THE
MILITARY HISTORY
OF THE
123d Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry.

In consenting to write the history of the organization, and the marches, skirmishes, battles and deeds of our brave old regiment, at this late date, is, I know, accepting an undertaking from which anyone might well shrink; and yet to preserve on record the dear old story, the task has been cheerfully attempted.

It is not expected that this book will be of interest to the general reader; to those only who participated in, or followed with loving eyes, its fortunes, will the dry details, which must necessarily often enter into its composition, be interesting, and without apology to the officers and men, of the 123d Ohio Volunteer Infantry, this book is offered as a true record of their soldier life.

To the noble dead of our old battle-worn regiment, whether sleeping in unknown graves, on southern battlefields, or by the dark prison pens, where only the sighing pines may chaunt their requiem, or it may be in the quiet churchyards of our own bright northland, to their widows and orphans who mourn in sorrow for their bright noble ones who will never more return; to the maimed and crippled ones, limping throughout the land, their heroism saved, these pages are sacredly dedicated.

The 123d Regiment was organized under the second call for six hundred thousand troops, and was recruited during the months of August and September, 1862, in the counties of Erie, Huron, Seneca, Crawford and Wyandotte, and was rendezvoused at Monroeville, Huron county, Ohio; some companies arriving late in August, while all were in camp early in September. Gen. J. A. Jones was post commander, and assigned companies to their quarters as they arrived, saw that they were properly subsisted, &c. All the companies, 6 except K, were mustered into the United States Service by Capt. E. W. H. Read of the 8th U. S. Infantry, on the 24th and 29th days of September; company K was mustered in by Capt. Chas. C. Goddard of the 17th Infantry, on the 16th of October, the day we left for the seat of war.

Company A was recruited in Wyandotte county by Capt. J. W. Chamberlin, and was mustered into the service at Monroeville, Ohio, September 24, as follows:

8 Company B was recruited in Huron county by Capt. Horace Kellogg, with headquarters at Norwalk. The company was full by the 25th of August, and after remaining in Norwalk for a time, went into camp at Monroeville early in September, and was mustered into the service on the 24th, as follows:

10 Company C was recruited by Capt. Charles Parmenter, in the county of Huron, commencing about the 9th of August. The company was full about the 24th, and went into camp at Monroeville early in September, and was mustered into the service on the 29th day of September, as follows:

Company D was recruited in the county of Seneca, by Capt. F. K. Shawhan, with headquarters at Tiffin; 12 recruiting commenced about the 12th of August and on the 22d, the company was full and went into camp about the 10th of September at Monroeville, and was mustered into the service September 24, as follows:

14 Company E was recruited in the county of Huron by Capt. Samuel W. Reed; recruiting commenced about the 9th of August, and the company was filled about the 1st of September, when it went into camp at Monroeville, and was mustered into the service September 29th, as follows:

Company F was organized in Wyandotte county and recruited by Capt. Curtis Berry, Sen., commencing about the 9th of August, and completing the organization about the 1st of September, and immediately went into camp 16 at Monroeville, and was mustered into the service September 24th, as follows:

Company G was recruited in Erie county by Capt. Charles H. Riggs, with headquarters at Sandusky; the majority of the company were from Sandusky city, and 18 the townships adjoining, all parts of the county, however, contributing to its membership.

The company was organized under some difficulties, as a company for the 101st regiment had just been raised in the same locality. Many of the men composing this company, had already seen service in company E, 8th Ohio, during the first three months of the war. Recruiting commenced August 8th, and on the 22d of the same month the company was full, and soon after went into camp at Monroeville, and was mustered into the service September 24th, as follows:

Company H was organized in Crawford county by Capt. John Newman of Crestline. Recruiting began August 14th, and by August 22d the company was full. The company went into camp early in September at Monroeville, and was mustered into the service September 24th, as follows:

Company I was organized in Seneca county by Capt. Richard A. Kirkwood of Fostoria. Recruiting began August 18th, and by August 22d the company was ready to go into camp, which was done early in September, and was mustered into the service at Monroeville on the 24th of the same month, as follows:

24 Company K was recruited mostly in the counties of Erie and Seneca. It was the last company recruited, and some difficulty was encountered in completing its organization. The company was recruited by Capt. Lewis Zimmer of Tiffin, and was mustered into the service at Monroeville, October 16th, as follows:

The foregoing rosters are correct copies of the original Muster-In-Rolls of the various companies.

As a matter of course they do not show the recruits 26 who came to the regiment in 1863 and 1864. Their names, however, will appear in the chapter devoted to the “muster-out.” Nearly two hundred recruits came to the regiment to fill its depleted ranks, and many of them were the very best of soldiers.

The following is a copy of the original Muster-In-Roll of the

Field and Staff.

Only three of whom, Col. W. T. Wilson, Assistant Surgeon W. B. Hyatt and Quarter Master Edwin H. 27 Brown, served through with the regiment until the close of the war. Major A. B. Norton resigned his commission soon after the regiment went to the field Assistant Surgeon J. H. Williams resigned during the Summer of 1863.

Lieutenant Colonel Henry B. Hunter served in the Valley Campaign of 1863, was captured at Winchester June 15th, remained in prison about ten months, which so broke down his health that soon after he was exchanged, not being fit for duty in the field, he tendered his resignation, and was mustered out of the service. Surgeon Orrin Ferris served with the regiment until the close of the campaign of 1864, when, with shattered constitution, and sadly impaired health, much against his own inclination and the wishes of the entire regiment, his resignation was tendered and accepted.

Non Commissioned Staff.

Our life here was one continued round of excitement, and all were glad when the order came, (October 16,) for the regiment to move. A large number of friends were there to say good bye, and amid the tears and the God bless you of the multitude, we started for untried scenes in the great war of the rebellion.

Not, perhaps, in the course of the whole war, did Ohio send to the field a regiment of men whose whole souls were in the cause so firmly, and whose faith in the perpetuation of this glorious government of ours, was so pure, as the gallant One Hundred and Twenty-third. With officers, both in the field and line, who were not only brave and competent, but gentlemen on all occasions; with men whose efficiency and bravery, yet untested, but afterward so sorely tried, and never found lacking, it was no wonder that in the years that followed, the regiment was often selected to perform duties requiring both courage and discipline, secresy and dispatch.

30 To Zanesville by rail, and then down the Muskingum river, on transports to Parkersburg, stopping at several places on the river, some of which, and McConnelsville in particular, no doubt remembered our visit for some time.

On the 19th, we left on board of box cars, in two trains, for Clarksburg, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. On the way a man belonging to Company H was severely injured, and just after having passed through a tunnel, the rear train ran into the one just ahead of it. Three cars were thrown from the track, and down an embankment, yet strange to say, none were very seriously injured, though all were pretty severely shook up. The engineer and conductor were strongly threatened by the boys, who believed them rebels at heart, and that the accident was a put-up affair. However, matters were at length quieted, and soon we were on our way for Clarksburg, where we arrived on the 20th, and went into camp. Here we received Sibley tents, five to a company, and two wall tents for the officers of each company. We thought them anything but extra residences, but before the war was over a new “dog tent” was counted a palace. Nothing of interest occured here, and on the 27th none were sorry when we received orders to break camp and proceed to Buckhannon, distance 27 miles. This, our first day’s march, was through the worst mud we ever saw, and over a road which only a Western Virginian can appreciate. Afterward we laughed 31 about this march, and would have considered it a little pleasure jaunt, but at that time, to us, those eleven miles seemed a hundred. We reached Buckhannon on the morning of the 29th, and remained there in camp—resting—until November 2d, when away we went toward Beverly, thirty-one miles distant. The first night out we camped at the Middle Fork of Tygart Valley river, eleven miles from our start of the morning. On the bridge that spans the creek at this point we found cut in the wood the familiar names of friends in Company E, 8th Ohio, who had gone this way before us.

It was here the boys of Company G cared so well for the teamster of a runaway team, with the wagon of the medical purveyor, laden with wines and whisky, and at the same time captured all the bottles with corks out, or that could be pulled out. However, in the morning not a vestige of a cork or bottle could be found about Company G’s quarters.

The next day we marched eighteen miles, reaching Beverly. On the way we passed the Rich Mountain battle ground, the engagement at this place, near a year previous, having been so called up to that time, but the big events that followed soon after our visit, caused it to take rank as a skirmish only. It will be remembered that it was here that the 87th Pennsylvania attempted to force the guard, and thus roam through the village at will; but finding that two batteries were rapidly wheeled into position, and the balance of the brigade ready to 32 fire on them, finally carried off their two comrades whom the guard had shot down for attempting to pass, and sullenly retired to their camp. We remained here “resting up” until the 7th, marching that day to Huttonville, eleven miles distant, and sure enough, it was a village of Huts, and of a very few huts at that. We had a rather cold rainy time of it here, and a good many of the boys were taken sick and sent back to Beverly.

While lying at Huttonville, Lieutenant Randolph, of Company B, was sent out forty miles to call in a command that was on the road towards Staunton. Procuring a good horse, he started alone, armed only with a sabre and revolver, and carried the order through the enemy’s country and returned safely to his command. We were all glad to see him back, for it was an undertaking fraught with dangers at every turn—besides, if taken prisoner, the chances of being treated as a spy stared him in the face.

We remained here until November 15th, when we returned to Beverly, and encamped for the night on a level plat of ground just east of the town.

Not soon will Mrs. Arnold, a Union lady, although the only sister of Stonewall Jackson, and residing at this place, be forgotten by the men of the 123d Regiment. Taking as many of our sick as she possibly could into her own house, she nursed them through their sickness as only a loving mother could—two of them she nursed through a long attack of typhoid fever, and that, too, 33 after the surgeon in charge had pronounced them hopeless, and to her loving care and watchful tenderness do these two boys yet live, owing her their lives.

We received company wagons here, and on the 16th, started for Webster, fifty-four miles distant, arriving there on the 18th. On the route we passed over Laurel Hill, where many a root was dug for the pipe, with which to cheer our lonely hours, and passed the scene of the battle of Phillippi, one of the most considerable fights of West Virginia. The grand scenery along the route of this entire march made the trip worth the taking, for that, if nothing more, and surely none of us could see for what other purpose our journeyings of the past two weeks could possibly be, unless it was as the boys invariably would answer, “military strategy, my boy,” though the wisdom of this sort of thing we learned soon to distrust. From Webster we took the cars for New Creek, arriving there on the 19th. On the 22d we had our first grand review by General Robt. Milroy, accompanied by General Cluseret, who has since figured conspicuously in the late French war. We remained at New Creek until December 12th, and during which time, besides being vaccinated pretty thoroughly, were brigaded and re-brigaded a number of times, finally forming a part of Col. Washburn’s brigade, with which command we moved out to Burlington, thirteen miles distant, and remained there awaiting orders.

Up to this time, we had scarcely realized that we were 34 in reality men of war—true, we had made some hard marches, and camped out in the snow and rain, after plodding along all day through slush and mud; but as yet we had not met the sterner realities belonging and incidental to a soldier’s life; it seemed more like a picnic excursion, without any definite object or end; later we gave more thought to the situation, and study to the chances of war.

On the morning of the 17th we again broke camp, and on the afternoon of the 18th arrived at Petersburg, a small hamlet forty-two miles from New Creek. We, in a general way, now understood that a force of rebels were near, and great caution was observed on the picket line, and very little wandering from camp was indulged in by the men. And to see how alert the camp was, on the afternoon of the 19th the long roll was sounded, our regiment getting into line in six minutes. That night we slept upon our arms for the first time, at a later day a very ordinary occurrence. On the 28th, the 116th O. V. I., and one section of the 1st Virginia battery left for Moorefield, about eleven miles distant, and took possession of the town. We remained here until January 3d. At nine o’clock in the morning, orders were received to break camp at once; tents were struck, wagons loaded, and started for New Creek, and by quarter past ten we were on the way to Moorefield. Soon after starting, the firing of cannon was heard, satisfying us that there was business ahead. Never did the regiment 35 march better; those eleven miles were passed over in two hours and ten minutes. Reaching the river bank, Co. A was sent down the left bank of the river, and Cos. B and G were ordered across to feel of the enemy, who had surrounded the 116th on a hill near the town. Shots from a rebel battery on the hill beyond soon sent them back to the river bank, where they had orders to remain and await the return of scouts, who had been sent out to reach the camp of the 116th, if possible. All this time a continued firing was kept up from a section of our artillery, which must have done good execution, for the enemy did not long reply. Before night we joined the 116th, the rebels having withdrawn their forces.

The morning was very bright and pleasant, but by night the winds swept cold and bleak down the valley, and we passed about as disagreeable a night as at any time during the war, for it will be remembered that our wagon train was sent back to New Creek with all our cooking utensils, provision and much of our heavier clothing; and though the 116th Ohio did all they could for our comfort, still our condition was anything but comfortable.

On the 4th, a brigade came up under command of General Mulligan, who now assumed command of all the troops. The night again set in cold and blustering, and as none of us had blankets, a cool prospect was in view. Skirmishing began early for a bundle of hay or straw for covering, and all prepared to make the best of the situation. 36 Two smart chaps from Co. G crawled into a wagon box, with their little bundle of hay to pass the night, and were soon in the land of dreams, but their comfort was of short duration, for a stray mule, wandering that way, proceeded to help himself from their covering, and did not desist so long as a straw remained. The increased cold soon waked the boys up, and after expressing their feelings in a very forcible manner, sought other quarters in which to pass the remainder of the night.

At half past one, on the morning of January 6th, five companies of the 123d, and five companies of the 116th, with Mulligan’s Brigade, started out to attack a camp of Rebels, distant nine miles, but after marching to near the point designated, found that they had left in a great hurry for a more southern clime; returning to camp, we arrived there at 3 o’clock A. M., having marched eighteen miles—a long walk before breakfast. It was on this march that Gen. Mulligan compelled the men to throw down captured chickens and turkeys, which otherwise would have made many a good breakfast on our arrival in camp it is needless to say, that this sort of fooling was not indulged in to any extent in later years. It was on this occasion, that the incident happened, which Col. Wilson is so fond of relating, and which always provokes a hearty laugh from listeners, especially those who remember old Capt. Newman, of Company H, who when asked how he came to set such an example 37 before his men, as to capture a turkey, with the evident intention of taking it into camp, remarked that the “Tam durkey coom’d a runnin out of the gate mit his mouth vide open, and Colonel, you don’t tink I is goin to let a tam durkey bite me? no sir!” As a matter of course a reprimand was not administered. The next day a part of the Regiment went out foraging for grain; and in the afternoon, firing being heard in the direction taken by them, reinforcements were sent out to their assistance; but they soon met the boys coming in all right, with their wagons loaded principally with grain; but chickens, potatoes, onions, &c., entered largely into the cargo, and a pretty good supper was the result.

It will be remembered that one night while here, our regiment was quartered in the Court House, whereupon some good citizens, loyal to the Southern cause, went to Gen. Mulligan and asked that the desecration be no longer allowed; orders were immediately issued that we should vacate at once, which of course we did, but in no very amiable mood; for the ground was covered with snow, and as yet we had not received our blankets. The matting however that the aisles were carpeted with, was all cut into strips and carried with us, and used for bedding as long as we remained there.

On the 9th of January we received orders to march to Romney, but delayed starting until the next day, camping at night eighteen miles from Moorefield, passing the 38 dwelling house of the guerilla chief, Capt. McNiel, and for the first time, at least many of us, saw regular Southern Slave quarters. The next day at 3 o’clock in the afternoon we arrived in Romney, which we found in a very dilapidated condition.

It soon became apparent that we were to remain here all winter, and all tried to fix up in as comfortable shape as possible, but a more cheerless spot to spend the winter in could hardly have been selected, as the winds had a fair sweep in three different directions, and as a general thing improved the opportunity in one direction or the other, much to our discomfort and disgust. Our life here was one continual round of picket duty or foraging. Very seldom did anything occur to break the usual monotony. However on the 16th of February five teams from our regiment and fourteen from the 116th Ohio Regiment, under escort of Company F, 116th, Capt. Brown commanding, went towards Moorefield, foraging for hay, and on their return, when within about six miles of Romney, were captured by the guerilla, Capt. McNiel, with twenty-six men, owing to the bad management of Capt. Brown, who allowed his men to straggle all over the country, so that not more than three or four of them were together at any one time, which made their capture a very easy matter.

Capt. Brown was subsequently court-martialed, and found guilty of basely deserting his command in the face of the enemy. Our men were well treated by Capt. 39 McNiel, who gave them money to buy their dinner, and taking their parole, sent them back to camp. The next morning Col. Washburn, of 116 O. V. I., commanding Brigade, called upon the 123d for a company to go out to the scene of the capture and bring in anything they might find. Capt. Horace Kellogg’s Company was soon in readiness and on the move. They found five wagons all sound, but the others were all burned, nothing but the irons and a heap of ashes left where each wagon had stood. The company returned to camp without accident, with the exception of accidentally shooting several of the domestic feathered family, which carelessly strayed across the road. Our regiment was now encamped upon the ground occupied by the 55th O. V. I. while encamped here one year previous. The boys planted evergreens along their company streets and about company headquarters, making our camp look very pleasant and homelike. While lying here company officers were ordered before a military board of examiners to test their military tactics, drill, &c. There was considerable uneasiness manifested by some, but as it appeared afterwards, without cause, for the board, for some unknown reason never convened, and thus the troublesome ordeal never was passed, though several of our officers concluded that they had experienced about all the soldiering they cared for and tendered their resignations which were accepted, and some promotions were made as the necessary result. We had very little opportunity for 40 drill, as it was usually very muddy, and so the winter wore monotonously away, relieved now and then by the receiving of boxes from our friends at home, and, though we did not materially need their contents, still this evidence that we were warmly remembered by the dear ones at home, gave us renewed zeal in the work we had so cheerfully volunteered to do. Some of our officers’ wives visited us while here, and though many of us did not even know them, their cheerful smiles and kind words warmed the hearts of many a homesick boy, and created within our breasts a firm determination to do all that lay in our power to preserve inviolate the homes of the noble women whom we had left behind.

Never shall be forgotten with what avidity we devoured the contents of our letters from home, and how sorrowingly we would turn away when the unwelcome intelligence was announced, “no letters to-day.” This anxiety for news from home may seem a little strange, but when it is remembered that many of the boys were away from home for the first time and with no very certain hope of ever again returning, it is not to be wondered at.

