The Project Gutenberg eBook of The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 08 [of 13]
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 08 [of 13]
        containing an account of the cruel civil wars between the houses of Orleans and Burgundy, of the possession of Paris and Normandy by the English, their expulsion thence, and of other memorable events that happened in the kingdom of France, as well as in other countries

Author: Enguerrand de Monstrelet

Translator: Thomas Johnes

Release date: November 29, 2020 [eBook #63913]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Graeme Mackreth and The Online Distributed
        Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
        produced from images generously made available by The
        Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHRONICLES OF ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET, VOL. 08 [OF 13] ***




Produced by Graeme Mackreth and The Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)








  THE

  CHRONICLES

  OF

  ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.




_H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-Street, Blackfriers, London._




  THE

  CHRONICLES

  OF

  ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;

  CONTAINING

  AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF
  ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;

  OF THE POSSESSION OF

  PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;

  _THEIR EXPULSION THENCE_;

  AND OF OTHER

  MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,
  AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

  _A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE
  FRENCH_,

  _Beginning at the Year_ MCCCC, _where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART
  finishes, and ending at the Year_ MCCCCLXVII, _and continued by
  others to the Year_ MDXVI.

  TRANSLATED

  BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.

  IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES      VOL. VIII.

  LONDON:

  PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER
  ROW; AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.

  1810.




CONTENTS

OF

_THE EIGHTH VOLUME_.


                                                             PAGE

    CHAP. I.

    James I. king of Scotland is murdered in
    his bed-chamber during the night by
    his uncle the earl of Athol.--Other matters                  1


    CHAP. II.

    La Hire, Poton, with many other french
    captains, are near taking Rouen. They
    are attacked and defeated by the English,
    who surprise them in their quarters                         11


    CHAP. III.

    The town of Bruges rebels against its lord
    and his officers.--A great conflict and
    slaughter is the consequence                                13


    CHAP. IV.

    The bastard de la Hire makes an excursion
    through the countries of Peronne,
    Roye, and Mondidier, where he commits
    great waste                                                 23


    CHAP. V.

    King Charles of France orders his captains to
    reconquer some towns and castles from
    the English.--He marches in person against
    Montereau-faut-Yonne, and recaptures
    it                                                          25


    CHAP. VI.

    The men of Bruges make frequent excursions
    from their town, and lay the low
    countries under contributions                               31


    CHAP. VII.

    The English recover the town of Fêcamp in
    Normandy                                                    33


    CHAP. VIII.

    The lord d'Offemont makes La Hire his prisoner
    while he was playing at ball at Beauvais                    35


    CHAP. IX.

    Charles king of France makes his first entry
    into Paris after its reduction,--the preparations
    for it                                                      39


    CHAP. X.

    The commonalty of Bruges become more
    moderate in their proceedings, and send
    ambassadors to the duke of Burgundy to
    sue for peace                                               47


    CHAP. XI.

    The lord d'Auxy and sir Florimont de Brimeu,
    seneschal of Ponthieu and of Abbeville,
    march to lay siege to Crotoy                                49


    CHAP. XII.

    A large body of men at arms, under the command
    of several French captains, harrass
    the country of Hainault.--They are nicknamed
    Skinners                                                    60


    CHAP. XIII.

    A great famine in France                                    65


    CHAP. XIV.

    The populace of Ghent again take up arms,
    excited thereto by the artisans                             66


    CHAP. XV.

    Peace concluded between the duke of Burgundy
    and the town of Bruges                                      84


    CHAP XVI.

    War recommences between the duchy of Bar
    and the county of Vaudemont                                 89


    CHAP. XVII.

    Famine, war, and pestilence, rage in many
    places                                                      94


    CHAP. XVIII.

    Lord Talbot, sir Thomas Kiriel, and other
    English captains, conquer Longueville, and
    many more castles, from the French                          95


    CHAP. XIX.

    A treaty of marriage is concluded between
    the eldest son to the king of Navarre and
    the princess of Cleves, niece to the duke
    of Burgundy                                                 97


    CHAP. XX.

    The towns and castles of Montargis and
    Chevreuse submit to the obedience of king
    Charles of France                                           98


    CHAP. XXI.

    A quarrel arises between Pope Eugenius and
    the council of Basil.--Other matters                        99


    CHAP. XXII.

    The count d'Eu, who had been prisoner in
    England since the battle of Azincourt,
    obtains his liberty, and returns to France.--He
    raises large armies                                        103


    CHAP. XXIII.

    La Hire, Blanchefort, and others of king
    Charles's captains make excursions into
    Germany                                                    107


    CHAP. XXIV.

    The count d'Estampes recovers the castle
    of Roullet from the men of the lord de
    Moy.--Other matters                                        109


    CHAP. XXV.

    A meeting is held between Calais and Gravelines
    between the Cardinal of England
    and the duchess of Burgundy, to deliberate
    on the means of establishing a lasting
    peace between France and England                           112


    CHAP. XXVI.

    The king of France compels Roderigo de
    Villandras, who was committing great
    waste on his territories, to march away
    and make war on the English                                114


    CHAP. XXVII.

    Pope Eugenius sends bulls to divers parts of
    Europe.--Their tenour                                      117


    CHAP. XXVIII.

    Sir John de Luxembourg, in consequence of
    being in the ill graces of the duke of Burgundy,
    sends letters to the knights of the
    golden fleece                                              139


    CHAP. XXIX.

    The count de Richemont, constable of
    France, gains the town of Meaux in Brie
    from the English                                           156


    CHAP. XXX.

    Sir John de Luxembourg sends letters to exculpate
    himself, to the great council of the
    duke of Burgundy.--Their contents                          161


    CHAP. XXXI.

    King Charles of France sends the princess
    Catherine, his daughter, to the duke of
    Burgundy, conformably to the treaty of
    marriage agreed on with the count de
    Charolois his son                                          174


    CHAP. XXXII.

    The bastard of Bourbon takes the town of
    La Mothe in Lorraine                                       177


    CHAP. XXXIII.

    Many noble ambassadors from the kings of
    France and England meet between Gravelines
    and Calais, to hold a conference on
    the subject of peace                                       179


    CHAP. XXXIV.

    The English make an excursion into the
    country of Santois, where they gain the
    castle of Folleville, and commit many ravages
    and cruelties                                              181


    CHAP. XXXV.

    The Dauphin, the duke of Bourbon, and
    many of the great lords quit in disgust
    the court of king Charles                                  188


    CHAP. XXXVI.

    The French overrun the lands of Neel, belonging
    to sir John de Luxembourg                                  198


    CHAP. XXXVII.

    The earl of Somerset besieges Harfleur with
    a powerful army of English                                 200


    CHAP. XXXVIII.

    A very great lord in Brittany, called the
    lord of Retz, is accused and convicted of
    sorcery                                                    211


    CHAP. XXXIX.

    Pierre de Regnault, bastard-brother to La
    Hire, goes on a foraging party to the
    country round Abbeville                                    213


    CHAP. XL.

    Ambassadors from France, England, and
    Burgundy, meet at Calais. To treat of a
    general peace                                              218


    CHAP. XLI.

    The Barrois and Lorrainers overrun the
    county of Vaudemont, where they commit
    great waste and destruction                                220


    CHAP. XLII.

    The duke of Orleans obtains his liberty by
    means of the duke of Burgundy, and marries
    the lady of Cleves, niece to the said
    duke                                                       223


    CHAP. XLIII.

    The king of France goes to Troyes in
    Champagne. Several towns and forts submit
    to his obedience. Other matters.                           254


    CHAP. XLIV.

    The English in the castle of Folleville do
    much damage to the country round Amiens.
    They defeat some Picard lords and
    their men                                                  256


    CHAP. XLV.

    Some of the garrisons of the count de St Pol
    rob the king of France's servants as they
    were conducting warlike stores from the
    city of Tournay. The reparation the
    count de St Pol makes for this conduct                     260


    CHAP. XLVI.

    The duchess of Burgundy waits on the king
    of France at Laon, to make some requests
    to him. Other matters                                      269


    CHAP. XLVII.

    The duchess of Burgundy leaves king
    Charles at Laon, and returns to the duke
    her lord at Quênoy                                         273


    CHAP. XLVIII.

    The fortress of Montaigu, belonging to the
    lord of Commercy, is destroyed, and
    razed to the ground, by orders from the
    duke of Burgundy                                           276


    CHAP. XLIX.

    The king of France lays siege to, and conquers,
    the town of Creil                                          278


    CHAP. L.

    The king of France marches to besiege the
    town and castle of Pontoise                                280


    CHAP. LI.

    The duke of York, governor of Normandy
    for the king of England, marches an army
    to Pontoise, to force the king of France to
    raise the siege                                            287


    CHAP. LII.

    The duke of Orleans returns to the duke
    of Burgundy from France                                    303


    CHAP. LIII.

    Remonstrances are sent to king Charles of
    France by the nobles assembled at Nevers                   305


    CHAP. LIV.

    The answers of the king of France and of
    his great council to the remonstrances of
    the nobles of France assembled at Nevers                   306


    CHAP. LV.

    King Charles assembles a large body of men
    at arms, and marches them to Tartas,
    where, however, the English do not appear                  333


    CHAP. LVI.

    The king of France, after gaining Tartas,
    comes before Saint Severe, and conquers
    that town and castle, with some others in
    Gascony                                                    337


    CHAP. LVII.

    Pierre de Regnault is forced to dislodge from
    the castle of Mailly                                       343


    CHAP. LVIII.

    The king of France assembles a large army
    to march into Normandy.--The earl of
    Somerset makes some conquests from the
    French in Anjou and elsewhere                              348


    CHAP. LIX.

    Some knights and gentlemen of the duke of
    Burgundy's court hold a tournament near
    to Dijon                                                   351


    CHAP. LX.

    The challenges for this tournament and
    the names of the champions                                 352


    CHAP. LXI.

    Here follow the articles for the deeds of
    arms on foot                                               355


    CHAP. LXII.

    The duke of Burgundy sends the count d'Estampes,
    with a large body of men at
    arms, into the duchy of Luxembourg                         359


    CHAP. LXIII.

    The duke of Burgundy reduces the duchy
    of Luxembourg to his obedience                             364


    CHAP. LXIV.

    Some of the Dauphin's men, having advanced
    into Burgundy, are attacked and
    defeated by the marshal of Burgundy                        377


    CHAP. LXV.

    A truce is concluded between the kings of
    England and France, and with all the allies
    and relatives of either party                              379


    CHAP. LXVI.

    The English prolong the truce for eight
    months.--The king of England is betrothed
    to the daughter of Réné king of
    Sicily.--The king of Sicily demands succours
    from the king of France                                    390


    CHAP. LXVII.

    The king of Sicily meets the king of France
    at Châlons, to treat with the duke of
    Burgundy respecting his ransom.--The
    duchess of Burgundy comes thither.--After
    the deaths of the queens of Spain and
    Portugal, the king of France sends an embassy
    to the court of England                                    401


    CHAP. LXVIII.

    In the year MCCCCXLVI. When the king of
    France returned from hearing mass, he
    found on his bed the following ditty                       405


    CHAP. LXIX.

    The duke of Brittany puts his brother, the
    lord Giles, to death.--The Genoese send
    an embassy to the king of France, to offer
    him their sovereignty.--The event                          407


    CHAP. LXX.

    The king of France, on the death of pope
    Eugenius, has a grand council held at Lyons,
    whither came many ambassadors from
    Germany, England and other parts, to restore
    union in the church and put an end
    to all schisms                                             411


    CHAP. LXXI.

    The duke of Orleans receives from the hands
    of the duke of Milan his uncle, the county
    of Asti in Piedmont.--The king of
    France besieges the city of Mans, which
    surrenders by capitulation                                 418


    CHAP. LXXII.

    The king of France sends ambassadors to
    Pope Nicholas V.--The town of Final is besieged
    by the Genoese.--It is revictualled
    by sea.--The duke of Orleans makes preparations
    to raise this siege by land                                420


    CHAP. LXIII.

    Sir Francis de Surienne, called the Arragonian,
    takes the town and castle of Fougeres,
    belonging to the duke of Brittany, notwithstanding
    the truce between the kings
    of France and of England.--The great
    mischiefs he does there                                    427


    CHAP. LXXIV.

    The populace of London rise against the
    king's officers.--They inhumanly murder
    the bishop of Glocester, and imprison the
    marquis of Suffolk,--but the king sets
    him at liberty                                             431


    CHAP. LXXV.

    Three malefactors, two men and one woman,
    are condemned to death by the
    court of parliament at Paris                               434


    CHAP. LXXVI.

    In consequence of the capture of Fougeres,
    the allies of the duke of Brittany gain
    the town and castle of Pont de l'Arche
    from the English.--Gerberoy is afterwards
    taken                                                      436




HERE BEGINNETH

THE EIGHTH VOLUME

OF THE

CHRONICLES

OF

_ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET_.




CHAP. I.

 JAMES I. KING OF SCOTLAND IS MURDERED IN HIS BED-CHAMBER DURING THE
 NIGHT BY HIS UNCLE THE EARL OF ATHOL.--OTHER MATTERS.


About this time, a very cruel and surprising event took place in
Scotland, while the king resided at Perth in the middle of his realm,
and held his court at an abbey of Jacobins, situated on the river Tay,
a conspiracy was formed against his life by some who hated him. The
leader was his own uncle the earl of Athol[1].

The earl came to Perth the second Wednesday in Lent, which was one of
the ember weeks, accompanied by about thirty men, and, an hour after
midnight made for the king's bed-chamber, who was unsuspicious of what
was intended. They instantly broke open the door, and having gained
an entrance, most barbarously assassinated him with upward of thirty
wounds, some of which went through his heart. During this transaction,
his queen, sister to the earl of Somerset, endeavoured to save him, but
was villainously wounded in two places by some of the murderers. When
the deed was done, they hurried away, to save themselves by flight.

The cries of the queen, and of her attendants, soon made the matter
publicly known throughout the palace and town, when crowds hastened
to the king's bed-chamber, where they found him mangled and dead, and
the queen wounded. Great sorrow and lamentations were shown on the
occasion,--and on the morrow the king was interred at the Carthusians.

Shortly after, the nobles and great lords of Scotland were summoned,
and agreed with the queen, that the murderers should be immediately
pursued, which was instantly executed,--and the assassins were
arrested, and put to death in various ways, and with divers torments.

The earl of Athol, as principal, although uncle to the king, had
his belly cut open, his bowels taken out and burnt before his face:
his body was then quartered, and the four parts sent to four of the
greatest towns of the realm. Sir Robert Stuart, having been very
active in the business, was hung on a gibbet and then quartered. Sir
Robert Graham was put into a cart, having a gallows erected within
it, to which was fastened one of his hands, namely, that with which
he had assassinated the king, and thus led through the streets. He
was surrounded by three executioners, who kept pinching his thighs,
and other parts of his body, with red hot pincers, and was afterwards
quartered. All the rest were horribly tormented before they were
executed; and this act of justice was done within forty days of the
king's murder.

