars are infinite in price and value, such as Copes, Canopies,
hangings, Altar cloths, Candlestickes, Jewels belonging to the Saints,
and crownes of gold and silver, and Tabernacles of gold and Crystall
to carry about their sacrament in Procession, all which would mount to
the worth of a reasonable mine of silver, and would be a rich prey for
any nation that could make better use of wealth and riches. I will not
speake much of the lives of the Fryers and Nuns of that City, but only
that there they enjoy more liberty then in the parts of _Europe_ (where
yet they have too much) and that surely the scandal committed by them
doe cry up to heaven for vengeance, judgement, and destruction.

In my time in the Cloister of the Mercenarian Fryers which is entituled
for the Redemption of Captives, there chanced to be an election of a
Provinciall to rule over them, to the which all the Priors and heads
of the Cloisters about the countrey had resorted, and such was their
various and factious difference, that upon the suddain all the Convent
was in an uproare, their canonicall election was turned to mutiny and
strife, knives were drawn, many wounded, the scandall and danger of
murther so great, that the Viceroy was same to interpose his authority
and to sit amongst them and guard the Cloister untill their Provinciall
was elected. It is ordinary for the Fryers to visit their devoted Nuns,
and to spend whole daies with them, hearing their musicke, feeding on
their sweet meats, and for this purpose they have many chambers which
they call _Loquutorios_, to talke in, with wooden bars between the
Nuns and them, and in these chambers are tables for the Friers to dine
at; and while they dine, the Nuns recreate them with their voices.
Gentlemen and Citizens give their daughters to be brought up in these
Nunneries, where they are taught to make all sorts of conserves and
preserves, all sorts of needle worke, all sorts of musicke, which is
so exquisite in that City, that I dare be bold to say, that the people
are drawne to their Churches more for the delight of the musick,
then for any delight in the service of God. More, they teach these
young children to act like players, and to entice the people to their
Churches make these children to act short dialogues in their Quires,
richly attiring them with mens and womens apparell, especially upon
Midsummer day, and the eight daies before their Christmas, which is so
gallantly performed, that many factious strifes, and single combates
have been, and some were in my time, for defending which of these
Nunneries most excelled in musick, and in the training up of children.
No delights are wanting in that City abroad in the world, nor in their
Churches, which should be the house of God, and the soules, not the
senses delight.

The chiefe place in the City is the Market place, which though it be
not as spacious as in _Montezuma_ his time, yet is at this day very
faire and wide, built all with Arches on the one side where people may
walke dry in time of raine, and there are shops of Merchants furnished
with all sorts of stuffes and silkes, and before them sit women selling
all manner of fruits and herbes; over against these shops and Arches
is the Viceroy his palace, which taketh up almost the whole length of
the market with the walls of the house and of the gardens belonging to
it. At the end of the Viceroy his palace, is the chiefe prison which is
strong of stone worke. Next to this is the beautifull street called _la
plateria_, or Gold-smiths street, where a mans eyes may behold in lesse
then an houre many millions worth of gold, silver, pearles and jewells.
The street of _St. Austin_ is rich and comely, where live all that
trade in silkes; but one of the longest and broadest streets is the
street called _Tacuba_, where almost all the shops are of Ironmongers,
and of such as deale in brasse and steel, which is joyning to those
Arches whereon the water is conveyed into the City, and is so called
for that it is the way out of the City to a Towne called _Tacuba_; and
this street is mentioned farre and neer, not so much for the length
and breadth of it, as for a small commodity of needles which are made
there, and for proofe are the best of all those parts. For stately
buildings the street called _del Aquila_, the street of the eagle,
exceeds the rest, where live Gentlemen, and Courtiers, and Judges
belonging to the Chancery, and is the palace of the Marquesse _del
Valle_ from the line of _Ferdinando Cortez_; this street is so called
from an old Idoll an Eagle of stone which from the conquest lieth
in a corner of that street, and is twice as big as _London_ stone.
The gallants of this City shew themselves daily some on Horse-back,
and most in Coaches about four of the clock in the afternoone in a
pleasant shady field, called _la Alameda_, full of trees and walkes,
somewhat like unto our More-fields, where doe meet as constantly as
the Merchants upon our Exchange about two thousand Coaches, full of
Gallants, Ladies, and Citizens, to see and to be seen, to court and
to be courted, the Gentlemen having their train of black-more slaves
some a dozen, some halfe a dozen waiting on them, in brave and gallant
Liveries, heavy with gold and silver lace, with silke stockins on their
black legs, and roses on their feet, and swords by their sides; the
Ladies also carry their traine by their coaches side of such jet-like
Damosells as before have been mentioned for their light apparell, who
with their bravery and white mantles over them seem to be, as the
_Spaniard_ saith, _mosca en leche_, a flie in milke. But the train of
the Viceroy who often goeth to this place is wonderfull stately, which
some say is as great as the train of his Master the King of _Spaine_.
At this meeting are carried about many sorts of sweet-meats and papers
of comfites to be sold, for to relish a cup of coole water, which is
cried about in curious glasses, to coole the blood of those love hot
gallants. But many times these their meetings sweetned with conserves
and comfits have sowre sawce at the end, for jealousie will not suffer
a Lady to be courted, no nor sometimes to be spoken to, but puts fury
into the violent hand to draw a sword or dagger and to stab or murther
whom he was jealous of, and when one sword is drawne thousands are
presently drawne, some to right the party wounded or murthered; others
to defend the party murthering, whose friends will not permit him to
bee apprehended, but will guard him with drawn swords untill they have
conveyed him to the Sanctuary of some Church, from whence the Viceroy
his power is not able to take him for a legall tryall.

Many of these suddain skirmishes happened whilest I lived about
_Mexico_; of which City a whole volume might bee compiled, but that
by other Authors much hath beene written, and I desire not to fill my
History with trifles, but onely with what is most remarkable in it.
I may not omit yet from the situation of it upon a lake to tell that
certainly the water hath its passage under all the streets of it; for
toward the street of St. _Austin_ and the lower parts of the City, I
can confidently averre that in my time before the removing of the Lake
those that died were rather drowned then buried, for a grave could not
bee digged with an ordinary graves depth, but they met with water,
and I was eye-witnesse of many thus buried, whose coffins was covered
with water. And this is so apparent that had not the Cloister of the
_Augustines_ often been repaired and almost rebuilt, it had quite sunk
by this. In my time it was a repairing, and I saw the old pillars had
sunk very low; upon the which they were then laying new foundations,
and I was credibly informed that that was the third time that new
pillars had been erected upon the old which were quite sunk away. This
City hath but three wayes to come unto it by Cawsey; the one is from
the West, and that Cawsey is a mile and a halfe long. Another from the
North, and containeth three miles in length. Eastward the City hath no
entry; but Southward the Cawsey is five miles long, which was the way
that _Cortez_ entred into it, when hee conquered it.

The fruit called _Nuchtli_ (whereof I have spoken before, and some say
this City was called _Tenuchtitlan_ from it) though it bee in most
parts of _America_, yea and now in _Spain_, yet in no place there is
more abundance of it then in _Mexico_, and it is absolutely one of the
best fruits in it. It is like unto the Figge, and so hath many little
kernels or grains within, but they are somewhat larger, and crowned
like unto a Medler. There are of them of sundry colours, some are green
without, and carnation-like within, which have a good taste. Others
are yellow, and others white, and some speckled; the best sort are the
white; It is a fruit that will last long. Some of them taste of Pears,
and other some of Grapes; It is a cold and a fresh fruit and best
esteemed in the heat of summer. The _Spaniards_ doe more esteem them
then the _Indians_. The more the ground is laboured where they grow,
the fruit is so much the better. There is yet another kind of this
fruit red, and that is nothing so much esteemed, although his taste
is not evill; but because it doth colour and dye the eaters mouth,
lips and apparell, yea and maketh the Urine looke like pure blood.
Many _Spaniards_ at their first comming into _India_, and eating this
fruit, were amazed and at their wits end, thinking that all the blood
in their bodies came out in Urine; yea and many Physitians at their
first comming were of the same belief. And it hath happened when they
have been sent for unto such as have eaten this fruit, they not knowing
the cause, and beholding the Urine, by and by they have administred
medicines to staunch blood; a thing to laugh at, to see Physitians so
deceived. The skinne of the outside is thick and full of little small
prickles, and when it is cut downeright with one cut to the kernels,
with one finger you may uncleave the whole skin roundabout without
breaking it, & take out the fruit to eat. The _Spaniards_ use to jest
with it with strangers, taking half a dozen of them, and rubbing them
in a napkin, those smal prickles which can scarce bee seen or perceived
stick invisibly unto the napkin, wherewith a man wiping his mouth to
drink, those little prickles stick in his lips so that they seeme to
sow them up together, and make him for a while faulter in his speech,
till with much rubbing and washing they come off. There is another
fruit twice of the bignesse of a great warden, which they call the
growing _Manjar Blanco_, or white meat, which is a dainty dish made by
them with the white of a Capon, Cream, and Rice, and sugar and sweet
waters, much like unto the which tasteth this fruit. It is as sweet
as any hony, and dissolves like melted snow in the mouth into a juyce
most luscious; within, it is full of hard black kernels or stones,
which being cracked are bitter, and these not joyned together, but
by division one from another, each one having a bag, or little skin
discerning them in their rankes and orders, so that when you cut this
fruit in the middle it represents a Chequer board with black and whit;
the white is suckt or eaten and the kernels thrown away. But I cannot
forget that which they call _Pinia_, or Pine apple; not the Pine apple
of the high Pine tree, but a pine apple, that groweth upon a lower
shrub with prickly leaves, and is bigger then our biggest Muskmillians
in _England_, when it is ripe; it is yellow without and within; without
it is full of little bunches, and within so juycy and cool that nothing
more dangerous then to eat much of it. Before they eat it, they cut it
in round slices, and lay it a while in salt and water, and so being
scoured half an houre in that salt and water which taketh much of the
rawnes and coldnes from it, and then putting into dishes with more
fresh water they eat it thus. But the better way of eating it, is
preserved; which is absolutely the best preserve in all that Countrey.
There is also the Grape, (though they make not wine of it) the Apple,
the Peare, the Quince, the Peach, the Apricock, the Pomegranate, the
Muskmillian, the Plantin, the Figge, the Walnut, the Chesnut, the
Orange, the Lemmon both sowre and sweet, the Citron in great abundance.
Most of the fruitts of _Europe_, and as many more which _Europe_ never
knew. About _Mexico_ more then in any other part groweth that excellent
tree called _Metl_, which they plant and dresse as they doe their Vines
in _Europe_. It hath neere forty kindes of leaves, which serve for many
uses; for when they bee tender they make of them Conserves, Paper,
Flax, Mantles, Mats, Shooes, girdles, and cordage. On these leaves grow
certaine prickles so strong and sharpe that they use them in stead
of sawes: from the root of this tree cometh a juyce like unto syrup,
which being sodde will become Sugar. You may also make of it Wine and
Vineger. The _Indians_ often become drunke with it. The rind rolled
healeth hurts and sores, and from the top boughs issueth a gumme, which
is an excellent antidote against poyson. There is nothing in _Mexico_
and about it wanting which may make a City happy; and certainly had
those that have so much extolled with their pens the parts of _Granada_
in _Spain, Lombardy_ and _Florence_ in _Italy_, making them the earthly
Paradise, had they beene acquainted with the new World and with
_Mexico_, they would have recanted their untruths.

Oh that the Lord were truely worshiped where hee hath powred forth the
treasures of his goodnesse for the children of men! Oh that in that
_Eden_ the tempting and entising Serpent were not so much obeyed in the
use of the faire seeming Apple of pleasures, and the Lord that hath
enriched it with such varieties so much neglected! How long O Lord God,
how long shall the line of the wicked flourish, and the best portion be
fallen to Idolaters and to the workers of iniquity?

This City is the seat of an Archbishop, and of a Viceroy, who commonly
is some great Noble man of _Spain_, whose power is to make Lawes and
Ordinances, to give directions, and determine controversies, unlesse
it bee in such great causes, which are thought fit to bee referred to
the Councell of _Spain_. And though there bee about the Country many
governments with severall Governours, yet they are all subordinate to
this Viceroy, and there are at least foure hundred leagues of land
all governed by the Princely seat of _Mexico_. Most of the Governours
about the Country being the Viceroy his Creatures, placed by him, doe
contribute great gifts and bribes for their preferment; so likewise doe
all the rest whose right or wrong proceedings depend upon the Viceroy
his clemency and mercy in judging the daily appeales of Justice which
come unto him. The King of _Spain_ allowes him out of his Exchequer
yeerly a hundred thousand Duckats whilest hee governes; his time being
but five yeers. But commonly with their bribes to the Courtiers of
_Spain_, and to the Counsellours for the Estate of the _India's_ they
get a prorogation of five yeeres more, and sometimes of ten. It is
incredible to think what this Viceroy may get a yeer in that place
besides his hundred thousand duckats of rent, if hee bee a man covetous
and given to trading, (as most of them are) for then they will bee
Masters of what commodities they please, and none else shall deale in
them but themselves; as did the Marquesse of _Serralvo_ in my time, who
was the best Monopolist of salt that ever those parts knew. This man
was thought to get a Million a yeer, what with gifts and presents, what
with his Trading to _Spain_ and _Philippinas_. He governed ten yeares,
and in this time he sent to the King of _Spain_ a _Popingay_ worth half
a Million, and in one year more he sent the worth of a Million to the
Count of _Olivares_, and other Courtiers to obtain a prorogation for
five yeers more. Besides the Viceroy there are commonly six Judges and
a Kings Attorney, who are allowed out of the Kings Exchequer yeerly
twelve thousand duckats a peice rent, besides two _Alcaldes de Corte_
or high Justices, who with the Viceroy judge all Chancery and criminall
causes. But these, though united together they may oppose the Viceroy
in any unlawfull and unjustifiable action, as some have done and have
smarted for it, yet commonly they dare not. So that hee doth what he
listeth, and it is enough for him to say, _stat pro ratione voluntas_.
This power joyned with covetousnesse in the Viceroy, and threescore
thousand duckats yeerly, joyned with pride in the Arch-bishop, was
like to be the ruine of that City in the yeer 1624. Then was the Count
of _Gelves_ Viceroy, and _Don Alonso de Zerna_ Archbishop, whose two
powers striving and striking at one another like two flints, had almost
brought to combustion that gallant City, and did set on fire the
Viceroy his palace, and the prison joyning to it.

The story was thus, which may be profitable for other nations, to
beware of covetous governours, and proud Prelates; and therefore I
thought fit to insert it here. The Count of _Gelves_ was in some things
one of the best Viceroys and Governours that ever the Court of _Spaine_
sent to _America_, for he was called by the _Spaniards, el terrible
Justiciero, y fuego de Ladrones_, that is, terrible for Justice, and
fire to consume all theeves. For he cleered all the high waies of
theeves, hanging them as often as they were caught without mercy, and
did send out troopes and officers to apprehend them, so that it was
generally reported that since the conquest unto those dayes of his
there had never been so many theeves and malefactors hanged up as in
his time. So in all other points of justice he was severe and upright.
But yet covetousnesse did so blind him to see his owne injustice, that
before he could see it, he had brought the City of _Mexico_ and the
whole Kingdome to a danger of rebellion. What he would not to be seen
in himselfe, he acted by others his instruments. And one of them was
one _Don Pedro Mexia_, a mighty rich Gentleman of _Mexico_, whom hee
chose to joyne with him in monopolizing all the _Indian_ Maiz, and
wheat about the Countrey. _Don Pedro Mexia_ of the _Indians_ bought
at the price he list their Maiz, and the wheat of the _Spaniards_ he
bought it according to that price at which it is taxed by the law of
that land to be sold at in time of famine; which is at fourteen Rials
a bushell, (which is not much there considering the abundance of gold
and silver) at which price the Farmers and husbandmen knowing it to be
a plentiful yeer were glad and willing to sel unto him their wheat,
not knowing what the end would be, & others fearing to gainsay him,
whom they knew to be the Viceroyes favorite. Thus _Don Pedro Mexia_
filled all his barnes which he had hired about the Countrey, and
himselfe and the Viceroy became owners of all the wheat. He had his
officers appointed to bring it into the Markets upon his warning, and
that was when some smal remnants that had escaped his fingers were
sold, and the price raised. Then hoised he his price, and doubled it
above what it had cost him. The poore began to complaine, the rich to
murmure, the taxe of the law was moved in the Court of Chancery before
the Viceroy. But he being privy to the Monopoly expounded the law to
bee understood in time of famine, and that he was informed, that it
was as plentifull a yeer as ever had been, and that to his knowledge
there was as much brought into the Markets as ever had been, and plenty
enough for _Mexico_ and all the Countrey. Thus was the law slighted,
the rich mocked, the poore oppressed, and none sold wheat but _Don
Pedro Mexia_ his officers for himselfe and the Viceroy. When Justice
would be no father, the people go to their mother the Church; & having
understood the businesse better, and that it was _Don Pedro Mexia_,
who did tyrannnize and oppresse them with the Viceroy his favour, they
intreat the Archbishop to make it a case of Conscience, and to reduce
it to a Church censure. _Don Alonso de Zerna_ the Archbishop, who had
alwaies stomacked _Don Pedro Mexia_ and the Viceroy, to please the
people, granted to them to excommunicate _Don Pedro Mexia_, and so
sent out bils of excommunication to be fixed upon all the Church dores
against _Don Pedro_; who not regarding the excommunication, and keeping
close at home, and still selling his wheat, raising higher the price
then it was before; the Arch-bishop raised this censure higher against
him, adding to it a Bill of _Cessatio à divinis_, that is, a cessation
from all divine service. This Censure is so great with them, that it
is never used but for some great mans sake, who is contumacious and
stubborn in his waies, contemning the power of the Church. Then are all
the Church dores shut up, (let the City be never so great) no masses
are said, no prayers used, no preaching permitted, no meetings allowed
for any publike devotion or calling upon God. Their Church mournes as
it were, and makes no shew of spirituall joy and comfort, nor of any
communion of prayers one with another, so long as the partie continues
stubborn and rebellious in his sinne, and scandall, and in yeelding
to the Churches censure. And further whereas by this cessation _à
divinis_, many Churches and especially Cloisters suffer in the means
of their livelyhood, who live upon what is daily given them for the
Masses they say, and in a Cloister where thirty or fourty Preists say
Masse, so many peices of Eight or crowns in _Mexico_ doe daily come in;
therefore this censure or _cessatio à divinis_ is so inflicted upon the
whole Church (all suffering for it as they say in spirituall, and some
in temporall waies) that the party offending or scandalizing, for whose
sake this curse is laid upon all, is bound to satisfie all Preists and
Cloisters which in the way aforesaid suffer, and to allow them so much
out of his meanes, as they might have daily got by selling away their
Masses for so many crownes for their daily livelyhood. To this would
the Arch-bishop have brought _Don Pedro Mexia_, to have emptied out
of his purse neer a thousand crownes daily, towards the maintenance
of about a thousand Preists (so many there may bee in _Mexico_) who
from the Altar sell away their bread-God to satisfie with bread and
food their hungry stomackes. And secondly by the peoples suffering in
their spirituall comfort, and non-communion of prayers and idolatrous
worship, hee thought to make _Don Pedro Mexia_ odious to the people.
_Don Pedro_ perceiving the spightfull intents of the Archbishop,
and hearing the outcries of the people in the streets against him,
and their cries for the use and liberty of their Churches, secretly
retired himselfe to the Palace of the Viceroy, begging his favour
and protection, for whose sake he suffered. The Viceroy immediately
sent out his Orders, commanding the bills of excommunication and
cessation _à divinis_ to bee pulled from the Church dores, and to all
the Superiors of the Cloisters to set open their Churches, and to
celebrate their service and masses as formerly they had done. But they
disobeying the Viceroy through blind obedience to their Archbishop,
the Viceroy commanded the Arch-prelate to revoke his censures. But
his answer was that what he had done, had been justly done against a
publike offender and great oppressor of the poore, whose cries had
moved him to commiserate their suffering condition, and that the
offenders contempt of his first excommunication had deserved the rigour
of the second censure; neither of the which hee would or could revoke
untill _Don Pedro Mexia_ had submitted himselfe to the Church and to
a publike absolution, and had satisfied the Preists and Cloisters who
suffered for him, and had disclaimed that unlawfull and unconscionable
Monopolie, wherewith he wronged the whole common-wealth, and especially
the poorer sort therein.

Thus did that proud Prelate arrogantly in termes exalt himselfe against
the the authority of his Prince and Ruler, contemning his command with
a flat deniall, thinking himself happy in imitating _Ambrose_ his
spirit against the Emperour _Theodosius_, trusting in the power of
his keyes, and in the strength of his Church and Clergy, which with
the rebellion of the meaner sort he resolved to oppose against the
power and strength of his Magistrate. The Viceroy not brooking this
sawcy answer from a Preist, commanded him presently to be apprehended
and to be guarded to _St. John de Ulhua_, and there to be shipped
for _Spaine_. The Archbishop having notice of this the Viceroy his
resolution, retired himselfe out of _Mexico_ to _Guadalupe_ with many
of his Preists and Prebends, leaving a bill of excommunication upon
the Church dores against the Viceroy himself, and thinking privily to
flie to _Spain_ there to give an account of his carriage and behaviour.
But he could not flie so fast, but the Viceroy his care and vigilancy
still eyed him, and with his Serjeants and Officers pursued him to
_Guadalupe_. Which the Archbishop understanding, he betook himself to
the sanctuary of the church, and there caused the candles to be lighted
upon the Altar, the sacrament of his Bread-God to be taken out of the
Tabernacle, and attiring himselfe with his Pontificall vestiments, with
his Mitre on his head, his Crozier in one hand, in the other he took
his God of bread, and thus with his traine of Preists about him at the
Altar, he waited for the coming of the Serjeants and Officers, whom he
thought with his God in his hand, and with a Here I am, to astonish
and amaze, and to make them as Christ the Jewes in the garden, to fall
backwards, and to disable them from laying hands upon him. The Officers
coming into the Church went towards the Altar where the Bishop stood,
and kneeling downe first to worship their God made a short prayer;
which being ended, they propounded unto the Bishop with courteous and
faire words the cause of their coming to that place, requiring him to
lay downe the Sacrament; and to come out of the Church, and to heare
the notification of what orders they brought unto him in the Kings
name. To whom the Archbishop replied, that whereas their Master the
Viceroy was excommunicated he looked upon him as one out of the pale
of the Church, and one without any power, or authority to command
him in the house of God, and so required them as they tendered the
good of their soules to depart peaceably, and not to infringe the
priviledges and immunity of the Church, by exercising in it any legall
act of secular power and command; and that he would not goe out of
the Church, unlesse they durst take him and the Sacrament together.
With this the head officer named _Tiroll_, stood up and notified unto
him an order in the Kings name to apprehend his person in what place
soever he should find him, and to guard him to the Port of _St. John
de Ulhua_, and there to deliver him to whom by further order he should
be directed there, to be shipped for _Spain_ as a Traitour to the
Kings crowne, a troubler of the common peace, an author and mover of
sedition in the Common-wealth. The Arch-bishop smiling upon _Tiroll_
answered him, Thy Master useth too high termes; and words which doe
better agree unto himselfe; for I know no mutiny or sedition like
to trouble the Common-wealth, unlesse it bee by his and _Don Pedro
Mexia_ his oppressing of the poore. And as for thy guarding mee to
_St. John de Ulhua_, I conjure thee by Jesus Christ whom thou knowest
I hold in my hands, not to use here any violence in Gods house, from
whose Altar I am resolved not to depart; take heed God punish thee
not as he did _Jeroboam_ for stretching forth his hand at the Altar
against the Prophet; let his withered hand remind thee of thy duty. But
_Tiroll_ suffered him not to squander away the time and ravell it out
with further preaching, but called to the Altar a Preist whom he had
brought for that purpose, and commanded him in the Kings name to take
the Sacrament out of the Arch-bishops hand; which the Preist doing,
the Arch-bishop unvested himselfe of his Pontificals, and (though
with many repetitions of the Churches immunity) yeelded himselfe unto
_Tiroll_, and taking his leave of all his Prebends, requiring them to
bee witnesses of what had been done, he went Prisoner to _St. John de
Ulhua_, where he was delivered to the custody of the Governour of the
Castle, and not many daies after was sent in a ship prepared for that
purpose to _Spaine_ to the King and Councell, with a full charge of
all his carriages and misdemeanours. Some of the City of _Mexico_ in
private began to talke strangely against the Viceroy, and to stomacke
the banishment of their Arch-bishop, because he had stood out against
so high a power in defence of the poore and oppressed, and these their
private grudges they soone vented in publike with bold and arrogant
speeches against _Don Pedro Mexia_, and the Viceroy, being set on and
incouraged by the Preists and Prebends, who it seems had sworne blind
obedience to their Arch-Prelate, and therewith thought they could
dispence with their consciences in their obedience and duty to their
Magistrate. Thus did those Incendiaries for a fortnight together blow
the fire of sedition and rebellion, especially amongst the inferiour
sort of people and the Criolians or native _Spaniards_, and the
_Indians_ and Mulatto's, whom they knew brooked not the severe and
rigorous justice and judgement of the Viceroy, no nor any Government
that was appointed over them from _Spaine_; untill at the fortnights
end, _Tiroll_ returned from _St. John de Ulhua_, and then began the
spite and malice of all the malecontents to breake out, then began a
fire of mutiny to be kindled, which was thought would have consumed
and buried in ashes that great and famous City. _Tiroll_ was not a
little jealous of what mischiefe the common rabble intended against
him, and so kept close, not daring to walke the streets; yet his
occasions inviting him to the Viceroy his palace, ventured himselfe in
a Coach with drawne curtaines, which yet could not blind the eyes of
the spightfull and malicious male-contents, who had notice that he was
in the Coach, and before he could get to the market place, three or
four boyes began to cry out, _Judas, Judas, alla va Judas_, there goeth
_Judas_ that laid his hands upon Christs Vicar; others joyned with them
saying, _aborquemos a este Judas_, let us hang up this _Judas_; the
number of boyes yet increased, crying aloud and boldly after the Coach,
_Muera el Vellaco descomulgado la muerte de Judas, muera el picaro,
muera el perro_, let this excommunicated rogue and dog die the death of
_Judas_; the Coach-man lashed the mules, the Coach posted, the boyes
hasted after with stones and dirt, the number increased so that before
_Tiroll_ could get through two streets only, there were risen above two
hundred boyes, of _Spaniards, Indians, Black-mores_, and Mulatto's.
With much adoe _Tiroll_ got to the Viceroy his Palace, posting for
his life, and his first care was to wish the Porters to shut all the
Palace gates: for he was fearfull of what presently happened, of a
more generall insurrection and uproar. For no sooner was hee got into
the Viceroy his house, and the gates shut up, but there were gathered
to the Market place (as I was credibly informed by those that saw and
observed diligently that daies trouble) above two thousand people, all
of inferiour rank and quality; and yet the number still increased till
they were judged to bee about six or seven thousand. They all cried out
for _Tiroll_ the _Judas_, sparing neither stones nor dirt which they
did fling at the Palace windowes.

The Viceroy sent a message to them desiring them to be quiet, and to
betake themselves to their houses, certifying them that _Tiroll_ was
not in his Palace, but escaped out of a back doore. The rude multitude
would not bee satisfied with this, being now set on by two or three
Priests who were joyned with them, and so they began more violently
to batter the Palace gates and walls, having brought pikes, and
holbards, and long poles; others had got a few Pistols, and birding
Peeces, wherewith they shot, not caring whom they killed or wounded
in the Palace. It was wonderfull to see that none of the better sort,
none of the Judges, no high Justice, no inferiour Officers durst or
would come out to suppresse the multitude, or to assist the Viceroy
being in so great danger; nay I was told by some shopkeepers who lived
in the Market place, that they made a laughing businesse of it, and
the people that passed by went smiling and saying, Let the boyes and
youngsters alone, they will wright our wrongs, they will find out
before they have done, both _Tiroll_ and _Mexia_ and him that protects
them, meaning the Viceroy; but amongst them was much noted one Priest,
named _Salazar_, who spent much shot and bullets, and more his spirits
in running about to spie some place of advantage, which hee might
soonest batter downe. They found it seemes the prison doores easier to
open, or else with helpe within they opened them, and let out all the
malefactors, who joyned with them to assault the Palace. The Viceroy
seeing no helpe came to him from the City, from his friends, from
the Judges of the Chancery, from the Kings high Justices, nor other
Officers for the peace, went up to the _Zoties_ of his Palace with
his Guard and Servants that attended on him, and set up the Royall
Standard, and caused a Trumpet to bee sounded to call the City to ayde
and assist their King. But this prevailed not, none stirred, all the
chief of the City kept within doores. And when the multitude saw the
Royall Standard out, and heard the Kings name from the _Zoties_, they
cryed out, and often repeated it, _Viva el Rey, muera el mal govierno,
mueran los des comulgados_, that is to say, Our King live long, but
let the evill government die, and perish, and let them die that are
excommunicated. These words saved many of them from hanging afterwards,
when the businesse was tried and searched into by _Don Martin de
Carrillo_. And with these words in their mouths, they skirmished with
them of the _Zoties_ at least three houres, they above hurling downe
stones, and they beneath hurling up to them and some shooting with a
few Pistols and birding peeces at one another: and marke that in all
this bitter skirmish there was not a peece of Ordnance shot, for the
Viceroy had none for the defence of his Palace or person, neither
had or hath that great City any for its strength and security, the
_Spaniards_ living fearelesse of the _Indians_, and (as they thinke)
secure from being annoyed by any forraine Nation. There were slain in
about six houres in all that this tumult lasted, seven or eight beneath
in the Market place, and one of the Viceroy his Guard and a page in
the _Zoties_ above. The day drawing to an end, the multitude brought
pitch and fire, and first fired the prison, then they set on fire
part of the Palace, and burnt downe the chief gate. This made some of
the City, of the Gentry, and of the Judges to come out, lest the fire
should prevaile farre upon the City, and to perswade the people to
desist, and to quench the fire. Whilest the fire was quenching, many
got into the Palace, some fell upon the Viceroyes stables, and there
got part of his mules and horses rich furnitures, others began to fall
upon some chests, others to teare down the hangings, but they were
soone perswaded by the better sort of the City, to desist from spoile
or robbery, lest by that they should bee discovered; other searched
about for _Don Pedro Mexia_, for _Tiroll_ and the Viceroy. None of
them could bee found, having disguised themselves and so escaped.
Whither _Don Pedro Mexia_ and _Tiroll_ went, it could not bee knowen
in many dayes; but certaine it was that the Viceroy disguised himselfe
in a Franciscan habit, and so in company of a Fryer went through the
multitude to the Cloister of the Franciscans, where hee abode all that
yeer, (and there I saw him the yeere after) not daring to come out,
untill hee had informed the King and Counsell of _Spain_, with what
hath happened, and of the danger himselfe and the City was in, if not
timely prevented. The King and Counsell of _Spain_ took the businesse
to consideration, and looked upon it as a warning peece, to a further
mutiny and rebellion, and an example to other parts of _America_
to follow upon any such like occasion, if some punishment were not
inflicted upon the chief offendors. Wherefore the yeere following 1625.
which was when I went to those parts, the King sent a new Viceroy the
Marques of _Serralvo_ to govern in the place of the Count of _Gelves_,
and especially to aid and assist _Don Martin de Carrillo_ a Priest,
and Inquisitor of the Inquisition of _Valladolid_, who was sent with
large Commission and authority to examine the foresaid tumult and
mutiny, and to judge all offenders that should be found in it, yea
and to hang up such as should deserve death. I was in _Mexico_ in
the best time of the tryall, and had intelligence from _Don Martin
de Carrillo_ his owne Ghostly father a Dominican Fryer of the chief
passages in the examination of the businesse; and the result was,
that if Justice should have beene executed rightly, most of the prime
of _Mexico_ would have suffered, for not comming in to the Royall
Standard, when called by the sound of the Trumpet; the Judges some
were put out of their places, though they answered that they durst not
stirre out, for that they were informed that all the City would have
risen against them if they had appeared in publick. The chief actors
were found to bee the Criolians or Natives of the Countrey, who doe
hate the _Spanish_ Government, and all such as come from _Spain_; and
reason they have for it, for by them they are much oppressed, as I have
before observed, and are and will bee alwayes watching any opportunity
to free themselves from the _Spanish_ yoke. But the chief fomenters
of the mutiny were found to bee the Bishops party the Preists; and so
had not _Salazar_ and three more of them fled, they had certainly been
sent to the Gallies of _Spain_ for Galley slaves; this judgment was
published against them. There were not above three or foure hanged of
so many thousands, and their condemnation was for things which they
had stollen out of the Viceroys Palace. And because further inquiry
into the rebellion would have brought in at least half the City either
for actors, or counsellors, or fomentors, the King was well advised to
grant a generall pardon. The Archbishops proceedings were more disliked
in the Court of _Spain_, then the Viceroyes, and was long without any
preferment; though, at last that there might be no exceptions taken
by his party, nor cause given for a further stirring the embers to
a greater combustion, the Councel thought fit to honor him in those
parts where hee was born; and to make him Bishop of _Zamora_ a small
Bishoprick in _Castile_; so that his wings were clipt, and from
Archbishop hee came to bee but Bishop, and from threescore thousand
Crownes yeerely rent he fell to foure or five thousand onely a yeere.
The count of _Gelves_ was also sent to _Spain_, and well entertained in
the Court, and therein made Master of the Kings horse, which in _Spain_
is a Noblemans preferment.

And this History shewing the state and condition of _Mexico_, when I
travelled to those parts I have willingly set down, that the Reader
may by it bee furnished with better observations then my self (who am
but a Neophyte) am able to deduct. Somewhat might bee observed from
the Viceroyes covetousnesse; which doubtlesse in all is a great sinne,
for as _Paul_ well adviseth, I _Tim._ 6. 10. _The love of mony is the
root of all evill_; but much more to bee condemned in a Prince or
Governour; whom it may blind in the exercise of Justice and Judgment,
and harden those tender bowels (which ought to bee in him) of a
father and shepheard to his flock and children. Wee may yet from this
Viceroyes practice and example against a chiefe head of the _Romish_
Church, discover that errour of the Preists and Jesuites of _England_,
who perswade the people here that no temporall Magistrate hath power
over them, and that to lay hands on them in wrath and anger (being
as they say Consecrated to God and his Altar) is _ipso facto_ a deep
excommunication; whereas wee see the contrary in this Viceroy a member
of the Church of _Rome_, and yet exercising his temporall power against
an Arch-Bishop, and by _Tiroll_ taking him from the Church, and as
his prisoner sending him with just wrath and anger to a forraine and
remote place of banishment. But lastly it is my desire that the High
and Honorable Court of Parliament which now is sitting for the good
of this Kingdome, and for the good of it hath already pulled downe
the Hierarchy of such Prelates and Archprelates, would looke upon the
trouble and uproare which the keys of the Church in the hand of an
undiscreet Preist brought upon that City of _Mexico_. Certainly as the
strength of the Church well setled, and governed with subordination
to the Magistrate, is likewise the strength of the Common-wealth; so
on the other side the power of the Keyes in the Clergies hand to cast
out what incestuous _Corinthian_ they please, without the rest of
the _Corinthians_ consent, I _Cor._ 5. 4, 5. may prove dangerous and
troublesome to the Common-weale and good. For if the Clergy may use by
itselfe, without the overseeing eye of the Magistrates Commissioners,
the power of the keyes; who shall bee free from their censures, that
any way will oppose them? The poor and ignorant will not onely bee
the object of their censures, but the rich and wise and noble. Ruler
and Magistrate will also come under their censures; wherein I finde
a Minister may then as a Pope encroach upon the highest Crowne of an
Emperour. Nay certainly in _England_ the thoughts of some such aspiring
Ministers have been higher then the thoughts of this Arch-Bishop of
_Mexico_ over a Viceroy, the conceipt of their power with the Keyes
have hoised them above their Prince, for I have heard one of them
say, he knew not but that by the power of the keyes hee might as well
excommunicate the King as any other private person. This conceit hath
made the Pope of _Rome_ feare no earthly Prince, Emperour, Ruler or
Magistrate; nay this hath made him to bee feared and respected and
honoured by Kings and Princes; And why may not the same power in the
hands of a Protestant Clergy, make the meanest and the highest to feare
and dread them? But some will say, the Word of God being the Touchstone
wherewith they are to try what points may be the subjects of their
censures, by such a light and guidance they are not like to erre. But
they then being themselves the Judges of the sense and meaning of the
Word, who shall oppose their judgment, and their ensuing censures?
What if to their triall and judgment they shall bring any Law enacted
by a High Court of Parliament, and shall judge it not according to the
Word of God, and so presse it to the peoples consciences; threatning
with their censures such as shall obey it? in such a case how may the
power of the keyes unlock and open a doore to the people of rebellion
against their lawfull Magistrates? Oh what dangers may befall a
Common-wealth, when thus the Clergy shall stand over poor and rich,
Subject and Magistrate, as _Peters_ statue at _Rome_, with Crosse-keyes
in his hand? What a rebellion did the Archbishop of _Mexico_ cause by
excommunicating _Don Pedro Mexia_ first, and then the Viceroy? and how
did the people fear his keyes more then their Viceroys temporall power
and authority, siding with him against such as hee had excommunicated?
What troubles did that Doctor _Smith_ Bishop of _Chalcedon_ bring
among the Papists, small and great ones, not long agoe here in
_England_, laying upon them by the power of the Keyes a censure of
Excommunication, if they confessed to, or did entertaine and heare the
Masse of any, that had not derived their authority from him? Then were
they in open rebellion one against another; the Secular Preists against
the Monkes, Fryers, and Jesuites, and the Laity all troubled, some
siding with one, and some with another, untill Doctor _Smith_ having
thus kindled the fire, was faine to leave it burning, and to betake
himself to _Paris_, and from thence to foment the dissention which with
power of the Keyes hee had caused here.

Oh surely the Church so far is a good Mother, as it allowes a
Magistrate to be a Father. And great comfort have those that live
within the pale of the Church, to know that they have the Magistrate a
Father to flye unto in their pressures and discomforts.

I must ingenuously confesse that one maine point that brought me from
the Church of _Rome_, was the too too great power of the Keyes in the
Popes, Bishops, and Preists hands, who studying more selfe Policy,
then common Policy, looke upon the people, and with their power deale
with them more as their subjects, then as politicall Members in a
Common-wealth, rending and tearing them daily by their censures from
that common and Politicall body to which they belong, without any
hopes of care to bee had of them by their Magistrate and Politicall
head and Governour. And I hope I shall not have fled from Antichrist
who exalteth himself as head of the Church, and from that power hath
his influence over all State and Politicall Heads and Rulers; to find
in a Protestant Church any of his spirit, making a distinction of a
spirituall and temporall head, forgetting the onely head Christ Jesus;
which were it once granted, as the spirit is more noble then the body,
so would the inference soon bee made, that they that are over the
spirit, are higher in power then they that are over the body; which
conclusion would soon bring _Mexicoes_ troubles among Protestants.
Experience in all my travails by sea and land, in most parts of
_Europe_ and of _America_, hath ever taught mee, that where the Clergy
hath been too much exalted and enjoyed power over the people, there the
Common-wealth hath soon fallen into heavy pressures and troubles. And
let not this my observation seem strange as coming from a Minister, for
I have learned from Christ, _Matth._ 20. 25, 26, 27. _That the Princes
of the Gentiles exercise Dominion, and they that are great exercise
authority. But it shall not bee so among you, but whosoever will bee
great among you, let him bee your Minister; and whosoever will bee
chiefe among you, let him be your Servant._

I hope the High Court of Parliament will so settle the Church and State
here that this shall not feare any further troubles from that; and that
wee who have our portion from the one, may bee Ministers and Servants
under the Commissioners of the other. And thus largely I have described
the State and condition of _Mexico_ in the time of _Montezuma_, and
since his death the manner and proportion of it, with the troubled
condition I found it in when I went thither, by reason of a mutiny and
rebellion caused by an Arch-Bishop the yeer before. I shall now come
out of _Mexico_, and present unto you the places most remarkable about
it; and from thence the severall parts and Countries of _America_,
before I betake my self to the journey which I made from _Mexico_ to
_Guatemala_, lying nine hundred _English_ miles Southward, and from
thence yet to _Costarica_, and _Nicoya_, being nine hundred miles
further towards the South.




CHAP. XIII.

_Shewing the severall parts of this new World of_ America; _and the
places of note about the famous City of_ Mexico.


Although my travailes by Sea and Land in _America_ were not above three
or foure thousand miles (which is not the fift part of it, if exactly
compassed) yet for the better compleating of this my worke I thought
fit to inlarge my self to a full division of the many and sundry parts
thereof, here first in generall; and hereafter more in particular of
those parts wherein I lived twelve yeeres, and of those which I more
exactly noted and observed as I travailed and passed through them.
The chief division therefore of this greatest part of the World, is
twofold onely, to wit, the _Mexicans_, and the _Peruan_ parts, which
containe many great and sundry Provinces and Countries, some as big
as our whole Kingdom of _England_. But _Mexico_ giving name to halfe
_America_, is now called _Nova Hispania_, new _Spain_, from whence
the Kings of _Spain_ doe stile themselves, _Hispaniarum Reges_. The
_Mexican_ part containeth chiefly the Northern Tract, and comprehendeth
these Provinces hitherto knowne and discovered, to wit, _Mexico,
Quivira, Nicaragua, Jucatan, Florida, Virginia, Norumbega, Nova
Francia, Corterialis_, and _Estotilandia_. The compasse of this part
of _America_ is thirteen thousand miles. The _Peruan_ part containeth
all the Southern Tract, and is tyed to the _Mexican_ by the _Isthmus_
or strait of _Darien_, being no more then 17 or as others say, in the
narrowest place but 12 miles broad from the North to the South Sea.
And many have mentioned to the Councell of _Spain_, the cutting of a
Navigable Channell through this small _Isthmus_, so to shorten the
Voiage to _China_, and the _Moluccoes_. But the Kings of _Spain_ have
not as yet attempted to doe it, some say lest in the worke hee should
lose those few _Indians_ that are left (would to God it were so that
they were and had been so carefull and tender of the poore _Indians_
lives, more populous would that vast and spatious Countrey bee at this
day:) but others say he hath not attempted that great worke, lest
the passage by the Cape _Bona Esperanza_ good hope, being left off,
those Seas might become a receptacle of Pirates. However this hath
not been attempted by the _Spaniards_, they give not for reason any
extraordinary great charge, for that would soone bee recompensed with
the speedy and easie conveying that way the Commodities from South to
North Seas. This _Peruan_ part of _America_ containeth these Countries,
or Kingdomes, to wit, _Castella aurea, Guiana, Peru, Brasil, Chille_;
and the compasse of it is seventeen thousand miles. I shall not speake
distinctly of all these parts, which better writers, and of more
knowledge have before mee discovered; and because some of them being
out of the _Spaniards_ reach and dominion, from whom I have received
my best intelligence, I have from them had little notice of them,
nor experience, which indeed I intend to make my best guide in this
my worke. Therefore to returne again to the _Mexican_ part, and the
Northern Tract, I shall fall again upon the first and chiefe member of
that division, which I said was _Mexico_. This aboundeth with golden
sanded rivers, in which are many Crocodiles (though not so big as
those of _Egypt_), which the _Indian_ people eat. It glorieth in the
mountaines _Popochampeche_, and _Popocatepec_, which are of the same
nature with _Ætna_ and _Vesuvius_. Nay all the way South-ward as farre
as _Leon_ in _Nicaragua_, there are many of these fiery mountaines. But
_Popocatepec_ is one of the chiefe of them, which signifieth a hill
of smoake, for many times it casteth out smoake and fire; it standeth
eight leagues from _Chololla_; the ascending up unto it is very
troublesome, and full of craggie rocks. When _Cortez_ passed that way
to _Mexico_, he sent ten _Spaniards_ to view it, with many _Indians_
to carry their victuals, and to guide them in the way. They approached
so nigh the top, that they heard such a terrible noyse which proceeded
from thence, that they durst not goe unto it, for the ground did
tremble and shake, and great quantity of ashes did much disturb their
way. But yet two of them who seemed to be most hardie, and desirous
to see strange things, went up to the top, because they would not
return with a sleevelesse answer, and that they might not be accounted
cowards, leaving their fellowes behind them, proceeded forwards,
and passed through that desart of ashes, and at length came under a
great smoake very thick, and standing there a while, the darknesse
vanished partly away, and then appeared the Vulcan and concavity,
which is about halfe a league in compasse, out of the which the aire
came rebounding with a very great noise, very shrill and whistling, so
that the whole hill did tremble; it was like unto an oven where glasse
is made. The smoake and heat was so great that they could not abide
it, and of force were constrained to return by the way that they had
ascended. But they were not gone farre, when the Vulcan began to flash
out flames of fire, ashes and embers, yea and at the last stones of
burning fire, and if they had not chanced to find a rocke, under which
they shadowed themselves, undoubtedly they had there been burned. It
is like unto the Vulcan of _Sicilia_, it is high and round, and never
wanteth snow about some part of it. Before the coming of _Cortez_ for
ten yeers space it had left off expelling vapour or smoake; but in
the yeer 1540. it began again to burn, and with the horrible noyse
thereof, the people that dwelt four leagues from it were terrified;
the ashes that proceeded then from it reached to _Tlaxcallan_, which
standeth ten leagues distant from it; yea some affirme that it extended
fifteen leagues distant, and burned the herbs in the gardens, the
corne in the fields, and clothes that lay a drying. And many such hils
and mountaines doth this _Mexican_ part of _America_, or new _Spaine_
abound with. The limits of it are on the East, _Jucatan_, and the
gulfe of _Mexico_, on the West _Californio_, on the South the _Peruan_
part. The Northern bounds are unknowne, so that we cannot certainly
avow this _America_ to be continent, nor certainly affirme it to be
an Island, distinguished from the old world. It was very populous
before the arrivall of the _Spaniards_, who in seventeen yeers slew six
millions of them, roasting some, plucking out the eyes, cutting off
the arms of others, and casting them living to be devoured of wilde
beasts. This chiefe Province of _America_ named _Mexico_, is further
subdivided into four parts, that is to say, _Themistitan, Nova Galicia,
Mechoacan_, and _Guastachan. Themistitan_ is the greatest and noblest
of these foure; for that it containeth six Cities, and of them one is
_Mexico_, which giveth name to the halfe part of _America_, and is the
seat of an Arch-bishop, and of the _Spanish_ Viceroy, whose greatnesse
within I have before laid open; the second City is _La Puebla de
las Angeles_, the City of Angels; the third _Villaruca_, the fourth
_Antiquera_; the fifth _Meccioca_; the sixth _Ottopan_. But all these,
excepting the two first, are but small places, named Citties formerly,
for that the _Spaniards_ thought to have made them Bishops seats,
which they have not been able to performe, by reason that _Mexico_
and the City of _Angels_ hath drawne to them the chiefe trading, and
most of the inhabitants of the other foure. Especially the resort to
_Mexico_ is so great, that all the Townes about (which formerly were
of _Indians_) are now inhabited by _Spaniards_ and _Mestizoes_. I may
not omit about _Mexico_ that famous place of _Chapultepec_, which in
the Heathens times was the burying place of the Emperours; and now by
the _Spaniards_ is the Escuriall of _America_, where the Viceroyes
that die are also interred. There is a sumptuous palace built with many
fair gardens, and devises of waters, and ponds of fish, whither the
Viceroyes and the gentry of _Mexico_ do resort for their recreation.
The riches here belonging to the Viceroyes Chappell are thought to be
worth above a million of crownes.

_Tacuba_ is also a pleasant Towne full of orchards and gardens, in
the very way to _Chapultepec_. South-ward is _Toluco_, rich also for
trading, but above all much mentioned for the Bacon, which is the best
of all those parts, and is transported far and neer. West-ward is the
Towne called, _La Piedad_ at the end of a Cawsey, whither the people
much resort from _Mexico_, being drawn to the superstitious worship of
a picture of _Mary_, which hath been enriched by the chiefe of _Mexico_
with many thousand pounds worth of gifts of chaines, and crownes of
gold.

But more Northwest-ward three leagues from _Mexico_ is the pleasantest
place of all that are about _Mexico_, called _La Soledad_, and by
others _el desierto_, the solitary or desert place and wildernesse.
Were all wildernesses like it, to live in a wildernesse would be
better then to live in a City. This hath been a device of poor Fryers
named discalced, or barefooted Carmelites, who to make shew of their
hypocriticall and apparent godlinesse, and that whilst they would be
thought to live like Eremites, retired from the world, they may draw
the world unto them; they have built there a stately Cloister, which
being upon a hill and among rocks makes it to be more admired. About
the Cloister they have fashioned out many holes and Caves in, under,
and among the rocks, like Eremites lodgings, with a room to lie in,
and an Oratory to pray in, with pictures, and Images, and rare devices
for mortification, as disciplines of wyar, rods of iron, haire-cloths,
girdles with sharp wyar pointes to girdle about their bare flesh, and
many such like toyes which hang about their Oratories, to make people
admire their mortified and holy lives. All these Eremeticall holes and
caves (which are some ten in all) are within the bounds and compasse
of the Cloister, and among orchards and gardens full of fruits and
flowers, which may take up two miles compasse; and here among the
rockes are many springs of water, which with the shade of the plantins
and other trees, are most coole and pleasant to the Eremites; they
have also the sweet smell of the rose and jazmin, which is a little
flower, but the sweetest of all others; there is not any other flower
to be found that is rare and exquisite in that countrey, which is not
in that wildernesse to delight the senses of those mortified Eremites.
They are weekly changed from the Cloister, and when their weeke is
ended, others are sent, and they return unto their Cloister; they carry
with them their bottles of wine, sweet-meats, and other provision;
as for fruits the trees about do drop them into their mouthes. It is
wonderfull to see the strange devises of fountains of water which are
about the gardens; but much more strange and wonderfull to see the
resort of Coaches, and gallants, and Ladies, and Citizens from _Mexico_
thither, to walke and make merry in those desart pleasures, and to see
those hypocrites, whom they looke upon as living Saints, and so think
nothing too good for them, to cherish them in their desart conflicts
with Satan. None goes to them but carries some sweet-meats, or some
other dainty dish to nourish and feed them withall; whose prayers they
likewise earnestly solicite, leaving them great almes of mony for
their masses; and above all, offering to a picture in their Church,
called our Lady of _Carmel_, treasures of diamonds, pearles, golden
chaines and crownes, and gownes of cloth of gold and silver. Before
this picture did hang in my time twenty lampes of silver; the worst of
them being worth a hundred pound; truely Satan hath given unto them
what he offered Christ in the desart, All these things wil I give thee
if thou wilt fall down and worship me; all the dainties and of all the
riches of _America_ hath he given unto them in that their desart, for
that they daily fall downe and worship him. In the way to this place
there is another Towne yet called _Tacubaya_, where is a rich Cloister
of Franciscans, and also many gardens and orchards, but above all much
resorted to for the musicke in that Church, wherein the Friers have
made the _Indians_ so dexterous and skilfull, that they dare compare
with the Cathedrall Church of _Mexico_. These were the chiefe places
of mine and my friends resort, whilst I abode about _Mexico_, which I
found to be most worth a History, and so thought fit here to insert
them, and so passe on to the other parts or Provinces of _Mexico_.

Next to this is the Province of _Guastachan_, which lieth in the rode
from _St. John de Ulhua_ to _Mexico_, which is not so poore as _Heylin_
maketh it, for that now it doth abound with many rich farmes of Sugar,
and of Cochinil, and reacheth as farre as the Valley of _Guaxaca_
which is a most rich place. The chiefe City of this Province was wont
to be _Tlaxcallan_, whereof I have formerly spoken; but now the City of
_Guaxaca_ which is a Bishops seat, and _Xalappa_ which is also of late
made a Bishops seat, makes it more famous. It glorieth also in _Villa
Rica_ a Port Towne very wealthy, because all the traffique betwixt the
Old and New _Spains_ do passe through it. The _Spaniards_ have in it
two rich Colonies, called _Pamico_, and _St. James_ in the valleys.
The third Province of _Mexico_ is called _Mechoacan_, which containeth
in circuit fourscore leagues. It is also an exceeding rich countrey,
abounding in Mulberry trees, silk, hony, wax, black-amber, works of
divers coloured feathers, most rich, rare, and exquisite, and such
store of fish, that from thence it tooke its name, _Mechuoucan_, which
signifieth a place of fishing.

The language of the _Indians_ is most elegant and copious, and they
tall, strong, active, and of very good wits, as may be seen in all
their workes, but especially in those of feathers, which are so
curious, that they are presented for rich presents to the King and
Nobles of _Spaine_. The chiefe City of this Province is _Valladolid_
a Bishops-seat; and the best Townes are _Sinfonte_, which was the
residence of the Kings of this countrey. There is also _Pascuar_ and
_Colima_ very great Townes inhabited by _Indians_ and _Spaniards_.
There are also two good havens, called _St. Anthony_, and _St. James_,
or _Santiago_. This country of _Mechoacan_ was almost as great as the
Empire of _Mexico_, when _Cortez_ conquered those parts. The King
that was then of _Mechoacan_ was called _Caconzin_, who was a great
friend unto _Cortez_, and a servitor to the _Spaniards_, and willingly
yeelded himselfe as vassall to the King of _Spaine_; yet such was the
cruelty of _Don Nunio de Guzman_, the first Ruler and President of the
Chancery of _Mexico_ after the conquest, that understanding he was put
out of his office, he tooke his journey against the _Teuchichimecas_,
and carried in his company five hundred _Spaniards_, with whom and
six thousand _Indians_ which by force he tooke out of _Mechoacan_, he
conquered _Xalixco_ which is now called the new _Galicia_. And as for
this purpose hee passed through _Mechoacan_, he tooke Prisoner the
King _Caconzin_, (who was quiet and peaceable and stirred not against
him) and tooke from him ten thousand markes of plate, and much gold
and other treasure, and afterwards burned him, and many other _Indian_
Gentlemen and principall persons of that Kingdome, because they should
not complaine, saying that a dead dog biteth not. They were in this
Kingdome as superstitious and idolatrous as in the rest of _America_.
No divorcement was permitted amongst them, except the party made a
solemn oath, that they looked not the one on the other stedfastly
and directly at the time of their marriage. In the burying likewise
of their Kings they were superstitious, cruell, and Idolatrous. When
any King of _Mechoacan_ happened to be brought to such extremity of
sicknesse that hope of life was past; then did he name and appoint
which of his sons should inherit the state and Crown, and being known
the new King or heir presently sent for all the Governours, Captains,
and valiant souldiers, who had any office or charge, to come unto the
buriall of his father, and he that came not, from thenceforth was
held for a Traitour, and so punished. When the death of the old King
was certaine, then came all degrees of estates, and did bring their
presents to the new King for the approbation of his Kingdome: But if
the King were not throughly dead, but at the point of death, then
the gates were shut in, and none permitted to enter; and if he were
throughly dead, then began a generall cry and mourning, and they were
permitted to come where their dead King lay, and to touch him with
their hands. This being done the carkasse was washed with sweet waters,
and then a fine shirt put upon him, and a payre of shooes made of Dear
skinne put on his feet, and about his ankles were tied bells of gold,
about the wrists of his hands were put bracelets of Turkises and of
gold likewise; about his neck they did hang collars of pretious stones
and also of gold, and rings in his eares, with a great Turkise in his
neither lip. Then his body was laid upon a large Beere whereon was
placed a good bed under him; on his one side lay a bow with a quiver of
arrowes, and on his other side lay an Image made of fine mantles of his
own stature or bignesse, with a great tuffe of fine feathers, shooes
upon his feet, with bracelets and a collar of gold. While this was a
doing, others were busied in washing the men and women, which should be
slain for to accompany him into hell. These wretches that were to be
slain, were first banqueted and filled with drinke, because they should
receive their death with lesse paine. The new King did appoint those
who should die for to serve the King his father; and many of those
simple soules esteemed that death so odious for a thing of immortall
glorious. First six Gentlewomen of noble birth were appointed to die;
the one to have the office of keeper of his jewels, which he was wont
to weare; another for the office of cup-bearer; another to give him
water with a bason and Ewer; another to give him alwaies the Urinall;
another to be his Cooke; and another to serve for Landress. They slew
also many women, slaves, and free-maidens for to attend upon the
Gentlewomen, and moreover one of every occupation within the City. When
all these that were appointed to die were washed, and their bellies
full with meat and drinke, then they painted their faces yellow, and
put garlands of sweet flowers upon each of their heads. Then they
went in order of procession before the Beere, whereon the dead King
was carried; some went playing on instruments made of Snail shells,
and others played upon bones and shells of Sea Tortois, others went
whistling, and the most part weeping. The sons of the dead King and
other Noble men carried upon their shoulders the Beere where the Corps
lay, and proceeded with an easie pace towards the Temple of the God
called _Curicaveri_; his kinsmen went round about the Beer singing a
sorrowfull song. The officers and houshold-servants of the Court, with
other Magistrates and Rulers of justice bare the Standards and divers
other Arms. And about midnight they departed in the order aforesaid out
of the Kings Palace with great light of fire-brands, and with a heavy
noyse of their trumpets and drummes. The Citizens which dwelt where the
Corse passed, attended to make clean the street. And when they were
come to the Temple, they went four times round about a great fire which
was prepared of Pine tree to burn the dead body. Then the Beer was laid
upon the fire, and in the meane while that the body was burning, they
mawled with a club those which had the garlands, and afterward buried
them four and four as they were apparelled behind the Temple. The next
day in the morning the ashes, bones and jewels were gathered and laid
upon a rich mantle, the which was carried to the Temple gate, where
the Preists attended to blesse those divellish reliques, whereof they
made a dow or paste, and thereof an Image, which was apparelled like
a man, with a visor on his face, and all other sorts of jewels that
the dead King was wont to weare, so that it seemed a gallant Idoll. At
the foot of the Temple staires they opened a grave ready made, which
was square, large, two fadome deepe, it was also hanged with new mats
roundabout, and a faire bed therein, in the which one of the Preists
placed the Idoll made of ashes with his eyes towards the East part, and
did hang round about the walls Targets of gold and silver, with bowes
and arrows, and many gallant tuffes of feathers with earthen vessels,
as pots, dishes, and platters, so that the grave was filled up with
houshold-stuffe, chests covered with leather, apparel, Jewels, meate
drinke and armour. This done, the grave was shut up and made sure with
beames, boardes, and floored with earth on the top. All those Gentlemen
who had served or touched any thing in the buriall, washed themselves
and went to dinner in the Court or yard of the Kings house without any
table, and having dined they wiped their hands upon certain lockes of
Cotton-wooll, hanging downe their heads, and not speaking any word,
except it were to aske for drinke. This ceremonie endured five daies,
and in all that time no fire was permitted to be kindled in the City,
except in the Kings house and Temples, nor yet any corne was ground,
or market kept, nor any durst goe out of their houses, shewing all
the sorrow that might be possible for the death of their King. And
this was the superstitious manner of burying the Kings of _Mechoacan_.
This people did punish adultery most rigorously; for to commit it was
death as well for the man as the woman. But if the adulterer were a
Gentleman, his head was decked with feathers, and after that he was
hanged, and his body burned; and for this offence was no pardon, either
for man or woman. But for avoiding of adultery they did permit other
common women, but no publike and ordinary stewes. Now the _Indians_ of
_Mechoacan_ are greatly taken with the popish devices, and are strong
in that religion, as any part of _America_.

The fourth and last Province of the Countrey or Empire of _Mexico_,
is called _Galicia nova_, and is watered with two very great rivers,
the one named _Piastle_, and the other _San Sebastian_. This Province
glorieth in many great Townes of _Indians_; but especially in six,
inhabited both by _Indians_ and _Spaniards_; the first and chiefest is
_Xalisco_, taken by _Nunio de Guzman_ 1530. when he fled from _Mexico_
in a rage, and tooke prisoner and burned the King of _Mechoacan_. The
second is _Guadalaiara_. The third _Coanum_. The fourth _Compostella_.
The fifth, _St. Espirit_. The sixth, _Capola_, which now is called
_Nova Mexico_, new _Mexico_. And here it is that the _Spaniards_ are
daily warring against the _Indians_ which live Northward, and are not
as yet reduced nor brought under the _Spanish_ yoake and government.
They are valiant _Indians_, and hold the _Spaniards_ hard to it; and
have great advantage against them in the rocks and mountaines, where
they abide and cut off many _Spaniards_. Their chief weapons are but
bowes and arrowes, and yet with them from the thick Woods, hils and
rockes they annoy and offend the _Spaniards_ exceedingly. I have heard
some _Spaniards_ say that they flie and climbe up the rocks like
Goates; and when they draw nigh unto them, then they cry out with a
hideous noise shooting their arrowes at them, and in an instant are
departed and fled unto another rock. The reason why the _Spaniards_
are so earnest to pursue and conquer these _Indians_, more then many
others of _America_, which as yet are not brought in subjection to the
_Spaniards_, is for the many Mines of silver and treasure of gold which
they know to bee there. They have got already sure possession of part
of those riches in the Mines, called St. _Lewis Sacatecas_, from whence
they send all the silver that is coyned in the Mint houses of _Mexico_
and the City of _Angels_, and every yeere besides to _Spain_ in silver
wedges at least six Millions. But the further the _Spaniards_ goe to
the North, still more riches they discover; and faine would they subdue
all those Northern parts (as I have heard them say) lest our _English_
from _Virginia_, and their other plantations, get in before them. I
have heard them wonder that our _English_ enter no further into the
maine land; surely say they, either they feare the _Indians_, or else
with a little paultry Tobacco they have as much as will maintaine them
in lazinesse. Certainly they intend to conquer through those heathenish
_Indians_, untill by land they come to _Florida_ and _Virginia_, (for
so they boast) if they bee not met with by some of our Northern Nations
of _Europe_, who may better keep them off then those poor _Indians_,
and may doe God greater and better service with those rich Mines, then
the _Spaniards_ hitherto have done.

Thus having spoken somewhat of the foure Provinces of _Mexico_, which
was the first member of the division _Mexican_ and _Peruan_; Now I
shall briefly say somewhat further of three more Countries belonging
to the _Mexican_ or Northern Tract as opposite to the _Peruan_,
omiting _Florida, Virginia, Norumbega, Nova Francia Corterialis_, and
_Estotilandia_, because I will not write as many doe by relation and
hearsay, but by more sure intelligence, insight and experience. In
my first division next to _Mexico_, I placed _Quivira, Jucatan_, and
_Nicaragua_; of these three therefore I shall say a little, and then
some what of the _Peruan_ part. _Quivira_ is seated on the most Western
part of _America_, just over against _Tartary_, from whence being not
much distant some suppose that the Inhabitants first came into this new
World. And indeed the _Indians_ of _America_ in many things seeme to
bee of the race and progenie of the _Tartars_, in that _Quivira_ and
all the West side of the Country towards _Asia_ is farre more populous
then the East towards _Europe_, which sheweth these parts to have been
first inhabited. Secondly, their uncivility, and barbarous properties
tell us that they are most like the _Tartars_ of any. Thirdly, the
West side of _America_ if it bee not continent with _Tartary_, is
yet disjoyned by a small straight. Fourthly, the people of _Quivira_
neerest to _Tartary_, are said to follow the seasons and pasturing of
their cattell like the _Tartarians_. All this side of _America_ is full
of herbage, and injoyeth a temperate aire. The people are desirous of
glasse more then of gold; and in some places to this day are Cannibals.
The chief riches of this Country are their Kine, which are to them as
we say of our Ale to drunkards, meat, drink and cloth, and more too.
For the Hides yeeld them houses, or at least the coverings of them;
their bones bodkins, their hair thred, their sinews ropes; their horns,
mawes and bladders, vessels; their dung, fire; their Calve skinnes,
budgets to draw and keepe water; their blood, drink; their flesh, meat.

There is thought to bee some traffique from _China_, or _Cathaya_,
hither to those parts, where as yet the _Spaniards_ have not entred.
For when _Vazquez de Coronado_ conquered some part of it, hee saw in
the further Sea certaine ships, not of common making; which seemed
to bee well laden, and bare in their prowes, Pelicans, which could
not bee conjectured to come from any Country, but one of these two.
In _Quivira_ there are but two Provinces knowne unto us, which are
_Cibola_, and _Nova Albion. Cibola_ lyeth on the Eastside, whose chief
City is of the same name, and denominates the whole Province. The chief
Town next to _Cibola_ is called _Totontaa_, which is temperate and
pleasant, being situated upon a River so called. The third Town worth
mentioning is called _Tinguez_, which was burnt by the _Spaniards_; who
under the conduct of _Francisco Vasquez de Coronado_ made this Province
subject to the King of _Spain, Anno Dom._ 1540. And since this Town of
_Tinguez_ hath been rebuilt and inhabited by the _Spaniards_; There is
a goodly Colledge of Jesuites, who only preach to the _Indians_ of that
country. _Nova Albion_ lyeth on the West side towards _Tartary_, and is
very little inhabited by the _Spaniards_, who have found no wealth or
riches there. Our ever Renowned and Noble Captain Sir _Francis Drake_
discovered it, entred upon it, and hee named it _Nova Albion_, because
the King that then was, did willingly submit himself unto our Queen
_Elizabeth_.

The Country abounds with fruits pleasing both the eye and the Palate.
The people are given to hospitality, but withall to witchcraft and
adoration of devils. The bounds between this _Quivira_ and _Mexico_
Empire is _Mar Virmiglio_, or _Californio_. The third Kingdome
belonging to the _Mexican_ part and Northern Tract is _Jucatan_; which
was first discovered by _Francisco Hernandez de Cordova_, in the
year 1517. It is called _Jucatan_, not as some have conceited from
_Joctan_ the son of Heber, who they thinke came out of the East, where
the Scripture placeth him, _Gen._ 12. 23. to inhabite here, but from
_Jucatan_ which in the _Indian_ tongue, signifieth, what say you? for
when the _Spaniards_ at their first arriving in that Country did aske
of the _Indians_ the name of the place, the Savages not understanding
what they meaned, replyed unto them _Jucatan_, which is, what say you?
whereupon the _Spaniards_ named it, and ever since have called it
_Jucatan_. The whole Country is at least 900 miles in circuit, and is
a _Peninsula_. It is situated over against the Isle of _Cuba_; and is
divided into three parts, first _Jucatan_ it selfe, whose Cities of
greatest worth, are _Campeche, Valladolid, Merida, Simaricas_, and one
which for his greatnesse and beauty, they call _Caire_. This Country
among the _Spaniards_ is held to bee poor; the chief Commodities in
it are hony, wax, Hides, and some Sugar, but no Indigo, Cochinil, nor
Mines of silver; There are yet some drugs much esteemed of by the
Apothecaries, _Cana fistula, Zarzaparilla_ especially; and great store
of _Indian Maiz_. There is also abundance of good Wood and Timber fit
for shipping, whereof the _Spaniards_ doe make very strong ships, which
they use in their voiages to _Spain_ and back again. In the yeer 1632.
the _Indians_ of this Country in many places of it were like to rebell
against their _Spanish_ Governour, who vexed them sorely, making them
bring in to him their Fowles and Turkies (whereof there is also great
abundance) and their hony and wax, (wherein hee traded) at the rate and
price which hee pleased to set them for his better advantage; which
was such a disadvantage to them, that to enrich him they impoverished
themselves; and so resolved to betake themselves to the Woods and
Mountaines; where in a rebellious way they continued some Months,
untill the Franciscan Fryers, who have there great power over them,
reduced them back, and the Governour (lest hee should quite lose that
Country by a further rebellion) granted to them not onely a generall
pardon in the Kings name, but for the future promised to use them more
mildly and gently.

The second part of it is called _Guatemala_, (wherein I lived for the
space of almost twelve yeers) whose Inhabitants have lost formerly
halfe a million of their kinsmen and friends by the unmercifull dealing
of the _Spaniards_; and yet for all the losse of so many thousands,
there is no part of _America_ more flourishing then this with great
and populous _Indians_ Townes. They may thank the Fryers who defend
them daily against the _Spaniards_ cruelty, and this yet for their
owne ends; for while the _Indians_ flourish and increase, the Fryers
purses flourish also and are filled. This Country is very fresh and
plentifull. The chief Cities are _Guatemala, Cassuca_, and _Chiapa_;
whereof I shall speak more largely hereafter. The third part of
_Jucatan_ is _Acasamil_, which is an Island over against _Guatemala_
which is now commonly called by the _Spaniards Sta Cruz_, whose chief
Towne is _Sta. Cruz_.

The fourth and last Country of the division of the _Mexican_ part and
Northern Tract of _America_ (which is under the _Spanish_ Government,
and my best knowledge and experience) is _Nicaragua_, which standeth
South East from _Mexico_, and above foure hundred and fifty leagues
from it. Yet it agreeth somewhat with _Mexico_ in nature both of
soile and Inhabitants. The people are of good stature, and of colour
indifferent white. They had, before they received Christianity, a
setled and politick forme of Government; Onely, as _Solon_ appointed
no Law for a mans killing of his father, so had this people none for
the murtherer of a King, both of them conceiting, that men were not so
unnaturall, as to commit such crimes. A theef they judged not to death,
but adjudged him to be slave to that man whom hee had robbed; till by
his service hee had made satisfaction: a course truely more mercifull
and not lesse just, then the losse of life.

This Countrey is so pleasing to the eye, and abounding in all things
necessary, that the _Spaniards_ call it _Mahomets_ Paradise. Among
other flourishing trees, here groweth one of that nature, that a man
cannot touch any of its branches, but it withereth presently. It is
as plentifull of Parrets, as our Countrey of _England_ is of Crowes;
Turkies, Fowles, Quailes and Rabbets are ordinary meat there. There are
many populous _Indian_ Townes (though not so many as about _Guatemala_)
in this Countrey; and especially two Cities of _Spaniards_, the one
_Leon_, a Bishops Seat, and the other _Granada_, which standeth upon a
Lake of fresh water, which hath above three hundred miles in compasse,
and having no intercourse with the Ocean, doth yet continually ebbe and
flow. But of this Countrey, and of this City especially I shall say
somewhat more, when I come to speake of my travailing through it.

Thus I have briefly touched upon the _Mexican_ part, and so much of the
Northern Tract as is under the King of _Spain_ his Dominion, leaving
more particulars, untill I come to shew the order of my being in and
journeying through some of these Countries. I will now likewise give
you a glimpse of the Southern Tract, and _Peruan_ part of _America_.
Which containeth chiefly five great Countries or Kingdomes, some
in whole, and others in part, subject to the Crown of _Spain_ and
_Portugal_, which are, first _Castella aurea_; secondly, _Gujana_;
thirdly, _Peru_; fourthly, _Brasile_; fifthly, _Chille_. But I will
not fill my History with what others have written of the foure last
named Countries, wherein I was not much; but what I could learne of
_Peru_, I will briefly speak, and so come to the first _Castella
aurea_, through which I travailed. _Peru_ is held to be yet more rich
a Countrey then is _Mexico_; for although it hath not the conveniency
of trafique by the North Sea, which _Mexico_ hath; but doth send the
Commodities in it to _Panama_, and from thence transports them either
over the straight _Isthmus_, or by the River _Chiagre_ to _Portabel_
upon the North Sea; yet the Countrey is farre richer then _Mexico_,
by reason of the more abundance of Mines of silver which are in it.
The mountaines named _Potosi_ are thought to be of no other metall,
which the King of _Spain_ will not have to be opened until they have
exhausted those which are already discovered and digged, and have found
the _Spaniards_ worke enough, and yeelded them treasure enough ever
since they first conquered those parts. The soile is very fruitfull of
all such fruits as are found in _Spain_. The Olives are bigger then
those of _Spain_, the oyle sweeter and cleerer. The Grapes yeeld also
a wine farre stronger then any of _Spain_, and there is much made,
by reason it cannot conveniently bee brought from _Spain_. There is
likewise wheat in great store; and all this fruitfull soile lyeth
low under high Mountaines which divide betwixt _Indians_ not as yet
conquered and _Brasile_. But those Mountaines are a great helpe unto
those pleasant Valleys with the waters that fall from them; for in all
those parts inhabited by _Spaniards_ towards the South Sea, it is most
certain and most observable that it never raineth, in so much that the
houses are uncovered on the tops, and onely matts laid over them to
keep off the dust, and yet is this Countrey what with the waters that
fall from the Mountaines, what with the morning and evening dewes, as
fruitfull and plentifull as any Countrey in the World. The chief City
is called _Lima_, where there is a Viceroy and a Court of Chancery,
and an Arch-Bishop. It hath a Port some two miles from it named
_Callau_; where lie the ships that convey yearly the treasure of that
Kingdome to _Panama_. There lie also other ships, which trafique to the
_East-India's_, and to all the Coasts of _Guatemala_, and to _Acapulco_
the Southern Haven of _Mexico_. This Port of _Callau_ is not so strong
as the great, nay inestimable wealth that is commonly in it and in the
City of _Lima_ should require, for I have heard many _Spaniards_ say,
that in the yeare 1620. a few ships of _Hollanders_ (as some say) or of
_English_ (as others affirme) appeared before the Haven waiting for the
ships that were to convey the Kings revenews to _Panama_, and hearing
that they were departed (though by a false report) followed them,
and so forsooke the attempting to take the _Callau_; which certainly
had they manly attempted, they had taken it, and in it the greatest
treasure that in any one part of the world could have beene found. But
the _Spaniards_ seldome see thereabout foraine ships, and so live more
carelesly in securing or strengthning that Coast. Though _Peru_ bee
thus rich in fruits and Mines, yet _Chille_ farre exceedeth it in gold;
which edgeth the _Spaniards_ to a constant and continuall Warre with
the Inhabitants, which are a strong, warlike, and most valiant people.
They are grown as skilfull in the use of weapons, swords, Pistols and
Muskets as the _Spaniards_, and have taken many _Spaniards_, men and
women prisoners; and or the _Spanish_ women have had so many children,
called _Mestizoes_, that by them (who have proved most valiant) they
have much increased both their strength and skill. They hold the
_Spaniards_ hard to it, and the War is become the most dangerous of
any the _Spaniards_ have; in so much that the Counsell of _Spain_ doth
pick out from _Flanders_ and _Italy_, the best souldiers to send them
thither. And a Captaine that hath served long, well and faithfully in
_Flanders_, by way of credit and promotion is sent to the Warres of
_Chille_, to fight for that great treasure of gold, which certainly is
there. The _Spaniards_ have in it three faire Cities; the _Conception_
(which is a Bishops Seat) and _Santiago_, and _Valdivia_. This last is
so named from one _Valdivia_, who was Governour of it, and the first
cause and author of those Wars.

This man was so extraordinarily covetous of the gold of that Countrey,
that hee would not let the _Indians_ possesse or injoy any of it
themselves; but did vex them, whip, and beat, yea and kill some of
them, because they brought him not enough, and imployed them daily in
seeking it out for him, charging them with a tax and imposition of
so much a day: which the _Indians_ not being able to performe, nor
to satisfie an unsatiable minde and greedy covetousnesse, resolved
to rebell, but so that first they would fill and satiate his heart
with gold so that hee should never more covet after that yellow and
glittering metall. Wherefore they joyned and combined themselves
together in a warlike posture, and tooke some quantity of gold and
melted it, and with it resolutely came upon _Valdivia_ the Governour,
saying, O _Valdivia_ we see thou hast a greedy and unsatiable minde and
desire after our gold; wee have not been able to satisfie thee with it
hitherto; but now wee have devised a way to satiate this thy greedy
covetousnesse; here is now enough, drink thy full of it; and with these
words they tooke him, and powred the melted gold downe his throat,
wherewith he died, never more coveting after that bright and shining
drosse, and naming with his name and death that City of _Valdivia_, and
with his covetousnesse leaving a rebellion which hath continued to a
cruell and bloody War unto this day.

_Guiana_ and _Brasile_ I shall omit to speak of, not having been in
any part of them. _Brasile_ is little talked of by the _Spaniards_,
belonging to the Crowne of _Portugall_, and now part of it to the high
and mighty States of the _Netherlands_, who will better satisfie by
their Histories, and acquaint _Europe_ with the riches that are in it.

I return unto the first part mentioned by me in the Southern and
_Peruan_ Tract, which was said to bee _Castella aurea_, golden
_Castile_, so called for the abundance of gold that is found in it.
This containeth the Northern part of _Peruana_, and part of the
_Isthmus_, which runneth between the North and South Sea. Besides the
gold in it, yet it is admirably stored with silver, Spices, Pearls,
and medicinall Herbes. It is divided into foure Provinces. The first
is called _Castella del oro_; the second, _Nova Andaluzia_; the third
_Nova Granada_; the fourth, _Carthagena. Castella del oro_ is situated
in the very _Isthmus_, and is not very populous by reason of the
unhealthfulnesse of the aire, and noisome savour of the standing
pooles. The chief places belonging to the _Spaniards_, are first
_Theonimay_, or _Nombre de Dios_ on the East; the second, which is six
leagues from _Nombre de Dios_ is _Portabel_, now chiefly inhabited by
the _Spaniards_ and Mulattoes, and Blackmores, and _Nombre de Dios_
almost utterly forsaken by reason of its unhealthfulnesse. The ships
which were wont to anchor in _Nombre de Dios_, and there to take in the
Kings treasure, which is yeerly brought from _Peru_ to _Panama_, and
from thence to the North Sea, now harbour themselves in _Portabel_;
which signifyeth _Porto bello_, a faire and goodly Haven, for so indeed
it is, and well fortified at the entrance with three Castles, which can
reach and command one another. The third and chiefe place belonging
to the _Spaniards_ in _Castella del oro_ is _Panama_, which is on
the Westside and upon the South Sea. This City and _Nombre de Dios_
were both built by _Didacus de Niquesa_. And _Nombre de Dios_ was so
called, because _Niquesa_ having been crossed with many mischances and
misadventures at Sea, when hee came to this place greatly rejoyced,
and bad his men now goe on shore in _Nombre de Dios_, in the name of
God. But as I have before observed, the aire being here very unhealthy,
the King of _Spain_ in the yeare 1584. commanded the houses of _Nombre
de Dios_ to be pulled downe, and to be rebuilt in a more healthy and
convenient place: which was performed by _Peter Arias_ in _Portabel_.
But being now upon _Nombre de Dios_, I should wrong my Country if
I should not set out to the publike view the worth of her people
shewed upon this place, and to this day talked on and admired by the
_Spaniards_, who doe not only remember Sir _Francis Drake_, & teach
their children to dread and fear even his name for his attempts upon
_Carthagena_ and all the coast about, and especially upon _Nombre de
Dios_, and from it marching as farre as the great mountaine called _St.
Pablo_ towards _Panama_: but furthermore keep alive amongst them (and
in this my History it shall not die) the name of one of Sir _Francis
Drake_ his followers and Captains named _John Oxenham_, whose attempt
on this coast was resolute and wonderfull.

This Noble and gallant Gentleman arriving with threescore and ten
souldiers in his company as resolute as himselfe, a little above
this Towne of _Nombre de Dios_ drew a land his ship, and covering
it with boughes, marched over the land with his Company guided by
_Black-mores_, untill he came to a river. Where he cut downe wood, made
him a Pinnace, entred the South-sea, went to the Island of Pearles,
where hee lay ten daies waiting for a prize, which happily he got
(though not so happily after kept it) for from that Island he set upon
two _Spanish_ ships, and finding them unable to fight, he speedily made
them yeeld, and intercepted in them threescore thousand pound weight
of gold, and two hundred thousand pound weight in barres or wedges of
silver, and returned safely again to the maine land. And though by
reason of a mutiny made by his owne Company he neither returned to his
country nor to his hidden ship; yet was it such a strange adventure
as is not to be forgotten, in that the like was never by any other
attempted, and by the _Spaniards_ is to this day with much admiration
recorded.

Much part of this _Castella aurea_ as yet is not subdued by the
_Spaniards_, and so doubtlesse a great treasure lieth hid in it for
that people and nation whose thoughts shall aspire to find it out. In
the year 1637. when I chanced to be in _Panama_ returning homewards to
my Country, there came thither some twenty _Indians_ Barbarians by way
of peace to treate with the President of the Chancery concerning their
yeelding up themselves to the government of the King of _Spaine_. But
as I was informed afterwards at _Carthagena_, nothing was concluded
upon, for that the _Spaniards_ dare not trust those _Indians_, whom
they have found to have rebelled often against them for their hard
usage and carriage towards them. These _Indians_ which then I saw were
very proper, tall and lusty men, and well complexioned; and among them
one of as red a haire as any our nation can shew; they had bobs of
gold in their eares, and some of them little pieces of gold made like
a halfe moone hanging upon their neither lips, which argues store of
that treasure to be amongst them. Unto this country is joyning _Nova
Andaluzia_, which hath on the North side _Castella del oro_, and on
the South _Peru_; The best Cities in it are _Tocoio_, now by the
_Spaniards_ called _St. Margarets_, and another called _S. Espiritu.
Nova Granada_ is situated on the South side of _Carthagena_, and from
the abundance and fertility of _Granada_ in _Spaine_ it hath taken
its name. The chiefe Townes and Cities in it are six. First _Tungia_,
which is supposed to be directly under the _Æquator_. The second is
_Tochaimum_. The third, _Popaian_, the richest of them all. The fourth,
_Sta. Fee_, or _St. Faith_, an Archbishops seat, and a Court of Justice
and Chancery, governed like _Panama_ and _Guatemala_, by a President
and six Judges, and a Kings Attorney and two high Justices of Court,
who have six thousand duckats a yeer allowed them out of the Kings
treasure. The fifth City is _Palma_; and the sixth _Merida_. From
_Carthagena_ through this countrey of _Granada_ lieth the rode way to
_Lima_ in _Peru_, all by land. This Country is very strong by reason
of the situation of it much amongst stony rockes, which compasse and
environ it, and through which there are very narrow passages. Yet it is
full of pleasant valleys which do yeeld much fruit, Corne and _Indian_
Maiz. There are also in it some Mines of silver, and many golden sanded
rivers. _Carthagena_, which is the last Province of _Castella aurea_,
hath also a very fruitfull soil, in the which groweth a tree, which if
any one do touch, he will hardly escape a poysoning.

The chiefe Cities in it are, first _Carthagena_, which Sir _Francis
Drake_ in the yeer 1585. surprised, and (as the _Spaniards_ affirme)
burned most part of it, and besides inestimable sums of money, took
with him from thence 230 peeces of Ordnance. I dare say now it hath
not so many; yet it is reasonable well fortified; though not so strong
as _Portabel_. It is a faire and gallant City and very rich, by
reason of the pearles which are brought to it from _Margarita_, and
the Kings revenues, which from all _Nova Granada_ are sent thither.
It is a Bishops seat, and hath many rich Churches and Cloisters. It
is not governed by a Court of Justice and Chancery as _Sta. Fee_ is,
but onely by one Governour. It hath been often moved to the Councell
of _Spaine_ to have some Galleys made to runne about those Seas, and
that _Carthagena_ bee the chiefe harbour of them. From this City
received _England_ the losse of that little Island named _Providence_
by us, and by the _Spaniards Sta. Catalina_, which though but little,
might have been of a great, nay greater advantage to our Kingdom, than
any other of our plantations in _America_; which the _Spaniards_ wel
understood when they set al their strength of _Carthagena_ against it;
but I hope the Lord hath his time appointed when we shall advantage
our selves by it again. To this City of _Carthagena_ cometh every yeer
also in small Frigots most of the Indigo, Cochinil & Sugar, which is
made in the country of _Guatemala_, the _Spaniards_ thinking it safer
to ship these their goods in little Frigots upon the lake of _Granada_
in _Nicaragua_, & from thence to send them to _Carthagena_ to be
shipped with the Galeons that come from _Portabel_ with the treasure of
_Peru_, than to send them by the ships of _Honduras_, which have often
been a prey unto the _Hollanders_. These frigots were thought by the
_Spaniards_ to come too neer the reach of _Providence_, and therefore
it hath been their care and providence to remove us from this reach of
their Frigots. The second great Towne of this Countrey of _Carthagena_
is _Abuida_. The third _Sta. Martha_, which is a rich government of
_Spaniards_, and doth much fear our _English_ and _Holland_ ships;
it is seated on the river _de Abuida_, otherwise called _St. John_
and _Rio di Grand_. There is also _Venezuela_ and _New-Caliz_, great,
rich, and strong Townes. And these three last regions, _Andaluzia Nova,
Nova Granada_, and _Carthagena_ are by the _Spaniards_ called _Tierra
firme_, or firme land, for that they are the strength of _Peru_ from
the North, and the basis of this reversed _Pyramis_.