We were all ready for the order to move when it came, March 14th, 1863, for we were thoroughly tired of lying here doing nothing, and all were anxious to engage in the real business of war. On the morning of the 15th we started towards Winchester and marched twenty-one miles, encamping just east of Blue Gap. While passing through the Gap a terrific thunder storm 41 burst upon us, the rain falling in perfect sheets, drenching us to the skin. It was certainly a wild and beautiful sight, the mountains rising on either side to a considerable heights, the lightening flashing, as it appeared, from crag to crag, the thunder reverberating down the sides of clifts, caused a feeling of awe to creep over every heart; but the sun soon burst out in all its splendor, and dispelled the gloom as with a magicians wand. It was here we received the order that only the top rail of the fences should be taken for fire wood; of course the order was construed that we shouldn’t take the bottom one, and was therefore strictly carried out. We encamped near a meadow and the stacks of hay still standing in the field were chiefly converted into fodder for the horses, and bedding for the boys. Very soon the camp-kettles were steaming and supper prepared, after which all lay down and enjoyed a refreshing sleep, such as those only can appreciate who have been similarly situated. The next day we were on the march bright and early, encamping at night at Hayfield Church, fourteen miles from the start of the morning, on the finest ground we had yet occupied as a camp, and near several springs of clear, cold water. We arrived in Winchester the next day, March 17th, and went into camp on the hill near the old fort, where we remained for several days, finally changing to a park near the Rebel burying ground, a splendid camping ground, which the boys fully appreciated.

42 On the 4th of April we had Division Review, our regiment being second best as to general condition and drill.

April 22d, we went on a scout up the valley as far as Strasburg, our cavalry having a little tilt with the enemy, but nothing decisive resulted. On the next day we returned to Winchester with thirty prisoners. On the 25th we again started up the valley, the next day arriving at Wardonsville, distant thirty-one miles. On the way we passed the celebrated Capon Springs, a beautiful place, reopened since the war.

On the morrow we marched to Lost River, and finding the bridge gone, we returned to our camp of the night previous. On the route we passed some of the wildest and most beautiful scenery that West Virginia can boast of. On the 27th we again started for Moorefield, with arrangements for crossing the river, but when nine miles out received orders to return, and went into camp at Wardonsville for the third time. The next day we marched to Strasburg, where the 13th Pennsylvania cavalry was led into an ambush, losing several men in killed and wounded. The Rebels, however, were driven out, though no general engagement occured. The next day we returned to Winchester, having marched ninety-four miles, and that too without having accomplished any particular end as we could see. When in camp we were drilling steadily seven hours a day, gaining in proficiency in the arts of war every day, and fitting 43 ourselves to undergo the fatigue and hardships that we were soon to be called upon to endure.

We did a large amount of hard work while in the valley, up to June 12th; long scouts up the valley were a weekly occurrence, and heavy picket and fatigue duty was the daily order of exercise, still, thanks to the excellent water and fine weather, the health of the regiment was in the main good. On the 5th of May, we started out with a week’s rations and forty rounds, on a scout. The first day out we marched for three hours through a drenching rain-storm, such as only occurs in the valleys, we went to New Market, and returned to Winchester on the 9th, having marched one hundred and four miles. We saw a few miserable bushwhackers, but nothing that would indicate any rebel force.

It was soon after this trip that the entire regiment went out on road work, making four miles of McAdamized road in three days.

Soon after our arrival at Winchester, our Adjutant, W. V. McCracken, and 1st Lieutenant Hugh L. McKee, of company D, were detailed on Gen. Milroy’s staff, where the former served until after the battle of Winchester, and the latter was promoted to Captain and Assistant Quarter-Master, and never again returned to the regiment. On the 9th of June, Lieut. Gillam of company F died of typhoid fever. He had been sick for a long time, and had every attention and care, his wife being with him nearly all the time.

44 On the afternoon of June 12th the Long Roll sounded and the regiment with the 116th Ohio Infantry, 12th Virginia, and Battery D, and a regiment of cavalry started out on the valley pike. When beyond Kearnstown we met the enemy in considerable force, and drawing them into an enfilading fire, gave them so warm a reception that they started up the valley faster than they had come down. We captured a good many prisoners, and after night fall, we returned to camp—satisfied that the next day would bring, as the boys termed it, “business,” and, as events proved, their conjectures were well founded.

June 13th dawned clear and bright on the Valley City, the quiet hush of morning gave little indication of the scene of carnage so soon to be enacted. About 9 o’clock in the morning the long roll sounded to arms, and soon the regiment was in line awaiting orders. Soon they came and we were rapidly moved up the pike to Kearnstown, where after having deployed a heavy line of skirmishers, the regiment was halted and remained until about 2 o’clock P. M., when rapidly drawing in our skirmishers, we fell back a short distance and took up a position west of the pike. While crossing the pike the enemy opened a sharp fire upon us, and several men were killed or wounded, but the regiment behaved splendidly, taking their position as coolly as veterans, though under fire, as you might say for the first time. Volley after volley was now poured into the enemies ranks, which must have done good execution, as their fire very sensibly slackened. We again changed position 46 to a slight eminence a few rods in the rear, where the regiment remained firm, receiving and returning the enemy’s fire as calmly as though drawn up on dress parade until night drew her curtains about us and put an end to the carnage. Our lines were now drawn close around the city, our regiment remaining in line until long after midnight, when we were relieved and allowed a few hours for rest. In this day’s fight the regiment’s loss was seventy-six men in killed and wounded. The men acted grandly, receiving praise for their gallant conduct from Gen. Milroy in person.

The next morning we were ordered into the fort where we remained until evening, when we were ordered to make a sortie, but were driven back, the enemy having captured one of our outer posts, and turned their guns upon us.

Our forces now all rallied upon the main fort where the enemy charged us, but they were easily repulsed, and they did not again make the attempt.

All were now confidant that our position was no longer tenable, the Rebels being largely superior in numbers and rapidly concentrating more troops in our vicinity; a council of war was held, when it was decided to make the attempt to cut our way through to Harper’s Ferry if possible. About 2 o’clock in the morning the movement began; the column moved out on the Martinsburg pike. Our regiment having the advance, all went well until we had put about five miles between us and Winchester, and 47 were congratulating ourselves on getting out so nicely, when all at once our advance guard struck the enemy, who had marched around and got in our rear during the night.

Our regiment and the 87th Pennsylvania were rapidly got into position, and immediately charged the Rebels, who were drawn up in a wood just to the right of the road, capturing their artillery, but were unable to hold them against the murderous fire now poured into our ranks, and sullenly retired for a short distance. Two other regiments were now hurried into position, when we again moved to the charge. In steady and firm line we now advanced, and, though, grape and canister ploughed great lanes through our poor ranks, not a man faltered or turned back; but the gallant old regiment was leaving its track marked with its dead and its dying. Once more their guns were ours, again their deadly fire forced our now sadly weakened lines slowly back, but only a few rods, when once more a strong line was formed and our boys stood grim and firm awaiting the next move. It will be remembered that all this fighting was done in the darkness, though the gray of morning began faintly to light up the scene as the regiment retired from this charge. The terrific picture presented in that wood we shall not soon forget; the flashes of musketry in the darkness, casting a sickly glare all around; the roar of artillery, the crashing of grape shot through the brush; the cheers of the charging troops, and cries of the dying left an impress 48 that will remain vivid in our memories while time with us remains.

Not long were we held inactive; for the third time, over the same ground, did our gallant little band make their way, and though greatly weakened in numbers, with unfaltering step, and shoulder to shoulder, the dangerous distance was again traversed, but only to repeat the sickening details of the first and second charges. On retiring from this last assault we fell slowly back out of the range of their guns, repulsed—sadly stricken, yet still undaunted, for by this time we, of course, supposed that the entire army would be on the ground and in shape for action. That we were whipped we had not the remotest idea, and when a white flag was hoisted—as we afterwards learned—by the orders of Col. Ely of the 18th Connecticut, who was left in command, all were completely taken aback, for there was not the slightest doubt but that we could have got away as easily as not; however we had to submit and surrendered three hundred and one men and twenty-one commissioned officers.

Throughout these three days of bloody baptism, the men and officers behaved in the most gallant manner. In the storm of grape and canister Col. Wilson, Lieut.-Col. Hunter and Maj. Horace Kellogg, rode their horses as coolly as though it were simply a hail storm, which, undoubtedly, contributed greatly in keeping the regiment so firmly to the work.

In making the second charge Major Kellogg was 49 severely wounded, and retired soon after from the field and succeeded in making his escape into Maryland, where those of the regiment who made their escape were subsequently collected together. Company D, Capt. Shawhan commanding, being on provost duty, were in charge of the prisoners, and of course did not participate in the fight, which was not only fortunate for them, but for the regiment also, as otherwise there would have been no nucleus around which to gather. In this engagement our loss was fifty-one men in killed and wounded, and three officers wounded, one of whom, Capt. Bender of company I, afterwards died in prison. We afterwards learned that, while our regiment together with four others, was making this desperate fight, the rest of our forces flanked the enemy and pushed right on to Harper’s Ferry, leaving us to our fate; perhaps it was for the best, but, from our stand-point, we failed to see the beauty of the strategy.

We were taken back to Winchester about noon, preparatory to being sent in to Dixie, which was soon after done.

So large a portion of the regiment being now captured, we propose to follow their fortunes into Rebeldom as a regiment. Company D acting as provost guard to Gen. Milroy, went out with the balance of the army, doing guard duty at various points until the regiment was again organized, as will subsequently appear. After the surrender of the forces by Col. Ely, as narrated, the men of the 123d were marched into the fort at Winchester, and there confined until such time as the Rebels could make it convenient to take them to their future prison.

Now, indeed, did the situation seem anything but cheerful; the Rebel army had passed north, and as we supposed, were marching about unopposed, over the States of Maryland and Pennsylvania. They had made their boasts that some of the great cities of the North should taste the horrors of war, and we did not know but 51 at that moment Lee’s hordes might be running riot through the streets of Philadelphia. The cause of the Union, the cause for which we had suffered, seemed at a low ebb. It will be remembered that we were now passing through a phase of life entirely different from anything heretofore experienced. Very few of us had ever been in duress for a single instant; and thus to be deprived of our liberties, to become the creatures of another’s will, it is not surprising that our faith for a time weakened, and the darkness of despair seemed well nigh upon us. We, however, were treated with some degree of humanity by the Rebels, and received many proofs that there were some good and true Union people living in Winchester, for which they, one year later, received satisfactory and substantial tokens of our esteem.

On the afternoon of the 16th, the men were started on their long journey to Richmond, arriving at Staunton on the 22d, distant ninety miles. Here we took the cars for Richmond, arriving there on the 23d. It seemed as though the entire Rebel capitol had turned out to see the Yankees, and would hoot and hiss at us as we passed along. The officers took up their quarters at Hotel-de-Libby; the men were furnished accommodations on “Belle-Isle,” which by the way was nothing more nor less than a large sand bank, with a few trees upon it, situated near the south bank of the James River. We were closely guarded, not even allowed the privilege of buying one of their own papers, though we managed to get 52 one now and then from the guards. It is needless to recount our sufferings here, as no pen can do adequate justice to the subject. I will only say that the meat and soup were full of maggots, and the bread so stale and sour as to be almost unpalatable, these constituting our eatables, while the water we drank was even worse.

On the 6th of July the majority of the men were paroled, and were taken to City Point, by rail, via Petersburg, and delivered to the United States authorities. Never were the Stars and Stripes more enthusiastically cheered, than when we first saw them streaming from the Flag of the Truce boat; once on board we had plenty to eat, and soon all were in high spirits. On arriving at Annapolis—where those left in prison joined us one week later—we were furnished new clothing throughout, our old ones being full of “gray-backs,” and were supplied with comfortable quarters. Very soon the boys began to scatter to their homes, where most of them were allowed to remain until they were exchanged, after which time they were ordered to report at Camp Chase. About the 1st of September, most of them were on hand, and soon after were sent to Martinsburg, Virginia, where the detachment of the regiment which had escaped from Winchester were located under command of Maj. Horace Kellogg, who had sufficiently recovered from his wound to again take the field.

From this time the history of our organization, as a regiment again commences. At this place we were newly 53 armed and equipped, and being deficient in officers, twenty-one being still in prison, were engaged mainly in provost and picket duty until March 1st 1864. During the month of November, Adjutant McCracken, with one non-commissioned officer from each company was sent to Ohio to recruit, and fill up our depleted ranks. Very good success was met with, adding one hundred and twenty-eight men to our effective force; some promotions were also made; sergeants S. A. Johnson, Elmer E. Husted, Charles M. Keyes and Martin W. Willoughby were promoted to 2d lieutenants. The winter was quietly spent in camp, which was located one-half mile west of town; when the weather permitted, drilling by company and squad occurred daily, so that when spring opened, the regiment was in good condition and ready for any duty which might turn up. On March 1st, 1864, the companies were distributed as guards along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, between Harpers Ferry and Monocacy Junction, with headquarters at Martinsburg.

About the 26th of March the regiment was collected together at Martinsburg where Gen. Siegel was concentrating troops preparatory to a movement up the valley; and from the orders issued to our little army, we knew that our season of inaction was drawing to a close. On the 29th we broke camp at Martinsburg and marched out to Bunker Hill, remaining there two or three days, when we proceeded to Winchester and encamped about two miles beyond the city; a portion of the regiment was 54 sent into the city, under command of Capt. Snyder to act as provost guard, with orders to search the town, which was done, and a large collection of old guns, swords and accoutrements were collected together and destroyed. About the 1st of May our forces moved up the valley as far as Cedar Creek, where they remained until the 10th making the final preparations for our grand raid on Lynchburg. Baggage was cut down to the minimum; each soldier was provided with an extra pair of shoes, and loaded down with rations and ammunition, we broke camp, and moved leisurely on through Strasburg, Woodstock, and Mt. Jackson, to New Market, where, on the night of the 14th we struck the enemy in some force, our brigade having the advance, we had a lively little skirmish, but of short duration, the Rebels soon giving way. We laid on our arms during the night, but no attack was made.

The next morning our brigade was maneuvered around in various directions, the artillery placed in position, and things began to look as though a battle was imminent, but for some unknown reason, the remainder of our little army was not brought up; about noon the enemy opened upon us with artillery, to which our batteries rapidly replied, and soon their lines could be seen coming across the fields, two deep, one directly behind the other, with a heavy line of skirmishers in advance, and nothing but our brigade to receive them. We were in a good position, and with the artillery on either flank, awaited their 55 approach. Soon our cannons opened on their rapidly advancing lines, dealing death and destruction, but not checking them for an instant; on they came, sweeping like an avalanche upon our little band. We held our fire until they were almost within pistol shot, when we poured in our volleys, with terrific effect; rapidly were our well directed volleys given, doubling their first line back upon their second, that still came unfalteringly on, lapping by our little line, both on the right flank and the left, rapidly firing as they advanced until our little band could no longer withstand their overwhelming numbers, and slowly we began to retire—taking our cannon back through a cedar thicket, our pathway marked with the blood of our braves. As they appeared over the eminence we had lately occupied, they poured in upon us such a storm of shot and shell, so thick that the very air seemed alive with bullets. On passing through here on our way up the valley a month later, we examined this spot, and found scarce a tree or bush unmarked, showing that the fire at this point must have been severe indeed.

On the crest of the hill beyond another stand was made, which checked their advance for a short time, but soon we were again compelled to fall back, this time pretty badly shattered. Major Kellogg, commanding the regiment, had his horse shot from under him and received quite a severe wound himself. He, however, was supplied with another horse by the officer commanding 56 a battery near at hand, and again rallying his command, which fell back in good order. By this time we had reached our reserves on Rood’s Hill, about three miles from where the attack commenced, which checked the enemies advance until night put an end to the conflict.

In this engagement the regiments loss was sixty-three in killed and wounded, and twenty-six missing. The missing being all taken prisoners, many of whom were afterwards slowly tortured to death in prison. The army was now drawn back to Ceder Creek, where we arrived on the 17th. Gen. Siegel had been relieved and Gen. Hunter placed in command.

On the 22d of May, 1864, just previous to starting on this raid, the General commanding issued the following order:

It is of the utmost importance that this army be placed in a situation for immediate efficiency. We are contending against an enemy who is in earnest, and if we expect success, we too must be in earnest. We must be willing to make sacrifices, willing to suffer for a short time, that a glorious result may crown our efforts. The country is expecting every man to do his duty; and, this done, an ever kind Providence will certainly grant us a complete success.

I. Every tent will be immediately turned in for transportation to Martinsburg; and all baggage not expressly allowed by this order, will be at once sent to the rear. There will be but one wagon allowed to each regiment, and this will only be used to transport spare ammunition, camp kettles, tools and mess-pans. Every wagon will have eight picked horses or mules, two drivers and two saddles. One wagon and one ambulance will be allowed to Department Headquarters, and the same to Division and Brigade Headquarters. The other ambulances will be under the immediate orders of the Medical Director.

58 II. For the expedition on hand, the clothes each soldier has on his back, with one pair of extra shoes and socks, are amply sufficient. Everything else in the shape of clothing, will be packed to-day and sent to the rear. Each knapsack will contain one hundred rounds of ammunition, carefully packed, four pounds of hard bread, to last eight days, ten rations of coffee, sugar and salt, one pair of shoes and socks, and nothing else.

III. Brigade and all other commanders will be held strictly responsible that their commands are amply supplied from the country. Cattle, sheep and hogs, and if necessary, horses and mules must be taken and slaughtered. These supplies will be seized under the direction of officers duly authorized, and upon a system which will hereafter be regulated. No straggling or pillaging will be allowed. Brigade and other commanders will be held responsible that there is no waste, and that there is a proper and orderly division amongst their men of the supplies taken for our use.

IV. Commanders will attend personally to the prompt execution of this order, so that we may move to-morrow morning. They will see that in passing through a country in this way, depending upon it for forage and supplies, great additional vigilance is required on the part of every officer in the command of men, for the strict enforcement of discipline.

V. The Commanding General expects from every officer and soldier of the army in the field, an earnest and unhesitating support; and relies, with confidence, upon an ever kind Providence for a glorious result. The Lieutenant General, commanding the armies of the United States, who is now victoriously pressing back the enemy upon their last stronghold, expects much from the Army of the Shenandoah; and he must not be disappointed.

VI. In conclusion, the Major General commanding, while holding every officer to the strictest responsibility of his position, and prepared to enforce discipline with severity when necessary, will never cease to urge the prompt promotion of all officers;, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men who earn recognition by their gallantry and good conduct.

59 At this time the 123d Ohio, with 116th and 28th Ohio, 18th Connecticut, 2d Indiana (P. H. B.) and 160th Ohio (N. G.), constituted the 1st Brigade of the 1st Division; Col. Moore of the 28th Ohio Regiment commanding, and Brig. Gen. Sullivan Division commander. The regiment was then lying in camp at Cedar Creek, Maj. Kellogg being in command. During the night of the 25th, Col. Wilson and Capt. Chamberlin rejoined the regiment, just having been exchanged as prisoners of war. In compliance with the order just given, each man was required to pack in his knapsack one hundred rounds of ammunition, which in addition to the extra clothing allowed, and four days rations of hard bread, caused some grumbling among the men at being converted into a pack train as they styled it.