The reason of the earl of Athol's committing this atrocious deed
was, that on the king's return from his imprisonment in England,
where he had been for a long time detained, as mentioned in my first
book of this history, he had put to death many great lords, (as well
those related to him by blood as others) who had been members of the
regency during his absence, for not having exerted themselves more
expeditiously for his ransom. In this number were some very near
relatives to the earl of Athol, who, though before this act he kept up
the appearance of loyalty, had for a considerable time been plotting
this assassination, which he put in practice as you have seen.

King James left a son about twelve years old, who was crowned king
of Scotland, with the unanimous assent and approbation of the three
estates of the realm. He was placed under the governance of a knight
of great renown, called sir William Crichton[2], who had been his
tutor during the life of the king his father. This young monarch had a
vermilion mark down one cheek, and a white one down the other.

Within a short time, the queen carried away suddenly, from the knight
above named, the king her son, out of the castle of Edinburgh, and put
him under other governors, namely, the great lords of the country. This
regency put to death the earl of Douglas[3] and his brother, called
David de Combrebant[4], for having as they said, formed a conspiracy
against the young king, to depose him from his throne. King James had
six sisters, the eldest of whom was married to the dauphin of France,
son to king Charles; the duke of Brittany had another; the third
married the duke of Savoy's son; the fourth married the lord de Vere
in in Holland. The queen also married a young scots knight called sir
James Stuart and had by him several children[5].

It has happened, that since I had written the foregoing account, I
have received more authentic information respecting the execution
of the earl of Athol. It was as follows. He was stript quite naked,
all but his drawers in the streets of Edinburgh, and hoisted several
times up and down a high gibbet by means of a pulley, and then let
fall to within two feet of the ground. He was then placed on a pillar
and crowned with a coronet of hot iron to signify that he was king
of the traitors. On the morrow, he was seated on a hurdle, naked as
before, and dragged through the streets; after which, he was put on
a table, his belly cut open, and his entrails drawn out, and thrown
into a fire before his face and while he was alive. His heart was
then cast into the fire, his body quartered, and the quarters sent
to the four principal towns in the kingdom as has been mentioned
before. The rest of his accomplices were grievously tortured prior to
their execution,--and several of their near relations and intimates,
though perfectly innocent, were executed with them; and such severe
punishments were not remembered to have been ever before inflicted in a
Christian country.

The duke of Burgundy, at this time held many councils with the three
estates of his dominions, to consider on the best means of opposing
the English, whom he expected daily to invade them. It was determined
to garrison every town as well those inland as on the sea-shores; and
all the nobles, and others who had been accustomed to bear arms, were
ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march with their captains in
defence of their country, under the orders of John of Burgundy, count
d'Estampes commander in chief.

Many of the inhabitants of the city of Lyons now rebelled against the
officers of the king of France, because they were overloaded with taxes
and gabelles; but several of them suffered death for it, and others
were imprisoned by the royal officers.

The Parisians were also accused of intending to betray that city to the
English, when master James Joussel and master Mille des Faulx advocates
in the parliament together with a pursuivant, were beheaded, and their
effects confiscated to the king.

In this year also the ghent men rose in arms in considerable numbers
and slew one Gilbert Pactetent, head deacon of the trades, for having,
as they said, prevented Calais from being stormed; and they moreover
accused him of treason, because their cannon and other engines had
fired but little during that siege.

They also insisted, among other extravagant demands, that an order
should be proclaimed, forbidding any beer to be brewed within three
leagues of Ghent; but as the sheriffs and other municipal officers
had intermixed among them, with the banner of France displayed, in
the Friday market-place, and had addressed them in moderate and
good-humoured terms, telling them, that they would consider on their
demands, and provide for them in such wise that they should be
contented, the mob dispersed quietly to their homes, and laid down
their arms.

Many councils were held by the sheriffs and magistrates on these
requisitions, which were declared useless, and impossible to be carried
into effect. They likewise resolved to leave things in the state in
which they had prospered so long, without making any unreasonable
reformation.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: 'Walter earl of Athol had innumerable favours and honours
conferred upon him by the king and royal family, yet he was the chief
actor in that horrid murder of his nephew king James I. for which he
was most justly condemned and executed, and all his estates and honours
were forfeited to the crown. The title of Athol was suspended till king
James II. bestowed it upon his uterine brother, sir John Stewart of
Balveny,' &c.--_Douglas's Peerage of Scotland._]

[Footnote 2: Lord chancellor of Scotland.]

[Footnote 3: 'William VI. earl of Douglas, third duke of Touraine, &c.
a youth of a fine genius and noble spirit, and of great expectation.
Soon after his father's death, he came to a meeting of the parliament
at Edinburgh with a splendid and numerous retinue, and behaved with
all due obedience and submission. He was in great favour with the
young king, and gave all the marks of a sincere, generous and loyal
disposition. However, it seems his grandeur made him be looked upon
with a jealous eye by the faction at the time, though he was then only
about sixteen years of age. He and his young brother were invited to an
entertainment in the castle of Edinburgh by chancellor Crichton. They
went without the least suspicion or distrust, and were both barbarously
assassinated, with their trusty friend sir Malcolm Fleming of
Cumbernauld, in the king's presence, who had the tragical event in the
utmost abhorrence, and wept bitterly, but had not the power to prevent
it. This happened on the 24th November 1440.'--_Douglas's Peerage of
Scotland._]

[Footnote 4: Combrebant. This must be meant for sir Malcolm Fleming of
Cumbernauld.]

[Footnote 5: Mr Pinkerton says, that Margaret was married to the
dauphin,--Isabel to Francis duke of Brittany,--Eleanor to Sigismund
archduke of Austria, Mary to the count de Boucquan, son to the lord of
Campvere,--Jean to the earl of Angus, and afterwards to the earl of
Morton.

See note p. 142. Hist. of Scotland.]




CHAP. II.

 LA HIRE, POTON, WITH MANY OTHER FRENCH CAPTAINS, ARE NEAR TAKING
 ROUEN. THEY ARE ATTACKED AND DEFEATED BY THE ENGLISH, WHO SURPRISE
 THEM IN THEIR QUARTERS.


In this year, several french commanders assembled a body of men on the
frontiers of Normandy, to the amount of eight hundred or a thousand,
namely, La Hire, Poton de Santrailles, the lord de Fontaines, Lavagan,
Philip de la Tour, and others. They marched toward Rouen with the
expectation of entering it by means of some of the inhabitants,
who had promised them admittance,--but failed, from a considerable
reinforcement of English having lately arrived in the town.

The french captains, finding their enterprise could not be accomplished
although they were close to Rouen, retreated with their men to refresh
and quarter themselves at a large village called Ris, only four leagues
distant from it. While they were there, the lord Scales, lord Talbot,
sir Thomas Kiriel and other english captains, having had information
where they were, collected about a thousand combatants and instantly
pursued them,--and, before they were aware, attacked them on different
sides, having surprised their quarters.

The French unable to collect together were very soon defeated. La Hire,
however, having mounted a horse belonging to one of his men at arms,
attempted to rally them, but in vain, and then fled. He was briskly
pursued, and severely wounded in several places, but escaped by the aid
of some of his men. The lord de Fontaines, Alain Geron, Louis de Basle,
Alardin de Mousay, John de Lon, were made prisoners; and the other
nobles, with the rest of the army, saved themselves chiefly in the
woods, but they lost all their baggage and the greater part of their
horses. With regard to the killed, they did not amount to more than
eight or ten.




[A.D. 1437.]

CHAP. III.

 THE TOWN OF BRUGES REBELS AGAINST ITS LORD AND HIS OFFICERS.--A GREAT
 CONFLICT AND SLAUGHTER IS THE CONSEQUENCE.


At the beginning of this year, the populace of Bruges revolted against
the officers of their lord the duke of Burgundy, and suddenly put to
death Maurice de Versenaire, and his brother, James de Versenaire,
sheriffs and magistrates of the town, because they had gone to wait on
the duke at Arras. They were sought for in the houses in which they had
hidden themselves, on hearing that the mob intended to murder them; and
this event greatly alarmed the principal inhabitants.

The duke of Burgundy was much vexed on hearing what had passed
at Bruges, and held many councils to consider how he could most
effectually punish this outrage against his authority. He was advised
to send secretly some trusty persons to Bruges, to learn from those
supposed to be attached to his party how he could punish the offenders.
Those of the highest rank wrote letters, in consequence to the duke,
to excuse themselves from having been any way concerned in the late
business, and to offer their services to assist him in punishing those
who had done these murders.

The duke now made known his intention of going to Holland on his
private affairs, and that he would pass through Bruges in his way,
when he should see how he could best accomplish his object. He
therefore assembled a large body of men at arms, with their captains,
from Picardy, to the amount of fourteen hundred combatants, and,
attended by many noble lords, departed from Lille, and lay at the
town of Rousselaire. On the morrow, he sent his harbingers to Bruges
to prepare his lodgings, escorted, as usual, by a detachment from the
above-mentioned men at arms. They entered the town, and took up their
quarters as they could. The duke immediately followed them with the
main army, receiving hourly intelligence from his friends in the town.
In truth, the principal inhabitants would have been rejoiced to see
those who had committed the before-mentioned atrocious acts properly
punished,--for they were men of low degree, who wished to throw things
into confusion that, they might master the richer ranks.

The commonalty were alarmed when they heard of the duke's coming, being
fearful that this armament was brought, as was the truth, against
them. In consequence, they assembled by companies in divers parts of
the town, and gave out that the duke and his Picards were only coming
thither to plunder and destroy it. The chief inhabitants, hearing this,
were more uneasy than before: the whole town was now in arms.

A large party of the commonalty collected under arms, in the market
place, and sent off a detachment to the gate leading to Rousselaire,
through which the duke was to enter. It was on Whitsun-Wednesday; and
when the duke came to the gate, thinking to enter, he was surprised
to find both that and the barriers closed, and the townsmen armed
and accoutred for war. They refused to admit the duke but with few
attendants, which he would not agree to saying that he and his army
would enter together. A long conference now took place between the two
parties in the town.

The duke had with him sir Roland de Hautekirk and sir Colart de
Comines, whom the men of Bruges disliked exceedingly, with many nobles
of renown in war such as the count d'Estampes, the lord de l'Isle-Adam,
the lord de Therouenne, the lord de Humieres, the lord de Haubourdin,
the lord de Saveuses, the lord de Crevecœur, James Kiriel, the lord de
Lenternelle, Pierre de Roubaix and others, who were astonished at the
conduct of the bruges men toward their prince.

Some advised him to arrest those who had come through the barriers
to the conference, and to behead all who had been concerned in these
disturbances; but this was negatived, for fear those within the town
would retaliate on the harbingers and their escort. However, after
a space of two or three hours, it was concluded that the duke might
enter; but before he made his entrance, he posted at the gate Charles
de Rochefort, sir John bastard of Dampierre, Melides Breton, with
others of his gentlemen, and a party of archers.

The duke entered the town in handsome array, attended by many nobles
and warriors; but when he was about to dismount at his hôtel, and
when four or five hundred of his men at arms had passed the gate, the
townsmen (who, as I have said, were there under arms, and in great
numbers,) closed the barriers and gate, shutting out the remainder
of the duke's army. The duke was very angry when he heard of this,
and caused the magistrates to be informed, that since they would not
permit his people to enter with him, he would return to them,--but the
magistrates excused themselves as well as they were able.

In the mean time, the duke drew up those who had been allowed to follow
him, in good array, in the old market-place, when a quarrel took place
between them and the townsmen, and battles ensued in different parts of
the town. The duke was advised to retire with part of his men towards
the gate by which he had entered, to attempt gaining it, in order that
he might have the support of the rest of his army, or make his retreat
should it be thought necessary.

This was done, and he detached a body to the ramparts, to attack
those at the gate on the flank, while he marched in person down the
great street. The enemy set up a grand shout, and made a desperate
attack,--but suddenly they fled from the gate, were pursued, and many
slain. The lord de l'Isle-Adam had dismounted, and was advanced beyond
some of the archers, who did not behave to please him in pursuing the
townsmen, concluding, at the same time that he should be followed by
others, which was not the case, or at least by a very few,--so that,
seeing him thus alone, a party of the townsmen surrounded him, and,
before any succour could arrive, put him to death, and tore from him
the order of the Golden Fleece which he had on.

The duke of Burgundy and in general all who had accompanied were much
grieved at his death, but now there was no remedy for it. At this
moment there was not one but was in danger of suffering the like,--for
the commonalty were in multitudes under arms ready to surround them on
all sides, who were but a handful of men in comparison to them.

The duke, nevertheless, was in good spirits, and only regretted that
he had not the rest of his troops to give combat to these bruges men,
now in absolute rebellion. Those with him were very uneasy, and those
without much vexed at their situation: the last heard from some of
their companions the disagreeable state their lord was in, and also saw
eight or ten of their fellow-soldiers, pursued by the townsmen, leap
from the ramparts to save themselves in the ditches wherein they were
drowned.

This confusion and affray, in the town of Bruges, lasted a full hour
and half when the duke was informed that the mob were preparing to fall
on him in immense numbers, and with artillery, so that resistance
would be vain. He was advised to make a desperate attempt to gain
possession of the gate, cost what it would, before this mob should
arrive. He advanced, therefore, to the gate, with all the men he now
had; and the enemy, as before, retreated from it. Large hammers were
got from a smith's house hard by, with which the bolts and bars were
broken,--and on opening the gate the army rushed out with a hearty good
will; but the duke, mounted on a handsome courser, had remained steady
in the midst of the tumult, though nearly approached by the enemy, and,
like a good shepherd, saw all his men out of the gate before him, and
then took the road to Rousselaire, whence he had marched that morning,
much hurt that affairs had turned out so ill, and sincerely grieved at
the loss of the lord de l'Isle-Adam and others of his people.

The greater part of the army were so panicstruck with what had happened
that it was with difficulty they could be marched in any order. Neither
sir Roland de Hautekirk nor sir Colart de Comines had entered the town
with the duke, who lost that day in killed upward of a hundred of
his men. They were all interred together in a grave in the hospital
church-yard, except the lord de l'Isle-Adam, who was buried apart,--and
his body was afterward removed, with great solemnity, into the church
of St Donât at Bruges.

Two hundred prisoners were made by the townsmen, and on the Friday
following thirty two of them were beheaded; the rest had their lives
saved by the intercessions of the churchmen and foreign merchants, who
earnestly exerted themselves in the business. At the end of eight days,
they set at liberty all the attendants of the duke, with their baggage;
but they hung and quartered the blacksmith, for having given hammers to
break down the gates: his name was Jacob van Ardoyen.

On the side of the townsmen, there were not more than twelve killed;
and among the Picards, none of name but the lord de l'Isle-Adam and
an usher of the apartments to the duke, named Herman. The bruges men
remained night and day under arms and in very great bodies, not only
within the town but through all parts of their jurisdiction. They
shortly after pulled down the house of a citizen called Gerard Reubs.