Thus have I brought thee, Gentle Reader, round about _America_, and
shewed thee the Continent of that biggest part of the world; from
the which thou mayst observe the power and greatnesse of the King of
_Spain_, who hath got under his Scepter and Dominion so many thousand
miles, which were they reckoned up, would be found to be more then are
about all _Europe_. But not only is _America_ great and spatious by
land, but also by sea, glorying in more and some greater Islands, then
any other part of the world. It would but cause tediousnesse, and seem
prolixity to number them all up, which is a worke hard and difficult,
for that many as yet are not knowne nor inhabited, and whose goodnesse
and greatnesse is not discovered; for the Islands called _Lucoidas_
are thought to be foure hundred at least. Therefore I will omit to be
over tedious and prolixe, and will but briefly speake of the best and
chiefe of them, taking them in order from that part of the Continent,
_Carthagena_, where even now I left thee. But in the first place calls
upon my pen the Jewel Island called _Margarita_, which is situated in
the sea nigh unto _Castella aurea_, and not farre distant from two
other Islands, named _Cubagna_ and _Trinidado_. True it is this Island
of _Margarita_ is by some much slighted for want of corne, grasse,
trees and water; in so much that it hath been knowne sometime that an
inhabitant of that Island hath willingly changed for a Tun of water a
Tunne of wine. But the great abundance of pretious stones in it maketh
amends for the former wants and defects; for from them is the name of
_Margarita_ imposed on that Island. But especially it yeeldeth store
of pearles, those gemmes which the Latine writers call _Uniones_,
because _nulli duo reperiuntur indiscreti_, they alwaies are found to
grow in couples. In this Island there are many rich Merchants, who have
thirty, fourty, fifty _Black-more_ slaves only to fish out of the sea
about the rockes these pearles. These _Black-mores_ are much made of
by their Masters, who must needs trust them with a treasure hidden in
the waters, and in whose will it is to passe by of those they find,
none, few, or many. They are let downe in baskets into the Sea, and
so long continue under the water, untill by pulling the rope by which
they are let downe, they make their sign to taken up. I have heard some
say that have thus dealt in pearles, that the chief meat they feed
their _Black-mores_ with, is roast-meat, which maketh them their wind &
breath longer in the water. From _Margarita_ are all the pearles sent
to be refined and bored to _Carthagena_, where is a faire and goodly
street of no other shops then of these Pearle-dressers. Commonly in the
moneth of _July_ there is a ship or two at most ready in that Island to
carry the Kings revenue, and the Merchants pearles to _Carthagena_. One
of these ships are valued commonly at threescore thousand, or fourscore
thousand duckats, and sometimes more; and therefore are reasonable
well manned; for that the _Spaniards_ much feare our _English_ and
the _Holland_ ships. The yeare that I was in _Carthagena_, which was
1637. a ship of these laden with pearles was chased by one of our ships
from the Island of _Providence_ (by some it was thought to be our ship
called the _Neptune_) which after a little fighting had almost brought
the poore _Spaniard_ to yeeld his pearles, and had certainly carried
away that great treasure (as I was informed in _Carthagena_ foure daies
after the fight by a _Spaniard_ who was in the ship of _Margarita_)
had not two other ships of _Holland_ come between to challenge from
our _English_ man that prize, alleadging their priviledge from the
mighty States united for all prizes upon those seas and coast. And
whilst our _English_ and _Hollander_ did thus strive for the Pearles,
the _Spanish_ ship ran on shore upon a little Island, and speedily
unladed and hid in the woods part of the treasures, and perceiving
the _Hollander_ coming eagerly in pursuit of it, the _Spaniard_ set
on fire the ship, and neither _Spaniard, English_, nor _Hollander_,
enjoyed what might have been a great and rich prize to _England_.
From _Carthagena_ was sent presently a man of Warre to bring home the
pearles hid in the wood, which were not the third part of what was in
the ship.

_Jamaica_ is another Island under the power of the _Spaniards_, which
is in length 280. miles, and 70. in breadth, which though it exceed
_Margarita_ in sweet and pleasant streames and fountaines of water,
yet is far inferiour to it in riches. Some Hides, some Sugar, and some
Tobacco are the chiefe commodities from thence. There are only two
Townes of note in it, _Oristana_ and _Sevilla_; here are built ships
which have proved as well at sea, as those that are made in _Spaine_.
This Island was once very populous, but now is almost destitute of
_Indians_; for the _Spaniards_ have slain in it more then 60,000; in
so much that women as well here as on the Continent did kill their
children before they had given them life, that the issues of their
bodies might not serve so cruell a nation. But farre beyond the two
former is the Island of _Cuba_, which is three hundred miles long, and
seventy broad, which was first made knowne to _Europe_ by _Columbus_
his second navigation. This Island is full of Forrests, Lakes, and
mountaines. The aire is very temperate, the soile very fertill,
producing brasse of exact perfection, and some gold though drossie
hath formerly been found in it. It aboundeth also with Ginger, Cassia,
Masticke, Aloes, some Cinnamon, Cana fistula, Zarzaparilla, and Sugar,
and hath of flesh, fish, and fowles great plenty; but especially such
store of sea Tortois, and Hogs, that the ships at their returne to
_Spaine_ make their chiefe provision of them. My selfe chanced to take
physicke there, and whereas I thought that day I should have a fowle
or rabbet after my physicks working, they brought me a boyled peece of
fresh young Porke, which when I refused to eat, they assured me it was
the best dish the Doctors did use to prescribe upon such daies.

The chiefe Cities of this Island are _Santiago_ on the Northerne shore,
built by _James de Valasco_, a Bishops seat, and secondly, _Havana_,
which is also on the Northerne shore, and is a safe Rode for ships, and
the staple of merchandize, and (as the _Spaniards_ call it) the key of
all the _West-India's_, to lock up or unlock the doore or entrance to
all _America_. Here rideth the King of _Spaines_ Navy, and here meet
all the Merchant ships from severall ports and Havens of all those
Countries afore-named, whether from the Islands or from the Continent:
in a word here commonly in the month of _September_ is joyned all the
treasure as I may say of _America_, all the King of _Spains_ revenews,
with as much more of Merchant goods, which the yeer that I was there
were thought to be in all the worth of thirty millions. And the ships
which that yeer there did meet to strengthen one another were 53.
saile, and set out sooner that yeer then any other upon the 16. of
_September_, having that day a faire wind to wafte them homewards
through the Gulf of _Bahama. Havana_ therefore being the store-house of
all _Americaes_ treasure, it hath been the _Spaniards_ chiefe care to
fortifie that; and truely it is so strong, that the _Spaniards_ hold it
impossible to be taken, and doe boast of foure impregnable forts, to
wit at _Antwerp, Millan, Pamplona_, and _Havana_. This hath two strong
Castles, the one at the point or entrance of the Haven toward the Sea;
the other more within, on the other side almost over against it; which
two Castles (the passage in the mouth of the haven being so narrow,
that one onely ship in breast may enter) will keep and defend the
Port from many hundred saile. I was my selfe in the great and chiefe
Castle, and truly found it very strong, though by land I judged it
might be as easily taken, as other strong Castles here in _Europe_ have
been overpowerd by a great and powerfull army. It hath in it besides
many others, twelve peeces of Ordnance of brasse exceeding great,
which they call The twelve Apostles. But for all this strength of the
_Havana_, it could not once defend six or seven millions (according
to the _Spaniards_ owne account) which the one part of the Kings Navy
brought from St. _John de Ulhua_ to the sight of this impregnable fort,
and protected with such twelve Apostles. It was as I take it the yeer
1629. when that ever renowned _Hollander_ (whom like unto our _Drake_
the _Spaniards_ to this day fear and tremble at, calling him _Pie de
Palo_, that is, wooden leg) waited at the Cape of _St. Anthony_ for the
_Spanish_ fleet of _Nova Hispania_; which according to his expectation
coming, he manly set upon it, saluting and welcoming the great treasure
in it with a full side of roaring Ordnance; the sound was more dolefull
then joyfull and welcome to the _Spaniards_, who thought it safer
sleeping in a whole skinne, then to be unquieted by fighting, and
with the sight of torne and mangled bodies, by _Mars_ his furious and
fiery balls, and so called a Councell of warre to resolve what they
should doe to save the Kings great treasure which was intrusted to
them in those ships. The result of the Councell was to flie and with
some discharging of their Ordinance to defend themselves, untill they
could put into a river in the Island of _Cuba_, not far from _Havana_
called _Matanzos_. There were in that fleet of _Spaine_ many gallants
and Gentlemen, and two Judges of the Chancery of _Mexico_, which were
that yeer sent to _Madrid_ as guilty in the mutiny before mentioned,
there was in it of my acquaintance a Dominican Frier, named Frier
_Jacintho de Hozes_, who had been sent to those parts to visit all
the Dominican Cloisters of _New-Spaine_, and had got of bribes at
least eight thousand duckats (as I was informed the yeer after by a
Frier his companion, whom he sent from _Havana_ to _Guatemala_ to make
knowne to his friends his losse of all that hee had got, and to beg
a new contribution to helpe him home) there was also in that fleet
_Don Martin de Carillo_; who was the Inquisitor and Commissioner to
judge the Delinquents in the fore-mentioned mutiny of _Mexico_, who
was thought to have got twenty thousand duckats cleer; besides these
a Bishop, and many rich Merchants, all under the command of _Don Juan
de Guzman y Torres_ Admirall to all the fleet. They all fled for
their lives and goods; but the gallant _Hollanders_ chased them. The
_Spaniards_ thinking the _Hollanders_ would not venture up the river
after them, put into _Matanzos_; but soone after they had entred, they
found the river too shallow for their heavy and great bellied Galeons,
and so run them up on ground; which done, the better and richer sort
escaped to land, endeavouring to escape with what wealth they could;
some got out Cabinets, some bags; which the _Hollanders_ perceiving
came upon them with bullet messengers, which soone overtooke and stopt
their flying treasures. Some few Cabinets were hid, all the rest became
that day the gallant _Pie de Palo_ or the wooden legd Captaines prize
for the mighty States of _Holland_. The Frier _Hozes_ was got into a
boat with his Cabinet under his habit, which had in it nothing but
chaines of gold, diamonds, Pearles and pretious stones; and halfe a
dozen _Hollanders_ leapt into the boat after him, and snatched it
from him, as his owne friend and companion related after to us in
_Guatemala. Don Juan de Guzman y Torres_ the Admirall when he came
to _Spaine_ was imprisoned, lost his wits for a while, and after was
beheaded. Thus in the sight of impregnable _Havana_ and of those 12
brazen Apostles, was _Holland_ glorious and made rich with a seven
million prize.

But before I end this Chapter, I may not forget the chiefest of all the
Islands of this new world, which is called _Hispaniola_, & formerly
by the natives _Hatie_, which lamenteth the losse of at least three
millions of _Indians_ murthered by her new Masters of _Spaine_. This
Island is the biggest that as yet is discovered in al the world; it is
in compasse about 1500. miles, and enjoyeth a temperate aire, a fertill
soile, rich mines; and trades much in Ambar, Sugar, Ginger, Hides,
and Wax. It is reported for certaine that here in twenty daies herbes
will ripen and roots also and be fit to be eaten, which is a strong
argument of the exact temperature of the aire. It yeeldeth in nothing
to _Cuba_, but excelleth it in three things especially; first in the
finenesse of the gold, which is here more pure and unmixed; secondly,
in the increase of the Sugar, one Sugar Cane here filling twenty and
sometimes thirty measures; and thirdly, in the goodnesse of the soile
for tillage, the corne here yeelding an hundred fold. This fertility
is thought to be caused by four great rivers, which water and enrich
all the four quarters of the Island; all four doe spring from one only
mountaine, which standeth in the very midst and center of the Country,
_Juna_ running to the East, _Artihinnacus_ to the West, _Jacchus_ to
the North, and _Naibus_ to the South.

This Countrey is so replenished with Swine and Cattell, that they
become wild among the woods and Mountaines, so that the ships that
saile by this Island, and want provision, goe here a shore where it
is little inhabited and kill of Cattell, wild swine and bores, till
they have made up a plentifull provision. Much of this Countrey is
not inhabited, by reason that the _Indians_ are quite consumed. The
chief places in it are first St. _Domingo_, where there is a _Spanish_
President and Chancery with six Judges and the other officers belonging
to it, and it is the Seat of an Archbishop, who though hee enjoy not
so much yeerly rent and revenues as other Archbishops, especially they
of _Mexico_ and _Lima_; yet hee hath an honour above all the rest, for
that hee is the primate of all the _India's_, this Island having been
conquered before the other parts, and so bearing antiquity above them
all. There are also other rich Townes of trading, as _Sta. Isabella,
S. Thome, S. John, Maragna_, and _Porto_. And thus hath my pen run
over Sea and Land, Islands and most of the Continent that is subject
to the _Spaniards_ to shew thee, my Reader, the state of _America_ at
this time. It is called _America_ because _Americus Vespusius_ first
discovered it; though afterwards _Columbus_ gave us the first light to
discern these Countries both by example and directions. Besides the
factions spoken of before between the Native _Spaniards_ and those
that come from _Spain_, there is yet further in most parts of it, but
especially in _Peru_ a deadly faction and mortall hatred between the
_Biscains_ and the _Spaniards_ of _Castile_ and _Estremadura_, which
hath much shaken the quiet state of it, and threatned it with rebellion
and destruction.

There are in all _America_ foure Archbishopricks, which are _Sto.
Domingo, Mexico, Lima_, and _Sta. Fee_, and above thirty inferiour
Bishops. The politick Administration of Justice is chiefly committed
to the two Viceroyes residing at _Lima_ and _Mexico_, and with
subordination unto them unto other Presidents, Governours, and high
Justices, called _Alcaldes Majores_; except it be the President of
_Guatemala_, and of _Santo Domingo_, who are as absolute in power as
the Viceroyes, and have under them Governours, and high Justices, and
are no wayes subordinate to the former Viceroyes, but onely unto the
Court and Councell of _Spain_.




CHAP. XIV.

_Shewing my journey from_ Mexico _to_ Chiapa _Southward, and the most
remarkable places in the way._


Having now gone round _America_ with a brief and superficiall
description of it, my desire is to shew unto my Reader what parts of it
I travailed through, and did abide in, observing more particularly the
state, condition, strength, and Commodities of those Countries which
lie Southward from _Mexico_. It is further my desire, nay the chief
ground of this my History, that whilst my Country doth here observe
an _English_ man, become _American_, travailing many thousand miles
there, as may bee noted from St. _John de Ulhua_ to _Mexico_, and from
thence Southward to _Panama_, and from thence Northward againe to
_Carthagena_, and to _Havana_, Gods goodnesse may bee admired, and his
providence extolled who suffered not the meanest and unworthiest of
all his Creatures to perish in such unknowne Countries; to be swalled
by North or South Sea, where shipwracks were often feared; to bee
lost in Wildernesses where no tongue could give directions; to bee
devoured by Wolves, Lions, Tigers, or Crocodiles, which there so much
abound; to fall from steepy rocks and mountaines, which seeme to dwell
in the aereall Region, and threaten with fearefull spectacles of deep
and profound precipices, a horrid and inevitable death to those that
climbe up to them; to bee eaten up by the greedy Earth which there
doth often quake and tremble, and hath sometimes opened her mouth to
draw in Townes and Cities; to bee stricken with those fiery darts of
Heaven and thunderbolts which in winter season threaten the Rockes and
Cedars; to bee inchanted by Satans Instruments, Witches and Sorcerers,
who there as on their own ground play their prankes more then in the
parts of Christendome; to be quite blinded with _Romish_ Errors and
Superstitions, which have double blinded the purblind heathenish
Idolaters; to bee wedded to the pleasures and licentiousnesse, which
doe there allure; to bee glutted with the plenty and dainties of fish,
flesh, fowles, and fruits, which doe there entice; to bee puffed up
with the spirit of pride and powerfull command and authority over the
poor _Indians_, which doth there provoke; to bee tied with the Cords
of vanity and ambition, which there are strong; and finally to be
glewed in heart, and affection to the drosse of gold, silver, Pearls,
and Jewels, whose plenty there doth bind, blind, captivate and enslave
the soule. Oh I say, let the Lords great goodnesse and wonderfull
providence bee observed who suffered not an _English_ stranger in all
these dangers to miscarry, but was a guide unto him there in all his
travailes, discovered unto him as to the espies in _Canaan_, and as to
_Joseph_ in _Egypt_ the provision, wealth and riches of that world, and
safely guided him back to relate to _England_, the truth of what no
other _English_ eye did ever yet behold. From the moneth of _October_
untill _February_ I did abide with my friends, and companions the
Fryers under the command of Fryer _Calvo_ in that house of recreation
called St. _Jacintho_, and from thence injoyed the sight of all the
Townes and of what else was worth the seeing about _Mexico_. But the
time I was there, I was carefull to informe myself of the state of
_Philippinas_, whither my first purposes had drawne me from _Spain_.
It was my fortune to light upon a Fryer and an acquaintance of some
of my friends, who was that yeer newly come from _Manila_ whither I
was going; who wished mee and some other of my friends as wee tendred
our soules good never to goe to those parts, which were but snares and
trap-dores to let downe to hell, where occasions and temptations to
sinne were daily, many in number, mighty in strength, and to get out
of them, _labor & opus_, hard and difficult. And that himself, had not
he by stealth gotten away (and that to save his soul) certainly he had
never come from thence; who had often upon his knees begged leave of
his superiours to returne to _Spain_, and could not obtaine it. Many
particulars wee could not get from him, nor the reasons of his coming
away; Onely hee would often say that the Fryers that live there are
devils in private and in those retired places where they live among the
_Indians_ to instruct and teach them; and yet in publick before their
superiours and the rest of Fryers they must appeare Saints, they must
put on the cloak of hypocrisie to cover their inward devilishnesse,
they must bee cloathed with sheeps skins though within they bee _lupi
rapaces_, ravenous Wolves, ravening after their neighbours Wives,
and ravening after their neighbours wealth; and yet with all this
unpreparednesse, with this outward, seeming and frothy sanctity, and
inward hellishnesse and deep rooted worldlinesse and covetousnesse,
when the Superiours command and please to send them, they must goe in
a disguised manner to _Japan_ or _China_ to convert to Christianity
those people though with perill and danger of their lives. Many such
like discourses wee got out of this Fryer; and that if wee went to live
there, we must bee subject to the penalties of many Excommunications
for triviall toyes and trifles, which the Superiours doe lay upon the
Consciences of their poore Subjects, who may as soone strive against
the common course of nature not to see with their eyes, nor hear with
their eares, nor speake with their tongues, as to observe all those
things which against sense, reason and nature with grievous censures
and Excommunications are charged and fastened upon them. Hee told
us further of some Fryers that had despaired under those rigorous
courses, and hanged themselves, not being able to beare the burden of
an afflicted and tormented Conscience; and of others that had been
hanged, some for murthering of their rigid and cruell Superiours; and
some that had beene found in the morning hanging with their queanes
at the Cloister gates, having beene found together in the night, and
so murthered and hanged up either by the true Husband, or by some
other who bare affection to the woman. These things seemed to us
very strange, and wee perceived that all was not gold that glistred,
nor true zeal of soules that carried so many from _Spain_ to those
parts; or if in some there were at first a better and truer zeale then
in others, when they came to _Philippinas_, and among those strong
temptations, wee found that their zeale was soone quenched. This reason
moved mee and three more of my friends to relent in our purposes of
leaving of _America_, and going any further, for wee had learned that
_maxime, qui amat periculum, peribit inco_; and, _qui tangit picem,
inquinabitur abea_; He that loveth the danger, shall fall and perish
in it; and hee that toucheth pitch shall bee smeared by it. Wherefore
wee communed privately with our selves, what course wee might take, how
wee might that yeer return back to _Spain_, or where wee might abide,
if wee returned not to _Spain_. For wee knew, if our Superiour _Calvo_
should understand of our purposes to goe no further, he would lay upon
us an Excommunication to follow him, nay and that hee would secure us
in a Cloister prison untill the day and time of our departure from
_Mexico_. Our resolutions wee made a secret of our hearts; yet could
not I but impart it to one more speciall and intimate friend of mine,
who was an _Irish_ Fryer, named _Thomas de Leon_, whom I perceived
a little troubled with so long a journey as was at hand, and found
often wishing hee had never come from _Spain_; and as soon as I had
acquainted him with what I meant to doe, hee rejoyced and promised
to stay with mee. The time was short which wee had to dispose of our
selves; but in that time wee addressed our selves to some _Mexican_
Fryers and made knowne unto them, that if our Superiour _Calvo_ would
give us leave, wee would willingly stay in _Mexico_ or in any Cloister
thereabouts, untill wee could better fit our selves to returne to
_Spain_ againe. But they being natives and borne in that Countrey
discovered presently unto us that inveterate spight and hatred which
they bare to such as came from _Spain_; they told us plainly that they
and true _Spaniards_ born did never agree, and that they knew their
Superiors would bee unwilling to admit of us; yet furthermore they
informed us that they thought we might be entertained in the Province
of _Guaxaca_, where half the Fryers were of _Spain_ and half Criolians
and Natives; but in case wee should not speed there, they would warrant
us we should be welcome to the Province of _Guatemala_, where almost
all the Fryers were of _Spain_, and did keep under such as were Natives
born in that Country. It did a little trouble us to consider that
_Guatemala_ was three hundred leagues off, and that we were ignorant
of the _Mexican_ tongue, and unprovided of mony and horses for so
long a journey. But yet we considered _Philippinas_ to be further,
and no hopes there of returning ever again to Christendome; wherefore
we resolved to rely upon Gods providence onely, and to venture upon a
three hundred leagues journey with what smal means we had, and to sell
what Books and small trifles we had to make as much money as might
buy each of us a horse. But while we were thus preparing our selves
secretly for _Guatemala_ wee were affrighted and disheartned with what
in the like case to ours happened. A Fryer of our company named Fryer
_Peter Borrallo_, without acquainting us or any other of his friends
with what he intended, made a secret escape from us, and (as after we
were informed) took his way alone to _Guatemala_. This so incensed our
Superior _Calvo_, that after great search and enquiry after him, he
betook himself to the Viceroy begging his assistance and Proclamation,
in the publick Market place, for the better finding out his lost sheep,
and alleadging that none ought to hide or privily to harbour any Fryer
that had been sent from _Spain_ to _Philippinas_ to preach there the
Gospell, for that the foresaid Fryers were sent by the King of _Spain_,
whose bread they had eate, and at whose charges they had been brought
from _Spain_ to _Mexico_, and at the same Kings charges ought to bee
carried from _Mexico_ to _Philippinas_; and therefore if any Fryer now
in the half-way should recant of his purpose of going to _Philippinas_,
and should by flight escape from his Superiour and the rest of his
company, the same ought to be punished as guilty of defrauding the
Kings charges. This reason of _Calvo_ being a politicke and state
reason prevailed so farre with the Viceroy, that immediately hee
commanded a Proclamation to bee made against whosoever should know of
the said _Peter Borrallo_ and should not produce him to his Highnesse,
or should harbour him or any other Fryer belonging to _Philippinas_
from that time forward until the ships were departed from _Acapulco_;
and that whosoever should trespasse against this Proclamation, should
suffer imprisonment at his Highnesse his will and and pleasure, and the
penalty of five hundred Duckats to bee paid in at the Kings Exchequer.
With this Proclamation _Calvo_ began to insult over us, and to tell
us, wee were the Kings slaves under his conduct, and that if any of us
durst to leave him (for hee was jealous of most of us) hee doubted not
but with the Viceroy his assistance and Proclamation he should find
both us and _Peter Borrallo_ out to our further shame and confusion.
This did very much trouble us, and made my _Irish_ friend _Thomas de
Leon_ his heart to faint, and his courage to relent, and utterly to
renounce before mee his former purposes of staying and hiding himselfe;
yet hee protested to mee, if I was still of the same minde, hee would
not discover mee; but seeing his weaknesse, I durst not trust him, but
made as if I were of his minde. Thus I betooke my self to the other
three of my friends (of whom one was _Antonio Melendez_ that had beene
the first cause of my comming from _Spain_) whom I found much troubled,
doubtfull and wavering what course to take.

They considered if wee should flie, what a shame it would be to us
to be taken and brought back to _Mexico_ as prisoners, and forcedly
against our wills to be shipped to _Philippinas_; they considered
further if they went, what a slavish and uncomfortable life they should
live in _Philippinas_, without any hopes of ever returning again to
Christendom; yet further they looked upon the Viceroy his Proclamation,
and thought it hard to breake through the opposition and authority
of so great a man; and lastly in the Proclamation they beheld the
estimation that _Calvo_ had of them, as of slaves and fugitives to be
cried in a publike Market place. But after all these serious thoughts
our only comfort was that _Peter Borallo_ was safely escaped, and (as
we were informed) had been met farre from _Mexico_ travailing alone
towards _Guatemala_. And we thought, why might not we escape as well
as he. Then I told them that my resolution was to stay, though alone I
returned either to _Spaine_, or tooke my journey to _Guatemala_; the
rest were glad to see mee resolute, and gave their hands that they
would venture as much as I should. Then we set upon the time when
we should take our flight, and agreed that every one should have a
Horse in readinesse in _Mexico_, and that the night before the rest
of our company should depart from _Mexico_ towards _Acapulco_ to take
shipping, we should by two and two in the evening leave _St. Jacintho_,
and meet in _Mexico_ where our Horses stood, and from thence set out
and travaile all the night, continuing our journey so the first two or
three nights and resting in the day time, untill we were some twenty
or thirty leagues from _Mexico_. For we thought the next morning
_Calvo_ awaking and missing us would not stop the journey of the rest
of his company for our sakes, to search and inquire after us; or if
he did, it would be but for one day or two at the most, till he had
inquired for us in _Mexico_, or a dayes journey in some of the common
or beaten rodes of _Mexico_, where we would be sure he should not heare
of us; for we also agreed to travail out of any common or knowne rode
for the first two or three nights. This resolution was by us as well
performed and carried on, as it had been agreed upon, though some had
been fearfull that a counsell betwixt foure could never be kept secret,
nor such a long journey as of nine hundred miles be compassed with
such small means of money as was among us, for the maintenance of our
selves and Horses; for after our Horses were bought, we made a common
purse, and appointed one to be the purse-bearer, & found that amongst
us all there were but twenty duckats, which in that rich and plentifull
country was not much more then here twenty _English_ shillings, which
seemed to us but as a morning dew, which would soone be spent in
provender only for our Horses; yet we resolved to goe on, relying more
upon the providence of God, then upon any earthly meanes; and indeed
this proved to us a far better support then all the drosse of gold and
silver could have done; and we reckoned that after we had travailed
fourty leagues from _Mexico_, and entred without feare into the rode,
we had for our twenty duckats neer fourty now in our common purse. The
reason was, for that most commonly we went either to Friers Cloisters
who knew us not, or to rich farmes of _Spaniards_ who thought nothing
too good for us, and would not onely entertaine us stately, but at our
departure would give us money for one or two daies journey. All our
feare was to get safely out of _Mexico_, for wee had been informed that
_Calvo_ had obtained from the Viceroy officers to watch in the chiefest
rodes both day and night untill he had departed with his Traine of
Friers to _Acapulco_.

And for all the Viceroy his Proclamation we got a true and trustie
friend, who offered to guide us out of _Mexico_ by such a way as we
needed not to feare any would watch for us. So with our friend and
a map about us to guide us after he had left us in the morning, we
cheerfully set out of _Mexico_ about ten of the clock at night, about
the middle of _February_, and meeting no body about _Guadalupe_ which
was the way wee went out (though the contrary way to _Guatemala_, which
on purpose we followed for feare the true way should be beset) we
comfortably travailed all that night, till in the morning we came to a
little Town of _Indians_, where we began to spend of our small stock,
calling upon the _Indians_ for a Turkey and Capon to break our fast
with our friend and guide before he returned to _Mexico_. Breakefast
being ended we took our leaves of him, and went to rest, that we might
be more able to performe the next nights journey, which was to Crosse
the Countrey towards _Atlisco_, which is in a valley of twenty miles
about at least, and doth give it the name of the valley of _Atlixco_
and is a valley much mentioned in all those parts, for the exceeding
great plenty of wheat that is there reaped every yeer, and is the
chief sustenance and reliefe of _Mexico_ and all the Townes about. In
this Valley are many rich Townes of _Spaniards_ and _Indians_; but we
shunned to enter into them, and went from farme to farme out of the
high-waies, where we found good entertainment of those rich Farmers
and Yeomen, who bare such respect unto the Preists, that truely they
thought themselves happy with our company. Here we began to shake off
all fear, and no more like Bats and Owles fly in the night, but that
we might with more pleasure enjoy the prospect of that valley, and of
the rest of the Countrey we travailed by day; yet still crossing the
Countrey, we went from thence towards another valley called the valley
of _St. Pablo_, or _Pauls_ valley, which though it be not as big as
the valley of _Atlisco_, yet is held to be a richer valley; for here
they enjoy a double harvest of wheat every yeer. The first seed they
sow is watered, and growes with the common season raine; and the second
seed which they sow in summer as soone as their first harvest is in,
when the season of raine is past, they water with many Springs which
fall into that Valley from the mountaines which round beset it, and
let in the water among their wheat at their pleasure, and take it away
when they see fit. Here live Yeomen upon nothing but their farms, who
are judged to worth some twenty thousand, some thirty thousand, some
fourty thousand duckats. In this valley we chanced to light upon one
farme where the Yeoman was country-man to my friend _Antonio Melendez_,
borne in _Segovia_ in _Spaine_, who for his sake kept us three daies
and nights with him. His table was as well furnished as the table of
a Knight might be, his side board full of silver boules and cups, and
plates instead of trenchers; he spared no dainties which might welcome
us to his table, no perfumes which might us delight in our chambers,
no musick (which his daughters were brought up to) which might with
more pleasure help to passe away the time. To him _Antonio Melendez_
made known our journey towards _Guatemala_; and from him we received
directions which way to steere our course untill we might be thoroughly
free from feare and danger; here we began to see the great providence
of God, who had brought us being strangers to such a friends house, who
not onely welcomed us to him, but when we departed gave us a guide for
a whole day, and bestowed upon us twenty duckats to helpe to bear our
charges. From this valley wee wheeled about to _Tasco_, a Towne of some
five hundred Inhabitants which enjoyeth great commerce with the Country
about by reason of the great store of Cotton-wool which is there. And
here we were very well entertained by a Franciscan Frier, who being of
_Spaine_ made the more of us, knowing we came from thence. Here we got
into the rode of _Guaxaca_, and went to _Chautla_, which also aboundeth
with Cotton-wool, but in it we found no entertainment but what our
owne purses would afford us. Next to this place is a great Town called
_Zumpango_, which doth consist of at least eight hundred Inhabitants,
many of them very rich both _Indians_ and _Spaniards_. Their
commodities are chiefly Cotton-wooll, and Sugar, and Cochinil. But
beyond this Town are the mountaines called _la Misteca_, which abound
with many rich and great Townes, and doe trade with the best silke that
is in all that Country. Here is also great store of Wax and Hony; and
_Indians_ live there who traffique to _Mexico_ and about the Countrey
with twenty or thirty mules of their own, chopping and changing, buying
and selling commodities, and some of them are thought to be worth ten,
or twelve, or fifteen thousand duckats, which is much for an _Indian_
to get among the _Spaniards_, who thinke all the riches of _America_
little enough for themselves. From these mountaines of _Misteca_ to
_Guaxaca_ we saw little observable, only Townes of two or three hundred
inhabitants; rich Churches, well built, and better furnished within
with lampes, candlesticks, crownes of silver for the severall statues
of Saints; and all the way wee did observe a very fruitfull soil for
both _Indian_ and _Spanish_ wheat, much Sugar, much Cotton-wool, Hony,
and here and there some Cochinil, and of Plantins, and other sweet and
luscious fruit great store; but above all great abundance of cattel,
whose Hides are one of the greatest commodities that from those parts
are sent to _Spaine_. Some reported that about _Misteca_ formerly
much gold had been found, and the _Indians_ were wont to use it much,
though now they will not be knowne of any, lest the greedinesse of the
_Spaniards_ bring them to misery and destruction, as it hath their
neighbours about them. Also it is reported for certaine that there are
Mines of silver, though as yet the _Spaniards_ have not found them.

There are many Mines of Iron which the _Spaniards_ will not busie
themselves in digging, because they have it cheaper from _Spain_; from
hence wee came to the City of _Guaxaca_, which is a Bishops Seat,
though not very bigge, yet a faire and beautifull City to behold. It
standeth fourescore leagues from _Mexico_ in a pleasant valley from
whence _Cortez_ was named _Marques del Valle_, the Marquesse of the
Valley. This City, as all the rest of _America_, except the Sea Towns,
lyeth open without walls, Bulwarkes, Forts, Towers, or any Castle,
Ordnance or Ammunition to defend it. It may consist of at the most two
thousand Inhabitants, and are governed by a _Spanish_ High Justice
called _Alcalde Major_, whose power reacheth over all the Valley, and
beyond it as farre as _Nixapa_, and almost to _Tecoantepeque_, a Sea
Towne upon _Mar del Zur_. The Valley is of at least fifteen miles
in length, and ten in breadth, where runneth in the midst a goodly
River yeelding great store of fish. The Valley is full of Sheep and
other Cattell, which yeeld much Wooll to the Clothiers of the City
of _Angels_, store of Hides to the Merchants of _Spain_, and great
provision of flesh to the City of _Guaxaca_, and to all the Townes
about, which are exceeding rich, and doe maintaine many Cloisters of
Fryers, and Churches with stately furniture belonging unto them. But
what doth make the Valley of _Guaxaca_ to bee mentioned farre and
neer, are the good horses which are bred in it, and esteemed to bee
the best of all the Country. In this Valley also are some farmes of
Sugar, and great store of fruits, which two sorts meeting together have
cried up the City of _Guaxaca_ for the best Conserves and Preserves
that are made in _America_. In the City there are some six Cloisters
of Nuns and Fryers, all of them exceeding rich; but above all is the
Cloister of the Dominican Fryers, whose Church treasure is worth two
or three Millions; and the building of it the fairest and strongest
in all those parts, the walls are of stone so broad, that a part of
them being upon finishing when I was there I saw Carts goe upon them,
with stone and other materials. Here are also two Cloisters of Nuns,
which are talked of far and neer not for their religious practices,
but for their skill in making two drinkes which are used in those
parts, the one called _Chocolatte_ (whereof I shall speake heereafter)
and the other _Atolle_, which is like unto our _Almond_ Milk, but
much thicker, and is made of the juyce of the yong _Maiz_ or _Indian_
wheat, which they so confection with spices, musk, and sugar, that
it is not onely admirable in the sweetnesse of the smell, but much
more nourishing and comforting the stomack. This is not a Commoditie
that can bee transported from thence, but is to be drunk there where
it is made. But the other, _Chocolatte_, is made up in Boxes, and
sent not onely to _Mexico_ and the parts thereabouts, but much of it
is yeerly transported into _Spain_. This City of _Guaxaca_ is the
richer by reason of the safety they enjoy for the carriage of their
Commodities to and from the port of St. _John de Ulhua_ by the great
River _Alvarado_ which runneth not far from it; and although the Barkes
come not to the City of _Guaxaca_, yet they come up to the _Zapotecas_,
and to St. _Ildefonso_, which is not farre from _Guaxaca_. And the
carelessenesse of the _Spaniards_ here is to be wondred at, that all
along this River which runneth up into the heart of their Country, they
have built as yet no Castles, Towers, or watch-houses, or planted any
Ordinance, trusting onely in this, that great ships cannot come up, as
if Frigots or smaller Barks, such as they themselves use, may not bee
made to annoy them. But of _Guaxaca_ I shall say no more, but conclude
that it is of so temperate an aire, so abounding in fruits, and all
provision requisite for mans life, so commodiously situated between
the North and South Sea, having on the North side St. _John de Ulhua_,
and on the South _Tecoantepeque_ a small and unfortified harbour,
that no place I so much desired to live in whilest I was in those
parts as in _Guaxaca_, which certainly I had attempted as I travailed
by it, had I not understood that the Criolian or Native Fryers were
many and as deadly enemies unto those that came from _Spain_ as were
the _Mexicans_. And this their spight and malice they shewed whilest
wee were there, to an ancient and grave old Fryer Master in Divinity,
who living had been for learning the Oracle of those parts. This old
man died when I was there, and because when hee lived they could
pick no hole in his Coat, being dead they searched his chamber, and
finding in a Coffer some moneys which hee had not made knowne to his
Superiour when living (which they would reduce to a sinne against his
professed poverty, called Propriety, and subject to the censure of
Excommunication) they reported that hee had died excommunicated, and
might not injoy their Christian buriall in the Church or Cloister, and
so ignominiously buried their old Divine, and with him his Credit and
reputation in a grave made in one of their Gardens. A thing much talked
on as scandalous to all the City and Country, which they salved with
saying hee was excommunicated; but the truth was, he was of _Spaine_,
and therefore at his death they would shew their spight unto him. For
certainly they could not doe it for the sinne of Propriety which by
him had been committed in his life; and to them all may be well said
what our Saviour said to the Jewes bringing to him a woman found in
adultery to bee stoned, Whosoever of you is without sinne, let him cast
the first stone; for all of them, yea even the best Fryers that live in
_America_, are some way or other, much or lesse guilty of the sinne of
Propriety which they professe and vow against. With this which wee saw
with our eyes, besides what with our eares wee had heard of discords
and factions amongst them, wee thought _Guaxaca_ was no place for us
to live in; so after three dales we made haste out of it, and departed
towards _Chiapa_, which lyeth three hundred miles from thence. And for
our comfort in our further travailing we were informed in _Guaxaca_,
that in most Towns of the Rode through that country, the _Indians_ had
an order from the High Justice to give unto Fryers travailing that way
either horse to ride on, or to carry their carriages and provision of
food freely without mony, if they had none, so that at their departure
they should write it down in the town booke what they had spent, not
abiding above foure and twenty houres in the Town; which expences of
travailers the _Indians_ afterwards at the yeers end of their ordinary
Justice and Officers were to give an account of with carrying their
Towne book unto the _Spanish_ justice to whom they belonged, and by so
doing these expences were allowed of to bee discharged by the common
Towne Purse or Treasure, for the which a common plot of ground was
alloted to bee yeerly sowen with wheat or _Maiz_. With this charitable
relief and help of the Townes wee conceived better of the rest of our
long journey, and hoped to compasse it with more ease. And so joyfully
we went on, and the first place where wee made triall of this order
was at a great Town called _Antiquera_, where wee freely called for
our fowles and what other provision we saw in the Town, fed heartily
on them, and the next day when we were to pay and to depart, wee
called for the Town book, subscribed our hands to what wee had spent
ourselves and horses, and went our way, praising the discretion of
the Justices of that Country, who had setled a course so easy and
comfortable for us, especially who had but shallow purses for our
long journy. Yet we found in some small Towns that the _Indians_ were
unwilling, and (as they alleadged) unable to extend this Charity to
us, being foure in company, and bringing with us the charge likewise
of foure horses, which made us sometimes make the longer journey
that wee might reach unto some great and rich Towne. The next to
_Antiquera_ in that Rode is _Nixapa_, which is of at the least eight
hundred Inhabitans, _Spaniards_ and _Indians_, standing upon the side
of a River, which wee were informed was an arme of the great River
_Alvarado_. In this Town is a very rich Cloister of Dominican Fryers,
where we were well entertained; & in it there is a picture of our
Lady, which superstitiously they fancy to have wrought miracles, and
is made a pilgrimage from far and neere, and consequently hath great
riches and Lampes belonging unto it. This is counted absolutely one
of the wealthiest places of all the Countrey of _Guaxaca_; for here
is made much Indigo, Sugar, _Cochinill_; and here grow many trees of
_Cacao_ and _Achiotte_, whereof is made the _Chocolatte_, and is a
commodity of much trading in those parts, though our _English_ and
_Hollanders_ make little of it when they take a prize of it at Sea,
as not knowing the secret virtue and quallity of it for the good of
the stomack. From hence we went to _Aguatulco_ and _Capalita_, also
great Towns standing upon a plain Country full of Sheep and Cattell,
abounding with excellent fruits, especially _Pines_ and _Sandia's_,
which are as big as Pumpions, and so waterish that they even melt like
snow in the mouth, & cool the heat which there is great, by reason it
is a low and Marsh kind of ground, lying neer the South Sea. The next
chief Town and most considerable after _Capalita_ is _Tecoantepeque_;
this is a Sea Town upon _Mar del Zur_, and a harbour for small vessels,
such as Trade from those parts to _Acapulco_ and _Mexico_, and to
_Realejo_ and _Guatemala_, and sometimes to _Panama_. Here upon some
occasions Ships which come from _Peru_ to _Acapulco_ doe call in. It
is a port no farther safe, then that no _English_ or _Holland_ Ships
doe come thereabouts, which if they did, they would there find no
resistance, but from thence would finde an open and easie Rode over
all the Countrey. Upon all this South Sea side from _Acapulco_ to
_Panama_, which is above two thousand miles by land there is no open
harbour, but this for _Guaxaca_, and _La Trinidad_ for _Guatemala_, and
_Realejo_ for _Nicaragua_, and _Golfo de Salinas_ for small vessels
in _Costa Rica_, and all these unprovided of Ordnance and Ammunition,
all open dores to let in any Nation that would take the pains to
surround the World to get a treasure. This port of _Tecoantepeque_
is the chiefe for fishing in all that Countrey; wee met here in the
wayes sometimes with fifty, sometimes with a hundred mules together
laden with nothing but salt fish for _Guaxaca_, City of the _Angels_
and _Mexico_. There are some very rich Merchants dwell in it, who trade
with _Mexico, Peru_ and _Philippinas_, sending their small vessels out
from Port to Port, which come home richly laden with the Commodities of
all the Southerne or Easterne parts. From hence to _Guatemala_ there
is a plaine Rode along the Coast of the South Sea, passing through
the Provinces of _Soconuzco_ and _Suchutepeques_; but wee aiming at
_Chiapa_ tooke our journey over the high Rocks and Mountaines called
_Quelenes_, travailing first from _Tecoantepeque_ to _Estepeque_, and
from thence through a desert of two dayes journey, where wee were faine
to lodge one night by a spring of water upon the bare ground in open
wide fields, where neither Town nor house is to bee seene, yet thatcht
lodges are purposely made for travailers. This plain lyeth so open
to the Sea, that the wind from thence blow so strongly and violently
that travailers are scarce able to sit their horses and mules; which
is the reason no people inhabit there, because the windes teare their
houses, and the least fire that there breaks out, doth a great deale
of mischief. This plaine yet is full of Cattell, and Horses and Mares,
some wild, some tame; and through this windy Champaigne Country with
much adoe we travailed; though my self thought I should even there end
my daies, for the second day being to reach to a Towne, and my three
friends riding before, thinking that I followed them, evening now
drawing on they made more hast to find the Town. But in the meane while
my horse refused to goe any further, threatning to lie downe if I put
him to more then hee was able. I knew the towne could not be far, and
so I lighted, thinking to walke and lead my horse, who also refused to
bee led, and so lay downe. With this a troop of thoughts beset mee,
and to none I could give a flat answer. I thought if I should goe on
foot to finde out the Towne and my company and leave my horse there
sadled, I might both lose my selfe, and my horse and saddle; and if I
should find the Towne and come in the morning for my horse, the plain
was so wide and spatious, that I might seeke long enough, and neither
finde him, nor know the place where I left him, for there was nothing
neere to marke the place, nor where to hide the saddle, neither hedge,
tree, shrub, within a mile on any side. Wherefore I considered my best
course would bee to take up my lodging in the wide and open wildernesse
with my horse, and to watch him lest hee should wander and stray away,
untill the morning or untill my friends might send from the towne to
see what was become of mee; which they did not that night, thinking
I had taken my way to another Town not far from thence, whither they
sent in the morning to enquire for me. I looked about therefore for
a commodious place to rest in, but found no choice of lodgings,
everywhere I found a bed ready for mee, which was the bare ground; a
bolster onely or pillow I wanted for my head, and seeing no bank did
kindly offer it selfe to ease a lost stranger, and pilgrime, I unsadled
my weary Jade, and with my saddle fitted my head in stead of a pillow.
Thus without a supper I went to bed in my Mothers owne bosome, not a
little comforted to see my tired horse pluck up his spirits, and make
much of his supper, which there was ready for him, of short, dry and
withered grasse, upon which hee fed with a greedy and hungry stomack,
promising mee by his feeding that the next day he would performe a
journey of at least thirty or forty miles. The poor Beast fed apace,
my careful eye watched him for at least an houre, when upon a suddain
I heard such an hideous noise of howling, barking, and crying, as if a
whole Army of dogs were come into the wildernesse, and howled for want
of a prey of some dead horse or mule. At first the noise seemed to be a
pretty way off from mee; but the more I hearkened unto it, the nigher
it came unto mee, and I perceived it was not of dogs by some intermixt
shriekings as of Christians, which I observed in it. An observation
too sad for alone man without any helpe or comfort in a wildernesse,
which made my haire to stand upright, my heart to pant, my body to bee
covered with a fearfull sweat as of death. I expected nothing else,
not knowing from whence the noise proceeded; sometimes I thought of
Witches, sometimes of devils, sometimes of _Indians_ turned into the
shape of beasts, (which amongst some hath beene used) sometimes of
wild and savage beasts, and from all these thoughts I promised my self
nothing but sure death, for the which I prepared my selfe recommending
my soule to the Lord, whilst I expected my body should bee a prey to
cruell and mercilesse beasts; or some instruments of that roaring Lion
who in the Apostle goeth about seeking whom he may devoure. I thought
I could not any waies prevaile by flying or running away, but rather
might that way runne my selfe into the jawes of death; to hide there
was no place, to lie still I thought was safest, for if they were wild
beasts, they might follow their course another way from mee, and so
I might escape. Which truly proved my safest course, for while I lay
sweating and panting, judging every cry, every howling and shrieking an
alarm to my death, being in this agony and fearfull conflict till about
midnight, on a suddain the noise ceased, sleep (though but the shadow
of death) seized upon my wearied body, and forsook me not, til the
mornings glorious lamp shining before my slumbering eies and driving
away deaths shadow greeted me with life & safety. When I awaked, my
soul did magnifie the Lord for my deliverance from that nights danger,
I looked about & saw my horse also neer the place where I had left
him, I sadled him presently with desire to leave that wildernesse
and to find out my company, and to impart unto them what that night
had happened unto mee; I had not rid above a mile, when I came to a
brook of water, where were two waies, the one straight forward along
the desart, where I could discover no Towne, nor houses, nor trees in
a prospect of five or six miles at least; the other way was on the
left hand, and that way some two or three miles off I saw a wood of
trees, I imagined there might be the Towne; I followed that way, and
within a quarter of a mile my Horse beganne to complaine of his poore
provender the night before, and to slight me for it; I was fain to
light and lead him; and thus againe discouraged with my Horse, and
discomforted for the uncertainty of my way, looking about I spied a
thatcht house on the one side of the way, and one on Horse-back, who
came riding to mee; it was an _Indian_ belonging to that house which
was the farme of a rich _Indian_, and Governour of the next Towne, of
whom I asked how farre it was to the Town of _Estepeque_, he shewed me
the trees, and told me that a little beyond them it stood, and that I
should not see it untill I came unto it. With this I got up againe and
spurred my sullen jade, untill I reached unto the trees, where he was
at a stand and would goe no further. Then I unsadled him, and hid my
saddle under some low shrubs, and leaving my horse (whom I feared not
that any would steale him) I walked unto the Towne which was not above
halfe a mile from thence, where I found my three friends were waiting
for me, and grieved for the losse of me, had sent to another Towne to
enquire for me; it was the least thought they had that I had been a
lodger in the desart. When I related unto them and to the _Indians_
the noise and howling that I had heard, the _Indians_ answered me that
that was common musick to them almost every night, & that they were
Wolves and Tigres which they feared not, but did often meet them and
with a sticke or hollowing did scare them away, and that they were
onely ravenous for their Fowles, Colts, Calves or Kids. After a little
discourse I returned with an _Indian_ to seeke my Horse and saddle, and
in that Towne I sould my wearied _Mexican_ beast, and hired another to
_Ecatepeque_ whither we went all four friends again in company. Where
note that in this plain and champaigne country of _Tecoantepeque_
are five rich and pleasant Townes full of fruits and provision of
victuall, all ending in _Tepeque_, to wit, _Tecoantepeque, Estepeque,
Ecatepeque, Sanatepeque_, and _Tapanatepeque_. Now from _Ecatepeque_
wee could discover the high mountaines of _Quelenes_, which were the
subject of most of our discourse to _Sanatepeque_, and from thence to
_Tapanatepeque_. For we had been informed by _Spaniards_ and Travailers
in the way, that they were the most dangerous mountains to travail over
that were in all those parts; and that there were on the top of them
some passages so narrow, and so high, and so open to the boisterous
winds that came from the South-sea, which seemed to lie at the very
bottom of them; and on each side of these narrow passages such deep
precipices among rocks, that many times it had happened, that the wind
blowing furiously had cast downe Mules laden with heavy carriages downe
the rockes, and likewise Horse-men had been blown down both Horse
and man. The sight of the rockes and mountaines did terrifie us, and
the report of them did much affright us; so that in all this way we
did conferre which way to take, whether the rode way to _Guatemala_
which lieth under those mountaines along the coast by the Country of
_Soconuzco_, from whence (though out of our way) we might have turned
to _Chiapa_, or whether we should steer our right course to _Chiapa_
over those mountains, which we had been informed, we might safely passe
over if the winds did not blow too boisterously. We resolved that when
wee came to _Tapanatepeque_ we would choose our way according as the
winds did favour or threaten us, but however to _Chiapa_ we would goe,
because there we had understood was the Superiour and Provinciall or
all the Dominicans of those parts, (to whom we ought to addresse our
selves) and also because we would see that famous and much talked of
Province of _Chiapa_. In _Sanatepeque_ wee met with a Frier who gave
us stately entertainment, and from thence gave us _Indians_ to guide
us to _Tapanatepeque_, and a letter to the chiefe of the Towne (which
also was at his command) to give us Mules to carry us, and _Indians_
to guide us up the mountaines. Here the rest of our Horses also failed
us, but their wearinesse was no hinderance to us, for the _Indians_
were willing to give us as much or more then they had cost us, because
they were true _Mexican_ breed, and all the way we went to _Chiapa_
and through that country to _Guatemala_ the Towns were to provide us
of Mules for nothing. We came to _Tapanatepeque_ (which standeth at
the bottome and foot of _Quelenes_) on Saturday night, and with the
letter we carried were very much welcomed and entertained well by the
_Indians_.

This Towne is one of the sweetest and pleasantest of any we had seen
from _Guaxaca_ thither, and it seems God hath replenished it with
all sorts of comforts which Travailers may need to ascend up those
dangerous and steepy rockes. Here is great plenty of cattel for flesh,
and rich _Indians_ which have farmes, called there _Estantia's_, in
some a thousand, in some three or four thousand head of cattell; fowles
here are in abundance, fish the best store and choisest of any Towne
from _Mexico_ thither; for the Sea is hard by it, and besides there
runneth by it a small river which yeelds divers sorts of fish. From
the mountaines there fall so many springs of water, that with them the
_Indians_ water at their pleasure their gardens which are stored with
much herbage and sallets. The shade which defends from the heat (which
there is great) is the daughter of most sweet and goodly fruit trees,
and of Orange, Lemmon, Citron and Fig leaves. The Sabbath morning was
so calme that we desired to make use of it, lest by longer delayes the
winds should stay us, or force us to the coast of _Soconusco_. But the
_Indians_ intreated us to bee their guests at dinner, not doubting but
the weather would hold, and promising us to provide us strong and lusty
Mules, and provision of fruits, and fried fish, or fowles, or what
our selves desired. We could not refuse this their kind offer, and so
stayed dinner with them. After dinner our Mules were brought, and two
_Indians_ to guide us and carry our provision, which was some fried
fish, and a cold rosted Capon, with some fruit as much as might suffice
us for a day, for the chief ascent and danger is not above seven
leagues, or one and twenty _English_ miles, and then beyond the top
of the mountaines three miles is one of the richest farms for Horses,
Mules, and Cattel, in all the Countrey of _Chiapa_, where we knew we
should be welcomed by one _Don John de Toledo_, who then lived there.
Though these mountaines shew themselves with severall sharp pointed
heads, and are many joyned together, yet one of them is only mentioned
in that Country by the Travailers, which is called _Maquilapa_, over
the which lieth the way to _Chiapa_. To this high, steepy, and craggy
_Maquilapa_ we tooke our journey after dinner, and were by the proud
mountaine that night well entertained, and harboured in a green plot of
ground resembling a meadow, which lay as a rib of the one side of that
huge and more then _Pyrenian_ monster. The _Indians_ comforted us with
the shews of faire weather, and told us that they doubted not but the
next day at noone we should be at _Don John de Toledo_ his _Estancia_,
or farme. With this we spread our supper upon the green table-cloth,
and at that first meale eat up our Capon and most of the provision of
our cold fried fish, leaving only a bit for our mornings breakefast,
the springs of water like Conduit-pipes, trickling downe the rockes,
gave us melodious musicke to our supper; the _Indians_ fed merrily, and
our Mules contentedly, and so the fountaine Nymphes sung us asleep till
morning, which seemed to us as calme and quiet as the day before, and
encouraged us hastily to snatch that bit which we had left and so up
from breakefast, to say merrily, up to _Maquilapa_. We had not winded
the mountaine upwards much above a mile, when the higher we mounted,
the more we heard the wind from above whistling unto us, and forbidding
us to goe any further. We were now halfe way up, and doubtfull what wee
should doe, whither go forward, or returne to _Tapanatepeque_ to eat
more fish, or to stay where we were a while untill the weather were
more calme, which we thought might be at noone or towards evening. The
_Indians_ told us that about a mile further there was a fountaine of
water, and a lodge made under trees on purpose for Travailers that
were either benighted or hindred by the winds to compasse their journey
up the mountaine. Thither we went with much adoe, hoping the wind
would fall; but still the higher we climbed, the stronger we felt the
breath or _Æolus_, and durst not like the people called _Psilli_ (of
whom _Herodotus_ writeth) march against him, least as they in stead of
a victory found a grave in the sands where they met to oppose him, so
we in stead of ascending should by a furious blast be made to descend
into those deep and horrid precipices, which truely threatned death,
and offered themselves to be a grave unto our torne and mangled bodies.
We liked the fountaine very well, and the lodge better for the harbour
of trees which compassed it about. The wind kept on breathing, and we
stood still fearing, till the day was so farre spent that we had no
hopes of going back, or forward. Of any supper we despaired that night,
who would have been glad now to have picked a bone of a Capons leg, or
to have sucked a fishes head, and saw there was nothing for us, but
only to feed our hungry stomackes with the remembrance of the plenty
the night before. Thus gazing one upon another, and sometimes looking
down to the fountaine, sometimes looking up to the trees, we perceived
amongst them a Lemmon tree, full of small and very sowre green Lemmons.
It was not with us as with _Tantalus_ who could neither injoy the fruit
above him, nor the waters beneath him; we could and did most greedily
catch and snatch the Lemmons, which were sawce for no meate, but onely
to fill an empty stomack; with them wee supped and tooke our rest. The
next morning the wind was rather stronger then calmer, and we as strong
the second day as the first in our purpose of staying there, and not
turning our backes like Cowards. The _Indians_ were also willing to
stay yet one day longer; so we fell to our breakefast of Lemmons which
were somewhat coole to a fasting stomack, and relished nothing the
better with a draught from the cleere fountaine. And of what we left
on the tree we made our dinner and supper, adding to our water what we
saw the _Indians_ did drinke, who had their small bags full of powder
of their Maiz, of which first making cakes as dry as bisket they then
grind them to powder, and when they travaile, carry with them that
powder to drink with water. This wee thought might bee more nourishing
to us, then Lemmons and water onely, and so for that day we bought of
them halfe a bagfull of powder giving for it in our want and necessity
four rials, or two _English_ shillings, which out of _Maquilapa_ and
that our feare of starving might not be worth above a penny; and yet
this was but weake nourishment for our feeble bodies. Thus we waited
all Tuesday for the laying of the wind, resolving the next morning
either to goe up the hill, or downe againe to _Tapanatepeque_. But on
Wednesday morning the wind seeming to be somewhat laid, we purposed
to stay till noon hoping then it would be sure travailing; but it
ceased not but rather increased a little; whereupon one of our company
resolved to goe upwards a mile or two on foot, and trie the passages,
and the danger of the wind and to bring us word againe; for we thought
our feare might be greater then the danger, who had heard much talke,
but had not as yet seen any thing worth our feare. Up therefore went
our friend, who staid from us neer two houres, and then returning backe
he told us he thought we might get up leading our Mules by the bridles.
But what with further questions and debates the time passed away, so
that we thought it might be too late; and for that day we put off our
journey untill the next morning, resolutely purposing to goe forwards
altogether if the wind were not much increased. So that day we fell
again to our green crabby Lemmons, water and Maiz powder, all which
we found had much weakned our bodies and feared if we continued there
any longer they might hasten our death. Wherefore on Thursday morning
(the wind being as the day before) commending our selves first unto
the protection of that Lord whom the winds and sea obey, we mounted
up upon our Mules (leaving our names written in the barke of a great
tree, and the dayes we stayed there without food) and so went upward.
Wee perceived no great danger in the wind a great while, but some steps
and passages upon stony rockes we feared for the narrownesse of them,
and there we lighted, thinking our selves safer upon our own two feet,
then upon the four feet of a beast. But when we came up to the very
top of _Maquilapa_ (which signifies in that tongue, A head without
haire) we perceived truly the danger so much talked of, and wished our
selves again with our green Lemmons in the way to _Tapanatepeque_,
for we found it indeed a head without haire, a top without a tree or
branch to shelter a fearfull Traveller; the passage that lieth open to
the sea may be no more than a quarter of a mile, but the height and
narrownesse of it stupefieth, for if we looke on the one side, there
is the wide and spatious South-sea lying so deep and low under it that
it dazleth the eies to behold it; if wee looke on the other side, there
are rockes of at least six or seven miles depth; whose sight doth
make the stoutest and hardest heart (though like themselves) to quake
and quiver; so that here the sea expects to swallow, there the rockes
threaten to tear with a downfall, and in the midst of those dangers in
some places the passage is not above an ell broad. We needed better
cordialls for that quarter of a mile then feeding three daies upon
green Lemmons and water, and durst not man our selves so much as to goe
through it upon our Mules; we lighted, and gave the _Indians_ our Mules
to lead, and we followed them one by one not daring to walk upright
for fear of head giddinesse with looking on either side, but bowing
our bodies we crept upon our hands and feet as neere unto the trackes
which beasts and Travailers had made as we could without hindering
our going. And when we had got to the end of that passage, and where
the mountaine was broader, and the trees promised reliefe, we then
looked back boldly, and accused of folly both our selves and all other
Travailers that sought no other way though ten miles about, to avoid
that danger both for man and beast. From thence joyfully we made haste
to _Don John de Toledo_, who made us welcome and gave us some warme
broath to comfort our stomacks, which were so weake that no sooner had
wee eat any thing, but presently we cast it up againe; till after many
sups of broath and wine we recovered strength towards night, and eat
our suppers; there we stayed two daies; and thus thoroughly refreshed
wee went to _Acapala_ a very great Towne of _Indians_ in the Province
of _Chiapa_, standing by the same river that passeth by _Chiapa_,
which is called _Chiapa de Indios_, or _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, to
distinguish it from another _Chiapa_, called _Chiapa Reall_ the Roial
_Chiapa_, or _Chiapa de Espanoles, Chiapa_ of the _Spaniards_. From
_Acapala_ we went first to _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, which standeth
almost as low as _Maquilapa_ is high, seated upon a river as broad as
is the _Thames_ at _London_, which hath its spring from the mountaines
called _Cuchumatlanes_, in the rode from _Chiapa Real_ to _Guatemala_,
and runnes towards the Province of _Zoques_, where it entreth into
the river of _Tabasco_. But of this _Chiapa_ I will speak a little
more in the next Chapter, and now onely say that here we were joyfully
entertained by those Fryers, who looked upon us as members belonging
to the Corporation of that their Province, and assured us that the
Provinciall and chief Superiour would be very glad of our coming, who
wanted _Spanish_ Fryers to oppose the Criolians and Natives who strived
to get a head as they had done in _Mexico_ and _Guaxaca_. Here we
understood that the Provinciall was not above one daies journey from
thence. Here also we met with our friend _Peter Borallo_, who had come
before us alone, and made his escape from _Mexico_: he comforted us
much with the good and kind usage which he had found there; yet he told
us how _Calvo_ was gone with the rest of his traine from _Mexico_ to
_Acapulco_, & from thence was shipped with them to _Philippinas_; but
that at his departure he had writ a letter of bitter complaints unto
the Superiour of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_ against him and us four,
desiring the Provinciall not to entertaine us, but to send us backe to
_Mexico_, to be shipped from thence the next yeer unto _Philippinas_;
which letter was not regarded; but much slighted by the Provinciall.
After we had been a week feasted in _Chiapa_, we thought it now fit
to present our selves to the Provinciall (whose name was Fryer _Peter
Alvarez_) that from him we might receive judgement, and know whether
we should stay in that Province, or be forced to return to _Spaine_,
for in no other part of _America_ we could be entertained. We found
the Provinciall in a little Towne called _St. Christopher_, between
_Chiapa_ of the _Indians_ and the Roiall _Chiapa_, recreating himselfe
in the shady walkes, which are many sweet and pleasant in that small
Towne; where also there is store of fish, and great abundance of rare,
and exquisite fruits. He entertained us very lovingly with faire
and comfortable words, with a stately dinner and supper, and before
we went to bed, to shew his humility hee did unto us what Christ to
his Disciples, hee washed our feet. The first day he said little or
nothing unto us concerning our continuing in that Country; but the next
day he discovered unto us his full resolutions, with many wile and
cunning sophismes. For first he read unto us the letter which _Calvo_
had writ unto him against us, glossing upon it how ill we had done in
forsaking our first love and calling to _Philippinas_, and the danger
many _Indian_ soules might bee in by reason of our not going thither
to convert and instruct them, whose gifts and abilities he supposed
might have been more profitable and comfortable to those souls, then
those who in our stead and absence should be sent amongst them. And
secondly hee told us how wee had frustrated the King of _Spaines_ good
hopes of us who had allowed us means and maintenance from _Spain_ to
_Mexico_, hoping that by us many soules of _Indians_ in _Philippinas_
might bee saved. Thirdly, hee told us that hee looked upon us as
his prisoners, in whose power it was to imprison us, and to send us
Prisoners to _Mexico_ to the Viceroy, to bee shipped from thence to
_Manila_, according to _Calvo_ his demand. But for the present hee
would not let us know what hee meant to doe with us; Onely hee bad us
not to bee discouraged, but to be merry and recreate our selves, and
that after dinner wee should know more from him, when he had received
an answer to a Letter which hee had writ unto the City of _Chiapa_
concerning the disposall of our persons. These reasonings of the grave
and old Provinciall did not a little sad our hearts; for the losse of
soules, and King of _Spain_ his intentions and charity charged upon us,
and imprisonment spoke of by the by, were words which seemed of a very
high straine, and so could hardly bee digested by us; this mornings
breakfast had quite taken away from us our stomack to our dinner. And
thus wee departed from the presence of the venerable Fryer _Peter
Alvarez_, and betooke our selves to a shady walke under Orange trees
belonging to the house where this Superiour was. In this shade wee
conferred with our selves upon the words of _Alvarez_, and finding them
of so high a nature, as involving soules, a King, and imprisonment, we
thought verily wee should bee sent back to _Mexico_, and from thence
like fugitive slaves bee forced to _Philippinas_. Here my hopes of ever
more seeing _England_ were lost; _Antonio Melendez_ his heart panted,
wished himself again upon the highest top of _Maquilapa_; another
wished himselfe with old _Calvo_ at Sea sailing to _Manila_, though it
were but to help him scrape his rusty Gammons of Bacon.

The motion was made to make an escape from _Alvarez_, as wee had done
from _Calvo_; but to this answer was made, that whither so ever wee
went, not knowing the Country, wee should bee discovered; and that
put case the worst, wee should bee sent to _Mexico_, wee might better
escape in the way, then there where wee were. At last I told the rest,
that I could conceive no hard nor harsh usage from that smiling and
loving countenance of the Provinciall, nor after that his low and
humble act of washing our feet the night before; and that I thought
verily hee wished us well for having come so far to offer our selves
for fellow-labourers in that harvest of souls belonging to his charge,
and whom wee knew wanted such as we were newly come from _Spain_ to
oppose the Criolians or Natives faction in that Province; alleadging
furthermore the example of our friend and companion _Peter Borallo_,
whom hee had already incorporated into that province, and could doe
no lesse with us without partiality and acceptation of persons. And
lastly, my opinion was, that in case wee ought not to be entertained
there, yet the Provinciall would not send us back to _Mexico_, there
to be disgraced and affronted, but would give way unto us to returne
to _Spain_, or whither else wee would, with some relief and mony
in our purses. Whilst wee were thus troubled, and in this sad and
serious discourse, old _Alvarez_ it seemes had been eying of us from
his window, and as _Joseph_ could not long suppresse and keep in the
expressions of a loving and tender heart unto his brethren; so this
good Superior perceiving that we were troubled with what he had said
unto us, sent his companion unto us to comfort us; which wee easily
perceived by his discourse when hee came unto us. For as soone as hee
came hee asked us why wee were so sad and melancholy? hee told us, the
Provinciall also had observed that wee were troubled. But, said hee,
bee of good cheare; bee confident that the Provinciall wisheth you very
well, and needeth such as you are, and having come into his Dominion
to thrust your selves upon his mercy, by harsh and unkind usage hee
will not doe what Martiall Law forbids a hard hearted Souldier to doe
unto his enemy upon such termes. Many such comfortable words did he
speak unto us; and told us further that the Provinciall had been much
censured by the Criolian party for entertaining of _Peter Borallo_; and
that now they would stir worse seeing four more come to weaken their
faction; and therefore hee desired to bee well advised concerning us,
and to carry our businesse with such discretion, as might give little
offence to those who were apt to judge and censure the best of all
his actions. And finally hee did assure us, that wee should never bee
sent back as prisoners to _Mexico_ by the Provinciall, who in case hee
could not entertaine us in _Chiapa_, or _Guatemala_, would further us
with all his favour, and friends, and money in our purses to return
againe to _Spain_. These reasons were heart fainting Cordials unto us,
and stomack preparatives to a good dinner, to which by the sound of
a bell wee were invited. When wee came in, the loving, smiling, and
fatherly countenance of the good Provinciall did chear us more then
all the cheare that waited for us upon the table in severall dishes,
all which were seasoned to our palates with the sauce of the comfort,
which the Provincials messenger had brought unto us in the shady Orange
walke in the garden. The great provision of fish and flesh, with fruits
and sweet meats were yet to us a strong argument that wee were very
welcome; for what wee fed on that day, might well become a Noble mans
Table; besides in many passages of our discourse wee perceived that
good old _Alvarez_ his heart was overjoyed with our comming to him.
Dinner being ended the Provinciall desired to play a game at Tables
with us round about, saying hee would not win our money, because hee
judged us poore after so long a journey. But thus hee setled the game
and sport; that if he did win, we should say for him five _Pater
Nosters_, and five _Ave Maries_; but if wee wun, wee should win our
admittance, and Incorporation into that Province. This sport pleased
us well, for our winnings wee judged would be to us more profitable
at that time, then to winne pounds, and our loosings we valued not;
besides wee were confident all went well with us, when from the favour
of the Dice, wee might challenge that favour which with many weary
journeys wee had come to seek above foure hundred miles. The sport
began, and wee young blades taking one by one our turnes were too
hard for the old man, who (as wee perceived) would willingly bee the
loser, that his very losses might speak unto us what through policy and
discretion hee would not utter with words. Yet wee boldly challenged
our winnings, which as soone as wee had ended our game were now surely
confirmed unto us by the returne of an _Indian_ messenger, who that
morning had been sent to the City of _Chiapa_ for advice and counsell
from the Prior and the chiefe of the Cloister concerning our disposal,
and now was returned with an answer from the Prior, who in his letter
expressed great joy unto the Provinciall for our comming, and so from
the rest of the Seniors of the Cloister, and did earnestly begge of
the Superiour, that hee would send us to him to bee his guests, for
that our case had beene his owne some ten yeers before, for hee had
also at _Mexico_ forsaken his company to _Philippinas_, and fled to
_Guatemala_, where for his learning and good parts hee had been as a
stranger much envied by the Criolian faction; but now hee hoped hee
should have some to side with him against such as spighted and maligned
him. Old _Alvarez_ was much taken with his letter, and told us hee
must pay what hee had lost, and that the next day he would send us to
_Chiapa_, there to abide untill hee tooke further care of us, to send
us to other parts of the Country, to learne the _Indian_ languages,
that wee might preach unto them. This discourse being ended wee betooke
our selves again to the Garden which smelled more of comfort then
before dinner, and to our shady walks which now offered us a safer
protection then they had done in the forenoone, countenancing that
protection which we had gained from the Provinciall.

Here we began to praise God, who had looked upon us in our low estate,
not forgetting the wise and politick Provinciall, who though hee had
lost his games for our comfort, wee would not hee should lose our
prayers, which there wee offered up to God for his health and safety.
And so till supper time wee continued our discourse in the Garden
fuller of mirth and pleasant jests, then wee had done before dinner,
snatching now and then at the Oranges and Lemmons, which were there
both sowre and sweet, eating of some, and casting some one at another,
but especially at him who had wished himselfe with _Calvo_ dressing
his rusty Bacon, whom we strived to beat out of the garden by force of
Orange and Lemmon bullets; which sport we continued the more willingly,
because wee perceived the good Provinciall stood behind a Lattice in
a Balcony beholding us, and rejoycing to see our hearts so light and
merry. Wee had no sooner beat _Calvo_ his friend out of the garden,
when the bell to supper sounded a retreat to us all, and called us
again to meet our best friend _Alvarez_, who had furnished us a Table
againe like that at noone. After supper hee told us that the next
morning hee would send us to _Chiapa_, for that the Prior had writ unto
him he would meet us in the way with a Breakfast at a Towne called St.
_Philip_; wherewith wee conceited very highly of our selves to see
that Provincialls and Priors were so forward to feast us. Yet before
we went to bed, the Provinciall would try again a game at Tables with
every one of us, to see if now hee could beat us that had been too
hard for him at noon. The matter of our game was now altered, and what
we played for was this; if the Provinciall wun, wee were to bee his
Prisoners, (which mystery wee understood not till the next day, for the
old man was crafty and Politick, and knew hee could winne of us when
he listed, for hee was an excellent gamester at Tables) but if wee wun
of him, hee was to give us a box of _Chocolatte_, which was a drinke
wee liked very well. The Game went on, and wee every one of us one by
one were losers, yet understood not how wee should bee his Prisoners,
but slighted our losses. Yet for all this the merry Provinciall told
us, hee was sory wee had lost, and wished wee might never bee prisoners
to a worse enemie then hee; and that wee should perceive it, hee would
comfort us each one as a Prisoner with a box of _Chocolatte_, to drinke
for his sake, and to comfort our hearts, when most wee should find them
discomforted for our losses. Wee understood not his meaning till the
next day at noone, but thought it was a jest and a word of sport and
mirth, like many such like which in his discourse had come from him.

With this wee tooke our leaves, and went to bed with light and merry
hearts. In the morning two Mules of the Provinciall and two of his
Companion were sadled for us, and at least a dozen _Indians_ on horse
back waited for us to conduct us up a steepy hill and through woods to
the Towne of St. _Philip_. After our breakfast the good Provinciall
imbraced us, and bad us farewell, desiring us to pray for him; and not
to bee discouraged by any thing that might befall us, assuring us hee
wished us very well, and would doe what lay in his power for our good;
yet so, that hee must use policy and discretion to stop the mouths of
the Criolians, whom hee knew hated both him and us. Thus we departed
with Waits and Trumpets sounding before us, which rebounded an Echo
all the way up the hill from us to old _Alvarez_ whom we had left in a
low bottome compassed about with hils on every side. Wee had no sooner
ascended up to the top of the Mountaine, when we discovered a little
Valley, and in it the City of _Chiapa_ of the _Spaniards_; with two or
three small Villages, of which one was St. _Philip_ at the bottom of
the Mountaine, which we were to descend. The Trumpets which still went
sounding before us were a sufficient and loud Alarme to St. _Philips_
Inhabitants of our coming, and a warning for the speedier hastening of
our second breakfast, for the which the cold morning aire (which wee
found somewhat piercing upon the Mountaine) had whetted and through
prepared our stomacks. We had not got down the Mountaine halfe a mile,
when wee met with a matter of twenty gallant _Indians_ on horse-back
with their trumpeters sounding before them, and behind them came upon
a stately Mule the Prior of _Chiapa_, (whose name was Father _John
Baptist_) a merry fat Fryer, who calling us his brethren fugitives
from _Philippinas_, told us wee were welcome to that country, and to
him especially, and that in the next St. _Philip_ he would shew us
better sport, then any _St. Philip_ in all the _Philippinas_ Islands
could have shewed us, if wee had gone thither. Thus with a pleasant
discourse, and many merry conceits from the good Prior wee soone came
downe the hill, where the whole Village of St. _Philip_ waited for us
both men and women, some presenting unto us nosegaies, others hurling
Roses and other flowers in our faces, others dancing before us all
along the street, which was strowed with herbes and Orange leaves, and
adorned with many Arches made with flowers and hung with garlands for
us to ride under untill wee came to the Church, where for halfe an
houre wee were welcomed with the best musick from the City of _Chiapa_,
which the Prior had hired to come with him to entertaine us. Our Musick
being ended, fat Father _John Baptist_ stood up and made a short speech
unto the _Indians_, giving them thankes for their kind and pompous
entertainment of us his speciall friends, and that their soules might
gaine by it, hee granted unto them a plenary indulgence of all their
sinnes past to bee gained by as many of them as should visit that
Church the next Lords Day either before or afternoon. And thus from the
Altar wee went unto our breakfasting Table, which was furnished with
many well seasoned dishes of salt and well peppered and spiced meats,
all fit to make us relish better a cup of _Spanish Pier Ximeny_ which
the Prior had provided for us. After our salt meats, came such rare and
exquisite sorts of sweet meats made by _John Baptist_ his best devoted
Nuns of _Chiapa_, that the like wee had not seen from St. _John de
Ulhua_ to that place. These were to prepare our stomacks for a Cup of
_Chocolatte_, with the which we ended our breakfast. But whilst all
this was gallantly performed by the Prior, it was a hard Riddle unto
us, what hee often repeated unto us saying, Brethren break your fast
well, for your dinner will be the meanest as ever yee did eate in your
lives, and now enjoy this sweet liberty which will not last long unto
you. Wee observed the words, but knew not what to make of them, till
wee came unto the Cloister. After our breakfast the _Indians_ shewed
us a little sport in the Market place, running races on horse-back,
and playing at _Juego de Canna's_; which is to meet on horseback, with
broad Targets to defend their heads and shoulders while passing by they
hurle Canes, or darts one at another, which those _Indians_ acted with
great dexterity.

Thus the good Prior of _Chiapa_ feasted us, and permitted us to injoy
our liberty as long as it seemes it had beene agreed upon by letters
between him and the Provinciall, which was till it might be dinner time
in the Cloister of _Chiapa_, where wee were to bee before noone. The
time drew neere, and we had from St. _Philip_ to the City of _Chiapa_
some two _English_ miles to ride; Wherefore the Prior commanded our
Mules to bee brought; the waits and trumpets gave warning to the Town
of our departure; and so with many horsemen, with dances, Musick and
ringing of Bells wee were as stately and joyfully conducted out of
the Town, as wee had been inducted into it. At the first halfe miles
end the Prior gave thankes unto the _Indians_, and desired them to
return, the Cloister being neer where wee expected another kinde of
entertainment, not using in the City and Cloister that pompe and state,
which in the Country might bee allowed. The _Indians_ tooke their
leaves of us; and on we went with onely two as guides before us. Within
halfe a mile of the City, the Prior and a companion of his stopped,
and tooke out of his pocket an order from the Provinciall, which he
read unto us, to this effect, That whereas we had forsaken our lawfull
Superior _Calvo_ in the way to _Philippinas_, and without his licence
had come unto the Province of _Chiapa_, hee could not in conscience
but inflict some punishment upon us before he did enable us to abide
there as members under him; therefore hee did strictly command the
Prior of _Chiapa_, that as soone as wee should enter into his Cloister,
hee should shut us up two by two in our chambers, as in prisons, for
three daies, not suffering us to goe out to any place, save onely to
the publick place of refection (called Refectory) where all the Fryers
met together to dine and sup, where at noon time we were to present
our selves before all the Cloister sitting upon the bare ground, and
there to receive no other dinner, but only bread and water; but at
supper we might have in our chambers, or Prisons, what the Prior would
be pleased to allow us. This was the Penance enjoined upon us by the
wise and cunning Provinciall. This newes at the first was but sowre
sawce, or a dry Postpast after a double sumptuous breakfast; it was
a dolefull ditty to us after our Musick, and dances, to heare of a
treble fast after our feast; to heare of imprisonment after so great
liberty. We now began to remember the Provincialls winnings at Tables
the night before, and the mystery thereof, and began to thinke how
comfortable his boxes of _Chocolatte_ would be unto us after a meale
of bread and water. Now wee called to minde the short dinner the Prior
had told us at St. _Philips_ wee were like to have that day, and of
the liberty hee bad us then make much of. But the good Prior seeing
us sad upon a suddaine, and our countenances changed, smiled upon us,
wishing us not to thinke the worse of him, nor of the Provinciall, who
did that out of Policy, and to stop the Criolians mouths, whom he knew
would murmur, if no punishment were inflicted upon us. Hee assured
us, after our imprisonment, of honours and preferments, and that as
long as wee were with him, wee should want no incouragement; and that
after a bread and water dinner hee could send us to our chambers a
Supper, that should strongly support our empty stomacks, and furre
and line them well for the next foure and twenty houres. With these
incouragements on wee went to the Cloister of _Chiapa_, where wee were
welcomed by most of the Fryers, but in some few wee noted a frowning
and disaffected countenance. We were no sooner conducted to our
chambers, when the bell sounded to dinner for the rest, and cryed aloud
to us Penance with bread and water. Downe wee went to the common dining
place, and thanks being given, the Fryers sitting round the tables, wee
foure _Philippinian Jonahs_ (so some Criolians were pleased to term
us) betook our selves to the middle of the Refectory, where without
cushions, stooles, seats or forms, wee sate upon the bare ground crosse
legged like Tailors, acting humility now for our disobedience unto
slovenly _Calvo_. While the first dish was presented round the tables,
to each of us was presented a loafe of reasonable bignesse, and a pot
of pure Crystall water, whereof wee fed and dranke most heartily though
with full stomacks from a double breakfast before. Yet even here in
this publick Act of shame and disgrace (which wee knew was usuall among
Fryers for lesse faults then ours) we had this comfort, that we had a
Prior and Provinciall for friends, and that that punishment came from a
friendly hand, whose Chocolatte wee had to comfort our fasting bodies;
and secondly, wee knew that wee should have that night in our prison
chambers a better supper than any of those before us, who fed upon
their three or foure dishes. But thirdly, it was our comfort that at
that very time a Criolian Frier also sate upon the ground with us (of
whose company we had been informed by some friends before wee went into
the refectory) for some love letters which had been intercepted between
him and a Nun of that City, tending to much uncivility, and breaking
their oath of professed chastity. But when I perceived this Frier to
looke discontentedly upon us, I chose my place as neer unto him as I
could, and hearing him mutter within himselfe against us, calling us
disobedient _Philippinian Jonahs_, I softly and friendly spoke unto him
with these two following Hexameters, which suddenly came unto my mind
about his misdemeanor.

  _Si Monialis Amor te turpia scribere fecit,
  Ecce tibi frigidæ præhent medicamina lymphæ._

But my good neighbour snuffing and puffing at my suddain muse, seemed
to be more discontented then before, and would faine withdraw himselfe
by degrees from mee, not rising up (for that was not lawfull to doe
till dinner had been ended) but wrigling his elbowes and shoulders
scornefully from me, whom in like manner I followed, cleaving friendly
to him with this verse,

  _Solamen misera est socios retinere Panettes,_

Hee thought I followed him to steale away his loafe from him. This new
found word, _Panettes_, had almost choaked him, had not hee made use of
the medicinall water which stood before him; of the which he dranke a
good draught, whereby I perceived his courage against me and my friends
was tamed, and I told him, I hoped his burning wanton love was cooled.

Thus with my Criolian neighbours company my bread and water went down
cheerfully; and dinner being ended, we were again conducted to our
chambers, where we dranke a cup of old _Alvarez_ his _Chocolatte_. The
_Castilian_ Friers flocked unto our prisons, some to talke with us,
some bringing us conserves and sweet-meats, others other dainties,
which they had prepared to helpe our digestion of bread and cold water.
My suddain verses to my Criolian neighbour were presently noysed about
the Cloister, and were the chiefe subject of our talke that afternoone.
Our supper was provided for us according to the promise and generous
spirit of the Prior, who also honoured our prison that night with his
owne and two other Friers company supping with us all in one chamber
together. And thus we passed our three daies of imprisonment merrily
and contentedly, wishing we might never suffer harder usage in any
prison then we had done in this, which was not to us such a punishment
as did bring with it the privation of any liberty of enjoying the
company of friends, of feasting with them, but onely the privation of
the liberty of our legs to walke about those three daies; and this
rather an ease then a punishment, for that we wanted rather rest, then
much stirring after so long and tedious a journey as we had compassed
from _Mexico_ thither. We were no sooner set at liberty, but we
presently found the Provinciall and Prior ready to dispose of us so,
that in lieu of our imprisonment we might receive honor and credit.
Two were sent into the Country to learne some _Indian_ language, that
so they might be beneficed and preach unto the _Indians_. My selfe and
another desired to goe farther to _Guatemala_, that there we might
practise Philosophy and Divinity in the famous Universitie of that
City. Nothing that we desired was denied unto us, onely the time was
thought not fit untill _Michaelmas_, because then the schooles were
renewed, and new Orders setled. In the meane time the Provinciall
having also heard of my verses _ex tempore_ to the Criolian Frier, and
knowing that the _Latin_ tongue is better grounded in _England_ then
among the _Spaniards_ (who abuse poore _Priscian_ and daily breake his
pate with foolish soloecismes) and considering the want hee had of a
Master of the _Latine_ tongue to supply a Lecture of Grammar and Syntax
to the youthes of _Chiapa_ in a schoole in that Cloister, which brought
a sufficient yeerly stipend unto the Covent, desired me to accept
of that place untill such time as he should take care to send me to
_Guatemala_, promising me all incouragements in the meane time fitting,
and that I should when I would go about to see the Country (which I
much desired) and also that out of the schoole annuity I should have my
allowance for bookes, and other necessaries. I could not but accept of
this good offer; and so with this imployment I remained in that City
from _Aprill_ to the end of _September_, where I was much esteemed of
by the Bishop and Governour, but especially by the Prior, who would
never ride about the Country for his recreation, but he would take
me with him, whereby I had occasion to note concerning the Province,
riches, commodities, and government of _Chiapa_, what in the ensuing
Chapter I shall faithfully commend unto the Presse.




CHAP. XV.

_Describing the Countrey of_ Chiapa, _with the chiefest Townes and
Commodities belonging unto it._


Though _Chiapa_ in the opinion of the _Spaniards_ be held to be one of
the poorest Countries of _America_; because in it as yet there have
been no mines discovered, nor golden sands found in the rivers, nor
any haven upon the South-sea, whereby commodities are brought in and
carried out, as to _Mexico, Guaxaca_ and _Guatemala_; yet I may say it
exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns,
and yeeldeth to none except it be to _Guatemala_; nay it surpasseth
all the rest of _America_ in that one, and famous and most populous
Towne of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_. And it ought not to be so much
slighted by the _Spaniards_ as it is, if they would looke upon it as
standing between _Mexico_ and _Guatemala_, whose strength might be all
_Americaes_ strength, and whose weakenesse may prove dangerous to all
that flourishing Empire, for the easy entrance into it by the river
of _Tabasco_, or for its neer joyning and bordering unto _Jucatan_.
Besides, the commodities in it are such as doe uphold a constant
trading and commerce amongst the inhabitants themselves, and with other
neighbouring Countries, and from no one part of _America_ doth _Spaine_
get more _Cochinil_ then from one of the Provinces of _Chiapa_; the
Townes also being great and populous, by their yeerly pole tribute do
adde much to the King of _Spaines_ revenues.