On the morning of the 2d, Col. Wilson having assumed command of the regiment, Gen. Hunter, with his whole command, started up the valley on the proposed trip to Lynchburg. The regiment reported four hundred men for duty. We marched fourteen miles, and went into camp. Next morning we were routed out at 4 o’clock to see how promptly we could get into “line of battle,” which was done in just five minutes. We remained here in camp until Sunday morning the 29th, drilling some. One day the whole regiment was ordered out as a foraging party; reported at Division Headquarters for duty, when the order was countermanded and we were sent back to our quarters. We now had ten commissioned 60 company officers with the regiment. Dr. Ferris was acting as Brigade Surgeon, and the Chaplain as Postmaster. Sunday we marched to Rood’s Hill, and went into camp. The next day details from each regiment were busy scouring the country and bringing in all the provisions they could discover. A few men from the regiment, under Capt. Dwight Kellogg, were placed in charge of a mill near by, and began making flour as fast as possible, running night and day. The 10th Ohio (N. G.), complaining very much of being taken to the front, were sent back on the 30th. On June 1st, flour was issued to the men for the first time since we entered the service. It took some time for them to become accustomed to the use of it, but our hard tack was exhausted and it was “slap-jacks” or nothing. At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 2d, we again started, passing through New Market. We saw a few Rebels once during the day, when we were halted and formed in line of battle; but it amounted to nothing, and we soon passed on; about 3 o’clock P. M., we reached Harrisburg, a distance of twenty-two miles. Our advance had a small skirmish with the “Jonnies,” but nothing serious occured. The main force encamped about a mile from town, the 123d going into camp just within the suburbs. In a few moments, Capt. Chamberlin, with a hundred and fifty men, was sent into town with directions to picket around the town, and with the remainder of the men to search thoroughly for arms, provisions and 61 every thing that could be used by the army. Soon after, fifty more men were sent from the regiment and quartered in the Court House. Lieutenants Leonard and Williams were in charge of the pickets; and Lieutenants Keyes, Hustead and Willoughby of the Provost guards, under direction of Lieut. Col. Starr, Provost Marshal General, and at once destroyed the press, type, etcs., belonging to the office of the Rockingham Register then remained under arms all night. Next day the men were divided into small parties, and searched the town completely; the result of which was an accumulation in the Court House yard of seventy-five barrels of flour, a lot of meat, sugar, corn, wheat, tobacco, (the most plentiful article found), a bale of sheeting and some arms and accoutrements. Capt. Chamberlin, at his quarters, was bothered all day by men, women and children, who were endeavoring to recover certain articles thus appropriated. Some pleading, some demanding and others threatning what their friends would do to “you’ns,” if they were at home. Three or four families were excepted from the search on the account of their Unionism and kindness to wounded Federal soldiers, who fell into their hands at the battle of New Market, and who were able to designate with unerring certainty those who should be thus excepted. During the day the remainder of the 123d moved into town and took up their quarters near the Court House. Next morning, Saturday, June 24th, we started for Staunton directly, distant only 62 twenty-four miles; but after marching two or three miles, we left the pike to the right, and attempted to flank into Crawford, where the pike crosses the Shenandoah; we reached the river about 1 o’clock P. M., and remained there some three hours, while the Pontoon Corps was bridging the river. During this time our troops destroyed a large woolen factory just across the river, in a small town called Port Republic; then marching through the town just at dark, we went into camp in the brush , the teams did not get up till midnight.

On the morning of the 5th, we started at 5 o’clock, our regiment being at once deployed as skirmishers on the left of the Brigade. Our cavalry videttes soon met the enemy and had quite a skirmish; they falling back to near a little town called Piedmont, about nine miles from our camp of the night previous. The 123d was soon placed along the wagon train as guard. About 10 o’clock A. M.; our force attacked the enemy in their position, which was a strong one; a heavy fight was kept up until 3 o’clock P. M., when a furious charge was made by both Brigades of infantry, completely driving them out of their works, routing them thoroughly, and capturing one thousand two hundred prisoners, among whom was Gen. Vaughn. Rebel General Jones was killed. The loss on both sides was very great, both Union and Rebel dead being found side by side all over the field. The 123d was ordered up just at the close of the action, but not in time to participate. Early next 63 morning company A was sent out to the battlefield to gather up and destroy the arms lying there, some one thousand two hundred stands. While engaged in the performance of this duty, under the direction of the Provost Marshal General, by piling them up in large piles, first a tier of rails, then one of muskets, muzzles all pointing one way, for many of them were loaded, and although the men had been repeatedly cautioned by Capt. Chamberlin and Lieut. Husted, not to go in front of the piles, Sergeant Baroff incautiously did so; at this moment one of the pieces was discharged by a rail thrown on the pile, the ball passing nearly through his right leg, half way between the knee and hip, shattering the bone very badly and rendering amputation imperatively necessary. He was at once taken back to the Field Hospital, since which time nothing was ever heard from him. The company immediately joined the regiment already on their march toward Staunton, arriving there about 4 P. M., a distance of twelve miles, being the first Union Infantry that had ever been there. We met with no resistance whatever, the Rebels having fled in another direction. We found several hundred of their sick and wounded here. The regiment went into camp one mile west of town. Dr. Brisbine, who had been promoted to Assistant Surgeon, joined the regiment while on the march. Before leaving here our troops destroyed the railroad depot, bridges, track and telegraph, in and near town.

64 We then started for Buffalo Gap, distant ten miles, marching in three columns, cavalry and artillery in the road, and a brigade of infantry on each side. We marched some five miles through woods and underbrush, then halted and in a short time returned, and went into the same camp we had occupied the night previous. An ambulance train was sent back to the battlefield after the wounded, returning late at night. Gen. Averill, with whom we were expecting to make a junction at this point, arrived with his command, making us, now, quite a formidable little army.

In the afternoon of June 7th, three hundred and fifty men and eight officers, under command of Capt. Chamberlin, were sent out to relieve the 28th Ohio, then doing picket duty. Part of the men were stationed on a hill where, just about a year before, they were permitted to rest for a few hours, when on their way to Richmond as prisoners of war. The contrast between their situation then and now was vividly appreciated by the boys.

On the 9th the regiment returned to camp, and shoes were issued to those of the men who needed them. The prisoners captured at Port Republic, were sent to the rear in charge of the 28th Ohio—whose term of service having expired—was going home. Here Chaplain Ferris resigned, his resignation being accepted at once; and he left for home with this return train. Our command left next morning, moving on three different roads, Averill on one, Crooks on another, and Hunter 65 on the Lexington road. Our regiment marched in the rear as wagon guard. A very long and dusty march, passed through Greenville—where a large mill was destroyed—to Midway, a distance of eighteen miles, where we went into camp very tired. In a few moments company A was sent out as a support to a battery of artillery near the picket line, Saturday the 11th. We started at 5 A. M., drew rations of flour just as we left, but no time was allowed to prepare any of it; on this account, and the great heat and dust, the men became very much fatigued before night, and very many were compelled to fall back during the day. We marched seventeen miles to within sight of Lexington. We found Gen. Crooks here in advance and skirmishing with a small force of the enemy, who had burned the bridge over the river, and then scattered some sharpshooters along the shore, to harass our men, while constructing their pontoon bridge; but our troops soon drove them back with but small loss on our part. While this was being done, our division of infantry lay in position about two miles from town from 2 to 6 P. M. We then went into camp about half a mile from the river.

Next day we crossed the river and went into camp in the edge of town. Military Institute, which is located here, was destroyed. On the 13th we still remained in camp. Some canal-boats were captured with artillery and ammunition which were destroyed. Next morning we were early on the move again, and although 66 it was extremely warm and dusty, we succeeded in making a distance of twenty-four miles to Buckannon. We passed within two miles of the natural bridge, but there was no time for hunting curiosities. Our march was along an old plank-road. The Rebels had endeavored to destroy many small bridges, and thus obstruct our progress; but we were so close on them, they succeeded in doing but little damage, until we reached Buckannon, where we found the bridge over the James River in ruins, and we were compelled to cross in canal barges. Two companies of the regiment were guarding prisoners, under command of Lieutenants Leonard and Keyes. Our “hard-tack” was all gone, and flour getting scarce, but fresh beef and mutton still plenty. The next day we were on the road about 9 A. M., and went to the edge of town, where we laid until after dinner, when we again started in the direction of Lynchburg. We crossed Otter Peak, a very high mountain, with a very narrow, rough road over it. In many places our way was obstructed by trees that had been felled across; undoubtedly done by Bushwhackers, for in one place there lay the dead body of one, who had been caught in the act and slain by our advance. We went into camp, for the night, at 9 o’clock, about halfway down the mountain.

The following morning we started at 5 o’clock, marched through Liberty to a point five miles beyond where we went into camp. While halting in the town, several men of the “5th Heavies” were pillaging a large dwelling 67 house—in which the family were still residing—of pictures, books, and other articles that could be of no use to them. A squad of men from company A, were sent into the house with orders to clean them out at the point of the bayonet, which was promptly done. The 123d was all on picket again at night.

On the 17th we started as usual very early. After marching two miles, to the creek, we found the bridge burned, and had to wait some three hours for the Pontoon corps to repair damages. We then moved on through New London. Generals Crooks’ and Averill’s commands met the enemy, and had quite an engagement some three miles from Lynchburg. They drove the Rebels from two different positions, capturing some artillery and prisoners. We arrived at the front about dark, and relieved the advanced line. Company F was immediately sent out on the skirmish line. This morning a part of the wagon train was detached and sent to the rear. Two “One-Hundred-Day” regiments accompanied them as escort. We had marched twenty-four miles, and, it being very hot, many of the men gave out. On the morning of the 18th company F was relieved by company D, under command of Capt. Shawhan, the former having lost three killed, Sergeant Dunn, and Privates Kiehl and Savage, and six wounded. The Rebel skirmish line was composed of sharpshooters, many of whom were armed with long-range rifles, and stationed in tree-tops, doing severe execution. All night we could 68 hear the trains running into Lynchburg, bringing reinforcements from Richmond, and the next morning skirmishing commenced at once, and fighting, to some extent, continued all day. Company D, while on the skirmish line, was under a sharp fire nearly all the time, which, however, resulted in no loss to them.

Company G had one man, private Stokely, wounded by the explosion of a shell. About dusk it was decided to fall back, and at 8 o’clock P. M., we commenced our retrograde movement; we marched all night, reaching Otter Creek the next morning, the 19th, after a very tedious and severe tramp; the boys being very much exhausted and needing rest, a great many dropping down by the side of the road, would fall asleep on the road, and it would be almost impossible to arouse them. We encamped two miles beyond Liberty, where we rested a couple of hours, and then moved on. While here our rear had some severe skirmishing with the enemy, who were endeavoring to harass our troops and cut off part of our train, but were repulsed and driven off. About 2 o’clock A. M., on the 20th, we rested a couple of hours, then moved on till 8 o’clock A. M., when we halted an hour for breakfast. While here Gen. Hunter, in person, asked for two companies of the regiment to destroy a large pile of wood and a water tank on the railroad near by, which was done effectually. We went into camp at noon, having marched forty five miles in forty hours and on very limited rations, in fact nothing 69 but fresh beef and mutton. We had rested only a few moments when there was some skirmishing in our rear, and we were ordered to move forward again. We marched on all night, this being the third night without any sleep, through Conyer Springs and Big Lick to within one mile of Salem, arriving there on the morning of the 21st, where we found skirmishing again in progress; the Rebels endeavoring to get in our front. Two companies of our regiment were immediately sent out as skirmishers, but met no enemy. We rested there until 10 o’clock, when we moved on through Salem about two miles, where we found the enemy had attacked the train and captured sixteen pieces of artillery and some men, but being closely pressed only succeeded in disabling six pieces, taking none away with them. We then made a forced march of seven miles, which we did in one hour and twenty minutes, to overtake the train. We rested there two hours, and were highly complimented by Col. Wells, our brigade commander, for our close and rapid marching with no straggling. We moved on again at 4 o’clock P. M., marching on a regular “back and forth” road, over a mountain, and went into camp twelve miles from Salem, having marched twenty-four miles in twenty-four hours. Meat and coffee in small quantities were issued to the men at this point.

On the morning of the 22d we were ordered into line and maneuvered around some, but did not get fairly started until 1 o’clock P. M. We marched in the rear 70 of the column all day, encamping at half past ten in a very stony field at New Castle Court House; just before arriving there we forded Craig’s creek three times. The men were completely jaded, many dropping down where they stood, when the regiment halted, and almost instantly falling asleep.

We were aroused at 2 o’clock for an early start, but were delayed by the wagon train until 9 A. M. Our entire brigade acted as train guard, one company to every ten wagons, and a heavy escort for the artillery. This was the hardest day’s march in our experience, not on account of its length, but that it was over three mountains—we were now crossing the Alleghanies—one of them being eleven miles over, and a portion of the time we had to march very rapidly to keep up with the train. Horses and mules were “playing out” in great numbers, and had to be pushed from the road, over the side of the mountain, in order that the train might pass. The weather continued very hot and dry, and the road very dusty; we made a halt of two hours at half past 10 in the evening, for coffee and mutton, nearly all being too tired to prepare it for eating; then on again for six miles, going into camp at half past 3 in the morning at Sweet Springs. We remained there until 4 P. M., when we started for “White Sulphur” Springs. The road was very rough, and the night quite dark, making this a very severe march; we arrived there at half past 3, the next morning, June 24th.

71 This was the place where the southern aristocracy, before the war, came to air their wealth and gamble for darkies.

It must have been a very pretty spot then, with its living springs of clear, cold water, and fine mountain scenery on all sides; but to us, it was simply a place to rest our wearied limbs for a few hours. We now had nothing but meat to eat, and very little of that.

We started again in the afternoon, passing through Lewisburg, and going into camp four miles beyond at mid-night. Just at sunset we waded Greenbrier River, where it was about fifty rods wide and waist deep. We crossed in three columns, forming a beautiful sight to one placed where he could view it. The sun shining on the water and on the polished gun-barrels made it dazzling to the eyes, while every now and then some unfortunate fellow would make a miss step and get a complete ducking, thereby creating a laugh at his expense.

On the 26th, we marched all day, resting once for a little time, when the men drew some beef. We had a nice little shower in the afternoon, the first rain since leaving Staunton. Next day we marched eighteen miles, our regiment taking the advance. It rained hard after we went into camp, and we put up our “Dog-Tents,” the first time we had done it for ten days. We here met a small train, from which was issued three-fourths of a day’s rations of hard bread, bacon, sugar and coffee. The men slaughtered a few straggling porkers they discovered 72 near camp, and then managed to have a real jolly supper in the rain.

We were on the road early on the morning of the 28th, and, at noon, met another train, and drew two days’ rations of hard bread.

On the 29th our march was over quite a hilly road, along the New River, through mountain gorges, and over rushing streams, crossing Gauley River at Gauley Bridge—no bridge however only in name—where the Gauley and New Rivers unite and form the Kanawha. Near this spot is a view of natural scenery, almost rivalling Niagara in some respects. Upon a ledge of rocks overhanging the river, you can stand and look directly down a distance of two hundred feet to the bed of the river, then cast your eyes directly in front of you and see the other river coming down through the mountain gorges and emptying into the New, while all around the mountains tower up in all their majesty and grandeur. We went into camp about one mile beyond the bridge.

The Lynchburg raid may now be called completed, for we have again reached our supplies. This march was very severe on our regiment, and many were now sick and worn out. Our rations were exhausted before we were fully started, and, a large portion of the country through which we passed, being very sparsely settled, we found great difficulty in procuring food, as the country had nothing in it to eat either for man or beast. For four days the regiment marched day and night, not halting 73 over two hours at any one time. For nine days we had nothing to eat but fresh beef and mutton, and a very little coffee. With all this the heat was intense, the roads very dusty, and the men became so completely exhausted, that frequently when the command halted, they would drop down just where they stood, and to get them started again, it was necessary to arouse every man, and not only arouse him, but get him on his feet, and even then they could often be seen in the ranks, marching along, sound asleep. Had there been anything in the country to subsist upon, we might have taken it leisurely, but as it was—it was simply a march for rations, and this fact the men all understood, for it was so stated in a general order from Army Headquarters, and read to each regiment, hence there was little or no grumbling at the severity of our marching.

As the result of this raid—we marched five hundred miles since leaving Martinsburg, destroying a large amount of property, captured fifteen hundred prisoners, over a thousand head of cattle, a large number of sheep, besides living—if it could be called living—off the country through which we passed. Several hundred negroes came through with us, many of them remaining with the various regiments as servants. On the other hand, we lost about one thousand horses and mules that gave out, and nearly one hundred wagons, that we were compelled to destroy, and lost quite a number of men, who were “played out,” and undoubtedly fell into the hands of the 74 enemy. The men’s shoes were giving out some partially, and occasionally one would be seen entirely bare-foot, trudging along with the rest, for it was sure capture to straggle, and the men knew it. The main object of the raid, which was doubtless to threaten Lynchburg, and thus cause Lee to weaken his forces in front of Richmond, by sending reinforcements to Lynchburg, was fully obtained.

The regiment was mustered for pay on the 30th, and remained in camp until July 2d, when we started for Camp Piatt, a distance of twenty-seven miles, there to take boats for some place unknown. It was a very warm day, and by 1 o’clock, we had marched fifteen miles, barely stopping once, a few minutes for rest. The men appeared to suffer more from this day’s march, than any previous one. Each man had three days’ rations in his haversack, and eating very freely, nearly every one was afflicted with that terrible camp disease, dysentery. Resting two hours, we then moved on four miles and camped for the night.

Next morning we were on the way again, reaching Camp Piatt at 5 o’clock. On the morning of the 4th, company A with a portion of the “5th Heavies” (5th N. Y. H. Artillery) and the Pioneer corps were loaded on the steamboat, “Mattie Roberts,” and moved down the river slowly, the remainder of the regiment following in other boats. At Gallipolis the regiment was changed to the “Anglo Saxon.” Then moving up the Ohio, we 75 soon had to change to the “Inno,” a light draft boat, on account of the low stage of water in the river. Opposite Blennerhasset’s Island, we found we could get no further and were compelled to land and march into Parkersburg, a distance of six miles. At 10 o’clock of the 6th, the regiment was loaded on cars and started for our old home again, the Shenandoah Valley, arriving at Cherry Run on the 8th of July and went into camp.