With regard to the duke of Burgundy, he went to Rousselaire, and
thence to Lille, where many councils were held to consider how he
could reduce the town of Bruges to his obedience. It was proposed, in
order to accomplish this the sooner, to have it proclaimed through
all the adjoining towns and villages, that no persons should carry
any provisions to Bruges under pain of being reputed an enemy to the
prince. This was done; and the men of Bruges, though surprised and
fearful of the consequences, did not relax in continuing the business
they had begun.




CHAP. IV.

 THE BASTARD DE LA HIRE MAKES AN EXCURSION THROUGH THE COUNTRIES OF
 PERONNE, ROYE, AND MONDIDIER, WHERE HE COMMITS GREAT WASTE.


At this season, the bastard de la Hire was posted in the castle
of Clermont in the Beauvoisis, with about sixty or four score
combatants, with whom he sorely harrassed the adjoining countries, more
particularly the castlewicks of Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier, belonging
to the duke of Burgundy. Thither they made frequent excursions,
carrying away each time to their garrison great plunder in cattle and
other effects, notwithstanding the peace concluded at Arras between the
king of France and the duke.

One day, they came before the town of Roye, and drove off cattle, and
whatever else they could lay hands on, to the castle of Clermont.
They were usually accompanied by several garrisons as well from
Mortemer[6], belonging to William de Flavy, as from others. The
governor of Roye for the duke of Burgundy, was a valiant noble
man, called Aubert de Folleville, who, hearing of their enterprise
assembled with all speed as many men at arms as he could collect, and
instantly pursued them, in the hope of recovering the plunder they
were carrying away. He overtook them at a village called Boulogne, and
immediately charged them; but they had seen him coming, and had placed
an ambuscade, who sallied out against sir Aubert, and, from their
superior numbers, defeated him and put him to death. Many gentlemen
were likewise killed, such as the souldan de la Bretonnerie, his nephew
Hugh de Bazincourt, the bastard d'Esne, Colart de Picellen, Jacques de
Bruyiere, Jean Basin, Simon le Maire, and several more: the rest saved
themselves by the fleetness of their horses.

The duke of Burgundy was greatly vexed at this defeat, and at similar
inroads being made on his territories,--and to oppose these pillagers,
the count d'Estampes reinforced the garrisons of Peronne, Roye, and
Mondidier with men at arms.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 6: Mortimer,--a village in the election of Mondidier.]




CHAP. V.

 KING CHARLES OF FRANCE ORDERS HIS CAPTAINS TO RECONQUER SOME
 TOWNS AND CASTLES FROM THE ENGLISH.--HE MARCHES IN PERSON AGAINST
 MONTEREAU-FAUT-YONNE, AND RECAPTURES IT.


In these days, king Charles sent orders to his nobles and captains,
scattered throughout the realm, to meet him, on an appointed day, at
Gien sur Loire, as he was resolved to regain some of the towns and
castles the English held near to Montargis and in the Gâtinois.

The king was met at Gien by the constable of France, sir Jacques
d'Anjou, the count de Perdiac, the count de Vendôme, the bastard of
Orleans and others. It was there determined in council, that the
constable and the count de Perdiac should advance to Château Landon[7]
with their men, and besiege it. This was instantly executed, and the
place surrounded on all sides, to the great alarm of the English
garrison. They were so far inland that they had little hopes of being
relieved, and were beside badly provided with provision and stores:
notwithstanding, they made show as if they meant to defend themselves
to the last.

When the constable summoned them to surrender on having their lives
spared, they made answer, that they were not so advised, and that it
would cost him dear before such an event happened. However, on the
third day, they were so courageously attacked that the place was taken
by storm, when the greater part of those within were hanged, especially
such as were natives of France: the rest had their liberties, on paying
ransoms.

When this business was finished, the two lords marched their army
to besiege Nemours; which held out for about twelve days, when it
surrendered, on the inhabitants and garrison having their lives and
effects spared, and being allowed to march off to Montereau.

While these things were passing, sir Gascon de Logus, bailiff of
Bourges, in Berry, in company with other captains, laid siege to the
town and castle of Terny, held by the English, which, after a few days,
surrendered, on the garrison having their lives and fortunes spared.
When they marched away, sir Gascon, mounted on a spirited courser,
escorted them part of the road; but, on spurring him, the horse turned
short round, and the knight fell with such force that he was killed
on the spot,--and Poton de Saintrailles was, by the king, appointed
bailiff of Bourges in his stead.

Shortly after, the king, with his company, went from Gien to Sens in
Burgundy, and thence to Braye-sur-Seine. From this place, he sent the
lord de Gaucourt, sir Denis de Sailly, Poton de Saintrailles, Boussac,
the bastard de Beaumanoir, with other captains, and about sixteen
hundred fighting men, to Montereau-faut-Yonne. They posted themselves
on an eminence opposite the castle, on the side toward Brie, and raised
there a large blockhouse, which they fortified as strongly as they
could, placing therein a numerous garrison.

The constable, the count de Perdiac, the bastard of Orleans, sir James
de Chabannes, with their men, advanced on the side toward the Gâtinois,
and took up their quarters near to the town. After them came the lord
de Valogne, sir Anselm de la Tour bailiff of Vitry, Regnault Guillaume
bailiff of Montargis, who posted themselves on the island, between the
two rivers, so that the place was surrounded on all sides by the army
of the king of France; and they pointed so many cannons against the
walls that they were soon greatly damaged.

The commander in chief, within the town and castle, for the king of
England, was sir Thomas Gerard, having under him Mondo de Montferrant,
Mondo de Lausay, and other valiant captains, together with three or
four hundred combatants, who made as vigorous a resistance against
their enemies as their circumstances would permit. They had great hopes
of succour from the english commanders in Normandy, according to their
promises.

The king of France now arrived at Montereau from Bray-sur-Seine,
grandly accompanied, and was lodged in the blockhouse before
mentioned. He had with him six or seven thousand, well tried and well
equipped, fighting men. On his arrival, the greatest exertions were
made to approach the town,--and the cannons, and other engines, were
continually in action; the king even did not spare himself in the
labours of this siege.

At the end of six weeks, or thereabouts, from the commencement of the
siege, the town was won by storm, with little loss to the assailants.
With regard to the besieged, from twenty to thirty were killed, and as
many made prisoners, the greater part of whom were hanged. The king,
on making his entry, strictly forbade any mischief being done to the
persons of the inhabitants, men, women or children, who had retired
within churches or monasteries; but as for their effects they were
plundered, as is usual when any place is taken by storm.

Many new knights were made at the storming, namely, the young count de
Tancarville, son to sir James de Harcourt, Robert de Bethune lord de
Moreul, and others.

The king and most of the princes were lodged in the town; and, about
fifteen days afterward, those in the castle surrendered to the king, on
having their lives and fortunes spared. The bastard of Orleans was then
appointed governor, who regarrisoned it with his own men.

When this business was settled, the king and dauphin, with great part
of the princes, went to Melun. The men at arms separated, in companies,
to divers places, but most of them went to Paris.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: Château Landon,--in the Gâtinois, three leagues from
Nemours.]




CHAP. VI.

 THE MEN OF BRUGES MAKE FREQUENT EXCURSIONS FROM THEIR TOWN, AND LAY
 THE LOW COUNTRIES UNDER CONTRIBUTIONS.


We must now return to what was going forward at Bruges, the inhabitants
of which continued their mad and foolish rebellion against their prince.

They made frequent sallies in large bodies to forage the low country,
and to destroy the houses of all whom they suspected as enemies. Among
others, they took the castle of Koecklare, held by the bastard of
Bailleul, and did great damage to it.

On the other hand, when they remained within the town, they committed
many acts of injustice on such as they knew were of a contrary way
of thinking to themselves. In the number of their wicked deeds, they
caused the deacon of the handicraft trades to be beheaded, on a charge
which they made against him of intending to deliver up the town to the
ghent men. But all the principal and most wealthy citizens had left
Bruges, and gone to other places for fear of them.

The commonalty next collected a body of three or four thousand, and
marched against Sluys, with every implement of war to lay siege to it,
for they had an implacable hatred against it. The duke of Burgundy
and sir Simon de Lalain were in that place, with a certain number of
combatants: notwithstanding this, the men of Bruges remained before
it three and twenty days, and made many attacks on the barriers and
gates,--in which numbers were killed and wounded on each side, but more
especially on that of Bruges.

The duke of Burgundy, during this time, was assembling a large force
of the nobles and men at arms in Picardy, and in his lordships near
to St Omer, with intent to give them battle. But in the interim, the
bruges men, fearful of the consequences, prevailed on those of Ghent to
mediate between them and the duke, and returned quietly to Bruges.




CHAP. VII.

 THE ENGLISH RECOVER THE TOWN OF FÊCAMP IN NORMANDY.


At this period, the English laid siege to the town of Fêcamp in
Normandy. They remained before it about three months, when it
capitulated, on the garrison and townsmen having their lives and
fortunes spared. It was, however, within a few days after, reconquered
by the French. A severe warfare was now carrying on throughout
Normandy, and frequent skirmishes took place between the parties, one
of which deserves notice[8].

La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, the lord de Fontaines, L'Avagan, and
other captains, had one day collected about six hundred fighting
men, and advanced toward Rouen, in the expectation of gaining some
advantage over their adversaries the English. Having failed, they
returned toward Beauvais; but as they and their horses were much
fatigued, they halted at a village called Ris, to refresh and repose
themselves.

During this time, sir Thomas Kiriel, with a body of English, surprised
the village, and defeated them completely, with little loss, before
they could arm and collect together. The lord de Fontaines, Alardin
de Moussay, with numbers of others, were made prisoners, La Hire,
with difficulty, escaped by the goodness of his horse,--but he was
severely wounded in many places. Poton de Saintrailles, and others,
escaped also,--but they lost the greater part of their horses and arms.
The English, after this victory, returned to Rouen: joyful at their
success, however, they soon after lost the town of Fêcamp, as has been
related.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 8: This expedition and failure have been before related in
chap. ii. with very little variation: in the first, it was to gain
Rouen by surprise and treachery.]




CHAP. VIII.

 THE LORD D'OFFEMONT MAKES LA HIRE HIS PRISONER WHILE HE WAS PLAYING AT
 BALL AT BEAUVAIS.


While these matters were passing, the lord d'Offemont, who had not
forgotten the ill treatment he had suffered from La Hire, when he
was made prisoner and ransomed at Clermont in the Beauvoisis, as has
been mentioned, assembled a body of about six score combatants, under
his brother-in-law the lord de Moy the bastard de Chauny, and other
captains.

By means of the lord de Moy he led them to the city of Beauvais, of
which La Hire was governor, and was at this moment playing at ball in
the court of an inn having the sign of St Martin. The lord d'Offemont
hastened thither with his men, for he had learnt where La Hire was,
from his spies; but La Hire hearing of his approach, had hidden
himself in a stable under the manger, where he was found and taken,
after some search, by the lord d'Offemont's men, together with one
called Perret de Salle-noire.

They were instantly mounted behind two men at arms, and told, that
if they made the slightest noise, or cry to be rescued, they would
that moment be put to death. Without further delay, they were carried
through the gates of the town; but several of his men, and the common
people, assembled to pursue them and attempt their deliverance, when
some skirmishing took place with arrows. They were first carried to
the castle of Moy, and thence to Meulan, where they were detained
a considerable time. They were afterwards removed to the castle of
Ancre[9], belonging to the lord d'Offemont, and kept prisoners.

The king of France and many of his officers were very angry at this
capture, for it had taken place on the territories of France; but the
nobles who had accompanied the lord d'Offemont excused themselves by
saying, that they had done this service to the lord d'Offemont from
their near relationship in blood to him. The king wrote very pressing
letters to the duke of Burgundy in favour of la Hire, that he might be
set at liberty, and that no personal harm might be done to him.

In short, the matter was so strongly urged that the duke of Burgundy
found means, partly by threats, that the whole of their quarrel should
be submitted to his decision, after it had been discussed before his
council. The discussion lasted for several days, in the presence of
the duke at Douay, when, as well perhaps to please the king (who had
very strongly written to him,) as because he did not think the mode
of making La Hire prisoner fair or honourable, but just the contrary,
the duke made up the quarrel, and the lord d'Offemont had his castle
of Clermont restored to him, and a sum of money paid, but not so much
as he had been forced to give for his ransom. Perret de Salle-noire
was ordered to pay one thousand crowns for his liberty. Thus were all
differences settled between them, and they were made friends.

At the same time, peace was made between La Hire and sir John de
Luxembourg, who had hated him mortally, as well for his having taken
Soissons as for other damages he had done to different parts of his
territories; and they remained to all appearance good friends ever
after.

La Hire soon returned to the king of France, and related all the
kindness and favour the duke of Burgundy had shown him, from his regard
to his majesty. This was very agreeable to the king, who entertained La
Hire very splendidly, and gave him, at the same time, wherewithal to
discharge the greater part of his ransom, and the other expences he had
incurred.

When La Hire's men heard that they were to quit the castle of Clermont,
they set about repairing an old fortress called Thoys, belonging to the
lord de Crevecœur, wherein they placed themselves, and again began to
harrass all the country near to Amiens and Pecquigny, more especially
the lordships of those who had been assisting in the capture of la
Hire, their captain. The principal leader, both in the reparation of
the castle and in their oppressions of the country, was one who called
himself Philip de la Tour.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 9: Ancre,--or Albert, a small town in Picardy, diocese of
Amiens, four leagues from Peronne.]




CHAP. IX.

 CHARLES KING OF FRANCE MAKES HIS FIRST ENTRY INTO PARIS AFTER ITS
 REDUCTION,--THE PREPARATIONS FOR IT.


On Tuesday the 12th of November, in this year, king Charles of France
was lodged in the town of St Denis. He was accompanied by his son the
dauphin of Vienne, the constable of France, the lord Charles d'Anjou,
the counts de Perdiac, de Vendôme, and the young count de Tancarville,
sir Christopher de Harcourt, the bastard of Orleans, and a very great
number of nobles, great lords, knights and esquires. La Hire was also
there in very grand state.

The provost of merchants and the sheriffs of Paris came out as far as
La Chapelle to meet him, attended by the citizens, cross-bows, and
archers of the town, dressed in robes similar to those of the peers.
When they met the king, the provost presented him with the keys of
Paris, which the king delivered to the care of the constable. The
provost and sheriffs, then expanded a blue canopy, studded with flowers
de luce of gold, over the king's head, and thus supported it as he
proceeded.

He was next met by the governor of Paris, attended by his common
sergeants, having each of them a hood half green and half crimson.
After the sergeants came the notaries, attornies, advocates and
commissaries of the Chastelet. Then came persons representing the
seven virtues and the seven deadly sins, dressed in character, and on
horseback: they were followed by the judges of the parliament, of the
court of requests, the presidents and by crowds of people.

Thus nobly accompanied did the king make his entry into the city of
Paris by the gate of St Denis. Three angels supported a shield bearing
the arms of France over the gate above which were placed angels singing
and underneath was written in large characters,

  'Most excellent and noble king,
  The burghers of this loyal town
  To you their grateful offering bring,
  And bow before your royal crown.'