This Country is divided into three Provinces, to wit, _Chiapa,
Zeldales_, and _Zoques_; whereof _Chiapa_ it selfe is the poorest.
This containes the great Towne of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and all
the Townes and farmes North-ward towards _Maquilapa_, and West-ward
the Priory of _Comitlan_, which hath some ten Townes, and many farmes
of Cattle, Horses, and Mules subject unto it; and neighbouring unto
it lieth the great valley of _Capanabastla_, which is another Priory
reaching towards _Soconuzco_. This valley glorieth in the great river,
which hath its spring from the mountaines called _Cuchumatlanes_, and
runneth to _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and from thence to _Tabasco_. It
is also famous for the abundance of fish, which the river yeeldeth,
and the great store of Cattell which from thence minister food and
provision both to the City of _Chiapa_, and to all the adjacent
Townes. Though _Chiapa_ the City, and _Comitlan_ as standing upon the
hils, bee exceeding cold, yet this valley lying low is extraordinary
hot, and from _May_ to _Michaelmas_ is subject to great stormes and
tempests of thunder and lightning. The head Towne where the Priory
stands, is called _Capanabastla_, consisting of above eight hundred
_Indian_ inhabitants. But greater than this is _Izquintenango_ at the
end of the valley and at the foot of the mountaines of _Cuchumatlanes_
Southward. And yet bigger then this is the Towne of _St. Bartholomew_
Northward at the other end of the valley, which in length is about
fourty miles, and ten or twelve onely in breadth. All the rest of the
Townes lie towards _Soconuzco_, and are yet hotter and more subject
to thunder and lightning, as drawing neerer unto the South-sea coast.
Besides the abundance of cattell, the chiefe commoditie of this valley
consisteth in Cotton-wooll, whereof are made such store of mantles for
the _Indians_ wearing, that the Merchants far and neer come for them.
They exchange them to _Soconuzco_ and _Suchutepeques_ for _Cacao_,
whereby they are well stored of that drinke. So that the inhabitants
want neither fish (which they have from the river) nor flesh (for
that the valley abounds with Cattell) nor clothing (for of that they
spare to others) nor bread, though not of wheat, for there growes
none; but _Indian_ Maiz they have plenty of; and besides they are
exceedingly stored with fowles and Turkeys, fruits, Hony, Tobacco and
Sugar-canes. Neither is mony here nor in _Chiapa_ so plentifull as in
_Mexico_ and _Guaxaca_; and whereas there they reckon by Patacones,
or pieces of Eight; here they reckon by Tostones which are but halfe
Patacones. Though the river be many waies profitable to that valley,
yet it is cause of many disasters to the inhabitants, who lose many
times their children, and their Calves and Colts drawing neere to
the water-side, where they are devoured by Caymanes, which are many
and greedy of flesh, by reason of the many prizes they have got. The
City of _Chiapa Real_, is one of the meanest Cities in all _America_,
consisting of not above four hundred housholders _Spaniards_, and
about an hundred houses of _Indians_ joyning to the City, and called
_el barrio de los Indios_, who have a Chappell by themselves. In this
City there is no Parish Church, but onely the Cathedrall, which is
mother to all the inhabitants. Besides, there are two Cloisters, one
of Dominicans, and the other of Franciscans, and a poore Cloister of
Nuns, which are burdensome enough to that City. But the Jesuites having
got no footing there (who commonly live in the richest and wealthiest
places and Cities) is a sufficient argument of either the poverty of
that City, or of want of gallant parts, and prodigality in the gentry,
from whose free and generous spirits they like Horse-leeches are still
sucking extraordinary and great almes for the Colledges where they
live; but here the Merchants are close handed, and the Gentlemen hard,
and sparing, wanting of wit and Courtiers parts and bravery, and so
poore _Chiapa_ is held no fit place for Jesuites. The Merchants chiefe
trading there is in _Cacao_, Cotton-wool from the adjacent parts of the
Country, in Pedlers small wares, and in some Sugar from about _Chiapa_
of the _Indians_, in a little _Cochinil_; for commonly the Governour
(whose chiefe gaine consisteth in this) will not suffer them to be
too free in this commoditie, lest they hinder his greedy traffique.
These have their shops all together in a little Market-place before
the Cathedrall Church, built with walkes and Porches, under which the
poore _Indian_ wives meet at five a clock at evening to sell what
slap and drugges they can prepare most cheape for the empty Criolian
stomackes. The richer sort of these Merchants go and send yet further
to _Tabasco_ for wares from _Spaine_, such as wines, Linnen cloth,
Figs, Raisins, Olives, and Iron, though in these commodities they
dare not venture too much, by reason the _Spaniards_ in that Country
are not very many, and those that are there, are such as are loath to
open their purses to more then what may suffice nature. So that what
are _Spanish_ commodities are chiefly brought for the Friers who are
the best and joviallest blades of that Countrey. The Gentlemen of
_Chiapa_ are a by-word all about that Country, signifying great Dons
(_dones_, gifts or abilities I should say) great birth, phantasticke
pride, joyned with simplicity, ignorance, misery and penury. These
Gentlemen will say they descend from some Dukes house in _Spain_, and
immediately from the first Conquerors; yet in carriage they are but
clownes, in wit, abilities, parts and discourse as shallow brained,
as a low brooke, whose waters are scarce able to leap over a pibble
stone; any small reason soone tries and tires their weak braine, which
is easily at a stand when sense is propounded, and slides on speedily
when non-sense carrieth the streame. The chiefe families in this City,
are named, _Cortez, Solis, Velasco, Toledo, Zerna_, and _Mendoza_. One
of these, who was thought the chiefe in my time, called _Don Melchor de
Velasco_, one day fell into discourse with mee concerning _England_,
and our _English_ nation, and in the best, most serious and judicious
part of his Don-like conference, asked me whether the sun and moone in
_England_ were of the same colour as in _Chiapa_, and whether _English_
men went barefoot like the _Indians_, and sacrificed one another as
formerly did the Heathens of this Countrey? and whether all _England_
could afford such a dainty as a dish of Frixoles (which is the poorest
_Indians_ daily food there, being black and dry Turkey or French beanes
boyled with a little biting Chille or _Indian_ pepper with garlicke,
till the broath become as black as any Inke)? And whether the women
in _England_ went as long with child, as did the _Spanish_ women? And
lastly, whether the _Spanish_ nation were not a farre gallanter nation
then the _English_? When I perceived my Don ran farther and farther
into his simple and foolish questions, I cut him off suddenly, telling
him, Sir, It is long since I came out of _England_, if you give me
leave to recollect my memory, I will answer some of these your hard
questions the next time we meet (thinking hereby to try my Dons wit
further, whether he could perceive I jeared him.) To which my simple
Don replyed, I pray Sir doe, and whensoever you come, you shall be
welcome to a dish of Frixoles. With this I tooke my leave of him, and
at our farewell, he againe desired mee to study well his questions,
and to return him a speedy answer, whereby I was more confirmed in
my conceit of my _Don_, that he was either _tonto_ or _bobo_, foole
or simple. Yet thought I my best way to answer is to answer a fool
according to his folly, and so resolved within two or three daies to
return unto him some simple answer according to his simple and foolish
questions. Therefore speedily I singled out a good occasion of meeting
with him at his own house, who welcomed me with much _Spanish_ gravity,
and sitting down before _Donna Angela_, his painted wife and Angel;
began to answer, or more to jeer his _Donship_. I began with the Sun
and Moon, telling him that they were planets, & had their speciall
influences upon severall nations, as all planets have upon mans body.
And so they did shew themselves according to the inclination of the
people of severall Kingdomes. And therefore as the _Spaniards_ were
much inclined to _Venus_ and to beauty, and not contenting themselves
with the naturall beauty of their faire Ladies, would yet have Art
add to nature by the skill and use of the best painting colours; so
these glorious planets of the Sun and Moon among the _Spaniards_, and
especially in _Chiapa_, shewed themselves most comely, bright, glorious
and beautifull, working the like inclination to beauty upon, and in
all _Spaniards_. My instance was in the land of the Blackmores, where
I told them that their bodies were black, and that among them the
Sun appeared with a dark and sad visage. Here my _Don_ cried out; An
excellent example. I gave him yet a second instance from the Eclipse
of the Sun; which being eclipsed, made all the Earth, mens faces and
bodies seeme of a darke, or yellow colour, to shew the proportion or
sympathy of sublunary bodies to that high and overmastering planet.
To this that good _Don_ replyed; _sennor no se puede decir mas_, sir,
nothing can be answered or said more or better. _Vengamos agora a
Ingalatierra_, Let us draw now to _England_. To which I answered him,
that in _England_ the Sun and Moon appeared halfe yeer of one colour,
and half of another; for the women one half yeer it appeared as in
_Spain_ and _Chiapa_, beautifull and glorious, for that naturally
without painting they yeelded to none in beauty. But the other half
yeer it appeared as red as blood, or scarlet; and the reason might
easily bee guessed at, for that no Nation is more warlik and high
spirited then the _English_, whose very clothes were fiery, wearing
more scarlet then any nation in the World; as hee might perceive by
their coming so much with their ships to the _Indian_ Coasts to fight
with the _Spaniards_; and that as they delighted to goe in red, and
to bee like the Sun, so naturally they were brought to those Seas to
single out such ships as from _America_ carried the rich Commodity
of _Cochinill_, whereof they make more use then _Spain_ it selfe to
die their cloaths and Coats withall. Here my _Don_ jogged his head,
and replyed; Sir, I thought no nation had been so like the Sun as the
_Spaniards_; for I have read that when our Ancestors came to conquer
these parts, the _Indians_ called them, _hijos del Sol_, that is, sons
of the Sun, being comely and gallant, and more like the Sun then any
other people. To this I answered him. Sir, no doubt but you are like
the Sun here, and none more glittering and bright, your very hatbands
shining with Pearls and Diamonds like the brightnesse of the Sun; But
as I said before the Blackmores are like their Sun, so I say, the
_English_ is like their Sun, which is red, and so doe and will affect
to wear Scarlet, as long as any _Cochinill_ is to be found in the
_India's_.

Now _Don Melchor_ began to understand mee, and told mee, never man
had satisfied him with better reasons then my self. Hee thanked mee
heartily, and told mee, hee thought no Gentleman in _Chiapa_ could
tell so well as himself now why the _English_ ships came so much
upon their Coasts; and that my discourse had satisfied him to the
full. Hee desired mee to goe on to his other questions. To his second
demanding whether the _English_ went barefoot like the _Indians_, I
told him I thought that the Count of _Gondomar_, (who had been many
yeers Ambassadour from _Spain_ in _England_) had satisfied all the
_Spaniards_ that doubt, who coming from _England_ to _Madrid_, and
being there asked by some Courtiers, whether _London_ was as big as
_Madrid_, and as well peopled; he made answer, that hee thought there
was scarce a hundred left in _London_. Hee proved it from the use and
custome of his own Countrymen of _Spain_; who when they are to make a
journey, shew themselves two or three daies before in colours, walking
with boots and spurs, that their friends may take notice that they are
departing out of the Towne or City. So said the Count of _Gondomar_,
I think by this there are very few People in _London_; for when I
came from thence I left them all almost in cloaths of colours, booted
and spurred as ready to depart and take some journey. And truely my
_Don_ (quoth I) your owne Count hath answered for mee; yet I say, the
_English_ are so farre from going barefoot, that they goe booted, and
are all in a readinesse to move out of _England_ for any noble and
generous designe; but above all they are still ready for _America_,
where they know is store and abundance of Hydes to make them Bootes to
cover the barenesse of their legges, that they may not be suspected
to be like bare-footed _Indians_. Here _Don Melchor_ replyed, I pray
sir, when they come by Sea to these parts doe they come also booted
and spurred? For I should thinke, when they fight, their Spurs should
hinder them. To this his doubt I answered first, as concerning spurres
in the ships, with the example of one of his own Nation, and of the
best Divines in _Spain_, living in my time in _Valladolid_, called
_Maestro Nunno_, (Reader of Divinity in the Colledge of St. _Gregorie_,
but in his carriage and experience in the World a simple noddy) who
being invited by a Noble man to goe with him in his Coach out of the
City a mile or two to a garden of recreation, went hastily about the
Colledge to borrow boots and spurs; and when he had put them on, being
asked whither he went, and why he put on boots and spurs, answered
that he was to goe in a Coach out of the City, and that hee thought
the Coach and Mules would want spurs to goe and come the sooner. Even
so my _Don_ (quoth I) the _English_ men come booted and spurred in
their ships, to make their ships sail on the swifter. And this is the
reason why the _English_ ships saile faster, and when they are in fight
turn about quicker then a _Spanish_ Galeon, because they are spurred
& kicked within. O Sir, I humbly thank you (said _Don Melchor_) for
that by your discourse now I know the truth of what indeed I have often
heard say, that the _English_ ships are nimbler, and quicker at Sea
then our heavy Galeons. Now as for fighting the _English_ mens spurs
(said I) are no hinderance to them, but rather a great advantage.
For they fight with weapons, with their hands and with their feet,
wherein they exceed the _Spaniards_; for when they have shot with
their peeces, or cut down with their swords any enemy, or knocked
him with their holbards, then with their feet and spurres, they fall
upon him, and so soone rid him out of the way, that hee may no more
rise up against them. All you have told mee (said the wise _Velazco_)
stands with so much reason, that my judgment is convinced by you. As
for eating and sacrificing one another like the _Indians_ (I told him)
that the _English_ filled their bellies so well with fat Beef and
Mutton, fowles, Rabbits, Partridges and Pheasants, that they had no
stomacke at all to mans flesh. And that truly for frixoles dressed with
garlick, that onely daintie dish was wanting in _England_; and that
for Garlick, three reasons moved the _English_ not to bee lavishing of
that little they had; first, for feare they should want it for their
horses drenches; secondly, for that they felt not themselves so much
troubled with the wind, nor puffed up with windy and vaine conceits
as other nations did; but thirdly and chiefly they refrained from it
among themselves, that they might not smell of it, and that by the
sent and smell of it a farre off at Sea they might when they came to
the Coast of _America_, smell out a _Spanish_ ship, and know it from
a _Hollander_. Here my _Don Melchor_ fell into admiration, assuring
mee, hee had never heard more solid reasons from any man. Alas poore
Criolian of _Chiapa_ (thought I) if I had spoken sense, thy shallow
braine had not beene able to have leaped over it, but after non-sense
thou art easily carried away. As for his last question, I told him that
was above my reach, for that poore Fryers ought not to meddle with
women, neither had my mother ever told mee how long shee went with mee.
But how ever if _Donna Angela_ would tell mee how long shee went with
her children, I would by the constellations of the Heavens search out
against our next meeting, how long the _English_ women went with their
children. To this my _Don Melchor_ answered that he would not trouble
me to study what he thought was not belonging to my profession; but he
knew that if I would study that or any other hard & difficult point, I
could give him more & better satisfaction then any scholar in that City.

And thus (Reader) by this Don _Melchors_ wit and ability would I have
thee judge of the Gentlemen Criolians or natives of _Chiapa_; and
yet as presumptuous they are and arrogant, as if the noblest bloud
in the Court of _Madrid_ ran through their veines. It is a common
thing amongst them to make a dinner only with a dish of Frixoles
in black broath, boyled with pepper and garlicke, saying it is the
most nourishing meat in all the _India's_; and after this so stately
a dinner they will be sure to come out to the street-dore of their
houses to see and to be seen, and there for halfe an houre will they
stand shaking off the crums of bread from their cloaths, bands (but
especially from their ruffes when they used them) and from their
mustachoes. And with their tooth-pickers they will stand picking their
teeth, as if some small Partridge bone stuck in them; nay if a friend
passe by at that time, they will be sure to find out some crum or other
in their mustacho (as if on purpose the crums of the table had been
shaken upon their beards, that the losse of them might be a gaining
of credit for great house keeping) and they will be sure to vent out
some non-truth, as to say, _A Senor que linda perdiz he comido oy,_ O
Sir, what a dainty Partridge have I eat to day, where as they picke out
nothing from their teeth but a black husk of a dry frixole or Turkey
bean. Though great in blood and in birth they say they are, yet in
their imployments they are but rich Grasiers, for most of their wealth
consisteth in farmes of Cattell and Mules. Some indeed have Townes of
_Indians_ subject unto them, whereof they are called Encomendero's, and
receive yeerly from every _Indian_ a certaine Pole tribute of fowles
and mony. They have most cowardly spirits for warre, and though they
will say, they would faine see _Spaine_, yet they dare not venture
their lives at sea; they judge sleeping in a whole skin the best maxime
for their Criolian spirits. One hundred fighting souldiers would easily
lay low those _Chiapa Dons_, and gain the whole City, which lyeth so
open to the fields, that the Mules and Asses come in and grase, the
streets being very commodious to entertain Asses from within, and from
without. Yet in this City liveth commonly a Governour, or Alcalde
Major, and a Bishop. The Governours place is of no small esteem and
interest, for that his power reacheth farre, and he tradeth much in
Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_
at his will and pleasure. But ill gotten goods never thrive, as was
seen in _Don Gabriel de Orellana_ (Governour of this City and Countrey
in my time) who having sent the worth of eight thousand crownes in
Cochinil, Cacao, Sugar, and Hydes by the river of _Tabasco_ towards
the _Havana_ lost it all into the hands of the _Hollanders_, who
doubtlesse knew how to make better use of it, then would have done
that tyrannizing Governour. The Bishops place of that City is worth at
least eight thousand duckats a yeer, which truly he had need of that
comes so far from _Spain_ to live in such a City where are such able
_Dons_, as _Don Melchor de Velasco_, and where Asses are so freely fed
and bred. Most of this Bishops revenues consisteth in great offerings
which he yeerly receiveth from the great _Indian_ Townes, going out
to them once a yeer to confirme their children, whose confirmation is
such a means to confirme and strengthen the Bishops revenues, that none
must be confirmed by him who offer not a faire white Wax-candle, with
a ribban and at least foure Rials. I have seen the richer sort offer
him a Candle of at least six pound weight with two yards of twelve
penny broad ribban, and the Candle stucke from the top to the bottom
with single Rials round about. Nay the poore _Indians_ make it the
chiefe masterpiece of their vanity to offer proudly in such occasions.
_Don Bernardino de Salazar_ was the Bishop of this City in my time,
who desired my company to ride with him his circuit but one moneth,
about the Townes neer to _Chiapa_, and in this time I was appointed by
him to hold the basin wherein the _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ (whilst
he confirmed their children) did cast their offerings, which my selfe
and another Chaplaine did alwaies tell and cast up by good account
before we carried the mony up into his chamber, and I found that at
our returne at the moneths end he had received one thousand and six
hundred duckats of onely offerings, besides the fees due to him for
visiting the severall companies, or sodalities and confraternities
belonging to the Saints or soules in their purgatory (which are
extraordinary rich there) whereof he and all other Bishops in their
district take account yeerly. This Bishop was (as all the rest are
there) somewhat covetous; but otherwise a man of a temperate life and
conversation, very zealous to reforme whatsoever abuses committed in
the Church, which cost him his life before I departed from _Chiapa_ to
_Guatemala_. The women of that City it seems pretend much weakenesse
and squeamishnesse of stomack, which they say is so great, that they
are not able to continue in the Church while a Masse is briefly hudled
over, much lesse while a solemn high Masse (as they call it) is sung,
and a Sermon preached, unlesse they drinke a cup of hot Chocolatte,
and eat a bit of sweet-meats to strengthen their stomackes. For this
purpose it was much used by them to make their maids bring to them to
Church in the middle of Masse or Sermon a cup of Chocolatte, which
could not be done to all, or most of them without a great confusion
and interrupting both Masse and Sermon. The Bishop perceiving this
abuse and having given faire warning for the omitting of it, but all
without amendment, thought fit to fixe in writing upon the Churches
dores an excommunication against all such as should presume at the time
of service to eat or drinke within the Church. This excommunication
was taken by all, but especially by the Gentlewomen much to heart, who
protested if they might not eat or drinke in the Church, they could
not continue in it to heare what otherwise they were bound unto. The
chiefe of them knowing what great friendship there was between the
Bishop and the Prior, and my selfe, came to the Prior and mee desiring
us to use all meanes wee could with the Bishop for the revoking that
his excommunication so heavily laid upon them, and threatning their
soules with damning judgement for the violation of it. The good Prior
and my selfe laboured all we could, alleadging the custome of the
Countrey, the weakenesse of the sex whom it most concerned, and also
the weaknesse of their stomackes, the contempt that might from them
ensue unto his person, and many inconveniences which might follow to
the breeding of an uproar in the church and in the City, whereof we
had some probable conjecture from what already we had heard from some.
But none of these reasons would move the Bishop; to which he answered
that he preferred the honour of God, and of his house before his owne
life. The women seeing him so hard to be intreated, began to stomacke
him the more and to sleight him with scornefull and reproachfull words;
others sleighted his excommunication, drinking in iniquity in the
Church, as the fish doth water, which caused one day such an uproare
in the Cathedrall, that many swords were drawne against the Preists
and Prebends, who attempted to take away from the maids the cups of
Chocolatte, which they brought unto their mistresses; who at last
seeing that neither faire nor foule meanes would prevaile with the
Bishop, resolved to forsake the Cathedrall, where the Bishops own and
his Prebends eies must needs be watching over them; and so from that
time most of the City betooke themselves to the Cloister Churches,
where by the Nuns and Friers they were not troubled nor resisted,
though fairely counselled to obey the command of the Bishop; whose name
now they could not brooke, and to whose Prebends they denied now all
such reliefe and stipend for Masses which formerly they had used to
bestow upon them, conferring them all upon the Fryers who grew rich by
the poor impoverished Cathedrall. This lasted not long, but the Bishop
began to stomacke the Fryers, and to set up another excommunication,
binding all the City to resort unto their owne Cathedrall Church; which
the women would not obey, but kept their houses for a whole month; in
which time the Bishop fell dangerously sick, and desired to retire
himselfe to the Cloister of the Dominicans, for the great confidence
he had in the Prior that he would take care of him in his sickenesse.
Physitians were sent for far and neere, who all with a joynt opinion
agreed that the Bishop was poisoned; and he himself doubted not of
it at his death, praying unto God to forgive those that had been the
cause of it, and to accept of that sacrifice of his life, which he was
willing to offer for the zeale of Gods house and honour. He lay not
above a week in the Cloister, and as soone as he was dead, all his
body, his head and face did so swell, that the least touch upon any
part of him caused the skin to break and cast out white matter, which
had corrupted and overflowne all his body. A Gentlewoman with whom I
was well acquainted in that City, who was noted to be somewhat too
familiar with one of the Bishops Pages, was commonly censured to have
prescribed such a cup of Chocolatte to be ministred by the Page which
poysoned him who so rigorously had forbidden Chocolatte to be drunk in
the Church. My self heard this Gentlewoman say of the deceased Bishop,
that she thought few grieved for his death, & that the women had no
reason to grieve for him, and that she judged, he being such an enemy
to Chocolatte in the Church, that which he had drunk at home in his
house had not agreed with his body. And it became afterwards a Proverbe
in that Country, Beware of the Chocolatte of _Chiapa_; which made me
so cautious, that I would not drinke afterwards of it in any house,
where I had not very great satisfaction of the whole Family. The women
of this City are somewhat light in their carriage, and have learned
from the Devill many entising lessons and baits to draw poore soules
to sinne and damnation; and if they cannot have their wills, they wil
surely work revenge either by Chocolatte or Conserves, or some faire
present, which shall surely carry death along with it. The Gentlewoman
that was suspected (nay was questioned for the death of the Bishop)
had often used to send me boxes of Chocolatte or conserves; which I
willingly received from her, judging it to be a kind of gratuity for
the paines I tooke in teaching her son _Latin_. She was of a very
merry and pleasant disposition, which I thought might consist without
sin; untill one day she sent unto mee a very faire plantin wrapped up
in a hankerchief, buried in sweet Jazmines and roses; when I untied
the handkerchief, I thought among the flowers I should find some rich
token, or some peeces of eight, but finding nothing but a plantin, I
wondred; and looking further upon it, I found worked upon it with a
knife the fashion of a heart with two of blind Cupids arrows sticking
in it, discovering unto my heart the poisoned heart and thoughts of
the poisoner that sent it. I thought it a good warning to be wary and
cautious of receiving more presents or Chocolatte from such hands, and
so returned unto her againe her plantin with this short rhyme cut out
with a knife upon the skinne _fruta tan fria, amor no cria_, as much
as to say, fruit so cold, takes no hold. This answer and resolution of
mine was soone spread over that little City, which made my Gentlewoman
outragious, which presently she shewed by taking away her sonne from
schoole, and in many meetings threatning to play me a _Chiapaneca_
tricke. But I remembred the Bishops Chocolatte and so was wary, and
staid not long after in that poisoning and wicked City, which truly
deserves no better relation then what I have given of the simple
_Dons_, and the Chocolatte-confectioning _Donna's_.

There is yet twelve leagues from this City of _Chiapa_, another
_Chiapa_ which deserveth better commendations. This consisteth most
of _Indians_, and is held to be one of the biggest _Indian_ Townes in
all _America_, containing at least four thousand families. This Towne
hath many priviledges from the King of _Spain_, and is governed chiefly
by _Indians_ (yet with subordination unto the _Spanish_ government of
the City of _Chiapa_) who doe choose an _Indian_ Governour with other
inferiour officers to rule with him. This Governour may wear a rapier
and dagger, and enjoyeth many other liberties which to the rest of the
_Indians_ are denied. No Towne hath so many _Dons_ in it of _Indian_
blood as this. _Don Philip de Guzman_ was Governour of it in my time,
a very rich _Indian_, who kept up commonly in his stable a dozen of as
good Horses for publike shewes, and ostentation as the best _Spaniard_
in the Countrey. His courage was not inferiour to any _Spaniard_,
and for defence of some priviledges of his Town sued in the Chancery
of _Guatemala_ the proud and high minded Governour of the City of
_Chiapa_, spending therein great sums of money till he had overcome
him, whereupon he caused a feast to be made in the Towne, both by water
and land, so stately, that truly in the Court of _Madrid_ it might have
been acted.

This Towne lyeth upon a great river, whereunto belong many boats and
Canoas, wherein those _Indians_ have been taught to act sea-fights,
with great dexterity, and to represent the Nymphes of _Parnassus,
Neptune, Æolus_, and the rest of the heathenish Gods and Goddesses, so
that they are a wonder of their whole nation. They will arme with their
boats a siege against the Town, fighting against it with such courage
til they make it yeeld, as if they had been trained up all their life
to sea-fights. So likewise within the Town they are as dexterous at
baiting of buls, at _juego de Cannas_, at Horse-races, at arming a
Campe, at all manner of _Spanish_ dances, instruments, and musick as
the best _Spaniards_. They will erect Towers and Castles made of wood
and painted cloth, & from them fight either with the boats or one
against another, with squibs, darts, and many strange fire-works, so
manfully, that if in earnest they could perform it as well as they do
it in sport and pastime, the _Spaniards_ and Fryers might soon repent
to have taught them what they have. As for acting of playes, this is
a common part of their solemne pastimes; and they are so generous,
that they nothing think too much to spend in banquets & sweet-meats
upon their Friers, and neighbouring Towns, whensoever they are minded
to shew themselves in a publike feast. The Towne is very rich, & many
_Indians_ in it that trade about the Country as the _Spaniards_ do.
They have learned most trades befitting a Common-wealth, and practise
and teach them within their Town. They want not any provision of fish
or flesh, having for the one that great river joyning unto their
Towne, and for the other many Estantia's (as they call them) or farmes
abounding with cattell. In this Towne the Dominican Fryers bear all
the sway, who have a rich and stately Cloister with another Church
or Chappel subordinate unto it. The heat here is so great, that both
Fryers and _Indians_ commonly wear a linnen towel about their necks to
wipe off the constant swet from their laces, which maketh the Friers
sit longer at their dinner then els they would do, for that at every
bit they eate, and draught they drinke, they are faine to make a stop
to wipe their dropping browes. Yet the evenings are fresh and cool,
which are much made of there, and spent in the many walkes and gardins
which joyne close unto the River side. Two or three leagues from the
Towne, there are two _Ingenio's_ or Farmes of Sugar, the one belonging
to the Cloister of the Dominicans of the City of _Chiapa_; the other
unto the Cloister of this Towne, which containe neer two hundred
Blackmores, besides many _Indians_, who are imployed in that constant
worke of making Sugar for all the Country. Hereabouts are bread great
store of Mules, and excellent horses for any service. The Towne of
_Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and all the Townes about it want nothing
but a more temperate climate and cooler aire, and Wheat, which there
cannot bee sowne, yet for _Spaniards_ and such as cannot live without
it, it is brought from _Chiapa_ of the _Spaniards_ and from about
_Comitlan_; yet this is not generally acknowledged a want by reason of
the great plenty of _Maiz_ which all the Townes enjoy, and which is now
more used both by _Spaniards_ and dainty toothed Fryers then bread of
Wheat. Yet your poore _Spaniards_, and some _Indians_ who have got the
trick of trading from them doe gaine not a little in bringing to these
Townes bisquets of wheaten bread, which though it be dry and hard, yet
because they are novelties to the _Indians_; they get by changing them
for other commodities, especially of Cotton wooll, which here is more
abounding then in the Valley of _Copanabastlau_.

Upon this Country of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_ bordereth the Province
of _Zoques_, which is absolutely the richest part of _Chiapa_.
This reacheth on the one side to _Tabasco_, and by the River named
_Grijalva_ sendeth commonly the Commodities which are in it with
safety unto St. _John de Ulhua_, or _Vera Cruz_. It trafiqueth also
with the Country of _Jucatan_ by the Haven called _Puerto Real_, which
lyeth betweene _Grijalva_ and _Jucatan_. Yet these two, the River
of _Tabasco, alias Grijalva_, and _Puerto Real_, though they bee
commodious to this Province of _Zoques_, yet they are causes of daily
feares unto the _Spaniards_, who well know the weaknesse of them, and
that if a forraine Nation should manfully thrust into that Country
by any of these two wayes, they might so conquer all _Chiapa_, and
from thence passe easily unto _Guatemala_. But the River of _Tabasco_
lying low, and being somewhat hot, and the Towns about it infested
with many gnats, and the chiefest commodity there being but _Cacao_,
have often discouraged both our _English_ and _Hollanders_, who
have come up some part of the River, and minding more the foresaid
reasons, then what was forward to bee had, have turned back, losing
a rich Country and slighting an eternall name, for few and frivolous
present difficulties. In this Province of _Zoques_, the Towns are not
very bigge, yet they bee very rich; the chief Commodities are Silk
and _Cochinill_; whereof the latter is held the best of _America_,
and the store of it so great that no one Province alone exceeds it.
Few _Indians_ there are who have not their Orchards planted with the
trees whereon the worms breed which yeeld unto us that rich Commodity;
not that the _Indians_ themselves esteem otherwise of it, then as
they see the _Spaniards_ greedy after it, offering them mony for it,
& forcing them to the preservation of it in those parts, which have
proved most successeful for this kind. There is great store of silk
in this Country, in so much that the _Indians_ make it their great
Commodity to imploy their wives in working Towels with all colours of
silk, which the _Spaniards_ buy, and send into _Spain_. It is rare to
see what works those _Indian_ women will make in silk, such as might
serve for Patterns and samplers to many School-mistresses in _England_.
The people of this Country are witty, and ingenious, and faire of
complexion; the Country towards _Tabasco_ is hot, but within in some
places very cold. There is also plenty of _Maiz_, but no wheat; neither
is there such plenty of Cattell as about _Chiapa_, but Fowles and
Turkies as many as in other parts. The Province called _Zeldales_ lyeth
behind this of the _Zoques_, from the North Sea within the continent,
running up towards _Chiapa_, and reacheth in some parts neer to the
borders of _Comitlan_ north-westward. South-eastward it joyns to such
_Indians_ which as yet have not been conquered by the _Spaniards_,
who make many invasions upon the Christian _Indians_, and burn their
Towns, and carry away their Cattell. The chief and head Town in this
Province is called _Ococingo_, which is a Frontier against those
Heathens. This Province is esteemed rich for the _Spaniards_, who make
much of _Cacao_, which serveth to make their drink of _Chocolatte_,
and here is great store of it. There is also another Commodity, great
among the _Spaniards_, called _Achiotte_, wherewith they make their
_Chocolatte_ looke of the colour of a brick. Here is also plenty of
Hogs and Bacon, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Cattell, Sheep, Maiz, Hony,
and not farre from _Ococingo_, in my time was setting up an _Ingenio_,
or Farm of Sugar, which was thought would prove as well as those about
_Chiapa_ of the _Indians_. The Country in most parts is high and hilly;
but _Ococingo_ stands in a pleasant Valley, injoying many Brookes and
streams of fresh water, and therefore hath been thought a fit place
for Sugar. Here also in this Valley the fryers have attempted to sow
Wheat, which hath proved very good. Thus Reader, I have shewed you the
Country of _Chiapa_, which as it is compassed about on the one side by
_Soconuzco_, and from thence almost to _Guatemala_, by the Province of
_Suchutepeques_, on the other side by _Tabasco_, and on the other side
by _Zeldales_ with excessive plenty of _Cacao_ and _Achiotte_, which
are the chief drugs for the making of _Chocolatte_; I wil yet before
I depart from _Chiapa_ to _Guatemala_, say somewhat of that drinke so
much used by the _Spaniards_, and in my judgment not to be sleighted,
but rather to bee published and made known to all Nations, whose use
might remedy the great abuse of wines and strong drinks which too much
are esteemed amongst us here in _Europe_.




CHAP. XVI.

_Concerning two daily and common Drinkes, or Potions much used in the_
India's, _called Chocolatte, and Atolle._


Chocolatte being this day used not onely over all the _West-India's_,
but also in _Spain, Italy_, and _Flanders_, with approbation of
many learned Doctors in Physick, among whom _Antonio Colmenero_ of
_Ledesma_; (who lived once in the _India's_) hath composed a learned
and curious Treatise concerning the nature and quality of this drink;
I thought fit to insert here also somewhat of it concerning my own
experience for the space of twelve yeers. This name Chocolatte is an
_Indian_ name, and is compounded from Atte, as some say or as others,
Atle, which in the _Mexican_ language signifieth water, & from the
sound which the water (wherein is put the Chocolatte) makes, as Choco,
Choco, Choco, when it is stirred in a cup by an instrument called a
Molinet, or Molinillo, untill it bubble and rise unto a froath. And as
there it is a name compounded, so in _English_ wee may well call it a
compounded or a confectioned drink wherein are found many and severall
Ingredients, according to the different disposition of the body of
them that use it. But the chief Ingredient (without which it cannot be
made) is called Cacao, a kind of nut or kernell bigger then a great
Almond, which growes upon a tree called the tree of Cacao, and ripens
in a great huske, wherein sometimes are found more, sometimes lesse
Cacao's, sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty, nay forty, and above.
This Cacao, though as every simple, it containes the quality of the
foure Elements, yet in the common opinion of most Physitians, it is
held to bee cold and dry, _a prædominio_; It is also in the substance
that rules these two qualities, restringent and obstructive, of the
nature of the Element of the earth. And as it is thus a mixed, and
not a simple Element, it hath parts correspondent to the rest of the
Elements; and particularly it partakes of those which correspond with
the Element of Aire, that is, heat and moisture, which are governed by
unctious parts; there being drawn out of the Cacao much Butter, which
in the _India's_ I have seen drawn out of it by the Criolian women for
to oint their faces. And let not this seeme impossible to believe,
that this graine or nut of Cacao should bee said to bee first cold
and dry, and then hot and moist; for though experience bee a thousand
witnesses, yet instances will further clear this truth; and first in
the Rubarbe, which hath in it hot and soluble parts, and parts which
are binding, cold and dry, which have a virtue to strengthen, bind and
stop the loosenesse of the belly. Secondly, wee see this cleerly in
the steel, which having so much of the nature of the earth, as being
heavy, thick, cold, and dry, should be thought unproper for the curing
of Oppilations, but rather to bee apt to increase them; and yet it is
given for a proper remedy against them. The authority of _Galen_ may
further cleare this in the third booke of the Qualities of simples,
where hee teacheth that almost all those medicines, which to our
sense seeme to be simple, are notwithstanding naturally compounded,
containing in themselves contrary qualities, that is to say, a quality
to expell, and to retaine, to incrassate and to extenuate, to rarifie
and to condense. And in the fifteenth Chapter following in the same
booke, he puts an example of the broth of a Cock, which moves the
belly, and the flesh hath the virtue to binde. Yet further that this
differing virtue and quality is found in divers substances, or parts of
simple medicaments, he shewes in the first book of his simple medicines
in the seventeenth Chapter, bringing the example of milke, in which
three substances are found and separated, that is to say, the substance
of cheese, which hath the virtue to stop the fluxe of the belly; and
the substance of whay, which is purging, and butter, as it is expressed
Chap. 15. Also we find in wine which is in the Must, three substances,
that is to say, earth, which is the chiefe; and a thinner substance,
which is the flower, and may be called the scum, or froath; and a
third substance which we properly call wine; and every one of these
substances containes in it selfe divers qualities and virtues, in the
colour, in the smell, and in other accidents.

And this is very comformable to reason, if we consider that every
aliment, be it never so simple, begets and produceth in the liver four
humours, not only differing in temper, but also in substance; and
begets more or lesse of that humour, according as the aliment hath
more or fewer parts corresponding to the substance of that humour,
which is most ingendred. From which examples we may gather that when
the Cacao is grinded and stirred, the divers parts, which nature hath
given it, doe artificially and intimately mixe themselves one with
another; and so the unctuous, warme, and moist parts, mingled with
the earthy represseth, and leaveth them not so binding, as they were
before; but rather with a mediocrity, more inclining to the warme, and
moist temper of the aire, then to the cold and dry of the earth; as it
doth appear, when it is made fit to drink, that scarce two turnes are
given with the Molinet, when there ariseth a fatty scum, by which is
seen, how much it partaketh of the oyly part. So that from all that
hath been said, the error of those is wel discovered, who speaking of
this drink of Chocolatte, say, that it causeth oppilations, because
Cacao is astringent; as if that astriction were not corrected and
modified by the intimate mixing of one part with another, by meanes of
the grinding, as is said before. Besides it having so many ingredients,
which are naturally hot, it must of necessity have this effect, that is
to say, to open, attenuate, and not to binde. And leaving aside more
reasons, this truth is evidently seen in the Cacao it selfe; which if
it be not stirred, grinded and compounded to make the Chocolatte; but
be eaten as it is in the fruit (as many Criolian and _Indian_ women eat
it) it doth notably obstruct and cause stoppings, and make them looke
of a broken, pale and earthy colour, as doe those that eat earthen
ware, as pots, or pieces of lime-walls (which is much used among the
_Spanish_ women thinking that pale and earthy colour, though with
obstructions and stoppings, well becomes them) and for this certainly
in the Cacao thus eaten there is no other reason, but that the divers
substances which it containes, are not perfectly mingled by the
mastication onely, but require the artificiall mixture, which wee have
spoken of before.

The tree which doth beare this fruit, is so delicate, and the earth
where it groweth so extream hot, that to keep the tree from being
consumed by the sunne, they first plant other trees, which they call,
_las Madres del Cacao_, mothers of the Cacao; and when these are grown
up to a good height fit to shade the Cacao trees, then they plant the
Cacaotals, or the trees of Cacao; that when they first shew themselves
above the ground, those trees, which are already grown may shelter
them, and as mothers nourish, defend, and shadow them from the sunne;
and the fruit doth not grow naked, but many of them (as I have said
before) are in one great huske or cod, and therein besides every grain
is closed up in a white juicy skin, which the women also love to suck
off from the Cacao, finding it coole, and in the mouth dissolving into
water. There are two sorts of Cacao; the one is common, which is of a
darke colour inclining towards red, being round and peeked at the ends;
the other is broader, and bigger, and flatter, and not so round, which
they call, Patlaxte, and this is white, and more drying, and is sold a
great deal cheaper then the former. And this especially, more then the
other, causeth watchfullnesse, and drives away sleep, and therefore is
not so usefull as the ordinary, and is chiefly spent by the ordinary
and meaner sort of people. As for the rest of the ingredients which
make this Chocolatticall confection, there is notable variety; for
some put into it black Pepper, which is not well approved of by the
Physitians, because it is so hot and dry, but onely for one who hath
a very cold liver; but commonly instead of this Pepper, they put into
it long red Pepper, called Chile, which though it be hot in the mouth,
yet is cool and moist in the operation. It is further compounded
with white Sugar, Cinnamon, Clove, Anniseed, Almonds, Hasell-nuts,
_Orejuela, Bainilla, Sapayoll_, Orenge flower water, some Muske, and as
much of Achiotte, as will make it looke of the colour of a red bricke.
But how much of each of these may be applyed to such a quantity of
Cacao, the severall dispositions of mens bodies must be their rule.
The ordinary receipt of _Antonio Colmenero_ was this; To every hundred
Cacao's, two cods of Chile, called long red Pepper, one handfull of
Anniseed and _Orejuela's_, and two of the flowers called _Mechasuchil_,
or _Bainilla_, or instead of this six roses of _Alexandria_, beat to
powder, two drams of Cinnamon, of Almonds and Hasel-nuts, of each one
dozen; of white Sugar halfe a pound, of Achiotte, enough to give it
the colour. This Author thought neither Clove, nor Musk, nor any sweet
water fit, but in the _India's_ they are much used. Others use to put
in Maiz, or _Paniso_, which is very windy; but such doe it onely for
their profit, by increasing the quantity of the Chocolatte; because
every fanega or measure of Maiz containing about a bushel and a half,
is sold for eight shillings, and they that sell Chocolatte, sell it
for four shillings a pound, which is the ordinary price. The Cinnamon
is held one of the best ingredients, and denied by none, for that it
is hot and dry in the third degree, it provokes urine, and helpes the
kidneys and reines of those who are troubled with cold diseases, and it
is good for the eyes, and in effect it is cordiall, as appeareth by the
Author of these verses,

  _Commoda & urinæ Cinamomum & renibus affert,
       Lumina clarificat, dira venena fugat._

The _Achiotte_ hath a piercing, attenuating quality, as appeareth by
the common practice of the Physitians in the _India's_, experienced
daily in the effects of it, who do give it to their Patients to cut and
attenuate the grosse humors, which doe cause shortnesse of breath, and
stopping of urine: and so it is used for any kind of oppilations, and
is given for the stoppings which are in the breast, or in the region
of the belly, or any other part of the body. This _Achiotte_ also
groweth upon a tree in round huskes, which are full of red graines,
from whence the _Achiotte_ is taken, and first made into a paste, and
then being dried up is fashioned either into round balls or cakes,
or into the forme of little brickes, and so is sold. As concerning
the long red Pepper, there are foure sorts of it; one is called
_Chilchotes_; the other is very little, which they call _Chilterpin_,
and these two kinds are very quick and biting. The other two are
called, _Tonalchiles_, and these are but moderately hot, for they are
eaten with bread by the _Indians_, as they eat other fruits. But that
which is usually put into Chocolatte, is called _Chilpaclagua_, which
hath a broad huske, and is not so biting as the first, nor so gentle as
the last. The _Mechasuchil_, or _Bainilla_ hath a purgative quality.
All these ingredients are usually put into the Chocolatte, and by some
more, according to their fancies. But the meaner sort of people, as
_Blackmores_ and _Indians_, commonly put nothing into it, but _Cacao,
Achiotte, Maiz_, and a few _Chiles_ with a little Anniseed. And though
the _Cacao_ is mingled with all these ingredients, which are hot; yet
there is to be a greater quantity of _Cacao_, then of all the rest of
the ingredients, which serve to temper the coldnesse of the _Cacao_;
from whence it followeth that this Chocolatticall confection is not so
cold as the _Cacao_, nor so hot as the rest of the ingredients, but
there results from the action and reaction of these ingredients, a
moderate temper, which may be good, both for the cold and hot stomacks,
being taken moderately.

Now for the making or compounding of this drinke, I shall set downe
here the method. The Cacao, and the other ingredients must be beaten
in a morter of stone, or (as the _Indians_ use) ground upon a broad
stone, which they call _Metate_, and is only made for that use. But
first the ingredients are all to be dried, except the _Achiotte_,
with care that they may be beaten to powder, keeping them still in
stirring, that they be not burnt, or become black; for if they be
overdried, they will be bitter, and lose their virtue. The Cinnamon
and the long red pepper are to be first beaten, with the Anniseed, and
then the Cacao, which must be beaten by little and little, till it be
all powdred; and in the beating it must be turned round, that it may
mixe the better. Every one of these ingredients must be beaten by it
selfe, and then all be put into the vessell, where the Cacao is, which
you must stirre together with a spoon, and then take out that paste,
and put it into the morter, under which there must be a little fire,
after the confection is made; but if more fire be put under then will
only warme it, then the unctuous part will dry away. The _Achiotte_
also must be put in in the beating, that it may the better take the
colour. All the ingredients must be searsed, save onely the Cacao,
and if from the Cacao the dry shell be taken, it will be the better.
When it is well beaten, and incorporated (which will be known by the
shortnesse of it) then with a spoon (so in the _India's_ is used) is
taken up some of the paste, which will be almost liquid, and made into
tablets, or else without a spoon put into boxes, and when it is cold
it will be hard. Those that make it into tablets, put a spoonefull of
the paste upon a peece of paper (the _Indians_ put it upon the leaf
of a plantin tree) where, being put into the shade (for in the sunne
it melts and dissolves) it growes hard; and then bowing the paper or
leaf, the tablet falls off, by reason of the fatnesse of the paste.
But if it be put into anything of earth, or wood, it stickes fast,
and will not come off, but with scraping or breaking. The manner of
drinking it, is divers; the one (being the way most used in _Mexico_)
is to take it hot with Atolle, dissolving a tablet in hot water, and
then stirring and beating it in the cup, where it is to be drunke, with
a Molinet, and when it is well stirred to a scumme or froath, then to
fill the cup with hot Atolle and so drinke it sup by sup. Another way
is, that the Chocolatte, being dissolved with cold water and stirred
with the Molinet, and the scumme taken off and put into another vessel;
the remainder be set upon the fire, with as much sugar as will sweeten
it, and when it is warme, then to powre it upon the scum which was
taken off before, and so to drinke it. But the most ordinary way,
is, to warme the water very hot, and then to powre out halfe the cup
full that you mean to drinke; and to put into it a tablet or two, or
as much as will thicken reasonably the water, and then grind it well
with the Molinet, and when it is well ground and risen to a scum, to
fill the cup with hot water, and so drinke it by sups (having sweetned
it with Sugar) and to eat it with a little conserve, or maple bread,
steeped into the Chocolatte. Besides these waies there is another way
(which is much used in the Island of _Santo Domingo_) which is, to
put the Chocolatte into a pipkin, with a little water, and to let it
boyle well till it be dissolved, and then to put in sufficient water
and sugar according to the quantity of the Chocolatte, and then to
boyle it againe, untill there comes an oily scumme upon it, and then
to drinke it. There is another way yet to drinke Chocolatte, which
is cold, which the _Indians_ use at feasts, to refresh themselves,
and it is made after this manner. The Chocolatte (which is made with
none or very few ingredients) being dissolved in cold water with the
Molinet, they take off the scumme or crassy part, which riseth in great
quantity, especially when the Cacao is older and more putrefied. The
scumme they lay aside in a little dish by it selfe, and then put sugar
into that part from whence was taken the scum, and then powre it from
on high into the scumme, and so drinke it cold. And this drinke is so
cold, that it agreeth not with all mens stomacks; for by experience it
hath been found, that it doth hurt, by causing pains in the stomack,
especially to women. The third way of taking it is the most used, and
thus certainly it doth no hurt, neither know I why it may not bee used
as well in _England_ as in other parts both hot and cold; for where it
is so much used, the most, if not all, as well in the _India's_, as
in _Spaine, Italy, Flanders_ (which is a cold Countrey) find that it
agreeth well with them. True it is, it is used more in the _India's_,
then in the _European_ parts, because there the stomackes are more apt
to faint then here, and a cup of Chocolatte well confectioned comforts
and strengthens the stomack. For my self I must say, I used it twelve
yeers constantly, drinking one cup in the morning, another yet before
dinner between nine or ten of the clock; another within an houre or
two after dinner, and another between four and five in the afternoon;
and when I was purposed to sit up late to study, I would take another
cup about seven or eight at night, which would keep me waking till
about midnight. And if by chance I did neglect any of these accustomed
houres, I presently found my stomacke fainty. And with this custome I
lived twelve yeers in those parts healthy, without any obstructions,
or oppilations, not knowing what either ague, or feaver was. Yet I
will not dare to regulate by mine owne the bodies of others, nor take
upon me the skil of a Physitian, to appoint and define at what time
and by what persons this drinke may be used. Onely I say, I have known
some that have been the worse for it, either for drinking it with too
much sugar, which hath relaxed their stomackes, or for drinking it too
often. For certainly if it be drunke beyond measure, not only this
Chocolatte but all other drinkes, or meats, though of themselves they
are good and wholesome, they may be hurtfull. And if some have found
it oppilative, it hath come by the too too much use of it; as when one
drinkes overmuch wine, instead of comforting and warming himselfe, he
breeds and nourisheth cold diseases, because nature cannot overcome
it, not turne so great a quantity into good nourishment. So he that
drinkes much Chocolatte, which hath fat parts, cannot make distribution
of so great a quantity to all the parts; and that part which remaines
in the slender veines of the liver must needs cause oppilations and
obstructions. But lastly, to conclude with this _Indian_ drinke, I will
adde what I have heard Physitians of the _India's_ say of it, and have
seen it by experience in others (though never I could find it in my
selfe) that those that use this Chocolatte much, grow fat and corpulent
by it; which indeed may seem hard to beleeve; for considering that all
the ingredients, except the Cacao, doe rather extenuate, then make
fat, because they are hot and dry in the third degree. And we have
already said, that the qualities which doe predominate in Cacao, are
cold and dry, which are very unfit to adde any substance to the body.
Neverthelesse it may be answered that the many unctuous parts, which
have been proved to be in the Cacao, are those which pinguifie and make
fat; and the hotter ingredients of this composition serve for a guide,
or vehicall, to passe to the liver, and the other parts, untill they
come to the fleshy parts; and there finding a like substance which is
hot and moist, as is the unctuous part, converting it selfe into the
same substance, it doth augment and pinguifie. But how then might this
Cacao with the other _Indian_ ingredients be had in _England_? even
by trading in _Spaine_ for it, as we doe for other commodities; or
not sleighting it so much as we and the _Hollanders_ have often done
upon the _Indian_ seas; of whom I have heard the _Spaniards_ say that
when we have taken a good prize, a ship laden with Cacao, in anger and
wrath we have hurled over board this good commoditie, not regarding
the worth and goodnesse of it, but calling it in bad _Spanish,
Cagaruta de Carnero_, or sheeps dung in good _English_. It is one of
the necessariest commodities in the _India's_, and nothing enricheth
_Chiapa_ in particular more then it, whither are brought from _Mexico_
and other parts, the rich bags of Patacons onely for this _Cagaruta de
Carnero_, which we call sheeps dung. The other drinke which is much
used in the _Indians_ is called Atolle, of which I will say but a
little, because I know it cannot be used here. This was the drinke of
the ancient _Indians_, and is a thick pap made of the flower of Maiz,
taking off the huskes from it, which is windy and melancholy. This is
commonly carried by the _Indian_ women to the Markets hot in pots, and
there is sold in cups. The Criolian students, as wee goe to a Taverne
to drink a cup of wine, so they go in company to the publike Markets,
and as publikely buy and drinke by measure of this Atolle; which
somtimes is seasoned with a little Chile, or long Pepper, and then it
pleaseth them best. But the Nuns and Gentlewomen have got a trick of
confectioning it with Cinnamon, Sweet-waters, Amber, or Muske, and
store of Sugar, and thus it is held to be a most strong and nourishing
drinke, which the Physitians doe prescribe unto a weake body, as we doe
here our Almond-milke. But of what _England_ never knew nor tasted, I
will say no more, but hasten my penne to _Guatemala_, which hath been
my second _patria_.




CHAP. XVII.

_Shewing my journy from the City of_ Chiapa, _unto_ Guatemala, _and the
chief places in the way._


The time now being come that I was to leave the little City of
_Chiapa_, I took some occasion before-hand to take my leave of my
best friends, whose children I had taught, and at my departure I must
confesse I found them kind and bountifull, except it were _Donna
Magdalena de Morales_, from whom I did not expect, neither did I
desire any farewell, or Adieu token. But among all, the Governours
wife was most liberall unto mee, sending mee many boxes of Aromaticall
Chocolatte, and one extraordinary great box with foure severall
divisions of different conserves gilt over, besides many Maple breads,
and Biskets made with Egs and Sugar, a present it was which might have
been sent to a greater man then to a poor worthlesse Mendicant Fryer,
and with this in a handkerchief a dozen peeces of eight. _Don Melchor
del Velazco_ yet exceeded her, in words and complements I meane, but
in deeds, hee and all the crew of the Criolians must thinke to come
short of them, who are borne in _Spain_. The first Town I went unto,
was _Theopixca_, six leagues from _Chiapa_, a faire and great Towne of
_Indians_, who are held to bee next unto the _Indians_ of the other
_Chiapa_ in sitting and riding a horse. In this town is nothing so
considerable as the Church, which is great and strong, and the musick
belonging unto it sweet and harmonious. The Vicar or Curate of this
place was one Fryer _Peter Martir_ a Criolian, whom I knew could not
indure the Prior nor mee, yet he would dissemble a love complementall
exceeding well, and in outward shews raise it up to _gradus ut Octo_.
He knowing my prevalency with the Prior, durst not but give mee very
good entertainment, which continued two dayes, untill I was weary of
his complements.

The third day I tooke my leave of him, who would not yet leave mee,
but would conduct mee to _Comitlan_, whither I was invited by the
Prior of that Cloister, named Fryer _Thome Rocolano_, a _French_ man,
who being a stranger to the _Spaniards_ (for besides him and my selfe
there was no other stranger in that County) desired acquaintance with
mee, which hee began to settle by meeting mee at the half way with
many _Indians_ on horse back, having provided an harbour where wee
might more conveniently conferre and rest while our Chocolatte and
other refreshments were provided. But the Criolian _Peter Martir_ was
not a little envious, (as I was afterwards informed in the Cloister)
to see mee so much made of and esteemed in the Country, yet his faire
words and complements farre exceeded the sincerity and down-rightnesse
of my _French_ friend. At _Comitlan_ I staied a whole weeke, riding
about with the Prior unto the _Indian_ townes, and downe the hill
to the valley of _Copanabastla_, where I injoyed much pastime and
recreation among the Fryers and _Indians_ and was feasted after the
manner of that Country, which knoweth more of an Epicurian diet then
doth _England_, or any part of _Europe_; nay I am perswaded (and I
have heard _Spaniards_ confesse it) that _Spain_ hath taken from the
_Indians_ since the conquest many lessons for the dressing of severall
dishes and compleating a feast or banquet. After the week was ended my
_French_ friend the Prior conducted mee to _Izquintenango_, to see mee
well furnished up the Mountaines of _Cuchumatlanes_. This Towne (as I
have formerly observed) standeth almost at the end of the Valley of
_Copanabastla_, and within two leagues of the _Cuchumatlanes_. It is
one of the finest _Indian_ Townes of all the Province of _Chiapa_, and
very rich, by reason of the much Cotton wooll in it, and especially by
reason of its situation, for standing in the Roade way to _Guatemala_,
all the Merchants of the Country that trade with their mules that way,
passe through this Towne, and there buy and sell, enriching it with
mony and farre brought Commodities. It is most plentifully stored
with fruits, especially with what they call Pina's or Pine fruit. It
standeth close by the great River, which runneth to _Chiapa_ of the
_Indians_, and hath its spring not farre off from the _Cuchumatlanes_,
and yet at this Town is very broad and deep. No man nor beast
travelling to _Guatemala_ can goe into it, or from _Guatemala_ can
goe out of it, but by ferrying over. And the Rode being much used and
beaten by travellers, and by such as they call Requas of mules (every
Requa consisting of fifty or threescore mules) this Ferry is day and
night imployed, and yeelds much treasure to the town at the yeers
end. The _Indians_ of the Town besides the ferry boat, have made many
other little boats, or Canoa's to goe up and down the River. Hither
when the Prior of _Comitlan_ had brought me, we were waited for by the
Vicar or Fryer of that Town with the chief and principall _Indians_,
and most of the Canoa's. As we ferryed over, the little Canoa's went
before us with the Quiristers of the Church singing before us, and
with others sounding their Waits and Trumpets. The Fryer that lived in
this Town, was called Fryer _Geronymo de Guevara_, little in stature,
but great in state, pride and vanity, as hee shewed himself in what
hee had provided for us both of fish and flesh. A brave professour
or vower of Mendicancy and poverty he was, who in twelve yeers that
hee had lived in that Towne, what by mumming of Masses for the dead
and living, what by shearing and fleecing the poore _Indians_, what
by trading and traffiquing with the Merchants that used that Rode,
had got six thousand Duckats, which hee had sent to _Spain_ to the
Court of _Madrid_, to trade with them Simoniacally for the Bishoprick
of _Chiapa_, which if he obtained not, (yet when I came out of that
Country the report went that hee had obtained it) hee would and was
well able with a second supply to obtaine a better. After two daies
feasting with him, hee and the Prior of _Comitlan_ both joyned their
power and authority to see mee well manned with _Indians_, to the
first Towne of the _Cuchumatlanes_. A mule was prepared to carry my
bedding, (which wee commonly carried with us in chests of leather
called Petaca's) another _Indian_ to carry my Petaquilla wherein was
my Chocolatte and all implements to make it; and three more _Indians_
to ride before and behinde to guide me; but to all these nothing was
to be paid, (lest a custome of paying should bee brought in, for so
they doctrined mee as a novice in that Country) except it were to give
them a cup of Chocolatte if I drank in the way, or when I came to my
journeys end. Here I tooke my leave of my good _French_ friend, (who
yet continued friendship with mee by frequent letters to _Guatemala_)
and of my low but high minded _Guevara_, who bad mee expect no friendly
entertainment, untill I were well passed over the _Cuchumatlanes_ and
arrived at _Sacapula_, which was foure daies journey from thence. Yet
hee told mee I might demand what service I list from the _Indians_, and
call for what I had a minde to eat without paying any mony, so that I
did write down my expences in the common Town Book.

Thus I went away from my friends somewhat heavy having no other
company but unknowne _Indians_, leaving a pleasant and delightsome
valley behind mee, and seeing nothing before mee but high and steepy
hils and mountaines, and considering that in foure or five dayes I
should see no more gallant Dominicans and of mine own profession. Now
I wished I had the company of my _Melendez_ and other friends, who
were a comfort one to another upon the hills and rocks of _Maquilapa_.
Yet at last I concluded, up _English_ heart and courage, _quondam hæc
meminisse juvabit_. Though the mountaines seemed high afar off, yet
as I travelled on, I found the way lie between them very easie and
passable, and met now and then Requas of mules, which were no little
comfort unto mee to consider, if they being heavily laden could goe
through those Mountaines, my mule that had in mee but a light burden
would easily overcome any danger; it comforted mee also to consider
that there were Townes (though but little ones) where I might rest
every night. The further I went, the better and more open I found the
Rode; Onely the raine and dirt troubled me, which I could not avoid,
it being the end of _September_, or as there they reckon, the end of
winter. The first Town I came to amongst those Mountaines was called
St. _Martin_, a little place of some twenty houses; I went to the house
that belonged to the Franciscan Fryers (who seldome in the yeer came
to that poverty of house and house roome) where I lighted and caused
the _Indians_ to bee called who were appointed to give attendance to
travellers and passengers. I found them very tractable and dutifull,
bidding mee welcome, bringing mee hot water for my Chocolatte, which
I drunke off heartily, and gave unto my _Indians_ of _Izquintenango_,
who refreshed themselves and their mules well for nothing, this being
a custome among those Townes in the Rode to welcome one another
whensoever they come with travellers. I might have had for my supper
any thing that place would afford, but I made choice of a pullet, which
I thought would bee cheapest for the poore _Indians_. I was glad I had
brought with mee a good big Frasco, as they call it, or bottle of
wine, for I began already to find the _Cuchumatlanes_ cooler then the
valley of _Copanabastla_. My bed was made in a little thatched Cobe,
and _Indian_ boyes appointed to sleep in the next room to me, and to be
at hand if in the night I should want any thing. Thus having appointed
what attendance I had need of in the morning to the next Town,
discharging the _Indians_ that had brought me from _Izquintenango_, I
went unto my rest, which I tooke as quietly as if I had been in the
company of my best friends. The next day being accompanied by two
_Indians_, having sent my carriage by another, I tooke my journey
to the next Towne, which is called _Cuchumatlan grande_, because it
standeth on the highest part of those Mountaines, and in the way the
_Indians_ shewed mee the head spring or fountaine of the great River
of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, which is the onely remarkable thing in
that Rode. _Cuchumatlan grande_ is a Towne a little bigger then St.
_Martin_, and of _Indians_ very curteous, who are used and beaten to
daily travellers, and so make very much of them. Here I was entertained
as the night before; and found the poore _Indians_ willing to give mee
whatsoever I demanded for my better and safer guiding and conducting
the next day, and that night for my supper what I pleased to call for,
without any pay, but onely writing down my name and expences with the
day and moneth in their common booke of accounts. This are those poore
wretches brought to by the Fryers and commanding Justices, though of
themselves they have no more then a Milpa of Maiz as they terme it, or
a little _Indian_ Wheat Plantation, with as much Chile as will suffice
them for the yeer, and what the Merchants and Travellers give them
voluntarily, which is little enough. From this Town I would not follow
the Rode to the next, which was a long journy of seven or eight leagues
without baiting by the way; and also because I had beene informed at
_Chiapa_ and at _Copanabastla_ of a strange picture of our Lady, which
was amongst these Mountaines in a little Towne of _Indians_ called
_Chiantla_, which in this dayes journy being not above a league out of
my way, I was resolved to see. The wayes were bad, lying out of the
Rode, yet by noon I got to _Chiantla_, which is a Town belonging unto
Mercenarian Fryers, who doubtlesse would not be able to subsist in so
poore a place, had they not invented that loadstone of their picture of
_Mary_, and cried it up for miraculous, to draw people farre and neere,
and all travellers from the Rode to pray unto it, and to leave their
gifts and almes unto them for their prayers and Masses. Such an income
of treasure and riches hath beene from deluded and ignorant soules to
this beggerly Towne, that the Fryers have had wherewith to build a
Cloister able to maintaine foure or five of them. The Church is richly
furnished, but especially the high Altar where the picture standeth
in a Tabernacle with half a dozen curtaines of Silk, Sattin, cloth of
gold, with borders of golden lace before it, wearing a rich Crowne of
gold, thickly beset with Diamonds and other pretious stones. There hang
before it at least a dozen rich lampes of silver; and in the vestry of
the Church are many gownes, Candlestickes of silver, Censers to burn
Frankincense before it, besides rich Copes, Vestments, Ornaments for
the Altar, and hangings for all the Church.

To conclude, here is a treasure hid in the Mountaines; Oh that it could
bee found out to doe the Lord service. I was welcomed to this place
by those Fryers, who were strangers unto mee; my head was filled that
day by them with relations of strange and many miracles or lies, which
they told mee of that picture; but the heavinesse of my head did mee
good in something, for it made mee more drowsie at night and apter
to take good rest. The next day I got into the Rode againe, and went
to the last Town of these _Cuchumatlanes_ called _Chautlan_, where I
stayed all that day and night, and sent before a letter to the Prior of
_Sacapula_ of my going thither the next day. In _Chautlan_ I was very
kindly used by the _Indians_, and liked the Towne the better for the
excellent grapes which there I found, not planted like vineyards, but
growing up in harbours, which shew that if that land were planted, it
would certainly yeeld as good grapes for wine, as any are in _Spain_.
They are carried from that place to _Guatemala_, which stands from it
neer forty leagues, and are sold about the streets for rarities and
great dainties; and well may they, for from _Mexico_ to _Guatemala_
there are none like them. The next morning I made haste to be gone,
that I might come sooner to _Sacapula_, where I was to finde those of
mine owne profession, with whom I knew I might stay and rest a whole
weeke if I pleased. I had not rid above three leagues, when I began
to discover at a low and deep bottome, a pleasant and goodly valley,
laced with a River, whose waters receiving the glorious brightnesse
of _Phoebus_ beames reverberated up to the top of the Mountaine, a
delightsome prospect to the beholders; the more I hasted to that
seeming Paradise, the more did the twinkling and wanton streame invite
mee downe the hill; which I had no sooner descended, but I found in
an harbour by the water side the Prior of _Sacapula_ himselfe with a
good traine of _Indians_ waiting for mee with a cup of Chocolatte. At
the first light I was a little daunted to behold the Prior, who looked
most fearfully with a bladder from his throat swelled almost round his
necke, which hung over his shoulders and brest, and stayed up his chin,
and lifted up his head so, that hee could scarce looke any whither but
up to heaven. In our discourse he told mee that disease had beene upon
him at least ten yeers, and that the water of that River had caused
it in him, and in many others of that Town. This made mee now as much
out of love with the River, as above the hill I had liked the goodly
sight of it, and therefore resolved not to stay so long in that place
as I had thought, lest the waters should marke me for all my life, as
they had done this Prior; whose name was Fryer _John De la Cruz_, a
Biscaine borne, and (like some of that Nation) a little troubled with
the simples, but a good hearted man, humble, and well beloved over
all the Country both by _Spaniards_ and _Indians_. When I came to the
Towne I discovered many men and women with bladders in their throats
like the poore Prior, which made mee almost unwilling to drink there
any Chocolatte made with that water, or eat any thing dressed with it;
untill the Prior did much incourage mee and told mee that it did not
hurt all but onely some, and those who did drink it cold; wherewith I
resolved to stay there foure or five daies, because of the old Priors
importunity, who would faine have had mee continue to live with him,
promising to teach mee the _Indian_ language in a very short time. But
higher matters calling mee to _Guatemala_, I excused my selfe, and
continued there five dayes with much recreation. The Town though it be
not in the generall very rich, yet there are some _Indian_ Merchants
who trade about the country and especially to _Suchutepeques_ where is
the chief store of Cacao, and thereby some of this Towne of _Sacapula_,
have inriched themselves; the rest of the people trade in pots and
pans, which they make of an earth there fit for that purpose. But the
principall Merchandize of this place is salt, which they gather in
the morning from the ground that lyeth neere the River. The aire is
hot, by reason the Town standeth low, and compassed with high hills on
every side. Besides many good fruits which are here, there are Dates
as good as those that come from _Barbary_, and many trees of them in
the Garden belonging to the Cloister. After I had here wearied out the
wearinesse, which I brought in my bones from the _Cuchumatlanes_, I
departed taking my way to _Guatemala_, and from _Sacapula_ I went to a
Town called St. _Andres_, or St. _Andrews_, which standeth six or seven
leagues from _Sacapula_, a great Town, but nothing remarkable in it,
save onely Cotton wooll and Turkies, and about it some rich Estancia's
or Farmes of Cattell, which are commodiously seated here, it being a
plain Champaigne Country. Yet at further end of this plain there is
a Mountaine which discourageth with the sight all such as travell to
_Guatemala_; from St. _Andres_ I prepared my selfe for the next daies
journey, which was of nine long leagues, to a very great Town called
by two names, by some _Sacualpa_, by others Sta. _Maria Zojabah_, to
the which I could not goe without passing over that Mountaine. I sent
word of going to _Zojabah_ the day before (as is the custome there)
that mules and horses might meet mee upon the Mountaine; and the night
before I went to a Rancho (which is a lodge built for travellers to
rest when the journey is long) which stood within a league of the
Mountaine by a River, where with the waters murmur, and refreshing
gales I tooke good rest. In the morning having refreshed my selfe, and
my _Indians_ with Chocolatte I set out to incounter with that proud
Mountaine; and when I came unto it I found it not so hard to overcome,
as I had conceited, the way lying with windings and turnings; But the
higher I mounted the more my eyes were troubled with looking to the
River below, whose rockes were enough to astonish and make a stout
heart tremble. About the middle of the Mountaine the _Indians_ of
_Zojabah_ met with a mule for mee, and another for my carriage in a
narrow passage where the way went wheeling. Here I lighted, whilst the
_Indians_ helped one another to unload and load the mule that came of
refresh. Out of the narrow way the side of the Mountaine was steepy,
and a fearefull precipice of two or three miles to the bottome, almost
bare of trees, here and there one onely growing. My heart was true unto
mee, wishing mee to walke up a foot untill I came unto some broader
passage; but the _Indians_ perceiving my feare told me there was no
danger, assuring mee further that the Mule they had brought was sure,
and had been well used to that mountaine. With their perswasions I
got up, but no sooner was I mounted when the Mule began to play her
prankes and to kick, and to leap out of the way, casting me down and
herselfe, both rouling and tumbling a pace to the rockes and death,
had not a shrub prevented me, and a tree stopped the Mules blind
fury. The _Indians_ cried out, _milagro, milagro_, miracle, miracle,
_Santo, Santo_, a Saint, a Saint, to me so loud as if they would have
had their cry reach to _Rome_ to helpe forward my canonization; for
many such miracles have some been noised at _Rome_, and with further
contribution of mony have been enrolled in the booke and Catalogue of
Saints. Whilst the _Indians_ helped me up and brought the Mule againe
into the way, they did nothing but flatter me with this terme Saint;
which they needed not have done, if as they considered my dangerous
fall and stopping at a shrub (which was by chance, and not by miracle)
they had further considered my passion and hasty wrath (not befitting
a Saint) wherewith I threatned to bast their ribs for deceiving mee
with a yong Mule not well accustomed to the saddle. But all my hasty
words and anger could not discredit me with them, nor lessen their
conceipt of my holinesse and sanctity, who hold the anger and wrath of
a Preist to be the breath of Gods nostrils, and with this their foolish
conceipt of mee, they kneeled before me kissing my hands. The businesse
being further examined, they confessed that they had been mistaken
in the Mules, having sadled for me that which should have carried my
Petaca's, or leatherne chests, which was a young Mule accustomed onely
to carriages, and not to the saddle, and upon that which should have
been sadled they put my carriage. Whilst they unloaded and loaded again
and sadled the right Mule, I walked up the hill about a mile, and
when they overtooke me I got up and rid till I met with my refreshing
harbour and Chocolatte, and many _Indians_ that came to receive me,
among whom it was presently noised that I was a Saint and had wrought
a miracle in the way; with this the rest of the _Indians_ kneeled to
me and kissed my hands, and in the way that we went to the Towne, all
their talk was of my sanctity. I was much vexed at their simplicity,
but the more they saw mee unwilling to accept of that honour, the more
they pressed it upon me. When I came to the Town I told the Frier what
had happened, and what the foolish _Indians_ had conceited; at which he
laughed, and told me that he would warrant me if I staied long in the
Towne, all the men and women would come to kisse my hands and to offer
their gifts unto me. He knew well their qualities, or else had taught
them this superstition with many others; for no sooner had we dined,
but many were gathered to the Church to see the Saint that was come
to their Towne, and that had wrought a miracle in the mountaine as he
came. With this I began to be more troubled then before at the folly of
the simple people, and desired the Fryer to checke and rebuke them, who
by no means would, but rather laughed at it, saying, that in policy we
ought to accept of any honour from the _Indians_, for as long as we had
credit and an opinion of Saints among them, so long we should prevaile
to do any thing with them, yea even to command them and their fortunes
at our pleasure. With this I went downe with the Frier to the Church,
and sate downe with him in a chaire in the Quire, representing the
person of such a Saint as they imagined me to be, though in reality and
truth but a wretched sinner.

No sooner had we taken up our places, when the _Indians_, men, women,
and children came up by three and four, or whole families to the Quire,
first kneeling down for my blessing, and then kissing my hands, they
began to speake to me in their _Indian_ complements to this purpose,
that their Town was happy and doubtlesse blessed from heaven by my
coming into it, and that they hoped their soules should be much the
better if they might partake of my praiers to God for them. And for
this purpose some offered unto me money, some hony, some egs, some
little mantles, some Plantins, and other fruits, some fowles, and
some Turkeys. The Frier that sate by me I perceived was overjoyed
with this, for he knew I was to be gone, and would leave unto him all
those offerings. I desired him to make answer unto the _Indians_ in
my behalfe, excusing me as not well versed in their language (yet the
fooles if they thought and judged me to be a Saint, might have expected
from me also the gift of tongues) which he did telling them that I
had been but a while in that Country, and though I understood part
of their language, yet could not speake nor pronounce it perfectly,
and therefore from me he did give them hearty thankes for the great
love they had shewed unto an Ambassadour of God, witnessing it with so
many sorts of offerings, which assuredly should remind him and mee of
our offerings for them, in our praiers and hearty recommendations of
them and their children unto God. Thus was that ceremony ended, the
_Indians_ dismissed, and the Frier and I went up to a chamber, where
he began to tell his egs and fowles and to dispose of some of them for
our supper; he told me he would take them, but at my departure would
give me somewhat for them; he bad me keep what money they had given
me, and told me I was welcome unto him, and no burdensome guesse, but
very profitable, who had brought with me store of provision for my
selfe and for him many daies after. The money I received came to fourty
Rials, besides twenty which he gave me for the other offerings, which
might be worth fourty more; all this I got for having a fall from a
Mule, and for not breaking my necke. I would faine have departed the
next morning, but _John Vidall_ (so was the Frier named) would not
permit me, for that the next journey was of at least ten leagues, and
therefore he would have me rest my selfe the next day.

This Towne of _Zojabah_, or _Sacualpa_ is the biggest and fairest of
all the Towns that belong unto the Priory of _Sacapula_; the _Indians_
are rich, and make of their Cotton-wool many mantles, they have plenty
of hony, and great flocks of goats and kids; but here, nor in all the
Townes behind there is no wheat, save only _Indian_ Maiz. The next day
some small offerings fell unto mee, but nothing like the day before;
and so I told the Frier, that now the peoples devotion was decaied,
I would bee gone in the morning before day. That night the chiefe
_Indians_ of the Towne came to offer their service and attendance upon
me to a Rancho or lodge that standeth in the middle way; but I would
not accept of the great ones, but desired that I might have three
onely of the meaner sort to guide mee till I met with company from
the Towne whither I was going, and whither I had sent warning of my
comming. The time appointed was three of the clock in the morning; at
which houre after a little sleep I was called, and having drunke my
Chocolatte, and eat a maple bread with a little conserve, I prepared
my selfe for my journey, and found the _Indians_ ready waiting for
me in the yard, with pieces of pine-wood, which burn like torches,
and with which they use to travell in the night, and to shew the way
to him whom they guide. A little from the Towne wee had some craggy
wayes, which indeed had need of lights, but afterwards we came into a
plaine champaigne Countrey, which continued till within a league of
the middle way lodge; to the which we were to descend a steep hill.
When we came thither (which was about seven in the morning) we found
our fresh supply waiting for us, who had set out from their Towne at
midnight to meet us (note the _Indians_ subjection to their Preists
command) and had made us a fire, and warmed water for our Chocolatte.
Which whilst I was drinking, the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_, who had
guided me thither, gave notice to those that came to receive from _St.
Martin_ (so was the Towne called whither I was that day minded) of my
miracle and sanctity, wishing them to reverence and respect me in the
way. But not for this their foolish report did I make the _Indians_ of
_Zojabah_ drinke every one a cup of Chocolatte, and so dismissed them;
and took forwards my journey to _St. Martin_. Most of the way was hilly
and craggy till we came within two miles of the Towne; to the which
we arrived by noone. This Towne is cold, standing high, yet pleasant
for the prospect almost to _Guatemala_; here, and in most of the Towns
about it is most excellent wheat. The hony of this Towne is the best
in the Countrey; but above all it furnisheth _Guatemala_ with Quailes,
Partridges, and Rabbits. It is the first Towne wee enter into belonging
to the City and command of _Guatemala_; which did not a little comfort
me, that now I wanted but one good journey to make an end of my long,
tedious and wearisome travelling. The Frier of this Towne named _Thomas
de la Cruz_ belonged unto the Dominican Cloister of _Guatemala_; he
was a Criolian, but yet he entertained me very lovingly. I staied
with him but that night. And in the morning (though I might have gone
to dinner to _Guatemala_) I would needs goe by the way to one of the
biggest Townes in that Countrey, called _Chimaltenango_, standing in
an open valley three leagues from the City, consisting of a thousand
house-keepers, and rich _Indians_ who trade much about the Countrey.
In this Towne in my time there was one _Indian_, who alone had
bestowed upon the Church five thousand duckates. The Church yeelds
to none in the City of _Guatemala_, and in musick it exceeds most
about the Country. The chief feast of _Chimaltenango_ is upon the
26. day of _July_, (which they call St. _Annes_ day) and then is the
richest faire that ever my eyes beheld in those parts of all sorts of
Merchants and Merchandize; It is further set forth with Bull-baiting,
Horse-racing, Stage-playes, Maskes, dances, Musick, and all this
gallantly performed by the _Indians_ of the Town. The Fryer of this
Town was a Dominican, belonging to the Cloister of the Dominicans of
_Guatemala_, named _Alonso Hidalgo_, a foure eyed old man, for hee
alwaies wore spectacles. Hee was a _Spaniard_ borne, but having beene
brought up in that Country from his youth, and having taken his habit
and vowes in _Guatemala_ amongst the Criolians, hee degenerated from
his birth and Country-men, hating all such as came from _Spain_. Hee
was a deadly enemy to the Provinciall (ayming indeed himselfe to bee
Provinciall with the favour of the Criolians) and so I perceived hee
would have picked a quarrell with mee, whilst I was with him; hee told
mee I was welcome, though hee had little reason to bid any welcome
that had come from _Spain_, who hee thought came but to supplant those
that had been born and brought up there in their own Country, and that
for ought hee knew, I learning the language of those _Indians_ might
one day dispossesse him of that Towne, wherein hee had continued above
ten yeers; hee envied much against the Provinciall and Fryer _John
Baptist_ the Prior of _Guatemala_, whom hee knew to bee my friend;
But to all this I answered not a word, respecting his grave and old
age, and Crystall spectacles. At last he told mee that hee had heard
say, that the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_ had cried mee up for a Saint,
which hee could not beleeve of any that came from _Spain_, much lesse
of mee that came from _England_ a countrey of hereticks; but hee
feared rather that I might come as a spie, to view the riches of that
their Country, and betray them hereafter to _England_; and that in
_Guatemala_ there were many rich pieces, especially a picture of our
Lady, and a lampe in the Cloister of the Dominicans, which he doubted
not but I would bee carefull to pry into. But all this I put up with a
jest, saying, that I would bee sure to take notice first of the riches
of his chamber in pictures, hangings, and rich Cabinets, and that if
the _English_ came thither in my time, I would surely conduct them
to it; and if hee himselfe would but cause a set of teeth of silver
to bee set in his gums and jawes in stead of those leaden ones, (for
hee was so old that hee had lost all his teeth, and had got some of
lead in their stead) then surely I would also conduct the _English_
to him as to a rich prize for his teeth, and that I would warrant him
hee should bee well used for his outward and inward riches; and that
this my counsell might bee profitable and of consequence to him, I
told him; for if the _English_ should come, certainly they would try
of what metall his teeth were made, thinking that they might bee of
some rare and exquisite substance found onely in that Country, and so
might cause him to drink such hot and scalding broth, (to try whether
they were lead) as might melt them in his mouth, and make the melted
lead runne downe his throat, which if they were of silver, they would
not doe. Hee perceived I jeared him, and so hee let mee alone; I was
glad I had put him out of his former byas of rayling; so dinner being
ended, I told him I would not stay supper, but goe to _Guatemala_
to a light supper in the Cloister, for that hee had given mee such
a dinner, as I feared I should not have digested it in few daies. I
desired him to let me have _Indians_ to guide me to _Guatemala_, which
he willingly performed, peradventure fearing that if I stayed supper
with him, I should melt the teeth in his mouth with some scalding cup
of my Chocolatte brought from _Chiapa_, or that in the night I should
rifle or plunder his chamber of his rich Idols and Ebony Cabinets.
The _Indians_ being come, I made hast to be gone from that four eyed
beast, being now desirous of a constant rest in _Guatemala_. Within a
league from this Town of _Chimaltenango_, the Rode way leaving that
open, wide, and spatious valley, contracts and gathereth in it selfe
between hils and mountaines standing on each side, and so continueth
to the City. From this Valley unto _Guatemala_, neither is there any
ascent or descent but a plaine, broad and sandy way. The eye hath much
to view, though compassed with Mountaines, in these two last leagues;
for yet it may behold a Town of _Indians_ which taketh up most of the
way, and is counted as big as _Chimaltenango_, if not bigger, the
houses lying scattered with a distance one from another, mingled with
many fair buildings of _Spaniards_, who resort much thither from the
City for their recreation. This Town is called _Xocotenango_, of a
fruit named Xocotte, which is most plentifull there, and all about the
Country; it is fresh and cooling, of a yellow colour when ripe, and
of two sorts, some sweet, and others sowre, of the stones whereof the
_Indians_ make a fire; they lie so thick in the way, dropping from the
trees for want of gathering and spending them all, that the _Spaniards_
have begun to practise the buying of Hogs on purpose to let them runne
about that high way, finding that they fat as speedily and as well with
those plummes, as our Hogs doe in _England_ with Akorns. All this way
are also many faire gardens, which supply the Markets of _Guatemala_
with herbs, roots, fruits, and flowers all the yeer. There are further
in this Rode three water mills for the corn of the City, whereof the
chief and the richest belongs to the Dominican Fryers of _Guatemala_,
who keep there a Fryer constantly with three or foure Blackmores to doe
and oversee the worke; What will not those Fryers doe to satisfie their
covetous mindes? Even dusty Millars they will become to get wealth. The
Frontispice of the Church of this Town is judged one of the best pieces
of worke thereabouts; the high Altar within is also rich and stately,
being all daubed with gold. I made no stay in this place, because I
knew I should have many occasions after my setling in the City to come
unto it. And thus keeping between the hils I continued on my journey
till I came to _Guatemala_, whose Dominions, riches and greatnesse the
following chapter shall largely shew.




CHAP. XVIII.

_Describing the Dominions, Government, Riches, and greatnesse of the
City of_ Guatemala, _and Country belonging unto it._


I had not rid on above a mile from the Church of _Xocotenango_, when
the hils and Mountaines seemed to depart one from another, leaving
a more spatious object for the eye to behold, and a wider Valley
to wander in. The fame of that City from _Mexico_ and _Chiapa_ had
raised up my thoughts to conceit of some strong walls, Towers, Forts
or Bulwarks to keep out an aspiring or attempting enemy; But when I
came neere and least thought of it, I found my self in it without
entring through walls, or gates, or passing over any bridge, or finding
any watch or guard to examine who I was; but passing by a new built
Church, standing neere a place of dunghils, where were none but mean
houses, some thatched, and some tyled, and asking what Town that was,
answer was made me that it was the City of _Guatemala_, and that
that, being called St. _Sebastian_, was the onely Parish Church of
the City. With this my high conceiting thoughts stooped down to think
of some second _Chiapa_; till having continued on a while by houses
on my right hand and dunghils on my left, I came to a broader street
having houses on each side, which seemed to promise a City at hand.
At my first turning I discovered a proud and stately Cloister, which
was the place of rest to my wearied body. I surrounded it to finde out
the back gate, and there lighted, and enquired for the Prior, who bad
me very welcome, assuring me that for the Provincials sake, I should
want no incouragement, and that hee would doe for mee much more then
what the Provinciall had signified unto him by Letters. He told mee hee
had beene brought up in _Spain_, in the Country of _Asturias_, where
many _English_ ships did use to come, and having seen there many of
my Nation, he affected them very much, and to mee as one of so good
a Nation, and as a stranger and Pilgrime out of my owne Country, hee
would shew all the favour that the utmost of his power would afford.
How glad was I, to find in him so contrary an opinion to that of foure
eyed _Hidalgo_? And how did he performe his words? He was the chief
Master and Reader of Divinity in the University, his name Master
_Jacintho de Cabannas_, who finding mee desirous to follow the Schools,
and especially to hear from him some lessons of Theologie, within the
first quarter of yeer, that I had been his constant and attentive
Auditor, graced mee with a publick act of conclusions of Divinity,
which I was to defend under his direction and moderation in the face
of the whole University and Assembly of Doctors and Divines, against
the Tenents of _Scotus_ and _Suarez_. But the principall and head
conclusion was concerning the birth of the Virgin _Mary_, whom both
Jesuites, _Suarez_ and Franciscans, and Scotists hold to have beene
borne without Originall sinne, or any guilt or staine of it, against
whose fond, foolish and ungrounded fancies, I publickly defended
with _Thomas Aquinas_, and all Thomists, that shee (as well as all
_Adams_ posterity) was borne in Originall sin. It was an act, the like
whereof had not been so controverted in that University with arguments
in _contra_, and their answers and solutions, and with reasons and
arguments in _pro_ many yeers before. The Jesuites stamped with their
feet, clapt with their hands, railed with their tongues, and condemned
it with their mouths for a heresie, saying, that in _England_, where
were hereticks, such an opinion concerning Christs mother might bee
held, and defended by mee who had my birth among hereticks, but that
Master _Cabannas_ borne among _Spaniards_, and brought up in their
Universities, and being the chief Reader in that famous Academy should
maintaine such an opinion, they could not but much marvaile and wonder
at it. But with patience I told them, that strong reasons, and the
further authority of many learned _Thomist_ Divines should satisfie
their vaine and clamorous wondring. The Act was ended, and though with
Jesuites I could get no credit, yet with the Dominicans, and with
Master _Cabannas_, I got so much that I never after lost it for the
space of almost twelve yeers; but was still honored by the meanes of
this _Cabannas_ and Fryer _John Baptist_ the Prior of _Chiapa_ (who
at Christmas ensuing was made Prior of _Guatemala_) with honors and
preferments as great as ever stranger was living among _Spaniards_.
These two above named being at Candlemas or beginning of _February_
that same yeer at _Chiapa_, at the election of a new Provinciall, would
not forget mee their poorest friend stil abiding in _Guatemala_, but
remembring that the University (which belonged chiefly to the Cloister)
at Michaelmas would want a new Reader or Master of Arts to begin with
Logick, continue through the eight bookes of Physicks, and to end with
the Metaphysicks, propounded mee to the new elected Provinciall (whose
name was Fryer _John Ximeno_) and to the whole Chapter and Conventicle
of the Province for Reader of Arts in _Guatemala_ the Michaelmas next
ensuing. Their suit for me was so earnest and their authority so great
that nothing could bee denied them, and so they brought unto mee from
the Provinciall Chapter these insuing Letters Patents, from Fryer _John
Ximeno_, whose form and manner I thought fit here to insert out of the
Original in _Spanish_ (which to this day abideth with me) for curiosity
and satisfaction of my Reader.

 _Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General y Prior Provincial desta
 Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores.
 Por quanto nuestro Convento de Sancto Domingo de Guatemala carece de
 Lector de Artes. Por la presente Instituyo y doy por Lector Al Padre
 fray Thomas de Sancta Maria_ (so was my Name then, and by this name
 will some _Spaniards_ know mee, who may chance hereafter to read this,
 and curse mee) _por la satisfaccion que tengo de su sufficiencia. Y
 mando al Pe. Prior del dicho nuestro Convento, le ponga en possession
 del tal Officio. Y para mayor merito de obediencia le mando in virtute
 Spiritu sancti, et sanctæ obedientiæ, et sub præcepto formali; In
 nomine Patris, et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen. Fecho en este
 nuestro Convento de Chiapa la Real en nueve de Febrero de_ 1627. _Y la
 mande sellar con sello mayor de nuistro officio._

 Fray Juan _or_ Ximeno Plis.

 Por Mandado de Nostro Rdo. Padre, Fray Juan de Sto. Domingo Noto.

 _Notifique esta Patente a el Contenido, en_ 12 _dias del mes de Abril
 de_ 1627. Fray Juan Baptista Por.

This Form according to the Originall in _Spanish_ is thus in _English_,
and to this purpose.

 Fryer _John Ximeno_ Preacher Generall, and Prior Provinciall of this
 Province of Saint _Vincent_ of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, Order of
 Preachers. Whereas our Convent of Saint _Dominick_ of _Guatemala_
 wanteth and stands in need of a Reader of Arts: By these presents I
 doe institute, name and appoint for Reader Fryer _Thomas_ of Saint
 _Mary_, for the great satisfaction which I have of his sufficiency.
 And I command the Prior of the foresaid our Convent, that hee put him
 into full possession and enjoyment of the said Office. And for the
 greater merit of obedience I command him (our forenamed Reader,) by
 vertue of the Holy Ghost, and of holy obedience, and under a formall
 precept, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
 Ghost, Amen. Dated in this our Convent of _Chiapa_ the Royall, the
 ninth of _February_, 1627. And I commanded these to bee sealed with
 the great Seale of our Office.

 _Fryer John or Ximeno Pal._

 _By the command of our Reverend Father Fryer John of St. Dominick.
 Notary._

 _I notified these Letters, Patents, unto the contained in them the_
 12. _day of the moneth of_ Aprill. 1627.