Two days’ rest at this place when we were again on the road, without having received any supplies of clothing, although sadly needing them; many of the boys were bare-footed, and all, with uniforms, filthy and in tatters,—as can readily be concieved, when it is taken into consideration, that they had been used for marching in by day and sleeping in by night, with nothing to protect them from the pelting storm while marching, or from the ground while lying down, and this for over six weeks upon a raid, which for continuous fighting, severe marching and scarcity of rations, the history of the war presents no parallel.

Arriving at Martinsburg on the afternoon of July 13th, we visited some of our old haunts, and found that things had undergone changes generally, that the Rebels had 77 been here, since we’d been gone, was evident, as many of our officers found out to their displeasure. All of our baggage, and camp and garrison equipage, was stored here, when starting on the “raid” up the valley; the officers leaving their valises at different private houses, containing their best clothing, all of which had been visited, and their contents duly confiscated. Lieutenants Johnson and Keyes being the only ones overlooked, for which they were duly thankful, and indulged in a little merriment at their brother officers’ misfortune.

On the 13th we broke camp, taking the road towards Harper’s Ferry, arriving there the next forenoon. On the 15th we again started out, crossing the river on a pontoon bridge, and marched down to Berlin, a little dried-up town, six miles below the Ferry, on the north bank of the Potomac, with no feature of interest, save the wildly beautiful scenery that abounds on either hand; the bold bluffs on the opposite bank—tree-crowned—seemingly guarding the noble river below, while away to the southward, the Blue Ridge, rising tier on tier, giving the surrounding atmosphere that peculiar hue, from which this range of mountains takes its name, and to the westward rises, almost to the very clouds, in picturesque beauty, the historic heights at Harper’s Ferry.

We had been detailed as escort to a battery of artillery, and early on the following morning, the “crossing over” began. The river at this point runs with great rapidity, and the bottom at the ford, we found to be full of huge 78 boulders, causing many a mishap and much labor; sometimes a horse would go down almost out of sight, but, at last, by swimming and wading, the crossing of the artillery was safely effected; the men were transported over on an old flat-boat that lay rotting, near by, on the shore. We pushed rapidly forward to Purcillville, an insignificant hamlet, near Snicker’s Gap.

The next day being Sunday, and, for a wonder, not being called upon for any sort of duty, was passed in a sort of sleepy, dreamy way—a fact noticeable throughout our whole command. Since the severe marching and physical endurance of the past two months.

Early on Monday, the 18th, our division moved down to Snicker’s Ferry, where the enemy was posted in force on the other side of the river. Our brigade was immediately pushed forward, plunging into the water, which was waist deep, we crossed over, driving the Rebels before us, and took a position on the west bank of the famed Shenandoah. The rest of the division soon joined us, and our line of battle was rapidly formed. We had thrown out a heavy line of skirmishers, as soon as the crossing was effected, Col. Wilson taking charge of them in person, mounted on his black charger, he rode from one end of the line to the other, getting it firmly established, and, though the air was thick with bullets, he escaped unharmed.

Here occurred one of those unfortunate fights in which it was the fortune of our forces so often to participate 79 during the course of the war. Our lines were formed in something of a circle on the top of a knoll extending along the river, where, from the maneuvering of the enemy, we could see that they were in strong force. Soon they came charging down upon us, but our line stood firm as a rock, and sent them whirling back into the woods, where they re-formed their broken line, and with reinforcements came again to the attack, shaking their banners and yelling like mad-men, they came, but only to recoil, broken and shattered before our deadly volleys. Once again did they charge our unshaken line, but to be hurled back as before.

Night was now rapidly coming on, and we were anxiously looking for the balance of our troops to cross the river, but they did not come, and after twice getting orders, we began slowly to recross the river.

Our regiment and the 34th Massachusetts, than which there was no braver nor more gallant regiment in the service—were left to protect the rear, and of course, were the last to effect the crossing, in doing which many lives were lost, quite a number of men in the regiment being either shot in the river or drowned in its rushing waters.

Lieut. Willoughby, of company F, was wounded, and Lieut. Williams, of company B, was killed, while fording the river—a noble-hearted fellow, mourned by all who knew him. Orderly Davis, of company A, mortally wounded while firing the last shot at the enemy, was 80 carried to an Island midway of the stream, where he was left to die—but before his brave spirit winged its flight to that other camping ground, he placed under a log by his side, his watch, pocket-book, knife, and all of his trinkets, and the next day when his comrades returned to the spot to give him burial, these things were missed; when the log being accidentally misplaced, his treasures were disclosed, and afterwards were sent home to his wife. Knowing his hours were few, lying there alone, dying, with only God’s Angels watching over him, his last thoughts were of the dear ones at home, secreting his effects as narrated, hoping them to fall into the hands of his friends, that his wife and babies might receive this, his last, his dying gift. We often read of heroism upon the battle field when the blood is up, with flags waving in the breeze, bright bayonets gleaming on every side, and the thundering of cannon crashing through the air. But thus to die alone, to fill an unknown and forgotten grave, with the sad murmurings of the Shenandoah chaunting its endless requiem around his resting-place, and leave such evidence of coolness and christian fortitude in meeting the grim messenger face to face, is a kind of bravery before which that of the battlefield pales into insignificance.

Sergeant Hart, our color bearer, was shot in the arm while going down the bank. Adjutant McCracken standing near by, relieved him of the flag and started across the river, but getting into deep water, was compelled to let it go in the rushing waters, in order to save 81 himself. The flag however was recovered soon after, it having lodged in a fallen tree just below, and after being borne through several other engagements, was sent to Columbus, where, a mere shred, it now hangs in the Arm and Trophy Department of the State.

Why we were not supported in this engagement was always a mystery to us, unless our finding the enemy in force determined Gen. Wright that it would not be prudent to cross over more troops, and so issued the order for us to fall back.

We found the 6th and 19th corps’ drawn up in good shape, and as we marched through their lines, our little division did not present a very flattering appearance—as every man was wet “through and through,” and generally covered with mud, from climbing the clay river banks. We encamped under the shelter of a dense woods, just back from the river, and proceeded to dry our clothing, and get our guns and ammunition in condition for service.

On the 19th, the 6th and 19th corps’ moved off in the direction of Washington, and we heard, that they had got up another scare at the capital. The next day after the departure of these troops, we again crossed the river higher up, at the regular ford, in a drenching rain storm; we waded the river, which, at this point, was about two feet deep, and it was quite laughable to see some of the men attempt to keep dry. We went into camp just on 82 the other side, remaining there until the next day, when we pushed on to Winchester.

On the 24th, about noon, signs of the enemy’s approach became evident, and our forces were soon in position, and at 2 o’clock a fierce battle was once more raging around the valley city. For several hours the field was fiercely contested, when, being overpowered on all sides, our troops were compelled to fall back, saving all our trains, and taking with us the most of our wounded. It will be remembered that we were opposed by the same army that we measured strength with over the same ground one month later, after being reinforced by the 6th and 19th corps’, with Gen. Sheridan commanding. In this engagement the gallant Gen. Mulligan fell, fighting at the head of his division, just as the day was lost.

No shoes or clothing had been issued to our men since the Hunter raid, and many of our boys were still bare-foot, for such of them, that retreat, was simply terrible; many of them unable to walk upon their blood-clotted feet, were compelled to fall out and were taken prisoners, most of whom died afterwards from cruel treatment in Andersonville. We made a stand at Bunker Hill, holding the enemy in check until early next morning, then fell back to Martinsburg, skirmishing all the way. We held the town until all the military stores at this point, together with our sick and wounded, had been put into cars and started for Cumberland, on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad; when with our train we fell back to 83 Williamsport, fording the Potomac. On the morning of the 26th we pushed on through Sharpsburg, thence to Pleasant Valley, on to Harper’s Ferry, where we again crossed the Potomac, and went into camp on the 28th at Hall Town, four miles distant.

Thus in sixteen days had we, in our worn-out condition, many of the men without shoes or proper clothing, fought in two severe engagements and marched one hundred and ninety miles. Here we made out clothing and pay rolls, and on July 30th, while issuing clothing to the men, received orders to march to the defense of the Capitol, and immediately started back into Maryland. None who were on that march will soon forget the intense heat of that July day; it is said that over one hundred of the army died from sun stroke, and many more were seriously effected. After marching around through Maryland for four or five days, it was discovered that the “Washington scare” had been over estimated, and on the 5th of August we went into camp at Monocacy, where our division was ordered out at sun-down to witness the execution of a deserter from the 23d O. V. I., being the first and only time during the war that our regiment was called upon to witness such a scene.

While the regiment was lying at Pleasant Valley, Gen. Sheridan assumed command of the entire department of West Virginia, which was hereafter to be called the Department of the Shenandoah. A new state of warfare was now inaugurated. The Rebels of the beautiful valley were to be taught a lesson which they would never forget, and victory was hereafter to perch upon our banners. Everything now assumed an air of business and preparation; clothing and shoes, which were much needed by the men, were issued in abundance, and our boys again felt that spirit of confidence which is a sure prelude to success. On Monday, August 8th, we crossed the river at Harper’s Ferry, and encamped on 85 the banks of the Shenandoah, near Hall-Town; remaining there until the 10th, when we again started up the valley; encamping at night near Berryville. The next day we marched up the river through a wild, picturesque region of country; it was a very warm day, and the men suffered greatly for the want of water. We encamped about eighteen miles from our start of the morning. The next day we changed our direction to the right until we struck the valley pike at Middletown, where we found that our cavalry had been pushing the Rebels down the road from Martinsburg. We went into camp about three miles from Cedar Creek, and during the four days we remained here, our boys subsisted mainly upon “roasting ears,” we having arrived just in time to help the good people of that section enjoy this luxury. On the evening of the 26th we received orders to move, and just before starting, Col. Wilson was taken very ill—the result of an overdose of morphine, administered by Surgeon Hyatt, and the command of the regiment devolved upon Capt. Chamberlin. We moved back to Winchester that night, and the next day we marched to Berryville. All this time Col. Wilson was very sick, and of course could receive but little care; but he was now taken to a farm-house near by, and every attention paid him possible. The Colonel finally recovered, though it was a long time before he was himself again.

On the 18th we moved back to a small place called 86 Clifton, remaining there until the 20th; on this day our regiment reported three hundred and sixty men and six officers for duty; Capt. Kellogg, of Company E, and Lieut. Leonard, of Company D, joining us that evening.

The next morning the regiment went out as guard to a forage train, and while loading our wagons, heavy skirmishing, with the occasional firing of artillery, was heard near by, and we hurried back to camp, only to find it deserted. After considerable traveling, we found our proper place in the line of battle which had been formed, and went to work building a breast work of rails, which we had to carry quite a distance. Early in the evening we moved out to support a battery in our front, but as night came on the firing ceased, and about 11 o’clock a retrograde movement commenced in the direction of Harper’s Ferry; and after marching about fourteen miles, we came to the place where our troops were going into camp. Our brigade commander, who was with our regiment, had, in the darkness, lost the rest of his brigade, and we had the honor of escorting him around hunting for it. At last, in disgust, he told us to go into camp—where we had a mind to—an order which we very quickly obeyed.

On the following morning skirmishing was again going on in our front, and before noon we were at work fortifying, and by night our division was strongly entrenched.

87 We remained here until the 28th, and during the first three days we were here a continuous roar of skirmish firing was going on along the whole line; if a soldier from either side showed his head above his pile of rails, he was sure to be made a target of. The officers of our division tried to stop this kind of warfare, but with little effect, until the 25th, when the 123d was sent out on the line in front of our brigade; when by the exertion of our commanding officer, skirmish firing, which had been almost continuous from both sides, was stopped by our regiment, and when it was noticed by the Rebels that we were not doing the usual amount of firing, they also ceased, and we were soon on easy terms with them, trading papers, coffee for tobacco, etc.

Our example soon became generally adopted, and firing ceased along the whole front. We were highly complimented by Gen. Thoburne for the prompt manner in which the nuisance was stopped.

On the morning of the 27th it was discovered that the Rebels had abandoned their position, and we received orders to be in readiness to move without baggage, and with three days rations, to last four days. Early on the 28th, we started, but stopped near Charleston, where we remained until September 3d. The time was occupied in making clothing and pay-rolls, and on the 31st of August, the regiment was mustered and received four months’ pay.

We broke camp early on the morning of September 88 3d, moving up the valley in three columns, the 6th corps having the right, the 19th corps the center, and Gen. Crook’s command, to which we belonged, having the left. Our command reached Berryville, arriving about noon. Pickets were sent out, and being attacked, our division was sent forward to their support, in doing which our regiment, or six companies of them, the others being on picket, became heavily engaged with a brigade of Rebels, whom we run into a cornfield almost before we were aware of their presence. We gave them three or four volleys, when they came charging down upon us and we were forced to retire, losing four killed and fifteen wounded. As soon as we reached our reserves our line was halted and we laid there on our arms all night, expecting the fight would be renewed in the morning. It rained most of the night, and was quite cold; taking it all in all, we had a pretty rough night of it. Our corps was assigned its position on the line in the morning and commenced building “breast works”, and right here we might say that these, like all the others we built during the war, were never fired over, it always being our privilege to be the attacking party. We remained here for some time, working on the fortifications and doing picket duty. On the 7th, Lieut. Col. Kellogg came up and took command of the regiment, Capt. Chamberlin having been in command since August 17th.

The Colonel had been sick in hospital, and had quite 89 an adventure while on his way from the ferry to the regiment, in company with a surgeon in charge of an ambulance train, and without escort. All went well until within seven or eight miles of the army, when it now being about 5 o’clock P. M., they were suddenly pounced upon in front and rear by a gang of bushwhackers, under command of the redoubtable “Mosby;” fortunately the Colonel and Surgeon were pretty well ahead of the train, and the main body of the Rebels had came on the road behind them, so putting spur to their horses, they dashed down the road, brushing the Rebs in their immediate pathway aside, and away up the pike at a break-neck speed they went, when in about twenty minutes, reaching a cavalry out-post, Col. Cellogg persuaded the Sergeant in charge, with about twenty men, to go back with him and recapture the train. Flying over the ground, they were soon upon them, and going in with a yell, they scattered the “Jonnies” in every direction, recovering the entire train before the Rebels could get it turned around and in shape to get away, thus saving to the government many thousands of dollars, and to the army a much needed train of ambulances. Had Col. Kellogg waited until a strong force of cavalry could have been secured, as most officers would have done, it would have been too late, and Mosby, with his plunder, well out of reach in the mountains. We now had a splendid army, and knew we could whip the Rebs at any time, and the wonder throughout the army was “why don’t we 90 do it.” We afterwards learned that Gen. Grant’s orders were to avoid a decisive engagement if possible, as it would not do, at that time, for this army to suffer a defeat.

Captain Shawhan joined the regiment on the 12th, and on the 15th, Col. Kellogg receiving a “sick leave,” went to his home, the command of the regiment again devolving upon Capt. Chamberlin.

September 16th our army was visited by Gen. Grant, in order to confer in person with Gen. Sheridan. The General saw that all Gen. Sheridan wanted was permission to strike—it was given in two words—“go in”—and we went.

The army was in motion before daylight on Monday the 19th, and before night closed upon us, the famous battle of “Opequan” was fought and won. We took the road in the direction of Winchester, the 6th and 19th corps’ having the advance. Firing commenced as soon as we were fairly started, and increased in volume as we advanced, to that roar which indicates the heavy engagement. We reached the Perryville Pike where it crosses the Opequan Creek, about 10 o’clock A. M., where we were held in reserve until about 2 o’clock P. M., when we were ordered up. We crossed the creek, and made our way along a narrow, woody gorge up to the front.

The road was crowded with artillery, ammunition wagons, and ambulances, also with prisoners and 91 wounded men moving to the rear, in fact, it was so choked up that it was with difficulty we picked our way through the debris.

We at length reached a ravine, in front of which was a narrow strip of woods, and along its southern edge a division of the 19th corps was posted, and seemingly, heavily engaged. We were rapidly massed in column by brigade, with ours in front, and immediately moved forward, relieving this portion of the 19th corps, and as soon as they were massed and ready, the bugle sounded the advance, and we moved forward on the double-quick. Now commenced one of the most exciting charges ever participated in by a large army; for over two miles we drove them, over stone fences, up hills and down ravines, until about 4 o’clock P. M., when, our cavalry getting on their flank, they, no longer making any stand, went flying down the valley with Averill’s and Merritt’s gallant riders in hot pursuit. The 123d was the first regiment over the fortifications and into the city of Winchester. We went into the fight with six officers and one hundred and eighty-two men, losing seven men killed and three officers—Capt. Shawhan, Lieutenants Snyder and Johnson—and forty-two men wounded, receiving special praise from Gen. Thoburn, for our gallant conduct.

In this truly great battle we captured nearly three thousand prisoners, five guns, and nine battle flags. Gen. Sheridan’s dispatch announcing the victory, was, “We 92 have just sent them whirling through Winchester, and we are after them to-morrow. The army behaved splendidly.”

The next day we moved up the valley to Strasburg; where on the hills beyond, the Rebel army, in a naturally strong position, had fortified themselves, determined again to try the issue of battle.

We were maneuvered around some until the morning of the 22d, when the two divisions of our corps were moved back about three miles, where getting under cover, we changed our direction to the left, up the side of the mountain, and then silently stole towards the Rebel lines. We crept along the mountain until about 3 o’clock P. M., when getting squarely on their flank, our lines were formed for the charge, but while doing it we were discovered by the enemy, who immediately opened on us with shot and shell; but it was too late, the order was at once issued, “Double-quick, charge!” and we were upon them before they could make any preparations to receive us, capturing their artillery, and turning their left completely; we went sweeping down their breast-works, like the wind, every man yelling at the top of his voice; at the same time that we charged them on their left, the 6th and 19th corps’ attacked them in front.

Routed at every point they were soon in wild retreat, the ground being literally strewn with arms and accoutrements. The cavalry kept up the pursuit throughout 93 the night, keeping the fleeing army on the jump for twenty-five miles.

The victory was complete—eleven hundred prisoners and sixteen pieces of artillery falling into our hands, and accomplished with but very little loss to us; our regiment losing seven wounded.

We bivouacked on our arms, where darkness overtook us, being completely tired out with the day’s work. Here occurred one of those accidents, which, from its sheer needlessness, caused a cold shudder to run over all. The 34th Massachusetts of our brigade, camped in our immediate vicinity, and while all was bustle and confusion, their Major, was shot by the accidental discharge of a musket, at the time, he was standing with a group of officers around a hastily constructed camp-fire.

It seemed hard, that after having gallantly and safely passed through so much hard fighting, thus to be stricken down, while quietly discussing the day’s battle.

In the morning the army pushed rapidly forward, leaving our brigade to collect the debris, care for the prisoners and wounded and bury the dead.