At the little bridge was a fountain, over which was a pot having a
flower de luce, whence spouted good hippocras, wine and water: two
dolphins were playing in the fountain,--and above the whole was a
terrace, vaulted with flowers de luce, which exhibited a representation
of St John Baptist pointing to the Agnus Dei, surrounded with angels
singing melodiously.

In front of Trinity-church was a pageant of the passion of our Lord,
and how Judas hanged himself. Those who exhibited this did not speak,
but acted as in a pantomime. The acting was good, and very affecting.

At the second gate were the figures of St Thomas, St Denis, St Maurice,
St Louis of France, and Ste Genevieve in the middle. There was likewise
a representation of the holy sepulchre, of the resurrection of JESUS
CHRIST, and of his meeting Mary Magdalen.

Item, at St Catherine's, in the street of St Denis, was a
representation of the descent of the holy Ghost on the Apostles. Before
the Châtelet was the annunciation of the angel to the shepherds,
singing, 'Glory be to God on high,' &c. Suspended below the gate
were represented the attributes of justice with divine law, the law
of nature, and the law of man. On the opposite side, against the
slaughter-houses, were exhibited the last judgement, paradise, and
hell: in the centre was St Michael weighing souls in a balance.

Item, at the foot of the great bridge, behind the Châtelet, was
represented the baptism of our Lord, and St Margaret issuing out of the
mouth of a dragon.

When the king came to the front of the church of Nôtre Dame, he
dismounted, and was shortly harangued by the members of the
university. The following prelates were waiting for his arrival before
the great door: the archbishop of Toulouse and of Sens, the bishops
of Paris, of Clermont, of St Mangon, near Montpellier, the abbots and
superior clergy of St Denis, of St Maur, of St Germain near Paris, of
Sainte Magloire and of Sainte Genevieve.

The king made the usual oaths in the hands of the bishop of Paris, and
then entered the church,--where had been erected three arches, like to
those at Amiens the last day of the year, covered with tapers and wax
lights.

When the king had offered up his prayers, he went to the palace, where
he lay that night. He was escorted on his entrance by about eight
hundred archers, well equipped and in handsome array, under the command
of the count of Angoulême.

The king and the dauphin were dressed in plain armour, all but
their heads: on that of the king was a tourmole[10] covered with
silversmith's work. His horse's housing was of dark blue velvet,
richly embroidered with large flowers de luce in gold, which reached to
the ground. The head-piece was of polished steel, bearing a handsome
plume of feathers. He was preceded a few paces by Poton de Saintraille,
carrying the royal helmet on a staff supported by his thigh, having a
rich crown on the top, and in the centre was a double flower de luce.
His horse was led by a gentleman on foot, named Jean d'Olon,--and the
canopy was all the while borne over his head. The king was followed by
his pages, very richly dressed, and ornamented with silversmith's work,
as well as their horses.

A little before Poton rode the constable of France, the counts de
Vendôme and de Tancarville, and others of the high nobility, handsomely
mounted and richly dressed. At a short distance behind the king was the
dauphin, his armour covered over with silversmith's work, as well as
his horse, and his pages and their horses also. He was accompanied by
his uncle the lord Charles d'Anjou, the counts de Perdiac and de la
Marche, and followed by the bastard of Orleans in plain armour,--but
his horse's accoutrements were highly ornamented. He had on a rich
scarf of gold, which fell down on the back of his horse. He commanded
the king's battalion consisting of about a thousand lances, the flower
of the men at arms, most handsomely dressed out, themselves and horses.

With regard to the other knights, esquires, and gentlemen present at
this ceremony, they were very numerous, and richly equipped at all
points, and their horses loaded with silversmith's work. Among these,
but after the princes, sir James de Chabannes and the lord de Restelant
had the reputation of being most handsomely dressed, themselves their
attendants and horses.

The crowd of common people was so great that it was difficult to walk
the streets; and they sang carols in all the squares, and other places,
as loud as they could, for the welcome return of their natural lord and
king, with his son the dauphin. Many even wept for joy at this happy
event.

The king and the dauphin, as I have said, when the ceremonies were
over, went to the palace, where they were lodged,--and the lords,
knights, and others in different houses in Paris as well as they could.
It was proclaimed in the king's name, by sound of trumpet, that no one,
whatever his rank, should ill treat the Parisians in body or effects,
on pain of instant death.

On the morrow, the king displayed to the populace, in the holy chapel,
the relics of the true-cross of our Saviour, and the lance which had
pierced his side while on the cross: after which, he mounted his horse,
and went to lodge at the new hotel, near the bastille,--and the dauphin
did the same at the Tournelles.

They remained for a considerable time in Paris,--during which, many
new regulations were made for the better government of the realm: and
several new offices were created at Paris, as well as in the court of
parliament as elsewhere.

Some days after the king's entry into Paris, the counts de la Marche
and de Perdiac (sons to Bernard count d'Armagnac, formerly constable
of France, who had been basely murdered by the Parisians) went to
the spot where their father had been buried, attended by many lords,
as well spiritual as temporal, and had the body taken up, put into a
leaden coffin, and carried to the church of St Martin des Champs, where
a solemn service, attended by the members of the greater part of the
colleges and university of Paris, was performed for his soul. On the
morrow, the coffin was placed on a car covered with black, and conveyed
out of the town with much solemnity, and thence conducted by his two
said sons, and a numerous company of friends and attendants, to the
county of Armagnac.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 10: Tourmole. Q. Not in any of my dictionaries.]




CHAP. X.

 THE COMMONALTY OF BRUGES BECOME MORE MODERATE IN THEIR PROCEEDINGS,
 AND SEND AMBASSADORS TO THE DUKE OR BURGUNDY TO SUE FOR PEACE.


The men of Bruges now began to feel that they had greatly offended
their prince the duke of Burgundy, and were much alarmed; for, as none
of the great towns in Flanders would afford them support or assistance,
they could not long withstand the duke.

They knew also, that they were not in great favour with the ghent men;
and each day brought them intelligence of the mighty preparations
their lord was making to subjugate them, in which he would have the
aid of Ghent. For these and other reasons, they found means to send
ambassadors to the duke at Arras, to endeavour to conclude a peace.
The business was discussed at length, and occupied much time,--during
which, those of Bruges relaxed in their excursions, and ceased
harrassing the country as they had hitherto done.




CHAP. XI.

 THE LORD D'AUXY AND SIR FLORIMONT DE BRIMEU, SENESCHAL OF PONTHIEU AND
 OF ABBEVILLE, MARCH TO LAY SIEGE TO CROTOY.


About the middle of October, in this year, the lord d'Auxy, commander
in chief, on the frontiers of Ponthieu and Abbeville, together with sir
Florimont de Brimeu, seneschal of the same, and a bold and hardy knight
of Rhodes, called sir John de Foix, assembled a certain number of
combatants. These they marched before the castle of Crotoy, held by the
English, with the hope of conquering and putting it under the obedience
of the duke of Burgundy within a short time, from the intelligence
of a peasant,--who had lately, as he said, been in the castle, and
the garrison had so wasted their corn and flour that he gave them to
understand they would not be able to hold out, from famine, more than
one month.

On this report, which was afterward found to be untrue, they fixed
their quarters in front of the castle, within the old inclosure of the
town. They demanded assistance from different lords, who sent them some
men at arms. They were also much aided with provisions and money from
Abbeville, the inhabitants of which were very desirous that Crotoy
should be conquered, for the garrison had frequently done them great
mischief. They sent intelligence of what they were about to the duke
of Burgundy, and required his support. The duke dispatched some of
his household to examine into the matter, and they reported to him,
that unless the place were blockaded by sea, it would be impossible to
reduce it by famine. Upon this, the duke wrote letters to the governors
of Dieppe, St Valery, and of the adjoining sea-ports, to hire as many
vessels as they could to blockade the entrance of the river Somme; and
went himself to the castle of Hêdin, whither he sent for sir John de
Croy, bailiff of Hainault, who had been formerly governor of Crotoy, to
ask his opinion as to the probability of its being conquered.

The duke ordered sir John to join the lord d'Auxy and his companions,
with a body of men at arms, and to take the chief command of the siege.
He went thither also himself, with few attendants, to examine into the
state of the business, but made no long stay. That his men might be
undisturbed by the English in their quarters, either by sea or land,
from Crotoy, he ordered a large blockhouse to be erected, wherein they
might be more securely lodged. It was very substantially built, and
surrounded with ditches, under the directions of a knight called sir
Baudo de Noyelle. When this was done, other works were erected, and the
whole provided with a sufficiency of all sorts of stores and provision.
In the interim, several skirmishes passed,--and in one of them the
lieutenant governor of Crotoy was taken prisoner by the lord d'Auxy.

Intelligence of these preparations of the duke of Burgundy was carried
to king Henry of England and his council, who were not well pleased
thereat; for they were sensible of the great advantage of Crotoy to
facilitate their landing a force in Picardy. It was therefore resolved
to provide a speedy remedy against them; and letters were instantly
dispatched to the governor of Rouen, ordering him to collect as large a
body of men at arms as he could in Normandy, and to march to the relief
of Crotoy. This order was immediately published, and four thousand
combatants, as well horse as infantry, speedily assembled, under the
command of lord Talbot, lord Faulconbridge, sir Thomas Kiriel and
others. They advanced to the abbey of St Valery, where they quartered
themselves, having brought provision with them.

While this army was collecting, the duke of Burgundy, having had
information of the intentions of the English, had previously summoned
from Picardy and his other dominions the greater part of his nobility
and men at arms, who might amount to eight hundred or a thousand
fighting men. They marched from Hêdin, and had arrived at Abbeville the
day before the English came to the abbey of St Valery.

The duke of Burgundy was attended on this expedition by the count
d'Estampes, his nephew of Cleves, the count de St Pol, and other
nobles. Sir John de Luxembourg had also, in obedience to his summons,
joined him at Hêdin,--but he excused himself to the duke for not
bearing arms, because he had not then sent back his oath of alliance
with the English, and could not therefore with honour then take
part against them: but this excuse, as I was informed, was not well
received by the duke of Burgundy, who remonstrated with him on the
occasion,--how he was bound by his oath to serve him, as his vassal;
that he wore his order, and had always been attached to his party; for
all these reasons, therefore, he could not honourably refuse to serve
him, more especially as it was to repulse his enemies, who had invaded
several parts of his dominions. Notwithstanding the duke's arguments,
sir John de Luxembourg returned home with his permission, and obtained
from the duke letters of remission to this effect. When the duke, on
his arrival at Abbeville, was assured of the coming of the English, he
reinforced that town with all sorts of stores and provision, and there
might be with him from eight hundred to a thousand expert and well
tried men at arms. When the duke asked them if they thought they could
hold out the place against the enemy, they replied, that they had no
doubt of so doing.

The duke determined not to make any engagement of fighting the English
on an appointed day, and to avoid a general action; to guard all the
defiles and fords, and to attack them in their quarters, or wherever
they should meet them to their disadvantage, and to endeavour to
cut off their supplies. These plans were not, however, carried into
execution.

The English, having fixed their quarters in the abbey of Saint Valery,
immediately crossed the river at a ford above Crotoy, to the number of
three or four hundred, and foraged the whole of the country round the
blockhouse, and even as far as the town of Rue. They made prisoners of
some men at arms, with their horses and baggage, without meeting with
any to oppose them.

The whole army marched on the morrow very early, and crossed the river
in good order: about two thousand of the infantry had the water above
their middle and drew up in battle-array on an eminence above the
town, and in sight of those within the blockhouse, who were expecting
an attack every moment, and in consequence made preparation for their
defence. On this occasion, the following were created knights in the
blockhouse: James de Craon lord of Dommart in Ponthieu, Aymon de Moucy
lord of Massy, Eustache d'Inchy, the tall bastard of Renty, Anthony
d'Ardentin lord of Bouchanes, Harpin de Richammes, Gilles de Fay, and
some others.

The English, who had been unmolested on their march, advanced to
Forest-monstier[11], two leagues distant, and there quartered
themselves.--Two days after they took the field, and halted at a large
village called La Broye[12], on the river Authie, which was full of all
kinds of provision: they remained at this village four or five days,
whence parties of a hundred or six score went daily foraging all the
villages within half a league of their quarters. While they remained
at la Broye, a party went to set fire to a considerable village called
Angien, close to Hêdin, although the duke had detached a large body of
men at arms to Hêdin for the defence of that place and the surrounding
country; but, to say the truth, the English did little mischief. On
their departure from la Broye, they burnt it down, and advanced to
Auxi, where they staid three days, making thence excursions in small
parties to forage all the country round, and without the smallest
hinderance on the part of their adversaries of whom it is necessary now
to speak.

The duke of Burgundy remained in Abbeville, but had detached the
greater part of his men to garrison and defend the principal towns
and castles in that part of his territories. He one day sent the
lord de Croy and Jean de Brimeu, bailiff of Amiens, to inspect the
blockhouse at Crotoy, and to learn if those within were firmly resolved
to defend it.--On their arrival, they soon discovered that the greater
number would gladly be out of it, could they do it with honour. It was
therefore concluded by the duke and his ministers, on hearing this
report, that to avoid worse happening, all the artillery and stores
should be packed up, and the men at arms retreat with them to the town
of Rue, after they should have set fire to the blockhouse.

The garrison, however, did not make so honourable a retreat,--for
without any reasonable cause, nor seeing the enemy near them, great
part mutinied, and sallied out of the blockhouse in the utmost
confusion and disorder, leaving behind the artillery, the most part of
their armour, and much other baggage, and thus they marched to Rue.

Some of their captains took great pains to rally and bring them back,
but in vain. Fire had been secretly set to the outworks, which soon
communicated with the blockhouse and consumed it. The English made a
sally from the castle, shouting after them as they would have done to a
ribald mob.

Shortly after, the captains, who were (as may be supposed) the most
valiant and renowned belonging to the duke of Burgundy, left the place,
ashamed of the conduct of their men, and went to Rue, and thence to
other places under their obedience. The principal among them were,
sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault, sir Florimont de Brimeu, sir
Jacques de Brimeu, sir Baudo de Noyelle--all four bearing the order of
the Golden Fleece; sir Waleran de Moreul, the lord d'Auxi, sir Galois
de Renty, the lord de Fremesen, sir Robert de Saveuses, sir Jacques de
Craon, sir Jean d'Arly, with a great number of knights and esquires
from Picardy who were much blamed for this dishonourable retreat.--They
excused themselves by throwing the fault on the archers, whom they said
they could not restrain.

The English heard of this event the day it happened, and were greatly
rejoiced. In consequence, they resolved to recross the Somme and return
to the places they had come from, and burnt down the town of Auxi,
which was a fair and considerable place.