 _Fryer John Baptist. Por._

This honour conferred upon mee a stranger, and new commer to the
Province, made the Criolian party and some others (who had aymed at
that place and preferment in the University) to stomack mee. But to
mee it was a spurre to stir and prick mee on to a more eager pursuit
of learning, to frequent the _Academy_ lessons with more care and
diligence; and to spend my selfe and time, day and night, more in
studying, that so I might performe with like honour that which was
laid upon mee, and answer the expectation of my best and forwardest
friends. Three yeers I continued in this Convent and City in obedience
to the forecited Patents; oftentimes I thought within my self that the
honour of my _English_ Nation here lay upon me in _Guatemala_, in not
suffering any _Spaniard_ to goe beyond mee, or to outbrave mee with
gallant, witty and well seeming arguments; and so many times I would
at nine of the clock at night, when others were gone to bed, take in
my chamber a cup of hot Chocolatte, that with it I might banish sleep
from mine eyes, and might the better continue in my study till one or
two in the morning, being bound to awake and bee up again by six. I was
loath in these three yeers to take upon mee any other of such charges
which are common in such Convents; but especially to preach much, and
to hear the Confessions of such both men and women as resorted to the
Church of that Cloister, lest hereby my studies might bee hindered, and
time spent in other waies. Yet the Prior and Master _Cabannas_ would
often bee very importunate with mee, to obtaine the Bishops License
for hearing of Confessions, and Preaching abroad in the City and
Country (for in the Church of that Cloister I might and did sometimes,
though seldome preach with Permission of the Provinciall) but this I
strongly refused, untill such time as the Provinciall himselfe came
to _Guatemala_, who hearing me once Preach, would by all meanes have
mee further licensed and authorised from the Bishop, that so I might
not bee straitned within the Cloisters limits, but abroad in other
Churches might freely Preach, and thereby get some money for the better
furnishing my selfe with Bookes. Hee therefore commanded mee to bee
examined by five examiners all able Divines, for the space of three
houres (as is the custome of that Order) and having three houres stood
under their hard and rigid questions and examination, having also at
the end obtained their approbation, then the Provinciall presented mee
unto the Bishop with these words following, being taken out of the
Originall yet abiding with mee.

 _Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General, y Provincial desta Provincia de
 San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores, Presento
 a Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima al Padre Fray Thomas de Sancta
 Maria, examinado y a provado por cinco examinadores per vota Secreta,
 conforme a nuestras Constitutiones, Para que Vuestra Sennoria
 Illustrissima se sirva de darle licencia para Confessar y Predicar a
 todo genero de Gente en su Obispado, Conforme a la Clementina,_ Dudum
 de Sepulturis.

 _A Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima Suplico le aya por Presentado, y se
 sirva de dalle la dicha licencia, que en ello recibire merced._

 Fray Juan or Ximeno, Palis.

This forme of presentation, used among them, naming the party
presenting, and the party presented, is in English much to this purpose.

 Frier _John Ximeno_, Preacher Generall, and Provinciall of this
 Province of _St. Vincent_, of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, Order of
 Preachers, do present unto your Lordship the father Frier _Thomas_ of
 _St. Mary_ (already examined, and approved by five Examiners by secret
 Votes, according to our Rule and Constitutions) that your Lordship may
 be pleased to grant him licence to heare Confessions, and to preach
 to all sorts of people in your Bishoprick, according to that Rule
 and Canon of Pope _Clement_, beginning with these words, _Dudum de
 Sepulturis_.

 I humbly beseech your Lordship, to have him for presented, and to
 grant him your foresaid licence, and therein I shall receive great
 favour.

 _Frier John or Ximeno. Palis._

The Bishop of _Guatemala_ being my great friend, and a well-wisher to
learning and especially to that Universitie, needed not many words of
intreaty, but presently gave me this Licence written on the back-side
of the presentation, and that without any further examination by his
Clergy and part of his Chapter, which hee may and doth use when he
pleaseth.

 _Nos el Maestro Don Fray Joan de Sandoval, y, Capata, de la Orden
 de San Augustin por la Divina Gracia Obispo de Guatemala y la Vera
 Paz, y del Confejo de su Magistad etc. Por la Presente damos licencia
 al Padre Fray Thomas de Santa Maria de la orden de Predicadores
 Contenido en la Presentacion de su Religion atras Contenida, Para que
 en todo este nuestro Obispado pueda Predicar, y Predique la Palabra
 de Dios, y para que pueda administrar, y administre el Sacramento
 Santo de la Penitentia generalmente a todas las Personas que con el
 tubieren Devocion de Confessare (excepto Monias) y a las Personas que
 Confessare pueda absolver, y absuelva de todos sus pecados, Crimines
 y excessos, excepto de los casos reservados a su santidad, y a Nos
 por Direcho. Dada en la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en quarto de
 Diziembre de Mill, y Seyscientos, y veynte y nueve Annos._

 El Obispo de Guatemala

 Por Mandado del Illmo. mi Senor Pedro Ramirez de Valdes, Secretario.

This forme of licence to preach and heare confessions, from the Bishop
of _Guatemala_, is worth Englishing for some things in it, which I
shall observe with inclosed Parentheses as I goe along for the better
reminding my Reader of them.

 Wee (_Bishops in that Church scorne the name of a singular person,
 shewing they have the power of all persons joyned together in them, of
 rich and poore, of subject and Prince_) Master and Lord Frier _John de
 Sandoval y Capata_ of the Order of St. _Augustin_ (_though brought up
 in a poore Mendicant Cloister, yet now he takes upon him the Title of
 a Lord, and shewes how Prelates in that Church use to Lord it over the
 people_) by the Divine Grace Bishop of _Guatemala_ and the _Vera Paz_,
 (_he stiles himselfe a Bishop by Divine Grace, whereas he himselfe
 acording to the common report of him, as also are most Bishops there
 made, was made Bishop not by any Divine Grace, but by unwarranted
 Simony and favour from Courtiers, having given many thousand Crownes
 for that his Bishopricke_) of his Majesties Councell (_Bishops there
 must be Counsellors to Kings, and meddle in Court and Politicke
 affaires_) by these Present give licence to Father Frier _Thomas_ of
 Saint _Mary_, of the Order of Preachers, contained in the Presentation
 from his religious Order on the back-side of this our licence, that
 throughout all our Bishopricke he may and doe preach the word of
 God (_yet I confesse This word of God is little used in Sermons in
 that Church, but rather the words of Saints of theirs and Fathers,
 and lying words of miracles, wherewith they stuffe up a whole houres
 preaching_) and that he may and doe administer the holy Sacrament
 of Penance (_not holy as it came from the mouth of him to whom the
 Seraphims cry Holy, Holy, Holy, but as it came from the head of_ Rome,
 _who sacrilegiously stiles himselfe Holinesse and most Holy Father.
 Not a Sacrament as so left and ordained by Christ, but one of_ Romes
 _seven Sacraments, which as it is a City knowne and distinguished by
 seven hills, so will that Church be knowne and distinguished from the
 true Church by seven Sacraments_) generally to all persons, which
 shall have devotion to confesse with him, excepting Nuns (_this Bishop
 had in that City one of the six Judges of the Chancery his daughter
 a Nun called_ Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz, _whom he loved dearly,
 and much conferred with her in private in the Cloister, whose private
 conferences he was jealous they should be knowne in Confession, and
 therefore would suffer none to hear Nuns Confessions, but such as were
 his most intimate friends, and of whom he had great satisfaction,
 alleadging this reason that such as heard Nuns Confessions ought
 to be very skilfull and experienced in such waies, and men of age;
 for that greater cases of Conscience were to be met with in Nuns
 Confessions, than in others. By which reason he unwisely brought an
 aspersion upon those Virgins, who should live chastly and holily
 as separated from the world and inclosed, and yet it seems by this
 Bishops opinion, that within their inclosed walls sins are committed
 more grievous then abroad in the wide world, and such as may puzzle
 a Ghostly Father if not skillfull and ancient_) and that he may and
 doe absolve all persons which shall confesse with him (_if onely God
 can pardon and absolve from sinne, Oh how is Gods power arrogated and
 taken, yea and abused by those sacrilegious Priests!_) from all their
 sins, crimes, and excesses, excepting such cases as are reserved to
 his Holinesse, and to us by Canon right. (_A wicked rule and Canon,
 a Government certainly most cruell and tyrannicall, that bindes poor
 wretches in some cases to goe from_ America _to_ Rome_, at least eight
 thousand miles to cleare their Consciences before the Pope, or else
 they must die without pardon and absolution from sinne, many having
 not meanes to goe thither, nor gifts to bestow upon their Pope, who
 must be bribed to absolve them. O how more sweet, comfortable and
 safe is it for a heinous sinner and offendour even at home or in the
 Church grieving within his heart, and keeping within himselfe, to lift
 up a broken heart, and make that poste and flie with wings of Eagles
 to the high Throne of Gods grace and mercy, with assured confidence
 that there only is pardon, remission and absolution granted to all
 such as doe truely and unfeignedly repent of their sins, crimes and
 excesses!_) Dated in the City of _St. James of Guatemala_, the fourth
 day of _December_, in the yeer of our Lord 1629.


 _The Bishop of_ Guatemala.

 _By the Command of my most Illustrious Lord_, Peter Ramirez de Valdes.
 _Secretary._

Thus with full and ample Commission from the Bishop and the Provinciall
was I setled in _Guatemala_, to read and preach, where, (although I
might have continued many yeers and was offered to read Divinity,
having in part begun it one quarter of a yeere) I continued yet but
three yeers and almost an halfe for the reason I shall shew hereafter.
So what in that time I could observe of that City, and of the Countrey
round about, having had occasions to travaile about it both when I
lived in _Guatemala_, and afterwards when I lived for above seven yeers
in the Countrey Townes, I shall truly and faithfully recommend unto my
Reader. This City of _Guatemala_ (called by the Spaniards _Santiago_,
or _St. James_ of _Guatemala_) is seated in a valley, which is not
above two miles and a halfe broad, for the high mountaines doe keep
it close in; but in length towards the South-sea it continues a wide
and champaigne Countrey, opening it selfe broader a little beyond
that Towne, which to this day is called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old
City, standing somewhat above three miles from _Guatemala_. Though the
mountaines on each side doe strongly environ it, and especially on
the East-side seem to hang over it, yet none of them are hinderers to
Travellers, who over them have opened waies easie for man and beasts
though heavily laden with wares of all sorts. The way from _Mexico_,
if taken by the coast of _Soconuzco_, and _Suchutepeques_ comes into
the City North-west-ward, which is a wide, open and sandy rode; if
it be taken by _Chiapa_, it lieth North-east, and entreth into the
City between the mountaines, as before hath been noted. West-ward to
the South-sea the way lieth open through the valley and a champaigne
Countrey. But South or South-East, the entrance is over high and
steepy hils, which is the common Rode from _Comayagua, Nicaragua_,
and the _Golfo dulce_ or sweet Gulfe, where the ships come yeerly
and unlade all the Commodities which are brought from _Spaine_ for
_Guatemala_. This also is the way followed by them who take a journey
meer East-ward from this City. But the chiefest mountaines, which
straighten in this City and valley are two, called Vulcanes, the one
being a Vulcan of water, and the other a Vulcan or mountain of fire,
termed so by the _Spaniards_, though very improperly a Vulcan may be
said to containe water, it taking its name from the heathenish God
_Vulcan_, whose profession and imployment chiefly was in fire. These
two famous mountaines stand almost the one over against the other,
on each side of the valley; that of water hanging on the South-side
almost perpendicularly over the City, the other of fire standing lower
from it, more opposite to the old City. That of water is higher then
the other, and yeelds a goodly prospect to the sight, being almost all
the yeer green, and full of _Indian_ Milpa's, which are plantations
of _Indian_ wheat; and in the small and petty Townes which lie some
halfe way up it, some at the foot of it, there are Roses, Lillies,
and other flowers all the yeer long in the gardens, besides Plantins,
Apricockes, and many sorts of sweet and delicate fruits. It is called
by the _Spaniards, el Vulcan del agua_, or the Vulcan of water, because
on the other side of it from _Guatemala_ it springs with many brookes
towards a Towne called Saint _Christopher_, and especially is thought
to preserve and nourish on that side also a great lake of fresh water,
by the Townes called _Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_. But on the side of it
towards _Guatemala_ and the valley it yeelds also so many springs of
sweet and fresh water, as have caused and made a river which runneth
along the valley close by the City, and is that which drives the
water-mills spoken of before in _Xocotenango_. This river was not known
when first the _Spaniards_ conquered that Country; but since, according
to their constant Tradition, the City of _Guatemala_ standing higher
and neerer to the _Vulcan_ in that place and Town which to this day
is called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old City, there lived in it then
about the yeer 1534. a Gentlewoman called _Donna Maria de Castilia_,
who having lost her husband in the warres, and that same yeer buried
also all her children, grew so impatient under these her crosses and
afflictions, that impiously she defied God, saying, What can God do
more unto me now then he hath done? he hath done his worst without it
be to take away my life also, which I now regard not. Upon these words
there gushed out of this Vulcan such a flood of water as carried away
this woman with the streame, ruined many of the houses, and caused the
inhabitants to remove to the place where now standeth _Guatemala_.
This is the _Spaniards_ own Tradition, which if true, should be our
example to learne to feare and not to defie God, when his judgements
shew him to us angry and a God that will overcome, when he judgeth.
From that time, and from this their Tradition is the Towne now standing
where first stood _Guatemala_, called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old
City, and hath continued a river which before was not knowne, having
its head and spring from this high Vulcan, whose pleasant springs,
gardens, fruits, flowers and every green and flourishing prospect
might be a fair object to a _Martials_ wit, who here would fancie a
new _Parnassus_, find out new steps of flying _Pegasus_, and greet
the Nymphes and nine Sisters with this their never yet discovered and
_American_ habitation. This Vulcan or mountaine is not so pleasing to
the sight (whose height is judged full nine miles unto the top) but
the other which standeth on the other side of the valley opposite unto
it, is unpleasing and more dreadfull to behold, for here are ashes
for beauty, stones and flints for fruits and flowers, baldnesse for
greennesse, barrennesse for fruitfulnesse, for water whisperings and
fountaine murmurs, noise of thunders and roaring of consuming metals,
for running streams, flashings of fire, for tall and mighty trees and
Cedars, Castles of smoak rising in height to out-dare the skie and
firmament, for sweet and odoriferous and fragrant smels, a stink of
fire and brimstone, which are stil in action striving within the bowels
of that ever burning and fiery Vulcan. Thus is _Guatemala_ seated in
the midst of a Paradise on the one side and a hell on the other, yet
never hath this hell broke so loose as to consume that flourishing
City. True it is formerly many yeers agoe it opened a wide mouth on
the top, and breathed out such fiery ashes as filled the houses of
_Guatemala_ and the Country about, and parched all the plants and
fruits, and spued out such stones and rockes which had they fallen upon
the City would have crushed it to pieces, but they fell not farre from
it, but to this day lie about the bottome and sides of it, causing
wonder to those that behold them, and taking away admiration from them
that admire the force and strength of fire and powder in carrying on
a weighty bullet from the mouth of a cannon, whereas here the fire of
this mountaine hath cast up into the aire and tumbled downe to the
bottom of it such rockes as in bignesse exceed a reasonable house, and
which not the strength of any twenty Mules (as hath been tried) have
been able to remove. The fire which flasheth out of the top of this
mountain is sometimes more and sometimes lesse; yet while I lived in
the City, on a certaine time for the space of three or foure dayes
and nights it did so burne that my friend Mr. _Cabannas_ confidently
avouched to mee and others, that standing one night in his window he
had with the light of that fire read a letter, the distance being above
three _English_ miles. The roaring also of this monstrous beast is not
constantly alike, but is greater in the summer time then in the winter,
that is, from _October_ to the end of _April_, then all the rest of the
yeer; for then it seems, the winds entring into those concavities set
the fire on work harder then at other times, and cause the mountaine
to roare and the earth about to quake. There was a time three yeers
before my comming to that City, when the inhabitants expected nothing
but utter ruine and destruction, and durst not abide within their
houses for nine dayes (the earthquakes continuing and increasing more
and more) but made bowers and arbours in the Market place, placing
there their Idoll Saints and Images, especially St. _Sebastian_, whom
they hoped would deliver them from that judgement, and for this purpose
they dayly carried him through the streets in solemn and idolatrous
procession and adoration. But all the while I lived there the noise
within the mountaine, the smoake and flashes of fire without, and the
Summer earth-quakes were such that with the use and custome of them
I never feared any thing, but thought that City the healthiest and
pleasantest place of dwelling that ever I came into in all my travels.
The climate is very temperate, farre exceeding either _Mexico_ or
_Guaxaca_. Neither are the two fore-named Cities better stored with
fruits, herbes for salets, provision of fish, and flesh, Beef, Mutton,
Veale, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Rabbets, Quailes, Partridges, Pheasants,
and of _Indian_ and _Spanish_ Wheat, then is this City: from the South
Sea (which lyeth in some places not above twelve leagues from it) and
from the Rivers of the South Sea Coast, and from the fresh Lake of
_Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_, and from another Lake lying three or foure
leagues from _Chimalienango_; it is well and plentifully provided for
of fish. But for Beef there is such plenty, that it exceeds all parts
of _America_, without exception, as may be known by the Hydes, which
are sent yeerly to _Spain_ from the country of _Guatemala_, where
they commonly kill their Cattell, more for the game of their Hydes in
_Spain_, then for the goodnesse or fatnesse of the flesh, which though
it bee not to bee compared to our _English_ Beef, yet it is good mans
meat, and so cheap, that in my time it was commonly sold at thirteene
pound and a halfe for half a Riall, the least coyne there, and as much
as three pence here. Though all about this Country there are very great
and spatious Estancia's, or Farmes for breeding onely, even neer to the
_Golfo Dulce_, where the ships ride that come from _Spain_, yet from
_Comayagua_, St. _Salvador_ and _Nicaragua_, is _Guatemala_ stored; But
above all are the great Estancia's in the South Sea Coast or Marsh,
where in my time there was a Grazier that reckoned up going in his
owne Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts, small and
great, besides many which are called there Simarrones, or wild Cattell,
which were strayed among the Woods and Mountaines, and could not bee
gathered in with the rest, but were hunted by the Blackmores like wild
Bores, and daily shot to death, least they should too much increase and
doe hurt. My selfe chanced to bee present at the Fair of the Town of
_Petapa_, with a friend named _Lope de Chaves_, (who was as they call
there, Obligado, or charged to provide flesh for six or seven Townes
thereabouts) who at one bargain, and of one man, bought six thousand
head of Cattell, great and small, paying one with another eighteen
Rials, or nine English shillings a head.

The manner and custome of _Guatemala_ for the better providing both
Beef and Mutton for it, and the Country Townes about, is this. Nine
daies before Michaelmas, every day Proclamation is made about the City
for an Obligado, or one that will bee bound to the City and Country for
competent provision of Flesh meat upon forfeiture of such a summe of
money to his Majesty, if hee faile, as shall bee agreed upon between
him and the Court, and to the Inhabitants of the City; if hee fail in
beef, hee is to allow in Mutton so many pounds at the same rate as hee
should have allowed beef. If the Obligado faile in Mutton, hee is to
allow in Fowle flesh, so many pounds and at the same rate as hee was
to allow the Mutton; and this with consideration of the family, what
competent allowance of flesh meat shall bee judged for a day, or the
dayes that the Obligado shall fail. Besides this the Proclamation is
made for whom offers most to his Majesty for one yeers Obligation. So
that sometimes it happeneth that the eight daies severall men come
into the Court, offering more and more, till upon the ninth day and
last Proclamation, the Office is setled for one yeere upon him that
hath offered most unto his Majesty. Thus many Butchers are not allowed
but one onely Obligado, who also is abridged to so many pound for so
much mony, so that if any other besides him offer to kill or sell, he
may follow an action and the Court against him: Thus the Obligado (who
commonly is a monied man) buyeth by the hundred or by the thousand,
as for the present hee findeth the expence of the City, without hee
bee himself such a Grazier, as hath Cattell enough of his owne.
Though Mutton bee not so plentifull as is Beef, yet there never wants
from the Valley of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa_, and _Amatitlan_, and the
_Marsh_ and other places. In the Valley fore-named I lived, and was
well acquainted with one _Alonso Capata_, who had constantly going
in the Valley four thousand sheep. _Guatemala_ therefore is so well
stored with good provision, plentifull and cheap, that it is hard to
finde in it a begger, for with halfe a Riall the poorest may buy beef
for a weeke, and with a few Cacao's they may have bread of _Indian_
Maiz, if not of _Spanish_ Wheat. This City may consist of about five
thousand families, besides a Suburb of _Indians_ called _el Barrio de
Sto. Domingo_, where may bee two hundred families more. The best part
of the City is that which joyneth to this Suburb of _Indians_, and is
called also _el Barrio Santo de Domingo_, by reason of the Cloister of
Saint _Dominick_ which standeth in it. Here are the richest and best
shops of the City, with the best buildings, most of the houses being
new, and stately. Here is also a dayly Tianguez (as they call it) or
petty Market, where some _Indians_ all the day sit selling fruits,
Herbs, and Cacao, but at the foure in the afternoone, this Market
is filled for a matter of an houre, where the _Indian_ women meet
to sell their Country slap, (which is dainties to the Criolians) as
Atolle, Pinole, scalded Plantins, butter of the Cacao, puddings made
of _Indian_ Maiz, with a bit of Fowle or fresh Porke in them seasoned
with much red biting Chile, which they call Anacatamales. The trading
of the City is great, for by Mules it partakes of the best commodities
of _Mexico, Guaxaca_ and _Chiapa_, and Southward of _Nicaragua_, and
_Costarica_. By Sea it hath commerce with _Peru_, by two Sea Ports and
Havens, the one called _la Villa de la Trinidad_, the Village of the
Trinity, which lyeth Southward from it five and twenty leagues; and by
another called _el Realejo_, which lyeth five or six and forty leagues
from it. It hath traffique with _Spain_ by the North Sea from _Golfo
dulce_, lying threescore leagues from it. It is not so rich as other
Cities, yet for the quantity of it, it yeelds to none. There were in my
time five (besides many other Merchants who were judged worth twenty
thousand Duckats, thirty thousand, fifty thousand, some few a hundred
thousand) who were judged of equall wealth, and generally reported
to bee worth each of them five hundred thousand Duckats; the first
was _Thomas de Siliezer_, a Biscain born, and _Alcalde de Corte_, the
Kings High Justice, or chief Officer at Court; the second was _Antonio
Justiniano_, a _Genovois_ born, and one that bore often Offices in
the City, and had many Tenements and houses, especially a great and
rich Farme for corn and Wheat in the Valley of _Mexico_. The third was
_Pedro de Lira_, born in _Castilia_, the fourth and fifth, _Antonio
Fernandez_, and _Bartolome Nunnez_, both _Portingals_, whereof the
first in my time departed from _Guatemala_ for some reasons which here
I must conceale. The other foure I left there, the three of them living
at that end of the City called _Barrio de Santo Domingo_, or the street
of St. _Dominick_, whose houses and presence makes that street excell
all the rest of the City, and their wealth and trading were enough to
denominate _Guatemala_ a very rich City. The Government of all the
Country about, and of all _Honduras, Soconusco, Comayagua, Nicaragua,
Costa Rica, Vera Paz, Suchutepeques_, and _Chiapa_, is subordinate unto
the Chancery of _Guatemala_; for although every Governour over these
severall Provinces is appointed by the King and Councell of _Spain_,
yet when they come to those parts to the enjoyment of their charge and
execution office, then their actions, if unjust, are weighed, judged,
censured, and condemned by the Court residing in the City. This Court
of Chancery consisteth of a President, six Judges, one Kings Attourney,
and two chief Justices of Court. The President, though hee have not
the name and title of Viceroy, as they of _Mexico_ and _Peru_, yet
his power is as great and absolute as theirs. His Pension from the
King is but twelve thousands Duckats a yeer; but besides this, if he
be covetous, hee makes by bribes and trading twice as much more, nay
what hee list, as was seen in the _Count de la Gomera_, President of
that City and Chancery for the space of fourteen yeers, who departed
in old age from _Guatemala_ to _Canaria_ (where was his house and
place of birth) worth Millions of Duckats. After him succeeded _Don
Juan de Guzman_, formerly President of _Santo Domingo_, who losing his
Wife and Lady in the way, lost also his former spirit and courage,
betaking himselfe wholly to his devotions, contemning wealth and
riches, governing with love and mildnesse, which made the rest of the
Judges, who were all for lucre, soone weary him out of his office,
continuing in it but five yeers. His successor (whom I left there when
I came away) was _Don Gonzalo de Paz y Lorencana_, who was promoted
from the Presidency of _Panama_ to that place, and came into it with
such a spirit of covetousnesse as the like had not been seen in any
former President. Hee forbad all gaming in private houses in the City,
which there is much used (though by women not so much as in _Mexico_)
not for that hee hated it, but because hee envied others, what they
got and gained by their Cards, drawing to himselfe thereby all that
gaine, spending sometimes in one night foure and twenty paire of Cards,
appointing a Page to assist at the Tables, and to see the box well paid
for every paire of Cards, which for his, and his Court respect, was
seldome lesse then a crown or two for every paire. Thus did hee lick up
with his Cards most of the gamesters gaines, and would grudge and pick
quarrels with such rich men whom hee knew to affect gaming, if they
frequented not his Court at night time for that bewitching Recreation.

The Pension which the King alloweth to every Judge of Chancery is
foure thousand duckats yeerly, and three thousand to his Attorney,
all which is paid out of the Kings Exchequer abiding in that City. Yet
what besides they get by bribes, and trading is so much, that I have
heard a Judge himselfe _Don Luis de las Infantas_ say, that though a
Judges place at _Mexico_ and _Lima_ be more honourable, yet none more
profitable then _Guatemala_. In my time were such causes at Chancery
tried, as had never been, of murthers, robberies, and oppressions, and
whereas it was expected the offendants some should be hanged, some
banished, some imprisoned, some by fines impoverished, bribes took all
off, so that I never knew one hanged in that City for the space of
above eight yeers. The Churches though they be not so fair and rich as
those of _Mexico_, yet they are for that place wealthy enough. There
is but one Parish Church and a Cathedrall which standeth in the chiefe
Market-place. All the other Churches belong to Cloisters, which are of
Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercenarians, Augustines, and Jesuites, and
two of Nuns, called the Conception and _St. Catharine_. The Dominicans,
Franciscans, and Mercenarians are stately Cloisters, containing neer a
hundred Friers a piece; but above all is the Cloister where I lived, of
the Dominicans, to which is joyned in a great Walk before the Church
the Universitie of the City. The yeerly revenues which come into this
Cloister, what from the _Indian_ Towns belonging to it, what from a
water-mill, what from a farme for corne, what from an Estancia, or
farme for Horses and Mules, what from an Ingenio, or farme of Sugar,
what from a Mine of silver given unto it the yeer 1633. are judged to
be (excepting all charges) at least thirty thousand duckats; wherewith
those fat Friers feast themselves, and have to spare to build, and
enrich their Church and Altars. Besides much treasure belonging to it,
there are two things in it, which the _Spaniards_ in merriment would
often tell me that the _English_ nation did much inquire after, when
they tooke any ship of theirs at sea, and that they feared I was come
to spie them, which were a Lampe of silver hanging before the high
Altar, so big as required the strength of three men to hale it up with
a rope; but the other is of more value; which is a picture of the
Virgin _Mary_ of pure silver, and of the stature of a reasonable tall
woman, which standeth in a Tabernacle made on purpose in a Chappel of
the Rosary with at least a dozen lampes of silver also burning before
it. A hundred thousand duckats might soone be made up of the treasure
belonging to that Church and cloister. Within the walls of the Cloister
there is nothing wanting which may further pleasure and recreation. In
the lower Cloister there is a spatious garden, in the midst whereof is
a fountains casting up the water, and spouting it out of at least a
dozen pipes, which fill two ponds full of fishes, and with this their
constant running give musicke to the whole Cloister, and encouragement
to many water-fowles and Ducks to bath and wash themselves therein. Yet
further within the Cloister, there are other two gardens for fruits
and herbage, and in the one a pond of a quarter of a mile long, all
paved at the bottom, and a low stone wall about, where is a boat for
the Friers recreation, who often goe thither to fish, and doe sometimes
upon a suddaine want or occasion take out from thence as much fish as
will give to the whole Cloister a dinner. The other Cloisters of the
City are also rich; but next to the Dominicans is the Cloister of Nuns,
called the Conception, in which at my time there were judged to live
a thousand women, not all Nuns, but Nuns, and their serving maids or
slaves, and yong children which were brought up and taught to worke by
the Nuns. The Nuns that are professed bring with them their portions,
five hundred duckats the least, some six hundred, some seven, and some
a thousand, which portions after a few yeers (and continuing to the
Cloister after the Nuns decease) come to make up a great yeerly rent.
They that will have maids within to wait on them may, bringing the
bigger portion, or allowing yeerly for their servants diet. In this
Cloister lived that _Donna Juana de Maldonado_ Judge _Juan Maldonado
de Paz_ his daughter, whom the Bishop so much conversed withall. She
was very fair and beautifull, and not much above twenty yeers of age,
and yet his love blinding him, he strove what he could in my time
against all the ancient Nuns and Sisters, to make her Superiour and
Abbesse, and caused such a mutiny and strife in that Cloister, which
was very scandalous to the whole City, and made many rich Merchants
and Gentlemen run to the Cloister with their swords drawne, threatning
to breake in amongst the Nuns to defend their daughters against the
powerfull faction which the Bishop had wrought for _Donna Juana de
Maldonado_: which they had performed if the President _Don Juan de
Guzman_ had not sent _Juan Maldonado de Paz_, the yong Nuns father, to
intreat her to desist in regard of her yong age from her ambitious
thoughts or being Abbesse. With this the mutiny both within and without
ceased, the Bishop got but shame, and his yong Sister continued as
before under command and obedience, to a more religious, grave, and
aged Nun then her selfe. This _Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz_ was the
wonder of all that Cloister, yea of all the City for her excellent
voice, and skill in musicke, and in carriage, and education yeelded
to none abroad nor within; she was witty, well spoken and above all a
_Calliope_, or Muse for ingenious and suddain verses; which the Bishop
said, so much moved him to delight in her company and conversation. Her
father thought nothing too good, nor too much for her; and therefore
having no other children, he daily conferred upon her riches, as might
best beseem a Nun, as rich and costly Cabinets faced with gold and
silver, pictures and Idols for her chamber with crownes and jewels to
adorne them; which with other presente from the Bishop (who dying in my
time left not wherewith to pay his debts, for that as the report went,
he had spent himselfe and given all unto this Nun) made this _Donna
Juana de Maldonado_ so rich and stately, that at her owne charges shee
built for herselfe a new quarter within the Cloister with roomes and
galleries, and a private garden-walke, and kept at worke and to wait
on her halfe a dozen _Black-more_ maids; but above all she placed
her delight in a private Chappel or Closet to pray in, being hung
with rich hangings, and round about it costly lamina's (as they call
them) or pictures painted upon brasse set in blacke Ebony frames with
corners of gold, some of silver brought to her from _Rome_; her Altar
was accordingly decked with Jewels, Candlesticks, Crownes, Lamps, and
covered with a Canopie embroidered with gold; in her Closet she had
her small organ, and many sorts of musicall instruments, whereupon she
played sometimes by herselfe, sometimes with her best friends of the
Nuns; and here especially she entertained with musicke her beloved the
Bishop. Her Chappel or place of devotion was credibly reported about
the City to be worth at least six thousand Crownes, which was enough
for a Nun that had vowed chastity, poverty, and obedience. But all this
after her decease she was to leave to the Cloister; and doubtlesse with
this State, and riches she would win more and more the hearts of the
common sort of Nuns, till she had made a strong party, which by this
may have made her Abbesse. Thus is ambition and desire of command and
power crept into the walls of Nunneries, like the abominations in the
wall of _Ezekiel_, and hath possessed the hearts of Nuns, which should
be humble, poore, and mortified Virgins.

But besides this one Nun, there are many more, and also Friers, who
are very rich, for if the City be rich (as is this) and great trading
in it, they will be sure to have a share. Great plenty and wealth hath
made the inhabitants as proud and vicious, as are those of _Mexico_.
Here is not onely Idolatry, but Fornication and uncleannesse as
publike as in any place of the _India's_: The _Mulatto's, Black-mores,
Mestica's, Indians_, and all common sort of people are much made on
by the greater and richer sort, and goe as gallantly apparrelled as
doe those of _Mexico_, fearing neither a Vulcan or mountaine of water
on the one side, which they confesse hath once powred out a flood and
river executing Gods wrath against sin there committed; neither a
Vulcan of fire, or mouth of hell on the other side, roaring within and
threatning to raine upon them _Sodoms_ ruine and destruction; neither
the weakness of their habitation; lying wide open on every side,
without walls, or workes, or bulwarkes, to defend them, or without
guns, drakes, bullets, or any Ammunition to scare away an approaching
enemy, who may safely come and without resistance upon them who live as
professed enemies of Jesus Christ. This is the City of _St. James_ or
_Santiago de Guatemala_, the head of a vaste and ample Dominion, which
extendeth it selfe nine hundred miles to _Nicoya_ and _Costa Rica_
South-ward; three hundred miles to _Chiapa_ and _Zoques_ North-ward; a
hundred and fourescore miles to the further parts of _Vera Paz_, and
the _Golfo dulce_ East-ward; and to the South-sea twenty or thirty, in
some places fourty miles West-ward.

From _Tecoantepeque_ (which is no harbour for any great ships) which
standeth from _Guatemala_ at least foure hundred miles, there is no
landing place for ships neerer to this City then is the village _de
la Trinidad_, or of the Trinity. The chiefe commodities which from
along that coast are brought to _Guatemala_, are from the Provinces of
_Soconuzco_ and _Suchutepeques_, which are extreame hot, and subject to
thunder and lightning, where groweth scarce any remarkeable commodity,
save only _Cacao, Achiotte, Mechasuchil, Bainillas_ and other drugs
for Chocolatte, except it be some _Indigo_ and _Cochinil_ about _St.
Antonio_, which is the chiefe and head Town of all the _Suchutepeques_.
But all the coast neer joyning to _Guatemala_, especially about a Towne
called _Izquinta_, or _Izquintepeque_ twelve leagues from _Guatemala_,
is absolutely the richest part of the Dominion of this City; for there
is made the greatest part of the _Indigo_ which is sent from _Honduras_
to _Spaine_, besides the mighty farmes of Cattel which are all along
that marsh. Though the living there be profitable and the soile rich,
yet it is uncomfortable by reason of the great heat, thundrings and
lightnings, especially from _May_ to _Michaelmas_. If _Guatemala_ be
strong (though not in weapons or Ammunition) in people, it is strong
from hence from a desperate sort of _Black-mores_, who are slaves in
those Estancia's and farms of _Indigo_. Though they have no weapons but
a Machette, which is a short Tuck, or lances to run at the wild Cattel,
yet with these they are so desperate, that the City of _Guatemala_
hath often been afraid of them, and the Masters of their owne slaves
and servants. Some of them feare not to encounter a Bull though wild
and mad, and to graple in the rivers (which are many there) with
Crocodiles, or Lagarto's, as there they call them, till they have
overmastered them, and brought them out to land from the water.

This hot, but rich Country runnes on by the Sea side unto the Village
of the Trinity, which (though somewhat dangerous) yet is a haven
for ships from _Panama, Peru_, and _Mexico_; It serves to enrich
_Guatemala_, but not to strengthen it, for it hath neither Fort,
nor Bulwarke, nor Castle, nor any Ammunition to defend it selfe.
Between this Village and the other Haven called _Realejo_, there is a
great Creek from the Sea; where small vessels doe use to come in for
fresh water and Victuals to St. _Miguel_ a Towne of _Spaniards_ and
_Indians_, from whence those that travaile to _Realejo_ passe over in
lesse then a day to a Town of _Indians_ called _La Vieja_, two miles
from _Realejo_, whither the journey by land from St. _Miguel_ is of
at least three daies. But neither this Creeke or Arme of the Sea is
fortified (which might be done with one or two peeces of Ordnance at
most placed at the mouth of the seas entrance) neither is the _Realejo_
strong with any Ammunition, no nor with people, for it consists not
of above two hundred families, and most of them are _Indians_ and
_Mestico's_, a people of no courage, and very unfit to defend such an
open passage to _Guatemala_ and _Nicaragua_, which here begins and
continues in small and petty _Indian_ Townes unto _Leon_ and _Granada_.

On the North side of _Guatemala_ I shall not need to adde to what
hath been said of _Suchutepeques_ and _Soconuzco_, and my journy that
way from _Mexico_ and _Chiapa_. The chiefe side of _Guatemala_ is
that on the East, which points out the way to the Golfe, or _Golfo
dulce_, or as others call it _St. Thomas de Castilia_. This way is
more beaten by Mules and Travellers, then that on the North side,
for that _Mexico_ standeth three hundred leagues from this City, and
the Golfe but threescore, and no such passages as are in some places
in the Rode to _Mexico_. Besides the great trading, commerce, and
traffique, which this City injoyeth by that Golfe from _Spaine_, hath
made that rode exceed all the rest. In _July_ or at furthest in the
beginning of _August_ come into that Golfe three ships, or two, and
frigate, and unlade what they have brought from _Spain_ in _Bodega's_
or great Lodges, built on purpose to keep dry and from the weather the
commodities. They presently make hast to lade againe from _Guatemala_
those Merchants commodities of returne, which peradventure have lien
waiting for them in the _Bodega's_ two or three moneths before the
ships arrivall. So that these three moneths of _July, August_ and
_September_, there is sure to be found a great treasure. And O the
simplicity or security of the _Spaniards_, who appoint no other watch
over these their riches, save only one or two _Indians_ and as many
_Mulatto's_, who commonly are such as have for their misdemeanours
been condemned to live in that old and ruinated Castle of _S. Thomas
de Castilia_! True it is, above it there is a little and ragged Town
of _Indians_, called _S. Pedro_, consisting of some thirty families,
who by reason of the exceeding heat, and unhealthinesse of the air,
are alwaies sickly and scarce able to stand upon their legs. But the
weakenesse of this Golfe within might well bee remedied and supplyed
at the mouth of the sea, or entrance into it by one or two at the
most good peeces of Ordnance placed there. For the entrance into this
Golfe is but as one should come in at the doore of some great Palace,
where although the dore and entrance be narrow, the house within is
wide and capacious. Such is this Golfe, whose entrance is straitned
with two rocks or mountaines on each side (which would well become two
great Peeces, and so scorne a whole fleet, and secure a Kingdome of
_Guatemala_, nay most of all _America_) but here being no watch nor
defence, the ships come freely and safely in (as have done some both
_English_ and _Holland_ ships) and being entred find a rode and harbour
so wide and capacious as may well secure a thousand ships there riding
at anchor, without any thought of feare from _St. Pedro_, or _Santo
Thomas de Castilia_. I have often heard the _Spaniards_ jear and laugh
at the _English_ and _Hollanders_, for that they having come into this
Golfe, have gone away without attempting any thing further upon the
land. Nay while I lived there, the _Hollanders_ set upon _Truxillo_
the head Port of _Comayagua_ and _Honduras_, and tooke it (though
there were some resistance) the people for the most part flying to the
woods, trusting more to their feet then to their hands and weapons
(such cowards is all that Countrey full of) and whilst they might have
fortified themselves there and gone into the Countrey, or fortifying
that have come on to the Golfe (all _Guatemala_ fearing it much and not
being able to resist them) they left _Truxillo_ contenting themselves
with a small pillage, and gave occasion to the _Spaniards_ to rejoyce
and to make processions of thanksgiving for their safe deliverance out
of their enemies hands.

The way from this Golfe to _Guatemala_ is not so bad as some report and
conceive, especially after _Michaelmas_ untill _May_, when the winter
and rain is past and gone, and the winds begin to dry up the waies. For
in the worst of the yeer Mules laden with four hundred waight at least
goe easily thorow the steepest, deepest, and most dangerous passages of
the mountaines that lie about this Golfe. And though the waies are at
that time of the yeer bad, yet they are so beaten with the Mules, and
so wide and open, that one bad step and passage may be avoided for a
better; and the worst of this way continues but fifteen leagues, there
being Rancho's, or Lodges in the way, Cattel and Mules also among the
woods and mountaines, for reliefe and comfort to a weary Traveller.
What the _Spaniards_ most feare untill they come out of these
mountaines, are some two or three hundred _Black-mores, Simarrones_,
who for too much hard usage, have fled away from _Guatemala_ and
other parts from their Masters unto these woods, and there live and
bring up their children and encrease daily, so that all the power of
_Guatemala_, nay all the Countrey about (having often attempted it) is
not able to bring them under subjection. These often come out to the
rode way, and set upon the Requa's of Mules, and take of Wine, Iron,
clothing and weapons from them as much as they need, without doing any
harme unto the people, or slaves that goe with the Mules; but rather
these rejoyce with them, being of one colour, and subject to slavery
and misery which the others have shaken off; by whose example and
encouragement many of these also shake off their misery, and joyne with
them to enjoy libertie, though it be but in the woods and mountaines.
Their weapons are bowes and arrows which they use and carry about
them, onely to defend themselves, if the _Spaniards_ set upon them;
else they use them not against the _Spaniards_, who travell quietly
and give them part of what provision they carry. These have often said
that the chiefe cause of their flying to those mountaines is to be
in a readinesse to joyne with the _English_ or _Hollanders_, if ever
they land in that Golfe; for they know, from them they may injoy that
liberty which the _Spaniards_ will never grant unto them. After the
first fifteen leagues the way is better, and there are little Towns
and villages of _Indians_, who relieve with provision both man and
beast. Fifteen leagues further is a great Town of _Indians_, called
_Acasabastlan_, standing upon a river, which for fish is held the best
all that Country. Though here are many sorts, yet above all there is
one which they call Bobo, a thick round fish as long or longer then
a mans arme, with onely a middle bone, as white as milke, at fat as
butter, and good to boil, fry, stew or bake. There is also from hence
most of the way to _Guatemala_ in brooks and shallow rivers, one of the
best sort of fishes in the world, which the _Spaniards_ judge to be a
kind of Trout, it is called there Tepemechin, the fat whereof resembles
veal more than fish.

This Towne of _Acasabastlan_ is governed by a _Spaniard_ who is called
Corrigidor; his power extendeth no farther then to the Golfe, and to
those Townes in the way. This Governour hath often attempted to bring
in those _Simarrones_ from the mountaines, but could never prevaile
against them. All the strength of this place may bee some twenty
muskets (for so many _Spanish_ houses there may bee in the Towne) and
some few _Indians_ that use bowes and arrowes, for the defence of the
Town against the _Blackmore Simarrones_.

About _Acasabastlan_, there are many Estancia's of Cattell and
Mules, much Cacao, Achiotte, and drugs for Chocolatte; There is also
Apothecary drugs, as _Zarzaparilla_, and _Canna fistula_, and in the
Town as much variety of fruits and gardens, as in any one _Indian_ Town
in the Country; But above all _Acasabastlan_, is farre known, and much
esteemed of in the City of _Guatemala_, for excellent Muskmillians,
some small, some bigger then a mans head, wherewith the _Indians_
load their mules and carry them to sell all over the Country. From
hence to _Guatemala_, there are but thirty short leagues, and though
some hills there be, ascents and descent, yet nothing troublesome
to man or beast. Among these Mountaines there have beene discovered
some mines of metall, which the _Spaniards_ have begun to digge, and
finding that they have been some of Copper, and some of iron, they
have let them alone, judgeing them more chargeable then profitable.
But greater profit have the _Spaniards_ lost, then of iron and copper,
for using the poore _Indians_ too hardly, and that in this way, from
_Acasabastlan_ to _Guatemala_, especially about a place called, _el
Agua Caliente_, the hot water, where is a River, out of which in some
places formerly the _Indians_ found such store of gold, that they were
charged by the _Spaniards_ with a yeerly tribute of gold. But the
_Spaniards_ being like _Valdivia_ in _Chille_, too greedy after it,
murthering the _Indians_ for not discovering unto them whereabout this
treasure lay, have lost both treasure and _Indians_ also. Yet unto this
day search is made about the Mountaines, the River, and the sands for
the hidden treasure, which peradventure by Gods order and appointment,
doth and shall lie hide, and kept for a people better knowing and
honouring their God. At this place called _el Agua Caliente_, or the
hot water, liveth a Blackmore in an Estancia of his own, who is held
to be very rich, and gives good entertainement to the Travellers that
passe that way; he is rich in Cattell, Sheep, and Goates, and from his
Farm stores _Guatemala_ and the people thereabout with the best Cheese
of all that Country. But his riches are thought not so much to increase
from his Farm and cheeses, but from this hidden treasure, which
credibly is reported to be known unto him. He hath been questioned
about it in the Chancery of _Guatemala_, but hath denyed often any such
treasure to be known unto him. The jealousie and suspicion of him, is,
for that formerly having been a slave, hee bought his freedome with
great summes of money, and since hee hath been free, hath bought that
farm and much land lying to it, and hath exceedingly increased his
stock; To which hee answereth, that when hee was young and a slave,
hee had a good Master, who let him get for himself what hee could,
and that hee playing the good husband, gathered as much as would buy
his liberty, and at first a little house to live in, to the which God
hath since given a blessing with a greater increase of stock. From
this hot water three or foure leagues, there is another River called,
_Rio de las Vaccas_, or the River of _Cowes_, where are a company of
poore and country people most of them Mestizo's, and Mulatto's, who
live in thatched houses, with some small stock of Cattell, spending
their time also in searching for sands of Gold, hoping that one day by
their diligent search they and their children, and all their Country
shall bee inriched, and that _Rio de las Vaccas_, shall parallel
_Pactolus_, and stirre up the wits of Poets to speak of it as much as
ever they have spoke of that. From this River is presently discovered
the pleasantest valley in all that Country, (where my selfe did live
at least five yeers) called the Valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola_, lying
six leagues from _Guatemala_, being fifteen miles in length, and ten
or twelve in breadth; Out of the inclosures this Valley is stored with
sheep; the ground inclosed is divided into many Farmes, where groweth
better wheat then any in the Country of _Mexico_. From this Valley the
city is well provided of wheat, and Bisket is made for the ships that
come every yeere unto the Golf. It is called the Valley of _Mixco_, and
_Pinola_ from two Townes of _Indians_, so called, standing opposite
the one to the other on each side of the Valley, _Pinola_, on the
left side from _Rio de las Vaccas_, and _Mixco_ on the right. Here do
live many rich Farmers, but yet Country and clownish people, who know
more of breaking clods of earth, then of managing Armes offensive or
defensive. But among them I must not forget one friend of mine, called
_Juan Palomeque_, whom I should have more esteemed of then I did if I
could have prevailed with him to have made him live more like a man
then a beast, more like a free man then a bond slave to his gold and
silver. This man had in my time three hundred lusty mules trained up in
the way of the Golf, which hee divided into six Requa's, or companies,
and for them he kept above a hundred _Black-more_ slaves, men, women,
and children, who lived neer _Mixco_ in severall thatched cottages.
The house he lived in himselfe was but a poore thatched house, wherein
he tooke more delight to live then in other houses which he had in
_Guatemala_, for there hee lived like a wilde _Simarron_ among his
slaves and _Black-mores_, whereas in the City he should have lived
civilly; there he lived with milke, curds, and blacke, hard and mouldy
bisket, and with a dry tassajo, which is dry salted beefe cut out in
thinne slices, and dryed in the sun and wind, till there be little
substance left in it, such as his slaves were wont to cary to the
Golfe for their provision by the way, whereas if he had lived in the
City, he must have eat for his credit what others of worth did eat.
But the miser knew well, which was the best way to save, and so chose
a field for a City, a cottage for a house, company of _Simarrones_ and
_Black-mores_ for Citizens, and yet he was thought to be worth six
hundred thousand duckats. He was the undoer of all others who dealed
with Mules for bringing and carrying commodities to the Golfe for the
Merchants; for he having lusty Mules, lusty slaves, would set the
price or rate for the hundred weight so, as he might get, but others
at that rate hiring _Indians_ and servants to goe with their Mules,
might lose. He was so cruell to his _Black-mores_, that if any were
untoward, he would torment them almost to death; amongst whom he had
one slave called _Macaco_ (for whom I have often interceded, but to
little purpose) whom he would often hang up by the armes, and whip him
till the blood ran about his back, and then his flesh being torne,
mangled, and all in a goar blood, he would for last cure powre boyling
grease upon it; he had marked him for a slave with burning irons upon
his face, his hands, his armes, his back, his belly, his thighes, his
legs, that the poor slave was weary of life, and I thinke would two
or three times have hanged himselfe, if I had not counselled him to
the contrary. He was so sensuall and carnall that he would use his own
slaves wives at his pleasure; nay when he met in the City any of that
kind handsome and to his liking, if she would not yeeld to his desire,
he would goe to her master or mistresse, and buy her, offering far more
then she was worth, boasting that he would pull downe her proud and
haughty lookes, with one yeers slavery under him. He killed in my time
two _Indians_ in the way to the Golfe, and with his mony came off, as
if he had killed but a dog. He would never marry, because his slaves
supplyed the bed of a wife, and none of his neighbours durst say him
nay; whereby he hasted to fill that valley with bastards of all sorts
and colours, by whom, when that rich miser dieth, all his wealth and
treasure is like to be consumed.

Besides the two Townes which denominate this valley, there standeth
at the East end of it close by the _Rio de las Vaccas_ an Ermitage,
called _Nostra Sennora del Carmel_, or our Lady of _Carmel_, which
is the Parish Church to all those severall farmes of _Spaniards_
living in the valley; though true it is, most constantly they doe
resort unto the _Indian_ Townes to Masse, and in _Mixco_ especially,
the _Spaniards_ have a rich sodality of our Lady of the Rosary, and
the _Black-mores_ another. In all the valley there may be between
fourty and fifty _Spanish_ farmes or houses belonging to the Ermitage,
and in all these houses, some three hundred slaves, men and women,
_Black-mores_ and _Mulatto's. Mixco_ is a town of three hundred
families, but in it nothing considerable, but the riches belonging
unto the two forenamed Sodalities, and some rich _Indians_, who have
learned of the _Spaniards_ to break clods of earth, and to sow wheat,
and to traffique with Mules unto the Golfe. Besides what fowles and
great store of Turkeys which in this Towne are bred, there is a
constant slaughter house, where meat is sold to the _Indians_ within,
and to the farmes without, and provision is made for all the Requa's
and slaves that go to the Golfe with their masters Mules. Besides the
six Requa's before named of _Juan Palomeque_, there are in this valley
four brothers, named _Don Gaspar, Don Diego, Don Thomas, Don Juan de
Colindres_, who have each of them a Requa of threescore Mules (though
few slaves, and onely hired _Indians_ to goe with them) to traffique
to the Golfe, and over all the Country as far as _Mexico_ sometimes.
Yet besides these there are some six more Requa's belonging to other
farms, which with those of the Towne of _Mixco_ may make up full twenty
Requa's; and those twenty Requa's containe above a thousand Mules,
which only from this valley are imployed to all parts of the Country by
the rich Merchants of _Guatemala_. But to returne againe to the Towne
of _Mixco_, the constant passage thorow it of these Requa's, of rich
Merchants, of all passengers that goe and come from _Spain_, hath made
it very rich; whereas in the Town it self there is no other commodity,
except it be a kind of earth, whereof are made rare and excellent
pots for water, pans, pipkins, platters, dishes, chafing-dishes,
warming-pans, wherein those _Indians_ shew much wit, and paint them
with red, white, and severall mingled colours, and sell them to
_Guatemala_, and the Towns about, which some Criolian women will eat
by full mouth fulls, endangering their health and lives, so that by
this earthly ware they may looke white and pale. The Towne of _Pinola_
in bignesse is much like unto _Mixco_, but a far pleasanter Town, more
healthy and better seated, standing upon a plain, whereas _Mixco_
stands on the side on a hill, which carrieth the Travellers quite out
of the sight of the valley. In _Pinola_ there is also a slaughter
house, where beef is dayly sold, there is plenty of fowles, Fruits,
Maiz, Wheat, (though not altogether so bright as that of _Mixco_) hony,
and the best water thereabouts; it is called in the _Indian_ tongue
_Panac_, (some say) from a fruit of that name which is very abundant
there. On the North and South side of this valley are hils, which
are most sown with wheat, which proveth better there then in the low
valley. At the West end of it, stand two greater Townes then _Mixco_
and _Pinola_, named _Petapa_, and _Amatitlan_, to the which there are
in the midst of the valley some descents and ascents, which they call
Baranca's or bottomes, where are pleasant streames and fountaines, and
good feeding for sheep, and Cattel.

_Petapa_ is a Towne of at least five hundred inhabitants very rich,
who suffer also some _Spaniards_ to dwell amongst them, from whom
also those _Indians_ have learned to live and thrive in the world.
This Towne is the passage from _Comayagua, St. Salvador, Nicaragua_,
and _Costa Rica_, and hath got great wealth by the constant goers and
comers. It is esteemed one of the pleasantest Townes belonging unto
_Guatemala_, for a great Lake of fresh water neer unto it, which is
full of fish, especially crabs, and a fish called, Mojarra, which is
much like unto a mullet (though not altogether so big) and eateth like
it. In this Towne there is a certaine number of _Indians_ appointed,
who are to fish for the City, and on Wednesdayes, Fridayes, and
Saturdayes, are bound to carry such a quantity to _Guatemala_, of Crabs
and Mojarra's, as the Corregidor and Regidores, Major and Aldermen (who
are but eight) shall command weekly to be brought.

This Towne _Petapa_ is so called from two _Indian_ words, _Petap_,
which signifieth a Mat, and _ha_, which signifieth water, and a Mat
being the chiefe part of an _Indians_ bed, it is as much as to say a
bed of water, from the smoothnesse, plainnesse, and calmnesse of the
water of the Lake. There liveth in it a principall family of _Indians_,
who are said to descend from the ancient Kings of those parts, and
now by the _Spaniards_ are graced with the noble name of _Guzman_;
out of this family is chosen one to be Governour of the Towne with
subordination unto the City and Chancery of _Guatemala. Don Bernabe
de Guzman_ was Governour in my time, and had been many yeers before,
and governed very wisely and discreetly, till with old age he came
to loose his sight; and in his place entred his son _Don Pedro de
Guzman_, of whom the rest of the _Indians_ stood in great awe, as
formerly they had to his father. Had not these _Indians_ been given
to drunkennesse (as most _Indians_ are) they might have governed a
Town of _Spaniards_. This Governour hath many priviledges granted unto
him (though none to weare a sword, or rapier, as may the Governour of
_Chiapa_ of the _Indians_) and appoints by turnes some of the Towne
to wait and attend on him at dinner and supper, others to looke to
his Horses, others to fish for him, others to bring him wood for his
house spending, others to bring him meat for his Horses; and yet after
all this his attendance, he attends and waits on the Frier that lives
in the Towne, and doth nothing concerning the governing of the Towne
and executing of justice, but what the Frier alloweth and adviseth
to be done. There is also great service appointed for this Frier, of
Fishermen, and other attendants in his house, who liveth as stately as
any Bishop. Most trades belonging to a well setled Common-wealth are
here exercised by these _Indians_. As for herbage, and garden-fruits,
and requisites, it hath whatsoever may be found, or desired in the
City of _Guatemala_. The Church treasure is very great, there being
many Sodalities of our Lady and other their Saints, which are enriched
with crowns, and chains, and bracelets, besides the lamps, censers, &
silver candlesticks belonging unto the Altars. Upon _Michaelmas_ day
is the chief fair and feast of the Town, which is dedicated unto St.
_Michael_, whither many Merchants resort from _Guatemala_ to buy and
sell; in the afternoon, and the next day following, Bull-baiting is
the common sport for that feast with some _Spaniards_ and _Blackmores_
on Horse-backe, and other _Indians_ on foot, who commonly being drunke,
some venture, some lose their lives in the sport. Besides this generall
concourse of people every yeer at that time, there is every day at
five a clock in the afternoone a Tianguez or market, upheld by the
concourse of the _Indians_ of the Town among themselves. Besides the
lake, there runneth by this Town a river, which in places is easily
waded over, and waters the fruits, gardens, and other plantations, and
drives a mill which serves most of the valley to grind their wheat.
Within a mile and a halfe of this Towne there is a rich Ingenio or
farme of Sugar belonging to one _Sebastian de Savaletta_, a _Biscaine_
borne, who came at first very poore into that Country, and served one
of his Country men; but with his good industry and paines, he began to
get a Mule or two to traffique with about the Country, till at last he
increased his stocke to a whole Requa of Mules, and from thence grew
so rich that he bought much land about _Petapa_, which he found to be
very fit for Sugar, and from thence was incouraged to build a princely
house, whither the best of _Guatemala_ doe resort for their recreation.
This man maketh a great deale of Sugar for the Country, and sends every
yeer much to _Spaine_; he keepeth at least threescore slaves of his own
for the worke of his farme, is very generous in house keeping, and is
thought to be worth above five hundred thousand Duckats. Within halfe
a mile from him there is another farme of Sugar, which is called but
a _Trapiche_ belonging unto the Augustin Friers of _Guatemala_, which
keepes some twenty slaves, and is called a _Trapiche_, for that it
grinds not the Sugar Cane with that device of the Ingenio, but grinds a
lesse quantity, and so makes not to much Sugar as doth an Ingenio. From
hence three miles is the Town of _Amatitlan_, neer unto which standeth
a greater Ingenio of Sugar, then is that of _Savaletta_, and is called
the Ingenio of one _Anis_, because he first founded it, but now it
belongeth unto one _Pedro Crespo_ the Post-master of _Guatemala_; this
Ingenio seemeth to be a little Town by it selfe for the many cottages
and thatched houses of _Blackmore_ slaves which belong unto it, who
may be above a hundred, men, women, and children. The chiefe dwelling
house is strong and capacious, and able to entertain a hundred lodgers.
These three farmes of Sugar standing so neer unto _Guatemala_, enrich
the City much, and occasion great trading from it to _Spaine_. The Town
of _Amatitlan_, though in it there live not so many _Spaniards_ as in
_Petapa_, yet there are in it more _Indian_ families then in _Petapa_.
The streets are more orderly made and framed like a Chequer board,
they are wide, broad, plain, and all upon dust and sand. This Towne
also enjoyeth the commodity of the lake, and furnisheth with fish the
City of _Guatemala_, upon those daies before named of _Petapa_. And
though it standeth out of the rode-way, yet it is almost as rich as
_Petapa_. For the _Indians_ of it get much by the concourse of common
people, and the Gentry of _Guatemala_, who resort thither to certain
bathes of hot waters, which are judged and approved very wholesome for
the body. This Towne also getteth much by the salt which here is made,
or rather gathered by the lake side, which every morning appeareth
like a hoary frost upon the ground, and is taken up and purified by
the _Indians_, and proves very white and good. Besides what they get
by the salt, they get also by the Requa's of Mules in the valley, and
about the Country, which are brought to feed upon that salt earth a
day, or halfe a day, untill they be ready to burst (the owner paying
six pence a day for every Mule) and it hath been found by experience,
that this makes them thrive and grow lusty and purgeth them better
then any drench, or blood-letting. They have further great trading in
Cotton-wool, more abundance of fruits then _Petapa_, a fairer market
place with two extraordinary great Elm-trees, under which the _Indians_
daily meet at evening to buy and sell. The Church of this Towne is as
faire and beautifull as any about _Guatemala_, the riches and state
whereof hath caused the Dominican Friers since the yeer 1635, to make
that place the head and Priory over the other Townes of the valley,
and to build there a goodly and sumptuous Cloister, in which in my
time there was (for I told then most of it, and doubtlesse since it
hath much increased) eight thousand Duckats laid up in a chest, with
three lockes for the common expences of the Cloister. Thus my Reader, I
have led thee through the valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola, Petapa_ and
_Amatitlan_, which in riches and wealth, what with the great trading in
it, what with the sheep & cattell, what with the abundance of mules,
what with three Farmes of Sugar, what with the great Farmes of Corn
and Wheat, what with the churches treasures yeelds to no other place
belonging unto the dominions of _Guatemala_. I may not forget yet a
double wheat harvest (as I may well term it) in this Vally. The first
being of a little kinde of Wheat, which they call _Trigo Tremesino_,
a word compounded in _Spanish_ from these two words, _tres meses_, or
from the Latin _tres menses_, which after three moneths sowing is ripe
and ready to be cut down, and being sowed about the end of _August_,
is commonly harvested in about the end of _November_; and although
in the smalnesse of it, it seemes to have but a little Flower, yet
it yeelds as much as their other sorts of Wheat, and makes as white
bread, though it keep not so well as that which is made of other Wheat,
but soone groweth stale and hard. The other harvest (which is of two
sorts of Wheat, one called _Rubio_, or red Wheat, the other called
_Blanquilleo_, or white like _Candia_ Wheat) followeth soon after this
first of _Tremesino_, for presently after Christmas every one begins
to bring their sickles into the field, where they doe not onely reap
down their Wheat, but in stead of threshing it in barnes, they cause
it to bee trod by Mares inclosed within floores made on purpose in
the fields; and when the Wheat is trod out of the Eares by the Mares
trampling, who are whipped round about the floores that they may not
stand still, but tread it constantly and throughly; then the Mares
being let out of the floores, the wheat is winnowed from the chaffe,
and put up clean into sackes, and from the field carried to the Barnes;
but the chaffe and most of the straw is left to rot in the fields,
which they esteem as good as dunging; and further set all the fields
on fire, burning the stubble that is left a little before the time of
the first showers of raine, which with the ashes left after the burning
fatteth the ground, and by them is held the best way to husband or dung
their ground. Others that will sow a new and woody peece of land, cause
the trees, though timber trees to bee cut down, and sell not a stick
of that wood, (which there is so plentifull, that they judge it would
not quit their cost to carry it to _Guatemala_, though in _England_ it
would yeeld thousand pounds) but they let it lie and dry, and before
the winter raine begins, they set on fire all the field, and burn that
rich timber, with the ashes whereof that ground becomes so fat and
fertile, that where upon an Aker wee sow here three bushels of Wheat,
or upwards, they sow such ground so thin, that they scarce dare venture
a full bushell upon an Aker, lest with too much spreading upon the
ground it grow too thick, bee lodged, and they loose their crop. The
like they doe unto the pasture of the Valley; about the end of _March_,
it is short and withered and dry, and they also set it on fire, which
being burnt causeth a dismall sight, and prospect of a black valley;
but after the first two or three showres, it puts on againe its greene
and pleasant garment, inviting the Cattell, Sheep, Lambs, Goats, and
Kids, (which for a while were driven away to other pasturing) to return
and sport againe, to feed and rest in its new flourishing bosome. But
now it is time, I return again back to the other end of this valley,
to the _Rio de las Vaccas_ (from whence I have viewed the compasse of
it, and made my long digression from East to West, to the farthest
Towne of _Amatitlan_) to shew thee, my Reader, the little part of
thy way remaining unto _Guatemala_. True it is, from the Ermitage of
our Lady, there is a streight way through the middle of the valley
leading almost to _Amatitlan_, and then turning up a hill out of the
valley on the right hand; But that hath many ascents and descents,
bottomes, falls and risings, and therefore is not the constant Rode,
which from the Ermitage pointeth on the right hand, observing the Towne
of _Mixco_, standing but five miles from _Guatemala_, from _Mixco_
the way lyeth up a hill, and leadeth to a Town somewhat bigger then
_Mixco_, of _Indians_ called _San Lucas_, or St. _Luke_, a cold Town,
but exceeding rich; the temper and coldnesse of it, hath made it the
storehouse, or Granary for all the City; for whereas below in the
Valley; the Wheat will not keep long without musting, and breeding a
worm called _Gurgojo_, such is the temper of this Town of St. _Luke_,
that in it, the Wheat will keep two or three yeeres ready threshed,
with a little turning now and then; and as it lyeth will give and
yeeld, (as experience taught mee there) so that he that hath laid up
in that Town two hundred bushels of Wheat, at the yeers end shall find
neer upon two hundred and twenty bushels. This Towne therefore receives
from the Valley most of the harvest, and is full of what wee call
Barnes, but there are called _Trojas_, without floore, but raised up
with stackes and bords a foot or two from the ground, and covered with
mats, whereon is laid the Wheat, and by some rich Monopolists from the
City is kept and hoarded two and three yeers, untill they find their
best opportunity to bring it out to sale, at the rate of their own will
and pleasure. From hence to _Guatemala_ there is but three little
leagues, and one onely _Barranca_, or bottome, and on every side of
the way little petty Townes, which they call _Milpas_, consisting of
some twenty Cottages. In the middle of the way is the top of a hill,
which discovereth all the City, and standeth as overmastring of it,
as if with a peece or two of Ordnance it would keepe all _Guatemala_
in awe; But besides this hill, which is the wide and open Rode, there
stand yet forwarder on the right and left hand other mountaines which
draw neerer to the City, and what this top peradventure with too much
distance, is not able to doe or reach, the others certainly would
reach with Cannon shot, and command that farre commanding City. Downe
this hill the way lies broad and wide, and as open as is the way downe
_Barnet_ or _Highgate_ Hill; and at the bottome it is more straitned
betweene the Mountaines, for the space of a bowshot, which passage also
is craggy by reason of stones and some small peeces of rocks which
lie in a brook of water that descends from the Mountaines, and runs
towards the City. But at a little Ermitage called St. _John_, the way
opens againe itselfe, and sheweth _Guatemala_, welcoming the weary
travellers with a pleasant prospect, and easing theirs, or their mules
or horses feet, what with green walkes, what with a sandy and gravelly
Rode unto the City, which never shut gate against any goer or comer,
nor forbad their entrance with any fenced walls, or watchmens jealous
questions, but freely and gladly entertaines them either by the back
side of the Dominicans Cloister, or by the Church and Nunnery called
the Conception. And thus my Reader, and country man I have brought and
guided thee from the Golfe unto _Guatemala_, shewing what that way is
most remarkable. I shall not now shew thee any more of this Cities
Dominions toward _Nicaragua_ and the South (having already shewed thee
the way as far as _Realejo_) leaving that untill I come to tell thee
of my journey homewards, which I made that way. There remaines yet
the Country of the _Vera Paz_ and the way unto it to discover, and so
to close up this Chapter. The _Vera Paz_ is so called, for that the
_Indians_ of that Country hearing how the _Spaniards_ had conquered
_Guatemala_, and did conquer the Country round about, wheresoever they
came, yeelded themselves peaceably and without any resistance unto the
Government of _Spaine_. This Country formerly had a Bishop to it selfe
distinct from _Guatemala_, but now is made one Bishoprick with that.
It is governed by an Alcalde Maior, or high Justice sent from _Spain_,
with subordination unto the Court of _Guatemala_. The head or shire
Town of it, is called _Coban_, where is a Cloister of Dominican Friers,
and the common place of Residence of the Alcalde Maior. All this
Country as yet is not subdued by the _Spaniards_, who have now and then
some strong encounters with the barbarous and heathen people, which lie
between this Country and _Jucatan_; and faine would the _Spaniards_
conquer them, that they might make way through them unto a Town called
_Campin_ belonging to _Jucatan_, and settle commerce, and Traffique by
land with that Country, which is thought would bee a great furtherance
to the Country and City of _Guatemala_, and a safer way to convey their
goods to the Havana, then by the Golf, for oftentimes the ships that
goe from the Golf to the Havana, are met with by the _Hollanders_ and
surprised. But as yet the _Spaniards_ have not been able to bring to
passe this their design, by reason they have found strong resistance
from the heathenish people, and a hot service to attempt the conquering
of them. Yet there was a Fryer a great acquaintance of mine, called
Fryer _Francisco Moran_, who ventured his life among those barbarians,
and with two or three _Indians_ went on foot through that Country,
untill he came unto _Campin_, where he found a few _Spaniards_, who
wondred at his courage and boldnesse in comming that way. This Fryer
came back again to _Coban_ and _Vera Paz_, relating how the barbarians
hearing him speake their language, and finding him kind, loving and
curteous to them, used him also kindly, fearing (as hee said) that if
they should kill him, the _Spaniards_ would never let them bee at rest
and quiet, untill they had utterly destroyed them. Hee related when he
came back, that the Country which the Barbarians inhabite, is better
then any part of the _Vera Paz_, which is subject to the _Spaniards_,
and spoke much of a Valley, where is a great lake, and about it a Towne
of _Indians_, which hee judged to bee of at least twelve thousand
Inhabitants, the Cottages lying in a distance one from another. This
Fryer hath writ of this Country, and hath gone to _Spain_ to the Court
to motion the conquering of it, for the profit and commodity that may
ensue both to _Guatemala_ and _Jucatan_, if a way were opened thither.
But though as yet on that side the _Spaniards_ and the Country of
the _Vera Paz_, bee straightned by that heathenish people, yet on the
other side it hath free passage unto the Golf, and trade there when the
ships doe come, carrying Fowles and what other Provision the Country
will afford for the ships, and bringing from thence wines, and other
_Spanish_ wares unto _Coban_. This Country is very hilly and craggy,
and though there bee some bigge Townes in it, they are not above three
or foure that are considerable. The chief commodities, are _Achiotte_
(which is the best of all the Country belonging to _Guatemala_) and
_Cacao_, Cotton Wooll, hony, _Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, great
store of _Maiz_, but no Wheat, much waxe, plenty of fowles and birds of
all coloured feathers, wherewith the _Indians_ make some curious works,
but not like unto those of _Mechoacan_; here are also abundance of
Parrets, Apes and Monkies which breed in the Mountaines. The way from
_Guatemala_ to this Country is that which hitherto hath beene spoken
of from the Golf, as far as the Town of St. _Luke_; and from thence
the way keeps on the hils and mountaines which lie on the side of the
Valley of _Mixco_. These hils are called _Sacatepeques_, (compounded
of _Sacate_ and _Tepec_, the latter signifying a hill, and the former,
herbe or grasse, and thus joyned, they signifie mountaines of grasse)
and among them are these chief Townes, first _Santiago_ or St. _James_,
a Town of five hundred Families, secondly, _San Pedro_ or St. _Peter_,
consisting of six hundred families, thirdly, St. _Juan_, or St. _John_
consisting also of at least six hundred Families, and fourthly, _Sto
Domingo Senano_, or St. _Dominic_ of _Senaco_, being of three hundred
Families. These foure Towns are very rich, and the two last very cold,
the two first are warmer; there are about them many Farmes of corn and
good Wheat, besides the _Indian Maiz_. These _Indians_ are somewhat
of more courage then those of other Townes, and in my time were like
to rise up against the _Spaniards_ for their unmercifull tyranny over
them. The Churches are exceeding rich; in the Towne of _Santiago_,
there was living in my time one _Indian_, who for onely vaine-glory had
bestowed the worth of six thousand Duckates upon that Church, and yet
afterwards this wretch was found to bee a Wizard and Idolater. These
_Indians_ get much mony by letting out great tuffes of feathers, which
the _Indians_ use in their dances upon the feasts of the Dedication of
their towns. For some of the great tuffes may have at least threescore
long feathers of divers colours, for every feather hiring they have
halfe a Riall, besides what price they set to every feather, if any
should chance to be lost. From the Town of St. _John_, which is the
furthest the way lies plain and pleasant unto a little village of some
twenty Cottages, called St. _Raymundo_ or St. _Raymond_, from whence
there is a good dayes journy up and down _Barrancas_, or bottomes
unto a _Rancho_, or lodge standing by a River side, which is the same
River, that passeth by the Town of _Acasabastlan_ spoken of before.
From this is an ascent of a very craggy and rocky Mountaine, called
the Mountaine of _Rabinall_, where are steps cut out in the very
Rockes for the mules feet, and slipping on one or the other side, they
fall surely downe the rockes, breaking their neckes, and mangling
all their limbes and joynts; but this danger continueth not long nor
extendeth above a league and a half, and in the top and worst of this
danger, there is the comfort of a goodly Valley, called _El Valle de
San Nicholas_, St. _Nicholas_ his Valley, from an Estancia called St.
_Nicholas_ belonging to the Dominicans Cloister of _Coban_. This Valley
though it must not compare with that of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_; yet next
after it, it may well take place for onely three things considerable
in it. The first is an _Ingenio_ of Sugar, called _San Geronymo_, or
St. _Hierome_, belonging unto the Dominicans Cloister of _Guatemala_,
which indeed goeth beyond that spoken of of _Amatitlan_, both for
abundance of Sugar made there, and sent by mules to _Guatemala_ over
that rocky Mountaine, and for multitude of slaves living in it under
the command of two Fryers, and for the excellent horses bred there,
which are incomparably the best of all the Country of _Guatemala_ for
metle, and gallantry, and therefore (though mules are commonly used for
burthens) are much desired and looked after by the Gallants and Gentry
of the City, who make it a great part of their honour to prance about
the streets. The second thing in this Valley is the Estancia or Farm
of St. _Nicolas_ which is as famous for breeding of mules, as is St.
_Hierome_ for horses. The third ornament to it is a Town of _Indians_,
called _Rabinall_, of at least eight hundred Families, which hath
all that heart can wish for pleasure and life of man. It inclineth
rather to heat then cold, but the heat is moderate and much qualified
with the many cool and shady walkes. There is not any _Indian_ fruit,
which is not there to be found, besides the fruits of _Spain_, as
Oranges, Lemmons, sweet and sowre, Citrons, Pomegranates, Grapes, Figs,
Almonds, and Dates; the onely want of wheat is not a want to them that
mind bread of wheat more then of Maiz, for in two dayes it is easily
brought from the Townes of _Sacatepeques_. For flesh, it hath Beef,
Mutton, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Partridges, Rabbets, Pheasants;
and for fish, it hath a River running by the houses, which yeeldeth
plenty both great and small. The _Indians_ of this Towne are much like
unto those of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, for bravery, for feasting,
for riding of horses, and shewing themselves in sports and pastimes.
This Town my friend Fryer _John Baptist_, after hee had been Prior of
many places, and especially of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, chose to live
in to injoy quietnesse, pleasure and content; and in this Town was I
feasted by him in such a sumptuous, prodigall and lavishing way, as
truely might make poor mendicant Fryers ashamed to come so neer unto
Princes in vanity of life and dyet. From this Valley unto the _Vera
Paz_, or _Coban_, the head Town of it, there is nothing considerable,
save onely one Town more called St. _Christoval_ or St. _Christopher_,
which enjoyeth now a pleasant Lake, and bottomelesse, as is reported.
Formerly there being no Lake at all, in a great Earthquake, the earth
there opened, and swallowed up many houses, leaving this Lake which
ever since hath continued. From hence to _Coban_ the wayes are bad and
mountainous, yet such as through the worst of them, those country mules
with heavy burthens easily goe through. And thus with my pen, Reader,
have I gone through most of the bounds and limits of _Guatemala_, which
is more furnished with gallant Towns of _Indians_, then is any part of
all _America_; and doubtlesse were the _Indians_ warlike, industrious,
active for warre or weapons, no part in all _America_ might bee
stronger in people then _Guatemala_. But they being kept under and
oppressed by the _Spaniards_, and no weapons allowed them, not so
much as their naturall Bowes and Arrowes, much lesse Guns, Pistols,
Muskets, Swords, or Pikes, their courage is gone, their affections
alienated from the _Spaniards_, and so the _Spaniards_ might very well
feare, that if their country should be invaded, the multitude of their
_Indian_ people, would prove to them a multitude of enemies, either
running away to another side; or forced to help, would bee to them but
as the help of so many flies.




CHAP. XIX.

_Shewing the condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the_ Indians
_of the Country of_ Guatemala _since the Conquest, and especially of
their feasts, and yeerly Solemnities._


The condition of the _Indians_ of this Country of _Guatemala_ is as
sad, and as much to bee pitied as of any _Indians_ in _America_, for
that I may say it is with them in some sort, as it was with _Israel_
in _Egypt_, of whom it is said, _Exod._ 1. 7. _They were fruitfull and
increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty, and
the land was filled with them_, and therefore _Pharaoh_ said unto his
people, Vers. 10. _Let us deale wisely with them, lest they multiply,
and it come to passe, that when there falleth out any Warre, they joyne
also unto our enemies, and fight against us_. Therefore they did set
over them taskemasters, to afflict them with their burdens, and they
made their lives bitter with bondage, in morter and in brick, and in
all manner of service in the field; and all their service wherein they
made them serve was with rigor. Though it is true, there ought not to
be any comparison made betwixt the _Israelites_ and the _Indians_,
those being Gods people, these not as yet; neverthelesse the comparison
may well hold in the oppression of the one and the other, and in the
manner and cause of the oppression, that being with bitternesse,
rigour, and hard bondage, and lest they should multiply and increase
too much. Certain it is, these _Indians_ suffer great oppression from
the _Spaniards_, live in great bitternesse, are under hard bondage,
and serve with great rigor; and al this, because they are at least a
thousand of them for one _Spaniard_, they daily multiply and increase,
in children and wealth, and therefore are feared lest they should be
too mighty, and either rise up of themselves, or joyn themselves to any
enemy against their oppressors; for both which fears and jealousies,
they are not allowed the use of any weapons or armes, no not their bows
and arrows, which their ancestors formerly used; so that as hereby the
_Spaniards_ are secured from any hurt or annoyance from them as an
unarmed people; so may any other nation, that shall be incouraged to
invade that land, be secure also from the _Indians_, & consequently
the _Spaniards_ own policy for themselves against the _Indians_ may
be their greatest ruine, and destruction, being a great people and
yet no people; for the abundance of their _Indians_ would be to them
as no people; and they themselves, (who out of their few Towns and
Cities live but here and there, too thinly scattered upon so great and
capacious a land) would be but a handfull for any reasonable Army;
and of that handfull very few would be found able or fitting men; and
those able men would do little without the help of guns and ordnance;
and if their own oppressed people, _Black-mores_ and _Indians_ (which
themselves have alwaies feared) should side against them, soon would
they be swallowed up both from within and from without. And by this it
may easily appear how ungrounded they are, who say, it is harder to
conquer _America_ now then in _Cortez_ his time, for that there are now
both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ to fight against, and then there were
none but bare and naked _Indians_. This I say is a false ground; for
then there were _Indians_ trained up in wars one against another, who
knew wel to use their bows and arrows, and darts, and other weapons,
and were desperate in their fights and single combats, as may appear
out of the histories of them; but now they are cowardized, oppressed,
unarmed, soon frighted with the noise of a musket, nay with a sowre
and grim look of a _Spaniard_, so from them there is no fear; neither
can there be from the _Spaniards_, who from all the vast dominions of
_Guatemala_ are not able to raise five thousand able fighting men,
nor to defend so many passages as lie open in severall parts of that
Country, which the wider and greater it is, might be advantagious to an
enemy, and while the _Spaniard_ in one place might oppose his strength,
in many other places might his land be over-run by a foraine nation;
nay by their owne slaves the _Black-mores_, who doubtlesse to be set at
liberty would side against them in any such occasion; and lastly, the
Criolians who also are sore oppressed by them, would rejoyce in such a
day, and yeeld rather to live with freedome and liberty under a forain
people, then to be longer oppressed by those of their own blood.