At 10 o’clock A. M., on the 24th, we moved on after the army, through Woodstock, Edinburg and Mt. Jackson, going into camp two miles beyond, making a twenty-seven mile march; pretty good considering that the regiment marched on the flank of the train all day, and until 10 o’clock P. M., through brush, over fences, up and down hills, and sometimes fording streams, causing 94 every one to feel glad when the order came to go into camp wherever a good place could be found.

The next morning we went on through New Market, where we wandered around some over the ground, of our fight here of May 15th. The trees and fences plainly giving evidence of the terrible musketry fire on that day. Resuming our march we went on through Harrisonburg, where we found the army encamped.

While here we made out “Muster and Pay-Rolls,” and straightened up our papers generally. The regiment had two hundred and fifty eight men, and four officers for duty, Capt. Chamberlin in command, with Lieutenants Husted, Bevington and Keyes under him.

On October 4th Lieut. Meiggs, of Gen. Sheridan’s staff, was bushwhacked while making observations of the roads in our vicinity, in retaliation for which, Sheridan ordered that every house and barn within five miles of the murder should be burned to the ground. This order was afterwards revoked, so far as the little town of Dayton was concerned, which came within the prescribed limits.

On the 6th of October we again broke camp, and started back down the valley. Our brigade was in the rear of the infantry, and directly behind us came the cavalry, who had orders to destroy all barns, stacks of grain, and everything that could support a Rebel Army. The smoke that filled the valley as far as we could see to the 95 rear, was conclusive proof that the order was being executed to the letter.

We reached Cedar Creek on the 11th and went into camp on the east side, taking our position on the left of the 19th corps, and here we held our first election, in accordance with the law, allowing soldiers in the field to vote. Col. Kellogg and Capt. Kellogg came up just in time to exercise their elective franchise. Capt Chamberlin, who had ably commanded the regiment since the 15th of September, was now relieved, and Lieut. Col. Kellogg, assumed command. We were all glad to see his genial phiz once more for all knew him, the kind, true friend, the brave and accomplished officer.

We now had six officers in the line for duty, more than at any other time since the Hunter Raid.

On the 13th our entire regiment went on picket, a portion of the line being across the creek, when, to the surprise of every one, the enemy opened fire from a masked battery, and shelled our camp for about two hours, when the 1st and 3d brigades of our division were sent out to look into the matter. They soon found the Rebels in strong force, when orders were sent for the brigades to return, but the Adjutant General, after having delivered the order to the 3d brigade, had his horse shot under him, and failing to give the order to our brigade, they kept on advancing, until they were heavily engaged, and very soon were forced back, being overpowered by a greatly superior force. Our brigade lost heavily, Col. 96 Wells, commanding, and his Adjutant General were killed and left on the field. Our picket-line was now changed to a skirmish-line, being reinforced by two companies from the 116th O. V. I. We held our position firmly, and about midnight advanced a half mile, and found that the Rebels had fallen back. We laid here several days, doing picket and forage duty, receiving some reinforcements by men returning from hospitals.

One day one hundred men were called for to go with a forage train. Every precaution was used, but the Forage Master thought there was no danger, and staying out of reach of our protecting Springfields, was gobbled up with one of his wagons by some bushwhackers, and started towards “Dixie’s Land.”

The rest of the train, well loaded, reached camp about 9 o’clock P. M., very tired, having traveled twenty-four miles over mountain roads.

On the 18th of October the regiment, in conjunction with the 11th Virginia, made a reconnaissance to within a half mile of the enemy’s camp. We could plainly see them lying around under the trees, but nothing to indicate the movement that, on the morrow, was to startle the nation, and shake the army of the Shenandoah to the very centre.

At half past 4 on the morning of October 19th, the regiment was routed out by a straggling picket fire in our front; the word was passed along that the enemy were advancing, and the men quietly fell into line along 97 the breast-work. The other brigades, however, failed to observe the warning, or were too slow in “falling in.” The Rebels easily turned the right of our corps, getting over the works with little or no opposition, many of the men being still asleep in their tents.

Some resistance, however, was made by our brigade, the only one in the division not surprised; we fell slowly back, the broken ranks of the other brigades, rallying upon our line; we soon came upon the 19th corps that, by this time had got into line, and, meeting their first division, we made a good stand, giving them several well directed volleys, that checked their advance, but soon being flanked on the left, were compelled again to give way; here our division commander, Gen. Thoburn, and his Adjutant General, were killed. A running fight was now kept up for about four miles, when meeting the 6th corps drawn up in line, with their artillery in position, the retreat was checked. The 19th corps took position on their left, our corps joining their’s, with a good body of cavalry on our left. Up to this hour it had been the darkest day of our army life; flushed with victory in two great battles within a month, supposing ourselves invincible against anything in the valley, thus to be driven almost in a rout from our works, was a little too much for our philosophy. But now retreat was no longer thought of; Gen. Wright of the 6th corps had our lines well established, and the enemy decidedly checked, when Gen. Sheridan arrived on the field, he having ridden from 98 Winchester, “Twenty miles away,” since the battle commenced. New life seemed at once to animate the whole army. Some slight changes were made in the line, particularly with the cavalry—when the order was given, “Forward along the line,” and away we went, with a heavy line of skirmishers, armed with repeating rifles, supported by strong lines of infantry, against whose steady and determined advance there was no resistance. In less than an hour the Rebel horde was flying back over the ground they had so lately traversed, flushed with success. The cavalry now swooped down from their positions, on the right and on the left, and as the enemy’s lines were turned, and in wild retreat, the scene that ensued along that valley pike beggars description.

It was a grand sight to see that army, lately shattered and stricken nigh unto annihilation, thus reform their columns and boldly move out to the charge; in all the battles of the great rebellion, no parallel is presented. Back through our camps which they had swept in the morning, the beaten Rebels ran, throwing away their guns and knapsacks, and everything that in any way impeded their headlong flight.

The cavalry kept up the pursuit for sixteen miles, recapturing all of our trains, and capturing the greater portion of their’s.

We stacked our muskets behind the works occupied in the morning, and slept that night, as we had fought that day, without food.

99 There is scarce a doubt that if we could have had two hours more of daylight, the Rebel army would have been totally annihilated, as it was we captured forty-nine pieces of artillery, besides retaking the ones taken from us in the morning, and over two-thousand prisoners. Our loss was very heavy, being over six-thousand in killed and wounded; that of the enemy being much less. The loss in our regiment was one killed, fifteen wounded and thirteen missing.

The change from the gloom of disaster that hung over our army in the morning, to complete and undisputed victory in the evening, cannot easily be described. The rebellion for this portion of the confederacy was effectually closed. And when we remember the armies, great and small, that have at different times marched up and down this famous valley; the many hard fought battles for the mastery of its soil; its importance in the great drama of the rebellion is plain. Here the sons of nearly every State in the Union are sleeping the last long sleep: some in burial places set apart for their repose, while many, many more, quietly rest in unmarked and forgotten graves, the victims of a wicked, cruel and uncalled for attempt upon the life of the purest and best government upon the face of the earth.

We encamped at night upon our old ground, but without tents, blankets or rations, the Rebels having made clean work of our camp, and as most of the men left their haversacks where they grasped their muskets, but very 100 few had anything to eat, though fighting hard from five in the morning till seven at night has a tendency to make one hungry.

We changed our camp the next morning to a more sheltered one; anything but refreshed from our sleep on the cold, damp ground.

In the course of a few days we drew blankets, overcoats and some tents. Some of the officers rigged up quarters from pieces of old tents, wagon covers and old boards, not especially handsome; but they answered to write in, and after a great battle there was always plenty of that to do. It was an army saying that the trouble in fixing up papers after a great defeat was only exceeded by that occasioned by a great victory.

We remained here for some time, doing nothing, as there was nothing to do. The valley was absolutely ours.

On the 28th, the army was paid off, and of course money was plenty, much to the satisfaction of the suttlers, as well as the boys.

On November 9th we moved back to near Kearnstown, about five miles from Winchester. It was here that “Little Phil” received his Major-General’s commission in the United States Army, just one month previous he having received a Brigadier-General’s commission in the same, winning the one at Winchester, September 19th, and the other at Cedar Creek, October 19th.

On the 16th of November we had dress-parade for the 101 first time since May 1st. Over six months of hard field service, in which there was no room for parade or drill. We had borne our part in the engagements at New Market, Piedmont, Lynchburg, Snicker’s Ferry, Winchester, Berryville, Opequan, Fisher’s Hill, and Cedar Creek, losing forty in killed, ninety-seven in wounded and twenty-four missing. Of officers we had one killed and four wounded, being one-half the number we had for duty at any one time. We had marched eleven hundred miles, and for the most part under a broiling sun and on short rations.

On the 18th, our brigade was ordered to Opequan bridge, to guard the railroad at that point, where, on the 24th, we received our portion of the ten thousand Thanksgiving turkeys, sent by our noble State to her sons in the field. While remaining here it rained the most of the time, the weather being quite cold.

December 14th, Adjutant McCracken returned to the regiment, and on the 17th, the officers of the brigade, with the band of the 34th Massachusetts came over to our headquarters, and a general good time was indulged in. Not, perhaps, in strict accordance with the views of the would-be reformers of this day, but, nevertheless, all were happy; every one was congratulated on being alive, and fair fortune was invoked to continue propitious for each and every one. We had now made preparations for remaining here during the winter. The men had built good quarters out of logs, procured from the woods 102 near at hand, and the officers had erected quite a house from similar material, when, on December 18th, orders came transferring our division to the army of the James, in front of Richmond.

On the 19th of December we left our log cabins so laboriously constructed, with some regrets, and possibly with some hard words, but a soldier’s life is one of obedience, and, in a few hours, our nice quarters at Opequan were forgotten, and we were ready to build others as uncomplainingly as we had these, wherever our camp would be pitched. It was a drizzly, cold day, and for some unknown reason we were very slow in getting started.

But at length, about 2 o’clock P. M., we were all on board the cars and on our way to Washington, where we arrived early the next morning. In about two hours we embarked on board the steamer Keyport and started down the Potomac.

We sailed under sealed orders, not knowing for a certainty where we were going until after passing Fortress 104 Monroe, though our destination had been pretty well guessed.

We experienced very rough weather while on the voyage, and a great many of the men were sea-sick, and we were compelled to anchor for the night off the Rhappahannock river, the steamer having four feet of water in the hold. It was a disgrace to our country thus to jeopardize the lives of men. We, of course, had no option in the matter; on this vessel we were to sail and that ended the matter; if the steamer had gone to the bottom with us—and it was a wonder that she did not—the verdict would have been as usual—a terrible loss of life, and no one to blame. But this was only one of ten thousand cases, where the men who were in the field, nobly battling for the nation’s life, suffered through the wicked greed of gain in others.

On the 22d we got under-way early in the day, passing Fortress Monroe on the right and “Rip Raps” on the left.

The angry waves dashing against their sides on that icy December morning, caused them to appear anything but inviting spots to us, accustomed to soldiering among green hills and grassy hillsides.

Early the next morning we disembarked at Jones Landing, near City Point, and marched about five miles in a northerly direction, taking our position in the line on the right of the 24th corps, to which we were now attached as the independent division, Gen. John W. Turner commanding.

105 We passed a cold and sleepless night, there being about four inches of snow on the ground, and wood very scarce.

Our train did not get up until nearly morning. The next morning we went to work on our camp in good earnest. From a wood, about a half mile distant, the men split out slabs and carried them, on their shoulders, notching them together in regular backwoods style, covering them with their “dog-tents,” making houses large enough to accommodate from six to eight men.

They then built a fire place in each out of sticks laid up in cob-house fashion, plastering heavily with clay both on the inside and outside, and made ourselves quite comfortable for the winter.

The weather was very disagreeable all through the months of January and February, raining or snowing nearly every day, keeping us in slush nearly all the time. Firing was constantly going on at the front, and during the day hearing cannonading was the regular order, but no general engagement occurred during the winter. While here inspections were quite frequent, and very rigid, and great pains were taken with the appearance and discipline of the regiment. We were under arms and at the breast-works every morning at daybreak. Many promotions were made during the winter, Capt. Chamberlin to Major, 1st Lieutenants Davis, McCracken, Snyder and Bevington to Captains, and 2d Lieutenants Husted, Pumphrey, Sowers and Keyes to 1st Lieutenants. 106 The last being soon after detailed on brigade staff.

Captains Randolph, Rosenbaum and Robbins, and Lieutenants Davis, Acker and Boyce, joined the regiment, they having made their escape from “Rebel prisons” during the fall and winter, this being the first we had seen of them since the disastrous fight at Winchester, June 15th, 1863.

Sometime in March we received a new stand of colors, our old ones being completely in ribbons, and Major Chamberlin going home on a leave of absence, took them with him to Ohio, and presented them to the Governor for safe keeping.

About the middle of March everything began to assume a busy air throughout the army, and it was evident that military movements would soon begin.

On the 25th our division received orders to be ready to move at an hours notice, and on the night of the 27th the orders came, and very shortly we were on the way, crossing the James River under cover of the darkness. We then struck off to the rear of our works for a short distance, and then away towards our left. All night long through that dense woods and pitchy darkness we slowly picked our way. The road was very muddy, and the march a tiresome one. We halted about 4 o’clock in the morning for a short rest.

Snatching a hasty breakfast at 8 o’clock, we were again on the road, pushing on all day towards the left. 107 We now became aware that Sheridan was pressing the enemy’s right, and that we were probably on the way to reinforce him.

On the morning of the 29th we reached the position assigned us in the vicinity of Hatcher’s Run, and remained quietly behind the works until the next day.

Early in the morning we moved out beyond the entrenchments, and immediately the crack of musketry announced that skirmishing had begun, but we steadily pressed them back, through the tangled woods and across creeks and gullies. About noon the rain commenced falling in torrents, making our advance very tedious.

We stopped at night, and at once commenced fortifying our position. All next day the rain continued to pour, making it impossible for us to move our artillery, and we were compelled to remain idle. Early on the 31st our division moved out to the attack, the regiment being on the skirmish line, were immediately under fire, and drove the enemy steadily back until within five hundred yards of their entrenched position on Hatcher’s Run. Just before a halt was ordered, the regiment made a gallant charge, driving the Rebs from a point of timber, capturing some prisoners and gaining a very desirable position and maintained it against a heavy cannonade and musketry fire throughout the day. As soon as night came on, we set to work building breast works, using rails and loose stones, and digging dirt with our 108 bayonets, we were very soon pretty strongly entrenched. We remained there all night, getting very little, if any, sleep. Firing commenced early in the morning and was kept up steadily through the day, no change, however, being made in our position. Now by all reason of fairness we certainly should have been relieved. We had been on severe duty for two days, sending many of our dead and wounded back to the rear, amply attesting the work we had done. We had cooked nothing to eat during the time, though the boys in the rear had sent us out hot coffee on several occasions. But Gen. Turner sent a special request to Col. Kellogg, who had gallantly and in person commanded the line; asking that he remain with his regiment, on the line, for another night. Of course his request was complied with.

At day-break the grand movement was made along the whole line, that gave us Petersburg, and sent the Rebels broken and shattered from their last stronghold in Virginia.

The advance was begun on our right, and as the cheers of our troops announced their success, Col. Kellogg became very anxious to lead his regiment against the works in our front. Twice he sent for permission before it came.

The regiment was all ready, and at the word, leaped over their rail pens and away for the enemies works, and without a stop, over their defences, capturing several hundred prisoners, two cannon and two battle flags. 109 One of these battle flags is still in possession of Col. Kellogg, at Norwalk, and the other is deposited with our own colors at the Capital.

After our division had forced their lines at Hatcher’s Run, we joined our corps, and pressing on after the 6th corps, swerving to the right and closing in on the enemy around Petersburg. Just at night, our division was selected by Gen. Gibbon, to carry by storm two large forts on the South of the city.

We were soon formed in column by brigade, with our brigade in front. Company D, now the brigade sharpshooters, were deployed in front. At the order, our three brigades sprang forward to the charge at a right shoulder shift; the sharpshooters opened a rapid fire that was so well directed, that their guns were used with very poor effect. Without a stop the first fort was reached, and after ten or fifteen minutes of desperate resistance was ours. The second one then fell with scarce a struggle.

The roar of battle was now heard along the whole line, the enemy fighting bravely behind their works; but at the close of that Sabbath evening we knew that the strength of the Rebellion was broken.

During the night Petersburg and Richmond was evacuated, and the Rebel army in rapid retreat towards Danville. Early in the morning we were in pursuit, taking the road towards Burkesville, along the South Side road. Gen. Ord being in command of our portion of the 110 army. We marched to Burkesville, arriving there at 11 o’clock on the night of the 5th, being square on Lee’s flank, who was to the north of us and on the road towards Farmville. The army was completely jaded, having been on the march since early morning, and rest was imperatively demanded. The General, however, called for two picked regiments to go out and destroy the bridges that cross the Appomattox, near Farmville, and thus cut off the enemy’s retreat in that direction. The 123d Ohio and 54th Pennsylvania were selected, and with a squadron of the 4th Massachusetts cavalry, the whole under command of Gen. Theodore Read, at once started. They met the head of Lee’s army near the point designated, and at once bravely attacked them.

Col. Kellogg was in command of the infantry, Gen. Read being away with the cavalry on a reconnaissance.

Deploying a heavy line of skirmishers, we stubbornly maintained our position, though against a largely superior force. After having repulsed them several times, Gen. Read, knowing we could not long withstand their rapidly increasing force, resolved to charge with his little band of cavalry, and endeavor to cut his way through to the main army. Gallantly that squadron rode to the assault, many of them destined never again to hear the bugle’s call. The brave Read was killed, and eleven officers of his staff and cavalry killed or wounded.

None of them succeeded in getting through, nor did 111 any of them return to us. Still we held our ground, and as the Rebels marched out beyond our flanks, more men were deployed, until finally, both regiments were a mere skirmish line. For several hours this unequal contest was waged, till at last the boys began to get out of ammunition, and very soon that cry became general.

Col. Kellogg, who had been hoping all along that the army would come to his rescue, now saw there was no use longer to resist, and ordered the line to fall back slowly and in as good order as possible, thinking that some of the command, at least, might escape through the woods.

But as soon as they saw our line breaking back, they swooped down upon us in great force, and in few moments both regiments were prisoners. We lost a good many men in this engagement. Capt. Randolph was shot through the breast by a cavalryman, after having surrendered.

This gallant little fight of these two regiments received honorable mention by Gen. Grant, in his report of the war. He says that their brave and stubborn resistance at this point, checked Lee’s retreat long enough to enable Gen. Ord to get up with his main force, compelling Lee to intrench himself, thus causing great delay in the enemy’s movements.