They took the road to Crotoy, and lodged at Nonnion[13]: on the morrow,
they recrossed the Somme at the place where they had crossed it before,
and quartered themselves at the abbey of St Valery, and thence returned
to Rouen and other parts under their command, carrying with them many
prisoners, horses, cattle, and all the plunder they had made. They had
done great damage to the country by burning seven or eight towns and
villages, without meeting with any opposition from their adversaries,
who had hanged only thirty or forty foragers that had straggled at too
great a distance from the main body.

When the English were departed, the duke of Burgundy retired to Hêdin,
where he dismissed all his men at arms excepting those appointed to
guard the frontiers.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Forest-monstier,--election of Dourlens, near Abbeville.]

[Footnote 12: Broye,--bailiwick of Hêdin.]

[Footnote 13: Nonnion. Q.]




CHAP. XII.

 A LARGE BODY OF MEN AT ARMS, UNDER THE COMMAND OF SEVERAL FRENCH
 CAPTAINS, HARRASS THE COUNTRY OF HAINAULT.--THEY ARE NICKNAMED
 SKINNERS.


When king Charles had resided some time in Paris, he departed for Tours
in Touraine. After he was gone, several of his captains set out for
the frontiers of Normandy, as they found great difficulty to maintain
themselves,--namely, Anthony de Chabannes, Blanchefort, Gaultin de
Bron, Floquet, Pierre, Regnault Chapelle, Mathelin d'Escouvet, and
others. On assembling together, they mustered about two thousand horse,
and took the road through the country of Vimeu, to cross the Somme
at Blanchetaque, and quarter themselves in the country of Ponthieu.
Thence they advanced toward Dourlens, and stationed themselves at
Orville, and in the villages round, belonging to the count de St Pol.
They went next toward Braye, and recrossed the Somme at Cappy, to lodge
at Lihons in Santerre, committing great mischiefs wherever they passed.

They were not satisfied with seizing on provision but ransomed all they
could lay hands on, peasants and cattle. They even attacked the castle
of Lihons; but it was well defended by sir Waleran de Moreul and his
men within it.

After remaining there some time, and committing the greatest disorders
and waste, they advanced toward the lands of sir John de Luxembourg
count de Ligny, in the Cambresis, who had not yet taken the oaths of
allegiance to king Charles. Nevertheless, they did him no mischief,
because he was always well provided with men at arms,--and they
mutually exchanged sealed agreements not to molest each other. The
French, however, committed much waste in other parts of the Cambresis,
and thence went to fix their quarters at Solesmes[14], in Hainault.

Sir John de Croy, at that time bailiff of Hainault, assembled the
nobles of Hainault, and sent to the principal towns for reinforcements
to defend the country against these French, who, in the vulgar tongue,
were called Skinners. The reason why this name had been given them was,
that whoever was met by them, whether French, Burgundian or English,
he was indiscriminately stripped of all his clothes to his shirt; and
when he, thus naked, returned to his home, he was told that he had been
in the hands of the Skinners, and much laughed at for his misfortune.
This name was in vogue a long time,--and thus the name of Armagnac was
forgotten which had lasted so long.

While these Skinners were quartered at Solesmes, and in the adjoining
villages a party of them advanced farther into Hainault, beyond
Quênoy, to seek for pillage. In the course of this expedition they
accidentally met the bailiff of Lessines named Colart de Sennieres,
with three or four hundred men whom he had assembled in his village,
and was marching them toward Quênoy le Comte, in obedience to the
summons of the countess-dowager and of the before mentioned bailiff of
Hainault, who was there collecting all his forces together.

It was very early in the morning when the French fell in with these
men, and instantly charged them most courageously. The Hainaulters were
much surprised at the suddenness of the attack, and although some of
them made a resistance and prepared for the combat, they were very soon
defeated, and the greater part made prisoners or cruelly put to death.
Colart was killed on the field, with about eight score of his men. The
prisoners were ransomed as if they had been enemies to France: the rest
escaped by the nimbleness of their heels.

The nobles of Hainault were greatly alarmed at this defeat, in so much
that the bailiff sent information of what had happened to the duke
of Burgundy requiring from him aid, when the duke sent him a strong
reinforcement of men at arms. The bailiff again assembled a greater
force than before in Quênoy, as well from Valenciennes, as from the
other great towns, to pursue and combat these Skinners; but they,
hearing of it, quitted the country and made for Guise, and thence
proceeded toward Champagne, committing waste wherever they passed.

Before they left Hainault, they gave up several prisoners without
ransoms, in consequence of the duke of Burgundy's writing to request
it. He had also sent to them a gentleman of his household, called
Meliades, who was a Breton, and much beloved by these french captains.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 14: Solesmes,--a village of Hainault under the government of
Quesnoy.]




CHAP. XIII.

 A GREAT FAMINE IN FRANCE.


In this year of 1437, wheat and all sorts of corn were so extravagantly
dear throughout all France and several other countries in Christendom,
that what had usually been sold for four sols french money was now
sold for upwards of forty. This dearth created a famine, so that very
many poor died of want,--and it was a pitiful sight to witness the
multitudes in the large towns dying in heaps on dunghills.

Some towns drove the poor out of them, while others received all, and
administered to their wants as long as they were able. The foremost in
this act of mercy was the city of Cambray. This dearth lasted until
the year 1439, and was the cause of many strict regulations respecting
corn, which by many lords and towns was forbidden to be carried out of
their jurisdictions under the most severe penalties.

A proclamation was made in Ghent ordering a stop to be put to the
brewing of beer, and other liquors, from corn, and all the dogs of poor
people to be killed, and that no one should keep a bitch-dog unless
splayed. Such and other like ordinances were issued in several parts,
that the poor, and beggars, might be supplied with a sufficiency to
support nature.




CHAP. XIV.

 THE POPULACE OF GHENT AGAIN TAKE UP ARMS, EXCITED THERETO BY THE
 ARTISANS.


At this time, the ghent men, in great numbers rose in arms, through
the instigation of the artisans. The reason they gave for this was,
that the garrison of Sluys had plundered the flat country round,--the
inhabitants of which had made their complaints to them, at the same
time requesting them to punish the pillagers.

They had also taken up arms against Bruges, to know whether they would
peaceably separate from those of the Franc[15], and allow them to
become one of the four departments of Ghent. They wanted likewise to
march against Sluys, and carry away the posts that had been placed in
the bed of the river Lieve, to prevent merchandise from passing up or
down. They had further designs of visiting all Flanders, to see who
were their friends and willing to support them in the maintenance of
peace in the country, that the poor might have work in all the towns.
Should the sheriffs and inhabitants of Ghent refuse to co-operate with
them, they had resolved to undertake the matter themselves, with the
aid of their allies. They declared, they would not lay down their arms
until they should have accomplished their undertaking. The deacon of
these artisans, at this time, was one Pierre Hemubloc. The sheriffs
explained the whole of this business to the townsmen, to the deacon
of the weavers, and to those of the other trades, at the usual place,
before the town-house, that they might fully consider it, each with
their brother-tradesmen, and lay the whole of their deliberations, on
the morrow, before the magistracy. Each trade, in consequence, had
a meeting at their different halls; and the deacons waited on the
magistrates on the 9th day of October.

After many debates, the demands of the artisans were acceded to, owing
to their own importunities, and those of their supporters, but not
without great murmurings on the part of the principal inhabitants,
because Bruges was at that time treating for peace with the duke of
Burgundy at Lille, whither Ghent had sent ambassadors, and because they
thought that this was only a pretext to seize the properties of the
rich.

The artisans, having carried their point, immediately hastened to the
corn-market, with displayed banners, and were instantly joined by the
tailors, old clothes-sellers, and all the inferior tradesmen. They were
followed by the twenty-seven banners of weavers, the bailiff with the
magistracy, preceded by the banner of Flanders, and crowds of common
people, so that, in the whole there were eighty-two banners.

The magistrates soon departed, and the other banners after them in
the usual procession; but the artisans and their friends withdrew to
the friday market-place, in front of the hall of appeals where they
remained all night, in the resolution of taking the field on the morrow.

The better part of the weavers, however, and the more substantial
inhabitants were of a contrary opinion, and left the artisans, being
averse to go to war. Upon this, a quarrel arose between them, which
nearly caused a battle, the artisans retired to one side of the
market-place from the others, telling those to follow them who were of
the same opinion.

Several joined them,--and they then all marched away in handsome array
for Marienkirk, on the road to Bruges, were they encamped under tents
and pavilions. At this time also, there were great riots in several
places, on account of the debasements of the new coinage of 1433 as
well as the old coinage, and for the heavy taxes which had been imposed
for the expedition to Calais.

No english wool was now exported to Flanders, which threw very many
out of work and bread: more especially the town of Ypres suffered
from this, as their principal manufacture was working up these wools
into cloth. On the other hand, corn and every necessary of life were
extravagantly dear; and provision became more scarce in Flanders from
the war carrying on by those of Bruges: moreover, the townsmen of Sluys
had fixed stakes in the bed of the Lieve, so that a stop was put to the
transport of merchandise on that river.

The rich took every care of their money, for they perceived that the
poorer sort, now having arms, would probably live by plunder, and that
few of them would return to their trades or cultivate the fields. They
also made as little show of wealth from expecting daily that a general
war would take place in one quarter or another.

The men of Ghent next issued a summons to all the inhabitants of
towns and villages throughout their jurisdictions, to appear there
immediately in arms, and the same number as when ordered to march
to Calais. The sheriffs laid this summons before the commonalty and
inhabitants, for them to advise thereon. As this was not willingly
attended to, some went to the sheriffs to obtain a delay, or that they
might send fewer in number,--but the sheriffs told them they must
immediately obey.

During this time, the ghent men chosen a commander named Rasse Rouven,
a citizen of Ghent, of about thirty years old; to assist whom they
appointed a council of twelve persons, who had never been in the
magistracy of that town. Four of these councellors were selected from
the citizens at large, four from the weaver's company, and four from
the artisans; but the person whom they had chosen for commander
refused to take the office.

Item, on the 9th day of October, it had been proclaimed in the
sheriff's court, that all foreign merchants must appear within three
days in the town of Ghent sufficiently well armed, under pain of
corporal punishment and confiscation of effects. Several did appear
within the time prescribed; but others sent excuses that urgent and
lawful business prevented them, and entered into a treaty to pay a sum
of money to be excused.

Those who had, in obedience to the summons, gone to Ghent, after
remaining there three days without being any way employed, returned to
their homes. On the 27th day of this same month of October, they were
again summoned to appear under pain of losing their citizenship, and
paying the forfeiture. On this same day, eight soldiers from Sluys were
taken prisoners, who, under pretence of making war on the bruges men,
had pillaged the country.

The men of St Laurence-au-bloc had taken them, under the proclamation
that had been made, that all pillagers should be arrested and
brought to justice, and that when they could not be taken alive they
should be put to death. These they disarmed, and, retaining their
armour and clothes, led them to the ghent army at Marienkirk in their
pourpoints,--and, the ensuing day, they were beheaded, according to
the sentence of the sheriffs. Their bodies, at the request of the head
deacon, were given to the Austin-friars, who buried them. Four men were
expelled the army of Ghent for having robbed some villages.

The before-mentioned Rasse, who had been elected commander in chief,
went to the duke of Burgundy at Arras for his commission, provided
his appointment were agreeable to the duke. He left behind him in
Ghent three lieutenants: one chosen from the burghers, called Jean
l'Estauble,--one from the trades, called Jean Cacialle,--and the third
from the company of weavers, called Jean de Sterque.

On Monday, the 4th day of November, Rasse returned with his commission,
as captain-general of the ghent men, signed by the duke of Burgundy.
He had taken the oaths of allegiance before the lords of the council
at Lille, and took similar oaths in the presence of the army in the
hands of the bailiff and sheriffs of Ghent, to be true and loyal to
the prince, to preserve his rights as well as those of the town,--to
observe law and justice, and to keep the people in peace and union. The
twelve councellors took the same oaths.

On the 5th of November, the captain-general Rasse, with two deputies
from each banner and from the municipality, went from Marienkirk to
Ghent, at the request of those who had taken up arms, and arrested
several persons who had principally governed that town,--namely, Louis
de Holle, who had been first sheriff, Lievin de Jagre, who had often
served that office and been treasurer, Gilles le Clerc, advocate, Jean
l'Apothicaire, who had been treasurer and sheriff of Ghent and Jacques
la Jaschere, formerly deacon of the trades.

These they confined together, as prisoners, in the palace of the
prince, calling them traitors, and would have done the same to others,
but they had fled.

The commander in chief ordered proclamation to be made for all who had
served any offices in Ghent for the last ten years to join, without
delay, the army at Marienkirk. It was now greatly augmented, for those
within their jurisdictions came handsomely equipped and attended, with
the exception of those from Courtray,--and their tents and pavilions
had, at a distance, the appearance of a large town.

The army appeared under arms on the 6th instant, and wanted to go
to Ghent, and bring back with them the prisoners; but their captain
restrained them, saying, that it had been ordered that they should
remain in prison until the army were returned home, when ample justice
would be done on them according to the evidence that a general
investigation of their deeds through Flanders should produce.

Their commander would have been glad that his army had been
diminished, saying, that he would establish peace and justice every
where, with but a fourth part of the present numbers. The troops,
however, would not be separated, but declared they would remain
together in brotherly love.

They wanted to march and post themselves between Bruges and Sluys,
and take possession of the Franc according to the judgement of their
prince, and, subject the inhabitants, for their outrages and misdeeds,
to the obedience of the duke and the other three members of the states
of Flanders, saving their lives and privileges.

The burghers of Bruges, they said, must submit themselves and
supplicate their prince to receive them in mercy, and likewise put
an end to all disputes between them and Sluys, so that passengers
and merchants, might travel the country unmolested. Should those
of Bruges refuse compliance, they would exert themselves to force
them to obedience. This was told to the forty-two deputies sent by
Bruges, from the different trades, to treat with the ghent army at
Marienkirk. After some debating, these deputies agreed to the terms
proposed, and on the 12th day of November drew up, and presented to the
captain-general, the following articles of agreement.

'We, the burgomasters, sheriffs, principal burghers, deacons,
corporators and commonalty of the town of Bruges, make known to all to
whom these presents shall come, that we, from respect to our redoubted
lord and prince, the duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders, &c. and at
the entreaty of the three departments of the town of Ghent, and of all
the free towns within its jurisdictions, have consented, and by these
presents do consent, for ourselves and successors, to keep firm and
stable the judgment given by our said lord and his council, in his town
of Ghent, the 11th day of February in the year 1436, constituting those
of the Franc a fourth department of Ghent, without fraud, and according
to the literal meaning of the said judgement. In testimony whereof, we
have sealed these presents with the obligatory seal of our said town of
Bruges.'

When the deputies was returned to Bruges with this treaty, the
magistrates assembled the commonalty before the sheriff's court, and
demanded if they were willing to ratify this treaty. There were present
upwards of twenty thousand persons, who, after a moment's silence,
unanimously replied, 'Yes.' Then stepped forth one called Coppin de
Mesinacre, who had been lately banished Ghent for his misdeeds, and
said, 'All goes wrong: how are ye such cowards as to fear the ghent
men? You certainly ought to suffer for your folly and want of firmness.'