The miserable condition of the _Indians_ of that Country is such, that
though the Kings of _Spain_ have never yeelded to what some would have,
that they should be slaves, yet their lives are as full of bitternesse
as is the life of a slave. For which I have known my selfe some of them
that have come home from toyling and moyling with _Spaniards_, after
many blowes, some wounds, and little or no wages, who have sullenly
and stubbornly lain down upon their beds, resolving to die rather then
to live any longer a life so slavish, and have refused to take either
meat or drinke, or any thing else comfortable and nourishing, which
their wives have offered unto them, that so by pining and starving they
might consume themselves. Some I have by good perswasions encouraged
to life rather then to a voluntary and wilfull death; others there
have been that would not be perswaded, but in that wilfull way have
died. The _Spaniards_ that live about that Country (especially the
farmers of the valley of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, Amatitlan_, and those
of the _Sacatepeques_) alleadge that all their trading, and farming,
is for the good of the Common-wealth, and therefore whereas there are
not _Spaniards_ enough for so ample and large a Countrey to doe all
their work, and all are not able to buy slaves and _Blackmores_, they
stand in need of the _Indians_ help to serve them for their pay and
hire; whereupon it hath been considered, that a partition of _Indian_
labourers be made every Monday, or Sonday in the afternoon to the
_Spaniards_, according to the farmes they occupie, or acording to their
severall employments, calling, and trading with Mules, or any other
way. So that for such and such a district there is named an officer,
who is called Juez Repartidor, who according to a List made of every
farme, house, and person, is to give so many _Indians_ by the week.
And here is a doore opened to the president of _Guatemala_, and to the
Judges to provide well for their meniall servants, whom they commonly
appoint for this office, which is thus performed by them. They name
the Town and place of their meeting upon Sonday or Monday, to the
which themselves and the _Spaniards_ of that district do resort. The
_Indians_ of the severall Towns are to have in a readinesse so many
labourers as the Court of _Guatemala_ hath appointed to be weekly
taken out of such a Towne, who are conducted by an _Indian_ officer to
the Towne of generall meeting; and when they come thither with their
tooles, their spades, shovels, bils, or axes, with their provision
of victuals for a week (which are commonly some dry cakes of Maiz,
puddings of frixoles, or _French_ beanes, and a little Chile or biting
long pepper, or a bit of cold meat for the first day or two) and
with beds on their backes (which is only a course woollen mantle to
wrap about them when they lye on the bare ground) then are they shut
up in the Towne-house, some with blowes, some with spurnings, some
with boxes on the eare, if presently they goe not in. Now all being
gathered together, and the house filled with them, the Juez Repartidor
or officer, calls by the order of the List such and such a _Spaniard_,
and also calls out of the house so many _Indians_ as by the Court are
commanded to be given him (some are allowed three, some foure, some
ten, some fifteen, some twenty, according to their employments) and
delivereth unto the _Spaniard_ his _Indians_, and so to all the rest,
till they be all served; who when they receive their _Indians_, take
from them a toole, or their mantles; to secure them that they run not
away; and for every _Indian_ delivered unto them, they give unto the
Juez Repartidor or officer, halfe a Riall, which is three pence an
_Indian_ for his fees, which mounteth yeerly to him to a great deale
of money; for some officers make a partition or distribution of four
hundred, some of two hundred, some of three hundred _Indians_, every
week, and carrieth home with him so many halfe hundred Rials for one,
or halfe a daies worke. If complaint be made by any _Spaniard_ that
such and such an _Indian_ did run away from him, and served him not
the week past, the _Indian_ must be brought, and surely tied to a post
by his hands in the Market place, and there be whipped upon his bare
backe. But if the poor _Indian_ complaine that the _Spaniards_ cousened
and cheated him of his shovell, axe, bill, mantle, or wages, no justice
shall be executed against the cheating _Spaniard_, neither shall the
_Indian_ be righted, though it is true the order runs equally in favour
of both _Indian_ and _Spaniard_. Thus are the poore _Indians_ sold for
three pence a peece for a whole weeks slavery, not permitted to goe
home at nights unto their wives, though their worke lie not above a
mile from the Town where they live; nay some are carried ten or twelve
miles from their home, who must not returne till Saturday night late,
and must that week do whatsoever their Master pleaseth to command them.
The wages appointed them will scarce find them meat and drinke, for
they are not allowed a Riall a day, which is but sixpence, and with
that they are to find themselves, but for six daies worke and diet they
are to have five Rials, which is halfe a crowne. This same order is
observed in the City of _Guatemala_, and Townes of _Spaniards_, where
to every family that wants the service of an _Indian_ or _Indians_,
though it be but to fetch water and wood on their backs, or to goe
of arrants, is allowed the like service from the neerest _Indian_
Townes. It would grieve a Christians heart to see how by some cruell
_Spaniards_ in that weeks service, those poor wretches are wronged and
abused; some visiting their wives at home, whilst their poore husbands
are digging and delving; others whipping them for their slow working,
others wounding them with their swords, or breaking their heads for
some reasonable and well grounded answer in their own behalfe, others
stealing from them their tooles, others cheating them of halfe, others
of all their wages, alleadging that their service cost them halfe a
Riall, and yet their worke not well performed. I knew some who made
a common practice of this, when their wheat was sowne, and they had
little to do for the _Indians_; yet they would have home as many as
were due unto their farme, and on Monday and Tuesday would make them
cut and bring them on their backes as much wood as they needed all
that week, and then on Wednesday at noon (knowing the great desire of
the _Indians_ to goe home to their wives, for the which they would
give any thing) would say unto them, What will you give me now, if I
let you goe home to doe your own worke? whereunto the _Indians_ would
joyfully reply and answer, some that they would give a Riall, others
two Rials, which they would take and send them home, and so would have
much worke done, wood to serve their house a week, and mony as much
as would buy them meat, and Cacao for Chocolatte two weeks together;
and thus from the poor _Indians_ doe those unconscionable _Spaniards_
practice a cheap and lazy way of living. Others will sell them away for
that week unto a neighbour that hath present need of worke, demanding
Rials a piece for every _Indian_, which he that buyeth them, will be
sure to defray out of their wages. So likewise are they in a slavish
bondage and readinesse for all passengers and travellers, who in any
Towne may demand unto the next Towne as many _Indians_ do goe with his
Mules, or to carry on their backes a heavy burthen as he shall need,
who at the journeys end will pick some quarrell with them, and so send
them back with blowes and stripes without any pay at all. A Petaca, or
leatherne Trunke, and chest of above a hundred weight, they will make
those wretches to carry on their backs a whole day, nay some two or
three daies together, which they doe by tying the chest on each side
with ropes, having a broad leather in the middle, which they crosse
over the forepart of their head, or over their forehead, hanging thus
the waight upon their heads and browes, which at their journeys end
hath made the blood stick in the foreheads of some, galling and pulling
off the skin, and marking them in the fore-top of their heads, who as
they are called _Tamemez_, so are easily known in a Towne by their
baldnesse, that leather girt having worn off all their hair. With these
hard usages, yet do those poor people make a shift to live amongst
the _Spaniards_, but so that with anguish of heart they are still
crying out to God for justice, and for liberty, whose only comfort is
in their Preists and Friers, who many times doe quiet them when they
would rise up in mutiny, and for their owne ends doe often prevaile
over them with fair and cunning perswasions, to bear and suffer for
Gods sake, and for the good of the Common-wealth that hard task and
service which is laid upon them. And though in all seasons, wet and
dry, cold and hot, and in all wayes plain and mountainous, green and
dirty, dusty and stony, they must performe this hard service to their
commanding Masters, their apparell and cloathing is but such as may
cover the nakednesse of their body, nay in some it is such torne rags
as will not cover halfe their nakednesse. Their ordinary cloathing
is a paire of linnen or woollen drawers broad and open at the knees,
without shooes (though in their journeys some will put on leatherne
sandals to keep the soles of their feet) or stockins, without any
doublet, a short course shirt, which reacheth a little below their
waste, and serves more for a doublet then for a shirt, and for a cloake
a woollen or linnen mantle, (called Aiate) tied with a knot over one
shoulder, hanging down on the other side almost to the ground, with a
twelve penny or two shilling hat, which after one good shower of raine
like paper falls about their necks and eies; their bed they carry
sometimes about them, which is that woollen mantle wherewith they wrap
themselves about at night, taking off their shirt and drawers, which
they lay under their head for a pillow; some will carry with them a
short, slight, and light Mat to lie, but those that carry it not with
them, if they cannot borrow one of a neighbour, lie as willingly in
their mantle upon the bare ground, as a Gentleman in _England_ upon a
soft down-bed, and thus doe they soundly sleep, and lowdly snort after
a daies worke, or after a daies journey with a hundred weight upon
their backs. Those that are of the better sort, and richer, and who
are not employed as _Tamemez_ to carry burthens, or as Labourers to
work for _Spaniards_, but keep at home following their own farmes, or
following their owne Mules about the Country, or following their trades
and callings in their shops, or governing the Townes, as Alcaldes, or
Alguaziles, officers of justice, may goe a little better apparelled,
but after the same manner. For some will have their drawers with a
lace at the bottom, or wrought with some coloured Silke or Crewel; so
likewise the mantle about them, shall have either a lace, or some work
of birds on it, some will wear a cut linnen doublet, others shooes,
but very few stockins or bands about their neckes; and for their beds,
the best _Indian_ Governour, or the richest, who may be worth four or
five thousand Duckats, will have little more then the poor _Tamemez_;
for they lie upon boards, or Canes bound together, and raised from the
ground, whereon they lay a broad and handsome Mat, and at their heads
for man and wife two little stumps of wood for bolsters, whereon they
lay their shirts and mantles and other cloaths for pillowes, covering
themselves with a broader blanket then is their mantle, and thus hardly
would _Don Bernabe de Guzman_ the Governour of _Petapa_ lie, and so
doe all the best of them. The womens attire is cheap and soon put on;
for most of them also go barefoot, the richer and better sort wear
shooes, with broad ribbons for shooe-strings, and for a petticote, they
tie about their waste a woollen mantle, which in the better sort is
wrought with divers colours, but not sowed at all, pleated or gathered
in, but as they tie it with a list about them; they wear no shift
next their body, but cover their nakednesse with a kind of surplice
(which they call _Guaipil_) which hangs loose from their shoulders
down a little below their waste, with open short sleeves, which cover
halfe their armes; this Guaipil is curiously wrought, especially in
the bosome, with Cotton, or feathers. The richer sort of them wear
bracelets and bobs about their wrists and necks; their hair is gathered
up with fillets, without any quaife or covering, except it be the
better sort. When they goe to Church or abroad, they put upon their
heads a vaile of linnen, which hangeth almost to the ground, and this
is that which costs them most of all their attire, for that commonly
it is of _Holland_ or some good linnen brought from _Spain_, or fine
linnen brought from _China_, which the better sort wear with a lace
about. When they are at home at work they commonly take off their
Guaipil, or surplice, discovering the nakednesse of their breasts
and body. They lie also in their beds as doe their husbands, wrapped
up only with a mantle, or with a blanket. Their houses are but poore
thatched cottages, without any upper roomes, but commonly one or two
only roomes below, in the one they dresse their meat in the middle
of it, making a compasse for fire, with two or three stones, without
any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it selfe
about the roome filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that
all the roome seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it, is not free
from smoak and blacknesse, where sometimes are four or five beds
according to the family. The poorer sort have but one room, where they
eat, dresse their meat, and sleep. Few there are that set any lockes
upon their dores, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have
they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes,
and cups to drinke their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in
their house. There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard
a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water, which is their
chief physick when they feel themselves distempered. Among themselves
they are in every Town divided into Tribes, which have one chief head,
to whom all that belong unto that Tribe, doe resort in any difficult
matters, who is bound to aid, protect, defend, counsell, and appear for
the rest of his Tribe before the officers of justice in any wrong that
is like to be done unto them. When any is to be married, the father of
the son that is to take a wife out of another Tribe, goeth unto the
head of his Tribe to give him warning of his sons marriage with such a
maid. Then that head meets with the head of the maids Tribe, and they
conferre about it. The businesse commonly is in debate a quarter of a
yeer; all which time the parents of the youth or man are with gifts to
buy the maid; they are to be at the charges of all that is spent in
eating and drinking, when the heads of the two Tribes doe meet with
the rest of the kindred of each side, who sometimes sit in conference
a whole day, or most part of a night. After many dayes and nights
thus spent, and a full triall being made of the one and other sides
affection, if they chance to disagree about the marriage, then is the
Tribe and parents of the maid to restore back all that the other side
hath spent and given. They give no portions with their daughters, but
when they die, their goods and lands are equally divided among their
sons. If any one want a house to live in, or will repair and thatch
his house anew, notice is given to the heads of the Tribes, who warn
all the Town to come to help in the work, and every one is to bring
a bundle of straw, and other materials, so that in one day with the
helpe of many they finish a house, without any charges more then of
Chocolatte, which they minister in great cups as big as will hold above
a pint, not putting in any costly materials, as doe the _Spaniards_,
but only a little Anniseed, and Chile, or _Indian_ pepper; or else they
halfe fill the cup with Attolle, and powre upon it as much Chocolatte
as will fill the cup and colour it. In their diet the poorer sort are
limited many times to a dish of Frixoles, or Turkey beanes, either
black or white (which are there in very great abundance, and are kept
dry for all the yeer) boyled with Chile; and if they can have this,
they hold themselves well satisfied; with these beanes, they make
also dumplins, first boyling the bean a little, and then mingling it
with a masse of Maiz, as we do mingle Currants in our cakes, and so
boile again the frixoles with the dumplin of Maiz masse, and so eat it
hot, or keep it cold; but this and all whatsoever else they eat, they
either eat it with green biting Chile, or else they dip it in water
and salt, wherein is bruised some of that Chile. But if their means
will not reach to frixoles, their ordinary fare and diet is, their
Tortilla's (so they call thin round cakes made of the dow and Masse of
Maiz) which they eat hot from an earthen pan, whereon they are soon
baked with one turning over the fire; and these they eat alone either
with Chile and salt, and dipping them in water and salt with a little
bruised Chile. When their Maiz is green and tender, they boil some of
those whole stalkes or clusters, whereon the Maiz groweth with the
leaf about, and so casting a little salt about it, they eat it. I have
often eate of this, and found it as dainty as our young green pease,
and very nourishing, but it much increaseth the blood. Also of this
green and tender Maiz they make a Furmity, boiling the Maiz in some of
the milke which they have first taken out of it by bruising it. The
poorest _Indian_ never wants this diet, and is well satisfied, as long
as his belly is thorowly filled. But the poorest that live in such
Townes where flesh meat is sold, will make a hard shift, but that when
they come from worke on Saturday night, they will buy one halfe Riall,
or a Riall worth of fresh meat to eat on the Lords day. Some will buy
a good deal at once, and keep it long by dressing it into Tassajo's,
which are bundles of flesh, rowled up and tied fast; which they doe,
when for examples sake they have from a leg of beefe sliced off from
the bone all the flesh with the knife, after the length, forme, and
thinnesse of a line, or rope. Then they take the flesh and salt it,
(which being sliced and thinly cut, soon takes salt) and hang it up in
their yards like a line from post to post, or from tree to tree, to
the wind for a whole week, and then they hang it in the smoak another
week, and after rowle it up in small bundles, which become as hard as
a stone, and so as they need it, they wash it, boyl it and eat it.
This is _America's_ powdered beef, which they call Tassajo, whereof I
have often eaten, and the _Spaniards_ eat much of it, especially those
that trade about the Countrey with Mules; nay this Tassajo is a great
commodity, and hath made many a _Spaniard_ rich, who carry a Mule or
two loaden with these Tassajo's in small parcels and bundles to those
Townes where is no flesh at all sold, and there they exchange them for
other commodities among the _Indians_, receiving peradventure for one
Tassajo or bundle, (which cost them but the halfe part of a farthing)
as much Cacao, as in other places they sell for a Riall or sixpence.
The richer sort of people will fare better, for if there be fish or
flesh to bee had, they will have it, and eat most greedily of it; and
will not spare their fowls and Turkeys from their own bellies. These
also will now and then get a wild Dear, shooting it with their bows
and arrows. And when they have killed it, they let it lie in the wood
in some hole or bottom covered with leaves for the space of about a
week, untill it stinke and begin to be full of wormes; then they bring
it home, cut it out into joynts, and parboil it with an herbe which
groweth there somewhat like unto our Tanzy, which they say sweetneth
it again, and maketh the flesh eat tender, and as white as a peice of
Turkey. Thus parboiled, they hang up the joynts in the smoke for a
while, and then boyle it again, when they eat it, which is commonly
dressed with red _Indian_ pepper; and this is the Venison of _America_,
whereof I have sometimes eaten, and found it white and short, but never
durst be too bold with it, not that I found any evill taste in it, but
that the apprehension of the wormes and maggots which formerly had
been in it, troubled much my stomack. These _Indians_ that have little
to doe at home, and are not employed in the weekly service under the
_Spaniards_ in their hunting, will looke seriously for Hedge-hogs,
which are just like unto ours, though certainly ours are not meat for
any Christian. They are full of pricks and brisles like ours, and are
found in woods and fields, living in holes, and as they say feed upon
nothing but Amits and their egs, and upon dry rotten sticks, herbes,
and roots; of these they eat much, the flesh being as white and sweet
as a Rabbit, and as fat as is a _January_ hen kept up and fatted in
a Coope. Of this meat I have also eaten, and confesse it is a dainty
dish there, though I will not say the same of a Hedge-hog here; for
what here may be poyson, there may be good and lawfull meate, by some
accidentall difference in the creature it selfe, and in that which it
feeds upon, or in the temper of the air and climate. This meat not
only the _Indians_ but the best of the _Spaniards_ feed on it; and it
is so much esteemed of, that because in Lent they are commonly found,
the _Spaniards_ will not be deprived of it, but do eat it also then,
alleadging that it is no flesh (though in the eating it be in fatnesse
and in taste, and in all like unto flesh) for that it feeds not upon
any thing that is very nourishing, but chiefly upon Amits egs, and dry
sticks. It is a great point of controversie amongst their Divines, some
hold it lawfull, others unlawfull for that time; it seems the pricks
and brisles of the _Indian_ Hedge-hog prick their consciences with a
foolish scruple. Another kind of meat they feed much on which is called
_Iguana_; of these some are found in the waters, others upon the land.
They are longer then a Rabbit, and like unto a Scorpion, with some
green, some black scales on their backes. Those upon the land will
run very fast, like Lizards, and will climbe up trees like Squerrils,
and breed in the roots of trees or in stone walls. The sight of them
is enough to affright one; and yet when they are dressed and stewed
in broth with a little spice, they make a dainty broth, and eat also
as white as a Rabbit, nay the middle bone is made just like the backe
bone of a Rabbit. They are dangerous meat, if not throughly boiled,
and they had almost cost mee my life for eating too much of them, not
being stewed enough. There are also many water and land Tortoi's, which
the _Indians_ find out for themselves, and also relish exceeding well
unto the _Spaniards_ palate. As for drinking, the _Indians_ generally
are much given unto it; and drinke if they have nothing else, of their
poore and simple Chocolatte, without Sugar or many compounds, or of
Atolle, untill their bellies bee ready to burst. But if they can get
any drink that will make them mad drunk, they will not give it over as
long as a drop is left, or a penny remaines in their purse to purchase
it. Among themselves they use to make such drinks as are in operation
far stronger then wine, and these they confection in such great Jarres
as come from _Spain_; wherein they put some little quantity of water,
and fill up the Jar with some Melasso's, or juyce of the Sugar Cane,
or some hony for to sweeten it; then for the strengthning of it, they
put roots and leaves of Tobacco, with other kinde of roots which grow
there, and they know to bee strong in operation, nay in some places I
have known where they have put in a live Toad, and so closed up the
Jarre for a fortnight, or moneths space, till all that they have put
in him, be throughly steeped and the toad consumed, and the drink well
strengthned, then they open it, and call their friends to the drinking
of it, (which commonly they doe in the night time, lest their Preist
in the Towne should have notice of them in the day) which they never
leave off, untill they bee mad, and raging drunke. This drink they call
Chicha, which stinketh most filthily, and certainly is the cause of
many _Indians_ death, especially where they use the toads poyson with
it. Once I was informed living in _Mixco_, of a great meeting that
was appointed in an _Indians_ house; and I took with mee the Officers
of Justice of the Town, to search that _Indians_ house, where I found
foure Jarres of _Chicha_ not yet opened, I caused them to be taken
out, and broken in the street before his doore, and the filthy Chicha
to be poured out, which left such a stinking sent in my nostrils, that
with the smell of it, or apprehension of its loathsomenesse, I fell to
vomiting, and continued sick almost a whole week after.

Now the _Spaniards_ knowing this inclination of the _Indians_ unto
drunkennesse, doe herein much abuse and wrong them; though true it
is, there is a strict order, even to the forfeiting of the wine of
anyone who shall presume to sell wine in a Towne of _Indians_, with
a mony mulct besides. Yet for all this the baser and poorer sort of
_Spaniards_ for their lucre and gaine contemning authority, will goe
out from _Guatemala_, to the Towns of _Indians_ about, and carry such
wine to sell and inebriate the Natives as may bee very advantagious
to themselves; for of one Jarre of wine, they will make two at least,
confectioning it with hony and water, and other strong drugs which are
cheap to them, and strongly operative upon the poore and weak _Indians_
heads, and this they will sell for currant _Spanish_ wine, with such
pint and quart measures, as never were allowed by Justice Order, but
by themselves invented. With such wine they soone intoxicate the poore
_Indians_, and when they have made them drunk, then they will cheat
them more, making them pay double for their quart measure; and when
they see they can drinke no more, then they will cause them to ly
down and sleep, and in the meane while will pick their pockets. This
is a common sinne among those _Spaniards_ of _Guatemala_, and much
practised in the City upon the _Indians_, when they come thither to buy
or sell. Those that keep the Bodegones (so are called the houses that
sell wine, which are no better then a Chandlers shop, for besides wine
they sell Candles, Fish, Salt, Cheese and Bacon) will commonly intice
in the _Indians_, and make them drunk, and then pick their pockets,
and turne them out of doores with blowes and stripes, if they will
not fairly depart. There was in _Guatemala_ in my time one of these
Bodegoners, or shopkeeper of wine and small ware, named _Joan Ramos_,
who by thus cheating and tipling poore _Indians_ (as it was generally
reported) was worth two hundred thousand duckates, and in my time gave
with a daughter that was married, eight thousand Duckats. No _Indian_
should passe by his doore, but he would call him in, and play upon him
as aforesaid. In my time a _Spanish_ Farmer, neighbour of mine in the
Valley of _Mixco_, chanced to send to _Guatemala_ his _Indian_ servants
with half a dozen mules loaden with wheat to a Merchant, with whom hee
had agreed before for the price, and ordered the money to bee sent
unto him by his servant (whom hee had kept six yeers, and ever found
him trusty) the wheat being delivered, and the money received (the
which mounted to ten pound, sixteen shillings, every mule carrying
six bushels, at twelve Rials a bushel, as was then the price) the
_Indian_ with another Mate of his walking along the streets to buy
some small commodities, passed by _John Ramos_ his shop, or Bodegon,
who enticing him and his Mate in, soone tripped up their heals with
a little confectioned wine for that purpose, and tooke away all his
mony from the intruded _Indian_, and beat them out of his house; who
thus drunk being forced to ride home, the _Indian_ that had received
the money, fell from his mule, and broke his neck; the other got home
without his Mate, or money. The Farmer prosecuted _John Ramos_ in the
Court for his money, but _Ramos_ being rich and abler to bribe, then
the Farmer, got off very well, and so had done formerly in almost the
like cases. These are but peccadillo's among those _Spaniards_, to make
drunke, rob, and occasion the poor _Indians_ death; whose death with
them is no more regarded nor vindicated, then the death of a sheep or
bullock, that falls into a pit. And thus having spoken of apparrell,
houses, eating and drinking, it remaines that I say somewhat of their
civility, and Religion of those who lived under the Government of the
_Spaniards_. From the _Spaniards_ they have borrowed their Civill
Government, and in all Townes they have one, or two _Alcaldes_, with
more or lesse _Regidores_, (who are as Aldermen or Jurates amongst us)
and some _Alguaziles_, more or lesse, who are as Constables, to execute
the orders of the _Alcalde_, (who is a Maior) with his Brethren. In
Towns of three or four hundred Families, or upwards, there are commonly
two Alcaldes, six Regidores, two Alguaziles Maiors, and six under,
or petty Alguaziles. And some Towns are priviledged with an _Indian_
Governour, who is above the Alcaldes, and all the rest of the Officers.
These are changed every yeer by new election, and are chosen by the
_Indians_ themselves, who take their turnes by the tribes or kindreds,
whereby they are divided. Their offices begin on New-Yeers day, and
after that day their election is carryed to the City of _Guatemala_
(if in that district it bee made) or else to the heads of Justice,
or _Spanish_ Governours of the severall Provinces, who confirm the
new Election, and take account of the last yeers expences made by the
other Officers, who carry with them their Town-Book of accounts; and
therefore for this purpose every Town hath a Clerk, or Scrivener,
called Escrivano, who commonly continueth many yeers in his office, by
reason of the paucity and unfitnesse of _Indian_ Scriveners, who are
able to bears such a charge. This Clerk hath many fees for his writings
and informations, and accounts, as have the _Spaniards_, though not so
much money or bribes, but a small matter, according to the poverty of
the _Indians_. The Governour is also commonly continued many yeers,
being some chief man among the _Indians_, except for his misdemeanours
hee bee complained of, or the _Indians_ in generall doe all stomack him.

Thus they being setled in a civill way of government, they may execute
justice upon all such _Indians_ of their Town as doe notoriously
and scandalously offend. They may imprison, fine, whip, and banish,
but hang and quarter they may not; but must remit such cases to the
_Spanish_ Governour. So likewise if a _Spaniard_ passing by the Town,
or living in it, doe trouble the peace, and misdemean himself, they
may lay hold on him, and send him to the next _Spanish_ Justice,
with a full information of his offence, but fine him, or keep him
about one night in Prison they may not. This order they have against
_Spaniards_, but they dare not execute it, for a whole Town standeth in
awe of one _Spaniard_, and though hee never so hainously offend, and
bee unruly, with oathes, threatnings, and drawing of his sword, hee
maketh them quake and tremble, and not presume to touch him; for they
know if they doe, they shall have the worst, either by blowes, or by
some mis-information, which hee will give against them. And this hath
been very often tried, for where _Indians_ have by virtue of their
order indeavoured to curbe an unruly _Spaniard_ in their Town, some of
them have been wounded, others beaten, and when they have carried the
_Spaniard_ before a _Spanish_ Justice and Governour, hee hath pleaded
for what hee hath done, saying it was in his owne defence, or for his
King and Sovereign, and that the _Indians_ would have killed him, and
began to mutiny all together against the _Spanish_ Authority, and
Government, denying to serve him with what hee needed for his way and
journey; that they would not bee slaves to give him or any _Spaniard_
any attendance; and that they would make an end of him, and of all the
_Spaniards_. With these and such like false and lying mis-informations,
the unruly _Spaniards_ have often been beleeved, and too much upheld
in their rude and uncivill misdemeanors, and the _Indians_ bitterly
curbed, and punished, and answer made them in such cases, that if they
had been killed for their mutiny and rebellion against the King, and
his best subjects they had beene served well enough; and that if they
gave not attendance unto the _Spaniard_, that passed by their Town,
their houses should bee fired, and they and their children utterly
consumed. With such like answers from the Justices, and credency to
what any base _Spaniard_ shall inform against them, the poore _Indians_
are fain to put up all wrongs done unto them, not daring to meddle
with any _Spaniard_, bee hee never so unruly, by virtue of that Order,
which they have against them. Amongst themselves, if any complaint
be made against any _Indian_, they dare not meddle with him untill
they call all his kindred, and especially the head of that Tribe, to
which hee belongeth; who if hee and the rest together, find him to
deserve imprisonment, or whipping, or any other punishment, then the
Officers of Justice, the Alcaldes or Maiors, and their Brethren the
Jurates inflict upon him that punishment; which all shall agree upon.
But yet after judgment and sentence given, they have another, which
is their last appeale, if they please, and that is to their Priest,
and Fryer, who liveth in their Town, by whom they will sometimes bee
judged, and undergoe what punishment hee shall think fittest. To the
Church therefore they often resort in points of Justice, thinking the
Preist knoweth more of Law and equity, then themselves; who sometimes
reverseth what judgement hath been given in the Town house, blaming
the Officers for their partiality and passion against their poore
Brother, and setting free the party judged by them; which the Preist
does oftentimes, if such an _Indian_ doe belong to the Church, or
to the service of their house, or have any other relation to them,
peradventure for their wives sake, whom either they affect, or imploy
in washing, or making their Chocolatte. Such, and their husbands may
live lawlesse as long as the Preist is in the Town. And if when the
Preist is absent, they call them to triall for any misdemeanor, and
whip, fine, or imprison, (which occasion they will sometimes pick out
on purpose) when the Preist returnes, they shall bee sure to heare of
it, and smart for it, yea, and the Officers themselves peradventure bee
whipped in the Church, by the Preists order and appointment; against
whom they dare not speake, but willingly accept what stripes and
punishment hee layeth upon them, judging his wisdome, sentence, and
punishing hand, the wisdome, sentence and hand of God; whom as they
have been taught to be over all Princes, Judges, worldly Officers,
so likewise they beleeve, (and have been so taught) that his Preists
and Ministers are above theirs, and all worldly power and authority.
It happened unto mee living in the Town of _Mixco_, that an _Indian_
being judged to bee whipped for some disorders, which hee committed,
would not yeeld to the sentence, but apealed to mee, saying hee would
have his stripes in the Church, and by my order, for so hee said his
whipping would doe him good, as comming from the hand of God. When
hee was brought unto mee, I could not reverse the _Indians_ judgment,
for it was just, and so caused him to be whipped, which hee tooke
very patiently and merrily, and after kissed my hands and gave mee an
offering of mony for the good hee said, I had done unto his soule.
Besides this civility of justice amongst them, they live as in other
Civill and Politick and well governed Common-wealths; for in most of
their Townes, there are some that professe such trades as are practised
among _Spaniards_. There are amongst them Smiths, Taylors, Carpenters,
Masons, Shoomakers, and the like. It was my fortune to set upon a hard
and difficult building in a Church of _Mixco_, where I desired to make
a very broad and capacious vault over the Chappell, which was the
harder to bee finished in a round circumference, because it depended
upon a triangle, yet for this work I sought none but _Indians_, some
of the Town, some from other places, who made it so compleat, that the
best & skilfullest workmen among the _Spaniards_ had enough to wonder
at it. So are most of their Churches vaulted on the top, and all by
_Indians_; they onely in my time built a new Cloister in the Town of
_Amatitlan_, which they finished with many Arches of stone both in
the lower walks and in the upper galleries, with as much perfection
as the best Cloister of _Guatemala_, had before beene built by the
_Spaniard_. Were they more incouraged by the _Spaniards_, and taught
better principles both for soule and body, doubtlesse they would among
themselves make a very good Common-wealth. For painting they are much
inclined to it, and most of the pictures, and Altars of the Country
Townes are their workmanship. In most of their Townes they have a
Schoole, where they are taught to read, to sing, and some to write. To
the Church there doe belong according as the Town is in bignesse, so
many Singers, and Trumpeters, and Waits, over whom the Preist hath
one Officer, who is called _Fiscal_; he goeth with a white Staffe with
a little Silver Crosse on the top to represent the Church, and shew
that he is the Preists Clerk and Officer. When any case is brought to
be examined by the Preist, this Fiscall or Clerk executeth Justice
by the Preists Order. He must be one that can read & write, and is
commonly the Master of Musick. He is bound upon the Lords Day and other
Saints dayes, to gather to the Church before and after Service all the
yong youths, and maids, and to teach them the Prayers, Sacraments,
Commandements, and other points of Catechisme allowed by the Church
of Rome. In the morning hee and the other Musicians at the sound of
the Bell, are bound to come to Church to sing and officiate at Masse,
which in many Townes they performe with Organs and other musicall
Instruments, (as hath beene observed before) as well as _Spaniards_.
So likewise at Evening at five of the clock they are again to resort
to the Church, when the Bell calleth, to sing Prayers, which they
call Completa's, or Completory, with _Salve Regina_, a prayer to the
Virgin Mary. This Fiscal is a great man in the Town, and beares more
sway then the Majors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, and
when the Preist is pleased, giveth attendance to him, goeth about his
arrants, appointeth such as are to wait on him, when hee rideth out of
Town. Both hee and all that doth belong unto the Church, are exempted
from the common weekely service of the _Spaniards_, and from giving
attendance to Travellers, and from other Officers of Justice. But
they are to attend with their Waits, Trumpets, and Musick, upon any
great man or Preist that cometh to their Town, and to make Arches with
boughes and flowers in the streets for their entertainment. Besides
these, those also that doe belong unto the service of the Preists
house, are priviledged from the _Spaniards_ service. Now the Preist
hath change of servants by the week, who take their turnes so, that
they may have a weeke or two to spare to doe their work. If it bee a
great Town, hee hath three Cookes allowed him, (if a small Town, but
two) men Cookes who change their turnes, except hee have any occasion
of feasting, then they all come. So likewise hee hath two or three more
(whom they call Chahal) as Butlers, who keepe whatsoever Provision is
in the house under lock and Key; and give to the Cooke what the Preist
appointeth to bee dressed for his dinner, or supper; these keep the
Table Clothes, Napkins, Dishes, and Trenchers, and lay the Cloth, and
take away, and wait at the Table; hee hath besides three or foure,
and in great Towns half a dozen of boyes to doe his arrants, wait at
the Table, and sleep in the house all the week by their turnes, who
with the Cookes and Butlers dine and sup constantly in the Preists
house, and at his charges. Hee hath also at dinner and supper times the
attendance of some old women (who also take their turnes) to oversee
half a dozen yong maids, who next to the Priests house doe meet to
make him, and his family Tortilla's or Cakes of Maiz, which the boyes
doe bring hot to the Table by halfe a dozen at a time. Besides these
servants, if hee have a Garden hee is allowed two or three gardeners;
and for his stable, at least half a dozen _Indians_, who morning and
evening are to bring him Sacate (as there they call it) or herb and
grasse for his Mules or Horses, these diet not in the house; but the
groome of the stable, who is to come at morning, noone, and Evening,
(and therefore are three or foure to change) or at any time that the
Preist will ride out; these I say and the Gardners (when they are at
work) dine and sup at the Priests charges; who sometimes in great
Townes hath above a dozen to feed and provide for. There are besides
belonging to the Church priviledged from the weekly attendance upon the
_Spaniards_ two or three _Indians_, called Sacristanes, who have care
of the Vestry and Copes, and Altar Clothes, and every day make ready
the Altar or Altars for Masse; also to every Company or Sodality of the
Saints, or Virgin, there are two or three, whom they call Mayordomo's,
who gather about the Towne Almes for the maintaining of the Sodality;
these also gather Egges about the Town for the Preist every week, and
give him an account of their gatherings, and allow him every moneth, or
fortnight, two Crownes for a Masse to bee sung to the Saint.

If there be any fishing place neer the Town, then the Preist also
is allowed for to seek him fish three or foure, and in some places
half a dozen _Indians_, besides the offerings in the Church, and
many other offerings which they bring whensoever they come to speak
unto the Preist, or to confesse with him, or for a Saints feast to
bee celebrated, and besides their Tithes of every thing, there is a
monethly maintenance in money allowed unto the Preist, and brought unto
him by the Alcaldes, or Maiors, and Jurates, which he setteth his hand
unto in a book of the Townes expences. This maintenance (though it be
allowed by the _Spanish_ magistrate, and paid in the Kings name for the
preaching of the Gospel) yet it comes out of the poor _Indians_ purses
and labour, and is either gathered about the Town, or taken out of the
Tribute, which they pay unto the King, or from a common plat of ground
which with the help of all is sowed and gathered in and sold for that
purpose. All the Townes in _America_, which are civilized and under the
_Spanish_ government, belong either to the Crowne, or to some other
Lords, whom they cal Encomendero's, and pay a yeerly tribute unto them.
Those that are tenants to their Lords or Encomendero's (who commonly
are such as descend from the first conquerors) pay yet unto the King
some small tribute in mony, besides what they pay in other kind of
commodities unto their owne Encomendero, and in mony also. There is no
Town so poor, where every married _Indian_ doth not pay at the least in
mony four Rials a yeer for tribute to the _King_, besides other four
Rials to his Lord, or Encomendero. And if the Town pay only to the
King, they pay at least six, and in some places eight Rials by statute,
besides what other commodities are common to the Town or Country
where they live, as Maiz, (that is paid in all Townes) hony, Turkeys,
fowles, salt, Cacao, Mantles of Cotton-wool; and the like commodities
they pay who are subject to an Encomendero; but such pay only mony,
not commodities to the King. The Mantles of tribute are much esteemed
of, for they are choise ones, and of a bigger size, then others, so
likewise is the tribute _Cacao, Achiotte, Cochinil_, where it is
paid; for the best is set apart for the tribute; and if the _Indians_
bring that which is not prime good, they shall surely be lashed, and
sent backe for better. The heads of the severall Tribes have care to
gather it, and to deliver it to the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors
and Jurates, who carry it either to the Kings Exchequer in the City,
or to the neerest _Spanish_ Justice (if it belong to the King) or to
the Lord, or Encomendero of the Towne. In nothing I ever perceived the
_Spaniards_ mercifull and indulgent unto the _Indians_, but in this,
that if an _Indian_ bee very weak, poore, and sickly and not able to
work, or threescore and ten yeers of age, he is freed from paying
any tribute. There be also some Towns priviledged from this tribute;
which are those that can prove themselves to have descended from
_Tlaxcallan_, or from certaine Tribes or families of or about _Mexico_,
who helped the first _Spaniards_ in the conquest of that Country. As
for their carriage and behaviour, the _Indians_ are very courteous and
loving, and of a timorous nature, and willing to serve and to obey,
and to doe good, if they be drawn by love; but where they are too much
tyrannized, they are dogged, unwilling to please, or to worke, and will
choose rather strangling and death then life. They are very trusty,
and never were known to commit any robbery of importance; so that the
_Spaniards_ dare trust to abide with them in a wildernesse all night,
though they have bags of gold about them. So for secrecy they are very
close; and will not reveal any thing against their own Natives, or a
_Spaniards_ credit and reputation, if they be any way affected to him.
But above all unto their Preist they are very respective unto him; and
when they come to speak unto him; put on their best clothes, study
their complements and words to please him. They are very abundant in
their expressions, and full of circumloquutions adorned with parables
and simile's to expresse their mind and intention. I have often sate
still for the space of an houre, onely hearing some old women make
their speeches unto me, with so many elegancies in their tongue (which
in _English_ would be non-sense, or barbarous expressions) as would
make me wonder, and learne by their speeches more of their language,
then by any other endeavour or study of mine owne. And if I could
reply unto them in the like phrases and expressions (which I would
often endeavour) I should be sure to win their hearts, and get any
thing from them. As for their Religion, they are outwardly such as the
_Spaniards_, but inwardly hard to beleeve that which is above sense,
nature, and the visible sight of the eye; and many of them to this day
doe incline to worship Idols of stocks and stones, and are given to
much superstition, and to observe crosse waies, and meeting of beasts
in them, the flying of birds, their appearing and singing neer their
houses at such and such times. Many are given to witchcraft, and are
deluded by the devill to beleeve that their life dependeth upon the
life of such and such a beast (which they take unto them as their
familiar spirit) and think that when that beast dieth they must die;
when he is chased, their hearts pant, when he is faint they are faint;
nay it happeneth that by the devils delusion they appear in the shape
of that Beast, (which commonly by their choice is a Buck, or Doe, a
Lion, or Tigre, or Dog, or Eagle) and in that shape have been shot
at and wounded, as I shall shew in the Chapter following. And for
this reason (as I came to understand by some of them) they yeeld unto
the Popish Religion, especially to the worshiping of Saints Images,
because they looke upon them as much like unto their forefathers Idols;
and secondly, because they see some of them painted with Beasts; as
_Hierom_ with a Lion, _Anthony_ with an Asse, and other wild Beasts,
_Dominick_ with a Dog, _Blas_ with a Hog, _Mark_ with a Bull, and
_John_ with an Eagle, they are more confirmed in their delusions,
and thinke verily those Saints were of their opinion, and that those
beasts were their familiar spirits, in whose shape they also were
transformed when they lived, and with whom they died. All _Indians_ are
much affected unto these Popish Saints, but especially those which are
given to witchcraft, and out of the smalnesse of their means they will
be sure to buy some of these Saints and bring them to the Church, that
there they may stand and be worshipped by them and others. The Churches
are full of them, and they are placed upon standers gilded or painted,
to be carried in procession upon mens shoulders, upon their proper day.
And from hence cometh no little profit to the Preists; for upon such
Saints daies, the owner of the Saint maketh a great feast in the Towne,
and presenteth unto the Preist sometimes two or three, sometimes four
or five crownes for his Masse and Sermon, besides a Turkey and three
or four fowls, with as much Cacao as will serve to make him Chocolatte
for all the whole _Octave_ or eight daies following. So that in some
Churches, where there are at least fourty of these Saints Statues and
Images, they bring unto the Preist at least fourty pounds a yeer.
The Preist therefore is very watchfull over those Saints daies, and
sendeth warning before hand unto the _Indians_ of the day of their
Saint, that they may provide themselves for the better celebrating it
both at home and in the Church. If they contribute not bountifully,
then the Preist will chide, and threaten that he will not preach. Some
_Indians_ through poverty have been unwilling to contribute any thing
at all, or to solemnize in the Church and at his house his Saints
day, but then the Preist hath threatned to cast his Saints image out
of the Church, saying, that the Church ought not to be filled with
such Saints as are unprofitable to soul and body, and that in such a
statues room one may stand, which may doe more good by occasioning a
solemn celebration of one day more in the yeer. So likewise if the
_Indian_ that owned one of those images die and leave children, they
are to take care of that Saint as part of their inheritance, and to
provide that his day be kept; but if no son, or heirs be left, then
the Preist calleth for the heads of the severall Tribes, and for the
chief officers of justice, and maketh a speech unto them, wherein he
declareth that part of the Church ground is taken up in vain by such
an image, and his stander, without any profit either to the Preist,
the Church, or the town, no heir or owner being left alive to provide
for that orphan Saint, to owne it; and that in case they will not seek
out who may take charge of him, and of his day, the Preist will not
suffer him to stand idle in his Church, like those whom our Saviour in
the Gospel rebuked, _quid hic statis tota die otiosi?_ for that they
stood idle in the market all the day (these very expressions have I
heard there from some Friers) and therefore that he must banish such
a Saints picture out of the Church, and must deliver him up before
them into the Justices hands to be kept by them in the Town-house,
untill such time as he may be bought and owned by some good Christian.
The _Indians_ when they hear these expressions, begin to feare, lest
some judgement may befall their Town for suffering a Saint to be
excommunicated and cast out of their Church, and therefore present unto
the Preist some offering for his prayers unto the Saint, that he may
doe them no harme, and desire him to limit them a time to bring him
an answer for the disposing of that Saint (thinking it will prove a
disparagement and affront unto their Town, if what once hath belonged
to the Church, be now out, and delivered up to the secular power) and
that in the mean time, they will find out some good Christian, either
of the neerest friends and kindred to him or them who first owned the
Saint, or else some stranger, who may buy that Saint of the Preist (if
he continue in the Church) or of the secular power (if he be cast out
of the Church and delivered up unto them, which they are unwilling
to yeeld to, having been taught of judgements in such a case like to
befall them) and may by some speedy feast and solemnity appease the
Saints anger towards them, for having been so sleighted by the Town.
Alas poore _Indians_, what will they not be brought unto by those
Friers and Preists, who study nothing more than their own ends, and to
enrich themselves from the Church and Altar! their policies (who are
the wise and prudent children of this world spoken of in the Gospel)
can easily overtop and master the simplicity of the poor _Indians_;
who rather then they will bring an affront upon their Towne, by
suffering any of their Saints to be cast out of their Church, or to
be with mony redeemed out of the secular powers hands, will make hast
to present unto him an owner of that orphan Saint, who for him shall
give to the Preist not only what he may be prized to be worth in a
Painters shop for the workmanship, gold and colours belonging to him;
but besides shall present him what before hath been observed, for the
solemnizing of his Feast. These feasts bring yet unto the Saints more
profit then hitherto hath been spoken of; for the _Indians_ have been
taught that upon such daies they ought to offer up somewhat unto the
Saints; and therefore they prepare either mony (some a Riall, some
two, some more) or else commonly about _Guatemala_ white wax-candles,
and in other places Cacao, or fruits, which they lay before the image
of the Saint, whilst the Masse is celebrating. Some _Indians_ will
bring a bundle of candles of a dozen tied together of Rials a peice
some, some of three or four for a Riall, and will if they be let alone
light them all together and burne them out, so that the Preist at the
end of the Masse will find nothing but the ends. Therefore (knowing
well of the waies of policy and covetousnesse) he chargeth the Church
officers, whom I said before were called _Mayordomo's_ to looke to the
offerings, and not to suffer the _Indians_ who bring candles to light
more then one before the Saint, and to leave the other before him
unlighted (having formerly taught them, that the Saints are as well
pleased with their whole candles as with their burnt candles) that so
hee may have the more to sell and make mony of. After Masse the Preist
and the _Mayordomo's_ take and sweep away from the Saint whatsoever
they find hath been offered unto him; so that sometimes in a great
Towne upon such a Saints day the Preist may have in mony twelve or
twenty Rials, and fifty or a hundred candles, which may be worth unto
him twenty or thirty shillings, besides some ends and pieces. Most of
the Friers about _Guatemala_ are with these offerings as wel stored
with candles, as is any Wax-chandlers shop in the City. And the same
candles, which thus they have received by offerings they need not care
to sell them away to _Spaniards_, who come about to buy them (though
some will rather sell them together to such though cheaper, that their
mony might come in all at once) for the _Indians_ themselves when they
want again any candles for the like feast, or for a Christening, and
for a womans Churching (at which times they also offer candles) will
buy their own againe of the Preist, who sometimes receiveth the same
candles and mony for them again five or six times. And because they
find that the _Indians_ incline very much to this kind of offerings,
and that they are so profitable unto them, the Friers doe much presse
upon the _Indians_ in their preaching this point of their Religion, and
devotion. But if you demand of these ignorant, but zealous offerers the
_Indians_ an account of any point of faith, they will give you little
or none. The mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ,
and our redemption by him is too hard for them; they will only answer
what they have been taught in a Catechisme of questions and answers;
but if you ask them if they beleeve such a point of Christianity, they
will never answer affirmatively, but only thus, Perhaps it may be so.
They are taught there the doctrin of _Rome_, that Christs body is
truely and really present in the Sacrament, and no bread in substance,
but only the accidents; if the wisest _Indian_ be asked, whether he
beleeve this, he will answer, Perhaps it may be so. Once an old woman,
who was held to be very religious, in the Town of _Mixco_, came to me
about receiving the Sacrament, and whilst I was instructing of her, I
asked her if she beleeved that Christ body was in the Sacrament, she
answered, Peradventure it may be so. A little while after to try her
and get her out of this strain and common answer, I asked her what &
who was in the Sacrament which she received from the Preists hand at
the Altar; she answered nothing for a while, and at last I pressed upon
her for an affirmative answer; and then she began to looke about to the
Saints in the Church, (which was dedicated to a Saint which they call
_St. Dominick_) and, as it seemed, being troubled and doubtful what
to say, at last she cast her eyes upon the high Altar, but I seeing
she delayed the time, asked her again who was in the Sacrament? to
which she replyed _S. Dominick_ who was the Patron of that Church and
Town. At this I smiled, and would yet further try her simplicity with
a simple question. I told her she saw _S. Dominick_ was painted with
a dog by him holding a torch in his mouth, and the globe of the world
at his feet; I asked her, whether all this were with _St. Dominick_ in
the Sacrament? To which she answered, Perhaps it might be so; wherewith
I began to chide her, and to instruct her. But mine instruction, nor
all the teaching and preaching of those _Spanish_ Preists hath not
yet well grounded them in principles of faith; they are dull and
heavie to beleeve or apprehend of God, or of heaven, more then with
sense or reason they can conceive. Yet they goe and run that way they
see the _Spaniards_ run, and as they are taught by their idolatrous
Preists. Who have taught them much formality, and so they are (as our
Formalists formerly in _England_) very formall, but little substantiall
in Religion. They have been taught that when they come to confession,
they must offer somewhat to the Preist, and that by their gifts and
almes, their sins shall be sooner forgiven; this they doe so formally
observe, that, whensoever they come to confession, but especially in
Lent, none of them dareth to come with empty hands; some bring mony,
some honey, some egs, some fowls, some fish, some Cacao, some one
thing, some another, so that the Preist hath a plentifull harvest in
Lent for his pains in hearing their Confessions. They have been taught
that also when they receive the Communion, they must surely every
one give at least a Riall to the Preist, (surely _England_ was never
taught in _America_ to buy the Sacrament with a two pence offering,
and yet this custome too much practised and pressed upon the people)
which they performe so, that I have known some poor _Indians_, who
have for a week or two forborne from coming to the Communion untill
they could get a Riall offering. It is to be wondred what the Preists
doe get from those poore wretches in great Towns by Confession and
Communion Rials in great Townes, where they denie the Sacrament to none
that will receive it, (and in some Townes I have knowne a thousand
Communicants) and force all above twelve or thirteen yeers of age to
come to Confession in the Lent. They are very formall also in observing
_Romes_ Monday, Thursday, and good-Friday, and then they make their
monuments and sepulchres, wherein they set their Sacrament, and watch
it all day and night, placing before it a Crucifix on the ground, with
two basins on each side to hold the single or double Rials, which every
one must offer when he cometh creeping upon his knees, and bare-footed
to kisse Christs hands, feet, and side. The candles which for that
day and night and next morning are burned at the sepulchre are bought
with another Contribution-Riall, which is gathered from house to house
from every _Indian_ for that purpose. Their Religion is a dear and
lick-penny religion for such poor _Indians_, and yet they are carried
along in it formally and perceive it not. They are taught that they
must remember the souls in Purgatory, and therefore that they must cast
their almes into a chest, which standeth for that purpose in their
Churches, whereof the Preist keepeth the key, and openeth it when he
wanteth mony, or when he pleaseth. I have often opened some of those
chests; and have found in them many single Rials, some halfe pieces
of eight, and some whole pieces of eight. And because what is lost
and found in the high-waies, must belong to some body, if the true
owner be not knowne, they have been taught that such monies or goods
belong also to the soules departed; wherefore the _Indians_ (surely
more for fear or vanities sake that they may be well thought on by the
Preist) if they find any thing lost will bestow it upon the soules
surer then the _Spaniards_ themselves (who if they find a purse lost
will keep it,) and will bring it either to the Preist or cast it into
the chest. An _Indian_ of _Mixco_ had found a patacon or peece of
eight in a high-way, and when he came to Confession, he gave it unto
me telling me he durst not keep it, lest the soules should appear unto
him, and demand it. So upon the second day of _November_ which they
call All soules day, they are extraordinary foolish and superstitious
in offering monies, fowles, egs and Maiz, and other commodities for
the soules good, but it proves for the profit of the Preist, who after
Masse wipes away to his chamber all that which the poore gulled and
deluded _Indians_ had offered unto those soules, which needed neither
mony, food, nor any other provision, and he fills his purse, and
pampers his belly with it. A Frier that lived in _Petapa_ boasted unto
me once that upon their All Soules day, his offerings had been about a
hundred Rials, two hundred Chickens and fowls, half a dozen Turkeyes,
eight bushels of Maiz, three hundred egs, four sontles of Cacao, (every
sontle being four hundred granes) twenty clusters of plantins, above a
hundred wax candles, besides some loaves of bread, and other trifles
of fruits. All which being summed up according to the price of the
things there, and with consideration of the coyn of mony there (halfe a
Ryall or three pence being there the least coyn) mounts to above eight
pounds of our money, a faire and goodly stipend for a Masse, brave
wages for halfe an houres work; a politick ground for that Error of
Purgatory, if the dead bring to the living Preist such wealth in one
day onely. Christmas day with the rest of those holy daies is no lesse
superstitiously observed by these _Indians_; for against that time they
frame and set in some corner of their Church a little thatched house
like a stall, which they call _Bethlehem_, with a blazing Starre over,
pointing it unto the three Sage wise men from the East; within this
stall they lay in a Crib, a child made of wood, painted and guilded
(who represents Christ new borne unto them) by him stands _Mary_ on
the one side, and _Joseph_ on the other, and an Asse likewise on the
one side and an oxe on the other, made by hands, the three wise men of
the East kneel before the Crib offering gold, Frankincense and Myrrhe,
the shepheards stand aloof off offering their Country gifts, some a
Kid, some a Lambe, some Milk, some Cheese, and Curds, some fruits, the
fields are also there represented with flocks of Sheep and Goats; the
Angels they hang about the stall some with Vialls, some with Lutes,
some with Harps, a goodly mumming and silent stage play, to draw those
simple souls to look about, and to delight their senses and fantasies
in the Church.

There is not an _Indian_ that cometh to see that supposed _Bethlehem_
(and there is not any in the Town but doth come to see it) who bringeth
not either money or somewhat else for his offering. Nay the policy of
the Preists hath been such, that (to stirre up the _Indians_ with their
Saints example) they have taught them to bring their Saints upon all
the holy dayes, untill Twelfth day in Procession unto this _Bethlehem_
to offer their gifts, according to the number of the Saints that stand
in the Church, some daies there come five, some daies eight, some
daies ten, dividing them into such order, that by Twelfth day all may
have come and offered, some money, some one thing, some another; The
owner of the Saint, hee cometh before the Saint with his friends and
kindred (if there bee no sodality or company belonging unto that Saint)
and being very well apparelled for that purpose, he bowes himselfe
and kneels to the Crib, and then rising takes from the Saint what
hee bringeth and leaveth it there, and so departs. But if there be a
sodality belonging to the Saint, then the Mayordomo's or chief Officers
of that company they come before the Saint, and doe homage, and offer
as before hath been said. But upon Twelfth day the Alcaldes, Maiors,
Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, must offer after the example
of the Saints, and the three Wise men of the East (whom the Church of
_Rome_ teacheth to have been Kings) because they represent the Kings
power and authority. And all these daies they have about the Town and
in the Church a dance of Shepheards, who at Christmas Eve at midnight
begin before this _Bethlehem_, and then they must offer a Sheep amongst
them. Others dance clothed like Angels and with wings, and all to
draw the people more to see sights in the Church, then to worship God
in Spirit and in Truth. Candlemas day is no lesse superstitiously
observed; for then the picture of _Mary_ comes in procession to the
Altar, and offereth up her Candles and Pigeons, or Turtle-Doves unto
the Preist, and all the Town must imitate her example, and bring their
Candles to be blessed and hallowed; of foure or five, or as many as
they bring, one onely shall bee restored back unto them, because they
are blessed, all the rest are for the Preist, to whom the _Indians_
resort after to buy them, and give more then ordinary, because they
are hallowed Candles. At Whitsontide they have another sight, and that
is in the Church also, whilst a Hymne is sung of the Holy Ghost, the
Preist standing before the Altar with his face turned to the people,
they have a device to let fall a Dove from above over his head well
dressed with flowers, and for above half an houre, from holes made
for that purpose, they drop down flowers about the Preist shewing the
gifts of the holy Ghost to him, which example the ignorant and simple
_Indians_ are willing to imitate, offering also their gifts unto him.
Thus all the yeer are those Preists and Fryers deluding the poore
people for their ends, enriching themselves with their gifts, placing
Religion in meer Policy; and thus doth the _Indians_ Religion consist
more in sights, shewes and formalities, then in any true substance. But
as sweet meat must have sowre sawce; so this sweetnesse and pleasing
delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer
(besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving
so many gifts unto the Preist) for, to shew that in their Religion
there is some bitterness, & sowrenesse, they make the _Indians_ whip
themselves the weeke before Easter, like the _Spaniards_, which those
simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne
flesh, that they butcher it, mangle and teare their backs, till some
swound, nay some (as I have known) have died under their own whipping,
and have selfe murthered themselves, which the Preists regard not,
because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure
Crownes for a Masse for their soules, and other offerings of their
friends.

Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on, and blinded in the
observance of what they have been taught more for the good and profit
of their Preists, then for any good of their soules, not perceiving
that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers. But not onely
doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their
browes; but also all the _Spaniards_, who not onely with their worke
and service (being themselves many given to idlenesse) grow wealthy
and rich; but with needlesse offices, and authority are still fleecing
them, and taking from them that little which they gaine with much
hardnesse and severity.

The President of _Guatemala_, the Judges of that Chancery, the
Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country, that they
may advance and inrich their meniall servants, make the poor _Indians_
the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such. Some have offices
to visit as often as they please their Towns, and to see what every
_Indian_ hath sowed of Maiz, for the maintenance of his wife and
children; Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the
good and store of the County; others have order to see whether their
houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to
their Families; others have power to call them out to mend and repaire
the high wayes, and others have Commission to number the Families and
Inhabitants of the severall Townes, to see how they increase that
their Tribute may not decrease, but still bee raised. And all this,
those officers doe never perform but so, that for their pains they
must have from every _Indian_ an allowance to bear their charges,
(which indeed are none at all) for as long as they stay in the Town,
they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying
for it. When they come to number the Townes, they call by list every
_Indian_ and cause his children, sonnes and daughters to be brought
before them, to see if they bee fit to be married; and if they be of
growth and age, and bee not married, the fathers are threatned for
keeping them unmarried, and as idle livers in the Towne without paying
tribute; and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that
are marriageable, the fathers tribute is raised and increased, untill
they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters, who as
soone as they are married, are charged with tribute; which that it
may increase, they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to
live unmarried; Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the
_Indians_, is at fourteen yeers for the man, and thirteene for the
woman, alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock,
and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice, and strength for worke and
service, then are any other people. Nay sometimes they force them to
marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age, if they find
them well limbed, and strong in body, explicating a point of one of
_Romes_ Canons, which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers, _nisi
malitia suppleat ætatem_. When I my selfe lived in _Pinola_, that Town
by order of _Don Juan de Guzman_, (a great Gentleman of _Guatemala_, to
whom it belonged) was numbred, and an increase of tributary _Indians_
was added unto it by this meanes. The numbring it lasted a full week,
and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty
couple, which, with those that before had been married since the last
numbring of it, made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase
of about fifty Families. But it was a shame to see how young some
were that at that time were forced to marriage, neither could al my
striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary, nor the producing of
the Register Book to shew their age, but that some were married of
between twelve and thirteene yeers of age, and one especially who in
the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers, whose
knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age.
In this manner even in the most free act of the will, (which ought to
bee in marriage) are those poore _Indians_, forced and made slaves
by the _Spaniards_, to supply with tribute the want of their purses,
and the meannesse of their Estates. Yet under this yoke and burden
they are cheerfull, and much given to feasting, sporting and dancing,
as they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes, which
are kept upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated. And
certainly this superstition hath continued also in _England_ from the
Popish times, to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes
(which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country
by way of commerce and trading one with another, to honor, worship,
and pray to that Saint, to whom the Town is dedicated) or else why are
our Faires commonly kept upon _John Baptist, James, Peter, Matthew,
Bartholomew, Holy Rood, Lady_ dayes, and the like, and not as well a
day or two before, or a day or two after, which would bee as good and
fit dayes to buy and sell, as the other? True it is, our Reformation
alloweth not the worshipping of Saints, yet that solemne meeting of
the people to Fairs and mirth, and sport upon those daies it hath kept
and continued, that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue
still in our remembrance. There is no Town in the _India's_ great or
small (though it be but of twenty Families) which is not dedicated thus
unto our Lady or unto some Saint, and the remembrance of that Saint is
continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne, but
of all that live farre and neere by commercing, trading, sporting, and
dancing, offering unto the Saint, and bowing, kneeling, and praying
before him. Before this day day cometh, the _Indians_ of the Town two
or three Moneths have their meetings at night, and prepare themselves
for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them; and in these
their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha. For
every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed, and masters
of that dance, who teach the rest that they may bee perfected in it
against the Saints day. For the most part of these two or three moneths
the silence of the night is unquieted, what with their singing, what
with their hollowing, what with their beating upon the shels of fishes,
what with their Waits, and what with their piping. And when the feast
cometh, then they act publikely, and for the space of eight dayes, what
privately they had practised before. They are that day well apparelled
with silkes, fine linnen, ribbands and feathers according to the dance;
which first they begin in the Church before the Saint, or in the
Church yard, and from thence all the _Octave_, or eight dayes they goe
from house to house dancing, where they have Chocolatte or some heady
drink or Chicha given them. All those eight daies the Towne is sure to
bee full of drunkards; and if they bee reprehended for it; they will
answer, that their heart doth rejoyce with their Saint in heaven, and
that they must drinke unto him, that hee may remember them. The chief
dance used amongst them is called Toncontin, which hath been danced
before the King of _Spain_, in the Court of _Madrid_ by _Spaniards_,
who have lived in the _India's_ to shew unto the King somewhat of the
_Indians_ fashions; and it was reported to have pleased the King very
much. This dance is thus performed. The _Indians_ commonly that dance
it (if it bee a great Towne) are thirty or forty, or fewer, if it be
a small Town. They are clothed in white, both their dublets, linnen
drawers, and Aiates, or towels, which on the one side hang almost to
the ground. Their drawers and Aiates are wrought with some workes of
Silk, or with birds, or bordered with some Lace. Others procure dublets
and drawers and Aiates of Silk, all which are hired for that purpose.
On their backs they hang long tuffes of feathers of all colours, which
with glew are fastned into a little frame made for the purpose, and
guilded on the outside; this frame with Ribbands they tie about their
shoulders fast that it fall not, nor slacken with the motion of their
bodies. Upon their heads they wear another lesse tuffe of Feathers
either in their hats, or in some guilded or painted head-peece, or
helmet. In their hands also they carry a fan of feathers, and on their
feet most will use feathers also bound together like short wings of
birds; some weare shooes, some not. And thus from top to toe they are
almost covered with curious and coloured feathers. Their Musick and
tune to this dance is onely what is made with a hollow stock of a tree,
being rounded, and well pared within and without, very smooth and
shining, some foure times thicker then our viols, with two or three
long clefts on the upper side and some holes at the end which they call
_Tepanabaz_. On this stock (which is placed upon a stool or fourm in
the middle of the _Indians_) the Master of the dance beates with two
sticks, covered with wooll at the ends, and a pitched leather over the
wooll that it fall not away. With this Instrument and blowes upon it
(which soundeth but dull and heavy, but somewhat loud) hee giveth the
dancers their severall tunes, and changes, and signes of the mothion of
their bodies either straight or bowing, and giveth them warning what
and when they are to sing. Thus they dance in compasse and circle
round about that instrument, one following another sometimes straight,
sometimes turning about, sometimes turning half way, sometimes bending
their bodies and with the feathers in their hands almost touching the
ground, and singing the life of that their Saint, or of some other. All
this dancing is but a kind of walking round, which they will continue
two or three whole houres together in one place, and from thence goe
and perform the same at another house.

This Toncontin the chief and principall onely of the Towne doe dance
it; It was the old dance which they used before they knew Christianity,
except that then in stead of singing the Saints lives, they did sing
the praises of their heathenish Gods. They have another dance much
used, which is a kind of hunting out some wild Beast (which formerly
in time of Heathenisme was to bee sacrificed to their Gods) to bee
offered up unto the Saint. This dance hath much variety of tunes, with
a small Tepanabaz, and many shels of Tortoi's, or in stead of them
with pots covered with leather, on which they strike as on Tepanabaz,
and with the sound of pipes; in this dance they use much hollowing
and noise and calling one unto another, and speaking by way of Stage
play, some relating one thing, some another concerning the Beast they
hunt after; these dancers are all cloathed like Beasts, with painted
skins of Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and on their heads such headpieces as
may represent the head of such Beasts, and other weare painted heads
of Eagles or Fowles of rapine, and in their hands they have painted
Staves, Bils, Swords and Axes, wherewith they threaten to kill that
Beast they hunt after. Others in stead of hunting after a Beast, hunt
after a man, as Beasts in a wildernesse should hunt a man to kill him.
This man that is thus hunted after must bee very nimble and agil, as
one flying for his life, and striking here and there at the Beasts
for his defence, whom at last they catch and make a prey of. As the
Toncontin consists most of walking and turning and leasurely bending
their bodies, so this dance doth wholly consist in action, running in
a circle round, sometimes out of circle, and leaping and striking with
those tooles and instruments which they have in their hand. This is a
very rude sport, and full of scrieking and hideous noise, wherein I
never delighted. Another _Mexican_ dance they use, some clothed like
men, others like women, which in Heathenish times they did use with
singing praises unto their King or Emperour; but now they apply their
songs unto the King of Glory, or unto the Sacrament, using these or
commonly the like words with very little difference, and some variety
of praise,

  _Salid Mexicanas, bailad Toncontin.
  Cansalas galanas en cuerpo gentil._ And againe,
  _Salid Mexicanas bailad Toncontin.
  Al Rey de la gloria tenemos aqui._

Thus they goe round dancing, playing in some places very well upon
their Guitarres, repeating now and then all together a verse or two,
and calling the _Mexican_ Dames to come out to them with their gallant
Mantles to sing praise unto their King of Glory. Besides these they
have, and use our Morris dances, and Blackmore dances with Sonajas
in their hands, which are a round set of small Morris dancing bells,
wherewith they make variety of sounds to their nimble feet. But the
dance which doth draw to it the peoples wondering is a Tragedy acted by
way of dance, as the death of St. _Peter_, or the beheading of _John_
the _Baptist_. In these dances there is an Emperour, or a King _Herod_
with their Queens clothed, another cloathed with a long loose Coat who
represents St. _Peter_, or _John_ the _Baptist_, who whilst the rest
danceth, walketh amongst them with a book in his hands, as if hee were
saying his prayers, all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like
Captaines and souldiers with Swords, Daggers, or Holbards in their
hands. They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes, sometimes
round, sometimes in length forward, and have and use many speeches to
the Emperour or King, and among themselves concerning the apprehending
and executing the Saint. The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear
their pleading against the Saint, and his pleading for himselfe; and
sometimes they dance with the rest; and the end of their dance is to
crucifie St. _Peter_ downwards with his head upon a Crosse, or behead
_John_ the _Baptist_, having in readinesse a painted head in a dish,
which they present unto the King and Queen, for joy whereof they all
again dance merrily and so conclude, taking down him that acted _Peter_
from the Crosse. The _Indians_ that dance this dance most of them are
superstitious for what they do, judging as if it were indeed really
acted and performed what onely is by way of dance represented. When
I lived amongst them, it was an ordinary thing for him who in the
dance was to act St. _Peter_ or _John_ the _Baptist_, to come first to
Confession, saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint, whom
they represent, and must prepare themselves to die. So likewise hee
that acted _Herod_ or _Herodias_, and some of the Souldiers that in the
dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints, would afterwards come to
confesse of that sinne, and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse.
More particular passages of the _Indians_ according to my experience of
them, I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader.




CHAP. XX.

_Shewing how and why I departed out of_ Guatemala _to learne the
Poconchi language, and to live among the_ Indians, _and of some
particular passages and accidents whilst I lived there._


Having read in the University of _Guatemala_ for three years space a
whole course of Arts, and having begun to read part of Divinity, the
more I studied and grew in knowledge, and the more I controverted by
way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion, the more I found
the spirit of Truth inlightening me, and discovering unto me the
lies, errors, falsities and superstitions of the Church of _Rome_. My
conscience was much perplexed, and wavering, and I desirous of some
good and full satisfaction: Which I knew might not bee had there; and
that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine
of _Rome_, would bring mee to the Inquisition, that Rack of tender
Consciences, and from thence to no lesse then burning alive, in case
I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee. The
point of Transubstantiation, of Purgatory, of the Popes power and
authority, of the merit of mans workes, of his free will to choose
all soul-saving wayes, the sacrifice of the Masse, the halving the
Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people, the Preists power to
absolve from sinne, the worshipping of Saints though with δουλεία, as
they call it, and not with λατρεία, and the Virgin _Mary_ with a higher
degree of worship then that of the Saints, which they call ὑπερδουεία;
the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in
the Legend and lives of their Saints, the infallibility of the Pope,
and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith, what in it selfe
is false and erroneous; these points especially, with many more of
_Romes_ policies, and the lewd lives of the Preists, Fryers, Nuns, and
those in authority, did much trouble and perplex my conscience, which
I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne
Countrey of _England_, where I knew many things were held contrary
to the Church of _Rome_, but what particulars they were, I could not
tell, not having been brought up in the Protestant Church, and having
been sent young over to _St. Omers_. Wherefore I earnestly addressed
my selfe to the Provincial; and to the President of _Guatemala_, for
a licence to come home, but neither of them would yeeld unto it,
because there was a strict order of the King and Councell, that no
Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the _India's_ to
Preach the Gospell, should return againe to _Spain_ till ten yeers were
expired. Hereupon I seeing my self a Prisoner, and without hopes for
the present of seeing _England_ in many yeers, resolved to stay no more
in _Guatemala_, but to goe out to learne some _Indian_ tongue, and to
preach in some of their Townes, where I knew more money might bee got
to help mee home, when the time should come, then if I did continue to
live in the Cloister of _Guatemala_. Yet in the mean time I thought it
not unfit to write to _Spain_ to a friend of mine an _English_ Fryer in
_San Lucar_, called Fryer _Pablo de Londres_ to desire him to obtain
for mee a License from the Court, and from the Generall of the Order
at _Rome_, that I might return unto my Country. In this season there
was in _Guatemala_, Fryer _Francisco de Moran_, the Prior of _Coban_
in the Province of _Vera Paz_, who was informing the President and
whole Chancery, how necessary it was that some _Spaniards_ should bee
ayding and assisting him for the discovery of a way from that Country
unto _Jucatan_, and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and
Heathens, as stopped his passage, and did often invade some _Indian_
Towns of Christians. This _Moran_ (being my speciall friend, and
having been brought up in _Spaine_ in the Cloister of _San Pablo de
Valladolid_, where my selfe was first entred Frier,) was very desirous
of my company along with him, for the better bringing into Christianity
those Heathens, and Idolaters, telling me that doubtlesse in a new
Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found, whereof
no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and
adventure. I was not hard to be perswaded, being above all desirous
to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ;
and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie,
for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people. The Provinciall
was glad to see this my courage, and so with some gifts and mony in my
purse, sent me with _Moran_ to the _Vera Paz_ in the company of 50.
_Spaniards_, who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us.

When we came to _Coban_ we were well refreshed and provided for a hard
and dangerous enterprize. From _Coban_ we marched to two great Townes
of Christians called _St. Peter_, and _St. John_, where were added unto
us a hundred _Indians_ for our further assistance. From these Towns
two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians
and some small villages; but after the two daies we drew neer unto the
Heathens Frontiers, where there was no more open way for Mules, but we
must trust unto our feet. We went up and down mountaines amongst woods
for the space of two daies, being much discouraged with the thickets
and hardnesse of the way, and having no hope of finding out the
Heathens. In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies,
and resolved yet the third day to goe forward. In the mountaines we
found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springs and brookes with
many trees of Cacao and Achiotte. The third day we went on, and came to
a low valley, in the midst whereof ran a shallow river, where we found
some _Milpa's_ or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us
of some _Indians_ not far off, and therefore made us keep together
and be in readinesse, if any assault or onset should be made upon us
by the Heathens. Whilst we thus travelled on, we suddenly fell upon
halfe a dozen poore cottages, covered with boughes and plantin leaves,
and in them wee found three _Indian_ women, two men and five young
children, all naked, who faine would have escaped, but they could not.
We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our
provision, which at the first they refused to eat, howling and crying
and pulling, till _Moran_ had better incouraged and comforted them,
whose language they partly understood. We clothed them and tooke them
along with us, hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or
some bigger plantation. But that day they were so sullen that we could
get nothing out of them. Thus we went on, following some tracks which
here and there we found of _Indians_, till it was almost evening,
and then we did light upon above a dozen cottages more, and in them
a matter of twenty men, women, and children, from whom we tooke some
bows and arrowes, and found there store of plantins, some fish, and
wild Venison, wherewith we refreshed our selves. These told us of a
great Towne two daies journey off, which made us be very watchfull that
night. Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary,
so that the next day I was not able to goe any further; whereupon we
resolved to set up our quarters there, and to send out some scouts of
_Indians_ and _Spaniards_ to discover the country, who found further
more cottages and plantations of Maiz, of Chile, of Turkey beans, and
Cotton-wooll, but no _Indians_ at all, for they were all fled. Our
scouts returned, and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse
of the Country; but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull,
for that certainly the flight of those _Indians_ was a signe that our
coming was noised about the Country. The next day we purposed to move
forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered, being (as
we were informed) safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to
befall us. All these plantations lay along by the river, where the sun
was exceeding hot, which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us.
With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end,
beginning now to repent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot, and
fearing some suddain danger, by reason our coming was now known by the
_Indians_. The prisoners we had with us began to tell us of some gold
that they did sometimes find in that river, and of a great lake yet
forward, about which did inhabit many thousand _Indians_, who were very
warlike, and skilfull in their bows and arrows. The one incouraged
some, the other much discouraged the rest, who wished themselves out of
those woods and unknown places, and began to murmur against _Moran_,
who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger. Our
night was set, and I and the rest of the sick _Spaniards_ went to rest,
some upon the bare ground, but my self and others in hamacca's, which
are of net work tied at two posts or trees, and hanging in the aire,
which with the least stirring of the body, rocke one asleep as in a
Cradle. Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight; at which time our
watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies, who were thought
to be about a thousand. They came desperately towards us, and when they
saw they were discovered, and our drums beat up, and our fowling peeces
and muskets began to shoot, they hollowed and cried out with a hideous
noise, which uproar and suddain affrightment, added sweat and fear to
my feaver. But _Moran_ (who came to confesse with mee, and to prepare
himselfe for death or for some deadly wound) comforted me, wishing me
to fear nothing, and to lie still, for that I could doe them no good,
and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended, because our Souldiers
had compassed me about, so that on no side the Heathens could come in,
and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives. The skirmish
lasted not above an hour, and then our enemies began to flie back. We
tooke ten of them, and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the
ground, and of ours five onely were wounded, whereof one died the next
day.

In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning
back, fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night
following, for some of the _Indians_ who were taken, told them plainly
that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand
against them. They told us further, that they knew well that the
_Spaniards_ had all the country about, except that little portion of
theirs, which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably, and not
to meddle with us, but rather if we would see their countrey and goe
through it as friends, they would let us without doing us any hurt;
but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into
slavery, as we had done their neighbours, they were all resolved to
die fighting rather then to yeeld. With these words our Souldiers
were divided, some with _Moran_ were of opinion to try the _Indians_,
and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some
Towne of _Jucatan_; others were of opinion to fight, others to return
back again, considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of
_Indians_ as were in the Country. But that day nothing was agreed upon,
for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded. So we
continued there that night, and as the night before much about the same
time the enemies came againe upon us, but finding us ready and watching
for them, they soone fled. In the morning we resolved to returne back,
and _Moran_ sent the Heathens word, that if they would let him goe
through their country quietly to discover some land of _Jucatan_, he
would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe a dozen
_Indians_, no more, trusting his life upon them; whom he knew if they
wronged, all the _Spaniards_ in the country would rise up against them,
and not leave one alive. They answered that they would entertaine him,
and any few _Indians_ well and willingly; all which _Moran_ and they
performed according to their agreement the next yeer following.

Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come, and I
began to find my self better, and my feaver to leave me. We carried
with us some of those young children which we had taken, to present
them unto the President of _Guatemala_. And in _Coban_ the Prior
_Moran_ thought he might first do God good service if he christened
those yong children, saying that they might become Saints, and that
afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion
of their parents and of all that country to Christianity. I could not
but oppose this his ignorance, which seemed much like unto that of
the Friers who entred _America_ with _Cortez_, and increased after
the conquest daily more in number, who boasted to the Emperour, that
they had some of them made above thirty thousand _Indians_ Christians
by baptizing them; which truely they did as sheep are forced to the
waters and driven to be washed; so were those first _Indians_ by
thousands sprinkled (or if I may use their word, baptized) for they
were driven by compulsion & force to the rivers, neither were they
first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity, neither
themselves beleevers, nor children of of beleeving and faithfull
parents. So would _Moran_ christen these children, though I told him
that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of
Christ, unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and
beleeved, or were children of beleeving parents. But as he had been
brought up in errours, whereof that Church of _Rome_ is a wide and
spatious nest, so he would be obstinate in this point against me and
the truth, sprinkling with water those children, and naming them with
names of Christians. After this he sent them well apparelled to the
President of _Guatemala_, who commanded them to be kept, and brought up
in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers.

I remained after this for a while in _Coban_, and in the Townes about,
untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe; whither I went with
_Moran_ to buy wines, oyle, iron, cloth and such things as the Cloister
wanted for the present. At which time there being a frigate ready to
depart to _Truxillo_ (some occasions drawing _Moran_ thither) I tooke
ship with him. We staied not much above a week in that Port (which is a
weak one, as the _English_ and _Hollanders_ taking of it can witnesse)
but presently we thought of returning back to _Guatemala_ by land
through the countrey of _Comayagua_, commonly called _Honduras_. This
is a woody and mountainous countrey, very bad and inconvenient for
Travellers, and besides very poore; there the commodities are Hides,
_Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, and such want of bread, that
about _Truxillo_ they make use of what they call _Cassave_, which is
a dry root, that being eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked
in broth, water, wine or Chocolatte, that so it may go down. Within
the Countrey, and especially about the City of _Comayagua_ (which is
a Bishops seat, though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants
at the most) there is more store of Maiz by reason of some _Indians_,
which are gathered to Townes, few and small. I found this Countrey
one of the poorest in all _America_. The chief place in it for health
and good living is the valley which is called _Gracias a Dios_, there
are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat; but because it lieth as
neer to the Countrey of _Guatemala_ as to _Comayagua_, and on this
side the waies are better then on that, therefore more of that Wheat
is transported to _Guatemala_ and to the Townes about it, then to
_Comayagua_ or _Truxillo_. From _Truxillo_ to _Guatemala_ there are
between fourescore and a hundred leagues, which we travelled by land,
not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision, for the
poore _Indians_ thought neither their personall attendance, nor any
thing that they enjoyed too good for us.

Thus we came again to _Guatemala_, and were by the Friers joyfully
entertained, and by the President highly rewarded, and by the City
called true Apostles, because we had ventured our lives for the
discovery of Heathens, and opened a way for their conversion, and
found out the chief place of their residence, and sent before us those
children to the City, who witnessed with being in the Cloister our
pains and indeavours. _Moran_ was so puffed up with the Presidents
favour, and the popular applause, that he resolved in _Guatemala_
to venture again his life, and, according to that message which he
had sent before to the Heathen _Indians_, to enter amongst them in a
peaceable way with halfe a dozen _Indians_. He would fain have had me
gone with him; but I considered the hardnesse of the journey, which I
thought I should not be able to perform on foot; and also I feared that
the _Barbarians_ might mutiny against us for those children which we
had brought; and lastly I liked not the Countrey, which seemed poore
and not for my purpose, to get meanes sufficient to bring me home
to _England_, which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart
for the satisfaction of my conscience, which I found still unquiet.
Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend _Moran_,
and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens, and such difficult
undertakings, which might endanger my health and life, and at last
bring no profit, but only a little vain glory, fame and credit in that
Countrey. I thought I might better employ my time, if I learned some
_Indian_ tongue neerer to _Guatemala_, where I considered the riches
of the Townes, the readinesse of the _Indians_, and their willingnesse
to further their Preists wants; and lastly, their ignorance in some
points of Religion, which I thought I might help and clear with some
sound doctrin, and with preaching Christ crucified unto them, and
bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation. I
trusted in my friends so much, that I knew it would not be hard for me
to take my choice of any place about _Guatemala_; from whence I might
facilitate my returne to _England_, and write to _Spain_, and have
every yeer an answer easier then any where else. I opened my mind
unto the Provinciall (who was then at _Guatemala_) and he presently
and willingly condescended to my request, and counselled me to learn
the _Poconchi_ language, (whereof I had already got some grounds in
the _Vera Paz_) which is most used about _Guatemala_, and also is
much practised in _Vera Paz_, and in the Countrey of _San Salvador_.
He promised to send me to the Town of _Petapa_, to learne there the
language, with a speciall friend of his named Frier _Peter Molina_, who
was very old, and wanted the help and company of some younger person
to ease him in the charge that lay upon him, of so great a Towne, and
many Travellers that passed that way. The Provinciall as if he had
knowne my mind, pitched upon my very hearts desire; and thus two weeks
before _Midsummer_ day I departed from _Guatemala_ to _Petapa_, which
is six leagues from thence, and there setled my selfe to learn that
_Indian_ tongue. The Friers of those parts that are any way skilful in
the _Indian_ languages, have composed Grammars & Dictionaries for the
better furthering of others who may supply their places after their
decease; but whilst they live are unwilling to teach the languages unto
others, lest their schollers should after a good and well grounded
knowledge of the tongues, supplant their own Masters, and be means of
taking from them that great profit which they have by living as Curates
in the _Indian_ Townes. Yet this old _Molina_ considering himselfe in
yeers, and for his good friends sake the Provinciall, was not unwilling
to accept of my company, and to impart unto me what knowledge he
had got by many yeers practice of the _Poconchi_ tongue. He gave me
therefore a short abstract of all the rudiments belonging unto it,
which did consist chiefely of declining Nounes, and conjugating Verbs,
(which I easily learned in the first fortnight that I had been with
him) and then a Dictionary of _Indian_ words, which was all the rest of
my study to get without book, untill I was able of my selfe to preach
unto the _Indians_, which with much easinesse I obtained by discoursing
and conferring with them, what with my private study I had learned.

After the first six weeks _Molina_ writ downe for me in the tongue a
short exhortation, which he expounded to me, and wished me to learne
it without booke, which I preached publikely upon the feast of _St.
James_. After this he gave me another short exhortation in _Spanish_,
to be preached upon the fifteenth of _August_, which he made me
translate into the _Indian_ tongue, and he corrected in it what he
found amisse, wherewith I was a little more emboldened, and feared not
to shew my selfe in publick to the _Indians_. This practice I continued
three or four times untill _Michaelmas_, preaching what with his help
I had translated out of _Spanish_, untill I was able to talke with
the _Indians_ alone, and to make mine own Sermons. After _Michaelmas
Molina_ being not a little vain glorious of what he had done with me,
in perfecting me in an unknowne tongue in so short a space, which was
very little above one quarter of the yeer, writ unto the Provinciall
acquainting him of what paines he had taken with me, and of the good
successe of his endeavours, assuring him that I was now fit to take
a charge of _Indians_ upon me, and to preach alone, further desiring
him that he would bestow upon me some _Indian_ Towne and Benefice
where I might by constant preaching practice and further that which
with so much facility I had learned. The Provinciall (who had alwaies
been my friend) needed not spurs to stir him up to shew more and more
his love and kindnesse unto me; but immediately sent me order to goe
unto the two Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, and to take charge of the
_Indians_ in them, and to give quarterly an account of what I received
thence unto the Cloister of _Guatemala_, unto which all that valley
did appertaine. All the _Indian_ Townes and the Friers that live in
them are subordinate unto some Cloister; and the Friers are called by
their Superiours to give up for the Cloisters use what monies they have
spared, after their own and their servants lawfull maintenance. Which
Order yet in _Peru_ is not observed, for there the Friers who are once
beneficed in _Indian_ Towns, depend not upon any Cloister, but keep all
that they get for themselves, and so receive not from their Cloisters
any clothing, or help for their provision, neither give they any
account to their Superiours, but keep, clothe and maintain themselves,
with what offerings and other duties fall unto them from the _Indians_;
which is the cause that the Friers of _Peru_ are the richest in all the
_India's_, and live not like Friers but rather like Lords, and game
and Dice publikely without controul. But the Friers of _Guatemala,
Guaxaca_, and _Mexico_, though they have enough and more then is well
sutable to their vow and profession of poverty, yet they enjoy not the
liberty of the _Peruan_ Friers in their _Indian_ Benefices; for what
is over and above their expences, they give to their Superiours, and
from them they receive every month a jar of wine, of an Arrobe and a
halfe, and every yeer a new habit with other clothing. Yet with what I
have said I must not excuse the Friers of _Guatemala_ from liberty, and
the enjoyment of wealth and riches; for they also game and sport, and
spend, and fill their bags, and where in their accounts and reckonings
to the Cloisters they might well give up in a yeer five hundred Crownes
besides their own expences, they give up peradventure three hundred,
and usurpe the rest for themselves, and their vain and idle uses; and
trade and traffique under hand with Merchants against their vow of
poverty.

With this subordination therefore (which I have shewed) unto the Prior
and Cloister of _Guatemala_, I was sent to preach unto the _Indians_
of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, from whence for my sake was removed an old
Frier of almost fourscore yeers of age, and called to his Cloister to
rest, who was not able to performe the charge which lay upon him of two
Townes, three leagues distant one from another. The setled means for
maintenance which I enjoyed in these Townes, and the common offerings
and duties which I received from the _Indians_ was this. In _Mixco_
I was allowed every moneth twenty Crownes, and in _Pinola_ fifteen,
which was punctually payed by the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and
Jurates, before the end of the moneth; for which payment, the Townes
sowed a common peece of land with Wheat or Maiz, and kept their book
of accounts, wherein they set downe what crops they yeerly received,
what monies they tooke in for the sale of their Corne, and in the same
booke I was to write downe what every moneth I received from them;
which booke at the yeers end they were to present to be examined by
some officer appointed thereunto by the Court of _Guatemala_. Besides
this monthly allowance, I had from the Sodalities of the soules in
Purgatory every week in each Town two Crownes for a Masse; every moneth
two Crownes in _Pinola_ upon the first Sunday of the moneth from the
Sodalitie of the Rosary; and in _Mixco_ likewise every month from
three Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin _Mary_, which were there
belonging unto the _Indians_, the _Spaniards_, and the _Black-mores_,
two Crownes a peece. Further from two more Sodalities belonging to
the _Vera Cruz_, or the Crosse of Christ, every moneth two Crownes a
peece. And in _Mixco_ from a Sodality of the _Spaniards_ belonging to
_St. Nicolas de Tolentino_, two Crowns every month. And from a Sodality
of _St. Blas_ in _Pinola_ every moneth two more Crownes; and finally
in _Mixco_ from a Sodality entituled of _St. Jacintho_ every moneth
yet two Crownes; besides some offerings, of either mony, fowles, or
candles, upon those daies whereon these Masses were sung; all which
amounted to threescore and nine Crowns a month, which was surely
setled and paid before the end of the moneth. Besides from what I have
formerly said of the Saints statues which doe belong unto the Churches,
and doe there constantly bring both mony, fowles, candles, and other
offerings upon their day, unto the Preist, the yeerly revenues which
I had in those two Towns will appear not to have been small; for in
_Mixco_ there were in my time eighteen Saints Images, and twenty in
_Pinola_; which brought unto me upon their day four Crowns a peece for
Masse and Sermon, and procession, besides fowles, Turkeys and Cacao,
and the offerings before the Saints, which commonly might bee worth
at least three Crowns upon every Saints day, which yeerly amounted
to at least two hundred, threescore and six Crownes. Besides the
Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin, (which as I have before said
were foure, three in _Mixco_, and one in _Pinola_) upon five severall
feasts of the yeer (which are most observed by the Church of _Rome_)
brought unto me four Crownes, two for the dayes Masse, and two for
a Masse the day following, which they call the Anniversarie for the
dead, who had belonged unto those Sodalities, which besides those
daies offerings (which sometimes were more, sometimes lesse) and the
_Indians_ presents of fowles and Cacao, made up yeerly fourscore Crowns
more. Besides this, the two Sodalities of the _Vera Cruz_ upon two
feasts of the Crosse; the one upon the fourteenth of _September_, the
other upon the third of _May_, brought four Crownes a peece for the
Masse of the day, and the Anniversary Masse following, and upon every
Friday in Lent two Crownes, which in the whole yeer came to four and
fourty Crownes; all which above reckoned, was as a sure rent in those
two Townes. But, should I spend time to reckon up what besides did
accidentally fall, would be tedious. The Christmas offerings in both
those two Townes, were worth to me when I lived there at least fourty
Crownes. Thursday and Friday offerings before Easter day were about
a hundred Crownes; all Soules day offerings commonly worth fourescore
Crownes; and Candlemas day offerings commonly forty more. Besides what
was offered upon the Feast of each Town by all the Country which came
in, which in _Mixco_ one yeer was worth unto mee in Candles and money
fourescore Crownes, and in _Pinola_ (as I reckoned it) fifty more. The
Communicants (every one giving a Riall) might make up in both Towns at
least a thousand Rials; and the Confessions in Lent at least a thousand
more, besides other offerings of Eggs, Hony, Cacao, Fowles and Fruits.
Every Christening brought two Rials, every Marriage two Crowns, every
ones death two Crowns more at least; and some in my time dyed, who
would leave ten or twelve Crownes for five or six Masses to bee sung
for their soules.

Thus are those fooles taught that by the Preists singing their
soules are delivered from weeping, and from the fire and torments of
Purgatory; and thus by singing all the yeer doe those Fryers charme
from the poore _Indians_ and their Sodalities and Saints an infinite
treasure wherewith they inrich themselves and their Cloisters; as may
bee gathered from what I have noted by my owne experience in those two
Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, (which were farre inferiour yet to
_Petapa_ and _Amatitlan_ in the same Valley, and not to bee compared
in offerings and other Church duties to many other Townes about that
Country) which yet yeelded unto mee with the offerings cast into the
Chests which stood in the Churches for the souls of Purgatory, and with
what the _Indians_ offered when they came to speake unto mee (for they
never visit the Preist with empty hands) and with what other Masse
stipends did casually come in, the summe of at least two thousand
Crownes of _Spanish_ money, which might yeerly mount to five hundred
_English_ pounds. I thought this Benefice might bee a fitter place
for mee to live in, then in the Cloister of _Guatemala_, wearying out
my braines with points of false grounded Divinity for to get onely
the applause of the Scholars of the University, and now and then some
small profit; which I thought I might looke after as well as the
rest of my profession, nay with more reason, for that I intended to
return to _England_, and I knew I should have little help for so long
a journey in leaving there my friends, if so bee that I made not my
mony my best friend to assist mee by Sea and Land. My first indeavour
was to certifie my selfe from the Book of Receipts and Accounts in the
Cloister of _Guatemala_, what reckonings my Predecessor and others
before him had given up to the Cloister yeerly from _Mixco_ and
_Pinola_, that I might regulate my selfe and my expenses so, as to be
able to live with credit, and to get thanks from the Cloister by giving
more then any before me had given. I found that four hundred crowns
had been the most that my old Predecessour had given yeerly in his
Accounts; and that before him little more was usually given from those
two Towns; Whereupon I took occasion once in discourse with the Prior
of _Guatemala_ to aske what hee would willingly expect from mee yeerly
whilst I lived in those two Towns; to which he replyed that if I upheld
for my part the Cloisters usuall and yeerly Revenues, giving what my
Predecessour had given, he would thanke me, and expect no more from
mee, and that the rest that befell mee in those Towns, I might spend it
in Books, Pictures, Chocolatte, Mules, and Servants; to which I made
reply, that I thought I could live in that Benefice creditably enough,
and yet give from it more to the Cloister then ever any other before
mee had given, and that I would forfeit my continuing there if I gave
not to the Cloister every year four hundred and fifty Crowns. The Prior
thanked mee heartily for it, and told mee I should not want for wine,
(wishing mee to send for it every moneth) nor for clothing, which hee
would every yeer once bestow upon me. This I thought would save a great
part of my charges, and that I was well provided for as long as I lived
in the _India's_. And here I desire, that _England_ may take notice
how a Fryer that hath professed to be a Mendicant, being beneficed in
_America_, may live with foure hundred pounds a yeer cleare, and some
with much more, with most of his cloathing given him besides, and the
most charge of his wine supplyed, with the abundance of Fowles, which
cost him nothing, and with such plenty of Beef, as yeelds him thirteen
pound for three pence? Surely well may hee game, buy good Mules,
furnish his chamber with hangings, and rich pictures, and Cabinets, yea
and fill them with _Spanish_ Pistols, and peeces of eight, and after
all trade in the Court of _Madrid_ for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick,
which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars.

After I was once setled in these my two Townes, my first care was to
provide my selfe of a good mule, which might soon and easily carry
mee (as often as occasion called) from the one Towne to the other. I
soon found out one, which cost mee fourescore Crownes, which served
my turn very well, to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley,
which were between the two Townes. Though my chief study here was to
perfect my selfe in the _Indian_ tongue, that I might the better preach
unto them, and be well understood; yet I omitted not to search out the
Scriptures daily, and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God, which
I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of
_Egypt_, which for a while I saw I must enjoy, till my ten yeers were
fully expired, and Licence from _Rome_ or _Spain_ granted for me to
return to _England_, which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of
one Captain _Isidro de Zepeda_, a _Sevill_ Merchant and Master of one
of the Ships, which came that first yeer that I was setled in _Mixco_
with Merchandize for _Guatemala_; By this Captain (who passed often
through the Valley) I writ unto my friends in _Spain_ and had answers,
though at first to little purpose, which did not a little increase the
troubles of my Conscience, which were great, and such whereof the wise
man said, A wounded Conscience who can bear? My friendship with this
Captain _Zepeda_ was such, that I broke my mind unto him, desiring him
to carry mee in his Ship to _Spain_; which he refused to doe, telling
me the danger he might bee in, if complaint should be made to the
President of _Guatemala_, and wishing me to continue where I was, & to
store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit. I
resolved therefore with _David_ in the 16 _Psal._ and the 8. V. to set
the Lord alwayes before me, and to choose him for my onely comfort, and
to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my
good, and could from _America_ bring me home to the House of Salvation,
and to the houshold of Faith; from which I considered my self an exile,
and farre banished. In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two
Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_. Where I had more occasion to get wealth
and money, then ever any that lived there before mee; for the first
yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of
_Egipt_ to that Country, which was of Locusts, which I had never seen
till then. They were after the manner of our Grashoppers, but somewhat
bigger, which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they
did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of
the beames of that bright planet. Where they lighted either upon trees
or standing Corn, there nothing was expected but ruine, destruction
and barrennesse; for the corn they devoured, the leaves and fruits of
trees they eat and consumed, and hung so thick upon the branches, that
with their weight they tore them from the body. The high waies were so
covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their
fluttering about their head and feet; my eyes were often struck with
their wings as I rid along, and much a doe I had to see my way, what
with a Montero wherewith I was faine to cover my face, what with the
flight of them which were still before my eyes.