The regiment, or so many of them as did not make their escape after their capture, remained prisoners until Lee’s surrender at Appomattox Court House—a period of 112 two days—but time enough for the Rebels to “go through” our boys, stripping them of everything valuable, taking even their hats and shoes. In striking contrast to the treatment they received at our hands after their surrender, when scarcely a Reb was allowed to start on his homeward tramp without a well-filled haversack and canteen.

The regiment at once came back to the division, but in the treaty agreed upon, being counted as paroled prisoners, were ordered to report at Parole Camp, Annapolis as such.

The Rebel Army of Northern Virginia had surrendered. And on that quiet Sabbath evening as the lightning flashed the intelligence from city to hamlet, the church bells rang out the glad tidings over the free North, and the Nation thanked the God of battles that the end for which we had suffered and struggled so long, had come. For four long years had these two mighty armies met in conflict and contested for the mastery.

Their dead lie all along the valley from the Potomac to Lynchburg; they are sleeping where they fell, at Antietam and Gettysburg, on the heights of Fredericksburgh, and through the dark thickets of the Wilderness. They lie in the dark forests’ of the Peninsula all the way up to Deep Bottom, and around Petersburg. Along the tangled morass near Hatcher’s Run, and the Weldon Road, their graves mark the fierce conflict. Brave Old Army of the Potomac, long suffering, gallantly fighting, 113 your reward has come; never again will the boasted army of Northern Virginia meet you in equal conflict; yours is the victory and “fairly won.”

On the 12th of April the regiment left Appomattox for Burkesville Junction, the road was filled with “Johnnies” on their way home, and the greater portion of them were heartily glad that the war was over, even though they had to see the flag of the lost cause folded forever.

The next morning we left the Junction on board a train of freight cars for City Point, fifty-two miles distant. At that place we first learned of the assassination of President Lincoln. It excited the most profound grief among all to hear of his death, and in such a manner, just at the close, as it were, of the Great Rebellion. At first it seemed as though it was impossible for us to realize the truth of the report; but it being confirmed by the War Department, we were reluctantly compelled to believe it.

Our men were all greatly elated over the surrender of Lee and the probable termination of the war; which fact only seemed to cause a greater revulsion of feeling at the news of the death of our now lamented President. If he 115 could have been permitted to witness the final end of the great struggle through which we were passing, in which we were endeavoring to sustain the power of our Republican form of Government, and preserve our free institutions; how gratifying it would have been to all concerned. But this was not to be. Nevertheless he passed away, “With malice toward none, but charity toward all.”

Just after leaving Burkesville we met Capt. Chamberlin returning to the regiment from leave of absence, and Maj. Walker, Paymaster, who was on his way to the front to pay the troops in our division.

At City Point the regiment embarked on a steamer for Annapolis, arriving there during the forenoon of the 17th, going into quarters at College Green Barracks, where clothing was issued to the men, and they got cleaned up and rested; and on the 21st, in pursuance of orders received to report at Camp Chase, we were loaded on a train of box cars, and started for Ohio by the way of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. We moved very slowly, not exceeding eight miles an hour, passing Martinsburg on the 22d, Grafton on the 23d, Bellaire and Zanesville on the 24th, reaching Columbus at 9 o’clock P. M. that night. We went into quarters at Tod Barracks, and the next day we marched to Camp Chase, where we remained some time, awaiting the order for “muster out.”

On the 29th President Lincoln’s funeral cortege reached Columbus, on its way to Springfield, Illinois. One hundred 116 and fifty men of our regiment were detailed as guard at the State House, while his remains were lying there in state. All day long a constant procession was filing through the State House, to take a last view of our “departed Lincoln.”

The officers were now busy preparing Muster-Rolls, and on the 30th the regiment was mustered.

While in camp here, many of the officers and men visited their homes, all very anxious for the day of our Muster-out to arrive.

On the 31st of May, it having been decided that we could no longer be considered paroled prisoners, arms were again issued to the men. This they objected to strongly, fearing that it was only a prelude to an order for duty at some other point; and now, that the war was over, the regiment preferred going home to playing soldier at some post.

Finally, on the 2d of June, a telegram was received from the War Department, ordering the 123d to be Mustered-out as soon as the necessary Rolls could be prepared.

Oh the 12th, the rolls having been completed and examined by the mustering officer, discharges filled out and signed, Company’s A, B, C, E, and G were mustered out and paid, and before night nearly all of them were on their way home. The remainder of the regiment was mustered out on the following day, and left for home; Lieutenant H. Latimer Beck, 13th U. S. Infantry was the 117 mustering officer. Thus, in a few moments, as it were, the ties that for three years had bound us together, were sundered. And while in each breast the heart throbs were beating to the music of “Home, Sweet Home;” thronging memories came trooping up from the past, of the manly forms who went with us to the field and fell by the wayside, of those who wasted in hospitals, or in Rebel Prison Pens. Alas! for them, the home circle must continue to mourn. And as gathered in groups about the camp to say the last good-bye; manly tears would come for those who were of our number once, but were now borne on the grand “muster-roll” in that other camping-ground.

During our three years of service, the regiment had marched two-thousand one hundred and eighty-four miles, had traveled by rail one thousand five hundred and thirty-one miles, and by boat one thousand and seventeen miles. Making a grand total of five thousand seven hundred and thirty-two miles.

The regiment, besides participating in many skirmishes in the valley of minor importance, were in the following general engagements:

Winchester, June 13th, 14th and 15th, ’63; New Market, May 15th, ’64; Piedmont, June 5th, ’64; Lynchburg, June 17th and 18th, ’64; Snicker’s Ford, July 19th, ’64; Winchester, July 24th, ’64; Berryville, September 3d, ’64; Opequan, September 19th, ’64; Fisher’s Hill, September 22d, ’64; Cedar Creek, October 118 19th, ’64; Petersburg and Hatcher’s Run, from March 30th to April 2d, ’65, and High Bride or Farmville, April 6th, ’65, a record of which any regiment may well be proud.

After our surrender on the morning of June 15th, 1863, to Col. Walker, commanding the famous “Old Stonewall Brigade,” we were taken to where the morning fight had taken place, and were permitted to lie down and rest. After remaining there a couple of hours we were marched into Winchester, halting there a few moments, and were then taken over to the Fort. A couple of tents were then put up for the accommodation of the commissioned officers, but which failed to prevent the wind from annoying us very much by blowing sand in from all directions. Wearied and worn out, and having eaten nothing during the day, we were compelled to lie down at night without even a “hard-tack” to refresh us. Next morning, about 9 o’clock, a few pounds of meat was distributed among us, shortly after which the officers were separated from the enlisted men and marched over to the Court House. Late in the evening we received some bread and meat, but previously, Capt. 120 Chamberlin had received a basket of provisions kindly tendered by some good Union loving Quaker ladies of the city, which he distributed among our officers, and for which they will ever hold those ladies in grateful remembrance. The officers remained there until 4 o’clock P. M., of the following day, when they were drawn up in line, the roll called, and after being supplied with blankets, our party, consisting of one hundred and eight commissioned officers, started on our march to Richmond, under charge of Capt. Wingfield, 58th Va. (Confederate), and his company. That evening we marched eleven miles, and laid down on the ground for the night about 10 o’clock. Thursday we marched twelve miles, lying by for three or four hours in the middle day, when flour and meat were issued to us, and we set to work baking up our flour into cakes. The men overtook us here, but we were not allowed to communicate with them. It rained heavily in the afternoon, completely drenching us through, and at night we were obliged to take up our quarters in an old log stable, which was more thoroughly invested by fleas than was particularly pleasant or convenient to us. Wet as we were, we laid down and attempted to gain a few hours repose, but alas, no chance for that desired boon. All night long the inhabitants of the stable could be heard visiting their maledictions on the fleas. The next day we marched nineteen miles to Mt. Jackson, and took up our quarters for the night in the Rebel hospital buildings. On Saturday 121 we marched sixteen miles to Lincoln Springs, where we had a pleasant place to camp for the night. On Sunday we marched twenty-one miles. Col. Wilson, Adjt. Blair, Capt. Rings, Capt. Chamberlin and Lieut. Pumphrey, about noon hired a man, with a one horse wagon, to haul them to Staunton, a distance of twenty-three miles, for which privilege each of them paid five dollars in Confederate money. And, if the man could have carried them, he would have had more passengers at the same price.

On Monday noon we reached Staunton and remained there two hours, and then took the cars for Richmond, a distance of one hundred and thirty-six miles, which we passed over during the night, arriving at our destination about six o’clock A. M., June 23d. We were immediately marched to the Libby Prison, where we were searched, and our rubber coats, blankets, etc. taken from us. The most of us managed to secrete our money, so that it was not discovered. They gave receipts for the money they did get, which assured us that it would be returned to us when released. The officials informed us we could draw it as we needed it; which, afterwards, proved to be anything but true. They even went so far as to take a few sheets of paper and envelopes from one of our officers.

We were then taken up stairs, and introduced to our new quarters. The “Hotel de Libby,” as it was afterwards facetiously called, is a large brick building, one 122 hundred and fifty feet in length by one hundred and five feet in depth. It fronted on Cary and extended back to Canal street, immediately in the rear of which was the canal and James river. This building was, previous to the war, occupied by Libby & Son, who carried on in it their business as ship-chandlers and grocers. Internally, it much resembled an Ohio grain ware-house, being three stories high, with a basement story underneath, and divided into three tiers of rooms. The lower room of the first tier was occupied by the various officers engaged in the control of the Prison. The two upper rooms were, at the time of our arrival, used for the confinement of prisoners, and we found there Col. Streight’s command and a few others, amounting to thirteen hundred and sixty officers. Of the middle tier, one room was occupied by citizen prisoners and deserters from the Union army. The third tier was used as a hospital for Union officers. The basement contained a couple of cells, for the close confinement of prisoners; the remainder of it was devoted to the use of the slaves employed about the premises. The attaches of the Prison were as follows: Capt. Turner, commandant; Lieut. Latonche, his assistant, and, by-the-way, the most obliging official we had anything to do with—Inspector Turner being one of the most tyrannical beings that ever lived, and had been a horse-jockey in one of the Northern cities previous to the war; Ross, who attended to the roll, and was a deserter from the North; George, (a sergeant) 123 under lackey, whose duty it was to communicate orders to the prisoners; and Charley, a mulatto, who superintended the gang of darkies in their labors. When we entered Libby, the upper one of the two rooms in which we were placed contained bunks, sufficient for those who were then in the Prison, while they used the lower one for cooking and eating purposes.

We were obliged to take up our residence in the lower room and sleep on the floor at nights and use it to sit on in the day time, as we had no other seats furnished except stationary benches, at the tables.

Shortly after taking up our lodgings there, we applied for some of our money, but we met with the reply that none of “the officers of Milroy’s command could have a d—d cent.” Nor did we get any from them until the 1st of October. We were also informed that we would not be allowed to purchase anything outside—as Straight’s command was then permitted to do—so we had to smuggle our purchases through them for some time, until their orders were tacitly countermanded.—During the first four weeks, while subsisting on the rations furnished, we were often glad to pick up crumbs from the table to satisfy our hunger.

In speaking of the attaches of the prison, Gen. Johnson, a gentleman of color, should be mentioned, although he was a prisoner, as well as ourselves. His duty consisted in supplying us with smoke, which he did every morning, carrying a skillet of burning tar through the 124 rooms, crying “Here’s your nice smoke, without money or price.” He also collected the soiled clothes once a week, which he was permitted to take out to be washed, returning them Sunday mornings, at the small charge of three pieces for one dollar. He also, for some time, monopolized the shaving and hair cutting, which operations he performed at the moderate price of twenty-five cents for the former and seventy-five cents for the latter; but he was finally superseded by an enterprising German Lieutenant, which compelled him to abandon this calling and take to that of “boot-black.” The old fellow was a regular fixture there, having been in the Prison about two years. He was an old soldier also, having accompanied a Pennsylvania regiment through the Mexican war. Every morning at nine o’clock A. M. “George” made his appearance, and, with his peculiar intonation of voice, would cry out: “Fall in, sick, and go down;” when those who wished to be prescribed for would huddle together and go down on the first floor, where they were examined by the surgeon—who was spoken of as a kind and attentive physician—and, after making a minute of their cases, would send them back to their rooms, excepting those whom it was deemed necessary to send to the hospital. In the course of two or three hours, the medicine would be brought up and distributed to the sick.

Our enlisted men, prisoners of war who were so unfortunate as to become sick, suffered outrageously. They 125 were often allowed to lie in their tents on Belle Isle, on the wet ground, until the last moment, when they would be brought over to the hospital to breath their last.

If a description of the truth would be fit for publication, some few particular cases could be cited that would make any one shudder to think that there were, in this day and age of the world, men who were so lost to all feeling of humanity as to permit men, although their enemies, to languish and die through sufferings such as no pen should be called upon to describe.

Once a squad of Yankees (prisoners) were leaving the Libby building with a supply of the “so-called” rations for the prisoners. It consisted of weak soup—better say soiled water—in old, dirty pails, and about six ounces of poor bread per man. We threw a few apples to them from the windows, which they received gladly and began to eat as if they were nearly starved.

The “Libby Burlesque Troupe,” as they announced in their programme Saturday morning, October 17th, 1863, appeared for the last time that evening, owing to their having an engagement in Washington, for which purpose they expected to leave on the next “Flag of Truce Boat.” They exhibited to a crowd of Yankees with one or two Rebels included. The performances were very good, considering the impromptu manner in which they were gotten up. They consisted of songs, dances and the reading of the “Libby Ironical,” which 126 was a burlesque on the “Libby Chronicle,” the weekly issue of which had been read the forenoon previous.

During the hot weather of July and August, the variety displayed in the costume of the inmates of the Prison, was decidedly laughable. Here you would see a man with nothing but drawers and shirt on, there one with drawers minus the shirt, while close by was another with the shirt minus the drawers, and then another one with nothing on but a linen coat (Raglan style), his clothes being out washing, no doubt. This style of dress was very comfortable during that kind of weather, but when the cold days of October came, it was rather unpleasant to be compelled to go around without socks or drawers and only one shirt, which valuable article we were obliged to dispense with occasionally for the purpose of having them washed. We had blankets enough during the warm weather, but when the cold nights set in, it was discovered that while some had an abundant supply, others had only one, and many had none at all. Repeated complaints having been made to the Rebel officials, Inspector Turner made his appearance one Sunday morning and proceeded to make a division of the house, putting prisoners in one room and blankets in the other. He then gave to each man as he passed back into the room, two old blankets (U. S.), but the supply not being sufficient to go around, the remainder of the men had to go without, and on application to the authorities we were informed that they had no more, and consequently could 127 give us no more. The bedding and clothing furnished to our sick in the hospital was supplied by the United States Sanitary Commission.

The principal topic of conversation and excitement in Libby was the “Exchange Question.” When we first made our advent in that highly popular institution, it was certainly thought that we would not possibly remain longer than ten days or two weeks. But at the end of that time we were still there, the Commissioners not having met; “but just as soon as they do meet we will be exchanged sure, and go home by the first Truce boat.” In this manner we consoled ourselves in our misfortune. Well, the Commissioners met, but did not agree. And the Rebel authorities then published a statement, that they had made a proposition to our Government, which was so plausible on its face that we thought it would be immediately accepted, as a matter of course, but something intervened to prevent the exchange. And so it went on, first one rumor and then another; first would come the report that the surgeons and chaplains were going to leave on the next boat, and the officers were to follow immediately; this statement would be directly succeeded by the report that the Commissioners had disagreed and there would be no more exchanges during the war. The next report would come from the hospital, to the effect that a clerk in the War Department had just been to see a friend there and told him that a boat was up, and that the chaplains and some of the officers would 128 be exchanged. And so on without end, each day bringing some new sensation relative to the exchange question, and each one without foundation. Upon the arrival of any of these statements it would be followed by the vociferous cries of “get ready,” “pack up,” “pack up,” from all parts of the house, while the inmates would soon gather in crowds to discuss the correctness of the report. One would be certain of its truth, for it came from a reliable gentleman; the next would be a little doubtful, while the third one declared he would hardly believe we were exchanged even if Capt. Turner should come up himself and announce the fact.

Lieut. Flick, for an attempt to bribe the guard and escape, was taken out and confined in the cell for some three weeks, then released and sent back among the officers.

When we first entered Libby we could exchange our greenbacks for Confederate trash at the rate of two dollars of the latter for one of the former. In a short time they began to increase in value, until we were able to get seven and a half Confederate for one of Federal, at which rate it ranged for a long time. At first the exchange of money was conducted through the sentinel stationed on guard at the stairway, but two or three having been arrested for so doing, put a stop to that manner of transacting business and another, but less dangerous, plan was adopted. One hundred dollars in greenbacks would be raised and sent out by one of the negro boys belonging 129 to the establishment, who would exchange it with some citizen, and bring us back seven hundred and fifty dollars in Confederate rags, which was the only kind of currency we could use in the purchase of provisions.

The following is the list of officers from our regiment who were captured at Winchester and confined in Libby: Col. W. T. Wilson, Lt. Col. H. B. Hunter, Adjt. Blair, Capts. Riggs, Caldwell, Robbins, Rosenbaum, Randolph, Bender and Chamberlin; Lieuts. Davis, Smith, Bevington, Schuyler, Pumphrey, Breckenridge, Sowers, Colver, Williams, Acker and Boyce, making twenty-one in all. The enlisted men were taken to Belle Isle, confined there about three weeks, when they were paroled and sent North.

On October 7th, the chaplains were aroused early in the morning, marched to the boat, and then taken down the James river to City Point, where they met the Flag of Truce boat, and went North. They were all very much elated, except Chaplain McCabe, of the 123d Ohio, who, on account of poor health, was obliged to wait for the next boat.

On the 11th a meeting of the Ohio and Pennsylvania officers was held for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements preparatory to holding our election. On the 13th election was held. At the Pennsylvania polls Curtin received a large majority. And at the Ohio polls one hundred and sixty-three votes were cast—one hundred 130 and sixty-two for Brough and one for Jewett. Three Ohio officers refused to vote.

On the 16th we were notified by the Rebel authorities that they would only furnish us twenty-five dollars—Confederate—per month out of our money in their possession. This amount would not have furnished potatoes for one week, at the rate we were paying for them, but as we were under Rebel authority, we of course, had to submit.

Furnished with only a limited supply of Government rations, money taken from us, and only allowed in such small sums that it really amounted to nothing, caused us to think that perhaps they meant to starve us. Richmond daily papers were constantly complaining about their government feeding so many Yankees there; and one paper advised the authorities to confiscate the boxes of clothing and provisions that were sent us by our friends in the North.