In consequence of this speech the deacon of the artisans, a tailor,
and some others, began to murmur, and to oppose the confirmation of
the treaty, more especially to putting their assent on paper; and at
last, by their tumultuous behaviour, the treaty was destroyed. Some
time afterward by a legal sentence, the said Coppin, the deacon of the
artisans, the tailor, and one other, were beheaded for this conduct:
seventeen of their accomplices were also banished.

The negotiations for peace between Bruges and Ghent were put an end to,
although seventeen hostages had been left with the army by the deputies
from Bruges. The ghent men afterward set them at liberty without
ransom, because they had assured them that they had done all in their
power to get it ratified.

In this treaty it had been agreed, that the inhabitants of the Franc
might take up their rights of burghership at Ghent or Bruges at their
pleasure. The towns of Ghent and Ypres were to send ambassadors to
the duke of Burgundy, to request that he would withdraw all foreign
soldiers from Sluys, and order the stakes to be removed from the bed
of the river Lieve, that vessels might freely pass and repass with
merchandise, or permit them to take away these obstructions.

The army of Ghent now marched to fix its quarters at Ardembourg; and
because Bruges persisted in refusing to ratify the treaty to which
their deputies had agreed, and would not yield up their claims on the
Franc, the duke's ordinance of last year, forbidding all kinds of
provision to be carried to Bruges, was again proclaimed in Ghent, and
throughout its jurisdictions; and also, that all debts and effects
belonging to those of Bruges should be delivered up to the magistrates.

It was afterward proclaimed that, should the men of Bruges attempt to
make any inroads on the territories of Ghent, all the church and other
alarm bells should be instantly rung to collect a force sufficient to
oppose them. After this, Clarus Boye, a native of the town of Axel,
William le Boquelaire, a patten maker, and from the country of Waast,
and a man of Courtray, were beheaded, for having gone to Courtray at
the instigation of the artisans and petty traders of Ghent,--and for
having said that the ghent men were very desirous that those of Bruges
would join them in arms for the common good and union of the country of
Flanders, and to punish the inhabitants of Sluys.

The 16th day of November, the army resolved to send deputies to Ghent
and to the towns within its jurisdictions, to know how they would wish
them to proceed,--and to inform them, that if they advised marching
against Bruges, it would be necessary to send them reinforcements equal
to the present state of the army.

The council at Ghent thought, that as provisions were now so dear, and
winter at hand, it would be of more advantage not then to send any
supplies, but disband the army; for the greater number were of the same
opinion, and sought to diminish it.

The army, therefore, marched from Ardembourg to Ekeloo. While there,
one of the private men of that castlewick having on his shoulders some
stakes which he had taken from a hedge to dress his victuals, some
ghent men would take them from him by force, when he defended himself
and shouted out for aid to his countrymen,--and the ghent men shouted,
'Ghent!' both parties assembled with arms, and a grand battle would
have taken place, had not Pierre Simon, sheriff of Ghent, by gentle
words and with much courage, put an end to the affray. He suffered
a good deal by thus interfering, but was not seriously hurt from the
goodness of his armour. Many were much wounded, which caused loud
murmurings among the ghent men,--for one of them, a strong active
boatman of Ghent, died of his wounds. Two, who had first struck the
sheriff, were banished Ghent.

On the eve of St Andrew's day, the ghent army returned home: they
had taken up arms inconsiderately, and were come back with little
satisfaction. Those within their jurisdictions, who had marched against
their inclinations, returned cheerfully home. Shortly after, their
captain-general, Rasse Rouven, was deposed, and the six persons set at
liberty, on promise made to the magistracy that they would answer any
interrogations, and obey any sentences that might be passed on them,
within three days after they should be summoned to appear.

In the month of December, proclamations were made throughout Flanders,
by order of the prince, forbidding all persons to obey Rasse Rouven,
for that he had recalled his commission of captain-general.

On the eve of Christmas-day, it was ordered, by the magistracy of
Ghent in full assembly, that sir Roland de Hautekerque, sir Colart de
Comines, Jean de la Damme, Gilles de la Voustine, Girard de Mal-digen,
Jean de Papegen, Pierre Gougebur, Pierre Bris, Josse de Beys, Martin de
Sinimes and Jean de Crique, who had been banished Ghent and Flanders,
might return thither.

It was also agreed, that one Coppin Coppon, who had for five years
past absented himself from Ghent, and had robbed so many passengers on
the high roads in Flanders that travellers were afraid of him, might
return,--Coppin, thinking that every thing was pardoned, did come back;
but he was arrested and condemned to be beheaded, with two others who
had committed robberies on two persons near to the town of Dendermonde.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 15: Franc,--a part of the Low Countries, comprehending the
castlewicks of Bergues, Bourbourg, and Furnes. It was thus called from
being exempted from the jurisdiction of Bruges, on which it formerly
depended.]




CHAP. XV.

 PEACE CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AND THE TOWN OF BRUGES.


While these things were going on, the men of Bruges, perceiving that
a longer resistance to their lord would be the ruin of themselves and
their town, sought every means of concluding a treaty with him. At
length they succeeded, and submitted themselves to the duke and his
council, on terms concluded at Arras the 4th day of March, in the
presence of their lord and his council, and numbers of other people,
the principal articles of which were as follows.

It was, in the first place, ordered, that when the duke of Burgundy
should first visit Bruges, twenty of the chief burghers and magistracy
should come out of the town one league to meet him, bare-headed,
bare-legged, and bare-footed. On their approach to him, they were to
fall on their knees and beg his pardon, and entreat that he would be
pleased to enter their town.

Item, that the gate of the Bouverie[16] should be converted into a
chapel, wherein the seven masses should be daily celebrated.

Item, that henceforward, whenever the said lord and his successors,
earls and countesses of Flanders, should come to Bruges, the burghers
should meet them without the gates with the keys of the town, in
perpetual remembrance of their obedience.

Item, every year, on the day of their misconduct toward their prince,
there shall be celebrated a solemn mass in the church of St Donast
by the dean and sub-dean, attended by twenty-four of the principal
burghers, each holding in his hand a burning wax taper of the weight of
one pound, and of the value of four groats.

Item, all property of bastards shall no longer be free, but confiscated
to the duke on their deaths.

Item, a handsome cross shall be erected to commemorate their rebellion.

Item, the burghers shall buy up and discharge all fee-farm rents from
their said lord, due from the said demesnes.

Item, the burghers of Bruges shall have no further communication with
those of Sluys; that is to say, those of Bruges, shall not make Sluys
their principal quarters, nor join them in their disputes, nor in arms,
nor have any connexions with Sluys but in respect to their commerce.

Item, in regard to the trades carried on at Sluys, which has been a
matter of long quarrel between the towns of Ghent and Sluys, Bruges
must no longer interfere.

Item the inhabitants of Bruges shall not be permitted to raise an army,
on pain of forfeiting their lives and fortunes.

Item, whoever shall stop the workmen from continuing their trades, when
a riot may happen, shall incur similar penalties as in the foregoing
article.

Item, the persons of some of the burghers are to be reserved for the
will of the duke of Burgundy, as well as those who may have become
burghers during these dissentions.

Item, the town of Bruges shall pay to their said lord two hundred
thousand golden riddes[17].

Item, the magistracy of Bruges, and others hereafter to be named,
shall, within eight days, go out of the town to meet some deputies sent
thither by the said duke of Burgundy, and shall receive them with due
obedience.

Item, no foreigner shall be admitted henceforth a burgher of Bruges,
unless he shall have remained therein the space of one hundred and
twenty days.

Item, it was ordered, that the son of the lord de l'Isle-Adam should
receive for the death of his father ten thousand crowns, with other
honourable recompenses. In like manner shall the wife and children of
the blacksmith, who had given the hammers to open the gate, receive a
fine for his death, he having been put to death for so doing.

There were many other fines and reparations contained in this treaty,
but, for the sake of brevity, I pass them over.

This treaty was read at the hôtel of their prince at Arras, in the
presence of the four-and-twenty deputies from Bruges, on their knees,
who suffered much from the length of it, so that the duke, taking pity
on them, caused them to be seated to be more at their ease. When all
had been completed, the deputies returned to their town carrying a copy
of the treaty, which they read to the inhabitants assembled; and, from
their anxiety to have peace with their lord, the terms were agreeable
to the greater part of them.

Some persons of low estate, who had ruled the town during these
dissensions, were displeased and would willingly, by seditious
speeches, and other means have made the commonalty rise against those
of the upper ranks,--but their attempts were vain. They were afraid,
should peace be effected, that they would be punished for their
demerits, and their fears were realized; for, within a few days after,
ten or twelve of the principal ringleaders of the rebellion were
arrested and beheaded: several were banished, and some fled of their
own accord.

These acts of justice were done on the arrival of the heir of Cleves,
nephew to the duke of Burgundy, who had been sent thither by the duke,
accompanied by some of his council, to receive the fines, and see that
all the articles of the treaty at Arras were fulfilled. A little before
this, the town of Bruges had sent back to the duke at Arras sixty-three
of his men, who had been made prisoners when he was driven out of that
town, each of them clothed in a green robe at the expense of the town
of Bruges.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 16: Bouverie,--ox stables. It was here, probably, where the
principal engagement took place between the duke's men and the burghers
of Bruges.]

[Footnote 17: Ridde,--a flemish coin, worth about five shillings
sterling.]




CHAP. XVI.

 WAR RECOMMENCES BETWEEN THE DUCHY OF BAR AND THE COUNTY OF VAUDEMONT.


In this year a violent war again took place between the duchy of
Bar and the county of Vaudemont, principally caused by sir John de
Hossonville hereditary seneschal of Lorraine, attempting to take the
town of Vaudemont[18], for some complaints he pretended to have against
it; and failing in his attempt, he had since made open war on that
country, and had set several villages on fire.

This intelligence coming to the count de Vaudemont, who was at
Genouillé, he hastily mounted his horse, accompanied by Forte-Espice
and about a hundred combatants, and pursued his enemies with such speed
that he overtook them on the borders of his county. He attacked them so
courageously that, although they were full three hundred, he put them
to the route. Forty were slain, and as many made prisoners: the rest
saved themselves by flight. Their standard was won, and carried to the
church of Veselize[19].

Open war was now carried on by both parties, and the men at arms of the
count made inroads on the lands of the enemy. In one of them, they were
met by sir Gerard du Chastellier, and defeated and carried prisoners
to Mirecour, a good town belonging to the duke of Lorraine. The count
de Vaudemont, some little time after, gained this town of Mirecour by
the aid of Floquet and Forte-Espice, when he recovered his men that had
been made prisoners, and appointed Floquet governor of it: but he soon
after restored it to the Lorrainers, and also turned against the count
de Vaudemont at the solicitations of La Hire.

On the other hand, Blanchefort, Anthony de Chabannes, Chappelle,
Gautier le Breton, Mathelin, and other captains, with their men, made
war on the Lorrainers and Barrois, for the count de Vaudemont, who
had given up to them Veselize and others of his places. When they had
completely spoiled the country they changed sides, under pretence of
an order they had received to depart thence and serve the enemies of
the count; which order they showed to sir Hector de Flavy, governor
of the county of Vaudemont. They soon after yielded up Veselize to
the Lorrainers, who totally destroyed it; and after committing every
waste in the countries of each party, these French, commonly called
Skinners, marched away toward Germany, but not before they had received
great sums of money from the duchies of Bar and Lorraine. They also
carried with them hostages for the due payment of the balances left
behind,--and the son of sir Gerard du Chastillier was among these
hostages.

At this time, the king of Sicily sent his son, the marquis du Pont,
nine years old, to reside in the duchy of Bar: and the bishop of Toul
and sir Gerard du Chastellier governed the country in his name.

A little before this, one called Watelin Tieulier made war on the
count de Vaudemont, and had fixed his retreat in a strong castle of
his father-in-law, the lord de Hartuel, who supported him. He had done
much mischief by fire and sword to the vassals of the count, who in
revenge, accompanied by his nephew the count de Blamont, the lord de
Commerci, Forte-Espice, and about four hundred combatants, marched
against this castle, took it by storm, and the knight within it. The
Lorrainers were seen instantly after advancing with a strong army,
to assist the knight; but finding that the place was taken, and the
enemies on the ramparts, they retreated, and increased their army, in
order to lay siege to Monstier sur Saxe[20]; but sir Hector de Flavy
had burnt the town which they intended to take and lodge in: they were,
therefore, obliged to return whence they had come. Thus did these two
parties mutually destroy each other.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 18: Vaudemont,--six leagues from Toul, seven from Nancy,
three from Mirecour.]

[Footnote 19: Veselize,--five leagues S.E. from Toul, two N. from
Vaudemont.]

[Footnote 20: Monstier sur Saxe,--six leagues from Bar-le-duc.]




[A.D. 1438.]

CHAP. LXXIX.

 FAMINE, WAR, AND PESTILENCE, RAGE IN MANY PLACES.


At the beginning of this year, the famine, which had long afflicted
many parts, was much increased; and it was pitiful to see the
multitudes of poor who died daily from want. There were also epidemic
distempers in various parts of France, and in Flanders,--but the
towns of Bruges and Paris suffered more from them than any other. War
was likewise carried on with great bitterness in many places. From
these three plagues many of the nobles, and common people were great
sufferers, and in doleful perplexity. In the mean time, that body of
French called Skinners remained in large parties on the borders of
Burgundy, where they committed unnumbered mischiefs, by taking castles
and prisoners, killing men, and ravishing women, noble or not, and
acting as if they were in a country conquered from an enemy.

The duke of Burgundy was exceedingly angry when these things came to
his knowledge, as well from his love to his vassals as from the time
that they had chosen for these misdeeds, when his country was afflicted
with famine and mortality.




CHAP. XVIII.

 LORD TALBOT, SIR THOMAS KIRIEL, AND OTHER ENGLISH CAPTAINS, CONQUER
 LONGUEVILLE, AND MANY MORE CASTLES, FROM THE FRENCH.


In the month of May of this year, the lord Talbot, sir Thomas Kiriel,
with other english captains, took the field with about eight hundred
combatants, and marched to the castle of Longueville, in the possession
of a party of La Hire's men; for of this castle and domain he called
himself lord, in consequence of a gift made to him of it by king
Charles, in the same manner, and on the same terms that Bertrand du
Guesclin, that valiant warrior, formerly constable of France, had held
it.

The besieged did not long hold out, on seeing the English before it,
but surrendered on having their lives and fortunes spared, and with
permission to march away in safety. They went to Beauvais; and the
English, having well garrisoned it, marched to Charles-Mesnil, a
very handsome castle, situated very near to Dieppe, and belonging to
the lord de Torci, which also surrendered. In like manner, they won
Guellemcourt and some other places which the French held in the country
of Caux. The reason why these castles so soon surrendered was their
great want of provision, military stores and artillery.




CHAP. XIX.

 A TREATY OF MARRIAGE IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE ELDEST SON TO THE KING
 OF NAVARRE AND THE PRINCESS OF CLEVES, NIECE TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.