The Farmers towards the South Sea Coast, cryed out for that their
Indigo which was then in grasse, was like to bee eaten up; from the
Ingenio's of Sugar, the like moan was made, that the young and tender
Sugar Canes would bee destroyed; but above all grievous was the outcry
of the husbandmen of the Valley where I lived, who feared that their
Corn would in one night be swallowed up by that devouring Legion. The
care of the Magistrate was that the Townes of _Indians_ should all goe
out into the fields with Trumpets, and what other instruments they had
to make a noise, and so to affright them from those places which were
most considerable and profitable to the Common-wealth; and strange it
was to see how the loud noise of the _Indians_ and sounding of the
Trumpets, defended some fields from the feare and danger of them. Where
they lighted in the Mountaines and High wayes, there they left behind
them their young ones, which were found creeping upon the ground ready
to threaten with a second yeers plagues if not prevented; wherefore all
the Townes were called with Spades, Mattocks and Shovels to dig long
Trenches and therein to bury all the young ones.

Thus with much trouble to the poore _Indians_, and their great paines
(yet after much hurt and losse in many places) was that flying
Pestilence chased away out of the Country to the South Sea, where it
was thought to bee consumed by the Ocean, and to have found a grave
in the waters, whilst the young ones found it in the Land. Yet they
were not all so buried, but that shortly some appeared, which not
being so many in number as before were with the former diligence soon
overcome. But whilst all this feare was, these outcries were made by
the Country and this diligence performed by the _Indians_, the Preists
got well by it; for every where Processions were made, and Masses sung
for the averting of that Plague. In _Mixco_ most of the idols were
carryed to the field, especially the pictures of our Lady, and that
of St. _Nicolas Tolentine_, in whose name the Church of _Rome_ doth
use to blesse little Breads and Wafers with the Saint stamped upon
them; which they think are able to defend them from Agues, Plague,
Pestilence, Contagion, or any other great and imminent danger. There
was scarce any _Spanish_ Husbandman who in this occasion came not from
the Valley to the Town of _Mixco_ with his offering to this Saint,
and who made not a vow to have a Masse sung unto Saint _Nicolas_;
they all brought breads to bee blessed, and carryed them back to
their Farmes, some casting them into their Corn, some burying them in
their hedges and fences, strongly trusting in Saint _Nicolas_, that
his bread would have power to keepe the Locust out of their fields;
and so at the last those simple, ignorant, and blinded soules, when
they saw the Locusts departed and their Corn safe, cried out to our
Lady some, others to Saint _Nicolas_, Milagro, a Miracle, Judging the
Saint worthy of praise more then God, and performing to him their
vows of Masses, which in their feare and trouble they had vowed, by
which erroneous and idolatrous devotion of theirs I got that yeer many
more Crownes then what before I have numbred from the Sodalities. The
next yeere following, all that country was generally infected with a
kinde of contagious sicknesse, almost as infectious as the Plague,
which they call Tabardillo, and was a Feaver in the very inward parts
and bowels, which scarce continued to the seventh day, but commonly
tooke them away from the world to a grave the the third or fifth day.
The filthy smell and stench which came from them, which lay sick of
this disease was enough to infect the rest of the house, and all that
came to see them; It rotted their very mouths and tongues, and made
them as black as a coal before they died. Very few _Spaniards_ were
infected with this Contagion, but the _Indians_ generally were taken
with it. It was reported to have begun about _Mexico_, and to have
spread from Town to Town, till it came to _Guatemala_, and went on
forwards; and so likewise did the Locusts the yeer before, marching
as it were from _Mexico_ over all the Country. I visited many that
died of this infection, using no other Antidote against it, save onely
a handkercheif dipped in Vineger to smell unto, and I thanke God I
escaped where many dyed. In _Mixco_, I buried ninety young and old, and
in _Pinola_ above an hundred; and for all these that were eight yeere
old, or upwards, I received two Crownes for a Masse for their soules
delivery out of Purgatory. See good Reader, whether the conceit of
Purgatory have not been a maine policy of _Rome_ to enrich the Preist
and Clergy, with Masse stipends from such as die, making them beleeve
that nothing else can helpe their soules if once plunged into that
conceited fire; Where thou maist see that one contagious sicknesse in
two small Townes of _Indians_ brought unto me in lesse then half a yeer
neere a hundred pounds for Masses, for almost two hundred that died.
Nay such is the greedy covetousnesse of those Preists, that they will
receive three or four Masse stipends for one day, making the people
beleeve that the same Masse may bee offered up for many, and doe one
soule as much good as another. Thus with the Plague of Locusts, and
the contagion of sicknesse, for the first two yeers together had I an
occasion to enrich my self, as did other Preists my neighbours. But
think not that because so many died, therefore the Towns growing lesse
my offerings for the future were lessened. The Encomendero's or Lords
of the two Towns took care for that, who, that they might not lose
any part of that Tribute which was formerly paid unto them, presently
after the sicknesse was ceased, caused them to bee numbred, and (as
I have in the Chapter before observed) forced to marriage all that
were twelve yeers and upwards of age; which also was a new streame
of Crownes flowing into my bagges; for from every couple that were
married I had also two Crownes besides other offerings, and in both
the Towns, I married in that occasion above fourescore Couple. Truly
by all this, I thank the Lord, I was more strengthened in my conceit
against the Church of _Rome_, and not with that greedinesse of that
Lucre intised to continue in it, though I found the preferments there
farre greater then any might bee in the Church of _England_, where I
knew nothing was to bee got with singing, or hudling over a Masse; But
yet though for the present my profit was great, my eyes were open to
see the errours whereby that profit came so plentifully to mee, and to
all that crew of Idolatrous Preists; The judgments ceased not here in
that Country in my time; but after this contagion there was such an
Inundation of rain that the husbandmen feared again the losse of all
their Corn. At noone time the darke clouds for a month together began
to thicken and cover the face of the heavens, powring down such stormy
showres as swept away much Corn, and many poore Cottages of _Indians_;
besides the raine, the fiery thunder bolts breaking through the clouds
threatned a dolefull judgement to all the Country. In the Valley of
_Mixco_ two riding together were stricken dead from their Mules, the
Chappel of our Lady of _Carmel_ in the same valley was burnt to the
ground, and likewise two houses at the river of _Vaccas_. In _Petapa_
another flash of lightning, or thunderbolt fell into the Church upon
the high Altar, cracking the walls in many places, running from Altar
to Altar, defacing all the gold, and leaving a print and stamp where it
had gone without any more hurt. In the Cloister of the Franciscans in
_Guatemala_, a Frier sleeping upon his bed after dinner, was stricken
dead, his body being left all blacke as if it had been burnt with
fire, and yet no signe of any wound about him. Many accidents happened
that yeer which was 1632. all about the Countrey. But my selfe was by
the safe protection of the Almighty wonderfully saved; for being on a
Saturday at night in _Mixco_ trembling and fearing, and yet trusting in
my God, and praying unto him in my chamber, one flash of lightning or
thunderbolt fell close to the Church wall to which my chamber joyned,
and killed two Calves, which were tied to a post in a yard, to be
slaughtered the next morning. The lightning was so neer and terrible
that it seemed to have fired all my house, and strucke me downe unto
the ground, where I lay as dead for a great while; when I came again to
my self, I heard many _Indians_ about my house, who were come to see if
either it or the Church were set on fire. This stormy season brought
me also much profit, for (as formerly) the _Spaniards_ of the valley
and the _Indians_ betooke themselves to their Idol Saints carrying them
about in procession, which was not done without mony, which they call
their almes unto their Saints, that they may the better be heard and
intreated by them.

The summer following there was more then the ordinary earthquakes,
which were so great that yeer in the Kingdome of _Peru_, that a whole
City called _Truxillo_ was swallowed up by the earth which opened it
selfe, and almost all the people were lost, whilst they were at Church
worshiping and praying unto their Saints. The hurt they did about
_Guatemala_ was not so much as in other places, only some few mud walls
were shaken downe, and some Churches cracked; which made the people
fear and betake themselves again to their Saints, and empty their
purses before them for Masses and processions, lest the danger should
prove as great, as was that of the great earthquake which happened
before my coming into that Country. These earthquakes when they begin
are more often, then long, for they last but for a while, stirring the
earth with three motions, first on the one side, then on the other, and
with the third motion they seem to set it right againe. If they should
continue, they would doubtlesse hurle downe to the ground any steeple
or building though never so great, and strong. Yet at this time in
_Mixco_ some were so violent, that they made the steeple bend so much
that they made the bells sound. I was so used unto them that many times
in my bed I would not stir for them. Yet this yeer they brought me to
such a feare, that had not the Lord been a present refuge to me in
time of trouble I had utterly been undone. For being one morning in my
chamber studying, so great and suddain was an earthquake, that it made
me run from my table to a window, fearing that before I could get down
the staires, the whole house might fall upon my head, the window was in
a thicke wall vaulted upwards like an arch (which the _Spaniards_ hold
to be the safest place if a house should fall) where I expected nothing
but death; as soon as I got under it, the earthquake ceased, though
my heart ceased not to quake with the suddain affrightment. Whilst I
was musing and thinking what to doe, whether I should run downe to the
yard, or continue where I was, there came a second shaking worse then
the first. I thought with my selfe if the house should fall, the Arch
would not save my life, and that I should either be stifled or throwne
out of the window, which was not very low and neer unto the ground,
but somewhat high wide open, having no glasse casements but woodden
shuts, (such as there are used) and if I leaped out of the window,
I might chance to breake a leg, or a limbe, yet save my life. The
suddainnesss of the astonishment tooke from me the best and most mature
deliberation in such a case; and in the midst of these my troubled
and perplexed thoughts a third motion came as violent as the former,
wherewith I had now set one foot in the window to leap down, had not
the same Lord (to whom _David_ said in the 46 _Ps._ v. 2. Therefore
will not wee feare, though the earth bee moved) by his wonderfull
providence spoken both to mee and to the moving earth, saying as in
the 10. Verse, Bee still and know that am I God; for certainly had it
gone on to a fourth motion, I had by casting down my self broke either
my neck, or a legge, or some other joynt. Thus was I twice saved by my
good God in _Mixco_, and in _Pinola_ I was once no lesse in danger in
losing a leg by means of a smaller instrument then is a flea.

This Towne of _Pinola_ in the _Indian_ language is called _Panac;
Pan_, signifieth in, or amongst, _Cac_, signifieth three thinges;
for it signifieth the fire, or a fruit otherwise called _guiava_; or
thirdly, a small vermine, commonly called by the _Spaniards, Nigua_;
which is common over all the _India's_, but more in some places then in
others. Where there are many hogs, there is usually much of this sort
of vermine. The _Spaniards_ report that many of the Souldiers of _Sir
Francis Drake_ died of them, when they landed about _Nombre de Dios_,
and marched up the high Mountaines of St. _Pablo_ towards _Panama_,
who feeling their feet to itch, and not knowing the cause thereof,
scratched them so much, till they festred, and at last, (if this report
be true) cost them their lives. Some say, they breed in all places,
high and low, upon Tables, Beds, and upon the ground; but experience
sheweth the contrary, that they onely breed upon the ground, for where
the houses are sluttish, and not often swept, there commonly they are
most felt; and in that they usually get into the Feet and Shooes, and
seldome into the hands or any other part of the body, argues that they
breed upon the ground. They are lesse then the least Flea, and can
scarce bee perceived, and when they enter into the Foot, they make it
burn and itch; and if then they bee looked to, they appeare black, and
no bigger then the point of a pin, and with a pin may easily bee taken
out whole; but if part of them bee left, the smallest part will doe as
much harm as the whole, and will get into the flesh. When once they are
got in, they breed a little bagge in the flesh, and in it a great many
Nits, which increase bigger and bigger to the bignesse of a great Pea;
then they begin again to make the Foot itch, which if it be scratched,
falleth to festering, and so indangereth the whole Foot. Some hold
it best to take them out when they cause the first itching and are
getting in; but this is hard to doe, because they can hardly then bee
perceived, and they are apt to bee broken. Therefore others commonly
let them alone, untill they bee got into the flesh, and have bred a bag
with nits, which like a blister sheweth it self through the skinne, and
then with the point of a pin, they dig round about the bag, till they
can with the pins point take it out whole, if it bee broken, it comes
to breed againe; if it bee taken out whole, then they put in a little
Eare wax, or ashes where the bag lay, and with that the hole is healed
up againe in a day or two. The way to avoid this vermines entering
into the foot, is to lay both shoos and stockings, or whatsoever other
clothing upon some stool or chair high from the ground, and not to go
bare-foot; which yet is wonderfull in the _Indians_ themselves, that
though they commonly doe goe barefoot, yet they are seldome troubled
with them, which is attributed to the hardnesse of their skin; for
certainly were they as tender footed and skinned as are those that
wear both shoos and stockins, they would be as much troubled with them
as these are. _Panac_ or _Pinola_, is much subject to this Vermin, or
_Nigua_, and I found it by wofull experience, for at my first comming
thither not knowing well the quality of it, I let one breed so long
in my foot, and continued scratching it, untill my foot came to be so
festered, that I was fain to lie two whole months in a Chirurgions
hand, and at last through Gods great mercy and goodnesse to me I lost
not a Limbe. But that the Providence of God may be known to me the
worst of all his Creatures, living in so farre a Country from all my
friends, and from me may be related unto future Generations, before
I conclude this Chapter, I shall further shew both my dangers and
deliverances. Though true it is, most of the _Indians_ are but formally
Christians, and onely outwardly appear such, but secretly are given to
witchcraft and idolatry, yet as they were under my charge, I thought by
preaching Christ unto them, and by cherishing them, and defending them
from the cruelty of the _Spaniards_, I might better worke upon them
to bring them to more knowledge of some truths, at least concerning
God and Christ. Therefore as I found them truely loving, kind and
bountifull unto mee, so I indeavoured in all occasions to shew them
love by commiserating their sufferings, and taking their part against
any _Spaniard_ that wronged them, and keeping constantly in my Chamber
such drugs (as hot Waters, Anniseed and wine and the like) which I knew
might most please them, when they came to see mee, and most comfort
them, when they were sick or grieved. This my love and pity towards
them had almost in _Pinola_ cost mee my life; For an _Indian_ of that
Town serving a _Spaniard_ named _Francisco de Montenegro_ (who lived a
mile and a half from thence) was once so pittifully beaten and wounded
by his Master, for that hee told him hee would complain to mee that
hee payed him not his wages, that he was brought home to the Town,
and had I not out of my charity called for a Chirurgion from _Petapa_
to cure him, he had certainly dyed. I could not but complain for the
poor _Indian_ unto the President of _Guatemala_, who respecting my
complaint, sent for my _Spaniard_ to the City, imprisoned him, and
kept him close untill the _Indian_ was recovered, and so with a Fine
sent him back againe. In a Sermon further I pressed this home unto
the neighbouring _Spaniards_, warning them of the wrongs & abuses
which they offered unto the poor _Indians_, which I told them I would
put up no more then any injury done unto my self, for that I looked
upon them as Neophytes and new plants of Christianity, who were not
to be discouraged, but by all means of love incouraged to come to
Christ; withall I commanded all the _Indians_ that had any wrong done
unto them, to come unto mee, assuring them that I would make such a
complaint for them as should bee heard, as they might perceive I had
lately done to some purpose. This Sermon stuck so in _Montenegro_
his stomack, that (as I was informed) hee made an Oath, that hee
would procure my death. Though it was told mee; yet I could hardly
beleeve it, judging it to be more a bravery and a vaine boasting of a
_Spaniard_, then anything else; Yet by the advice of some friends I
was counselled to looke to my selfe, which yet I slighted, untill one
day the boyes and _Indians_ that served in my house came running to my
chamber door, wishing mee to look to my selfe, and not to come out, for
that _Montenegro_ was come into my Yard with a naked sword to kill mee.
I charged them from within to call the Officers of the Towne to aid
and assist mee; but in the mean while my furious _Spaniard_ perceiving
himselfe discovered left the Town. With this I thought of securing of
my self better, and called for a Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_ a very stout
and lusty fellow who lived from mee halfe a mile, to bee about mee
untill I could discover more of _Montenegroes_ designes and malicious
intents. The next Sabbath Day in the morning being to ride to the Town
of _Mixco_, I carried my Blackmore, and half a dozen of _Indians_ in my
company, and going through a little wood in the midst of the Valley,
there I found my enemy waiting for mee, who seeing the train I brought,
durst doe nothing, but gave mee spightfull languages, telling mee hee
hoped that hee should finde mee alone some time or other. With this I
thought fit to delay no longer my second complaint to the President
against him, who as before heard mee willingly, and after a moneths
imprisonment banished _Montenegro_ thirty leagues from the Valley.
And not onely from _Spaniards_ was I in danger for the _Indians_
sake whilst I lived in those Townes; but also from some _Indians_
themselves, (who were false in Religion) I did undergoe great perils,
and yet was still delivered.

In _Pinola_ there were some, who were much given to witchcraft, and by
the power of the Devill did act strange things. Amongst the rest there
was one old woman named _Martha de Carrillo_, who had been by some
of the Town formerly accused for bewitching many; but the _Spanish_
Justices quitted her, finding no sure evidence against her; with this
she grew worse and worse, and did much harm. When I was there, two
or three dyed, withering away, declaring at their death that this
_Carrillo_ had killed them, & that they saw her often about their beds,
threatning them with a frowning and angry look. The _Indians_ for feare
of her durst not complain against her, nor meddle with her; whereupon
I sent word unto _Don Juan de Guzman_ the Lord of that Town, that if
hee tooke not order with her, she would destroy his Town. He hearing
of it, got for mee a Commission from the Bishop and another officer of
the Inquisition to make diligent & private inquiry after her life and
actions; which I did, and found among the _Indians_ many and grievous
complaints against her, most of the town affirming that certainly she
was a notorious witch, and that before her former accusation shee
was wont whither soever shee went about the Town to goe with a Duck
following her, which when shee came to the Church, would stay at the
doore till shee came out again, and then would return home with her,
which Duck they imagined was her beloved Devill, and familiar Spirit,
for that they had often set dogs at her and they would not meddle
with her, but rather run away from her. This Duck never appeared more
with her, since she was formerly accused before the Justice, which
was thought to be her policy, that she might be no more suspected
thereby. This old woman was a widow, and of the poorest of the Town in
outward shew, and yet she alwaies had store of mony, which none could
tel which way she might come by it. Whilst I was thus taking privy
information against her (it being the time of Lent, when all the Town
came to Confession) she among the rest came to the Church to confesse
her sins, and brought me the best present and offering of all the
Towne, for whereas a Riall is common she brought me four, and besides
a Turkey, egs, fish, and a little bottle of hony. She thought thereby
to get with me a better opinion then I had of her from the whole Towne;
I accepted of her great offering, and heard her Confession, which was
of nothing but trifles, which could scarce be judged sinfull actions.
I examined her very close of what was the common judgement of all the
_Indians_, and especially of those who dying had declared to my selfe
at their death that she had bewitched them, and before their sicknesse
had threatned them, and in their sicknes appeared threatning them
with death about their beds, none but they themselves seeing her. To
which she replyed weeping, that she was wronged; I asked her, how she
being a poore widow without any sons to helpe her, without any meanes
of livelyhood had so much mony, as to give me more then the richest
of the Town, how she came by that fish, Turkey, and hony, having none
of this of her owne about her house? to which she replyed, that God
loved her and gave her all these things, and that with her mony she
had bought the rest. I asked her of whom? she answered that out of the
Towne she had them. I perswaded her much to repentance, and to forsake
the Devill and all fellowship with him; but her words and answers were
of a Saintly and holy woman; and she earnestly desired me to give her
the Communion with the rest that were to receive the next day. Which I
told her I durst not doe, using Christs words, Give not the childrens
bread unto dogs, nor cast your pearls unto swine; and that it would
be a great scandall to give the Communion unto her, who was suspected
generally, and had been accused for a witch. This she took very ill
telling me that she had many yeers received the Communion, and now in
her old age it grieved her to be deprived of it; her teares were many,
yet I could not be moved with them, but resolutely denied her the
Communion, and so dismissed her. At noone when I had done my worke in
the Church, I bad my servants goe to gather up the offerings, and gave
order to have the fish dressed for my dinner which she had brought; but
no sooner was it carried into the Kitchin, when the Cook looking on it
found it full of maggots, and stinking, so that I was forced to hurle
it away. With that I began to suspect my old witch, and went to looke
on her hony, and powring it out into a dish, I found it full of wormes,
her egs I could not know from others, there being neer a hundred
offered that day; but after as I used them, we found some rotten, some
with dead chickens within; the next morning the Turkey was found dead;
as for her four Rials, I could not perceive whether she had bewitched
them out of my pocket, for that I had put them with many other, which
that day had been given me, yet as far as I could, I called to memory
who and what had been given me, and in my judgement and reckoning I
verily thought that I missed four Rials. At night when my servants the
_Indians_ were gone to bed, I sate up late in my chamber betaking my
selfe to my bookes and study, for I was the next morning to make an
exhortation to those that received the Communion. After I had studyed a
while, it being between ten and eleven of the clock, on a suddain the
chief door in the hall (where in a lower roome was my chamber, and the
servants, and three other doores) flew open, and I heard one come in,
and for a while walke about; then was another doore opened which went
into a little room, where my saddles were laid; with this I thought
it might be the Black-more _Miguel Dalva_, who would often come late
to my house to lodge there, especially since my fear of _Montenegro_,
and I conjectured that he was laying up his saddle, I called unto him
by his name two or three times from within my chamber, but no answer
was made; but suddainly another door that went out to a garden flew
also open, wherewith I began within to feare, my joynts trembled, my
haire stood up, I would have called out to the servants, and my voice
was as it were stopped with the sudden affrightment, I began to thinke
of the witch, and put my trust in God against her, and encouraged my
selfe and voice calling out to the servants, and knocking with a cane
at my doore within that they might heare me, for I durst not open it
and goe out. With the noise which I made the servants awaked and came
out to my chamber doore; then I opened it, and asked them if they had
not heard some body in the hall, and all the doores opened. They said
they were asleep, and heard nothing, onely one boy said he heard all,
and related unto me the same that I had heard. I tooke my candle then
in my hand and went out into the hall with them to view the doors, and
I found them all shut, as the servants said they had left them. Then
I perceived that the witch would have affrighted me, but had no power
to doe me any harme; I made two of the servants lie in my chamber, and
went to bed. In the morning early I sent for my _Fiscal_ the Clerk of
the Church, and told him what had happened that night; he smiled upon
me, and told me it was the widow _Carillo_, who had often played such
tricks in the Town with those that had offended her, and therefore he
had the night before come unto me from her desiring me to give her the
Communion, lest she should doe me some hurt, which I denied unto him,
as I had done to her selfe. The Clerk bad me be of good cheere, for he
knew she had no power over me to do me any hurt. After the Communion
that day some of the chief _Indians_ came unto me, and told me that
old _Carillo_ had boasted that she would play me some trick or other,
because I would not give her the Communion. But I to rid the Towne of
such a limbe of Satan, sent her to _Guatemala_, with all the evidences
and witnesses which I had found against her unto the President and
Bishop, who commanded her to be put in prison, where she died within
two months.

Many more _Indians_ there were in that Town, who were said in my time
to doe very strange things. One called _John Gonzalez_ was reported to
change himselfe into the shape of a Lion, and in that shape was one
day shot in the nose by a poore harmelesse _Spaniard_ who chiefly got
his living by going about the woods and mountaines, and shooting at
wild Deer and other beasts to make mony of them. He espied one day a
Lion, and having no other ayme at him but his snout behind a tree, he
shot at him; the Lion run away; the same day this _Gonzalez_ was taken
sick, I was sent for to hear his Confession, I saw his face and nose
all bruised, and asked him how it came, he told me then that he had
fallen from a tree and almost killed himself; yet afterwards he accused
the poore _Spaniard_ for shooting at him; the businesse was examined
by a _Spanish_ Justice, my evidence was taken for what _Gonzalez_ told
me of his fall from a tree, the _Spaniard_ was put to his oath, who
sware that he shot at a Lion in a thicke wood, where an _Indian_ could
scarce be thought to have any businesse, the tree was found out in the
wood, whereat the shot had been made and was still marked with the
shot and bullet; which _Gonzalez_ confessed was to be the place; and
was examined how he neither fell nor was seen by the _Spaniard_, when
he came to seeke for the Lion thinking he had killed him; to which he
answered that he ran away lest the _Spaniard_ should kill him indeed.
But his answers seeming frivolous, the _Spaniards_ integrity being
known, and the great suspicion that was in the Town of _Gonzalez_ his
dealing with the Devill, cleared the _Spaniard_ from what was laid
against him.

But this was nothing to what after happened to one _John Gomez_, the
chiefest _Indian_ of that Towne of neer fourscore yeers of age, the
Head and Ruler of the principallest Tribe among the _Indians_, whose
advise and counsell was taken and preferred before all the rest, who
seemed to be a very godly _Indian_, and very seldome missed morning and
evening prayers in the Church, and had bestowed great riches there.
This _Indian_ very suddainly was taken sick (I being then in my other
Town of _Mixco_) the _Mayordomos_, or stewards of the Sodality of the
Virgin fearing that he might die without Confession and they be chid
for their negligence, at midnight called me up at _Mixco_, desiring me
to goe presently and helpe _John Gomez_ to die, whom also they said
desired much to see me and to receive some comfort from me. I judging
it a work of charity, although the time of the night were unseasonable,
and the great rain at the present might have stopped my charity, yet I
would not be hindred by either of them, and so set forth to ride nine
miles both in the dark and wet. When I came to _Pinola_ being thorow
wet to the skin, I went immediately to the house of old sick _Gomez_,
who lay with his face all muffled up, thanked me for my pains and care
I had for his soul; he desired to confesse; and by his confession and
weeping evidenced nothing but a godly life, and a willing desire to die
and to be with Christ. I comforted him and prepared him for death, and
before I departed, asked him how he felt himselfe; he answered that
his sicknesse was nothing but old age, and weaknesse. With this I
went to my house, changed my self and lay downe a while to rest, when
suddainly I was called up again to give _Gomez_ the extream unction,
which the _Indians_ (as they have been ignorantly taught) will not omit
to receive before they die. As I anointed him in his nose, his lips,
his eyes, his hands and his feet, I perceived that he was swelled, and
black and blew; but made nothing of it, judging it to proceed from the
sicknesse of his body; I went again home being now breake of the day,
when after I had taken a small nap, some _Indians_ come to my doore
for to buy candles to offer up for _John Gomez_ his soule, whom they
told me was departed, and was that day to be buried very solemnly at
Masse. I arose with drousie eyes after so unquiet a nights rest; and
walked to the Church, where I saw the grave was preparing. I met with
two or three _Spaniards_ who lived neer the Towne and were come to
Masse that morning, who went in with me to my chamber, and with them
I fell into discourse about _John Gomez_, telling them what comfort I
had received at his death, whom I judged to have lived very holily, and
doubted not of his salvation, and that the Towne would much want him,
for that hee was their chief guide, and leader, ruling them with good
advise and counsell. At this the _Spaniards_ smiled one at another, and
told me I was much deceived by all the _Indians_, but especially by the
deceased _Gomez_, if I judged him to have been a Saint, and holy man.
I told them that they as enemies to the poore _Indians_ judged still
uncharitably of them; but that I who knew very well their consciences,
could judge better of them then they. One then replyed, that it seemed
I little knew the truth of _John Gomez_ his death by the Confession
which he had made unto me, and that I seemed to be ignorant of the stir
which was in the Towne concerning his death. This seemed so strange
unto me, that I desired them to informe me of the truth. Then they
told me that the report went, that _John Gomez_ was the chief wizard
of all the wizards and witches in the Town, and that commonly he was
wont to be changed into the shape of a Lion, and so to walke about the
mountaines. That he was ever a deadly enemie to one _Sebastian Lopez_
an ancient _Indian_, and head of another Tribe; and that both of them
two daies before had met in the mountaine, _Gomez_ in the shape of a
Lion, and _Lopez_ in the shape of a Tigre, and that they fought most
cruelly, till _Gomez_ (who was the older, and weaker) was tired, much
bit and bruised; and died of it. And further that I might be assured
of this truth, they told me that _Lopez_ was in prison for it, and the
two Tribes striving about it; and that the Tribe and kindred of _Gomez_
demanded from _Lopez_ and his Tribe and kindred satisfaction, and a
great sum of mony, or els did threaten to make the case known unto the
_Spanish_ power and authority, which yet they were unwilling to doe if
they could agree and smother it up among themselves, that they might
not bring an aspersion upon their whole Towne. This seemed very strange
unto me, and I could not resolve what to beleeve, and thought I would
never more beleeve an _Indian_, if I found _John Gomez_ to have so
much dissembled and deceived me. I tooke my leave of the _Spaniards_
and went my selfe to the prison, where I found _Lopez_ with fetters. I
called one of the officers of the Towne, who was Alguazil Maior, and
my great friend, unto my house, and privately examined him why _Lopez_
was kept so close prisoner; he was loth to tell me fearing the rest of
the _Indians_, and hoping the businesse would be taken up and agreed
by the two Tribes, and not noised about the Country which at that very
instant the two Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, with the
chiefe of both Tribes were sitting about in the Towne-house all that
morning. But I seeing the officer so timorous, was more desirous to
know something, and pressed more upon him for the truth, giving him an
inkling of what I had heard from the _Spaniards_ before. To which he
answered that if they could agree amongst themselves, they feared no
ill report from the _Spaniards_ against their Towne; I told him I must
know what they were agreeing upon amongst themselves so closely in the
Towne-house. He told me, if I would promise him to say nothing of him
(for he feared the whole Towne if they should know he had revealed any
thing unto mee) he would tel me the truth. With this I comforted him,
and gave him a cup of wine, and encouraged him, warranting him that
no harm should come unto him for what he told me. Then he related the
businesse unto me as the _Spaniards_ had done, and told me that he
thought the Tribes amongst themselves would not agree, for that some
of _Gomez_ his friends hated _Lopez_ and all such as were so familiar
with the Devill, and cared not if _Gomez_ his dissembling life were
laid open to the world; but others he said, who were as bad as _Lopez_
and _Gomez_, would have it kept close, lest they and all the witches
and Wizards of the Town should bee discovered. This struck mee to the
very heart, to think that I should live among such people, whom I saw
were spending all they could get by their worke and labour upon the
Church, Saints and in offerings, and yet were so privy to the counsels
of Satan; it grieved mee that the Word I preached unto them, did no
more good, and I resolved from that time forward to spend most of my
indeavours against Satans subtility, and to shew them more then I had
done, the great danger of their soules who had made any compact with
the Devill, that I might make them abandon and abjure his workes, and
close with Christ by Faith. I dismissed the _Indian_, and went to
the Church, to see if the people were come to Masse; I found there
no body but onely two who were making _Gomez_ his Grave. I went back
to my Chamber, troubled much within my self, whether I should allow
him a Christian Buriall, who had lived and died so wickedly, as I had
been informed. Yet I thought I was not bound to beleeve one _Indian_
against him, nor the _Spaniards_ whom I supposed spoke but by hearsay.
Whilst I was thus musing, there came unto mee at least twenty of the
chiefest of the Town with the two Majors, Jurates, and all the Officers
of Justice, who desired mee to forbeare that day the burying of _John
Gomez_, for that they had resolved to call a Crowne Officer to view
his Corps and examine his death, lest they all should bee troubled for
him, and hee againe unburied. I made as if I knew nothing, but inquired
of them the reason; then they related all unto me, and told me how
there were witnesses in the Town who saw a Lyon and a Tyger fighting,
and presently lost the sight of the beasts, and saw _John Gomez_, and
_Sebastian Lopez_, much about the same place parting one from another;
and that immediately _John Gomez_ came home bruised to his bed, from
whence he never rise more, and that he declared upon his death-bed unto
some of his friends that _Sebastian Lopez_ had killed him; whereupon
they had him in safe custody. Further they told me that though they had
never known so much wickednesse of these two chief heads of their Towne
whom they had much respected and followed, yet now upon this occasion,
from the one Tribe and the other they were certainly informed that both
of them did constantly deale with the Devill, which would bee a great
aspersion upon their Town, but they for their parts abjured all such
wicked wayes, and prayed me not to conceive the worse of all for a few,
whom they were resolved to persecute, and suffer not to live amongst
them. I told them I much liked their good zeal, and incouraged them
as good Christians to indeavour the rooting out of Satan from their
Towne, and they did very well in giving notice to _Guatemala_, to the
_Spanish_ power, of this accident, and that if they had concealed it,
they might all have been punished as guilty of _Gomez_ his death, and
Agents with Satan, and his instruments. I assured them I had no ill
conceipt of them, but rather judged well of them for what they were
agreed to doe. The Crowne Officer was sent for who came that night
and searched _Gomez_ his body; I was present with him, and found it
all bruised, scratched, and in many places bitten and sore wounded.
Many evidences and suspitions were brought in against _Lopez_ by the
_Indians_ of the Town, especiall by _Gomez_ his friends, whereupon hee
was carryed away to _Guatemala_, and there againe was tryed by the same
witnesses, and not much denying the fact himself, was there hanged. And
_Gomez_, though his grave was opened in the Church, hee was not buried
in it, but in another made ready for him in a Ditch.

In _Mixco_ I found also some _Indians_ no lesse dissemblers then was
this _Gomez_, and those of the chiefest and richest of the Town, who
were foure Brothers called _Fuentes_, and half a score more. These were
outwardly very faire tongued, liberall, and free handed to the Church;
much devoted to the Saints, great feasters upon their day, and yet in
secret great Idolaters. But it pleased God to make mee his instrument,
to discover and bring to light the secrecy of their hidden works of
darknesse, which it seems the privacy of a thick Wood and Mountaine
had many yeers hid from the eyes of the World. Some of these being one
day in the company of other better Christians drinking hard of their
_Chicha_, boasted of their God, saying that hee had preached unto
them better then I could preach, nay that hee had plainly told them
that they should not beleeve any thing that I preached of Christ, but
follow the old wayes of their Forefathers, who worshipped their Gods
aright, but now by the example of the _Spaniards_ they were deluded,
and brought to worship a false God. The other Christians hearing of
this began to wonder, and to enquire of them where that God was, and
with much ado, promising to follow their ways, and their God, got out
of them the place and Mountain where they might find him. Though this
in drunkennes were agreed upon, yet in sobernes the good Christians
thought better of what they had agreed upon, slighted what before in
drinking they heard, and yet it was not kept by them so close, but that
it came to the ears of a _Spaniard_ in the Vally; who finding himself
touched in Conscience, came to _Mixco_ to me, and told me what he had
heard, that some _Indians_ of that town followed an Idol, and boasted
that he had preached unto them against my Doctrine, and for the ways of
the former Heathens. I thanked God for that he was pleased to undermine
the secret works of Satan daily; and desired the _Spaniard_ to tell me
by whom hee came to know of this. He told me the _Indians_ name from
whom he had it, and that he was afraid to discover the _Indians_, and
to tell mee of it. I sent for the _Indian_ before the _Spaniard_, who
confessed unto mee that hee had heard of such a thing; but knew that
if hee did discover the _Indians_, they with the power of the Devill
would doe him much harm; I told him, if hee were a true Christian, hee
ought to fight against the Devill, and not to feare him, who could
do him no harm if God were with him, and he closed by Faith with
Christ, and that the discovery of that Idoll might bee a meanes for
the converting of the Idolaters, when they should see the small power
of their false God against the true God of the Christians. Further
I told him plainly, that if hee did not tell mee who the _Indians_
were, and where their Idol was, that I would have him to _Guatemala_,
and there make him discover what hee knew. Here the _Indian_ began to
tremble, and told mee the _Fuentes_ had boasted of such an Idol, whom
they called their God, and gave some signes of a Fountaine and of a
Pine Tree at the mouth of a Cave in such a Mountaine. I asked him, if
hee knew the place, or what kind of Idol it was; hee told mee, that
hee had often been in that Mountaine, where hee had seen two or three
springs of water, but never was in any Cave. I asked him if he would
goe with me, and helpe mee to find it out, hee refused still fearing
the Idolaters, and wished mee not to goe, for fear if they should bee
there, they might kill mee rather then bee discovered. I answered him
that I would carry with mee such a Guard as should bee able to defend
mee against them, and my Faith in the true living God, would secure mee
against that false God. I resolved therefore with the _Spaniard_ to goe
to search out the cave the next day, and to carry with mee three or
foure _Spaniards_ and my Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_, and that _Indian_.
I told him I would not suffer him to goe home to his house that day,
for feare hee should discover in the Towne my designe and purpose,
and so wee might bee prevented by the Idolaters, who certainly that
night would take away their Idol. The _Indian_ still refused, till I
threatned him to send for the Officers of Justice, and to secure his
person; with this hee yeelded, and that hee might have no discourse
with any body in the Town, nor with the Servants of my house, I desired
the _Spaniard_ to take him home to his house, and to keep him there
close that day and night, promising to bee with him the next morning.
I charged the _Spaniard_ also with secresie, and so dismissed him with
the _Indian_. That day I rid to _Pinola_ for the Blackmore _Miguel
Dalva_, and brought him to _Mixco_ with mee, not telling him what my
intent was; I went also to foure neighbouring _Spaniards_, desiring
them to bee in a readinesse the next morning to goe a little way with
mee for the service of God, and to meet mee at such a neighbours house,
and that if they would bring their Fowling peeces, wee might chance to
find some sport where wee went, and as for Provision of Wine and Meat,
I would provide sufficiently. They promised to goe with mee, thinking
that although I told them, it was for the service of God, my purpose
onely was to hunt after some wild Deere in the mountaines. I was glad
they construed my action that way, and so went home, and provided that
night a good Gammon of Bacon, and some Fowles rosted, cold, and others
boiled, well peppered and salted for the next dayes work. Where I had
appointed my _Indian_ to be kept, I met with the rest of my company,
and from thence wee went together to the place of the Idolaters
worshipping, which was some six miles from _Mixco_ towards the Town of
St. _John Sacatepeques_. When wee came into the Wood wee presently met
with a deep Barranca, or bottome, where was a running, which incouraged
us to make there diligent search, but nothing could bee found; from
thence wee ascended up out of the Barranca, and found after much time
spent a spring of water, and looked carefully about it, but could finde
no Cave. Thus in vaine wee searched till the Evening, and fearing
lest wee might lose our way and our selves, if the night overtook us,
my friends began to speak of returning homewards. But I considering
that as yet wee had not gone over one half part of the Wood, and to
goe home and come againe might make us to bee noted, and spoken of,
wee thought it our best way to take up our lodging that night in the
Wood, and in that bottome which we first searched, where was good water
for to drinke Chocolatte, and warm lying under the trees, and so in
the morning to make our second search. The Company was very willing
to yeeld unto it, and the calme night favoured our good intentions.
We made a fire for our Chocolatte, and supped exceeding well of our
cold meat, and spent most part of the night in merry discourse, having
a watchfull eye over our _Indian_, lest hee should give us the slip,
and committing him to the charge of _Miguel Dalva_. In the morning
wee prayed unto God, beseeching him to guide us that day in the work
wee went about, and to discover unto us the Cave of darkenesse and
iniquity, where lay hid that instrument of Satan, that so by his
discovery Glory might bee given unto our true God, and shame and
punishment brought upon his enemies. Wee entered againe into the thick
Wood up a steepy hill, and having throughly searched all the South side
of it, wee went on to the North side, where wee found another deepe
descent, which wee began to walke downe looking on every side, and not
in vain; for almost half a mile from the top wee found some markes of
a way that had been used and trodden, which wee followed untill we
came to another spring of water; we searched narrowly about it, and
found some peeces of broken earthen dishes and pots, and one peece of
a chafing dish, such as the _Indians_ use to burne Frankincense in,
in the Churches before their Saints, we verily imagined that these
were peeces of some such instruments wherewith the idolaters performed
their duty unto their Idol, and we were the more comforted for that wee
knew that earthenware had beene made in _Mixco_; the pine Tree which
immediately we discovered confirmed our hopes. When wee came unto it we
made very little more search, for neer at hand was the Cave, which was
dark within, but light at the mouth, where wee found more Earthen ware,
with ashes in them, which assured us of some Frankincense that had been
burned. Wee knew not how farre the Cave might reach within, nor what
might bee in it, and therefore with a flint wee struck fire and lighted
a couple of candles and went in; at the entering it was broad, and went
a little forward, but when wee were in, we found it turn on the left
hand towards the mountaine, and not farre; for within two rods wee
found the Idol standing upon a low stooll covered with a linnen cloth.
The substance of it was wood, black shining like Jet, as if it had been
painted or smoaked, the form was of a mans head unto the shoulders,
without either Beard or Mustachoes; his looke was grim with a wrinkled
forehead, and broad startling eyes. We feared not his frowning look,
but presently seized upon him; and as wee lifted him up we found under
him some single Rials, which his Favorites had offered unto him; which
made us search more diligently the Cave; and it was not amisse, for
wee found upon the ground more single Rials, some plantines and other
fruits, wax candles halfe burned, pots of Maiz, one little one of Hony,
little dishes wherein Frankincense had been burned, whereby I perceived
the Idolaters and Christians both agreed in their offerings; and had I
not been informed that they called this Idol their God, I could have
blamed them no more then the rest of the Townes who worship, kneel
before and offer such offerings unto their Saints made of Wood, and
some no handsomer then was this Idol, which I thought, might have beene
some beasts shape; but being the shape and form of a man, they might
have named him by the name of some Saint, and so some way have excused
themselves, which they could not doe, nor would they doe it, in that
they persisted in this error, that he was their God, and had spoken
and preached unto them, and being afterwards asked by mee, whether
it were the picture of any Saint, such as were in _Mixco_, and other
Churches, they answered, No, but that hee was above all the Saints in
the Countrey.

Wee were very joyfull to see that wee had not spent our time in vaine,
wee cut down boughes of trees, and filled the Cave with them and
stopped the mouth of it up, and came away, making the _Indian_ that
went with us carry the Idol on his back wrapped up in a cloth, that
it might not bee seen or perceived as wee went. I thought it fit to
delay the time till night, and then to enter into _Mixco_, that the
_Indians_ might see nothing. So I stayed at one of the _Spaniards_
houses, till it were late, and desired him to warn from mee all the
_Spaniards_ there-abouts to be at _Mixco_ Church the next Sabbath,
(fearing lest the Idolaters might bee many, and rise up against mee)
that I had somewhat to say onto them and their Blackmores concerning
their Sodalities, for I would not have them know of the Idoll, till
they heard of it and saw it in the Church, lest it should come to the
_Indians_ hearing, and so the Idolaters might absent themselves. At
night I tooke my _Indian_, and _Miguel Dalva_ with mee, and went home,
and shutting up the Idol in a chest till the next Sabbath, I dismissed
the _Indian_, charging him to say nothing, for hee knew if hee did what
harme might come unto him from the Idolaters, and I knew few words now
would suffice, for that hee feared himselfe if it should bee known
that hee had been with mee, I kept _Miguel Dalva_ with mee, who was
desirous to see the end of the businesse, and prepared my self against
the next Sabbath to preach upon the 3 v. of the 20. of _Exodus, Thou
shalt have none other Gods before mee,_ though it were a Text nothing
belonging to the Gospel of the day, from whence commonly in the Church
of _Rome_, the Texts and subjects of Sermons are deducted; but I judged
that Text most seasonable for the present occasion. On the Sabbath day
in the morning, when the Pulpit was made ready by him who had care of
the Church and Altars, I caused _Miguel Dalva_ to carry under his Cloak
the Idol, and to leave it in the Pulpit upon the ground that it might
not bee seene, till such time as I should thinke fit in my Sermon to
produce it, and to watch about the Church till the Congregation came
in, that none might see it or take it away. Never was there a greater
resort from abroad to that Church then that day of _Spaniards_ and
Blackmores, who by the warning I sent unto them expected some great
matter from mee, and of the Town very few were absent, the _Fuentes_
and all the rest that were suspected to be that Idols favorites (little
thinking that their God was brought from his Cave, and now lay hid in
the Pulpit to shame them) came also that day to Church. I commanded
_Miguel Dalva_, to bee himself neer the Pulpit at Sermon time, and
to warne those _Spaniards_ that knew the businesse, and some more
Blackmores his friends to bee also neere the Pulpit staires.

Thus Masse being ended, I went up to preach; when I rehearsed the
words of my Text, I perceived both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ began to
look one upon another, as not being used to Sermons out of the Old
Testament. I went on laying open this command of God, for having no
other Gods before him, so that the Doctrine might seem to convince all
that were there present, as well Saint-worshippers, as indeed that
Idols worshippers, if the cause of my preaching upon that Subject had
not diverted their eyes from themselves to behold their own guiltiness
of Idolatry, & to look only upon those who worshipped a peece of wood
for God, & not, as they did, for a Saint (which yet in my judgment was
much alike.) After I had spoken what I thought fit concerning that
horrible sin, and shewed that no creature could have the power of God
(who was the Creator of all things) neither could doe good or harme
without the true living Gods Commission, especially inanimate Creatures
as stocks, and stones, who by the hands and workmanship of man might
have eyes, and yet were dead Idols, and see not, might have eares and
not heare, might have mouths, and not speak, might have hands, and not
worke, nor helpe or defend with them such as worshipped them, and bowed
down unto them.

Thus having halfe finished my Sermon, I bowed my selfe downe in the
Pulpit, and lifted up the black, grim, and staring Devill, and placed
that Dagon on one side of the Pulpit, with my eyes fixed upon some
of the _Fuentes_ and others, who I perceived changed their colour,
blushed, and were sore troubled looking one upon another, I desired the
Congregation to behold what a God was worshipped by some of them, and
all to take notice of him, if any knew what part of the earth was the
Dominion of this God, or from whence hee came. I told them that some
had boasted that this peece of wood had spoken, and preached against
what I had taught of Christ, and that therefore hee was worshipped by
them for God, and they had offered mony, hony, and of the fruits of
the earth unto him, and burnt Frankincense before him in a secret and
hidden Cave under the earth, shewing thereby that they were ashamed
to own him publickly, and that hee lurking in the darknesse of the
earth, shewed certainly that hee belonged to the Prince of darknesse.
I challenged him there in publicke to speak for himself, or else by
silence to shame and confound all his worshippers. I shewed them how
being but wood, hee had been made and fashioned by the hands of man,
and therefore was but a dead idol. I spent a great deal of time arguing
with him, and defying Satan who had used him as his instrument, daring
the Devill himselfe to take him from that place which I had confined
him to if hee could, to shew what little power he or Satan had against
the power of my faith in Christ. After much arguing and reasoning
according to the shallow capacity of the _Indians_ present, I told
them if that their God had power to deliver him from that execution,
which I had intended against him (which was there publikely to have
him cut in pieces and burnt) they should not beleeve the Gospell of
Jesus Christ; but if they saw no power at all in him against me the
weakest instrument of the true living God, then I beseeched them to be
converted unto that true God who created all things, and to imbrace
salvation by his Son the only Mediatour and Saviour Jesus Christ, and
to renounce and abjure from that time all Heathenish Idolatry of their
forefathers, assuring them for what was past I would intercede for
them, and secure them from what punishment might be inflicted upon them
by the President and Bishop, and if they would come to me, I would
spend my best indeavours for the helping and furthering of them in the
way of Christianity.

And thus concluding without naming any person, I went downe out of the
pulpit, and caused the Idol to be brought after me, and sending for
an axe, and for two or three great pans of coales, I commanded him to
be hewen in very small peeces, and to be cast in the fire and burned
before all the people in the midst of the Church. The _Spaniards_ cried
out joyfully _Victor Victor_, and others repeated, _Gloria à nostro
Dios_, Glory to our God, the Idolaters held their peace and spake not
then a word. But afterwards they acted most spightfully against me, and
conspired day and night to get me at some advantage, and to kill me. I
writ to the President of _Guatemala_ informing him of what I had done;
and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of idolatry did
belong) to be informed from him of what course I should take with the
_Indians_ who were but in part yet discovered unto me, and those onely
by the relation of one _Indian_. From both I received great thanks for
my paines in searching the mountaine, and finding out the Idol, and
for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the _Indian_ Idolaters
their counsell unto me was, that I should further enquire after the
rest and discover as many as I could, and indeavour to convert them
to the knowledge of the true God by faire and sweet meanes, shewing
pity unto them for their great blindnesse, and promising them upon
their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them
to be but new plants useth not such rigour with them, which it useth
with _Spaniards_ if they fall into such horrible sins. This advise
I followed, and sent privately for the _Fuentes_ to my chamber, and
told them how mercifull the Inquisition was unto them, expecting their
conversion and amendment. They seemed somewhat stubborne and angry for
that I had burned that God, whom not only they, but many others in the
Towne, and also in the Towne of Saint _John Sacatepeques_ did worship.
I used reasons to perswade them no honour was due unto it, as to a God.
But one of them boldly replyed, that they knew that it was a peece
of wood and of it selfe could not speake, but seeing it had spoken
(as they were all witnesses) this was a miracle whereby they ought to
be guided, and they did verily beleeve that God was in that piece of
wood, which since the speech made by it was more then ordinary wood,
having God himselfe in it, and therefore deserved more offerings and
adoration then those Saints in the Church, who did never speake unto
the people. I told them that the Devill rather had framed that speech
(if any they had heard) for to deceive their souls and lead them to
hell; which they might easily perceive from the Doctrin which I was
informed he had preached against Christ the only begotten son of God,
whom the Father loveth and in whom he is well pleased, and against whom
he certainly would not speake in that idol. Another answered boldly,
our forefathers never knew what Christ was, until the _Spaniards_
came unto that Countrey, but they knew there were Gods, & did worship
them, and did sacrifice unto them; and for ought they knew this God of
theirs belonged in old times unto their forefathers. Why then, said
I unto them, he was a weake God who by my hands hath been burned? I
perceived that at that time there was no reasoning with them, for they
were stubborn and captious, and so I dismissed them. Had not God most
graciously protected me against these my enemies, I had certainly been
murthered by them; for a moneth after the burning of the idol, when I
thought all had been forgotten, and that the Idolaters were quiet, then
they began to act their spight and malice, which first I discovered
by a noise which once at midnight I heard of people about my house,
and at my chamber doore; to whom I called out from my bed not daring
to open, but could have no answer from them, I perceived they would
have come in by force, for they pushed hard at the doore. Whereupon I
tooke suddainly the sheets from off my bed, tying them with a strong
knot together, and with another to a bar of the window, making my selfe
ready to fall down by them to the ground, and so to flie in the dark
night, if they had used violence to come in. The sheets being thus
prepared, and they still at the doore thrusting without any word from
them, I thought by calling and crying out aloud I might affright them
away. Wherefore with a shrill voice I called first to my servants, who
were but boyes, and lay at the further end of a long gallery, then I
cryed out to the neighbouring houses to come and assist me against
theeves. The servants had heard the noise and were awake, who presently
at my call came out; and with their coming my enemies ran down the
staires, and were heard no more that night. But I perceiving which way
their spight and malice was bent, thought fit to be no more alone in
the night, with boyes only in so great a house as was that of _Mixco_;
whereupon the next day I sent for my trusty friend _Miguel Dalva_ who
was able to fight alone with any halfe dozen of _Indians_, wishing him
to bring with him what weapons he could get for my defence. I kept
him with me a fortnight; and the next Sabbath I gave warning in the
Church, that whosoever came in the night to my house to affright me,
or to doe me any other mischiefe should looke to him selfe, for that I
had weapons both offensive and defensive. Though for a while I heard
no more of them, yet they desisted not altogether from their evill and
malicious intents; for, knowing that _Miguel Dalva_ did not lie in the
same chamber with me, a fortnight after (I being till about midnight
with my candle studying) they came up the staires so softly that I
heard them not; but the _Black-more_ being awake it seems perceived
that they were coming up, and softly arose up from a long table where
he lay upon a Mat, and tooke in his hand a couple of brick-bats of
many which lay under the table for a worke which I had in hand, and as
he opened the dore made a little noise, which was to them an item to
flie down the staires, and to run (as they thought) for their lives.
The _Black-more_ did also run after them, and finding they had got too
much advantage of him, and not knowing which way they might take, sent
after them with a fury his two brick-bats, wherewith he supposed he did
hit one of them, for the next day walking about the Towne he met with
one of the _Fuentes_ having a cap on his head, and he inquired of some
_Indians_ what he ailed, and he understood by them that his head was
broke, but how they knew not. They perceiving that I was thus guarded
by _Miguel Dalva_, desisted from that time from coming any more in
the night unto my house, but yet desisted not from their spight and
malice and from acting mischiefe against me. For a month after when
I thought that all had been forgotten, and they seemed outwardly to
be kind and curteous, there came a messenger to me from the oldest of
them, named _Pablo de Fuentes_, to tel me that he was very sick, and
like to die, and desired me to goe to comfort and instruct him in the
truth, for that he truely desired to be converted. I conceived very
great joy at this newes, and doubted not of the truth and certainty
of it, and prayed to God to direct me in the conversion of that soul;
and so with haste and good zeal, I went unto his house, where soon
my joy and comfort was turned into bitternesse; for when I came to
the dore of his house, and was with one step entred, I found all the
brothers of _Pablo Fuentes_, and some others who were suspected to be
Idolaters, sitting round the room; and missing _Pablo_, I withdrew my
foot a little, and asked them where he was, mistrusting somewhat to
see them there all gathered together; but when I perceived that they
stood not up, nor answered me a word, nor so much as tooke off their
hats to me, then I began to fear indeed, and to suspect some treachery;
and so I turned back resolving to goe home again. But no sooner was I
turned, but behold _Pablo Fuentes_ (who by his message had feigned both
sicknesse and conversion) came from behind his house with a cudgell in
his hand, lifting it up to strike at me. Had I not catched hold of his
stick with both my hands, and prevented the intended blow, certainly he
had struck me down. But whilst he and I were striving for the stick who
should be Master of it, the rest of the _Indians_ who were sitting in
the house, came out into the yard (which being a publick place was more
comfort to me then if they had compassed me about within the house)
and beset me round, some pulling mee one way, some another, tearing
my clothes in two or three places, another to make me let goe my hand
from the stick with a knife run me into the hand (which to this day a
small scar doth witnesse) and certainly had we not been in a publike
yard, that party would also have run his knife into my sides; another
seeing I would not let goe the stick, tooke hold of it with _Pablo_
and both together thrust it against my mouth, and with such strength
that they broke some of my teeth, and filled my mouth with goar blood,
with which blow I fell, but soone recovered my selfe and arose, they
laughing at me, but not daring to doe me any more harme for feare they
should be seen, as God would have seen what already they had done;
for a Mulatta slave to a _Spaniard_ in the valley, at that very time
when I was down and rising passed by, and hearing me cry out for help
to the neighbours (who lived somewhat far off that might helpe and
succour me, for all the houses thereabouts were of the brothers the
_Fuentes_) came into the yard, and seeing me all in blood thought I
had been mortally wounded, and calling them murtherers ran along the
street crying murther, murther in _Pablo Fuentes_ his yard, till she
came to the Market place and Town-house, where she found the Maiors
and Jurats sitting, & a couple of _Spaniards_, who when they heard
of my danger, with drawn swords came presently running with all the
officers of Justice to the yard of _Pablo Fuentes_ to aid and assist
me; but in the mean while the Idolaters perceiving the outcry of the
Mulatta, began to fall away and to hide themselves; _Pablo Fuentes_
going to shut up his house also to absent himselfe, I held him hard to
it, striving with him that he might not escape away till some help came
unto me. The _Spaniards_ when they came and saw me all in a blood, made
furiously to _Pablo Fuentes_ with their naked swords, whom I stopped
desiring them not to hurt him, lest what harme they did unto him should
be imputed unto me. I wished the Justice not to feare him though he
were a rich _Indian_, and as they would answer before the President
of _Guatemala_ to lay hold of him, and to carry him to prison, which
they presently performed. I made the _Spaniards_ and the Mulatta to
witnesse under writing by way of information what they had seen, what
blood about my clothes, what wound in my hand, what blow in my mouth
they had found, and sent with speed to the President of _Guatemala_
this their information. The businesse was soon noised about the valley,
whereupon most of the _Spaniards_ came to offer their help and aid
unto me; _Miguel Dalva_ also chancing to be neer at a _Spaniards_
house in the same valley came with the rest, who would have done that
night some mischief among the _Indians_ if I had not prevented them.
I desired them to depart and goe home to their houses, telling them
I feared nothing, and that _Miguel Dalva_ his company would be guard
enough unto me. But they would by no meanes yeeld unto this, saying
that night might prove more dangerous unto me then I imagined, and that
I needed a stronger guard then of one man alone, for they conceived
that the Idolaters knowing what already they had done, and fearing what
grievous punishment might be inflicted upon them from the President of
_Guatemala_, seeing themselves lost and undone men might desperately
that night rescue their brother out of prison, and attempt some
mischiefe against me, and so flie away. Which I could not be brought
to fear, or to beleeve any such thing of their cowardly spirits, nor
that they would flie away for that they had houses and land there in
and about the Towne, yet I was willing for one night to yeeld to have
a stronger guard of _Spaniards_ then at other times I had had with the
Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_ alone. After supper they kept watch about my
house till such time as they perceived all was still, and the _Indians_
a bed, and then they set a watch about the prison that _Pablo Fuentes_
might not be taken out. And after this (pretending that they were in
danger as wel as I being but about a dozen, if the Towne should all
rise and mutiny by the suggestion of the Idolaters, who most of them
were rich and powerfull with the rest, which yet I feared not) they
would needs goe and raise up the two Alcaldes or Maiors alone, with
two more petty officers to make search about the Town for the rest of
the _Fuentes_ and other known Idolaters, that being found they might
secure them in the prison to appear at _Guatemala_, and prevented from
doing any mischief either that night, or at any other time. With this
stir which they made, and their care of mee, they suffered me not to
take any rest that night; but went and called up the Alcaldes and
two officers and brought them to my house, desiring me to signifie
unto them, how fit and necessary it was to search for the rest of the
_Indians_. The poore Alcaldes trembled to see so many _Spaniards_ at
that time in my house with naked swords, and durst not but doe what
they thought best to be done, and so from my house about midnight they
walked about the Towne, searching such houses as they most suspected
might conceale any of the _Fuentes_, or of the rest that had been that
day in the rebellion and mutiny against mee. They could find none at
home, till at last comming to the house of one _Lorenzo Fuentes_, one
of the brothers, they found all that had been in the conspiracy against
mee, gathered together drinking and quaffing. The house being beset
there was no flying nor escaping, and seeing the _Spaniards_ naked
swords, they durst not rebell, who doubtlesse (as wee were afterwards
informed) would have made a great stirre in the Town that night, and
were met together to rescue _Pablo_ their brother, and to doe mee
some mischief and flye, not knowing that I was so strongly manned and
guarded by the _Spaniards_. There were ten of them, and were presently
without any noise in the Town carryed to the Prison, and there shut up,
and guarded by the _Spaniards_.

In the morning the President of _Guatemala_ (who then was _Don Juan de
Guzman_, a Religious Governour) taking into his consideration what the
day before I had writ unto him, and judging my danger to bee great,
sent a _Spanish_ Alguazile, or Officer of Justice with a very large
Commission to bring Prisoners to the City all those _Indians_ who the
day before had been in rebellion against mee, and in case they could
not bee found, then to seize upon what goods soever of theirs could be
found in _Mixco_. But with the diligence of the _Spaniards_ the night
before they were all in a readinesse for him, and paying the Alguazile
first his charges (which hee demanded as hee listed) and bearing the
charges of _Miguel Dalva_, and two or three more _Spaniards_, who were
commanded in the Kings Name to bee aiding and assisting the Officer
for the safer carrying them to _Guatemala_, they were horsed and had
away that day to the President, who committed them close Prisoners, and
afterwards commanded them to be whipped about the streets, banished two
of them from _Mixco_ to the Golf of St. _Thomas de Castilia_, and would
have banished them all, had they not humbled themselves, and desired
mee to intercede for them, promising to amend their lives, and to make
mee great satisfaction, if they might return again to their Town, and
that if ever more they did stirre against mee, they would yeeld to be
hanged and to lose al their goods. With this the President (fining them
yet to pay twenty Crowns a peece to the Church to be imployed in what
I should think fittest) sent them back; who, as they had promised,
came unto mee, and humbled themselves before mee with much weeping,
with many expressions, shewing their sorrow from their hearts for what
they had done, casting all upon the Devill, whom they confessed had
been great with them in tempting them, whom also now they did abjure
and renounce, promising to live as good Christians, and never more to
worship any God but one. I was very much taken with their deepe sorrow
expressed with many tears, and indeavoured to instruct them in the
true knowledge of Christ, whom now I found they were very willing to
imbrace. I lived not very long after in that Towne; but for the time
I did continue in it, I found a great change and alteration in their
lives, which truly made mee apt to judge that their repentance was
unfained. And these former particulars of a few _Indians_ of those two
Towns, I have not here inserted to bring an aspersion upon all that
Nation, (which I doe very much affect, and would willingly spend the
best drops of blood in my veines to doe them good, and to save their
soules) but to cause rather pity and commiseration towards them, who
after so many yeers preaching have been made as yet but formall and
outward Christians, and by the many Saints of wood, which they have
been taught to worship by the Preists, have rather been inclined to the
superstition and Idolatry of their Forefathers, and to trust to living
Creatures, and bow to inanimate stocks and stones, which they daily see
performed publickly in their Churches. Certainly they are of a good
and flexible nature, and (were those Idols of Saints statues removed
from their eyes) might bee brought easily to worship one onely God;
and whereas they so willingly lavish out their small meanes and what
they labour for, in offerings to the Preists and to their Saints, and
in maintaining Lazy singing Lubbars, they without doubt would bee free
enough to true Ministers of Gods Word, who should venture their lives
to beat down those false Gods, and set up Jesus Christ, and him that
sent him into the World to save such as truly beleeve in him.

The yeere that this stirre happened in _Mixco_, I received from _Rome_
from the Generall of the Dominicans Order, License to come home to
_England_; at which I rejoyced much, for now I was even weary with
living among the _Indians_, & grieved to see the little fruit I reaped
amongst them, and that for feare of the Inquisition I durst not preach
a new Gospell unto them, which might make them true, reall, and inward
Christians; and lastly, for that I perceived that _Antonio Mendez de
Satomayor_ (who was Lord of the Towne of _Mixco_) did stomack me for
having caused two of his Towne to bee banished, and publikely affronted
the _Fuentes_ for their Idolatry, which hee thought was a great
aspersion laid upon his _Indians_.

All which well considered I writ unto the Provinciall (who was then
in _Chiapa_) of my desire to returne home to mine owne Countrey, for
the which I had a licence sent unto me from _Rome_. But he having
heard of what good I had done in the Town of _Mixco_, in reducing
some Idolaters, burning their idol, and venturing my life in so good
a cause; and also for the perfect knowledge which now I had of the
_Poconchi_ tongue, would by no meanes yeeld that I should go; but with
fair and flattering words incouraged me to stay, where he doubted not,
but I did, and I might yet doe God much more good service; and that he
might the better worke upon me, he sent me a Patent of Vicar of the
Towne and Cloister of _Amatitlan_, where at the present there was a
new Cloister a building to separate all that valley from the Cloister
of _Guatemala_. He desired me to accept of that small preferment,
not doubting but that I speaking so well the _Indian_ language might
prevaile much in that place, and better then another, to further the
building of that new Cloister; which worke would be a good step for
him to advance me afterwards to some better preferment. Although I
regarded neither that present Superiority, nor any better honour which
might afterwards ensue unto me, I thought the time which God had
appointed for my returning to _England_ was not yet come; for that
if the Provinciall, and with him the President of _Guatemala_ (for
so much I conjectured out of the Provincialls letter) should both
oppose and hinder my departure from that Countrey, it would be very
hard for me to take my journey any way, and not be discovered and
brought back. Whereupon I resolved to stay the Provincialls coming to
_Guatemala_, and there to confer with him face to face, and to shew
him some reasons that moved me to leave that Countrey, and to seek
againe mine owne wherein I was borne. So for the present I accepted of
the Towne of _Amatitlan_, where I had more occasions of getting mony
than in the other two, where I had lived five full yeers; for albeit
that Towne alone was bigger then both _Mixco_ and _Pinola_ together,
and the Church fuller of Saints pictures and statues, and very many
Confraternities and Sodalities belonged unto it; besides this from
without the Towne I had great comings in from the Ingenio of Sugar,
which I related before stood close unto that Towne, from whence I had
dayly offerings from the _Black-mores_ and _Spaniards_ that lived
in it; and besides this I had under my charge another lesser Towne
called St. _Christoval de Amatitlan_, standing two leagues from great
_Amatitlan_. This Town of St. _Christoval_, or _St. Christopher_, is
called properly in that language, _Palinha, ha,_ signifying water, and
_Pali_, to stand upright, and is compounded of two words which express
water standing upright; for the Towne standeth on the back side of
the Vulcan of water, which looketh over _Guatemala_, and on this side
sendeth forth many fountaines, but especially spouteth forth from a
high rock a stream of water, which as it falleth from high with a great
noise and down-fall, the rocke standing upright over the bottome where
it falleth, and causeth a most pleasant stream by the Townes side, it
hath moved the _Indians_ to call their Towne, _Palinha_, from the high
and upright standing rock, from whence the water falleth. In this Towne
there are many rich _Indians_, who trade in the coast of the South sea;
the Towne is as an harbour shadowed with many fruitfull trees; but the
chief fruit here is the Pinna, which groweth in every _Indians_ yard,
and with the neernesse of the Ingenio of Sugar, are by the _Spaniards_
thereabouts much made up in Preserves; some whole, some in slices,
which is the daintiest and most luscious Preserve that I ever did
eat in that Countrey. The _Indians_ of this Towne get much by boards
of Cedar, which they cut out of many Cedar-trees, which grow on that
side of the Vulcan, which they sell to _Guatemala_ and all about the
Countrey for new buildings.

Between great _Amatitlan_ and this Town the way is plain, and lieth
under a Vulcan of fire, which formerly was wont to smoak as much as
that of _Guatemala_, but having formerly burst out at the top, and
there opened a great mouth, & cast down to the bottome mighty stones
(which to this day are to be seen) it hath not since been any waies
troublesome unto the Countrey. In this way there was in my time a new
Trapiche of Sugar erecting up by one _John Baptista_ of _Guatemala_,
which was thought would prove very usefull, and profitable unto the
foresaid City. I had yet for the time that I lived in _Amatitlan_
another very little village at my charge, called _Pampichi_ at the
bottome of a high mountaine on the other side of the lake over against
it, which was but a Chappell of ease unto great _Amatitlan_, unto which
I went not above once in a quarter of a yeer, and that for pastime and
recreation; for this village is well in that language a compound also
of _Pam_, in, and _Pichi_, flowers, for that it standeth compassed
about with flowers, which make it very pleasant, and the boats or
Canoa's which doe constantly stand neer the doores of the houses,
invites to much pleasure of fishing and rowing about the lake.

And thus whilst I lived in _Amatitlan_ I had the choice of three places
wherein to recreate my selfe, and because the charge of many soules lay
in my hands, I had one constantly to helpe me. The Towne of _Amatitlan_
was as the Court in respect of the rest, where nothing was wanting that
might recreate the mind and satisfie the body with variety and change
of sustenance, both for fish and flesh. Yet the great care that did
lie upon me in the worke and building of the Cloister, made me very
soone weary of living in that great and pleasant Towne; for sometimes
I had thirty, sometimes twenty, sometimes fewer, and sometimes fourty
worke-men to looke unto, and to pay wages to on Saturday nights, which
I found wearied much my braine, and hindred my studies, and was besides
a worke which I delighted not in, nor had any hopes ever to enjoy it.
And therefore after the first yeer that I had been there I betooke
my selfe unto the Provinciall, who was in _Guatemala_, and againe
earnestly besought him to peruse the Licence which I had from _Rome_
to goe to _England_ mine owne Countrey for to preach there (for that
was the chiefe ground of letting me goe home, as the Generall largely
expressed) where I doubted not but I might doe God great service, and
in Conscience I told him I thought I was bound to employ what parts
God had bestowed upon me, rather upon my own Countreymen, then upon
_Indians_ and strangers. The Provinciall replyed unto me that my
Countrey men were Heretickes, and when I came amongst them they would
hang me up. I told him, I hoped better things of them, and that I would
not behave my selfe among them so as to deserve hanging, not daring
to tell him what was in my heart concerning points of Religion. After
a long discourse I found the Provinciall inexorable, and halfe angry,
telling me that he and that whole Province had cast their eyes upon
me, and honoured me, and were ready and willing to promote me further,
and that I would shew my selfe very ungratefull unto them, if I should
forsake them for my owne nation and people, whom I had not knowne from
my young and tender age. I perceived there was no more to be said, and
all would be in vaine, and so resolved to take my best opportunity, and
with my Licence from _Rome_ to come away unknowne unto him. But for the
present I humbly beseeched him to remove me from _Amatitlan_, for that
I found my selfe unable to undergoe that great charge, and too weake
for that strong worke, that was then building. With much adoe he would
be brought to this, alleadging what an honour it was to be a Founder
and builder of a new Cloister, in whose walls my very name would be
engraven to posterity; all which I told him I regarded not, but estemed
more of my health and a quiet mind, then of such preferments and
vanities. Upon which at last he condescended to my request, and gave
me order to goe to _Petapa_, and that the Vicar of _Petapa_ should goe
to finish the worke of _Amatitlan_. In _Petapa_ I lived above a twelve
moneth, with great ease, pleasure and content for all things worldly
and outward; but within I had still a worme of Conscience, gnawing this
gourd that shadowed and delighted me with worldly contentment. Here I
grew more and more troubled concerning some points of Religion, dayly
wishing with _David_, that I had the wings of a Dove, that I might flie
from that place of dayly Idolatry into _England_, and be at rest. I
resolved therefore to put on a good courage, and relie wholly upon my
God, knowing that the journey was hard and dangerous, and might bring
shame and trouble unto me, if I should be taken in the way flying and
brought back to _Guatemala_; here I weighed the affliction and reproach
which might ensue unto me, after so much honor, pleasure, and wealth
which I had enjoyed for about twelve yeers in that Countrey; but in
another balance of better consideration, I weighed the trouble of a
wounded Conscience, and the spirituall joy and comfort that I might
enjoy at home with the people of God, and so resolutely concluded upon
that place of _Heb._ 11. 25, 26, 27. with _Moses_, to choose rather to
suffer affliction with the people of God (who as _Paul_ well observeth,
I _Thes._ 3. 3. are appointed thereunto; and again _Phil._ 1. 29. unto
whom it is given in the behalfe of Christ, not onely to beleeve in him,
but also to suffer for his sake) then to enjoy the pleasures of sinne
for a season; esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches then the
treasures in _Egypt_. So for faith and a safe conscience I now purposed
likewise with _Moses_ to forsake _Egypt_, not fearing the wrath of the
President the Kings owne Deputy, nor of the Provinciall, and my best
friends; but to indure all this (if I should be taken) as seeing him
who is invisible. I thought this was a businesse not to be conferred
with flesh and blood, lest the best friend knowing of it should betray
me; yet on the other side, I thought it hard to flie alone without some
friend for the first two or three daies journey; and besides having
many things to sell away to make mony of, I thought I were better to
imploy some trusty friend, then to doe all alone. I thought of none
fitter then _Miguel Dalva_, whom by long experience I knew to be true
and trusty, and that a small mony matter would content him; whom I
sent for to _Pinola_, and charging him with secrecy, I told him I had
a journey for my conscience sake to make to _Rome_ (I would not tell
him that I intended _England_, lest the good old _Black-more_ should
grieve thinking never more to see me, and for the love he bare me, and
interest he had many times from me, he should by discovering my intent,
seek to stop me) which I would have none to know of but himselfe, not
doubting but to returne againe, as he knew many had taken the like
journey, and returned within two yeers.

The _Black-more_ offered himselfe to goe with me, which I refused,
telling him that the seas would be too hard for his old age to endure,
and that as a _Black-more_ in foraine Countries he might be stopped and
apprehended for a fugitive; which reason he liked well, and offered
himselfe to goe with mee as farre as the sea side; for which I thanked
him and employed to sell me away some Mules, Wheat, and Maiz which I
had, and what else might well passe through his hands. As for many rich
pictures which hung in my chamber, I thought the Towne of _Petapa_
would buy them for their Church, and propounded it unto the Governour,
who willingly accepted of them. Most of my bookes, chests, cabinets,
quilts, and many good peices of houshold-stuffe, by the paines and
industry of _Miguel_ (whom I kept with me for the space of two moneths
before I came away) I sold to _Guatemala_, reserving onely two Peraca's
or leatherne chests, with some bookes and a quilt for my journey. When
I had sold all that I intended, I found I had in _Spanish_ mony neer
nine thousand peeces of eight, which I had got in twelve yeers that I
lived in that Country. So much mony I thought would be too combersome
for a long journey; whereupon I turned above four thousand of them into
pearles and some pretious stones, which might make my carriage the
lighter; the rest I laid up some in bags, some I sowed into my quilt,
intending in the way to turne them into _Spanish_ Pistols. Thus the
chiefe provision being made of mony, I tooke care for Chocolatte and
some Conserves for the way, which were soon provided. Now because I
considered that my flight the first week must be with speed, and that
my chests could not post day and night as my selfe intended to doe; I
thought of sending my carriage four dayes at least before me; and not
daring to trust any _Indian_ of _Petapa_, I sent to _Mixco_ for one
speciall _Indian_ friend whom I had there, who knew the way that I was
to travaile very well; to whom I opened my mind, and offered what mony
I knew would well content him, and at midnight sent him away with two
Mules, one for himselfe, and another for my chests, wishing him to keep
on travelling towards _St. Miguel_, or _Nicaragua_ till I overtooke
him. I gave him the advantage of four daies and nights, and then
resolutely with my good _Blackmore_ in my company leaving the key of my
chamber in my doore, and nothing but old papers within, when all the
_Indians_ where fast sleep, I bad adieu unto _Petapa_, and to the whole
valley, and to all my friends throughout _America_.




CHAP. XXI.

_Shewing my journey from the Towne of_ Petapa, _into_ England; _and
some chiefe passages in the way._


The chiefe thing which troubled me in my resolved purpose to come
home, was the choice of the safest way; which made me utterly forsake
the Gulfe (though the easiest way of all, and that sea neerest to the
place where I lived) for that I knew I should meet there with many of
my acquaintance, and the setting out of the ships was so uncertain,
that before they departed, order might come from _Guatemala_ to stop
me; if I should go by land through _Comayagua_ to _Truxillo_, and there
wait for the ships, likewise I feared lest the Governour of that place
by some item from the President of _Guatemala_ might examine me, and
send me backe, and that the Masters of the ships might have charge
given them not to receive me into their ships. If I should goe backe to
_Mexico_ and _Vera Cruz_, then I called to mind, how I was troubled in
that long journey, when I came first to _Chiapa_ in company of friends,
and that now alone I should certainly be much put to it, for I would
not carry _Miguel Dalva_ so far by land with me. Wherefore rejecting
these three wayes, I chose the fourth, which was by _Nicaragua_ and
the Lake of _Granada_; and therefore I deferred my journey till the
week after _Christmas_, knowing that the time of the frigats setting
out from that lake to the _Havana_ was commonly after the middle of
_January_, or at _Candlemas_ at the furthest, whither I hoped to reach
in very good time. Now that I might by no means be suspected to have
taken this way; before I went I left by the hand of _Miguel Dalva_
a letter to a friend of his to be delivered to the Provinciall in
_Guatemala_, foure dayes after my departure, wherein I kindly tooke my
leave of him, desiring him not to blame me nor to seeke after me; and
whereas I had a sufficient Licence from _Rome_, and could not get his,
that I thought I might with a safe Conscience goe where I was born,
leaving Linguists enough to supply my place amongst the _Indians_.
And because he should not make enquiry after me by _Nicaragua_, I
dated and subscribed my letter to him from the Towne of _St. Antonio
Suchutepeques_, which was the way to _Mexico_ and quite contrary to
_Nicaragua_.

The next day after _Twelfth_ day, being the seventh of _January_, 1637.
at midnight I set out of _Petapa_ upon a lusty Mule (which afterwards
in the way I sold for fourscore peeces of eight) with _Miguel Dalva_
alone; and the first part of the way being very hilly we could not
goe so fast as our hearts would have posted; for it was breake of
day before we could get to the top of the mountaine, which is called
_Serro Redondo_, or the round hill; which is much mentioned in that
Countrey, for the good pasture there which serveth for the Cattell
and Sheep, when the valleys below are burnt and no grasing left for
Beasts. This hill is also a great refuge to Travellers, for there
they find good entertainment in a _Venta_, where wine and provision
is sold, and is a great Lodge, for to lay up dry what carriages they
bring; there is besides one of the best Estancia's or farmes of Cattell
in the Countrey, where of Goats and Ewes milke is made the best
cheese thereabouts. This round hill or mountaine is five leagues from
_Petapa_, where I feared I might meet with some people of _Petapa_,
and therefore the day now dawning I made haste by it, leaving in the
lodge asleep many _Indians_, who attended on two _Spanish_ Requa's
of Mules, which that day were to goe to _Petapa_; foure leagues
further from this _Serro Redondo_ is a Towne of _Indians_ called _Los
Esclavos_, or the Slaves, not that now they are more slaves then the
rest of the _Indians_, but because in the old time of _Montezuma_ the
Emperour, and the _Indian_ Kings that were under him, the people of
this Towne were more slaves then any other, for from _Amatitlan_ (which
is so called from _Amat_, which in the _Mexican_ tongue signifieth
Letter, and _Itlan_ which signifieth Towne, for that it was the Towne
of Letters as some say, for a rine of a tree, whereon they were wont
formerly to write and expresse their minds, or because it was the
place whither from all parts letters were sent to be carried about the
Countrey, and to _Peru_) these _Indians_ of the Towne of _Esclavo's_
or slaves, were commanded as slaves to goe all about the Countrey with
letters, or whatsoever else they should be charged with; and they were
bound constantly to send every week so many of their Towne (as were
appointed) unto _Amatitlan_, there to wait and attend the pleasure of
that Towne for the conveying of letters, or any carriages to other
parts.

This Towne of _los Esclavos_ standeth in a bottome by a river, over the
which the _Spaniards_ have built a very strong stone Bridge to goe in
and out of the Town, for otherwise with mules there is no passing by
reason of the violent and rapid streame of the water, and many rocks
in the River, from which the water falleth down with great force. From
this Town (where wee onely stayed to drink a cup of Chocolatte and to
bait our mules) wee went on that day to _Aguachapa_, being ten leagues
further, and not farre from the South Sea, and the port called _De la
Trinidad_; whither wee came towards Evening, having that day and part
of the night travelled about threescore _English_ miles up hils, and
upon stony wayes from the _Esclavo's_ unto this Town; which is much
mentioned in that Country for two things. The one is for the earthen
ware which is made there (as some think) exceeding that of _Mixco_.
The other is for a place within a mile and a halfe from the Town,
which the _Spaniards_ doe credibly report and beleeve to be a mouth
of hell. For out of it there is constantly ascending a thick black
smoak smelling of Brimstone, with some flashes now and then of fire;
the earth from whence this smoak ariseth is not high, but low. None
ever durst draw nigh to find out the truth and ground of it; for those
that have attempted to doe it, have been stricken down to the ground
and like to lose their lives. A friend of mine a Fryer (whom I thought
verily I might beleeve) upon his oath affirmed unto me, that travelling
that way with a Provinciall hee resolved to goe unto the place, and
satisfie himselfe of the ground and cause of the strange talke which
was every where about the Country concerning that smoke. He went within
a quarter of a mile of it, and presently, hee said, he heard a hideous
noise, which together with the stench of the fiery smoke and brimstone,
struck him into such a fear that he was like to fall to the ground, and
retiring himself back with all speed was taken with a burning Feaver,
which was like to cost him his life. Others report that drawing neer
unto it, they have heard great cries as it were of men and women in
torment, noise of iron, of chaines, and the like, which (how simply I
leave it to my Judicious Reader) maketh them beleeve that it is a mouth
of hell. Of my knowledge I will say no more, but that I saw the smoke,
and asked the _Indians_ what was the cause of it; and if ever they had
been neer unto it? And they answered mee, that they could not imagine
what might bee the cause of it, neither durst they draw nigh unto it;
and that they had seen Travellers, attempting to goe neere it, and that
they were all stricken either to the ground, or with some suddaine
amazement, or Feaver. I told them that I would walke thither my self,
and they desired mee that I would not, if I loved my life. It was not
yet for all this report the feare of being so neer the _Spaniards_ hell
(as they call it) that made me haste with speed out of that Town, but
fear of some messenger that might come after mee to stop my journy.
For at midnight I departed from thence, and went to breake my fast to
a great Town called _Chalchuapan_, where the _Indians_ made very much
of mee, being _Pocomanes_, who spake the _Poconchi_ or _Pocoman_ tongue
which I had learned. They would willingly have had me to stay with them
and preach unto them the next Sabbath, which I would have done, had not
a better designe called upon mee to make haste.

Here I was troubled, how I should get through St. _Salvador_, which was
a City of _Spaniards_, and wherein there was a Cloister of Dominicans,
whom I feared most of all, because I was known by some of them. My
resolution was therefore when I came neere unto the City, to turn out
of my way to a _Spaniards_ Farm as if I had lost my way, and there to
delay the time till Evening in drinking Chocolatte, discoursing, and
baiting my mules well, that so I might travell all that night, and
bee out of the reach of that City, and Fryers (who lived in _Indian_
Towns about it) the next morning, early. This City of St. _Salvador_ is
poore, not much bigger then _Chiapa_, and is governed by a _Spanish_
Governour. It standeth forty leagues at least from _Guatemala_, and
towards the North Sea side, is compassed with very high mountains,
which are called Chuntales, where the _Indians_ are very poore. In the
bottome where the City standeth there are some _Trabiches_ of Sugar,
some Indigo made, but the chief Farmes are Estancia's of Cattell.
Towards Evening I departed from that Farm where I had well refreshed my
selfe and my Mule, and about eight of the clock I rid through the City
not being known by any body. My purpose was to bee the next morning
at a great River, called _Rio de Lempa_, some ten leagues from St.
_Salvador_, for within two leagues of it there lived in an _Indian_
Town a Fryer belonging to the Cloister of St. _Salvador_ who knew
mee very well. But such haste I made that before break of the day I
passed through that Town, and before seven of the clock I was at the
River, where I found my _Indian_ of _Mixco_ ready to passe over with
my carriage, who that morning by three of the clock had set out of
that Town two leagues off. I was not a little glad to have overtaken
my Chests, wherein was most of my treasure. There I sate down a while
by the River whilst my mules grazed, and my _Indian_ struck fire and
made me Chocolatte. This River of _Lempa_ is held the broadest, and
biggest in all the Jurisdiction belonging unto _Guatemala_; there are
constantly two Ferry Boats to passe over the Travellers, and their
Requa's of Mules. This River is privileged in this manner, that if a
man commit any hainous crime or murther on this side of _Guatemala_,
and _San Salvador_, or on the other side of St. _Miguel_, or
_Nicaragua_, if hee can flie to get over this River, he is free as long
as hee liveth on the other side, and no Justice on that side whither
hee is escaped can question or trouble him for the murther committed.
So likewise for Debts hee cannot bee arrested. Though I thanked God I
neither fled for the one, or for the other, yet it was my comfort that
I was now going over to a priviledged Country, where I hoped I should
bee free and sure, and that if any one did come after mee, hee would
goe no further then to the River of _Lempa_. My Blackmore did much
laugh at this my conceipt, and warranted mee that all would doe well.
Wee Ferried safely over the River; and from thence went in company with
my _Indian_ to a little small Towne of _Indians_ two leagues off, where
wee made the best dinner that we had done from the Towne of _Petapa_,
and willingly gave rest to all our mules till foure of the clocke in
the afternoone; at which time wee set forth to another small Town
little above two leagues off, through a plain, sandy, and Champaigne
Country. The next day wee had but ten leagues to travaile to a Town
called St. _Miguel_, which belongeth unto _Spaniards_, and though it
bee not a City, yet is as bigge almost as _San Salvador_, and hath a
_Spanish_ Governour; in it there is one Cloister of Nuns, and another
of Mercenarian Fryers, who welcomed mee unto their Cloister. For here
I began to shew my face, and to think of selling away the Mule I rid
on, being resolved from hence to goe by water or an Arm of the Sea, to
a Town in _Nicaragua_ called _La Vieja_. I would here have dismissed
my _Indian_, but hee was loth to leave me untill I got to _Granada_,
where hee desired to see mee shipped. I refused not his kind offer,
because I knew hee was trusty and had brought my Chests well thither,
and knew well the way to _Granada_. So I sent him by land to _Realejo_,
or to _La Vieja_, which stand very neere together and thirty leagues by
land from St. _Miguel_, and my self stayed that day and till the next
day at noon in that Town, where I sold the mule, I rid on, because I
knew that from _Realejo_ to _Granada_ I could have of the _Indians_ a
Mule for nothing for a dayes journey. My Blackmores mule I sent also
by land with the _Indian_, and the next day went to the Gulfe, being
three or foure miles from St. _Miguel_, where that afternoone I tooke
Boat with many other passengers, and the next morning by eight in the
morning was at _La Vieja_, which journey by land would have taken mee
up neere three dayes. The next day my _Indian_ came at night, and
wee went to _Realejo_, (as I have observed before) a Haven very weak
and unfortified on the South Sea; where if I would have stayed one
fortnight I might have taken shipping for _Panama_, to goe from thence
to _Portabelo_, and there stay for the Galeons from _Spain_. But I
considered that the Galeons would not be there till _June_ or _July_,
and that so I should be at great charges in staying so long. But
afterwards I wished I had accepted of that occasion, for I was at last
forced to goe to _Panama_, and _Portabelo_. From hence to _Granada_
I observed nothing, but the plainnesse and pleasantnesse of the way,
which with the fruits and fertility of all things may well make
_Nicaragua_ the Paradise of _America_. Betweene _Realejo_ and _Granada_
standeth the City of _Leon_, neere unto a _Vulcan_ of fire, which
formerly burst out at the top, and did much hurt unto all the Country
about; but since that it hath ceased, and now letteth the Inhabitants
live without feare. Sometimes it smokes a little, which sheweth that as
yet there is within some sulphurous substance.