On the 19th the Right Rev. Bishop Magill (Roman Catholic) preached to the officers in Libby. On the 20th quite a large number of boxes, for officers, from their friends in the North, arrived and were distributed. A few greenbacks were ingeniously concealed in some of the boxes and, fortunately, escaped the search of the examing officers. Notices were posted, informing us that there would be, hereafter, roll-call twice a day—at 7:30 A. M. and 5:00 P. M.—and that five minutes would be allowed each time to “fall in;” officers not in line 131 then “would be punished accordingly.” Also, that if “spitting on the floor” and “throwing apple cores in the spit-boxes” were not stopped, the purchase of tobacco and apples would be prohibited. We received letters from the regiment on the 21st, being the first since we were captured.

The Rebels had some sugar in hogsheads, stored in the ware-house, nearly opposite the Libby, where some of our enlisted men were confined. The men were in the second story, the sugar in the first. On the 24th it was discovered that the sugar had been too tempting for the boys, and that they had appropriated some seven or eight hogsheads to their own use, amounting to some twenty thousand dollars of their money. As a matter of course, the remainder was immediately moved out of the reach of the half-starved Yankees.

On the 25th a letter was found, purporting to be from a Michigan surgeon to Capt. Turner, asking for a blanket, in which he stated that, under other circumstances, he would rather be a friend to the South than an enemy. A drum-head court-martial was immediately convened, the culprit brought forward, and confronted with the letter. It appeared, on examination, that he was guilty of writing the letter, but that he was a loyal man and, suffering very much for the want of a blanket, had taken this method to procure one. He was permitted to go unmolested, as he had not succeeded in his attempt to deceive our humane captors.

132 Maj. Huston, who had been in the hospital for some time, and was a tailor by trade, was employed by the Rebel surgeon to repair his uniform for him, which he did, but, when completed, instead of giving it to the surgeon, donned the uniform himself and, about dusk, he quietly walked out, passing himself off as the surgeon. He succeeded in passing the guards without any difficulty.

This escape so alarmed the Rebels that they took possession of the lower east room, again locating the officers’ hospital in that room, nailed up the door between that and the upper rooms, giving us the possession of the lower, middle room, after taking the precaution to nail up the windows and double the guard on the outside of the building. For nearly forty-eight hours after the sick and wounded officers were brought to the building, the Rebels neither furnished them with rations nor blankets, but after dark, communication was opened with them, and they were furnished with blankets by us and a portion of our eatables.

About midnight of the 25th a gun was fired by one of the guards, at which signal—premeditated no doubt, as no one was attempting to escape—there immediately assembled in front of the prison two companies of infantry and a small crowd of men with a howitzer. This was done very promptly, no doubt with the intention of intimidating us Yankees inside.

On the 26th we were put on bread and water. The 133 reason assigned for this was the breaking open of the door into the hospital, but, most probably, the reason was the want of meat to furnish us with.

During the last of this month the weather was very severe, our officers suffering much from the cold. We were allowed little or no fire, and the windows having no glass in them, the zephyrs had free access. Many of us had no underclothing, a number with only one blanket, and some without any. One morning the man “George,” without any provocation, drew a revolver on one of the officers, when Lieut. Reed, 3rd Ohio, a wounded officer, told him he must not attempt that here. For this offence (?) Reed was taken down to the cell and kept there three days, the first night without any blanket whatever.

On the 29th of October some forty boxes and bales, from the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, were received at Libby; also, about one hundred and fifty private boxes, for officers. The boxes from the Sanitary Commission were consigned to Gen. Dow, consisting of shirts, drawers, socks, handkerchiefs, and blankets. Those from the Christian Commission were consigned to Lieut. Randolph, 5th U. S. Artillery, the contents consisting of underclothing, reading matter, hams and liquors, the latter, no doubt, for hospital purposes. The articles were, probably, as well distributed as could be expected under the circumstances, excepting the hams and liquors, which were monopolized by a very few.

134 On the 30th of October we learned that nine men, belonging to our regiment, were still on Belle Isle, some of them wounded and all suffering very much.

On November 2d, some of the officers received money from the Rebel authorities at the rate of five dollars Confederate for one of greenbacks. A large number of private boxes also arrived and the next day were distributed; six for the officers of the regiment, one of them from the sutler. So many boxes were arriving at this time that they were examined very briefly; the principal object of the search being to ascertain whether there was any liquor concealed in them. Both money and lengthy letters were frequently so ingeniously concealed as to elude even a close scrutiny. They were usually secreted in cans of fruit or butter, and occasionally a can of whisky would pass labelled “peaches.”

On the 5th Gen. Dow went over to “Belle Isle” and issued to our men, confined there, the clothing consigned to his care by our Government. He reported their condition to be very destitute indeed, many being compelled to sleep on the bare ground without any shelter over them. This sort of treatment, in the dead of winter and on a sandy island in the James river, was simply barbarous.

On the 7th a class in sword exercise was organized, and for a few days nothing but the resounding clash of sticks , and the various commands were heard. But the novelty of the thing soon wore away, and this, like every 135 amusement gotten up to while away our lonesome hours, was soon dropped.

Large numbers of boxes arrived daily, their contents being distributed to the boys on “Belle Isle,” by Union officers designated for that purpose.

Gen. Dow occasionally entertained us with a lecture on—his favorite topic—Temperance. Corn bread was our regular rations; the Rebel authorities said they had nothing else to give us.

November 8th the Rev. Dr. McCabe, of the city, preached to us in the afternoon, and the minstrels performed in the evening. A gun was fired by one of the guards during the night, the alarm given and the whole guard turned out to repel the expected outbreak, which, after all, was only a false alarm.

On the 12th the daily papers stated that the surgeons had been exchanged, whereupon everybody went to work writing long letters to be secreted on the persons of the fortunate doctors, and in that way get them smuggled through the “blockade.”

On the 13th several hundred enlisted men were sent to Danville, the Rebels beginning to fear that there were too many Yankees in and about the city of Richmond. It did not make much difference to the boys, as they could hardly be treated any worse than they had been.

On the 14th we had some beef issued to us for the first time in many days. Corn bread was our staple, and such stuff it was; it looked as though the meal of which it was 136 composed had been made by grinding the corn and the cob together, thus utilizing the whole ear. The compound was baked in large sheets about three feet square and from three-fourths of an inch to three inches in thickness, and about the solidity of lead. No one ever attempted to dispute the fact that we received our full rations of “bread by weight” during those days.

About this time the most exciting topic of conversation was relative to allowing Rebel ministers of the Gospel to preach to us in Libby. It was decided, however, to allow them to do so.

On the morning of the 24th the surgeons were notified to be ready to leave in a few moments, as the Confederate soldiers had arrived; they were also ordered to disgorge the letters they had concealed about their persons; only a few of them, however, did so. We afterwards learned that they were searched down stairs, but with what result we did not learn.

Letters were concealed about their persons in a variety of places; in the lining of hats, coats, pants and boots, under shoulder straps, bandaged around sore legs, twisted up in small wads, and carried loosely in the pockets, concealed in plugs of tobacco, loaves of bread, etc.

Maj. White, 67th Pennsylvania, hired a surgeon to let him go in his place, which he did. It being afterwards discovered—some Federal officer having divulged the fact—notice of it was telegraphed to City Point. The Major was stopped, and we were notified that unless we 137 designated the surgeon left behind, our rations would be stopped. Some craven-hearted coward pointed him out. The next day Major White was brought back, but was not punished.

And such was life in Libby. It was not safe to trust any-one, save your most intimate friends and acquaintances. Volumes might be written of the brave things that were done in that terrible place, and then, again, of mean and cowardly things, done by men, whom at home were brave men and gentlemen. The only wonder is that every spark of manhood was not utterly crushed out of those so unfortunate as to be confined within its walls. Modern warfare presents no parallel in the treatment of prisoners, as devised and perpetrated by the chivalric gentlemen who managed the affairs of the so-called “Confederacy.”

But enough has been told to convey some idea of our condition while prisoners—the many hopes deferred! the long, weary waiting, that made the heart sick nigh unto death.

It is needless to follow our officers and men to other prisons, where many of them were sent, when our forces got in close proximity to Richmond. It would be the same old story, in some cases, perhaps, a little more revolting, but in the main, one Rebel prison was a sample of all the rest.

One thing more that should be mentioned in connection with our life in Libby: On the 6th of July, 1863, 138 all the Federal captains, then in Prison, were ordered to fall in—there were seventy-two in number. They were then taken down stairs, into a large, vacant room in the same building and formed in a hollow square, when Capt. Turner read an order from Gen. Winder, directing him to select, at once by lot, from among the Federal captains in his custody, two for immediate execution ! Each captains name was then called, and, when answered, a slip of paper, containing his name and regiment, was placed in a box. We were then given permission to select one of our chaplains, if we desired, to draw out two names. We selected Father Gray, who, after offering up a prayer, with a trembling hand and tears standing in his eyes, drew out two slips and handed them to Captain Turner. That moment was one of anxious suspense to those seventy-two men who were awaiting the result. Capt. H. W. Sawyer, 1st N. J. Cavalry, and Capt. Flinn, 51st Indiana, were the unfortunate men. We all thought, at that time, that they would surely be executed. They were confined in the dungeon a few days, and, our Government taking prompt action in the matter, by holding Gen. Lee and Capt. Winder as hostages for our men, the rebels soon relaxed their rigor, and permitted them to come back with the other prisoners.

In making up these rolls great care has been exercised in endeavoring to have each name spelled correctly; that such a result has been attained is not to be expected. Proper names are arbitrary at best, and when the copy from which they are taken, passes through two or three hands, errors are very likely to occur. The following are copies of the original Muster Out Rolls of each company:

COMPANY A.

COMPANY C.

COMPANY D.

COMPANY E.

COMPANY F.

COMPANY G.

COMPANY H.

COMPANY I.

COMPANY K.

The foregoing shows the exact condition of the regiment, as exhibited by the muster-out at Columbus, Ohio. June 12th and 13th, 1865.

On the night of December 9th, 1864, when the regiment was being transported by rail from Opequan Bridge, in the Valley, to Washington, on our way to join the Army of the Potomac, in front of Richmond, Private Silas Simpson, of Company C, being on a flat-car crowded with men, laid down near the bumper, and having, it is presumed, dropped asleep and fallen between the cars, met with an instant death, no less than three trains passing over his body before it was discovered that he was missing.

During the early part of our term of service, the orders were very strict in reference to individual foraging, and whenever complaints were made at headquarters by some Secesh citizen, that some of the boys had been slaughtering a beef of his, or perhaps a poor innocent porker had gone the way of all the world, or, perchance, a box of honey, or a loaf of bread, or a nice ham, was not to be found, then forthwith a guard must be stationed around his house and the mens’ quarters searched 165 for the missing articles. The men generally received due and timely notice, and the articles were buried in some tent and a poor sick boy, that could not be moved, would be lying over it. The officers engaged in the search, would perhaps look in the tent and says, “Boys, is any of that meat or honey here?” They were never known to receive an affirmative answer. Occasionally they would be caught in the act, as the following incident will testify: The regiment had just gone into camp on the bank of the Shenandoah, near Halltown, one hot day in August, 1864. The men were nearly all bathing in the river, when they spied a field of corn on the opposite bank and immediately went for it. Two boys of Company A, each unadorned with any particular amount of clothing, and, having their arms filled with roasting ears, were caught by a cavalry guard set there to watch the corn; and without their clothing, which was on the other side, were marched to division headquarters; from which place they were sent, through the regular channels , to regimental headquarters, with an order to have them “tied up by the thumbs.” From there Col. Wilson sent them to company headquarters, with instructions to carry out the order after night —the particular night not being specified. Why Capt. C. had plenty of corn for dinner is plain.

After any of these depredations, should any of the officers discover next morning in their quarters, a nice steak, plate of honey or roll of butter, it was not deemed 166 necessary to institute a search to see where it came from.

When we passed near Sewell Mountain, returning from the Lynchburg Raid, June 29th, 1864, one of the men caught a young fawn and made a present of it to the Colonel. A “hard tack” box was rigged up, the fawn put into it and conveyed on the back of a mule to Camp Piatt; from there it was taken with the regiment to Martinsburg, where it became a great favorite with the men, and was finally sent from there to Ohio.

At Winchester there were several Union families, one of whom will always be remembered with hearts full of gratitude for their kindness to many of our regiment. The members of that family who resided there during the war, consisted of an old Quaker gentleman, Mr. Sidwell, his wife, one son—a young man—and his two daughters, Anna and Martha. When we were captured there, on the 15th of June, 1863, and confined in the Court House, we were without anything to eat for thirty-six hours. Sending a note through one of our surgeons to Mr. Sidwell, he, in company with his wife, soon made his appearances with a large basket of provisions, which was certainly a rich treat to us. The next morning the two daughters came with more supplies, and towels and soap, which afterwards proved of great use to us in Libby. During the whole war, from its commencement to the close, Winchester was hardly free from the conflict of battle for any length of time, changing hands no less than seventy-three times, three times in one day. This 167 family remained there the whole time, unable to get away, the two daughters making it a constant practice every day to visit the hospitals, and endeavor to ameliorate the condition of our sick and wounded. There are several in the 123d who will not soon forget them and their acts of kindness.

The following correspondence will explain itself:

Sir :—At the request of the commanding officer of the regiment, I have the pleasure of presenting through you to the State of Ohio, the remnants of the colors carried by the 123d Regiment of Ohio Volunteer Infantry during last summer’s campaign in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. They were borne through the following engagements in Virginia: Newmarket, May 15th, 1864; Piedmont, June 5th; Lynchburg, June 18th; Snicker’s Ferry, July 18th; Winchester, July 24th; Martinsburg, July 25th; Berryville, September 3d; Winchester, September 19th; Fisher’s Hill, September 22d; Cedar Creek, October 19th, 1864. Hoping that you will give them a place in the Arm and Trophy Department of the State, I am with great respect

Your most obedient servant

To which Gov. Brough replied as follows:

Sir —Your favor of the 15th instant has been handed me, accompanied by “what remains of the colors of the 123d Regiment.” The custody of these tattered flags is thankfully accepted on the part of the State, and they will be appropriately placed among other and similar mementoes of the patriotism and courage of our soldiers in this great struggle to sustain the Government and unity of the country.

The 123d Regiment presents a record highly honorable to its officers and men, and ennobling to the State. These records have given to our State the high rank she now occupies in the annals of the war, and they constitute one of the brightest pages in the history of this wicked Rebellion. Thanking you for the presentation made by the regiment,

The first six months we were in the service we did a great amount of picket duty, and for men who were then “spoiling for a fight,” it was not generally a very pleasant labor. Still, occasionally an incident would occur that would vary the monotony a little. One, that a few men will not soon forget, occurred while we were at Petersburg. A large detail from the regiment was on picket, and one of the captains—who had never officiated 169 as “Officer of the Day”—was acting in that capacity on this occasion. When the hour at night came for “grand rounds” he started out on the Franklin Pike. When nearing the post he was ordered to halt, and to “dismount and advance one with the countersign.” He obeyed, and with his sword drawn and at a carry, advanced to the sentinel, whose authority he recognized by giving the salute, with drawn sword, due to a superior officer. Soon after, Company C was picketing on the Moorefield road, when Gen. Milroy was returning in the night with an escort from Moorefield, but without the countersign. He was halted, compelled to dismount, and, notwithstanding his assertions that “he was Gen. Milroy,” was conducted to the “officer of the guard,” who recognized him officially before he was permitted to pass.

On the 19th of October, 1864, when Sheridan, gained his famous victory at Cedar Creek, while the infantry were lying down in two lines, waiting for the advance, which was soon made, and while the enemy were throwing solid shot just over us, an enterprising newsboy rode up with the Baltimore American for sale. He rode along slowly disposing of his papers, until a solid shot struck very near his horse, when he turned his head to the rear and rode off with the remark that “it was getting too d—d hot for him there.”

Just after we had got fairly started on our Lynchburg raid, and when one day the men had got very tired of 170 carrying their one hundred rounds of ammunition each and were grumbling much thereat, a cavalry officer rode by, and inquiring of one of our men, “What troops are these?” received the reply, “Troops? Hell, this is Gen. Hunter’s ammunition train!”

When the Regiment was lying at New Creek, November, 1862, Capt. Horace Kellogg, with his company (B), was ordered by Gen. Milroy to proceed at once to St. George, Tucker county, Virginia, and assess and collect enough money from disloyal citizens to reimburse the loyal citizens of that place, who had been robbed by guerrillas. Gen. Milroy’s order was as follows “If they do not pay the amount you assess them, at the designated time, you will proceed to burn their houses, seize their property and shoot the men.” As soon as the company arrived at St. George, Capt. Kellogg found out who were the disloyal subjects, and proceeded to issue circulars to them, in accordance with Milroy’s orders. It is needless to say that the money was forthcoming. Five thousand dollars were collected and disbursed to the Union men who had been despoiled of their property.

COMPANY D.

Inasmuch as Company D was away from the regiment on detached duty for a time, it may be interesting to give an outline of their doings while thus employed.

Sometime during the month of May, 1863, Company 171 D was ordered to report to Gen. Milroy for duty. Capt. Shawhan was appointed Provost Marshal, and his company formed a part of the guard. Capt. Shawhan went to work at once in the performance of the duties of his office, and made a very efficient officer. He soon had the city thoroughly cleaned, his men burning two kilns of lime and scattering it thoroughly about, thereby contributing greatly in arresting the contagious diseases, that were rapidly turning the entire city into a general hospital.

Some indiscrete young ladies insisted upon coming upon the streets wearing gloves with “Secesh” emblems upon them, until three or four were arrested and put in the guard house. They soon sued for peace, and ever after there was no trouble in curbing the turbulent dispositions of the most violent Secessionists.

During the fight at Winchester, June 15th, 1865, the company was busy guarding prisoners and getting out ammunition for the artillery in the forts. When the retreat commenced they had orders to follow with their prisoners in the rear of the command. They fell in with the first regiment they came to, the 116th O. V. I., and when they came to where the battle was going on, that regiment was ordered to march right on to the Potomac river. They arrived at Orleans Station on the night of the 16th, where they drew rations. On the 18th they started for Cumberland, and when within ten miles of that place they received orders to march into Pennsylvania, arriving 172 at “Bloody Run,” where Milroy’s command was reorganized. They remained there until July 4th, when, with Couch’s Division of the 6th Corps, they followed after Lee’s retreating army, until reaching Harper’s Ferry, when Company D was ordered to Martinsburg, arriving there August 4th.

The regiment was collected together here, with Maj. Kellogg in command of the post, though still suffering much from his wound.