About this time there came to the town of Douay about four-and-twenty
horsemen as ambassadors from the king of Navarre, to treat with the
duke of Burgundy of a marriage between the princess of Cleves, niece to
the duke, and the hereditary prince of Navarre.

The principal ambassadors were the prior of Roncesvalles, a noble
knight, and other gentlemen, attended by the king at arms of Navarre.
This business lasted some time, but it was at last concluded,--and the
duke gave his consent. The princess was then sent away, honourably
escorted by her eldest brother to the kingdom of Navarre.




CHAP. XX.

 THE TOWNS AND CASTLES OF MONTARGIS AND CHEVREUSE SUBMIT TO THE
 OBEDIENCE OF KING CHARLES OF FRANCE.


While these things were passing, the towns and castles of Montargis and
Chevreuse, held by the English, submitted to king Charles. On the other
hand, the garrisons of Meaux in Brie, of Creil, Pontois and Gisors,
greatly harrassed the country of France, more particularly parts of
Santois, Vermandois, Amiennois, Beauvoisis, and other dependances. In
like manner, those garrisons which had been posted against the English
did great damages, so that the poor people were every way grievously
vexed and worn down.

In regard to sir John de Luxembourg, he kept neuter, and joined neither
party,--but filled his towns and strong places with men, artillery and
provisions, to defend himself against such as should attempt to injure
his country.

He had been several times admonished and summoned to take the oaths
to king Charles of France, but had never complied, and was waiting the
issue of events, to see what might happen. He was in the possession
of sealed engagements from the king of England, the duke of York, and
several english lords, promising him, on their faith and honour, that
should the French attempt to make war upon him, they would come to his
relief with so powerful a force that he should be delivered from his
enemies, notwithstanding any other business they should have in hand,
the which should be laid aside. Sir John de Luxembourg put great faith
in these promises.




CHAP. XXI.

 A QUARREL ARISES BETWEEN POPE EUGENIUS AND THE COUNCIL OF
 BASIL.--OTHER MATTERS.


In this year, ambassadors were sent to the king of France, the duke of
Burgundy, and other princes of the blood royal, from our holy father
pope Eugenius and from the council at Basil, who were quarrelling
with each other. Each ambassador, when discoursing on the subjects in
dispute before the king, most grossly abused his adverse party.

This dissention lasted a considerable time; but the king inclined more
to the council of Basil, while the duke of Burgundy strongly supported
the cause of the pope, as did also the king of England.

The duke of Burgundy at this time sent a solemn embassy to the pope,
consisting of master Quentin Mayart, provost of St Omer, the prior of
Lihons in Santerre, sir Simon de Lalain, Guillaume le Jeune, brother to
the cardinal of Therouenne, with other noble personages. They were most
graciously received by the holy father, and obtained the greater part
of the object of their mission.

In these days, the lord de Crevecœur, a wise and prudent person, was
sent by the duke of Burgundy to the french court, to treat on divers
matters, and, among others, to negotiate a marriage between his only
son, the count de Charolois, and the second daughter of the king of
France. This lord was joyfully received as well by the king as by the
queen; and because the princess he was come to demand in marriage was
lately dead, the duke sent him orders to ask for the eldest princess,
Catherine, which he did,--and his request was granted. Before the
return of the lord de Crevecœur to Flanders, the dispute between
the bishops of Tournay, namely, Jean de Harcourt, and master Jean
de Chevrot, was settled by the king: so Chevrot remained bishop of
Tournay, and Harcourt was archbishop of Narbonne. When all matters had
been concluded, the lord de Crevecœur returned to the duke of Burgundy,
who received him most graciously and honourably.

About this time, a knight attached to the household of the duke of
Burgundy, having had the duke's licence, set out on his return to his
own country of Savoy, and took the road to Guise, to visit sir John de
Luxembourg, in whose good graces he was, and who feasted him nobly at
his hôtel. On his departure, he was met on the road by some marauders,
pretending to belong to sir John de Luxembourg, (among whom was one
called Garmonset), who arrested and led him to the English at Meaux
in Brie, and thence to Rouen, where he was some time confined as a
prisoner. He died there from illness contracted, as was said, from
vexation and anger at the treatment he had suffered.

The duke of Burgundy was much dissatisfied at this capture, and wrote
sharp letters on this and other subjects to sir John de Luxembourg; but
sir John clearly and frankly exculpated himself from this charge,--and
it may be supposed that he was no way implicated in this capture, for
he had executed several who had been concerned therein, and had also
exerted himself as much as he could, through the means of his brother
the cardinal of Rouen, to obtain the liberty of this knight, called sir
Philibert de Savoye, from the hands of the English.




CHAP. XXII.

 THE COUNT D'EU, WHO HAD BEEN PRISONER IN ENGLAND SINCE THE BATTLE OF
 AZINCOURT, OBTAINS HIS LIBERTY, AND RETURNS TO FRANCE.--HE RAISES
 LARGE ARMIES.


In this same year, the count d'Eu, who had been prisoner in England
since the year 1415, returned in liberty to France. He had been taken
at the battle of Azincourt, and was exchanged for the earl of Somerset,
whom the duke of Bourbon brother to the count d'Eu, held prisoner,
having bought him, or rather the duchess his mother having purchased
him, from those who had captured him at the battle of Blangy, where the
duke of Clarence was slain, as has been before fully related.

King Charles of France, the duke of Bourbon, and all the nobility, were
greatly rejoiced at the return of the count d'Eu; and, shortly after
his arrival, he was appointed by the king governor of Normandy, from
the river Seine to Abbeville and as far as the river Somme.

He, in consequence, assembled a body of men at arms, and went to take
possession of the town of Harfleur, where he was received by the
lord de Rieux, marshal of France, and those of his party; but others
disputed his authority, and withdrew into the towers, and fortified one
of the gates, to the great displeasure of the count d'Eu, who instantly
attacked them with such vigour that those in the gate surrendered to
him. The others, who had taken possession of the towers, sent to Rouen
for assistance from the English; but, in a short time, they made secret
arrangements with the count,--so that when the English advanced to
their support, conformably to their own request, they were deceived,
and about thirty made prisoners: the rest, being aware of their
treachery, returned back to Rouen very much vexed.

After the count d'Eu had subjected Harfleur, and other places in the
country of Caux, to his will, and strongly garrisoned them, he departed
for Brussels, to visit his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy,
who feasted him grandly, and presented him with very rich gifts. On
leaving the duke, he went by short days journeys to Noyon, where he
was congratulated on his liberty by the inhabitants. They made heavy
complaints to him of certain pillagers that held some castles in their
neighbourhood, and who daily committed on them great damages, advancing
even to their gates, seizing and carrying away all they could lay hands
on, calling themselves at one time partisans of the king of France; at
others, of sir John de Luxembourg.

In the number, was one named Jean de L'Isle, who, with his brother,
had under their command more than thirty companions, and had taken
possession of an old castle called Bretigny, which they had repaired
and fortified, with the intent of waging war against the whole country.
Part of them wore the red cross, pretending to be English.

The count d'Eu, on hearing this, collected a number of men at arms to
provide a remedy for it, and ordered thither the count d'Estampes,
his nephew, with a party of his men. They marched to the castle of
Bretigny, the fortifications of which were incomplete; and it was
likewise badly provided with stores, artillery and provision; so that
it was very soon forced to surrender to the will of the count d'Eu.
He sent Jean de l'Isle and his brother to Noyon, where they were soon
after beheaded, and about twenty of the others were hanged.

For these executions, sir John de Luxembourg conceived a great hatred
to the count d'Eu, and to those who had been parties in the expedition.
A few days afterward, in consequence thereof, while the count d'Eu was
at Chargny-sur-Oise, sir John ordered an ambuscade to be formed on
the road leading thence to Noyon, to attack the count on his return
thither; but he, having received information of the plan, took another
road, so that the ambuscade failed of the intended effect: a violent
quarrel, however, ensued ever after between them.




CHAP. XXIII.

 LA HIRE, BLANCHEFORT, AND OTHERS OF KING CHARLES'S CAPTAINS MAKE
 EXCURSIONS INTO GERMANY.


At this same period, several of king Charles's captains, such as La
Hire, Blanchefort, Boussac, Anthony de Chabannes, Chappelle, Pierre
Regnault, and others, to the amount of six thousand horse, marched from
the frontiers of Bar and Lorraine toward Germany, and even advanced
as far as the city of Basil, wherein the council was sitting. They
gave it to be understood by some, that they were sent thither with the
consent of pope Eugenius, in defence of his rights, and to lay waste
the country with fire and sword.

They then directed their march to the country of Aussois[21], and
toward Franckfort, taking and ransoming many small castles and large
monasteries. While they were thus employed in wasting the country,
the Germans assembled in great bodies to oppose and repulse them.
They first ordered the farmers and peasants to retire into the strong
castles and great towns with their corn and provisions,--and then made
war on the French whenever they could do it advantageously, or when
they went out to forage in small parties. In this manner they destroyed
numbers, and always refused to accept a challenge for a general battle,
although required by the French to name a day for a combat.

The French, therefore, seeing their numbers daily lessened, while
the enemy were increasing, retreated from Germany toward Burgundy,
doing great mischiefs, wherever they passed, and thence went into
the Nivernois. Continuing their wicked conduct in those parts, they
retreated, after a short stay, into Auvergne.

Their army was now increased by evil-disposed persons, and vagabonds,
to the amount of ten thousand men: and they spared no person noble or
not, nor any towns, although dependant on the king of France, or on
the princes of his blood and alliance,--all were equally despoiled.
No remedy could be applied to these evils, on account of their great
numbers,--and they were called in all countries through which they
passed, 'Skinners,' as has been before mentioned. The whole kingdom
suffered intolerable hardships by this army, in addition to famine and
pestilence.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 21: The country of Aussois is comprehended in the duchy of
Burgundy.--See Martiniere's Geographical Dictionary.]




CHAP. XXIV.

 THE COUNT D'ESTAMPES RECOVERS THE CASTLE OF ROULLET FROM THE MEN OF
 THE LORD DE MOY.--OTHER MATTERS.


Prior to this melancholy famine, the men of the lord de Moy, in the
Beauvoisis, gained the castle of Roullet (two leagues distant from
Mondidier) from those of Guy de Roye, who had the guard of it, and made
war against Mondidier and the country around.

As this district was within the government of the count d'Estampes,
and under his charge, he detached a body of men under the command
of some of his captains--namely, Waleran de Moreul, Guy de Roye, and
others--against this castle of Roullet, who attacked it so sharply that
it was surrendered unconditionally to the will of the count d'Estampes,
who hanged from twenty to thirty of the garrison, and again placed it
under the guard of Guy de Roye.

The lord de Moy, who was governor of Clermont, from vexation at this
loss, carryed on a severer war than before on Mondidier, which made it
necessary to post garrisons of men at arms in all the towns and castles
round to oppose it. Thus did the country suffer greater hardships from
both parties than before peace was concluded, as each destroyed it at
their pleasure.

In another quarter, the English won the castles of St Germain en Laye
and Gerberoy by storm, and strongly garrisoned them, to the great
annoyance of the Parisians.

At this time, a shocking and unheard of crime was detected at a village
near Abbeville. A woman was arrested on the charge of having murdered
several children, of cutting them in pieces, and of having kept them
when salted in her house. She was accused of this crime by some
robbers, who, having entered her house by night, had discovered parts
of the bodies of these children. She confessed herself guilty, and was
publicly burnt at Abbeville, according to the sentence of the law.

Great quarrels and dissensions now arose between those of Brussels and
the towns of Lovain, Mechlin, and other places in Brabant, for having
constrained all the farmers within the district of Antwerp to carry to
them their corn, in prejudice to the inhabitants of Brussels; which
caused a war against Mechlin,--and this last town closed the passage
of the river with chains, so that no boats could go to Brussels. They
met in arms, and very many were slain and wounded on each side; but the
duke of Burgundy and his council found means to appease these discords.




CHAP. XXV.

 A MEETING IS HELD BETWEEN CALAIS AND GRAVELINES BETWEEN THE CARDINAL
 OF ENGLAND AND THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY, TO DELIBERATE ON THE MEANS OF
 ESTABLISHING A LASTING PEACE BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.


About the month of January in this year, the cardinal of England and
the duchess of Burgundy met at a place agreed on between them, half way
from Calais to Gravelines, to consider on the means of establishing a
firm peace between England and France. Tents had been pitched for their
meeting; and each party was grandly accompanied by nobles, as well
ecclesiastical as secular.

The ambassadors from the king of France were a master of the household
named sir Regnault Girard, knight and lord of Bazoches, and master
Robert Mallien, councellor and master of accounts, to give their advice
and aid toward the conclusion of a general peace, and also to treat
of the ransom and deliverance of Charles duke of Orleans from his
imprisonment in England.

Many proposals were offered on different days, but no conclusion was
made, except to adjourn, to inform the respective kings of France and
England of these proposals, and hold another meeting when they should
have been fully discussed.

The time and place for another meeting was to be communicated to the
duchess of Burgundy, that she might make it known to each party; and it
was agreed that, at that time, the duke of Orleans should be conducted
either to Calais or to Cherbourg, as the two parties should fix. When
these matters had been settled, they all separated, and returned to the
places they had come from.

In this year, the duke of Burgundy assembled about sixteen hundred
combatants, whom he marched toward Calais, to cover and defend against
the English a very great number of pioneers, carpenters and labourers,
who had been sent thither to break down and destroy a sea-dyke, in
order to drown the town of Calais and the surrounding country. The duke
had been made to believe that this was possible to be done, and the
town destroyed; but when the pioneers had worked a short space of time,
they found that it was a work not easily accomplished, the enterprise
was therefore abandoned; but they broke down the bridge of Nieulay, and
some small dykes, which did very little harm to the English.




CHAP. XXVI.

 THE KING OF FRANCE COMPELS RODERIGO DE VILLANDRAS, WHO WAS COMMITTING
 GREAT WASTE ON HIS TERRITORIES, TO MARCH AWAY AND MAKE WAR ON THE
 ENGLISH.


King Charles of France, in the course of this year, learnt that many of
his captains were grievously harrassing divers parts of his kingdom,
and that they kept large bodies of armed men under their command to
overrun the provinces. The principal among them was Roderigo de
Villandras, who had upwards of six hundred horse under his orders.

The king sent him his commands to quit his territories immediately, and
to make war on those of the English, but he refused obedience to them.
On this, the king, who was at Bourges in Berry, assembled an army to
march against him in person, and force him to obey him; but Roderigo,
having had information of the king's intentions, retreated toward
Toulouse, and thence advanced into Guienne, where in conjunction with
some of that country, he again collected a considerable force.

He carried on a severe warfare against the English, to their great
loss, and won from them many towns and castles, which he garrisoned
with his own men. He entered Medoc, and advanced as far as Soulac[22],
destroying the country, which he found very rich in all sorts of
commodities. In like manner he conquered the territory of Blanchefort,
and came to a fort called Châtel-neuf, belonging to the Captal de Buch,
which he took by storm.