Here it was that a Mercenarian Fryer thought to have discovered some
great treasure, which might inrich himselfe and all that Country,
being fully perswaded that the metall that burned within that _Vulcan_
was Gold; whereupon hee caused a great Kettle to bee made, and hung at
an iron chain to let it down from the top, thinking therewith to take
up gold enough to make him Bishop and to inrich his poor kindred. But
such was the power and strength of the fire within, that no sooner had
hee let downe the Kettle, when it fell from the chain and from his
hands being melted away.

This City of _Leon_ is very curiously built, for the chief delight of
the Inhabitants consisteth in their houses, and in the pleasure of the
Country adjoyning, and in the abundance of all things for the life
of man, more then in any extraordinary riches, which there are not
so much injoyed, as in other parts of _America_. They are contented
with fine gardens, with variety of singing birds, and parrets, with
plenty of fish and flesh, which is cheap, and with gay houses, and so
lead a delicious, lazy and idle life; not aspiring much to trade and
traffique, though they have neer unto them the Lake, which commonly
every yeere sendeth forth some Frigats to _Havana_ by the North
Sea, and _Realejo_ on the South Sea, which to them might bee very
commodious for any dealing and rich Trading in _Peru_, or to _Mixco_,
if their spirits would carry them so farre: The Gentlemen of this City
are almost as vaine and phantasticall as are those of _Chiapa_. And
especially from the pleasure of this City, is all that Province of
_Nicaragua_, called by the _Spaniards Mahomets_ Paradise. From hence
the way is plain and Levell to _Granada_, whither I got safely and
joyfully, hoping that now I had no more journey to make by land, till
I should land at _Dover_ in _England_, and from thence post up to
_London_. Two dayes after I had arrived at this place and rested my
selfe, and injoyed the pleasant prospect of the Lake, I began to think
of dismissing my _Indian_ and Blackmore. But true and faithfull _Miguel
Dalva_ would by no meanes leave mee, till he saw me shipped; and that I
had no more need of him by land; Likewise the _Indian_ would willingly
have stayed, but by no meanes I would permit him, for that I considered
hee had a wife and children to looke to at home. Hee was as willing to
return a foot, as to ride, because hee would have mee sell my mules,
and make what mony I could of them; but I seeing the good nature of
the _Indian_, would recompence his love with as much mony as might bee
more beneficiall to him, then a tired Mule; which might have dyed in
the way under him, and left him on foot; so I gave him money enough to
bear his charges home, and to hire Mules at his one pleasure, and some
to spare, when he came home. The _Indian_ with many teares falling from
his eyes, saying, hee feared hee should never more see mee, tooke his
leave of mee the third day after wee arrived at _Granada_. My Blackmore
and I being left alone, first began to thinke of selling away the two
Mules, which had brought thither the _Indian_, and my Chests; for
which I got fourscore and ten peeces of eight after so long a journey,
and thought they were well sold. I would have had _Miguel_ have sold
away that whereon hee rid, (which was his own) and offered to buy him
another that might better carry him back, but the loving and carefull
Blackmore would not suffer mee to bee at such charges, considering the
long journey which I was to make. After this, wee hearing that the
frigats were not like to depart in a fortnight, thought of viewing
well that stately and pleasant Towne a day or two, and then to betake
our selves to some neer _Indian_ Town, where wee might bee hid, (lest
by the great resort of Requa's of Mules, which at that time brought
Indigo and Cochinill from _Guatemala_ to the Frigats, wee should bee
discovered) and might now and then come to the Town to treat concerning
my passing in one of the Frigats to the _Havana_ or to _Carthagena_.
What in that Town wee observed was, two Cloisters of Mercenarian
and Franciscan Fryers, and one of Nuns, very rich; and one Parish
Church, which was as a Cathedrall, for the Bishop of _Leon_ did more
constantly reside there then in the City. The houses are fairer then
those of _Leon_, and the Town of more Inhabitants, among whom there
are some few Merchants of very great wealth, and many of inferiour
degree very well to passe, who trade with _Carthagena, Guatemala, San
Salvador_, and _Comayagua_, and some by the South sea to _Peru_ and
_Panama_. But at this time of the sending away the frigats, that Town
is one of the wealthiest in all the North Tract of _America_; for the
Merchants of _Guatemala_ fearing to send all their goods by the Gulfe
of _Honduras_, for that they have been often taken by the _Hollanders_
between that and _Havana_, think it safer to send them by the frigats
to _Carthagena_, which passage hath not been so much stopped by the
_Hollanders_ as the other. So likewise many times the Kings treasure,
and revenues (when there is any report of ships at sea, or about the
Cape of _St. Anthony_) are this way by the Lake of _Granada_ passed to
_Carthagena_. That yeer that I was there, before I betooke my selfe
to an _Indian_ Towne, in one day there entred six Requa's (which were
at least three hundred Mules) from _St. Salvador_ and _Comayagua_
onely, laden with nothing else but Indigo, Cochinil and Hides; and two
dayes after from _Guatemala_ came in three more, the one laden with
silver, which was the Kings tribute from that Countrey; the other with
Sugar, and the other with Indigo. The former Requa's I feared not; but
the latter made me keep close within my lodging, lest going abroad,
I should be knowne by some of those that came from _Guatemala_; who
after they had delivered what they brought, presently departed, and
with their departure set mee at liberty, who for their sakes was a
voluntary prisoner within mine owne lodging. But fearing lest more of
these Requa's might come and affright mee, I went to a Towne out of
the rode, a league from _Granada_, and took my pleasure up and downe
the Countrey where I was much feasted by the Mercenarian Friers, who
enjoy most of those Towns. Amongst these I heard much of the passage
in the frigots to _Carthagena_, which did not a little dishearten and
discourage me. For although, whilst they saile upon the Lake, they goe
securely and without trouble, yet when they fall from the Lake to the
river (which there they call _El Desaguadero_) to goe out to the Sea,
_hic labor, hoc opus est_, here is nothing but trouble, which sometimes
makes that short voyage to last two moneths; for such is the fall of
the waters in many places amongst the rockes, that many times they
are forced to unlade the frigots, and lade them again with helpe of
Mules which are there kept for that purpose, by a few _Indians_ that
live about the river, and have care of the Lodges made for to lay in
the wares, whilest the frigots passe thorow those dangerous places to
another Lodge, whither the wares are brought by Mules, and put againe
into the frigots. Beside this trouble (which must needs be tedious to
a passenger, to be thus stopped, who would willingly come soone to
his journeys end) the abundance of gnats is such, which maketh him to
take no joy in his voiage, and the heat in some places so intolerable,
that many doe die before they get out to the sea. Though all this was
terrible to me to hear, yet I comforted my selfe that my life was in
the hands of the Lord, and that the frigots did commonly every yeer
passe that way, and seldome any were lost. I went now and then to
_Granada_ to bargaine for my passage, and to know when the frigots
would for certaine set out, and to provide my selfe of some dainties
and Chocolatte for my journey, having agreed with a Master of a frigot
for my diet at his table. The time was appointed within foure or
five dayes; but suddainly all was crossed with a strict command from
_Guatemala_, that the frigots should not goe out that yeer, because the
President and whole Court was informed for certaine that some _English_
or _Holland_ ships was abroad at sea, and lay about the mouth of the
river or _Desaguadero_ waiting for the frigots of _Granada_, and that
the said were sometimes lurking about the Islands of _St. John_, and
_St. Catharine_ (which then was our _Providence_) which made all the
Merchants of the Countrey to feare and sweat with a cold sweat, and the
President to be carefull for the Kings revenues, lest the losse of them
should be imputed to his wilfull negligence, in stopping the frigots,
whilst he might, and had warning given. This was but sad newes unto
me, who knew not for the present, which way to dispose of my selfe.
I began to thinke of the ship that was at _Realejo_ ready to set out
to _Panama_, thinking that would now be my best course, but enquiring
after it, I was for certaine informed by some Merchants that it was
newly gone. Then my eyes looked upon _Comayagua_ and _Truxillo_, and
upon the ships of _Honduras_, but these were but vaine and troubled
thoughts, arising from a perplexed heart, for the ships were also gone
from thence, without some small vessell or frigot might be there with
newes from _Havana_ or _Carthagena_ (for those places send often word
and notice of what ships are abroad at sea) but this also was a meer
chance, and not to be trusted unto, as my friends did advise, and
counsell me. Whereupon my perplexity more and more increased; onely
my comfort was that there were more passengers besides my selfe, who
I knew must take some course, and whom I also resolved to follow by
sea, or land. Amongst us all we were once resolving to hire a frigot
to carry us onely to _Carthagena_, but this would not bee granted, for
no body would hazard his vessel and life for our sakes. Whilest we
were thus distressed and perplexed enquiring about _Granada_ of the
Merchants what course we might take to get to _Spaine_ that yeer, or
to meet with the _Havana_ or _Carthagena_, one that wished us well,
counselled us to goe to _Costarica_, where at _Carthago_ we should be
sure to hear of some vessels bound for _Portobel_, either from the
river called _de los Anzuelos_, or from the river called _Suere_,
from whence every yeer went out some small frigots to carry Meale,
Bacon, Fowles, and other provision for the Galeons to _Portobel_.
This we thought was a hard and difficult journey, and of neer a
hundred and fifty leagues, over mountaines and through desarts, where
we should misse the pleasure, variety, and dainties of _Guatemala_
and _Nicaragua_, and after all this peradventure might misse of an
opportunity of any frigot bound to _Portobelo_. Yet so unwilling were
we all to returne to _Guatemala_ from whence we came, that we would
rather go forward, and undergoe any difficulties, so that at last we
might find any shipping to convey us where we might meet with the
Galeons, which we knew were not to come to _Portobel_, till the month
of _June_ or _July_. We therefore agreed foure of us, three _Spaniards_
and my selfe, to goe to _Costarica_, and there to trie our fortune.
They had each of them (as my selfe had) carriage for one Mule, and none
to ride on; but thought it their best way to buy each of them a Mule
to carry them, which they hoped after their journey to sell againe at
_Costarica_, and to get mony by them, and for their carriages to hire
Mules and _Indians_ from Towne to Towne, who also might serve to guide
us through many dangerous places and passages, which we understood were
in the way. Now I wished I had my Mule which I sold at _San Miguel_, or
any one of the two which I sold before in _Granada_. But for my mony I
doubted not, with the helpe of my _Black-more_, but I should find one
for my purpose. I furnished my selfe very speedily, for fifty peeces of
eight, of one which I feared not would performe my journey. My good and
trusty _Black-more_ would willingly have gone on with me, and further
round the world if I would have permitted him; but I would not; but
(thanked him heartily for what he had done, and gave him money enough
in his purse, and dismissed him) hoping that the company of the three
_Spaniards_ would be sufficient comfort unto me.

Thus with one _Indian_ to guide us we set four of us out of _Granada_,
enjoying for the two first daies more of the pleasure of that
_Mahomets_ paradise _Nicaragua_, finding the way for the most part
plain, the Townes pleasant, the Countrey shady, and every where fruits
abounding. The second day after we set out, we were much affrighted
with a huge and monstrous Caiman or Crocodile, which having come out
of the Lake (which we passed by) and lying crosse a puddle of water
bathing himselfe, and waiting for some prey, as we perceived after,
whom we not knowing well at the first, but thinking that it had been
some tree that was felled or fallen, passed close by it; when on a
suddain we knew the scales of the Cayman, and saw the monster stir and
move, and set himself against us; wherewith we made hast from him;
but he thinking to have made some of us his greedy prey, ran after
us, which when we perceived, and that he was like to overtake us, we
were much troubled, untill one of the _Spaniards_ (who knew better
the nature & quality of that Beast then the rest) called upon us to
turn on one side out of the way, and to ride on straight for a while,
and then to turn on another side; and so to circumflex our way, which
advice of his without doubt saved mine, or some of the others lives,
for thus we wearied that mighty monster and escaped from him, who (had
we rid out straightway) had certainly overtaken us, and killed some
mule or man, for his straight forward flight was as swift as our Mules
could run; but whilst he turned and wheeled about his heavy body, we
got ground and advantage till we left him far behind us; and by this
experience we came to know the nature and quality of that beast, whose
greatnesse of body is no hinderance to run forward as swift as a Mule;
but otherwise, as the Elephant once laid down is troubled to get up, so
this monster is heavy and stiffe, and therefore much troubled to turne
and wind about his body. We praised God who had that day delivered us,
and riding for a while by the side of the lake, we were watchful that
we might not fall again into the like danger. But the greatnesse of
this lake of _Granada_ may from hence be knowne, in that the second
and third day of our journey, being at least threescore miles from
whence we set out, we now and then found our way lying by it. After
that wee had wholly lost the sight of it, we began to enter into rough
and craggy wayes, declining more to the South then to the North sea.
And in all the rest of our journey to _Carthago_, we observed nothing
worth committing to posterity, but onely mighty woods and trees on the
South sea side, very fit for to make strong ships, and many mountaines
and desert places, where we lay sometimes two nights together, either
in woods or open fields, far from any Town or habitation of _Indians_,
yet for our comfort in these so desert places we had stil a guide with
us, and found lodges, which by the command of the neerest Justices had
been set up for such as travelled that way. We came at last through
thousand dangers to the city of _Carthago_, which we found not to
be so poor as in richer places, as _Guatemala_ and _Nicaragua_ it
was reported to be. For there we had occasion to inquire after some
Merchants for exchange of gold and silver, and wee found that some were
very rich, who traded by Land and Sea with _Panama_, and by Sea with
_Portobelo, Carthagena_, and _Havana_, and from thence with _Spain_.
This City may consist of foure hundred Families, and is governed by
a _Spanish_ Governour; It is a Bishops Sea, and hath in it three
Cloisters, two of Fryers, and one of Nuns. Here we began to enquire
after that which had brought us through so many Mountaines, Woods and
deserts, to wit, after some speedy occasion of shipping our selves
for _Portobelo_ or _Carthagena_; and according to our desires wee
understood of one Frigat almost ready to set out from the River called
_De los Anzuelos_, and another from the River _Suere_; and being well
informed that _Suere_ would bee the best place for us to Travaile unto
by reason of more provision in the way, more Towns of _Indians_, and
Estancia's of _Spaniards_, we resolved within foure dayes after wee
had rested in _Carthago_, to undertake a new journey towards the North
Sea. Wee found that Country mountainous in many places, yet here and
there some Valleys where was very good corn, _Spaniards_ living in good
Farmes, who as well as the _Indians_ bred many hogs; but the Townes of
_Indians_ we found much unlike to those which wee had left behind in
_Nicaragua_ and _Guatemala_; and the people in curtesie and civility
much differing from them, and of a rude and bold carriage and behaviour
towards us; yet they are kept under by the _Spaniards_, as much as
those whom I have formerly spoken of about _Guatemala_. Wee came in so
good a time to the River _Suere_, that wee stayed there but three dayes
in a _Spanish_ Farm neere unto it, and departed.

The Master of the Frigat was exceeding glad of our company, and offered
to carry mee for nothing, but for my prayers to God for him, and for a
safe passage; which hee hoped would not bee above three or four daies
sailing. What hee carried was nothing but some Hony, Hides, Bacon, meal
and fowles. The greatest danger he told us of, was the setting out from
the River, (which runs in some places with a very strong stream, is
shallow and full of rocks in other places) till wee come forth to the
maine Sea. Whither we got out safely and had not sailed on above twenty
leagues, when we discovered two ships making towards us; our hearts
began to quake, and the Master himselfe of the Frigat wee perceived
was not without feare, who suspected that they were _English_, or
_Holland_ Ships; wee had no guns nor weapons to fight with, save onely
foure or five Muskets and half a dozen Swords; wee thought the wings
of our nimble Frigat might be our best comfort, and flying away our
chiefest safety. But this comfort soon began to fail us, and our best
safety was turned into neer approaching danger; for before wee could
flie on five leagues towards _Portobel_, wee could from our Top Mast
easily perceive the two Ships to be _Hollanders_, and too nimble for
our little Vessell, which presently one of them (which being a Man of
Warre, was too much and too strong for our weaknesse) fetcht up, and
with a thundring Message made us strike Saile. Without any fighting wee
durst not but yeeld, hoping for better mercy. But O what sad thoughts
did here run to and fro my dejected heart, which was struck down lower
then our Saile? How did I sometimes look upon Deaths frighting visage?
But if again I would comfort and incourage my selfe against this feare
of Death; how then did I begin to see an end of all my hopes of ever
more returning to my wished and desired Country? How did I see that my
treasure of Pearles, pretious Stones, and peeces of Eight, and golden
Pistols, which by singing I had got in twelve yeers space, now within
one halfe houre ready to be lost with weeping, and become a sure prey
to those who with as much ease as I got them, and with laughing were
ready to spoile mee of all that with the sound of Flutes, Waits and
Organs I had so long been hording up? Now I saw I must forcedly and
fainedly offer up to a _Hollander_ what superstitious, yea also forced
and fained offerings of _Indians_ to their Saints of _Mixco, Pinola,
Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_ had for a while enriched mee. My further
thoughts were soone interrupted by the _Hollanders_ who came abord our
Frigat with more speed then wee desired. Though their Swords, Muskets
and Pistols did not a little terrifie, yet wee were somewhat comforted,
when wee understood who was their chief Captaine and Commander, and
hoped for more mercy from him, who had been born and brought up amongst
_Spaniards_, then from the _Hollanders_, who as they were little
bound unto the _Spanish_ Nation for mercy, so did wee expect little
from them. The Captain of this _Holland_ Ship which took us was a
Mulatto, born and bred in _Havana_, whose Mother I saw and spoke with
afterwards that same yeer, when the Galeons struck into that Port to
expect there the rest that were to come from _Vera Cruz_. This Mulatto
for some wrongs which had been offered unto him from some commanding
_Spaniards_ in the _Havana_, ventured himself desperately in a boat
out to the Sea, where were some _Holland_ Ships waiting for a prize,
and with Gods helpe getting unto them, yeelded himself to their mercy,
which hee esteemed farre better then that of his own Country-men,
promising to serve them faithfully against his owne Nation, which had
most injuriously and wrongfully abused, yea and (as I was afterwards
informed) whipped him in the _Havana_.

This Mulatto proved so true and faithful in his good services unto
the _Hollanders_, that they esteemed much of him, marryed him to one
of their Nation, and made him Captain of a Ship under that brave and
gallant _Hollander_ whom the _Spaniards_ then so much feared, and
named, _Pie de Palo_, or Woodden Leg. This famous Mulatto it was that
with his Sea Souldiers borded our Frigat, in the which hee had found
little worth his labour, had it not been for the _Indians_ offerings
which I carryed with mee, of which I lost that day the worth of four
thousand Patacons or peeces of eight in pearles, and pretious stones,
and neer three thousand more in money. The other _Spaniards_ lost
some hundreds a peece, which was so rich a prize, that it made the
_Hollanders_ stomach loath the rest of our grosse provision of Bacon,
Meale and Fowles, and our money tasted sweeter unto them, then the Hony
which our Frigat also afforded them. Other things I had (as a Quilt
to lie on, some Bookes, and Lamina's, which are pictures in brasse,
and clothes) which I begged of that Noble Captaine the Mulatto, who
considering my Orders and calling, gave mee them freely, and wished
me to bee patient, saying that hee could doe no otherwise then he did
with my mony and Pearles, and using that common Proverbe at Sea, _Oy
por mi, manana por ti_, to day fortune hath been for mee, to morrow
it may bee for thee: or to day I have got what to morrow I may lose
again. Here I made use also of that common saying, that il gotten goods
never thrive, and perceived it was the will of my heavenly Father to
take from me what so unlawfully by superstitious and idolatrous Masses,
by Offerings unto Idols and Statues of Saints I had got amongst the
_Indians_. I offered in lieu of those former offerings my will unto my
Lord Gods will, desiring him to grant mee patience to bear that great
losse. I confesse, though it was very crosse to flesh and blood, yet
I found an inward spirituall strengthning from above, and to be very
true what _Paul_ writes to the _Hebrews_ in the 12 Chapter, and Verse
11. saying, _No chastening for the present seemeth to bee joyous, but
grievous; neverthelesse afterward it yeeldeth the peaceable fruit of
righteousnesse unto them which are exercised thereby_: for that very
day I found my inward man quiet and peaceable with a full and totall
submission unto the holy will of God, which I desired might bee done
in earth, in the Sea, and performed and obeyed by me at that present,
as it is alwayes done in heaven. And although this was my best and
chief comfort, yet from the creature by the Creators permission I had
also some comfort left in a few pistols, some single, some double,
which I had sowed up in my Quilt (which the Captain restored unto
mee, saying it was the bed I lay in) and in the doublet which I had
at that present, which mounted to almost a thousand Crownes, and in
their searching was not found out. After the Captain and Souldiers had
well viewed their prize, they thought of refreshing their stomacks
with some of our provision; the good Captaine made a stately dinner
in our Frigat, and invited mee unto it, and knowing that I was going
towards the _Havana_, besides many other brindi's or healths, hee
drank one unto his mother, desiring mee to see her, and to remember
him unto her, and how that for her sake hee had used mee well and
courteously in what hee could; and further at Table hee said that for
my sake hee would give us our Frigat that wee might return again to
land, and that I might find out from thence some safer way and means
to get to _Portobelo_, & to continue on my journey unto _Spain_. After
dinner I conferred with the Captain alone, and told him that I was no
_Spaniard_, but an _English_ man born, shewing him the Licence which
I had from _Rome_ to goe to _England_, and that therefore I hoped,
not being of an enemy nation to the _Hollanders_, he would restore
unto me what goods were mine. But all this was of little consequence
with him, who had already taken possession of mine, and all other
goods in the ship: he told me, I must suffer with those, amongst whom
I was found, and that I might as wel claime all the goods in the ship
for mine. I desired him then to carry me along with him to _Holland_,
that from thence I might get to _England_, which also he refused to
doe, telling me that he went about from one place to another, and
knew not when he should goe to _Holland_, and that he was daily ready
to fight with any _Spanish_ ship, and if he should fight with the
_Spaniards_ whilst I was in his ship, his souldiers in their hot blood
might be ready to doe me a mischiefe, thinking I would doe them harm,
if in fight they should be taken by the _Spaniards_. With these his
answers I saw there was no hope of getting againe what now was lost,
therefore (as before) I commended my selfe againe to Gods providence
and protection. The Souldiers and Mariners of the _Holland_ ship, made
hast that afternoone, to unlode the goods of our Frigat into their Man
of warre, which tooke them up that, and part of the next day, whilst we
as prisoners were wafting up and down the sea with them. And whereas
we thought our mony had satisfied them enough, and to the full, we
found the next day that they had also a stomack to our fowles and
Bacon, and wanted our Meale to make them bread, and our hony to sweeten
their mouthes, and our Hydes for shooes and bootes; all which they
tooke away, leaving me my Quilt, Bookes, and brasse pictures, and to
the Master of the frigat some small provision, as much as might carry
us to land, which was not far off, and thus they tooke their leaves
of us, thanking us for their good entertainment. And we weary of such
guests, some praying to God that they might never entertaine the like
againe, some cursing them all, and especially the Mulatto to hell,
calling him Renegado; some thanking God for their lives which were
given them for a prey, we all returned again to _Suere_ from whence
we had set out, and going up the river, were almost like to bee cast
away, and lose our lives, after we had lost our goods. When we came to
land, the _Spaniards_ about the Countrey pitied our case, and helped
us with almes gathering a Collection for us. The three _Spaniards_ of
my company lost all their mony and most of their best clothes, yet
they had reserved some bills of Exchange for money to be taken up at
_Portobelo_; which I wished I had also for what I had lost. For the
present we knew not what course to take; we thought of going to _Rio de
los Anzuelos_, but we were informed that certainly the frigats there
were either gone, or would be gone before we could get thither; and
if they stayed not with the newes of the _Hollanders_ ships at sea,
they either already were or would be their prize, as we had been. We
resolved therefore with the charitable assistance of the _Spaniards_
about the Countrey to returne again to _Carthago_, and from thence to
take some better directions. In the way we conferred what we had saved,
the _Spaniards_ bragged yet of their bills of Exchange, which would
yeeld them mony at _Carthago_, I would not let them know what I had
saved, but somewhat I told them I had kept; and we agreed all the way
we went to signifie nothing but poverty and misery, that the _Indians_
and _Spaniards_ in the way might pitty and commiserate us, and our
great losses. When we came to _Carthago_ we were indeed much pittied,
and Collections were made for us; and as it was expected from mee, that
I should sing againe at the Altars (who truely could rather have cried
to see and consider my many misfortunes and disasters, which I desired
might at last by a safe returne to _England_, prove the trials of the
faith I intended to search out) and that I should preach wheresoever I
came; so by these two waies, of singing and of hudling over _Dominus
vobiscum_ and the rest of the Masse, and by accepting of what Sermons
were recommended unto me, I began againe to store my selfe with monies.
Yet I knew that in such a poore Countrey as that was, where I was
little knowne, I could not possibly get enough to bring me home with
credit into _England_, and therefore the cunning enemy finding me to
stand upon my credit, began strongly to tempt me to returne againe
to _Guatemala_ (where I doubted not but I should be welcomed and
entertained by my friends) and to settle my selfe there, untill I had
againe by sacrilegious, base, superstitious, and idolatrous means, and
works, made up a new purse to returne with credit home.

But I perceiving that God already had shewed himselfe angry, and justly
taken from me, what by unlawfull meanes I had in twelve yeers obtained,
bad Satan avaunt, purposing never more to returne to the flesh pots
of _Egypt_, and to goe still home-wards, though in the way I did beg
my bread. Yet (lest I might be suspected amongst the _Spaniards_, and
troubled for not exercising my orders and function) I resolved to take
what as to a stranger and traveller for preaching or any other exercise
might be offered unto me.

Thus with courage resolving to goe on still towards _England_, I
enquired at _Carthago_ which way I might get to _Portobelo_. But this
doore of hope was fast shut up; though my trust in Gods providence
was not weakened. In this season, there came to _Carthago_ some two
or three hundred Mules unsadled or unloaden with some _Spaniards,
Indians_, and _Black-mores_, from the parts of _Comayagua_ and
_Guatemala_ to convey them to _Panama_ by land, over the mountaines
of _Veragua_ there to be sold. This is the yeerly and onely trading
by land, which _Guatemala, Comayagua_, and _Nicaragua_, hath with
_Panama_ over that narrow _Isthmus_ lying between the North, and South
sea, which is very dangerous by reason of the craggy waies, rockes,
and mountaines, but more especially, by reason of many Heathens,
Barbarians and savage people, which as yet are not conquered by the
_Spaniards_, and sometimes do great hurt and mischief, and kill those
that with Mules passe through their Countrey, especially if they
misdemean themselves, or please them not well. Yet for all these
difficulties, I was entertaining a thought to go along with those Mules
and _Spaniards_, which were now on their way by land to _Panama_. The
three _Spaniards_ were halfe of the same mind; but the providence of
God who better ordereth and disposeth mans affaires then he himselfe,
disappointed these our thoughts for our good and safety, as after
we were informed; for we heard for certain at _Nicoya_, that some
of those Mules and _Spaniards_ were killed by the _Barbarians_ and
savage _Indians_, amongst whom my life might have been lost, if I had
attempted that hard and dangerous journey; from which many well wishers
at _Carthago_ did disswade me, both for the danger of the _Indians_,
and for the difficulties of the waies and mountaines, which they told
me the weakenesse of my body would never indure. After we had wholly
desisted from this Land journey, the best counsell, that we had from
some Merchants our friends, was to try whether _Mar del Zur_, or the
South sea, would favour our designe and journey, better then the
_Mar del Norte_, or the North sea had done; who wished us to goe to
_Nicoya_, and from thence to _Chira_, and to the _Golfo de Salinas_,
where they doubted not but we should find shipping to _Panama_. Wee
were willing to follow any good advise and counsell; yet we knew
that this was the last shift which we could make, and the _non plus
ultra_ of our hopes, and that if here we should be disappointed, we
could expect no other way ever to get to _Panama_, except we should
venture our lives most desperately over the mountaines of _Veragua_,
and by land without any guide or company through the Countrey of the
Barbarians, (who before had slaine some _Spaniards_ passing that
way) or else should returne againe, all the way that we had come, to
_Realejo_, where our hopes might be frustrated, and peradventure no
shipping found for _Panama_, without a yeers waiting for it.

We resolved therefore to follow this our friends counsell, and to
goe yet to _Nicoya_, and from thence to _Golfo de Salinas_, where
laughing, I told the three _Spaniards_ of my company, that if we were
disappointed, we would like _Hercules_ set up a Pillar to eternize our
fame, with our names, and this inscription upon it, _Non plus Ultra_,
for that beyond it there was no other Port, Haven, or place, to take
shipping to _Panama_; neither could any man have done more (nor ever
did any _English_ man in that Countrey doe more then my selfe) then
wee had done, but especially my selfe, who from _Mexico_ had thus
travelled by land to _Nicoya_ at lead six hundred leagues, or eighteen
hundred _English_ miles straight from North to South, besides what I
had travelled from _Vera Cruz_ to _Mexico_, and from _Guatemala_ to
_Vera Paz_, and to _Puerto de Cavallos_, or _Golfo dulce_, and from
thence to _Truxillo_, and from thence back againe to _Guatemala_, which
was at least thirteen or fourteen hundred _English_ miles more, which
I thought to eternize upon a pillar at _Nicoya_. But what there was
not erected, I hope here shall be eternized, and that this my true
and faithfull History shall bee a Monument of three thousand, and
three hundred miles travelled by an _English_ man, within the main
land of _America_, besides other sea navigations to _Panama_, from
_Portobel_ to _Carthagena_, and from thence unto the _Havana_. The way
which we travelled from _Carthago_ to _Nicoya_ was very mountainous,
hard, & unpleasant, for we met with few Estancia's of _Spaniards_, and
few _Indian_ Towns, and those very poor, smal, and all of dejected
and wretched people. Yet _Nicoya_ is a pretty Towne, and head of a
_Spanish_ government, where wee found one _Justo de Salazar_, Alcalde
Maior, who entertained us very well, and provided lodgings for us for
the time that wee should abide there, and comforted us with hopeful
words, that though for the present there was no ship or frigat in the
Golfe of _Salinas_, yet he doubted not, but very shortly one would
come from _Panama_ thither, for Salt and other commodities, as yeerly
they were wont. The time of the yeer when we came thither, was a fit
time for me to get againe some monies after my great losse; for it was
in Lent which is the Friers chiefest harvest, who (as I have before
observed) then by Confessions and by giving the Communion get many
money offerings.

The time, and the Franciscan Frier who had the Pastorship and charge
of that Towne, were both very commodious unto me, who could not refuse
as long as I stayed there to exercise my function, lest I should bring
a just cause of suspition and aspersion upon my selfe. The Frier of
the Towne was a _Portingal_, who about three weeks before my comming
thither had had a very great bickering and strife with _Justo de
Salazar_ the Alcalde Maior, for defending the _Indians_, whom _Salazar_
did grievously oppresse, employing them in his, and his wifes service
as slaves, and not paying them what for the sweat of their browes was
due unto them, and commanding them to be from their home and from their
wives, and from their Church upon the Sabbath, working for him as well
that day as any other. Which the Frier not enduring, charged them in
the pulpit, not to obey any such unlawfull commands from their Alcalde
Maior. But _Justo de Salazar_ (who had been trained up in warres and
fighting, and had served formerly in the Castle of _Milan_) thought it
a great disparagement unto him, now to be curbed by a Frier, and by
such a one to be interrupted in his government of the _Indians_, and
in the waies of his owne lucre and gaine. Therefore after many bitter
words and defiances, which had passed between him and the Frier, he
came one day resolutely to the Friers house with his sword drawne; and
certainly had not the Frier been assisted by some of the _Indians_, he
had killed him. The Frier being as hot as he, and standing upon his
calling, Orders, and Preisthood, presuming that hee durst not touch
him violently, lest his priviledge should bring an excommunication
upon the striker and offendour, would not flie from him, but dared him
boldly; which was a strong provocation to _Salazars_ heat and passion,
and caused him to lift up his sword, and aime his blow and stroke at
the Frier, which fell so unhappily that with it he strucke of two of
the Friers fingers, and had undoubtedly seconded another blow more
hurtfull and dangerous to the Frier, had not the _Indians_ interposed
themselves, and shut up their Preist into his chamber. _Justo_ was
for this action excommunicated, yet for that he was a man of high
authority, he soone got off his excommunication from the Bishop of
_Costarica_ and sent his complaint to the Chancery of _Guatemala_
against the Frier, where with friends and mony he doubted not but to
overcome the Mendicant Preist, as it happened after; for (as I was
informed) hee caused the Frier to be sent for up to the Court, and
there prevailed so much against him, that he got him to be removed
from _Nicoya_. In this season the Frier kept his house and chamber,
and would by no means goe out to the Church, either to say Masse, or
to preach, or hear Confessions, (all which that time of the yeer did
require of him) but had got one to helpe him; who alone not being able
to performe so great a charge of many hundred _Indians, Spaniards,
Black-mores_, and _Mulatto's_, who from the Countrey without, and
from the Towne within expected to have their Confessions heard, their
sins absolved, the word preached, and the Communion to be given them;
hearing of my comming desired me to assist and helpe him, and that
for my paines I should have my meat and drinke at his table, and a
Crowne daily for every Masse, and whatsoever else the people should
voluntarily offer, besides the Sermons, which should be well rewarded
unto me. I staied in this Towne from the second week of Lent untill
Easter weeke, where what with three Sermons at ten Crownes a peece,
what with my daily stipend and many other offerings, I got about an
hundred and fifty Crownes.

The weeke before Easter newes came of a frigat from _Panama_ to _Golfo
de Salinas_, which much comforted us, who already began to mistrust the
delay. The Master of the frigat came to _Nicoya_, which is as Court
thereabouts; and with him the three _Spaniards_ and my selfe agreed for
our passage to _Panama_. About _Chira, Golfo de Salinas_, and _Nicoya_,
there are some farmes of _Spaniards_, few and very small _Indian_
Townes, who are all like slaves employed by the Alcalde Maior, to make
him a kind of thred called Pita, which is a very rich Commodity in
_Spain_, especially of that colour wherewith it is dyed in these parts
of _Nicoya_, which is a purple colour; for the which the _Indians_ are
here much charged to work about the Sea shore, and there to finde out
certain shels, wherewith they make this purple dye.

There are also shels for other colours, which are not knowne to be so
plentifully in any other place as here. About _Chira_ and _Golfo de
Salinas_ the chief commodities are Salt, Hony, Maiz, some Wheat and
Fowles, which every yeer they send by some few Frigats to _Panama_,
which from thence come on purpose to fetch them with this purple
coloured thred, or _Pita_, which I have spoken of. The Frigat which
came when I was there, was soon laden with these Commodities, and with
it we set out hoping to have been at _Panama_ within five or six dayes.
But as often before we had been crossed, so likewise in this short
passage wee were striving with the Wind, Sea, and Corrientes, as they
are called (which are swift streames as of a River) foure full weekes.
After the first day that wee set out, wee were driven with a wind
and storme towards _Peru_, till wee came under the very Æquinoctiall
line, where what with excessive heat, what with mighty stormes, we
utterly despaired of life. But after one week that we had thus run
towards death, it pleased God in whom and by whom all creatures live,
move, and have their being, to comfort us againe with hopes of life,
sending us a prosperous gale, which drove us out of that Æquinoctiall
heat, and stormy Sea, towards the Islands of _Perlas_ and _Puerta de
Chame_, lying on the South side of the Mountaines of _Veragua_, from
whence wee hoped within two dayes at the most, to be at rest and Anchor
at _Panama_. But yet these our hopes were frustrated, for there our
wind was calmed, and we fell upon those strong Corrientes or streams,
which drave us back in the night for the space of almost a fortnight
as much as wee had sailed in the day. Had not God againe been merciful
here unto us, we had certainly perished in this our striving with the
stream; for although wee wanted not provision of food, yet our drink
failed us so, that for foure dayes wee tasted neither drop of wine or
water, or any thing that might quench our thirst, save onely a little
hony which wee found did cause more thirst in us, which made mee and
some others to drink our own Urine, and to refresh our mouthes with
peeces of lead bullets, which did for a while refresh, but would not
long have sufficed Nature, had not Gods good Providence sent us such
a wind which in the day drave us quite off from those Corrientes. Our
first thoughts were then to strike either to the Continent, or some
Island of many which were about us to seek for water, finding our
bodies weak and languishing; which the Captaine of the Ship would by
no meanes yeeld unto, assuring us that that day hee would land us at
_Panama_; but wee not being able to saile on without drink, unlesse
wee should yeeld to have our dead and not live bodies landed where hee
promised, thought it no good purchase though we might buy all _Panama_
with our lives, which wee judged could not hold out another day; and
seeing that the wind began to slacken, we all required him to strike
into some Island for water; which he stubbornly refused and denyed to
doe; whereupon the three _Spaniards_ and some of the Mariners mutinied
against him with drawn Swords, threatning to kill him if he betooke not
himselfe presently to some Island. The good Master thought it bad sport
to see Swords at his breast, and so commanded his Ship to bee turned
to two or three Islands, which were not above two or three houres sail
from us. When we drew nigh unto them, wee cast our Anchor, and our
Cock-boat, and happy was hee that could first cast himself into it to
be rowed to land to fill his belly with water. The first Island wee
landed upon, was on that side unhabitable, where wee spent much time
running to and fro, over heating our selves and increasing our thirst;
thus whilst one ran one way, and another tryed another to find out
some fountain, our hopes being frustrated and I lost in the Wood, and
my shooes torne from my feet, with stony rocks, and many thornes and
bushes in other places; my company betook themselves to the Cock-boat
to try another Island, leaving mee alone, and lost in the Wood; out
of which at last when I came, and found the Cock-boat gone from the
shore, I began to consider myself a dead man, thinking that they had
found water and were gone to Ship, and not finding mee would hoise up
their sailes for _Panama_. Thus being dejected I cryed out to the Ship,
which I perceived could not possibly hear my weak voyce, and running
up and down the Rocks to see if I could discover the Cock-boat, I
perceived it was not with the Ship, and espied it at the next Island.
With this I began to hope better things of them that they would call
for mee when they had gotten water; so I came down from the Rocks to
the plain shore, where I found a shade of trees and amongst them some
berries (which might have been poison, for I knew them not) wherewith
I refreshed my mouth for a while; but my body so burned that I thought
there with heat, weaknesse and faintnesse I should have expired and
given up the Ghost. I thought by stripping my selfe naked and going
into the Sea unto my neck, I might thus refresh my body, which I did,
and comming out againe into the shade, I fell into a deep sleep, in
so much that the Cock-boat comming for mee, and the company hollowing
unto mee, I awaked not, which made them feare that I was dead or lost;
till landing, one searched for mee one way, and another another, and
so they found me, who might have been a prey to some wild Beast, or
slept till the Frigat had gone away, and so have perished in a barren
and unhabitable Island. When they awaked mee, I was glad to see my good
company, and the first thing I enquired for, was, if they had got any
water; they bad mee bee of good cheere and arise, for they had water
enough, and Oranges and Lemmons from another Island, where they met
with _Spaniards_ that did inhabit it. I made haste with them to the
Boat, and no sooner was I entred into it, but they gave mee to drink
as much as I would. The water was warme and unsetled, for they could
not take it up so but that they tooke of the gravell and bottome of the
Fountain, which made it look very muddy; yet for all this (as though
my life had depended upon it) I drank up a whole pot of it; which no
sooner had I dranke, but such was the weaknesse of my stomack that it
presently cast it up againe not being able to beare it. With this they
wished me to eat an Orange or a Lemmon; but them also did my stomack
reject; so to our Frigat wee went, and in the way I fainted so that
the company verily thought I would die, before wee got aboard. When
wee came thither I called againe for water, which was no sooner downe
my stomack, but presently up again; they had mee to bed with a burning
Feaver upon mee; where I lay that night expecting nothing but death,
and that the Sea should bee my grave.

The Master of the Ship seeing the wind was turned, began to bee much
troubled, and feared that with that wind he should never get to
_Panama_. He resolved to venture upon a way, which never before hee
had tryed; which was, to get between the two Islands which wee had
searched for water, knowing that the wind, which on this side was
contrary, on the other side of the Islands would bee favourable unto
him. Thus towards the Evening hee tooke up Anchor and hoised up his
sailes, and resolved to passe his Frigat between the two Islands; which
how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, the event witnessed.
I lay in this season (as I may truely say) upon my death bed, not
regarding which way the Master of the Ship, or fortune carried mee, so
that the mercy of the Lord carryed my soule to heaven. No sooner had
the Frigat steered her course between the narrow passage of the two
Islands, when being carryed with the stream too much to the one side
of the land it ran upon a Rock; so that the very stern was lifted up,
and almost call out of the Pilots hands, who cryed out not to God, but
unto the Virgin _Mary_ saying, _Ayudad nos Virgen Santissima, que si
no aqui nos perecemos_, help us, O most holy Virgin, for if not, here
we perish. This, and the outcry of all that were in the Frigat gave
unto mee an Alarm of death; from the which yet it pleased God by the
meanes and diligence of the painefull Mariners to deliver mee and all
the Company, for with much adoe most part of that night they haled from
the Cock-boat the Frigat off from the Rock, after the streame had made
it three severall times to strike upon it. After a very troublesome
night in the morning wee got our little Ship out of all danger and from
between the two Islands on the other side of them, where wee sailed
prosperously towards _Panama_. That morning my stomack recovered some
of its lost strength, and I began to eat and to drink, and to walk
about, rejoycing much to see those pleasant Islands which wee sailed
by. In the Evening wee got to _Puerto de Perico_; where wee cast
Anchor, expecting to bee searched in the morning; but that night (the
Master of our Ship having gone to shore) the wind turned and blew so
strong that wee lost our Anchor, and and were driven back almost to _la
Pacheque_ and feared wee should bee carried out into the Ocean againe
so farre that we should with great difficulty get to _Panama_. But that
God whom the Sea and winds doe obey, turned againe that contrary wind
into a prosperous gale, wherewith wee came once more unto _Perico_;
and being searched wee went on with full sail to _Panama_; Being neere
the Port and without an Anchor in our Ship the wind once more blew
us back and had not the Ship Master sent us an Anchor, we had gon
againe to _Pacheque_ or further. But with that anchor we stayed all
that night at _Perico_, wondring among our selves that so many crosses
should befall us, which made some say that we were bewitched; others,
that certainly there was amongst us some excommunicated person, whom
they said if they knew of, they would hurle him over bord. Whilst they
were in this discourse, the wind turned yet againe, and we levying our
anchor went on to _Panama_, whither it pleased God that time safely
to conduct us in. I being now well strengthened made no stay in that
frigat, which I thought would have been my last abiding place in this
world, but went to land, and betooke my selfe to the Cloister of the
Dominicans, where I stayed almost fifteen daies viewing and reviewing
that City; which is governed like _Guatemala_ by a President and six
Judges, and a Court of Chancery, and is a Bishops sea. It hath more
strength towards the South sea, then any other Port which on that side
I had seen, and some Ordnances planted for the defence of it; but the
houses are of the least strength of any place that I had entred in; for
lime and stone is hard to come by, and therefore for that reason, and
for the great heat there, most of the houses are built of timber and
bords; the Presidents house, nay the best Church walls are but bords,
which serve for stone and bricke, and for tiles to cover the top. The
heat is so extraordinary that a linnen cut doublet, with some slight
stuffe or taffetie breeches is the common cloathing of the inhabitants.
Fish, fruits and herbage for sallets is more plentifull there then
flesh; the coole water of the Coco is the womens best drinke, though
Chocolatte also, and much wine from _Peru_ be very abounding. The
_Spaniards_ are in this City much given to sinne, loosenesse and
venery especially, who make the _Black-mores_, (who are many, rich,
and gallant) the chiefe objects of their lust. It is held to be one of
the richest places in all _America_, having by land and by the river
_Chiagre_ commerce with the North sea, and by the South, trading with
all _Peru, East-India's, Mexico_, and _Honduras_. Thither is brought
the chiefe treasure of _Peru_ in two or three great ships, which lie
at anchor at _Puerto de Perico_ some three leagues from the City; for
the great ebbing of the sea at that place especially suffereth not any
great vessell to come neerer, where daily the sea ebbs and falls away
from the City two or three miles, leaving a mud, which is thought to
cause much unhealthinesse in that place, being seconded with many other
muddy and moorish places about the Town. It consisteth of some five
thousand inhabitants, and maintaineth at least eight Cloisters of Nuns
and Friers. I feared much the heats, and therefore made as much haste
out of it as I could. I had my choice of company by land and water to
_Portobelo_. But considering the hardnesse of the mountaines by land,
I resolved to goe by the river _Chiagre_; and so at midnight I set out
from _Panama_ to _Venta de Cruzes_, which is ten or twelve leagues from
it. The way is thither very plaine for the most part, and pleasant in
the morning and evening.

Before ten of the clock we got to _Venta de Cruzes_, where live none
but _Mulatto's_ and _Black-mores_, who belong unto the flat boates
that carry the merchandize to _Portobel_. There I had very good
entertainment by that people, who desired me to preach unto them
the next Sabbath day, and gave me twenty Crownes for a Sermon, and
procession. After five daies of my abode there, the boats set out,
which were much stopped in their passage downe the river; for in some
places we found the water very low, so that the boats ran upon the
gravell; from whence with poles and the strength of the _Black-mores_
they were to be lifted off againe; sometimes again we met with such
streams that carried us with the swiftnesse of an arrow downe under
trees and boughes by the river side, which sometimes also stopped us
till we had cut downe great branches of trees. Had not it pleased God
to send us after the first weeke plentifull raine, which made the water
run downe from the mountaines and fill the river (which otherwise
of it selfe is very shallow) we might have had a tedious and longer
passage; but after twelve daies we got to the sea, and at the point
landed at the Castle to refresh our selves for halfe a day. Certainly
the _Spaniards_ trust to the streames and shallownesse of that river,
which they thinke will keep off any forain nation, from attempting
to come up to _Venta de Cruzes_ and from thence to _Panama_, or else
they would strengthen more and fortifie that Castle, which in my time
wanted great reparations, and was ready to fall downe to the ground.
The Governour of the Castle was a notable wine-bibber, who plyed us
with that liquor the time that we stayed there, and wanting a Chaplain
for himselfe, and Souldiers, would faine have had me stayed with him;
but greater matters called me further, and so I tooke my leave of him,
who gave us some dainties of fresh meat, fish, and conserves, and so
dismissed us. We got out to the open sea, discovering first the _Escudo
de Veragua_, and keeping somewhat close unto the land we went on rowing
towards _Portobel_, till the evening which was Saturday night; then we
cast anchor behind a little Island, resolving in the morning to enter
in _Portobel_. The _Black-mores_ all that night kept watch for fear of
_Hollanders_, whom they said did often lie in wait thereabouts for the
boats of _Chiagre_; but we passed the night safely, and next morning
got to _Portobelo_, whose haven we observed to be very strong with two
Castles at the mouth and constant watch within them, and another called
_St. Miguel_ further in the Port.

When I came into the Haven I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons
were not come from _Spaine_, knowing that the longer I stayed in that
place, greater would be my charges. Yet I comforted my selfe that the
time of the yeer was come, and that they could not long delay their
coming. My first thoughts were of taking up a lodging, which at that
time were plentifull and cheape, nay some were offered me for nothing
with this caveat, that when the Galeons did come, I must either leave
them, or pay a dear rate for them. A kind Gentleman, who was the Kings
Treasurer, falling in discourse with me promised to helpe me, that I
might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at
the highest rate. Hee, interposing his authority, went with me to seeke
one, which at the time of the fleets being there, might continue to be
mine. It was no bigger then would containe a bed, a table, and a stoole
or two, with roome enough besides to open and shut the doore, and they
demanded of me for it during the foresaid time of the Fleet, sixcore
Crownes, which commonly is a fortnight. For the Towne being little, and
the Souldiers, that come with the Galeons for their defence at least
four or five thousand; besides Merchants from _Peru_, from _Spain_
and many other places to buy and sell, is the cause that every roome,
though never so small be dear; and sometimes all the lodgings in the
Towne are few enough for so many people, which at that time doe meet at
_Portobel_. I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crownes for a shop
of reasonable bignesse, to sell his wares and commodities that yeer
that I was there, for fifteen daies only, which the Fleet continued
to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the sixcore
Crownes which were demanded of me for a room, which was but as a mouse
hole, and began to be troubled, and told the Kings Treasurer that I
had been lately robbed at sea, and was not able to give so much, and
bee besides at charges for my diet, which I feared would prove as much
more. But not a farthing would be abated of what was asked; whereupon
the good Treasurer pitying me, offered to the man of the house to pay
him threescore Crowns of it, if so be that I was able to pay the rest,
which I must doe, or else lie without in the street. Yet till the
Fleet did come I would not enter into this deare hole, but accepted of
another faire lodging which was offered me for nothing. Whilest I thus
expected the Fleets coming, some mony and offerings I got for Masses,
and for two Sermons which I preached at fifteen Crownes a peece. I
visited the Castles, which indeed seemed unto me to be very strong;
but what most I wondred at was to see the requa's of Mules which came
thither from _Panama_, laden with wedges of silver; in one day I told
two hundred Mules laden with nothing else, which were unladen in the
publicke Market place, so that there the heapes of silver wedges lay
like heaps of stones in the street, without any feare or suspition
of being lost. Within ten daies the fleet came, consisting of eight
Galeons and ten Merchant ships, which forced me to run to my hole. It
was a wonder then to see the multitude of people in those streets which
the weeke before had been empty.

Then began the price of all things to rise, a fowl to be worth twelve
Rials, which in the main land within I had often bought for one; a
pound of beefe then was worth two Rialls, whereas I had had in other
places thirteen pound for half a Riall, and so of all other food and
provision, which was so excessive dear, that I knew not how to live but
by fish and Tortoises, which there are very many, and though somewhat
deare, yet were the cheapest meat that I could eate. It was worth
seeing how Merchants sold their commodities, not by the Ell or yard,
but by the piece and weight, not paying in coined peeces of mony, but
in wedges which were weighed and taken for commodities. This lasted but
fifteen dayes, whilst the Galeons were lading with wedges of silver
and nothing else; so that for those fifteen daies, I dare boldly say
and avouch, that in the world there is no greater Fair then that
of _Portobel_, between the _Spanish_ Merchants and those of _Peru,
Panama_, and other parts thereabouts.

Whilest this traffique was, it happened unto me, that which I have
formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at _Pauls_ Church, which if
by that meanes it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire
again to record it in this my History, that to all _England_ it may be
published; which was, that one day saying Masse in the chiefe Church,
after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that
mentall prayer, which the Church of _Rome_ calleth the _Memento_ for
their dead, there came from behind the Altar a mouse, which running
about, came to the very bread or wafer God of the Papists, and taking
it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the
people who were at Masse, for that the Altar was high by reason of the
steps going up to it, and the people farre beneath. But as soone as I
opened my eyes to goe on with my Masse, and perceived my God stollen
away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it;
which on a suddain did so stupifie me, that I knew not well what to doe
or say, and calling my wits together, I thought that if I should take
no notice of the mischance, and any body else in the Church should, I
might justly be questioned by the Inquisition; but if I should call
to the people to look for the Sacrament, then I might bee but chid
and rebuked for my carelessenesse; which of the two I thought would
be more easily borne, then the rigour of the Inquisition. Whereupon
not knowing what the people had seen, I turned my selfe unto them, and
called them unto the Altar, and told them plainely, that whilest I was
in my _Memento_ prayers and meditations, a mouse had carried away the
Sacrament, and that I knew not what to doe, unlesse they would helpe
me to find it out again. The people called a Priest that was at hand,
who presently brought in more of his Coat; and as if their God by this
had been eaten up they presently prepared themselves to find out the
thief, as if they would eat up the mouse that had so assaulted and
abused their God; they lighted candles and torches to find out the
Malefactour in his secret and hidden places of the wall; and after much
searching and enquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last
in a hole of the wall the Sacrament halfe eaten up; which with great
joy they took out, and as if the Arke had been brought again from the
_Philistines_ to the _Israelites_, so they rejoyced for their new found
God, whom with many people now resorted to the Church, with many lights
of candles and Torches, with joyfull and solemne musicke they carried
about the Church in procession. My selfe was present upon my knees,
shaking and quivering for what might be done unto mee, and expecting my
doome and judgement; and as the Sacrament passed by me, I observed in
it the markes and signes of the teeth of the mouse, as they are to bee
seen in a piece of cheese gnawne and eaten by it.

This struck mee with such horrour, that I cared not at that present
whether I had been torne in a thousand peices for denying publickely
that Mouse-eaten God, I called to my best memory all Philosophy
concerning substance and accidents, and resolved within my selfe that
what I saw gnawne, was not an accident, but some reall substance eaten
and devoured by that vermin, which certainly was fed and nourished
by what it had eaten, and Philosophy well teacheth; _substantia Cibi
(non accidentis) convertitur in substantiam alii_, the substance (not
the accident,) of the food or meat is converted, and turned into the
substance of the thing fed by it and alimented; Now here I knew that
this Mouse had fed upon some substance, or else how could the markes
of the teeth so plainely appeare? But no Papist will bee willing to
answer that it fed upon the substance of Christs Body, _ergo_ by good
consequence it followes that it fed upon the substance of bread; and so
Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse; which
meane and base creature God chose to convince mee of my former errours,
and made mee now resolve upon what many yeeres before I had doubted,
that certainly the point of Transubstantiation taught by the Church of
_Rome_ is most damnable and erroneous; for besides, what before I have
observed, it contradicteth that Philosophicall Axiome, teaching that
_duo contradictoria non possunt simul & semel de eodem verificari_, two
contradictories cannot at once and at the self same time be said, and
verified of the same thing; but here it was so; for here in _Romes_
Judgement and opinion Christs body was gnawne and eaten, and at the
same time the same body in another place and upon another Altar in
the hands of another Preist was not eaten and gnawne, Therefore here
are two contradictories verified of the same body of Christ: to
wit, it was eaten and gnawne, and it was not eaten and gnawne. These
impressions at that time were so great in me, that I resolved within my
selfe, that bread really and truely was eaten upon that Altar, and by
no meanes Christs glorious body which is in heaven, and cannot be upon
earth, subject to the hunger or violence of a creature. Here againe I
desired with godly _David_, that I might have the wings of a Dove to
flie into my Country of _England_, and there be satisfied upon this
point, and be at rest of Conscience. Here I resolved that if I had been
questioned for my carelessenesse, or for my contempt of that Romish
Sacrament (which I thought would be the judgement of the _Spaniards_,
who knew me to be an _English_ man borne) that I would sacrifice
willingly my life for the Protestant truth, which as yet I had been
no otherwise taught, but by that Spirit which (as _Solomon_ well
observeth) in a man is the candle of the Lord. I conceived here that
this was some comfort to my soule, which my good God would afford mee
in the way of my travelling to _Canaan_, that I might more willingly
beare whatsoever crosses yet might befall mee in my way and Journey to
_England_. The event of this accident was not any trouble that fell
upon mee for it; for indeed the _Spaniards_ attributed it unto the
carelessnesse of him, who had care of the Altars in the Church, and
not to any contempt in mee to the Sacrament. The part of the wafer
that was left after the Mouse had filled her belly, was laid up after
the Solemne Procession about the Church, in a Tabernacle for that
purpose, that afterwards it might be eaten up by some hungry Preist.
And because such a high contempt had beene offered by a contemptible
Vermin to their Bread God, it was commanded through _Portabel_ that
day, that all the people should humble themselves and mourn, and fast
with bread and water onely. Although I saw I was not questioned for
the case, yet I feared where there were so many Souldiers, and forain
people, that by some or other I might bee mischiefed out of their
blind zeale, wherefore I thought it not amisse for a day or two to
keepe within my lodging. _Don Carlos de Ybarra_, who was the Admirall
of that Fleet, made great haste to bee gone; which made the Merchants
buy and sell apace, and lade the ships with silver wedges; whereof I
was glad, for the more they laded, the lesse I unladed my purse with
buying deare provision, and sooner I hoped to be out of that unhealthy
place, which of it selfe is very hot, and subject to breed Feavers,
nay death, if the feet bee not preserved from wetting when it raineth;
but especially when the Fleet is there, it is an open grave ready to
swallow in part of that numerous people, which at that time resort unto
it, as was seene the yeare that I was there when about five hundred of
the Souldiers, Merchants, and Mariners, what with Feavers, what with
the Flux caused by too much eating of fruit and drinking of water, what
with other disorders lost their lives, finding it to bee to them not
_Porto bello_, but _Porto malo_. And this is usuall every yeare; and
therefore for the reliefe and comfort of those that come sick from Sea,
or sicken there, a great and rich Hospitall is in the Towne, with many
Fryers called _De la Capacha_, or by others _De Juan de Dios_, whose
calling and profession is onely to cure, and attend upon the sick, and
to beare the dead unto their graves. The Admirall fearing the great
sicknesse that yeare, made haste to be gone, not fearing the report
that was of some three or four _Holland_ or _English_ ships abroad at
Sea, waiting (as it was supposed) for some good prize out of that great
and rich Fleet. This news made mee beginne to feare, and to thinke of
securing my selfe in one of the best and strongest Galeons; but when I
came to treat of my passage in one of them, I found that I could not
bee carryed in any under three hundred Crownes, which was more then my
purse was able to afford. With this I thought to addresse my self to
some Master of a Merchants ship, though I knew I could not bee so safe
and secure in any of them, as in a Galeon well manned and fortified
with Souldiers, and Guns of Brasse; yet I hoped in God, who is a
strong refuge to them that feare him, and in this occasion provided
for mee, a cheap and sure passage. For meeting one day with my friend
the Treasurer, hee againe pitying me as a stranger and lately robbed,
commended me to the Master of a Merchant Ship, called St. _Sebastian_,
whom hee knew was desirous to carry a Chaplaine with him at his own
Table. I no sooner addressed my selfe unto him, using the name and
favour of his and my friend the Treasurer, but presently I found him
willing to accept of my company, promising to carry me for nothing,
and to board mee at his own Table, onely for my prayers to God for him
and his; offering farther to give mee some satisfaction for whatsoever
Sermons I should preach in his Ship. I blessed God, acknowledging in
this also his Providence, who in all occasions furthered my returne to
_England_. The Ships being laden wee set forth towards _Carthagena_,
and the second day of our sayling wee discovered foure Ships which
made the Merchant Ships afraid, and to keepe close to the Galeons,
trusting to their strength more then their own. The Ship I was in, was
swift and nimble under sail, and kept still under the wings either of
the Admirall or of some other of the best Galeons; but all the other
Merchants Ships were not so, but some slowly came on behind, whereof
two were carryed away by the _Hollanders_ in the night, before ever wee
could get to _Carthagena_.

The greatest feare that I perceived possessed the _Spaniards_ in this
Voyage, was about the Island of _Providence_, called by them _Sta
Catalina_, or St. _Catharine_, from whence they feared lest some
_English_ Ships should come out against them with great strength.
They cursed the _English_ in it, and called the Island, the den of
theeves and Pirates, wishing that their King of _Spain_ would take
some course with it; or else, that it would prove very prejudiciall
to the _Spaniards_, lying neer the mouth of the _Desaguadero_, and so
endangering the Frigats of _Granada_, and standing between _Portobel_
and _Carthagena_, and so threatning the Galeons, and their Kings
yeerely and mighty treasure.

Thus with bitter invectives against the _English_ and the Island of
_Providence_ we sayled on to _Carthagena_, where againe wee met with
the foure Ships, which before had followed us and had taken away two of
our Ships, and now at our entering into that Port, threatned to carry
away more of our company; which they might have done, if they would
have ventured to have come upon the Ship wherein I went, which at the
turning about the land point to get into the Haven, ran upon the shore,
which if it had been rocky, as it was sandy and gravelly, had certainly
there beene cast away by keeping too neere unto the land, from which
danger by the care of the Mariners, and their active paines we were
safely delivered, as also from the ships which followed us as far as
they durst for fear of the Cannon shot of the Castle; and thus we
entered into the Haven of _Carthagena_, and stayed there for the space
of eight or ten dayes; where I met with some of my Country men their
Prisoners, who had been taken at Sea by the _Spaniards_, and belonged
unto the Island of _Providence_; among whom was the Renowned Captaine
_Rouse_, and about a dozen more, with whom I was glad to meet, but
durst not shew them too much countenance, for feare of being suspected;
yet I soon got the good will of some of them, who, being destined to
_Spain_, were very desirous to goe in the ship, wherein I went; which
desire of theirs I furthered, and was suiter unto my Captaine to carry
foure of them in his ship, which for my sake he willingly yeelded unto;
amongst these was one _Edward Layfield_, (who afterwards setting out
of St. _Lucar_ for _England_, was taken Captive by the _Turkes_, and
since from _Turkey_ writ into _England_ unto mee to helpe to release
him) with whom both at _Carthagena_, and in the way in the ship I had
great discourse concerning points of Religion, and by him came to know
some things professed in _England_, which my conscience (whilst I lived
in _America_) much inclined unto. I was much taken with his company,
and found him very officious unto mee, whose kindnesse I requited by
speaking for him in the ship to the Masters and Mariners, who otherwise
were ready and forward to abuse him and the rest of the _English_
company as prisoners and slaves.

At _Carthagena_ wee heard a report of threescore saile of ships of
_Hollanders_ waiting for the Galeons, which struck no little feare
into the _Spaniards_; who called a councell whether our Fleet should
winter there, or goe on to _Spain_. It proved to be but a false report
of the Inhabitants of _Carthagena_, who for their own ends and lucre
would willingly have had the ships and Galeons to have stayed there;
but _Don Carlos de Ybarra_ replyed, that hee feared not a hundred
saile of _Hollanders_, and therefore would goe on to _Spain_, hoping
to carry thither safely the Kings treasure. Which hee performed and in
eight dayes arrived at _Havana_, where we stayed eight dayes longer,
expecting the Fleet from _Vera Cruz_. In which time I viewed wel that
strong Castle manned with the twelve Guns, called the twelve Apostles,
which would doe little hurt to an Army by land, or marching from the
River of _Matansos_. I visited here the mother of that Mulatto, who had
taken away all my meanes at Sea; and spent much time in comforting my
poore Country men the prisoners; but especially that gallant Captaine
_Rouse_, who came unto mee to complaine of some affronts which had been
offered unto him by _Spaniards_, in the ship wherein he came; which
hee not being able to put up, though a Prisoner unto them desired to
question in the field, challenging his proud contemners to meet him if
they durst in any place of the Havana, (a brave courage in a dejected
and Imprisoned _English_ man to challenge a _Spaniard_ in his Country,
a Cock upon his own dunghill,) which as soone as I understood by
_Edward Layfield_, I desired to take up, fearing that many would fall
upon him cowardly and mince him small in peices. I sent for him to the
Cloister where I lay, and there had conference with him, prevailing
so far as that I made him desist from his thoughts of going into the
field, and shewing his manhood in such a time and place, where his
low condition of a Prisoner might well excuse him. The rest of my
poore country men were here much discouraged and in some want; whom
I relieved (especially _Layfield_) and incouraged as much as I was
able. I chanced here to have occasion to take a little physick before
I went again to Sea, & thereby I learned what before I never knew,
to wit, the dyet which on such a day the best Physitians of _Havana_
prescribe unto their patients. Whereas after the working of my physick,
I expected some peece of Mutton, or a fowl, or some other nourishing
meat, my Physitian left order that I should have a peece of rosted
Porke, which seeming unto mee a Dyet contrary to that daies extremity,
I began to refuse it, alleadging to my Doctor the contrary course of
all Nations, the naturall quality of that meat to open the body. To
which he replyed, that what Porke might worke upon mans body in other
Nations, it worked not there, but the contrary; and so he wished me
to feed upon what hee had prescribed, assuring mee that it would doe
mee no hurt. Now as Hogs flesh there is held to be so nourishing, so
likewise no other meat is more then it, and Tortoises, wherewith all
the ships make their provision for _Spain_. The Tortoises they cut out
in long thin slices, as I have noted before of the Tassajos, and dry
it in the wind after they have well salted it, and so it serveth the
Mariners, in all their voyage to _Spain_, which they eate boyled with
a little garlicke, and I have heard them say that to them it tasted
as well as any Veale. They also take into their ships some fowles for
the Masters and Captaines tables, and live hogs, which would seem to
be enough to breed some infection in the ship, had they not care to
wash often the place where such unclean beasts lie. In the ship where
I was passenger, was killed every weeke one for the Masters, Pilots
and passengers table. Thus all things being made ready for the ships
provision to _Spain_, and the Merchants goods and the Kings Revenue
being shipped in nine dayes that we abode there; we now wanted nothing,
but onely the company of the Fleet from _Vera Cruz_, which should have
met us there upon the eight day of _September_. But _Don Carlos de
Ybarra_, seeing it stayed longer then the time appointed, and fearing
the weather, & the New Moon of that moneth which commonly proveth
dangerous in the Golf of _Bahama_, resolved to stay no longer, but
to set out to _Spain_. On a Sabbath day therefore in the morning we
hoised sails, (being in all seven and twenty ships with those which had
met with us there from _Honduras_ and the Islands), and one by one we
sailed out of Havana to the main Sea, where we that day wafted about
for a good wind, and also waiting for our guide, which was not yet come
out of the Havana to guide us through the Gulfe of _Bahama_. But that
night wee wished our selves againe in the Havana, thinking that we
were compassed about with a strong Fleet of _Hollanders_; many ships
came amongst us, which made us provide for a fight in the morning. A
Councell of War was called, and all that night watch was kept, the Guns
prepared, red Clothes hung round the ships, Orders sent about both to
the Galeons and to the Merchants ships what posture and place to bee
in. That which I was in, was to attend the Admirall, which I hoped
would bee a strong defence unto us; Our men were couragious and ready
to fight, though I liked not such Martiall business and discourse; but
for mee a place was prepared where I might lie hid, and be safe among
some barrels of bisket; I had all the night enough to doe, to heare
the confessions of those in the Ship, who thought they could not dye
happily with the shot of a _Holland_ Bullet, untill they had confessed
all their sinnes unto mee, who towards morning had more need of rest,
then of fighting, after the wearying of my eares with hearing so many
wicked, grievous and abominable sinnes. But the dawning of the day
discovered our causelesse feare; which was from friends, and not from
any enemies or _Hollanders_; for the ships which were joyned unto us
in the night were as fearefull of us, as we of them, and prepared
themselves likewise to fight in the morning, which shewed unto us
their colours, whereby wee knew that they were the Fleet which wee
expected from _Vera Cruz_ to goe along with us to _Spain_. They were
two and twenty Sail, which little thought to find us out of the Havana,
but within the Haven lying at Anchor, waiting for their comming, and
therefore in the night feared us much more then wee them. But when the
day cleared our doubts, feares and jealousies, then began the Martiall
colours to be taken down; the joyfull sound of Trumpets with the helpe
of Neptunes Kingdomes ecchoed from ship to ship, the boates carryed
welcoming messages from one to another, the _Spanish_ Brindis with
_buen Viaje, buen passaje_, was generally cried out, the whole morning
was spent in friendly acclamations and salutations from ship to ship.
But in the midst of this our joy, and Sea greetings, wee being now
in all two and fifty Saile, (yet wee not knowing well how many they
were from _Vera Cruz_, nor they how many wee were from the Havana) two
ships were found amongst us, whether _English_ or _Hollanders_ wee
could not well discover, but the _English_ Prisoners with mee told mee
they thought one was a ship of _England_ called the _Neptune_, which
having got the wind of us, singled out a ship of ours, which belonged
to _Dunkerk_, and from St. _Lucar_ or _Cales_ had beene forced to the
Kings service in that voyage to the _India's_, laden with sugars &
other rich commodities to the worth of at least fourscore thousand
Crowns; and suddainly giving her a whole broad side (receiving a reply
onely of two Guns) made her yeeld, without any hope of help from so
proud and mighty a Fleet, for that she was somewhat far straggled from
the rest of the ships. The whole businesse lasted not above half an
houre: but presently shee was carryed away from under our noses; the
_Spaniards_ changed their merry tunes into _voto a dios_ and _voto a
Christo_, in raging, cursing, & swearing, some reviling at the Captaine
of the ship which was taken, and saying that he was false & yeelded on
purpose without fighting, because he was forced to come that Voyage;
others cursing those that tooke her, and calling them _bijos de puta,
Borrachos, infames Ladrones_, Bastards, Drunkards, infamous theeves,
and Pyrates; some taking their swords in their hands, as if they would
there cut them in peeces, some laying hold of their Muskets as if they
would there shoot at them, others stamping like mad men, and running
about the ship, as if they would leap over board, and make haste after
them; others grinning their teeth at the poore _English_ prisoners
that were in the ship, as if they would stab them for what (they said)
their Country men had done. I must needs say, I had enough to doe to
hold some of those furious and raging brains from doing _Layfield_
some mischief, who more then the rest would bee smiling, arguing and
answering their outragious nonsense. Order was presently given to the
Vice-Admirall and two more Galeons to follow and pursue them; but all
in vaine, for the wind was against them, and so the two ships laughing
and rejoycing as much as the _Spaniards_ cursed and raged, sailed away
_con Viento en Popa_, with full Sail, gallantly boasting with so rich a
prize taken away from two and fifty ships, or (as I may say) from the
chiefest, and greatest strength of _Spain_.

That afternoone the Fleet of _Vera Cruz_, tooke their leave of us, (not
being furnished with Provision to goe on to _Spain_ with us,) and went
into the Havana; and we set forwards towards _Europe_, fearing nothing
for the present but the Gulfe of _Bahama_; through which wee got safely
with the help and guidance of such Pilots, which our Admirall _Don
Carlos_ had chosen, and hired for that purpose.

I shall not need to tell thee my Reader of the sight which wee had
of St _Augustine, Florida_, nor of many stormes which we suffered in
this Voyage, nor of the many degrees wee came under, which made us
shake with cold more then the Frost of _England_ doe in the worst of
winter; onely I say, that the best of our Pilots not knowing where
they were, had like to have betrayed us all to the Rocks of _Bermuda_
one night, had not the breaking of the day given us a faire warning
that we were running upon them. For which the _Spaniards_ in stead of
giving God thankes for their delivery out of that danger, began againe
to curse and rage against the _English_ which inhabited that Island,
saying, that they had inchanted that and the rest of those Islands
about, and did still with the devill raise stormes in those Seas when
the _Spanish_ Fleet passed that way. From thence when wee had safely
escaped, wee sailed well to the Islands called _Terceras_, where faine
wee would have taken in fresh water, (for that which we had taken in
at Havana now began to stink, and look yellow, making us stop our
noses, whilst wee opened our mouthes,) but rigid _Don Carlos_ would
not pity the rest of his Company, who led us by the Islands; and that
night following wee all wished our selves in some harbour of them;
for (though in their conceipt those Islands were not inchanted by
_English_ men, but inhabited by holy and Idolatrous Papists) wee were
no sooner got from them, when there arose the greatest storme that wee
had in all our voyage from _Havana_ to _Spain_, which lasted full eight
dayes, where wee lost one Ship and indangered two Galeons, which shot
off their warning peeces for helpe, and made us all stay and wait on
them, till they had repaired their Tacklings and maine Mast. We went
on sometimes one way, sometimes another, not well knowing where wee
were, drinking our stinking water by allowance of pints, till three or
foure dayes after the storme was ceased, wee discovered land, which
made all cry out, _Hispania, Hispania, Spain, Spain_; whilst a Counsell
was summoned by the Admirall to know what land that was, some sold
away barrels of bisket, others of water, to those that wanted (every
one thinking that it was some part of _Spain,_) but the result of the
wise Counsell was, after they had sailed neerer to the land, and had
layed and lost many wages about it, that it was the Island of _Madera_,
which made some curse the ignorance of the Pilots, and made us all
prepare our selves with patience for a longer voyage. It pleased God
from the discovery of this Island, to grant us a favourable wind to
_Spain_, where within twelve dayes we discovered _Cales_; and some of
the ships there left us, but most of them went forward to _San Lucar_,
as did the ship wherein I went; when wee came neere to the dangerous
place, which the _Spaniards_ call _La Barra_, wee durst not venture our
ships upon our Pilots own knowledge; but called for Pilots to guide us
in, who greedy of their lucre came out in boats almost for every ship
one. Upon the eight and twentyeth of _November_, 1637. we cast Anchor
within St. _Lucar de Barameda_ about one of the clock in the afternoon,
and before evening other passengers and my selfe went a shore (having
first been searched) and although I might presently have gone to
the Cloister of St. _Dominick_, where my old friend Fryer _Pablo de
Londres_ was yet living, whom I knew would bee glad of my coming from
the _India's_, yet I thought fit the first night to enjoy my friends
company both _Spaniards_ and _English_, (who had come so long a voyage
with me) in some Ordinary, and to take my rest better abroad then I
should doe in a Cloister, where I expected but a poore Fryers supper, a
hard and mean lodging, many foolish questions from old Fryer _Pablo de
Londres_ concerning the _India's_, and my abode there so many yeeres,
and finally the noise of Bells and ratlers to rouse up the drowsie
Fryers from their sleep to Matines at midnight. That night therefore I
betooke my selfe to an _English_ Ordinary, where I refreshed my selfe
and my poore prisoners, (who by the Master of the ship were committed
to my charge that night and forwards upon my word, so as to bee forth
comming when they should bee called) and the next morning I sent my
honest friend _Layfield_ with a letter to the Cloister to old _Pablo
de Londres_, who upon my summons came joyfully to welcome mee from the
_India's_, and after very little discourse told mee of ships in the
Haven ready to set out for _England_. The old Fryer being of a decrepit
and doting age, thought every day a yeere that I stayed there, and
suspended my Voyage for _England_, and (not knowing the secrets of my
heart) judged already that the Conversion or turning of many Protestant
soules to Popery waited for my comming, which made him hasten mee, who
was more desirous then hee to bee gone the next day, if I might have
found wind, weather, and shipping ready. But God, who had been with me
in almost ninety dayes sailing from _Havana_ to _San Lucar_, and had
delivered mee from many a storme, prepared and furthered all things in
a very short time for the last accomplishment of my hope and desire,
to returne to _England_ my native soil, from whence I had been absent
almost for the space of foure and twenty yeers.

My first thought here in St. _Lucar_, was to cast off now my Fryers
weed, that outward sheepskin, which covers many a wolvish, greedy,
and covetous heart under it; which doubtlesse is the ground, why in
_Germany_ in the Protestant and _Lutheran_ towns, when the boyes and
young men see a Fryer goe along their streets, they cry out to the
neighbours, saying, a Wolfe, a Wolfe, shut your doores; meaning, that
though what they weare seeme to bee _pellis ovina_, or _Agnina_, a
sheep or Lambeskin and their condition of mortified, humble, and meek
men, yet under it lyeth _cor Lupinum_, a Wolves heart, greedy of
some prey, either worldly, of wealth and riches, or spirituall, of
seducing, deceiving and misleading poore soules. Such was the habit,
which now I desired to shake off, which was a white Coat or gown
hanging to the ground girded about with a leathern belt, and over
it from the shoulders downward a white Scapulary (so called there,)
hanging shorter then the gown both before and behind, and over that a
white hood to cover the head, and lastly, over that a black cloak with
another black hood; both which together, the black and white make the
Fryers of that profession look just like Mag-pies, and is acknowledged
by the Church of _Rome_ it self in a verse which they faine of Mr.
_Martin Luther_, (with what just ground I know not) saying of his
former life and profession before his Conversion, _Bis Corvus, bis
Pica fui, ter fune ligatus_. I was twice a Crow, twice a Magpie, and
thrice was bound or tyed with a Cord; by a Crow meaning an Augustin
Fryer, who is all in black; by a Magpie, meaning a Dominican, and by
bound with a rope or cord, meaning a Franciscan, who indeed is girded
about with a cord made of hempe. Though the Dominican Magpie by this
his habit make such a glosse and understanding, which is contrary to
his life and conversation; for by his outward black habit, hee saith,
is signified an outward shew of deadnesse and Mortification to the
world, and by his inward white habit, an inward purity and chastity
of heart, thoughts and life; both which truely are little seen in
those Fryers especially, who outwardly are worldly, and living to the
world, covetous and ambitious of honours, preferments, Bishoprickes,
and places of publique reading and preaching; and therefore have by
favour obtained many places of authority, as by the laws of _Aragon_
to be the King of _Spain_ his Ghostly father, to bee Masters of the
Popes Palace, and there to read a lesson of Divinity, to be chief
heads of the Inquisition, and from these places to bee promoted to
sit in the Councell of the State in _Spain_, or to bee Cardinals in
_Rome_, and so Popes, or to injoy the richest and fattest Bishopricks
and Arch-Bishopricks in _Spain, Italy_, and _India's_, which sheweth
how little they are dead to the world, nay how they are living to the
world and its preferments, contrary to the black and dead colour of
their habits. So likewise doe they not live according to the whitenesse
of their inward habits, whose lives are found impure and unchast, as
I could exemplify at large, shewing what base and unclean acts have
been committed by some of that profession in the Low Countries, in
_Spain_, in the _India's_, in _Italy_, nay here in _England_ by one
_Dade_ the Superior of them, by one _Popham_ well knowen to bee a good
fellow, and still at this day abiding in the _Spanish_ house, by one
_Crafts_ and others, which would bee too too long a digression from the
whitenesse of their habit. But I applying the Allegory of this black
and white habit otherwise unto my selfe, and in the outward black part
of it seeing the foulenesse and filthinesse of my life and Idolatrous
Preisthood in the exercise of that profession, and Orders which from
_Rome_ I had received; and in the white inward habit considering yet
the purity, and integrity of those intentions and thoughts of my inward
heart, in pursuance whereof I had left what formerly I have noted, yea
all _America_, which, had I continued in it, might have been to mee a
Mine of wealth, riches and treasure; I resolved here therefore to cast
off that hypocriticall cloak and habit, and to put on such Apparell
whereby I might no more appeare a Wolfe in sheepskin, but might goe
boldly to my Country of _England_, there to shew and make known the
Candor of my heart, the purity and sincerity of my thoughts, which had
brought mee so farre, by a publik profession of the pure truths of the
Gospell, without any invention or addition of man unto it. With the
small meanes therefore which was left mee after so long and almost a
whole yeeres journey from _Petapa_ to St. _Lucar_ (having yet about a
hundred Crownes) I gave order for a sute of Cloathes to bee made by an
_English_ Taylor, which I willingly put on, and so prepared my self
for _England_. Three or four ships were in readinesse, who had onely
waited for the Fleet, to take in some Commodities, especially some
wedges of silver, of which I was with old _Pablo de Londres_, in doubt
which to choose. The first that went out was thought should have beene
my lot, in the which my friend _Layfield_ imbarked him selfe (for all
the _English_ prisoners were there freed to goe home to their Country)
and from which the great providence of God diverted mee, or else I had
beene this day with _Layfield_ a slave in _Turkey_; for the next day
after this ship set out, it was taken by the _Turkes_, and carryed
away for a rich prize, and all the _English_ in it for Prisoners to
_Argell_. But God (who I hope had reserved mee for better things,)
appointed for mee a safer convoy home in a ship (as I was informed)
belonging to Sir _William Curtin_, under the command of an honest
_Flemming_, named _Adrian Adrianzen_ living at _Dover_ then, with whom
I agreed for my passage and dyet at his Table. This ship set out of the
Barre of St. _Lucar_ the ninth day after my arrivall thither, where it
waited for the company of foure ships more, but especially for some
_Indian_ wedges of silver, which upon forfeiture of them it durst not
take in within the Barre and Haven.

And thus being now cloathed after a new fashion and ready to lead a
new life; being now changed from an _American_ into the fashion of
an _English_ man, the tenth day after my abode in _San Lucar_, I bad
adieu to _Spain_ and all _Spanish_ fashions, factions, and carriages,
I bad farewell my old Fryer _Pablo de Londres_, with the rest of my
acquaintance, and so in a boat went over the bar to the ship, which
that night in company of foure more set forward for _England_. I might
observe here many things of the goodnesse of _Adrian Adrianzen_, and
his good carriage towards mee in his ship, which I will omit, having
much more to observe of the goodnesse of God, who favoured this our
voyage with such a prosperous wind, and without any storm at all,
that in thirteen dayes wee came to _Dover_, where I landed, the ship
going on to the _Downes_. Others that landed at _Margaret_ were
brought to _Dover_, and there questioned and searched; but I, not
speaking _English_, but _Spanish_, was not at all suspected, neither
judged to be an _English_ man; and so after two dayes I tooke post in
company of some _Spaniards_ and an _Irish_ Colonel, for _Canterbury_,
and so forward to _Gravesend_. When I came to _London_, I was much
troubled within my selfe for want of my Mother tongue, (for I could
onely speak some few broken words) which made mee fearefull I should
not bee accknowledged to bee an _English_ man born. Yet I thought my
kinred (who knew I had beene many yeers lost) would some way or other
acknowledge mee, and take notice of mee, if at the first I addressed
my selfe unto some of them, untill I could better expresse my selfe
in _English_. The first therefore of my name, whom I had notice of,
was my Lady _Penelope Gage_, widow of Sir _John Gage_, then living in
St. _Jones_; to whom the next morning after my arrivall to _London_, I
addressed my selfe for the better discovery of some of my kinred; whom
though I knew to bee Papists, and therefore ought not to be acquainted
with my inward purpose and resolution; yet for feare of some want in
the mean time, and that I might by their means practice my selfe in
the use of my forgotten native tongue, and that I might enquire what
Childs part had beene left me by my father, that I might learn some
fashions, and lastly, that in the meane time, I might search into the
Religion of _England_, and find how farre my conscience could agree
with it, and bee satisfied in those scruples which had troubled mee
in _America_, for all these reasons I thought it not amisse to looke
and inquire after them. When therefore I came unto my Lady _Gage_,
shee beleeved mee to bee her kinsman, but laughed at mee, telling
mee, that I spake like an _Indian_ or _Welch_ man, and not like an
_English_ man; yet shee welcomed mee home, and sent mee with a servant
to a Brothers lodging in _Long Aker_, who being in the Country of
_Surrey_, and hearing of mee sent horse and man for mee to come to
keepe Christmas with an Uncle of mine living at _Gatton_; by whom as
a lost and forgotten Nephew, and now after foure and twenty yeeres
returned home againe, I was very kindly entertained, and from thence
sent for to _Cheam_, to one Mr. _Fromand_ another kinsman, with whom I
continued till after twelfth day, and so returned againe to _London_ to
my brother.

Thus my good Reader, thou seest an _American_, through many dangers
by Sea and Land, now safely arrived in _England_; and thou maiest
well with mee observe the great and infinite goodnesse and mercy of
God towards mee a wicked and wretched sinner. How I have answered to
this Gods gracious calling mee from so farre and remote a Country, to
doe him service here, I will shew thee in the Chapter following, and
conclude this my long and tedious History.




CHAP. XXII.

_Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in_ England, _I
tooke yet another Journey to_ Rome, _and other parts of_ Italy, _and
returned againe to settle my selfe in this my Country._


Now Reader, as the stone that is falling, the neerer it cometh to
its Center, more haste it maketh; So I the neerer I am coming to the
conclusion of this my History, more haste I desire to make in this
last Chapter, for the compleating and finishing of it. With brevity
therefore I will relate some of my travels in _Europe_, in which I
will yeeld to many of my Nation, but for _America_, and my travels and
experience there, I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country.
After my return to _London_, from _Surrey_, I began to expostulate
with my younger Brother (knowing hee had been present at my Fathers
death, and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last
Will and Testament,) concerning what childs part was left unto mee.
To which hee made mee answer, that my father had indeed left him, and
my Brother the Colonell, and two other sons by a second wife, and my
owne sister, every one somewhat, but to mee nothing, nay that at his
death he did not so much as remember mee; which I could not but take
to heart, and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I
had received from him in _Spain_, because I would not bee a Jesuite.
Though for the present I said nothing, yet afterwards in many occasions
I told my Brother I would have the Will produced, and would by course
of law demand a childs part; but hee put me off, assuring me I should
never want amongst other my friends and kindred, with whom hee knew I
should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in _England_. After
few dayes that I had been in _London_, my kinsman at _Cheam_, desired
me to come to live with him; where I continued not long; for my Uncle
at _Gatton_ invited mee to his house, offering mee there meat, drink,
lodging, horse and man, with twenty pound a yeare, which hee promised
in other waies to make as good as thirty. Here I continued a twelve
moneth, refining my self in my native tongue, and (though altogether
unknown to my Uncle and kindred) searching into the Doctrine and truth
of the Gospel professed in _England_; for which cause I made many
journeys to _London_, and then privately I resorted to some churches,
and especially to _Pauls_ Church to see the service performed, and to
heare the Word of God Preached; but so, that I might not be seen, known
or discovered by any Papist. When in _Pauls_ Church I heard the Organs,
and the Musick, and the Prayers and Collects, and saw the Ceremonies at
the Altar, I remembred _Rome_ againe, and perceived little difference
between the two Churches. I searched further into the Common-Prayer,
and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the
Prayers, Epistles, and Gospels with a Masse Book, which there I had at
command, and I found no difference but onely English and Latin, which
made mee wonder, and to acknowledge that much remained still of _Rome_
in the Church of _England_, and that I feared my calling was not right.
In these my scruples coming often to _London_, and conversing with one
_Dade, Popham_, and _Crafts, Connel_ and _Brown, English_ and _Irish_
Dominican Fryers, I found their wayes and conversations base, lewd,
light and wanton, like the _Spanish_ and _Indian_ Fryers, which made me
againe reflect upon the Popish Church, upheld by such Pillars. I came
yet to the acquaintance of one _Price_, Superiour to the Benedictine
Monkes, whom I found to be a meer States-man, and a great Politician,
and very familiar, private, and secret with the Archbishop of
_Canterbury William Laud_; in conversion with my Brother, (who belonged
then unto one Signior _Con_, the Popes Agent, and was in such favour
at the Court, that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present
to a Popish Idol, named our Lady of _Sichem_, in the _Low Countries_)
I heard him sometimes say, that hee doubted not but to bee shortly
Curate and Parish Preist of _Coven Garden_, sometimes that he hoped to
bee made Bishop in _England_, and that then I should want for nothing,
and should live with him, till hee got mee another Bishoprick; by which
discourse of his, and by his and other Preists favour at Court and
with the Archbishop I perceived things went not well, _Spanish_ Popery
was much rooted, Protestant Religion much corrupted, and the time not
seasonable for me to discover my secret intents and purpose or heart.
At this time comming once from _Surrey_ to _London_, I chanced to bee
discovered and knowne to one of the State Officers, a Pursevant, who
had a large Commission for the apprehending of Seminary Preists and
Jesuites, named _John Gray_, who meeting mee one day in _Long Aker_,
followed and dogged me as far as _Lincolns Inne_ wall, where he clapped
mee on the shoulders, and told me, that he had a Commission against
mee, to apprehend mee, and carry me to the Councell Table or to one
of His Majesties Secretaries. To whom I spoke in _Spanish_ (thinking
thereby to free my selfe out of his hands for a _Spaniard_:) but this
would not doe, for he replyed hee knew mee to bee an _English_ man
born, and by the name of _Gage_, and Brother to Colonel _Gage_ and Mr.
_George Gage_, and that before he left mee I must speake in _English_
to him, he carryed mee to a Tavern, and there searched my Pockets for
Letters and mony, which in discourse he told me was too little for
him (not being above twelve shilling) and that I must goe with him
to answer before one of His Majesties Secretaries. I told him that I
would willingly goe before the Archbishop of _Canterbury_, or before
Sir _Francis Windebanke_; at which he smiled, saying: I knew well whom
to make choice of to favour and protect mee, but hee would carry mee
to none of them, but to Secretary _Cooke_. I fearing the businesse
might goe hard with me, and knowing him to be greedy of money, told him
that I would give him any thing that might content him, and so offered
him twelve shillings then about mee, and my word to meet him in any
place the next day, with a better and fuller purse. Hee accepted of my
money for the present, and further offer for the day following, and
appointed the _Angel_ Taverne in _Long Aker_, (knowing that I lodged
thereabout) to bee the place of our meeting, and so dismissed mee. I
being free from him, went immediately to my Brother, and told him what
had happened unto mee, what money I had already given unto him, and
what I had promised the next day following. My Brother hearing me began
to chafe and vex, and to fall into furious words against _John Gray_,
calling him knave and rogue, and that he could not answer what he had
done, and that hee would have his Commission taken from him, chiding
mee for that I had given him any money, and calling me young novice
and unexperienced in the affairs of _England_. This seemed strange to
me, that my Brother should not onely not fear a Pursevant, but should
threaten to take away the Commission from him, who was appointed to
search for and finde out Preists and Jesuites. Yet I told him I would
according to my word and promise meet him the next day, and satisfie
him for his faire carriage towards mee; to which my Brother would by
no means yeeld, but said hee would meet him; which hee accordingly
performed, and although for my sake and promise he gave him some money,
yet he brought him before Signor _Con_, and there himselfe and the
Popes Agent with him spake most bitter words unto him, and threatned
him very much if ever again he durst meddle with mee.

After this my Brother carryed mee to one Sir _William Howard_ a Papist
Knight, living at _Arundel_ gate over _Clements_ Church, who was very
familiar with Sir _Francis Windebanke_, telling him what had happened
unto me, and desiring him to carry me with him in his Coach to Sir
_Francis_, and to get his protection for mee. Secretary _Windebanke_
understanding who I was, told mee I should feare no Pursevant of them
all, and that if I lived quietly in _England_, no body should trouble
me, and that _John Gray_ was a knave, and wished me if ever he medled
with me again to come unto him. Though for the present this was good
and commodious for me to have such favour and protection, yet I
perceived, this my Brothers power, and this conniving at Preists and
Jesuites could not bee usefull for mee, if I should publish my mind and
and purpose to alter my Religion. I was therefore much troubled in mind
and conscience, which I found was curbed with the great power of the
Papists. I resolved therefore to goe againe out of _England_, and to
travell in some other Countries amongst both Papists and Protestants,
and to try what better satisfaction I could find for my conscience
at _Rome_ in that Religion, or in _France_ and _Germany_ amongst the
Protestants. I writ therefore to the Generall of the Dominicans at
_Rome_, (without whose License I could not goe thither) that hee would
bee pleased to send mee his Letters Patents, to goe to conferre some
points with him; which hee willingly granted unto mee. I wanted not
money from my Uncle (who commended unto mee some businesse to bee
dispatched for him at _Rome_) for so long a journey, other friends also
helped mee; but my chief trust was upon my Brother Colonell _Gage_,
then in the _Low Countries_, whom I knew not, nor had seen him from a
child. I had no other passe to take shipping at _Dover_, but onely the
letter of a Papist in _London_, (by meanes of one _Popham_ a Dominican
Fryer) to Sir _John Manwood_ his Lady, who was then Governour of
_Dover_ Castle, and with the foresaid letter suffered mee not to bee
troubled, examined or searched, but gave order that I should freely
and quietly passe over in the Packet boat to _Dunkerke_, wherewith in
foure houres with a good wind I arrived, and from thence by _Newport_
and _Bridges_ went to _Gant_; not farre from whence my Brother with
his Regiment lay in field against the _Hollander_. Hee was glad to see
mee, and knowing what journey I was minded to take, furnished mee with
more money, and for my Uncles businesse recommended mee to the Marques
_De Serralvo_ (then at _Brussels_) and to other great men, desiring
them to give mee their letters to their friends at _Rome_; from them I
got a letter to _Don Francisco Barbarini_, the Popes Nephew, and one
of the chief Cardinals then in _Rome_, likewise to Cardinal _Cucua_,
and Cardinal _Albornos_ both _Spaniards_. With these letters I thought
I should have occasion of some conversation with these pillars of the
Church of _Rome_, and in discourse might pry into the hearts and wayes
of them, and see whether in them were more Policy then Religion. By
reason of the Warres between _France_ and the _Low Countries_, I durst
not make my journey the neerest and shortest way through _France_; but
though there were Wars also in _Germany_, I thought that would bee
my safest way, and I desired much to looke into the Protestant, and
_Lutheran_ Church in that Country. Whereupon I resolved from _Brussels_
to goe to _Namurs_, and from thence by water to _Leidge_, and from
thence to _Collen_ in _Germany_. From _Leidge_ to _Collen_ though wee
were twelve in company, wee were much troubled with Souldiers; yet God
still delivered me and brought me safe to _Collen_; from whence by the
river _Rhine_ I went in boat to _Frankefort_ in _September_ at the time
of that great Fair, where I knew I should meet company of Merchants to
any part of _Italy_. In all my travells I never made a more pleasant
journey then that which I made by the river _Rhine_, where I had
occasion to see many fair and goodly Cities. In _Frankefort_ there I
began to take notice of the _Lutheran_ Church, and for the space of
a fortnight that I stayed there, had many thoughts of discovering my
selfe there, and disclaiming Popery, thinking that there I might be
sure and safe, and lie hid and unknowne to my Brothers and kinred, who
is _England_ would not suffer me to live a Protestant. Yet againe I
considered how hard it would bee for mee a stranger to subsist there,
and to get any livelyhood, for the which I must first get the native
tongue, and though many points that were opposite to the Church of
_Rome_, pleased me, yet in some points of that Religion my conscience
was not satisfied. At the end of the Faire I sought out for company,
and found neere a dozen wagons which were upon setting out towards
_Auspurg_ with goods of Merchants, who had also hired a Convoy of
thirty souldiers to goe along with them; which I thought would be safe
company for mee; with them, and many other passengers and travellers
that went in the Wagons, and on foot, by them, I went as far as the
famous and gallant City of _Auspurg_; from whence forward there was no
great danger, neither in what part belonged to the Duke of _Bavaria_,
nor in the County of _Tirol_: from whence wee passed some foure
together to _Trent_; where I was taken with the first Ague that ever
in my life I remembred I had, which continued seven months upon mee. I
thought from thence to have continued my journey by land to _Venice_,
but my Ague suffered mee to goe but to _Verona_; from whence I turned
to _Millan_, and so to _Genoua_, leaving my good company; that from
_Genoua_ I might goe by Sea to _Ligorne_, and so likewise to _Rome_.
After a fortnights stay in _Genoua_, I went with the Galleys of the
great Duke of _Florence_ to _Ligorne_, where I found no boats ready to
_Rome_, and so in the meantime, whilst they were preparing, I went to
_Pisa_ and _Florence_ to see those brave Cities, and returned again to
_Ligorne_, where I found many boats ready to set out to _Rome_.

The first night and day wee had a faire winde to _Piombino_; but
there it turned, and continued contrary for almost three weekes. At
last it pleased God to send us a faire wind wherewith wee went out
many Boats and Falluco's in company together, thinking all had been
friends; but when wee came neere to the Castle of _Montalto_, most of
the boats having got before us, two that went in company with the boat
wherein I was, suddainly set upon us, and shewed themselves to bee
_French_ Pirats, who robbed us all, and tooke from mee all the money
I had, which was not then above five pound, leaving me some Bils of
exchange which I had to take up mony at _Rome_; after we were robbed
wee called in at _Civita Vecha_; for reliefe, where I met with a good
_English_ Merchant, who freely bestowed upon mee provision both of wine
and meat, as much as would well suffice mee and a friend to _Rome_,
whither wee got in a day and night. When I came to _Rome_ I delivered
my Letters to the Cardinals; of whom the two _Spaniards_ I found proud
and stately; but _Don Francisco Barbarini_, (who was intituled the
Protector of _England_) I found more tractable, kinde, and loving. I
perceived by his discourse that hee knew much of _England_, and desired
to know more; and propounded unto mee many questions concerning the
state of this Kingdome, and especially concerning the Archbishop of
_Canterbury_, whom he seemed to affect; and yet sometime againe would
say hee feared, hee would cause some great disturbance in our Kingdome,
and that certainly for his sake and by his means the King had dissolved
lately the Parliament (which was that which before this now sitting
was so suddainly dissolved by his Majesty) which hee feared _Scotland_
and most of the people of _England_, would take very ill. Hee asked
mee further what conceipt the people had of the said Archbishop; and
whether they did not mistrust that hee complyed much with the Court
of _Rome_. And lastly, he told mee that hee thought, the creating of
an _English_ Cardinal at _Rome_ might be of great consequence for
the conversion of the whole Kingdome. I laid up in my heart all this
discourse, and well perceived some great matters were in agitation at
_Rome_, and some secret compliance from _England_ with that Court,
which I purposed to discover more at large among some friends there.

After this discourse with the Cardinall, I was invited to the _English_
Colledge to dinner by one Father _Fitzherbert_, who was then Rector, a
great States-man and Politician, with whom I had also great discourse
concerning my Brother Colonel _Gage_, concerning my travels in
_America_, and lastly concerning _England_; whereof I perceived little
discourse could bee had in _Rome_, except the Archbishop _William Laud_
had his part and share in it. The Jesuite began highly to praise the
Arch-prelate for his moderate carriage towards Papists and Preists,
boasting of the free accesse which one _Simons, alias Flood_, a Jesuite
had unto him at all houres, and in all occasions; and to extoll him
the more, he brought in the Archbishop, _Abbot_ whom he cried down
as much for a cruel enemie and persecutor of the Church of _Rome_,
and of all Papists and Preists. But the now Archbishop, said hee, is
not onely favourable unto us there, but here desireth to make daily
demonstrations of his great affection to this our Court and Church;
which, hee shewed not long since in sending a Common Prayer Booke,
(which hee had composed for the Church of _Scotland_) to bee first
viewed, and approved of by our Pope and Cardinals. Who perusing it,
liked it very well, for Protestants to be trained in a Form of Prayer
and service; yet considering the State of _Scotland_, and the temper
and tenents of that people, the Cardinals, (first giving him thanks
for his respect and dutifull compliance with them) sent him word, that
they thought that form of prayer was not fitting for _Scotland_, but
would breed some stir and unquietnesse there, for that they understood
the _Scots_ were aversed from all set Forms, & would not be tyed and
limited to the invention of mans spirit, having (as they thought)
the true and unerring Spirit of God in them, which could better
teach and direct them to pray. All this (said Father _Fitzherbert_)
I was witnesse of, who was then sent for by the Cardinals (as in all
like occasions, and affaires concerning _England_) to give them my
opinion concerning the said Common Prayer Booke, and the temper of the
_Scots_. But the good Archbishop (quoth hee) hearing the censure of the
Cardinals concerning his intention and Form of Prayer, to ingratiate
himself the more into their favour, corrected some things in it, and
made it more harsh and unreasonable for that Nation; which wee already
heare they have stomacked at, and will not suffer it in many parts
to be read; and wee justly fear that this his Common Prayer Book, &
his great compliance with this Court, will at last bring strife and
division between the two Kingdomes of _Scotland_ and _England_.

And this most true Relation of _William Laud_ late Archbishop of
_Canterbury_, (though I have often spoken of it in private discourse
and publiquely preached it at the Lecture of _Wingham_ in _Kent_,) I
could not in my conscience omit it here; both to vindicate the just
censure of death, which the now sitting Parliament have formerly given
against him for such like practises and compliance with _Rome_; and
secondly to reprove the ungrounded opinion and errour of some ignorant
and Malignant spirits, who to my knowledge have since his death highly
exalted him, and cryed him up for a Martyr. At the same time whilst
I was at _Rome_, I understood of another great businesse concerning
_England_, then in agitation amongst the Cardinals, and much prosecuted
by this _Fitzherbert_, and one father _Courtney_ a Jesuite, son to one
Sir _Thomas Leeds_; which was, to create one of the _English_ Nation
Cardinall; that so the Conversion of _England_, what by the Assistance
of _William Laud_, what by the power of a higher person, and what by
the authority of the said Cardinall, might be more fully and earnestly
plotted and indeavoured. This businesse was much agitated in _England_
by Signior _Con_, at whose house in _Long Aker_ were many meetings of
the chief Gentry of the Papists. In _Rome_ Sir _William Hamilton_ then
Agent for the Queene, vied much for the said Cardinals Cap, and got a
great number of friends to further this his ambitious design. But hee
was too yong, and some scandall of a Gentlewoman, who stuck too close
to him, made the red Cap unfit for his head; and secondly, because a
greater then hee, to wit, Sir _Kenelham Digby_ was appointed by the
Queen to bee her Agent there; who sent before him his Chaplain, a great
Politician and active Priest, named _Fitton_, to take up his lodging
and make way, and friends for his ambitious preferment; who in his
daily discourse cryed up his Master _Digby_ for Cardinall, and told mee
absolutely, that hee doubted not but hee would carry it. But though hee
had great favour from the Queen, and was her Agent; yet hee had strong
Antagonists in _Fitzherbert, Courtney_, and the rest of the crew of the
Jesuites, who looked upon that honour and red Cap as better becomming
one of their profession, and fitter for a head which had formerly worne
a four Cornered black Cap, to wit, Sir _Toby Mathy_. But in case the
said Cap should fall from Sir _Toby_ his head, then they would helpe
and further a third, whose birth and Nobility should advance him before
Sir _Kenelham Digby_, to wit, _Walter Mountague_, the old Earle of
_Manchester_ his sonne at that time.

And thus it was a generall and credible report in _Rome_, that either
a _Digby_, a _Mathy_, or a _Mountague_, should that yeere bee made
Cardinall. Whereby I perceived that _England_ was comming neere to
_Rome_, and that my design of professing and following the truth in
_England_ was blasted, and that in vain I had come from _America_
for satisfaction of my conscience in _England_. I was more troubled
now then ever; and desired to try all wayes, if I could bee better
satisfied concerning the Popish Religion in _Rome, Naples_ or
_Venice_, (whither I went) then I had been in _America_ and among the
_Spaniards_. But I found such exorbitances and scandalls in the lives
of some Cardinals of _Rome_, whilst I was there, especially in _Don
Antonio Barbarini_, and Cardinal _Burgess_, who at midnight was taken
by the _Corchetes_ or Officers of Justice in uncivill wayes, and came
off from them with money, that I perceived the Religion was but as
I had found it in _America_, a wide and open doore to loosnesse and
policy, and the like in _Naples_ and _Venice_, which made mee even hate
what before I had professed for Religion, and resolve, that if I could
not live in _England_, and there injoy my Conscience, that I would
live in _France_, for a while, untill I had well learned that tongue,
and then associate my selfe unto the best reformed Protestant Church;
Whereupon I obtained from the General of the Dominicans this ensuing
order to live in the Cloister of _Orleans_, intending from thence at
my best opportunity to goe to _Paris, Lyons_, or some other place, and
shake off my Magpy habit, and to live and dye in _France_ in the true
Protestant and reformed Religion as professed there.

 _In Dei filio sibi Dilecto Reverendo Patri fratri_ Thomæ Gageo
 _Provinciæ Anglicanæ Ordinis Prædicatorum, Frater Nicolaus Rodulfius
 totius ejusdem Ordinis Magister Generalis ac servus in Domino salutem._

 _Conventui nostro Aurelia nensi Provinciæ nostræ Franciæ de probo
 & optimo Patre Sacerdote providere cupientes, Tenore præsentium, &
 nostri authoritate officii (te) supra nominatum Reverendum Patrem
 Fratrem_ Thomam Gageum _revocamus a quovis alio Conventu, & Assignamus
 in dicto Conventu nostro Aurelianensi Assignatumque declaramus, in
 Nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti_, Amen. _Mandantes Rdo.
 admodum Patri Magistro Priori illius, ut te benigne recipiat, & cum
 omni charitate tractet. In quorum fidem his officii nostri sigillo
 munitis propria manu subscripsimus. Datum Suriani die none Aprilis_,
 1640.

 Frater Nicolaus Magister Ordinis.

 Frater Ignatius Ciantes Magister; Provincialis Angliæ, & Socius.

The Forme whereof (as also the manner of sending Fryers from one
Cloister to live in another, commonly called by them, an Assignation)
is in _English_ as followeth.

 _To our Beloved in the Son of God, the Reverend Father Fryer_ Thomas
 Gage, _of the_ English _Province, of the Order of Preachers, Fryer_
 Nicholas Rodulfius _of the same whole Order Master Generall, and
 Servant in the Lord, health and greeting._

 Wee being willing and desirous to provide for our Convent of
 _Orleans_, of our Province of _France_, of an honest and very good
 Father and Priest; by Tenour of these present, and by the authority of
 our Office doe recall you the above named Reverend Fryer _Thomas Gage_
 from any other Convent, and doe Assigne you in our said Convent of
 _Orleans_, and declare you to bee assigned, in the Name of the Father,
 and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Commanding the very
 Reverend Father Master Prior thereof, that hee receive you curteously,
 and entertaine you with all love and charity. In witnesse whereof with
 our owne hand wee have subscribed these being sealed with the seale of
 our Office. Dated at _Soriano_ the ninth day of _April_, 1640.

 _Fryer_ Nicholas _Master of the Order_.

 _Fryer_ Ignatius Ciantes _Master Provincial of_ England _and
 Companion_.

Yet after I had got this Order, I bethought my selfe further that I
would try one way, which was to see if I could find out a Miracle,
which might give mee better satisfaction of the _Romish_ Religion, then
had the former experience of my life, and the lives of the Priests,
Cardinals, and all such with whom I had lived in _Spain_ and _America_.
I had heard much of a Picture of our Lady of _Loretto_, and read in a
Booke of Miracles or lies concerning the same, that whosoever prayed
before that picture in the state of mortall sinne, the picture would
discover the sinne in the soule, by blushing, and by sweating. Now I
framed this argument to my selfe, that it was a great sin, the sin
of unbeliefe, or to waver and stagger in points of Faith; but in mee
(according to the Tenents of _Rome_) was this sin, for I could not
believe the point of Transubstantiation, and many other; therefore
(if the Miracles which were printed of the foresaid Lady of _Loretto_
were true, and not lies) certainly shee would blush and sweat, when
such an unbeliever as I prayed before her. To make this triall, I went
purposely to _Loretto_, and kneeling downe before God, not with any
faith I had in the picture; I prayed earnestly to the true Searcher of
all hearts, that in his Son Jesus Christ he would mercifully looke upon
me a wretched sinner, and inspire and enlighten mee with his Spirit of
truth, for the good and salvation of my soule; In my prayer I had a
fixed and setled eye upon the Ladies picture, but could not perceive
that shee did either sweat or blush, wherewith I arose up from my
knees much comforted and incouraged in my resolution to renounce and
abandon Popery, and saying within my selfe as I went out of the Church,
surely if my Lady neither sweat nor blush, all is well with mee, and
I am in a good way for salvation, and the miracles written of her are
but lies. With this I resolved to follow the truth in some Protestant
Church in _France_, and to relinquish errour and superstition. Upon
which good purpose of mine, I presently perceived the God of truth
did smile, with what I heard hee was ordering in _England_ by an Army
of _Scotland_ raised for Reformation, and by a new Parliament called
to _Westminster_, at which I saw the Papists and Jesuites there began
to tremble, and to say that it would blast all their designes, and
all their hopes of setling Popery; _William Laud_ his policy was now
condemned and cursed, _Con_ was dead at _Rome_, the Cardinals Cap for
one of the three fore-named named was no more spoken of, _Fitton_ was
daunted, _Fitzherbert_ and _Courtney_ quite disheartned, Sir _Kenelham
Digby_ his Agency and comming to Rome put off and suspended, and with
all this good newes I was much heartned and incouraged to leave off my
journey to _France_, and to return to _England_, where I feared not my
Brother nor any kindred, nor the power of the Papists, but began to
trust in the protection of the Parliament, which I was informed would
reform Religion, and make such laws as should tend to the undermining
of all the Jesuits plots, and to the confusion and subversion of the
_Romish_ errours and Religion. I was too weak of body to make my
journey by land (by reason of my long Ague which had but newly left
mee) and so resolved to goe to _Ligorne_ to find out shipping there;
where I found foure or five ships of _English_ and _Hollanders_ ready
to set out, but were bound to touch at _Lisboe_ in their way. I
bargained with one Captaine _Scot_ for my passage, first to _Lisboe_,
intending there to make a second bargain. We had no sooner sailed on as
farre as to the Coast of _France_, joyning to the _Dutchy_ of Savoy,
but presently from _Canes_ came out part of a Fleet lying there under
the command of the Bishop of _Burdeaux_ to discover us, and take us
for a lawfull prize. I might say much here of the valour of the good
old Captaine _Scot_, who seeing all the other ships had yeelded to the
_French_ men of Warre, would upon no termes yeeld to be their prize,
(which they challenged because wee were bound for _Lisboe_, then their
enemies Country) but would fight with them all, and at last rather
blow up his ship, then to deliver the goods which had been intrusted
to him by the Merchants of _Ligorne_. We were in a posture to fight,
our guns ready, and Mariners willing to dye that day, which was heavy
news to me. After much treaty between the _French_ and our valorous
Captain, who still held out and would not yeeld, there came up to us
two ships to give us the last warning that if wee yeelded not, they
would immediately set our ship on fire. With this all the passengers
and many more in the ship desired the Captaine to yeeld upon some faire
Articles for the securing of what goods he had for _England_, and
should appeare were not any way for the strengthening of any enemies
to the State and Kingdome of _France_. With much adoe our Captaine was
perswaded, and we were carried with the rest into _Canes_ for a lawfull
prize. I seeing that the ships were like to bee stayed there long,
obtained the Bishop of _Bordeaux_ his passe to goe to _Marcells_, and
from thence by land through _France_. Which being granted, I went by
water to _Tolon_, and from thence to _Marcells_, and so in company of
Carriers to _Lions_, and from thence to _Paris, Roane_, and _Deepe_,
where in the first packet boat to _Rye_ I passed over to _England_,
where I landed upon _Michaelmas_ day the same yeere that this present
Parliament began to sit the _November_ following. My Brothers Spirit
I found was not much daunted with the new Parliament, nor some of the
proudest Papists, who hoped for a suddain dissolving of it; But when I
saw their hopes frustrated by His Majesties consent to the continuing
of it, I thought the acceptable time was come for mee, wherein I ought
not to dissemble any further with God, the world and my friends, and so
resolved to bid adieu to flesh and blood; and to prize Christ above all
my kindred, to own and professe him publiquely maugre all opposition
of hell and kindred to the contrary. I made my self first knowne to
Doctor _Brunnick_ Bishop of _Exeter_, and to Mr. _Shute_ of _Lumbard
street_, from whom I had very comfortable and strong incouragements.
The Bishop of _Exeter_ carried me to the Bishop of _London_ then at
_Fullom_, from whom I received order to Preach my Recantation Sermon
at _Pauls_: which done, I thought I must yet doe more to satisfie the
world of my sincerity, knowing that Converts are hardly believed by the
common sort of people, unlesse they see in them such actions which may
further disclaime _Rome_ for ever for the future. Whereupon I resolved
to enter into the state of Marriage (to which God hath already given
his blessing) which the Church of _Rome_ disavowes to all her Preists.
What I have beene able to discover for the good of this State I have
done, and not spared (when called upon) to give in true evidence upon
my Oath against Jesuites, Preists, and Fryers; for the which (after a
faire invitation from my Brother Colonel _Gage_, to come over again
to _Flanders_, offering mee a thousand pound ready money) I have been
once assaulted in _Aldersgate street_; and another time like to be
killed in _Shooe lane_ by a Captain of my Brothers Regiment, named
_Vincent Burton_, who (as I was after informed) came from _Flanders_ on
purpose to make me away or convey mee over, and with such a malicious
designe followed mee to my lodging, lifting up the latch and opening
the doore, (as hee had seene mee done) and attempting to goe up the
staires to my chamber without any inquiry for mee, or knocking at
the doore; from whom God graciously delivered me by the weak meanes
of a woman my Land-lady, who stopped him from going any further; and
being demanded his name, and answering by the name of _Steward_, and
my Land-lady telling him from mee that I knew him not, he went away
chafing and saying that I should know him, before he had done with mee.
But hee that knoweth God well, shall know no enemy to his hurt; neither
have I ever since seene or knowen this man. I might here also write
down the contents of a threatning letter from mine own Brother, when
hee was Colonell for the King of _England_ and Governour of _Oxford_,
which I forbear with some tender consideration of flesh and blood. At
the beginning of the warres I confesse I was at a stand as a Neophyt
and new plant of the Church of _England_ concerning the lawfulnesse of
the warre; and so continued above a yeere in _London_ spending my owne
meanes, till at last I was fully satisfied, and much troubled to see
that the Papists and most of my kindred were entertained at _Oxford_,
and in other places of the Kings Dominions; whereupon I resolved upon
a choice for the Parliament cause, which now in their lowest estate
and condition I am not ashamed to acknowledge. From their hands and by
their order I received a Benefice, in the which I have continued almost
foure yeers preaching constantly for a through and godly Reformation
intended by them, which I am ready to witnesse with the best drops of
blood in my veins, though true it is I have been envied, jealousied and
suspected by many; to whom I desire this my History may be a better
witnesse of my sincerity, and that by it I may perform what our Saviour
Christ spoke to _Peter_, saying, And thou being converted strengthen
thy Brethren. I shall think my time and pen happily imployed if by
what here I have written, I may strengthen the perusers of this small
volume against Popish superstition whether in _England_, other parts
of _Europe, Asia_, or _America_; for the which I shall offer up my
dayly prayers unto him, who (as I may well say) miraculously brought
me from _America_ to _England_, and hath made use of mee as a _Joseph_
to discover the treasures of _Egypt_, or as the spies to search into
the land of _Canaan_, even the God of all Nations, to whom be ascribed
by mee and all true and faithfull Beleevers, Glory, Power, Majesty and
mercy for evermore. _Amen._


_FINIS._




Some brief and short Rules for the better learning of the _Indian_
tongue called _Poconchi_, or _Pocoman_, commonly used about _Guatemala_
and some other parts of _Honduras_.


Although it bee true that by the daily conversation which in most
places the _Indians_ have with the _Spaniards_, they for the most part
understand the _Spanish_ tongue in common and ordinary words, so that
a _Spaniard_ may travell amongst them, and bee understood in what hee
calleth for by some or other of the Officers, who are appointed to
attend upon all such as travell and passe through their townes: Yet
because the perfect knowledge of the _Spanish_ tongue is not so common
to all _Indians_, both men and women, nor so generally spoken by them
as their owne; therefore the Preists and Fryers have taken paines to
learn the native tongues of severall places and countries, and have
studied to bring them to a Form and method of Rules, that so the use
of them may bee continued to such as shall succeed after them. Neither
is there any one language generall to all places, but so many severall
and different one from another, that from _Chiapa_, and _Zoques_, to
_Guatemala_, and _San Salvador_, and all about _Honduras_, there are at
least eighteen severall languages, and in this district some Fryers who
have perfectly learned six or seven of them. Neither in any place are
the _Indians_ taught or preached unto but in their native and mother
tongue, which because the Preist onely can speake, therefore are they
so much loved and respected by the Natives. And although for the time
I lived there, I learned and could speake in two severall tongues, the
one called _Cacchiquel_, the other _Poconchi_, or _Pocoman_, which have
some connexion one with another; yet the _Poconchi_ being the easiest,
and most elegant, and that wherein I did constantly preach and teach,
I thought fit to set down some rules of it, (with the Lords Prayer,
and brief declaration of every word in it) to witnesse and testifie
to posterity the truth of my being in those parts, and the manner how
those barbarous tongues have, are, and may be learned.

There is not in the _Poconchi_ tongue, nor in any other the diversity
of declensions, which is in the _Latin_ tongue; yet there is a double
way of declining all Nownes, and conjugating all Verbes, and that is
with divers particles according to the words beginning with a vowell or
a consonant; neither is there any difference of cases, but onely such
as the said Particles or some Prepositions may distinguish.

The Particles for the words or Nownes beginning with a Consonant are as
followeth,

Sing. _Nu, A, Ru,_ plural. _Ca. Ata. Qui tacque._ As for example,
_Bat_, signifieth a house, and _Tat_, signifieth father, which are thus
declined;

Sing. _Nupat_, my house, _Apat_, thy house, _Rupat_, his house. Plural.
_Capat_, our house, _Apatta_, your house, _Quipat tacque_, their house.

Sing. _Nutat_, my Father, _Atat_, thy Father, _Rutat_ his Father.
Plural. _Catat_, our Father, _Atatta_, your Father, _Quitat tacque_,
their Father. Thus are declined Nownes beginning with a Consonant.
As, _Queh_, a horse, _Nuqueh, Aqueh, Ruqueh, &c. Huh_, booke, or
paper, _Nuhuh, Ahuh, Ruhuh. Moloh_, Egge, _Numoloh, Amoloh, Rumoloh.
Holom_, Head, _Nuholom, Aholom, Ruholom. Chi_, Mouth, _Nuchi, Achi,
Ruchi. Cam_, hand, _Nucam, Acam, Rucam. Chac_, flesh, _Nuchac, Achac,
Ruchac. Car_, fish, _Nucar, Acar, Rucar. Cacar, Acarta, Qui cartacque.
Chacquil_, body or flesh of man; _Nuchacquil, Achacquil, Ruchacquil,
Cachacquil, Achacquilta, Quichacquil tacque_.

Some words there are which are pronounced like _ts_, which are written
not with _ts_, but with this letter _tȝ_, peculiar in that tongue;
as for _tsi_, dogge, _tsiquin_, bird, _Nutsi_, my dog, _Atsi_, thy
dog, _Rutsi_, his dog, _Catsi_, our dog, _Atsita_, your dog, _Quitsi
tacque_, their dog. _Nutsiquin_, my bird, _Atsiquin_, thy bird,
_Rutsiquin_, his bird, _Catsiquin_, our bird, _Atsiquinta_, your bird,
_Quitsi quintacque_, their bird.

There are no severall terminations for cases, as in Latin; but the
cases are distinguished with some particles or prepositions, as for
example. The house of _Peter, Rupat Pedro_, putting the possessours
name, and the particle, _Ru_, which is a possessive. So for the dative,
add the particle _Re_; as for example, give to _Peter_ his dog, _Chaye
re Pedro rutsi_. For the accusative, when it is motion to a place, or
else not, adde _Chi_, as for example, I goe to the house of _Peter,
Quino chi rupat Pedro_. The Vocative admitteth of this particle _ah_,
or _ha_, of wishing or calling, as, O my son, or ho my son, _Ah vacun_,
or _ha vacun_. The Ablative keeping stil the same termination with
the Nominative, is expressed with some preposition or other, as in my
mouth, _pan nuchi_, with my hand, _chi nucam_. In signifying I, is
undeclinable, as also, _At_, signifying you, or thou. The possessive
mine, is also undeclinable, as _vi chin_, mine, or for me; so thine, or
for thee, _Ave_. Where note that in this tongue there is no _w_, but
_v_, or _u_, are pronounced as _w_, as though wee pronounce, _wacun_,
my sonne, _wichin_, mine or for mee, _Awe_, thine or for thee wee write
_vacun, vichin, Ave_.

The Particles or letters, which serve for Nounes beginning with a
Vowell, are as followeth. Singular. _V. Av. R._ Plural. _C._ or _Qu.
Avta. C._ or _qu. tacque_, as for example, _Acun_, signifieth son,
_Ixim_, Corn, _Ochoch_, likewise house, which are thus declined.

Sing. _Vacun_, my son, _Avacun_, thy son, _Racun_, his son. Plural.
_Cacun_, our son, _Avacunta_, your son, _Cacuntaque_, their son.

Sing. _Vixim_, my corn, _Avixim_, thy corn, _Rixim_, his corn. Plural.
_Quixim_, our corn, _Aviximta_, your corn, _Quixim tacque_, their corn.

Sing. _Vochoch_, my house, _Avochoch_, thy house, _Rochoch_, his house.
Plural. _Cochoch_, our house, _Avochochta_, your house, _Cochochtaque_,
their house.

So likewise are varied or declined, _Abix_, signifying a plantation,
or peece of ground sowen. _Acal_, earth or ground. _Vleu_, also earth
or ground. _Acach_, hen. Save onely that the words beginning with _I_,
admit _qu_, in the first and third person plurall; the rest admit for
the same persons plurall, _C_, onely.

And as thus I have observed for the varying or declining of Nounes;
so also doe all the Verbes admit of severall particles for their
conjugating, according as they begin either with a vowell or a
consonant.

Those that begin with a consonant have somewhat like the Nounes these
articles following.

Sing. _Nu, Na, Inru._ Plural. _Inca, Nata, Inquitacque._ As for
example, _locoh_, to love.

Sing. _Nulocoh_, I love, _Nalocoh_, thou lovest, _Inrulocoh_, hee
loveth. Plural. _Incalocoh_, wee love, _Nalocohta_, yee love,
_Inquilocohtaque_, they love.

_Nuroca_, or _Nurapa_, I whip, or beat. _Naroca_ or _Narapa_, thou
whippest, or beatest; _Inruroca_, or _Inrurapa_, hee whippeth or
beateth. Plural. _Incaroca_, or _Incarapa_, wee whip, or beat;
_Narocata_, or _Narapata_, yee whip, or beat, _Inquirocatacque_, or
_Inquirapatacque_, they whip or beat.

_Nutsiba_, I write, _Natsiba_, thou writest, _Inrutsiba_, hee
writeth. Plural. _Incatsiba_, wee write, _Natsibata_, yee write,
_Inquitsibatacque_, they write.

There is no preterimperfect tense, nor preterpluperfect tense; but the
preterperfect tense standeth for them; neither is there any Future, but
the present tense expresseth it, and is understood for it, according
to the sense of the discourse, as _Nulocoh Pedro_, I love or wil love
_Peter. Tinulocoh_, I love thee, or I wil love thee. Yet sometimes for
fuller expression of the Future tense, is added this Verbe, _inva_, I
wil, _nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will, as _Inva nulocoh Pedro_, I
will love _Peter_.

The Particles for the Preterperfect tense, are as follow:

Sing. _Ixnu. Xa. Ixru._ Plural. _Ixca. Xata. Ixqui tacque._ Where note,
that in all these particles, and in all this language, the letter _X_,
is pronounced like _sh._ as _Ixnu_, like _Ishnu. Xa_, like _sha. Ixru_,
like _Ishru. Ixca_ like _Ishca_, and so forth.

Preterperf. Sing. _Ixnulocoh_, I have loved; _Xalocoh_ thou hast
loved, _Ixrulocoh_, he hath loved. Plural. _Ixcalocoh_, we have loved,
_Xalocohta_, yee have loved, _Ixquilocohtacque_, they have loved. And
so of all the Verbes above.

The Particles for the Imperative Mood are these following:

For the singular number, and second person, _Cha_; for the third person
singular _Chiru_; for the first person plural, _Chica_; for the second,
_Cha ta_, for the third _Chiqui tacque_: as for example. _Chalocoh_,
love thou. _Chirulocoh_, let him love. Plural. _Chicalocoh_, let us
love; _Chalocohta_, love yee. _Chiquilocoh tacque_, let them love. And
so of the rest of the Verbes above.

The Optative Mood is the same with the Indicative; adding to it this
Particle _Ta_, which signifieth as much as _utinam_, or, would to God,
as _Nalocoh ta Dios_, would God thou love God, _Ixnulocoh ta Dios_,
would God I had loved God.

The Conjunctive Mood also is the same with the Indicative, adding to it
this Particle, or Preposition _vei_, and _ta_, if. As for example _vei
nalocoh ta Dios_, if thou love God, _vei ixnulocoh ta Dios_, if I had
loved God.

There is no Infinitive Mood, but the Indicative serveth for it. As,
_Quinchol nutsiba_, I can write. _Quinquimi_, signifieth to die,
_Nuraeh_, I desire, _Nuraeh quinquimi_, I desire to dye.

Note further, that in all Verbes Actives, when mee and thee are
expressed as the Accusative case following the Verbe, they are coupled
to the person that doeth or goeth before the Verbe, by these two
Particles for the present tense, _Quin_, mee, _Ti_, thee. And for the
preterperfect tense, _xin_, mee, _ixti_, thee. As for example.

_Quinalocoh_, thou lovest me. _Xinalocoh_, thou hast loved me.
_Quinraalocoh_, thou wilt love me. _Quinalocohta_, love me, or I pray
God thou love me. _Vei quinalocoh_, if thou love me; _vei xinalocoh_,
if thou hast or hadst loved mee; _Quinaraeh nalocoh_, thou desirest to
love me. So for the second person being the Accusative. _Tinulocoh_,
I love thee. _Ixtinulocoh_, I have loved thee. _Tiranulocah_, I will
love thee. _Tinulocohta_, pray God I love thee; _vei tinulocoh_, if I
love thee; _vei ixtinulocoh_, if I have or had loved thee. _Tinuraeh
nulocoh_, I desire to love thee.

Note further, that these two Verbes, _Quinchol_, which signifieth, I
can or am able, and _Inva_, which signifieth I will, when they are
put with other Verbes of whatsoever person, they are elegantly put
impersonally in the third person singular. As for example:

_Inchol nulocoh_, I can love. _Inra nulocoh_, I will love. _Ixra
ixnulocoh_, I have been willing to love. _Ixchol ixnulocoh_, I have
been able to love. _Tichol nulocoh_, I can love thee, _Tira nulocoh_, I
will love thee.

The Letters or Particles for Verbes beginning with a Vowell, are these
that follow.

Sing. _Inv. Nav. Inr._ Plural. _Inqu._ or _Inc. Nauta. Inqu tacque_, or
_Inc tacque_. As for example, _Eça_, signifieth to deliver, which is
thus formed.

Sing. _Inveça_, I deliver. _Naveça_, thou deliverest, _Inreça_, he
delivereth. Plural. _Inqueça_, wee deliver, _Naveçata_, yee deliver;
_Inqueça tacque_, they deliver.

_A_ is a simple signifying to wish or desire, or will a thing, which is
never found without these particles.

Sing. _Inva_, I will, _Nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will; Plural.
_Inca_ we will, _Navata_, yee will, _Incatacque_, they will. _Ivereh_,
to heare. _Invivireh_, I heare. _Navivireh_, thou hearest, _Inrivireh_,
he heareth. Plural. _Inquivireh_, we heare; _Navivirehta_, yee heare;
_Inquivireh tacque_, they heare.

Thus have I briefly set downe the way of declining all sorts of Nounes,
and conjugating all sorts of Verbes of this tongue. It remaineth now
that I speak of Verbes passives; their forming and their conjugating
with like Particles. The Verbes passives being of divers terminations,
are diversly formed. Commonly those that end with an _A_, cut off
the _A_, in the passive, and to the last consonant add _hi_. As
for example, _Nuroca_, I whip or beat, the passive is _Quinrochi_.
So _Nurapa_, I whip or beat, in the passive is _Quinraphi_. Except
_Nutsiba_, I write, which changeth _b_ into _m. Quintsimhi_, I am
written. Those that end in _oh_, change _oh_ into _onhi_. As _nulocoh_,
I love. _Quinloconhi_, I am loved. So those that end in _eh_, doe
change _eh_ into _hi_, as _Invivireh_, I hear, _Quinivirhi_, I am
heard. _Nucuta_, I teach, _Quincuthi_, I am taught, by the first rule.
But those that end in _ça_ (where note this letter _ç_ or _c_, with a
tittle under it, is pronounced like _s_) change the _a_ into _ihi_.
As for example: _inveça_ I deliver, _Quineçihi_, I am delivered.
_Nucamça_, I kill, _Quincamçihi_, I am killed; those that end in _ach_,
adde _hi_ in the passive, as _Nuçach_, I forgive, in the passive maketh
_Quinçachhi_, I am forgiven. The particles that vary, or conjugate the
Verbes passives, are these following:

Sing. _Quin. Ti. In_. Plural. _Coh_, or _Co. Tita. Quitacque._ As for
example:

_Quinloconchi_, I am loved, _Tiloconhi_, thou art loved. _Inloconhi_,
hee is loved. Plural. _Coloconhi_, wee are loved. _Tiloconhita_, yee
are loved. _Quiloconhitacque_, they are loved.

_Quinrochi_, I am beaten or whipped; _Tirochi_, thou art beaten or
whipped; _Inrochi_, he is beaten or whipped. Plural. _Corochi_, we are
beaten or whipped; _Tirochita_, ye are beaten or whipped; _Quirochi
tacque_, they are beaten or whipped.

The Particles for the preterperfect tense are these following.

Sing. _Xin. Ixti. Ix._ Plural. _Xoh_, or _Xo. Ixti ta; xi tacque._ As
for example. Sing. _Xinloconhi_, I have bin loved. _Ixtiloconhi_, thou
hast bin loved. _Ixloconhi_, hee hath been loved. Plural. _Xoloconhi_,
wee have been loved. _Ixtiloconhita_, yee have been loved. _Xiloconhi
tacque_, they have been loved. _Xinrochit_, I have been whipped or
beaten. _Ixtirochi_, thou hast been whipped or beaten. _Ixrochi_, hee
hath been whipped or beaten. Plural. _Xorochi_, or _xohrochi_, we have
been whipped or beaten, _Ixtirochita_, yee have been whipped or beaten.
_Xirochi tacque_, they have been whipped or beaten.

The Imperative Mood is thus:

_Tiloconhi_, Bee thou loved, _Chiloconho_, let him bee loved. Plural.
_Chicaloconho_, let us bee loved, _Tiloconhota_, bee yee loved,
_Chiquiloconho tacque_, let them bee loved. Where you see the particle
_hi_ is changed into _ho_.

The Optative Mood, and the Conjunctive are after the manner of the
Verbs Actives, by put to _ta_ in the Optative, and _vei_ in the
Conjunctive. As for example.

_Quinloconhi ta_, I pray God I bee loved. _Tiloconhi ta_, I pray God
thou bee loved; _Inloconhita_, I pray God hee be loved; _Cohloconhita_,
I pray God we bee loved. _Tiloconhitata_, I pray God yee be loved.
_Quiloconhi ta tacque_, I pray God they bee loved.

So in the preterperfect tense _ta_ onely is added; as for example.

_Xinloconhi ta_, would to God I have or had been loved.
_Ixtiloconhita_, pray God thou hast or hadst bin loved, _Ixloconhita_,
pray God he have or had been loved. Plur. _Xoloconhita_, pray God we
have or had been loved, _Ixtiloconhi ta ta_, I pray God ye have or
had bin loved, _Xiloconhi ta tacque_, I pray God they have or had
been loved. Where note that the particle _Ta_, if any other word or
sentence be put with the Verb, may bee put before the Verb, as _Nim ta
Quinloconhi_, I pray God I be greatly loved. Otherwise if the Verbe be
alone, _ta_ is placed after it.

The Conjunctive Mood is thus, _Vei Quinloconhi_, if I be loved, _Vei
tiloconhi_, if thou bee loved, and so forth.

This is all, which commonly is taught concerning this tongue. In which
grounds hee that is perfect in, and hath a Dictionary of the severall
words of it, may soone learn to speake it. As I shall understand by my
best friends, that there is a desire of further printing a Dictionary,
I shall satisfie their desires, and apply my self unto it. These few
rules for the present I have thought fit to print, for curiosity sake,
and that it may appear, how easie the _Indian_ tongues are to be
learned. I shall conclude this unparalleld work, with the Lords Prayer
in that tongue, and with a brief explication of it.

_Catat taxah vilcat; Nimta incaharçihi avi; Inchalita Avihauripan Cana.
Invanivita Nava yahvir vachacal, he invantaxah. Chaye runa cahuhunta
quih viic; Naçachtacamac, he incaçachve quimac ximacquivi chiquih;
Macoacana chipam catacchihi; Coaveçata china unche stiri, mani quiro,
he inqui. Amen._

Note. _Catat_, according to the rule of declining Nounes, is the first
person plural, which is known by the particle _Ca_, added to _Tat_,
which signifieth father; and _Catat_ is our father.

_Taxah_ signifieth heaven; it is put before the word or verb _vilcat_,
for more elegancy sake, and for better placing of it, contrary to the
_Latin_ and _English_, where _es_, and _art_, is put before _in cælis_,
or in heaven. Likewise it is put without a preposition, contrary to
the Greeke, Latin and English: for in this tongue many times the
prepositions are omitted and understood.

_Vilcat_ signifieth _es_ or _art_: it is the second person of the
Verbe, _Sum, es, fui,_ which is a Verbe Anomal, and not conjugated
after the rule of Verbes above. As for example. _Vilquin_, I am,
_Vilcat_, thou art, _villi_, hee is. Plural. _Vilcoh_, wee are,
_Vilcatta_, yee are, _Vilque tacque_, they are. The Preterperfect
tence, _Xinvi_, I have been, _Ixtivi_, thou hast been, _Ixvi_, hee
hath been. Plural. _Xohvi_, we have been, _Ixtivita_, yee have been,
_Xivi tacque_, they have been. Imperative. _Tivi_ or _Tivo_, bee thou;
_Chivi_ or _Chivo_, let him be. Plural. _Cohvi ta_ or _Cohvo ta_, let
us bee; _Tivita_ or _Tivota_, bee yee; _Quivi ta_ or _Quivo ta tacque_,
let them bee. The Optative and Conjunctive are according to the Rule
above, by adding _ta_ or _vei_, to the present tense, and preterperfect
tense of the Indicative Mood.

_Nim ta Incaharcihi_, which signifieth, I pray God may be greatly
magnified. _Nim_ signifieth great or greatly. _Ta_ is _optantis_,
or of wishing. _Incaharcihi_, is the third person of the Verbe
_Quincaharcihi_, which signifieth to be magnified or extolled; and is
formed according to the rule above, from the active verbe, _Nucaharça_,
to magnifie or extoll, by changing the last _a_ into _ihi_, and adding
_quin_ the particle of the passive.

_Avi_ thy name. _Vi_, signifieth name, and according to the rule above
for Nounes beginning with a Consonant _a_ is the particle of the second
person.

_Inchalita avihauri_, let come thy Kingdome, is the proper expression
of this in _English. Inchali_, is the third person of the Verbe
_Quinchali_, which signifieth to come. _Ta_ is as before _optantis_, or
of wishing. _Ihauri_ or _Ihauric_, signifieth kingdome. _Av_, added,
sheweth the second person.

_Pan cana_, upon our heads. This is a peculiar expression in that
tongue; which (as all other tongues) hath many phrases, strange
expressions, proper elegancies and circumlocutions. Whereof this one,
to say, Let thy Kingdome come upon our heads. _Pam_ or _Pan_, is a
preposition, signifying in or within, or upon. _Na_ signifieth head;
_Nuna_, my head, _Cana_, our head, according to the rule above: from
whence they call a hat, _Pan Nuna_, as being upon the head.

_Invanivi ta Nava_, let be done what thou wilt. They have no proper
Noun to expresse a mans will, but expresse it by a Verbe: _Invanivi_,
is the third person of the Verbe, _Quinvanivi_, which signifieth to
be made or done. The Active is _Nuvan_, I doe or make: from whence
are formed many passives, as _Quinvan_ or _Quinvanhi_, or _Quinvani_,
or _Quinvanivi_, or _Quinbanari_; or _Quinvantihi_, whereof this last
signifieth to bee done speedily. And so to all Verbes Actives and
Passives, this particle _tihi_, is added at the end, to signifie hast
or speed in doing any thing. _Nava_, is the second person of the Verbe,
_Inva_, I will, according to the rule for verbes beginning with a
vowell, _Nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will.

_Yahvir vach a cal_, here upon the face of the earth; _Yahvir_, is an
Adverbe signifying here, _Vach_, signifieth face, _Nuvach_, my face,
_Avach_, thy face, _Ruvach_, his face. _Acal_, signifieth the earth or
ground.

_He invan taxah_, as it is done in heaven. _He_ is an Adverbe,
signifying even as, _Invan_, is the third person of the passive Verbe,
_Quinvan_, to bee done. _Taxah_, as before, signifieth in heaven
without any preposition to it.

_Chaye runa_, give to day. _Nuye_ is the first person of the present
tense, signifying, I give, _Cha_, is the particle (according to the
rule above) of the second person of the Imperative Mood. _Chaye_, give
thou; _Chyrue_, let him give. _Runa_, to day.

_Cahuhun ta quih viic_, our every day bread, where note that _ca_, put
before _huhun_ is very elegantly placed, though it doe belong to the
word _viic_, which signifieth bread. _Nuviic_, my bread, _Caviic_, our
bread. _Huhun_ is an undeclined word, signifying every one, or every
thing. _quih_ signifieth the sun or the day.

_Naçach ta camac_, I pray God thou forgive our sinnes. They use not
here the Imperative Mood, as in _Latin demitte_, and in _English_
forgive, but with the particle _ta_, of wishing, they use the Optative
Mood. _Naçach_ is the second person of the Verbe, _Nuçach_, I forgive.
_Mac_, signifieth sin. _Numac_, my sin or sins, _camac_, our sins.
_Laval_ is another word in that tongue also to signifie sin.

_He incaçachve quimac_, Even as we forgive their sins. _Incaçach_
is the first person plural, according to the rule above, for verbes
beginning with a consonant, _ve_ is put at the end for elegancy sake.
_Quimac_ is the third person plural. Where note that in a whole speech
or sentence, sometimes the particle _tacque_, observed above in the
rule for declining is left out; and sometimes it is added. As here,
_quimac_ their sins; or else it might have been _quimac tacque_.

_Xim acquivi chi quih_, that have sinned against our backs, of _Mac_,
signifying sin, is this Verbe formed, _quinmacquivi_, to sin. So
likewise of _lavil_, sin, is formed another Verb, _quinlavini_, to
sin. This Verbe _quinmacquivi_ is a Deponent; of which sort there are
many in that tongue, as _quincutani_, to preach, which have the same
Particles as the Verbes Passives. _Chiquih_ is a word compounded of the
Preposition _chi_ and _ih_, which signifieth back, and is varied like
the Nounes beginning with a Vowell, and joyned with _chi_, signifieth
against, as _Chivih_, against mee, _chavih_, against thee, _chirih_,
against him. Plural. _Chiquih_, against us, _chavihta_, against yee,
_chiquih tacque_, against them. And if another third person bee named,
_chirih_, standeth for against, as _chirih Pedro_, against _Peter_,
that is, against the back. If many be named in the third person Plural,
then _chiquih_ is used, as _chiquih unche_, or _chiquih cunch elal_,
against all.

_Mecoacana_, leave us not. This Verbe is here compounded of three:
first, _Ma_, is abbreviated from the word _mani_, which signifieth no
or not, as likewise _manchucu. Co_ or _coh_, signifieth wee or us, and
as in the rules before I have observed, is put here before the Verb;
which causeth the _n_ to be cut off from the verb, which otherwise
should have beene _nacana_, of _nucana_, I leave, _nacana_, thou
leavest, _inrucana_, he leaveth, and so forth.

_Chipam catacchihi_, in our being tempted. This is another great
elegancy in that tongue to use a Verbe Passive for a Noune, and to
add to it a Preposition; as here, _chipam_, which signifieth in;
and putting to the Verbe the Particles wherewith the Nounes are
varied and declined. _Nutacchih_, signifieth I tempt. The Passive is
_quintacchihi_, I am tempted; from whence _nutacchihi_, signifieth
my being tempted, or my temptation; _atacchihi_, thy temptation,
_rutacchihi_, his temptation, _catacchihi_, our temptation.

_Coaveçata china unche tsiri._ Deliver us from all evill things.
_Inveça_, as I have noted before, signifyeth to deliver. _Co_ is the
first person Plural put before the Verbe, as I observed in the rule
above, and in that Conjunction or compound _macoacana. China_ is a
Preposition, signifying above or from. _Unche_, signifieth all, which
is undeclinable. _tsiri_, is an Adjective properly undeclinable also
or unvariable, in Gender, Case, and Number; as are all Adjectives in
that tongue. It signifieth evill or bad; as _tsiri vinac_, an evill
man, _tsiri ixoc_, a bad woman, _tsiri chicop_, a bad or evill beast;
so likewise in the Plural number it is the same. Without a Substantive
it is as the Newter Gender, as _malum_ for _malares_, signifying an
evill thing, or evill things. The Substantive that is formed from it,
is _tsiriquil_, which signifieth evill or wickednesse. _Voronquil_,
signifieth the same.

_Mani quiroz_, not good: this is put for a further expression of evils
to be delivered from whatsoever is not good. _Mani_, as I noted before,
signifieth not. _Quiro_, is as _tsiri_, an Adjective, signifying good
or a good thing, and is undeclinable, unvariable in both numbers.
_Quiro vinac_, a good man, _quiro ixoc_, a good woman, _quiro chicop_,
a good beast; so likewise in the plural number, _quiro vinac_,
good men. The Substantive that is derived from this Adjective, is,
_quirohal_, goodness. _Chiohal_, signifieth the same. _quirolah_, is
very good, _tsirilah_, very bad, where _lah_ is added at the end of an
adjective, it puts the same aggravation as _valde_ in _Latin_.

_He inqui_, even as he saith. The meaning is, even as hee saith
that taught this prayer. _Quinqui_, signifieth I say, _tiqui_, thou
saiest, _inqui_, hee saith, _Cohqui_, wee say, _tiquita_, yee say,
_quiquitacque_, they say.

_Amen_. All words which have no true expression in the _Indians_
tongues, are continued in the _Spanish_, or in the proper tongue, as
here _Amen_. So wine which formerly they had not, they call _vino_;
though by an improper word some call it _Castilana ha_, that is, the
water of Castile. So God, they call _Dios_ commonly; though some call
him _Nim Ahval_, that is, the great Lord.

And thus for curiosities sake, and by the intreaty of some speciall
friends, I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet
was printed, or known in _England_. A Merchant, Mariner, or Captaine at
Sea may chance by fortune to be driven upon some Coast, where he may
meet with some _Pocoman Indian_; and it may bee of great use to him, to
have some light of this _Poconchi_ tongue. Whereunto I shall be willing
hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey; and for
the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely
been delivered by mee.


_FINIS._




A Table of the Chapters of this Booke, with the Contents of the most
Remarkeable things in them.


    CHAP. I.

_How_ Rome _doth yeerely visit the_ American _and_ Asian _Kingdomes_.
page 1.

    Contents.

_The Popes Policy in maintaining constantly some poore Pensionary
Bishops in_ Rome. page 1.

_Without great Sums of Mony, and new Purple Clothing given to the
Cardinals, Suits are not Canonized at_ Rome. pag. 2.

_Monies sent out of_ England _to_ Rome, _for Indulgencies to bee
granted to private Altars in Papists private chambers._ page 2.

_More power granted to the Kings of_ Spain _over the Clergy in the_
West-India's, _then to other Princes in_ Europe, _upon condition that
they maintain there the Popes Authority, and Preists to preach._ page
2. 3.

_The Jesuites challenge from_ Francis Xavierius _the Preaching of the
Gospel as due onely to them._ page 3.

_Missions of Preists, Fryers, or Jesuites, are yeerely sent at the King
of_ Spaine _his charge to the_ India's. page 3.


    CHAP. II.

_Shewing that the_ Indians _wealth, under a pretence of their
Conversion, hath corrupted the hearts of poore begging Fryers, with
strife, hatred and ambition._ page 3.

    Contents.

_Hatred grounded upon difference in Religion, is most bitter._ Page 3.
4.

_Jesuites and Fryers, but especially Dominicans, deadly enemies._ Page
4.

_A Jesuiticall trick well acted at_ Venice. page 4.

_Doctor_ Smith _Bishop of_ Chalcedon _sent by the Pope into_ England,
_as private Head over all the_ Romish _Clergy, chiefly by the cunning
subtilty of Jesuites was banished._ page 4.

_A Colledge privately intended to hee built in_ England, _by Jesuites
at_ Winifreds Well; _as also the Sope houses at_ Lambeth, _with the
Sope Patentee belonging to them._ page 5.

_More Jesuiticall prankes discovered._ page 5.

_Why Jesuites and Dominicans are dead enemies._ page. 5. 6.

Valentia _the Jesuite, his death most shamefull, for causing a false
Print upon_ Augustins _workes._ page. 5. 6.

_Jesuites, excellent Musicians, Fencers, Dancers, Vaulters, Painters,
Bribers, and Merchants._ p. 6.


    CHAP. III.

_Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers, and Jesuites to the_
India's. pag. 7

    Contents.

_Distinction of severall Provinces amongst the Fryers, and Jesuites,
under head at Rome, named Generall._ page 7.

West-India _Fryers rich prizes to the_ Hollanders, page 7.

_Popes indulgence granted to such Fryers, as goe to the_ India's, _and
his excommunication to such as oppose them._ page 8.

_Liberty draws most of the Fryers to the_ India's. page 8.

_The death of an unchast wife murthered by her owne husband, caused by
the too much liberty of a wanton Fryer in_ Guatemala, Anno 1635. p. 9.


    CHAP. IV.

_Shewing to what Provinces of the_ East _and_ West-India's _belonging
to the Crowne of_ Castilia, _are sent missions of Fryers and Jesuites.
And especially of the Missions sent in the yeer_ 1625. page 9.

    Contents.

_Two sorts of_ Spaniards _in the_ India's _deadly enemies to one
another,_ viz. _the Natives borne there, and such as goe from_ Spain
_thither._ page 9. 10.

_What Religious Orders are the chief Preachers in the Province of_
Guatemala. page. 10.

_The_ Spaniards _chief trading from_ Spain _to_ Philippinas, _is
first, by their ships to St_. John de Ulhua, _upon the North Sea; and
secondly, from_ Acapulco, _upon the South Sea to_ Manila. page 11.

_A vaine and worldly discourse of a Fryer of the_ India's, page 11. 12.

_The chief cause of the Authors resolution to goe to_ East _and_
West-India's. page 12. 13.

_Foure poore Mendicant Fryers, as_ Apostles _entertained by_ Don
Frederique de Toledo, _and the Gallies in_ Puerto de Santa Maria. page
14.


    CHAP. V.

_Of the_ Indian _Fleet, that departed from_ Cales, Anno Dom. 1625. _And
of some remarkable passages in that voiage._ page 14.

    Contents.

_The love of Nuns too powerfull over Fryers._ page 14.

_The Author hid in an empty barrell on shipboard, in the Bay of_ Cales.
page 15.

_The pleasure of the_ Indian _Navigation,_ 1625. _untill the first land
was discovered._ page 16.


    CHAP. VI.

_Of our discovery of some Islands, and what trouble befell us in one of
them._ p. 16.

    Contents.

_The Islands called_ Desseada, Marigalante, Dominica; Guadalupe, _are
the first discovered in_ America, _in the_ Spanish _Navigation._ page
17.

_A Christian Mulatto having lived twelve yeeres among Heathens, with an
Infidell wife and Children, found in_ Guadalupe. page 18.

_A suddaine uproare and mutiny of the_ Indians _of_ Guadalupe, _who
slew and wounded many of the_ Spanish _Fleet,_ 1625. page 19.


    CHAP. VII.

_Of our further sailing to St_. John de Ulhua, aliàs, Vera Crux, _of
our landing there._ page 19.

    Contents.

_A Fryer wounded at_ Guadalupe, _died, and was solemnly cast to the
Sea._ pag. 20.

_A_ Spaniard _swimming in the sound of_ Mexico, _cruelly slain, and
partly devoured by a Sea Monster._ page 21.

_The_ Virgin Mary, _called upon more then God, in a suddain
apprehension of a storme._ page 21.


    CHAP. VIII.

_Of our landing at_ Vera Crux, _otherwise St._ John de Ulhua, _and of
our entertainment there._ page 22.

    Contents.

_The vanity and worldlinesse of a Religious Dominican Superiour in St._
John de Ulhua. page 23.

_The houses and Churches of St._ John de Ulhua, _builded with boards
and timber, and therefore easily and often fired._ page 23. 24.

_A further relation of the towne of St._ John de Ulhua, _with the rich
trading of it from most parts of the_ West-India's, _as also from the_
East-India's. page 24.


    CHAP. IX.

_Of our journey from St._ John de Ulhua _to_ Mexico, _and of the most
remarkable Townes and Villages in the way._ page 25.

    Contents.

_Our Fryers first entertainment by the_ Indians _of the old_ Vera Crux.
page 25.

_A Franciscan Fryers vow and profession contrary to the vanity,
carding, dicing, and swearing, practised by them of_ Xalappa, _in the_
India's. page 26.

_Abundance of Gnats in the_ Rinconada, _taketh away the comfort of the
great abundance of provision that is there._ page 27.

_From whence the Towne called_ Segura de la Frontera _had its
beginning._ page 27. 28.


    CHAP. X.

_Wherein is set downe the Estate and Condition of the great Towne of_
Tlaxcallan, _when the first_ Spaniards _entered into the Empire of_
Mexico. Cortez _his first encounter with the_ Tlaxcalteca's, _their
League with him, with a description of the Towne, and of the state and
condition of it now._ page 29.

    Contents.

_A wall of stone without Lime or Morter, of a fadome and a halfe high,
and twenty foot broad, built by the Indian, for a defence in time of
Warres before the comming of the_ Spaniards. page 29.

_Fourescore thousand_ Indians, _soon raised and armed by those of_
Tlaxcallan, _and soone overcome by a thousand onely_ Indians _and_
Spaniards _with_ Cortez. pag. 30. 31.

_Yet further a hundred and fifty thousand overcome by foure hundred_
Spaniards, _and six hundred_ Indians. page 31. 32.

_Three presents sent to_ Cortez, viz _five slaves, Frankincense and
feathers, Fowles, Bread and Cherries, to know whether hee were a God or
a man._ pag. 32.

Montezuma _the Emperour his great present sent to_ Cortez. pag. 34.

_The_ Tlaxcalteca's _pay no Tribute to the King of_ Spain, _as others
doe, save onely one Corn of Maiz._ pag. 35.

_A description of the foure chief streets of_ Tlaxcallan, _with the
standard of the Town._ pag. 35.

_Twenty thousand persons wont to meet in one Market place of_
Tlaxcallan, _to buy and sell._ pag. 35.

_Severe Justice executed upon a thief by the inhabitants of_
Tlaxcallan. pag. 36.


    CHAP. XI.

_Concluding the rest of our Journey from_ Tlaxcallan _to_ Mexico,
_through the City of_ Angels, _and_ Guacocingo. pag. 36.

    Contents.

_The City of_ Angels _first builded by the Command of_ Antonio de
Mendoza, _in the yeer_ 1530. pag. 37.

_It was first called by the_ Indians Cuetlaxcoapan, _that is to say, a
snake in water._ Ibid.

_Many more particulars of the City of_ Angels _briefly related._ Ibid.

_The Town of_ Guacocingo, _why priviledged by the_ Spaniards. pag. 38.

Tezcuco, _the first Town in the_ West-India's, _that received a
Christian King._ pag. 39.

_How the_ Vergantines, _(wherewith_ Cortez _besieged_ Mexico _by water)
were brought by Land in pieces from_ Tlaxcallan _to_ Tezcuco; _and
foure hundred thousand men, fifty dayes imployed in making a sluce
or Trench for the finishing of them, and launching them forth to the
Lake._ pag. 40.

Cortez _his Army divided into three parts in the plain of_ Tezcuco,
_for the better besieging of_ Mexico. pag. 40. 41.

Cortez _made use of seven thousand beames of Cedar trees for the
building of his house in_ Mexico. pag. 41.


    CHAP. XII.

_Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of_ Mexico _in
former times; with a true description of it now. And of the State and
Condition of it, in the yeare_ 1625. pag. 42.

    Contents.

_Little substance or nourishment found in the fruits, and other food
of_ Mexico. pag. 42. 43.

_Severall opinions concerning the difference of fresh and salt water in
the Lake of_ Mexico, p. 43. 44.

Montezuma _his stately Palace in_ Mexico, _called_ Tepac, _with two
more, the one with many ponds of salt and fresh water for severall
sorts of fowles; the other for hawking fowles, and fowles of rapine._
p. 44. 45.

_Three thousand were the Attendants in_ Montezuma _his Court, fed with
what came from his Table._ p. 46.

Mexico _called formerly_ Tenuchtitlan, _and why?_ ibid.

_What_ Mexico _properly signifieth, and from whence so called._ p. 47.

_The Names of the ten Emperours that were of_ Mexico, _and_ Montezuma
_his death._ ibid.

Quahutimoc _Emperour of_ Mexico _taken Prisoner, and that great City
conquered by_ Cortez _the_ 13. _of_ August, 1521. p. 49.

_Two hundred thousand little boats called Canoas, belonged to_ Mexico,
_to bring provision into the City._ p. 50.

_A Description of the chiefe Market of_ Mexico, _wherein a hundred
thousand persons did usually meet to buy and sell._ p. 50, 51.

_A Description of the great Church of_ Mexico, _before the entring of
the_ Spaniards. p. 51, 52.

_The Papists have continued the fashion of their Churches, Altars,
Cloisters, and many other their abuses from the Heathens._ p. 52, 53.

_The Gods of_ Mexico, _two thousand in number._ p. 53.

Mexico _after the Conquest, was built againe with a hundred thousand
houses._ p. 54.

_Fifteen thousand Coaches are judged to be in the City of_ Mexico. p.
56.

_A Popingay presented to the King of_ Spain, _worth halfe a million of
Duckates._ ibid.

_A Lampe in_ Mexico _worth foure hundred thousand Crownes._ ibid.

_The Attire of the female sex of_ Blackmores, Mulatta's, _and_
Mestiza's _in_ Mexico. p. 56, 57.

_The_ Spaniards _with their gifts to the Churches and Cloisters cover
their lascivious lives, as is shewed by an example in_ Mexico. p. 57.

_About two thousand Coaches daily meet in the Alameda of_ Mexico. 59.

_Of a fruit in the_ India's, _called_ Nuchtli. p. 60.

_Of some other fruits, and especially of a tree called_ Metl. p. 60, 61.

_A memorable history of a great mutiny in_ Mexico, _caused by the too
great power of an Archprelate, and the Covetousnesse of the Viceroy.
With some observations gathered for the good of_ England _out of the
said mutiny._ p. 62. & sequent.


    CHAP. XIII.

_Shewing the severall parts of this new world of_ America; _and the
places of Note about the famous City of_ Mexico. p. 68.

    Contents.

_A Description of the fiery Mountain, called_ Popocatepec. p. 69.

_The riches belonging to the Viceroy his chappell at_ Chapultepec,
_worth above a million of Crownes._ p. 70.

_A Description of a rich Desart, or wildernesse, three leagues from_
Mexico. ibid.

_The cruelty of_ Don Nunio de Guzman _in_ Mechoacan. p. 71. _The
manner of burying the Kings of_ Mechoacan, _before it was conquered by
the_ Spaniards. p. 71, 72.

_The_ Spaniards _themselves wonder that our_ English _Nation is not
more Active in conquering more of the Continent of_ America _beyond_
Virginia. p. 73.

Nova Albion _in_ America, _named so by Sir_ Francis Drake. p. 74.

_How the Countrey of_ Jucatan _was first named._ ibid.

_In the year_ 1632. _the_ Indians _of_ Jucatan _mutinied against the_
Spaniards. ibid.

_The City of_ Valdivia _so named from a_ Spaniard _of that name too
greedy and covetous of gold._ p. 76.

_The famous Attempt of_ John Oxenham _an_ English _man from the Coast
of_ Nombre de Dios, _to the Island of Pearles in the South sea._ p. 77.

_The_ Spanish _Fleet of_ Nova Hispania, _taken by the_ Hollanders, _in
the river of_ Matanzos. p. 80.


    CHAP. XIV.

_Shewing my Journey from_ Mexico _to_ Chiapa, _Southward, and the most
remarkable places in the way._ p. 81.

    Contents.

_For what reasons I stayed in_ America, _and would not goe on to the_
Philippina _Islands in the_ East-India's. p. 82.

_A Proclamation from the Viceroy in the market place of_ Mexico,
_against such as should conceale, harbour, and hide any Fryer bound for
the_ Philippina _Islands_. p. 83.

_A double Wheat harvest every yeer in a Valley, called_ St. Pablo. p.
85.

_The Dominicans Cloister in_ Guaxaca, _very rich, and strong._ p. 86.

_The great River_ Alvarado, _though it run from_ St. John de Ulhua
_far into the heart of the Countrey towards_ Guaxaca, _yet there is no
Castle, Tower, or Ordnance upon it._ ibid.

_An Old Frier, Master of Divinity, spightfully and maliciously buried
in a garden by the Friers of_ Guaxaca. ibid.

_Friers in the_ India's _may travail, and call for Turkeys, Capons, or
what they please to eat, without any mony, upon the_ Indians _charges._
p. 87.

Tecoantepeque _a Sea Towne, upon_ Mar del Zur, _altogether
unfortified._ ibid.

_The Author lodged in a Wildernesse, and affrighted with a sure
apprehension of death by Wild beasts._ p. 88, 89.

_The Author, and his Companies dangerous passage over the mountaine of_
Maquilapa, _feeding three daies upon green sowre lemmons, and water._
p. 90. & sequ.

_Two mysterious games of Tables played between the Superiour of the
Dominican Friers of_ Chiapa, _and the Author and his Company._ p. 94,
95.

_Our stately entertainment in a Towne called_ St. Philip, _neer_
Chiapa. p. 95, 96.

_Our imprisonment in the Cloister of_ Chiapa, _and three daies penance
with bread and water._ p. 96.

_A Friers penance in_ Chiapa _for a Love letter to a Nun._ p. 97.

_The Author made Schoole-master in_ Chiapa. ibid.


    CHAP. XV.

_Describing the Countrey of_ Chiapa, _with the chief Townes and
Commodities belonging to it._ p. 98.

    Contents.

_Some foolish questions moved to the Author by a great Don of_ Chiapa,
_and his answer to them accordingly._ p. 99. & sequ.

_One thousand and six hundred Duckates got by a Bishop of_ Chiapa
_in one moneth onely for Confirmation of little children in_ Indian
_Townes._ p. 102.

_A Bishop of_ Chiapa _poisoned by women, with a cup of Chocolatte, for
forbidding Chocolatte to be drunke in the Church._ p. 103.

_The Author his answer to a token sent to him by a gentlewoman of_
Chiapa. p. 104.

_The great Dexterity of the_ Indians _of_ Chiapa _in shewes, and
publike feasts._ ibid.

_The River of_ Tabasco _very commodious for any Nation to enter up
towards_ Chiapa. p. 105.


    CHAP. XVI.

_Concerning two daily, and common Drinkes, or Potions much used in the_
India's, _called Chocolatte, and Atolle._ p. 106.

    Contents.

_The Nature of the Cacao, and the tree it groweth upon, and the two
sorts of it._ p. 106, 107.

_Cinnamon one of the best ingredients in the Chocolatte; and why?_ p.
108.

_Achiotte how it groweth; and for what it is good._ ibid.

_Severall waies to drinke the Chocolatte._ p. 109.


    CHAP. XVII.

_Shewing my Journey from the City of_ Chiapa _unto_ Guatemala, _and the
chief places in the way._ p. 111.

    Contents.

_Six thousand Duckates sent by a Fryer to_ Spain _to buy a
Bishopricke._ p. 112.

_A rich treasure and picture of_ Mary _in a poor and small Town
of the_ Indians, _called_ Chiantla, _among the mountaines, named_
Cuchumatlanes. p. 113.

_The water of the river of a Towne, called_ Scapula, _causeth great
swellings in the throat._ p. 114.

_The Authour his dangerous fall from the mountaine of_ Zojabah, _and
his great deliverance attributed to a miracle by the_ Indians, _with
the conceit the_ Indians _had of his sanctity and holinesse._ p. 115.

_The_ Indians _guide the Friers in the night, when they travail, with
lights of Pine wood._ p. 116.

_The great Fair of_ Chimaltenango. p. 117.

_The Author abused, and suspected to be a spie, by an old frier in_
Chimaltenango. ibid.

_Stones of a fruit, or plumme, called_ Xocotte, _fit for fiering, and
also good to fat hogs._ 117, 118.


    CHAP. XVIII.

_Describing the Dominions, Government, Riches, and greatnesse of the
City of_ Guatemala, _and Country belonging to it._ p. 118.

    Contents.

Guatemala _an open City without any walls, forts, or Bulwarkes about
it._ p. 118.

_The Author welcomed to_ Guatemala; _and first graced with a publick
Act of Divinity; and after made Master of Arts in the same City._ p.
118, 119.

_The forme of the Letters Patents, as are used there, and sent to the
Authour to read Arts in the University of_ Guatemala. ibid.

_The manner of presenting the Author to the Bishop for obtaining his
Licence to preach publikely._ p. 120. 121.

_The forme of the Bishops Licence to preach and heare Confessions
within his Bishopricke, in_ Spanish, _and_ English; _with some glosses
upon it._ p. 121, 122.

Donna Maria de Castilia _swallowed up by a river which suddainly gushed
out of a mountaine neer to_ Guatemala, _for blaspheming and defying
God._ p. 124.

_The horrour of the Vulcan of fire neer_ Guatemala. ibid.

_Thirteen pound and a halfe of Biefe sold about_ Guatemala _for three
pence._ p. 125.

_One man onely enjoying_ 40000 _head of Cattell, and one onely that
bought_ 6000 _neer_ Guatemala. ibid.

_How_ Guatemala _and the Townes about are stored with provision of
Biefe and Mutton; and by whom._ ibid.

_Foure exceeding rich Merchants in_ Guatemala, _besides many other of
great, but inferiour wealth to them._ p. 126.

_The Covetousnesse of a President of_ Guatemala _shewed in Carding and
gaming._ ibid.

_Thirty thousand Duckats yeerly, the rent of one Cloister in_
Guatemala; _besides the treasure in it, worth a hundred thousand
Crownes._ p. 127.

_A thousand persons commonly living within one Cloister of Nuns in_
Guatemala. ibid.

_The Bishop of_ Guatemala _his Nun, very powerfull and rich._ p. 128.

_The strength of the Blackmore slaves about the Countrey of_ Guatemala.
p. 129.

_All the power of_ Guatemala _is not able to reduce a few Blackmore
slaves, who are fled to the mountains about_ Golfo Dulce. p. 130.

_Between the Towne of_ Acasabastlan _and_ Guatemala _are Mines of
Copper, and iron, and probably a treasure of Gold._ p. 131.

_A rich Miser, worth six hundred thousand Duckates, living like a beast
in the valley of_ Mixco. p. 132.

_A kind of wheat in the valley of_ Mixco, _called_ Tremesino, _which
after three moneths sowne is harvested in._ p. 135.

_A Towne called_ St. Lucar, _where wheat threshed is laid up in Barnes,
and keepeth two or three yeers with much increase._ ibid.

_A Towne of twelve thousand_ Indian _inhabitants not yet conquered,
lying between_ Jucatan _and_ Vera Paz. p. 136.


    CHAP. XIX.

_Shewing the Condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the_ Indians
_of the Countrey of_ Guatemala, _since the Conquest; and especially of
their feasts and solemnities._ p. 138.

    Contents.

_The_ Indians _of the Countrey of_ Guatemala, _like the Israelites by_
Pharaoh, _much oppressed by the_ Spaniards, _because they multiply and
increase._ p. 138.

_The_ West-India's _easier to be conquered now, then in the time that_
Cortez _conquered them._ p. 139.

_Some_ Indians _choose rather to die by pining away willingly, then to
be subject to the_ Spaniards _oppression and cruelty._ ibid.

_How the_ Indians _are forced, and distributed out by a_ Spanish
_officer to serve the_ Spaniards _weekly._ p. 140.

_The manner of the_ Indians _beds; as also their manner of cloathing._
p. 141, 142.

_They are divided into Tribes; with a chiefe head over every Tribe._ p.
142.

_How they agree upon contracting Marriage one with another._ ibid.

_The powdred bief of the_ Indians, _commonly called_ Tassajo. p. 143.

_The_ Indian _Venison, or flesh of wild Dear, how dressed and eaten._
ibid.

_A Hedgehog good meat in the_ India's. ibid.

_Of an_ Indian _drinke, called_ Chicha. p. 144.

_The_ Spaniards _use much to make the_ Indians _drunke; and then picke
their pockets._ p. 144, 145.

_The Preists that live in the_ Indian _Townes are above the Justices,
and Officers for peace, and whip, and give sentence and judgement in
the Church against the best._ p. 146.

_The Service, and Attendants allowed to the Preist._ p. 147.

_How, and what tribute the_ Indians _pay yeerly._ p. 148.

_The Saints and Idols of the Romish Religion differ not from the
heathenish Idols in the_ Indians _opinion._ p. 149.

_Saints held unprofitable by the Preists in the_ India's, _and fit to
be cast out of the Churches, which bring not mony and gifts unto them
at least once a yeare._ ibid.

_The Preists trade much in wax candles, and sell sometimes one candle
five or six times._ p. 150.

_An old_ Indian _Womans judgement concerning the Sacrament of the Lords
supper._ p. 150, 151.

_All soules day, Christmas, Candlemas day, and Whitsunday, daies of
great lucre, and profit to the Preists._ p. 151, 152.

_The_ Indians _are forced to marry at thirteen and fourteen yeers of
age; and why?_ p. 153.

_The ground of our Fairs in_ England. p. 154.

_Severall dances of the_ Indians. p. 154, 155.


    CHAP. XX.

_Shewing how, and why I departed out of_ Guatemala, _to learne the_
Poconchi _language, and to live among the_ Indians; _and of some
particular passages, and Accidents whilst I lived there._ p. 156.

    Contents.

_The Author going with some few_ Spaniards, _and Christian_ Indians
_into a Countrey of unknowne Heathens, fell dangerously sick; and was
further in a skirmish with the Barbarians, and by that meanes also in
danger of his life._ p. 157, 158.

Indians _growne up in age, forcedly driven to Baptisme, without any
principles in Christianity, by the Preists and Friers that first
entred into_ America. ibid.

Comayagua, _a woody, mountainous, and barren Countrey._ p. 159.

_In the_ India's _are Grammers and Dictionaries of the severall_ Indian
_tongues._ p. 160.

_The Authour became perfect in the_ Poconchi _language in one quarter
of a yeere._ ibid.

_The meanes, chiefly from the Church, which the Authour enjoyed yeerly
in the Townes of_ Mixco _and_ Pinola. p. 161, 162.

_A Plague of Locusts in the_ India's _brought no small profit to the
Authour._ p. 163, 164.

_The_ Spaniards _confidence in some blessed breads against the plague
of Locusts._ ibid.

_An infectious disease amongst the_ Indians, _brought to the Author
neer a hundred pounds in halfe a yeer._ ibid.

_The Authour struck downe as dead to the ground with a flash of
lightning; and again in danger of his life by an Earthquake._ p. 165,
166.

_Of a small Vermin, lesse then a flea called_ Nigua, _common in the_
India's, _wherewith the Author was in danger of losing a leg._ ibid.

_The Authour like to be killed by a_ Spaniard, _for defending the
poore_ Indians, p. 167.

_A notorious Witch in the Town of_ Pinola _affrighted the Authour._ p.
167. & sequ.

_The_ Indian _Wizards and Witches changed into shapes of beasts by the
Devil, as appeareth by two examples._ p. 169 & sequ.

_Some Idolaters in the Towne of_ Mixco _discovered their preaching Idol
found out by the Authour, and burnt publikely in the Church; and hee in
great danger to bee killed by them._ p. 171. & sequ.

_The Authors conflict within himselfe about coming home to_ England
_for conscience sake; and his resolution therein._ p. 180, 181.

_Neer upon_ 9000. _peeces of Eight got by the Authour, in twelve yeers
that hee lived in the_ India's. p. 181.


    CHAP. XXI.

_Shewing my Journey from the Towne of_ Petapa _into_ England; _and some
chief passages in the way._ p. 182.

    Contents.

_Relation of a place called_ Serro Redondo, _five leagues from_ Petapa.
p. 182.

_A strange fire and smoake constantly comming out of the earth neer
unto a Towne, called_ Aguachapa; _which by the_ Spaniards _is supposed
to be a mouth of hell._ p. 183.

_The priviledge of a great river, called_ Lempa, _dividing the Countrey
of_ St. Salvador, _and_ Nicaragua. p. 184.

_A Frier thinking to take up gold from the bottome of the fiery Vulcan
of_ Leon _deceived._ p. 185.

_The City of_ Leon, _and Countrey about, called by the_ Spaniards,
_Mahomets paradise._ ibid.

_About the beginning of_ February, _the City of_ Granada _in_ Nicaragua
_is one of the richest places in the_ India's, _by reason of many rich
commodities, and some of the King of_ Spain _his revenews carried
thither, to be transported by the Frigats to_ Cartagena _or_ Havana. p.
185, 186.

_The dangerous passage from the Lake of_ Granada _by the river,
commonly called_ El Desaguadero. p. 186.

_The Authour and his Company like to be surprized by a monstrous
Cayman, or Crocodile._ p. 187.

_The Authour robbed at sea by a_ Holland _man of Warre, of the value
of_ 7000. _Crownes._ p. 188, 189.

_A Frier for defending the poore_ Indians _of_ Nicoya _lost two
fingers, which were cut off by the Alcalde Maior._ p. 192.

_The Author forced to drinke his owne urine, and lost, and like to
perish in an unknowne Island, and afterwards upon a Rocke._ p. 193, 194.

_Some particulars of the City of_ Panama. p. 195.

_The river of_ Chiagre _very shallow in many places, without some great
raine cause the water to fall into it from the mountaines._ ibid.

_Some particulars of_ Portobello, _during the time that the_ Spanish
_Fleet stayeth there._ p. 196.

_The Papists Bread God, or Sacrament eaten and gnawne by a Mouse in_
Portobello; _with a Fast in bread and water for that contempt done unto
their God._ p. 197, 198.

_The_ Spaniards _feare of the_ English _that then inhabited the Island
called_ Providence. p. 199.

_Some_ English _Prisoners at_ Carthagena, _with one Captain_ Rouse,
_who at_ Havana _challenged some_ Spaniards _into the field, who had
abused him._ p. 199, 200.

_From the whole_ Spanish _Fleet, one gallantly taken away, worth
fourescore thousand Duckats, by two_ Holland _or_ English _ships not
well knowne, upon the Coast of_ Havana. p. 201.

_The manner of the Dominicans habit, with the meaning of it._ p. 203.


    CHAP. XXII.

_Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in_ England, _I
took yet another journey to_ Rome, _and other parts of_ Italy, _and
returned again to settle my selfe in this my Countrey._ p. 205.

    Contents.

Price _a Monke very familiar with_ William Laud _late Archbishop of_
Canterbury. p. 205.

_The Authors Brother in great favour at Court, and aspiring to a
Bishopricke; or to be Parish Preist of_ Coven garden. ibid.

_The Authour apprehended by a Pursevant; and protected by Sir_ Francis
Windebanke. p. 207.

_The Authour from the low Countries got letters of recommendation to
some chiefe Cardinals in_ Rome. p. 207.

_The Author robbed by_ French _Pyrates going from_ Ligorne _to_ Rome.
ibid.

_The Cardinal_ Don Francisco Barbarini _intituled the Protectour
of_ England _and much acquainted with the affaires of_ England,
_and especially with the actions and proceedings of_ William Laud
_Archbishop of_ Canterbury. p. 208.

William Laud _his further Complyance with the Cardinals of_ Rome,
_as testified by_ Fitzherbert _the Jesuite in a conference with the
Authour._ ibid.

_A designe of making an_ English _Cardinall at_ Rome; _and who chiefly
eyed for that purpose._ p. 209.

_A true Copy of the manner of sending the Author to live at_ Orleans
_in_ France, p. 209, 210.

_The miracle printed by the Papists of the blushing and sweating of the
Ladies picture of_ Loretto, _tried by the Authour, and found to bee a
meer lie._ p. 210.

_At the calling of the Parliament now sitting, the_ Romish _crew in_
Italy _much perplexed._ p. 210, 211.

_The Authour taken again by a_ French _Fleet of ships, as he was coming
home from_ Ligorne. p. 211.

_The Author twice assaulted in_ London _by Papists, and like to be
killed for his profession of the truth, and service to the State._ p.
211, 212.


FINIS.







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