Again, after serving with the regiment through the campaign in the Valley, about the middle of March, 1865, they were selected to form a part of the corps of sharpshooters for our division. The boys did not much relish the idea of leaving the regiment again, but of course they had no option in the matter, and at once commenced learning the use of their Spencer rifles. They did excellent service at Hatcher’s run, losing several in killed and wounded. Again, at Fort Gregg they were deployed in front of our brigade in making that assault, and by their rapid and well directed firing, assisted materially in the capture of the fort, and were complimented by Col. Potter, our Brigade Commander, for their good conduct. Remaining with the division until after Lee surrendered, they then made the trip to Lynchburg. They were then sent home and mustered out with the regiment.

In making up this record—a part of the sacrifice we paid to suppress the Slave-holders’ Rebellion—the Muster-out rolls have been closely followed. It is very evident that they were by no means complete in this particular, except, perhaps, in the case of two or three companies. Every effort has been made to get a complete list of our killed and wounded, and with what result the following will testify:

COMPANY A.

William F. Basom, First Sergeant, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

David D. Terry, First Sergeant, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Franklin Robinson, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

George Smith, killed in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Harvey Stansberry, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

174 Jedediah Scears, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

James H. Boroff, First Sergeant, wounded in right leg at Piedmote June 6, 1864, and died afterwards.

John Wentz, First Sergeant, wounded in arm at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Thomas C. Thompson, Sergeant, wounded in foot at Fisher’s Hill September 22, 1864.

Joseph Roll, Sergeant, wounded in leg at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Benjamin M. Reynolds, Corporal, died from wounds received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

William S. Rifenberry, Corporal, wounded accidentally going home January 28, 1865, and died afterwards.

Daniel W. Nichols, Corporal, wounded in arm at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Adam De Baugh, wounded in leg at Hatcher’s Run April 6, 1865, and had leg amputated afterwards.

Robert L. Ewart, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run April 2, 1865.

Albert Frost, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run April 2, 1865.

Albert Hunter, wounded in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

George P. Hoysington, wounded in leg at Winchester June 13, 1863, and had leg amputated afterwards.

Charles M. King, wounded in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

175 Henry P. King, wounded in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

George B. Smith, wounded in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Edward G. Bates, wounded in leg at Winchester June 15, 1863, and had leg amputated afterwards.

Henry M. McMiller, wounded in foot at Winchester June 15, 1863.

John S. Anderson, wounded in leg at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864, had leg amputated and died afterwards.

Ambrose Ingerson, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Reuben W. Smith, wounded in hip at Winchester September 19, 1864, and died afterwards.

Jacob Clinger, wounded in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Francis M. Harris, wounded in neck at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Hiram Long, wounded in the breast at Winchester September 19, 1864,

Levi Rickenbach, Corporal, wounded in the head at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Jacob Switzer, wounded in the head at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Samuel Dorne, wounded at Cedar Creek October 19, 1864.

John Davis, wounded in the head at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

176 William Walters, wounded in knee at Winchester September 19, 1864.

COMPANY B.

Caleb D. Williams, First Lieutenant, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Elijah S. Conger, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Leonard Keller, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Bower W. Schnebly, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry, July 18, 1864.

Henry C. Stults, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Benjamin H. Williams, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

J. F. Randolph, Captain, wounded in action at Farmsville April 6, 1865.

Ira D. Wells, Sergeant, died from wounds received at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Charles Andrews, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run April 1, 1865.

John Hastings, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run April 2, 1865.

Louis Rutherford, wounded in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Martin Stockmaster, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

177 William Slater, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

George Buskirk, Corporal, wounded in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Josiah R. Fisher, Corporal, wounded in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Irving Cole, wounded in right arm at Winchester June 13, 1863, and had arm amputated afterwards.

George J. Frith, First Sergeant, died from wounds received at Winchester, June 15, 1863.

Abisha W. Walter, Corporal, died from wounds received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Richard Evans, died from wound received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Benjamin Holcomb, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Albert Nye, wounded at Winchester June 15, 1863.

COMPANY C.

Orry Decker, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Crary Green, killed in action May 31, 1863.

Silas Simpson, fell from box car on B. & O. Railroad and instantly killed, December 19, 1864.

Joseph H. Rhodes, Corporal, wounded at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Jacob Carson, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Samuel Miller, wounded at Berryville September 3, 1864.

[F2: printer’s mark removed]

178 Charles Mingree, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864; also, at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

George P. Moore, wounded at Farmville April 6, 1865.

Simon Steel, wounded at Farmsville, April 6, 1865.

Otis Sykes, leg amputated from wound received Winchester September 19, 1864.

Alonzo Lyn, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Louis White, died from wounds received at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

COMPANY D.

Phillip Wall, Sergeant, killed in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

James Hartzell, killed in action at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Granville R. Haines, killed in action at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Samuel A. Harris, killed in action at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Charles C. Roberts, killed in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Henry Reynolds, killed in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

William H. Snyder, killed in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Peter Swartz, killed in action at Farmville April 6, 1865.

179 Henry Weller, killed in action at Winchester September 19, 1864.

F. K. Shawhan, Captain, wounded in the thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

David Miller, Second Lieutenant, wounded in the right breast at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

James C. Leahy, First Sergeant, wounded in the right hip at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Samuel Martin, Sergeant, wounded in the wrist at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Francis M. Hart, Sergeant, wounded in the right arm at Snicker’s Ferry, July 18, 1864.

John A. Heckman, Corporal, died from wounds received at Hatcher’s run, March 31, 1865.

Henry H. Pennington, Corporal, wounded in the thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Levi Keller, Corporal, wounded in the thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

John T. Baker, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Selden M. Beard, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

David B. Bowersox, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

William Crossley, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864; also at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Peter Carrigan, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

James H. Davidson, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

180 David Hague, wounded at Cedar Creek October 19, 1864.

Alexander H. Lott, right arm amputated from wound received at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

William Locust, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Gideon Martin, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Joseph Meyers, wounded in the thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Frederick Wagoner, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

John Wertz, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Hiram Root, Sergeant, died from wounds received at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Leander Coe, Corporal, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Seth R. Gambee, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Samuel M. Gilbert, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Benjamin L. Hoover, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Oscar R. Torrey, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

William Hoover, wounded in the foot at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

James Kenan, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

181 Chancey Labounty, wounded at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Andrew J. Leitner, wounded in the hand at Winchester September 19, 1864.

David C. Mowen, right arm amputated from a wound received at Newmarket Market May 15, 1864.

Daniel Rhodes, wounded in the shoulder at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Albert Rummell, wounded at Cedar Creek, October 19, 1864.

John Whealan, left leg amputated from an accidental shot.

Osro R. Beard, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Daniel Reeme, Corporal, wounded in the knee at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Samuel Harris, died from wound in the hand and bowels received at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Peter Croosley, wounded in the head at Winchester September 19, 1864.

COMPANY E.

Stephen Casner, killed in action at Cedar Creek October 16, 1864.

Lafayette Dunn, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Jacob Dorn, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1864.

182 Charles Bogle, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Warren Cunningham, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Henry Gibson, wounded in both legs at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Lorenzo Sweetland, wounded September 15, 1863.

Newell B. Salisbury, Sergeant, died from a wound received in the left leg at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Calvin Dunn, died from wounds received in the hip at Berryville September 3, 1863.

Hamilton Dennison, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Nathan W. Henderson, died from wounds received in the leg and wrist at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Peter Lettz, wounded in the shoulder at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Frederick Shaffer, wounded in leg at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Isaac Odell, Corporal, wounded in hand at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Eleazer Johns, wounded in hip at Winchester September 19, 1864.

COMPANY F.

Samuel Dunn, Sergeant, killed in action at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

David Gilbreath, Corporal, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

183 John H. Swinehart, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Edwin R. Holly, killed at Winchester June 15, 1865.

Cyrus H. Kiehl, killed at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

Will Maurice, killed at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Savage McDonald, killed at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

M. W. Willoughby, Second Lieutenant, wounded in upper part of leg at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Simon Hoffman, wounded in left ankle at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

David Bowsher, wounded in the back at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

John H. Miller, wounded in arm at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

Peter Atwater, wounded in leg at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

William Spencer, wounded in the head at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

Thomas Clark, wounded in the breast at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

William H. Hefflebower, wounded in the left hip at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Samuel A. Pugh, wounded in hand at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Jacob H. Miller, Corporal, wounded in thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Eli Maskey, Corporal, wounded in the head at Winchester September 19, 1864.

184 Lafayette Lee, wounded in leg at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Joel Ekleberry, wounded in thigh at Winchester September 19, 1864.

George Mackey, wounded in the face at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Levi Woodling, wounded in leg at Fisher’s Hill September 22, 1864.

COMPANY G.

William Gillard, Corporal, killed in action at Winchester June 18, 1863.

Theodore Ocks, killed in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Albert Ott, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

Richard Martin, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Sherman A Johnson, Second Lieutenant, wounded in left breast at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Myron E. Clemens, Sergeant, wounded in the head and shoulder at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Richard H. Timanus, Corporal, wounded in action at Cedar Creek October 19, 1864.

William P. Wheeler, Corporal, wounded in the neck at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Luther Barnard, wounded in hip at Winchester September 19, 1864.

185 William Kelly, wounded in foot at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Milo H. Wager, wounded in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Alfred C. Vantine, Corporal, wounded in arm at Fisher’s Hill September 22, 1864.

Charles Brumm, wounded in action at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Conrad Rhoda, wounded in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Jacob Detlefs, died from wounds received at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Henry D. Johnson, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

James Reed, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

George Stokely, wounded in arm at Lynchburg June 18, 1864.

Foster Neill, wounded in hand at Berrysville September 3, 1864.

A. C. Garret, Color Sergeant, wounded in foot at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Henry C. Bernard, wounded in the neck at Winchester September 19, 1864.

George B. Drake, Corporal, wounded in hip at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Charles G. Knight, wounded in hand at Winchester June 13, 1863.

186 William H. Lovering, wounded in leg near Strasburg October, 1864.

William Morgan, wounded in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

George Shesley, wounded in action at Winchester June 14, 1863.

Charles Brumm, wounded in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Joseph Morrow, wounded in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Richard Howe, wounded in action at Opequan September 19, 1864.

COMPANY H.

Charles F. Harriger, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Larry Lynch, wounded in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Joseph Price, died from wounds received in action.

George Shaffer, wounded in leg and arm at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Clement Medary, Corporal, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Frank P. Andrews, died from wounds received at Winchester September 19, 1864.

David Betts, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

George Dever, died from wounds received in action.

187 Joshua Gundrum, died from wounds received in action.

Peter Holman, died from wounds received in arm and neck at Berryville September 3, 1864.

John C. Myers, died from wounds received in action.

George Merrick, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

Hosea Richards, died from wounds received at Newmarket May 15, 1864.

John Q. Crippen, wounded in hand at Berryville September 3, 1864.

William Beck, wounded in hand at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Lewis Ranck, wounded in leg and arm at Berryville September 3, 1864.

George W. Eyestone, wounded in hand at Fisher’s Hill September 22, 1864.

COMPANY I.

Abraham W. Brinkly, Sergeant, killed in action at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Isaac L. Fink, Corporal, killed in action at Snicker’s Ferry July 18, 1864.

William Deary, killed in action at Winchester June 13, 1863.

William H. Fox, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Eli Michiner, killed in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

188 William H. Bender, Captain, wounded in the leg at Winchester June 15, 1863, and died in prison.

George D. Acker, Second Lieutenant, wounded in the shoulder at Winchester June 15, 1863.

William Bartholomew, Sergeant, wounded at Farmsville April 6, 1865.

Adoniram Alley, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

William Bardett, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

David Bardett, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Jefferson Kooken, wounded in the head at Winchester September 19, 1864.

Owen H. Laney, wounded at Cedar Creek October 19, 1864.

Joseph Sidell, wounded at Farmsville April 6, 1865.

Martin W. Michiner, Corporal, died from a wound received in the hip at Berryville September 3, 1864.

George W. Adams, died from wounds received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

Henry Ebersole, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

William B. Henry, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

John H. Meyers, died from wounds received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

189 Thomas H. McKee, died from wounds received at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Jacob Ebright, Corporal, wounded in the breast at Berryville, September 3, 1864.

John Wickard, wounded in the shoulder at Winchester September 19, 1864.

John Updyke, wounded in the arm at Winchester September 19, 1864.

COMPANY K.

Samuel D. Poppleton, Sergeant, killed in action at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Andrew Donahoe, killed in action at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

William Frey, Sergeant, leg amputated from wound received at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

John Grant, Corporal, wounded in the head at Berryville, September 3, 1864.

Anton Rock, wounded at Hatcher’s Run March 31, 1865.

Bruno Schmidt, wounded in the thigh at Berryville September 3, 1864.

Hiram Utley, wounded in the hand at Winchester June 15, 1863.

Isaac Nutter, arm amputated from wound received at Winchester, June 13, 1863.

Albert W. Rhone, leg amputated from wound received at Winchester June 13, 1863.

190 Joseph Goodsell, Sergeant, died from wounds received at Berryville September 3, 1864.

John Robinson, leg amputated from wound received at Berryville September 3, 1864, and afterwards died.

Jacob Wolf, Sergeant, wounded in the leg at Fisher’s Hill, September 22, 1864.

Martin J. Gase, Corporal, wounded in the arm at Fisher’s Hill September 22, 1864.

FIELD AND STAFF.

Horace Kellogg, Lieutenant-Colonel, wounded in foot at Winchester June 15, 1863.

W. B. Hyatt, Surgeon, wounded in action at Winchester June 15, 1863.

CONCLUSION.

In the Spring of 1864 the most of our officers who were then in prison where changed to various prisons throughout the South, some of them making the entire circuit of Libby, Raleigh, Macon, Savannah, Charleston and Columbia.

Two officers escaped by means of the “streight tunnel,” and Col. Wilson, Lieut. Col. Hunter, Capt. Chamberlin, and two or three others were exchanged and sent North, and, soon after, joined the regiment; while the greater portion of the remainder made their escape from some of the above named prisons and at different times. All of them, in fact, save Lieut. M. H. Smith, who was released by Gen. Sherman, on his celebrated march to the Sea, and Captains Riggs and Bender, who died there 192 from cruel treatment. And, in-as-much as the escapes were all very similar, it will be necessary only to recount a few of them.

Captain Randolph escaped from Columbia, South Carolina, during the Summer of ’64; by floating down the Santee river on a flat-boat, with several others, and, after a voyage of nearly one month, reached our fleet—blockading its mouth. On the trip they passed under several railroad bridges guarded by soldiers, the sentinels being in plain sight. Their plan was to float down the river at night, using long “sweeps” to force the boat through the water. As soon as daylight came, they would lay by for the day, secreting their boat, as best they could, among willows, or brush of some description. As a matter of course, they foraged for their rations, or had colored men to do it for them. Sweet potatoes were in abundance; and, with young chickens, or a pig from a neighboring farmyard, a very fair meal could be gotten up.

On the 3d of November Lieutenants Colver and Boyce, observing that the guards were very slack in watching the prisoners who were permitted to go to a wood near by for fuel, thought that the time had come to attempt their escape; so they, in company with another officer, resolved to try it. Getting all ready, they walked out—as though they had given their parole—and kept right on to the woods, and, as soon as they were under cover, secreted themselves until after dark, when, 193 taking the North Star as their guide, they struck out for East Tennessee—distant about four hundred miles. After having traveled six days, they suddenly came upon some Rebel cavalry; and, while the other two were parlaying with them, Lieut. Colver made off through the woods and escaped. He then had three hundred miles to travel alone, but, by the never-failing aid of the negro, he, after traveling thirty days—or rather nights—reached our lines at Charleston, East Tennessee, and was soon at home in Ohio.

November 26th, ’64, Capt. Rosenbaum and Lieut. T. W. Boyce made their escape from Columbia in the same manner that Lieut. Boyce did the time he started out with Lieut. Colver, and their journeyings were of a similar character. Lieut. Boyce, who had been over the ground part of the way once before, knew about the direction to take. They made East Tennessee their objective point. It was in the dead of winter, and the ground was covered with sleet and snow for the most of the way, making very bad walking, besides not contributing greatly to the comfort of sleeping out of doors. However, after many narrow escapes and almost superhuman exertions, they arrived in our lines in safety—though pretty nearly worn out—on the 26th of December, having been just one month on the trip.

Capt. William H. Bender, of Company I was wounded at Winchester, June 15th, ’63, and taken to Richmond, remaining there until May 7th, ’64. From there he was 194 taken to Macon, Georgia, thence to Savannah, where he was taken down with fever. He recovered, somewhat, and was then taken to Charleston and placed under “fire” in the city jail yard. On September 4th he was sent to Columbia, where he was taken down with “yellow fever.” Receiving no medical aid for twenty-four hours after being taken sick, he died on the morning of the 8th, a victim of Southern cruelty and neglect. He was a good soldier, a gallant officer, and a gentleman always .

Capt. Charles H. Riggs was born at Tiffin, Ohio, in 1835. He was, therefore, at the time of his enlistment, twenty-seven years of age. He was agent of the Cleveland and Toledo railroad at Sandusky, a position which he filled well and ably, being well liked by the entire community and highly esteemed by the men of the road. Thus, young, loved and prosperous, he left with his command for the seat of war, alas! never to return. Always deporting himself as a true soldier and Christian gentleman, he possessed the esteem of his men and the confidence of his superior officers. Cool and brave in the hour of danger, he had none of the bravado spirit, that courts battle in the quiet camp, or anticipates brave deeds to be accomplished. He was taken prisoner with his command at Winchester, June 15th, 1863. Not of a sanguine temperament, he seemed to think from the very first that he never again would behold the free North or the faces of dear ones at home—which unhappy 195 sentiment of course little fitted him to bear up under the hardships, privations and diseases incident to a prisoner of war. Early attacked with a chronic complaint—from which he never seemed to rally—after long months of suffering, he breathed his brave, young life away on the 15th day of September, 1864, in the hospital at Charleston, amid the thunderings of cannon hurling missiles of destruction upon the doomed city, where first the flag of treason was flung insultingly to the breeze. Many a heart was made sad in the regiment at the news of his death; it seemed as though a brother had been taken from us. Groups of men upon the company street could be seen moving listlessly along, talking over the sad intelligence. What then must have been the sorrow of his family at home? Poor, stricken ones, our hearts bled for you then as we sympathize with you now. A dutiful son, a loving brother, a brave soldier, and a true friend—well may be said of him:

Many more events and episodes of deepest interest to us might be narrated, did space permit. Of the tiresome marches, the sleepless nights, and the lonely picket posts, in the dead of winter, no pen can fittingly the story relate. No! Only in your meetings can you even faintly outline the unwritten history of your soldier 196 lives. The sufferings, the danger, and the privations so patiently born, you yourselves can only know.

By these memories so holy, by our brave ones gone, by the defeats sustained, and victories gloriously won, let us hope that the Union, which it was our fortunes to help sustain and preserve, may remain unbroken forever.