He was soon after joined by the lord d'Albreth with a strong power of
men at arms, when they advanced nearer Bourdeaux, and took the church
of St Severin, which is but a bow-shot distant from that city. There
they quartered themselves, and in the course of the night placed a
strong ambuscade among the vineyards close to the town--for the vines
there are as high as an arbour--and on the morrow pretended to decamp.
The Bourdelois, seeing this, sallied out in great numbers, to the
amount of full two thousand, and were surprised by those in ambush,
when a sharp conflict took place, which lasted a long time, for it was
desperately contested by each party; but the French were superior in
numbers,--and the English were forced to retire into Bourdeaux, after
leaving about eight hundred dead on the field.

Large detachments of men at arms were now posted round Bourdeaux,
who destroyed, without opposition, that part of the country, which
was abundant in all things,--for until then, it had been a long time
without suffering the miseries of war.

In consideration of these valuable services, and for his courageous
actions, the king of France pardoned Roderigo de Villandras all the
offences and evil deeds he had done against him. However, in the course
of a year, the English reconquered the greater part of these places
that had been won from them.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 22: Soulac,--a small town near Bourdeaux.]




[A.D. 1439]

CHAP. XXVII.

 POPE EUGENIUS SENDS BULLS TO DIVERS PARTS OF EUROPE.--THEIR TENOUR.


At the commencement of this year, pope Eugenius published bulls against
the members of the council at Basil, the tenour of which was as follows.

'Eugenius bishop, and servant of the servants of God. Every example
from the Old and New Testaments admonishes us not to pass over in
silence, or to leave unpunished, crimes and misdemeanours,--more
especially such as may bring on slander against, or cause a division
among, the people committed to our charge. Should we delay pursuing
and avenging those faults which have given just offence to God, we
should most certainly provoke the divine Wisdom to anger; for the delay
of pursuing crimes deserving punishment, according to the judgements
of the holy fathers of the church, would be sinful. Those also who
contemn the divine commands, and are disobedient to paternal ordinances
according to our holy institutions, deserve the severest chastisements,
to make others ashamed of similar conduct, that fraternal concord may
rejoice, and all take warning from such examples.

'Should we be remiss in our vigour or solicitude for the welfare of the
church, its discipline would perish through our indolence, which would
be of the greatest injury to all good and true Christians. To cut off,
therefore, the unsound flesh from the sound,--to separate the scabby
sheep from the rest, that the whole flock be not infected, is a duty
imposed upon us; for as that glorious doctor St Jerome says, 'Arius,
when at Alexandria, was but a spark of fire,--but, from not being
instantly extinguished, the flame was increased, and spread throughout
Christendom.'

'It was for this cause that our Saviour gave to the bishop of Rome
the keys, to bind and unbind such as wandered from the ways of truth,
that they may be constrained to return by the bonds of correction and
obligation. We may say, therefore, of the apostolical authority, that
when in the judgement of the church, it has consigned those over to
Satan who have led others into error, it has exerted its power for the
salvation of their souls, and to teach others not to blaspheme.

'The blessed pope Sixtus says, 'We keep in our remembrance that we
govern under the name of that church in which our greatest pleasure is
to glorify our dear Saviour JESUS CHRIST, whose faith nourishes not
heresy but totally destroys it. For this reason, we hold it unlawful
to exert our powers, except when the interest of the whole church shall
call for it.

'In truth, during the latter days, our very beloved sons master Hutin
de la Plante, doctor of laws, master John de Plato, doctor of laws,
and master Venture du Chastel, licentiate,--all of them presidents at
the congregation of the general council of the holy church, the second
enjoying the office of proctor, and the last procurator of the said
council,--have exposed before us the account of the lamentable quarrels
that have taken place in the said council, in these words: 'Most holy
and reverend father, although this sacred and œcumenical general
council has been legally assembled for the preservation of the peace
of the catholic and apostolical roman church, which the blessed Holy
Spirit, under the person of our Lord, in the book of Canticles, plainly
points out, by saying, 'My dove, my undefiled, is but one: she is the
only one of her mother: she is the choice one of her that bare her.'

'St Paul demonstrates the union of the church, and the sacredness of
this union, by calling it the body, soul, and hope, of our vocation:
one Lord, one faith, one baptism,--by baptism, one God; and as the
blessed St Cyprian says, she is the head, a fruitful mother, and,
as spouse to JESUS CHRIST, as pure and unadulterated, chaste and
holy. The same Cyprian declares, in another place, that there is no
ecclesiastical ordinance that does not maintain the unity of the
Christian church. Pope Pelagius affirms the same from the words of the
blessed St Austin a celebrated doctor in the church, and that it has an
apostolical throne, irradiated by a succession of bishops.

'Nevertheless, from the commencement of this church, the wickedness
and wanton conduct of mankind have ever sought to deny and destroy the
peace thereof,--against which wickedness, according to the authority of
the holy fathers, divine vengeance has been excited. Whoever therefore
shall dare sacrilegiously, and with diabolical intention, to deny this
spotless unity, the sacred canon points him out as an enemy to the
church, and declares that he cannot have God for his father, unless
he hold the unity of the universal church; for, since CHRIST died for
the church, the church is the body of CHRIST--there can therefore be
no doubt but that he who divides the church is guilty of dividing and
tearing asunder the body of JESUS CHRIST.

'When Dathan and Abiran formed a schism against the honour of God,
Divine vengeance caused the earth to open and swallow them,--and their
adherents perished by fire from heaven. The more inseparable the holy
sacrament is with the union of the church, the greater guilt do they
incur who attempt to divide them,--and who, leaving the legal spouse of
the church choose to follow a false doctrine.

'Examples of similar wickedness, and the punishments that ensued, are
displayed in the book of Kings; for when the Jews made a distinction
between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, and the other ten tribes,
and, laying aside their lawful king, elected another, the lord was
indignant against the seed of Israel, and held them in derision: he
also turned away his face from them.

'The anger of God is always excited against such as create schisms and
division. When the prophet was sent to Jeroboam to reproach him for his
sins, and to foretel to him the vengeance that God would take on him
and on his race, God forbade him to taste meat or drink with Jeroboam.
The prophet however, disobeyed the commandment, and in consequence, on
his return was attacked by a lion, who slew him on the road. From these
instances, as St Jerome says, no one can doubt but that the crime of
schism will be severely punished by God.

'For some time past, and since the holy general council at Constance,
this pernicious schism has laboured to afflict the church of God, and
the Christian religion, not only in regard to individuals, but whole
cities and provinces have suffered persecution for a length of time, to
the ruin of their souls; but at last, through the ineffable mercy of
God, and by the labours of many kings and princes, as well secular as
ecclesiastic, and of many universities and other loyal Christians, this
abominable schism was put an end to.

'The church was then believed to enjoy that perfect peace which every
one desired, as well by the election of the late well beloved pope
Martin as after his decease by the undoubtedly canonical and legal
choice of your holiness to the apostolical throne. But we are now
constrained to exclaim with the prophet Jeremiah, 'We have looked for
peace, but behold tribulation!' and also with Isaiah, 'We have looked
for light, and behold darkness!' for several children of perdition, few
in number, and of little authority in the council of Basil, have done
their utmost, by force and deceit, to put end to these flattering hopes.

'This council had been transferred from Basil to Florence[23], in the
laudable expectation, (so much wished for by every sect of Christians)
of the union of the eastern and western churches and went on for some
time, through your authority, with vigour.

'When those before mentioned, who had remained at Basil, had failed
in their promises to the Greeks, and perceived from the leaders of
the oriental church, that the most noble prince and emperor, John
Paleologus, together with Joseph, of happy memory, patriarch of
Constantinople, and numbers of prelates and dignitaries of the eastern
church were about to attend the œcumenical council at the place
appointed by your holiness, and that you, with a multitude of prelates
and churchmen, were already gone thither at great expense,--in order to
prevent the emperor from meeting you at this council, these aforesaid
persons published a detestable monitory against your holiness and
against our reverend lords the cardinals of Rome.

'This not having the desired effect of putting an end to the intentions
of the emperor to come to Florence, they published a suspension of
your holiness from the functions of the papacy. Notwithstanding these
iniquitous and sacrilegious proceedings, by your labour and care,
together with the energy of the council, and by divers arguments and
disputations, every attempt was made to remove this schism between the
eastern and western churches, which had lasted five hundred years.

'At the head of these disturbers of the union of the church was that
most disloyal and diabolical Amadeus, late duke of Savoy, who had
long before premeditated what he executed, through the instigation
of several accursed men and women, who, laying aside all religion,
have been converted to Satan by the wicked delusions of devils, who,
in common language, are called Sorceresses Frangules, Straganes, or
Vaudoyses, of whom there are numbers in this country.

'By such means, he has for a long time been seduced from the right
faith; and in order that he might be elected as the monstrous and
deformed head of God's church, he put on the frock of a hermit, _aux
avichoix_[24], of a most false hypocrite, that under cover of sheep's
cloathing, he might indulge his wolfish appetite, confident that,
in process of time, his adherents in the council of Basil (many of
whom were his subjects and the idols of this new Beelzebub) would
constitute and elect him pope in opposition to your holiness, the
undoubtedly-true vicar of God and legal successor to St Peter, to the
profanation and pollution of the Christian church.

'An unbounded ambition has induced the execrable Amadeus to undertake
this diabolical project, which, according to the apostle, is the
servitude of devils; and by the advice of a blasphemous synagogue of
abandoned men, the stinking abomination of all Christendom, who have
deputed for electors certain men, or rather devils disguised under
the figures of men, who (like the idol of Nebuchadnezzar) elevated
themselves in the true church of God.

'This Amadeus, in consequence of his profane election, which he gained
by means suited to his vast ambition, felt no remorse, or horror, in
clothing himself with a papal vesture, and in exercising the powers of
a roman pontiff, causing himself to be reverenced as such.

'He has neither been ashamed nor afraid to send his bulls sealed,
to divers parts of the world, in which he styles himself Pope Felix
V. proclaiming himself thus the most wretched man on earth, and
endeavouring to scatter abroad the poison of his pestilent mind.

'Now most holy father, and most sacred council, what should we first
seek or demand, or by what tears and groans may we deplore such an
unfortunate event, and wipe away the horrid disgrace that must ensue
from it to the church? for the greatness of the offence is more than
language can express. But we know, most holy and sacred father, that
no delay must arise to provide a remedy against the complainings of
our dear mother the church, your legal spouse, who, having enjoyed a
short peace is again constrained to cry out and lament the loss of it,
to the reverend members of this council, saying,--'Have mercy on me,
each of you, my friends: my bowels are filled with bitterness, for
lions destroy the vineyard of the God of sabaoth,--and the church, the
unsullied robe of JESUS CHRIST, is rent asunder by the wicked. Let God
now arise and destroy his enemies.' And thou, holy father, as these
things are manifest, and so notorious that they can no longer be
concealed, exert thyself in conjunction with this council: judge the
cause of thy spouse,--and have in remembrance the reproach cast on thy
children.

'O, most powerful, gird the sword on thy thigh, and verify the words
of the Psalmist: 'I will pursue mine enemies, to destroy them, and
will not return until I shall have laid them all under my footstool,
that they no more disturb my peace.' Such transgressions ought to be
punished with the utmost severity to prevent any from imitating them in
future.

'The words of Moses, the friend and servant of God, should be
repeated to the people of Christendom: 'Depart, all of you, from the
tabernacles and towns of the wicked.' Attend to the example of thy
blessed predecessor, who according to a general council of the church
at Ephesus, condemned Dioscorus and his followers to banishment in
Calcedonia[25].

'Follow the examples of the holy bishops who have preceded thee on the
sacred throne, who have ever exterminated the enemies of God and of his
church, from the communion of devout and loyal Christians, and punished
them likewise according to their deserts. Avenge, therefore, this new
schism that has arisen to thy personal wrong and to that of the roman
church, as well as to the slander of all Christendom, and call to thy
aid the powers of this holy œcumenical council to excommunicate from
the pale of the church, by the authority of GOD, and of St Peter and
of St Paul, all the wicked aforesaid, and more especially that grand
heresiarch Amadeus, this new antichrist in the church of God, together
with all their abettors, and those who have so daringly and illegally
taken upon themselves the part of electors. Let them be cast out as the
antichrist, and invaders and destroyers of all Christendom, and never
on any account, admit them to thy presence. Let them and their heirs be
deprived of all ecclesiastical and worldly dignities, and be condemned
to a perpetual sentence of excommunication. Let them be confounded
with the wicked, and feel the indignation of the blessed apostles St
Peter and St Paul, whose church they presume to disturb. May their
habitations become a desert and may no one inhabit their tabernacles!
May their children become orphans, and their wives widows, and their
existence become so heavy, through misery, that death may be looked
to for relief from a life of torment! May all hands be raised against
them, and the elements oppose them, and public vengeance be poured
on them; and, like Coran, Dathan and Abiran, may the earth open and
swallow them up alive! In short, should they not speedily turn from
their wickedness, and sufficiently and satisfactorily expiate their
sins against the holy and universal church, may they be condemned by
the just judgment of God to infernal darkness and perpetual torments!

'We and all true Christians having in abomination such heresies, detest
this accursed heresiarch and such like antichrists; and thou vicar and
lieutenant of JESUS CHRIST and of his holy church, (whom we confess,
and with devout reverence obey) may the grace of God, all-powerful,
protect thee always, and, through his eternal mercy, lead thee to joys
everlasting! "Amen."

'We, therefore, having had the fullest and most authentic accounts of
the great impiety which has been committed, are much grieved thereat,
as may readily be supposed, from the enormity of the offence and more
particularly in regard to Amadeus the antipope, whom we have ever held
in the most affectionate love and charity, attending to all his prayers
and requests; but, at the same time, we are determined to exert our
powers to resist such heresies, according to the duties of our pastoral
office.

'Since therefore, we have been so publicly called upon in the face of
the church, we shall lose no time, with the help of God to crush these
heresies in the bud, lest they may expand to greater lengths; and with
the aid of this holy council, we will propose remedies according to
the ordinances of the church. In consequence of what has been said and
requested by the proctor and procurator of the holy council, we will
examine whether it is consonant to divine and human laws, and agreeable
to the decrees of our apostolical chamber; and although the truth of
the charges be sufficiently notorious, yet for greater caution, and
with the approbation of the holy council, we have commissioned divers
intelligent persons to inquire into all these matters, and to report
the result of their inquiries, without favour or affection to either
party, to us and to the holy council.

'These commissioners having made a diligent inquisition into what
regarded the schism and the division between us and the council of
Basil, reported the same most faithfully to the council assembled in
congregation synodal,--and the facts were by them made so clear and
public that we might without fearing the scandal of wicked tongues,
have condemned those sinful men according to the ordinances of the
church; but the synod in imitation of the divine mercy which wishes
not for the death of a sinner, but would rather that he repent and
live, have determined to resort to the means of conciliation, that they
may have time to leave their wicked ways, and if they return to the
bosom of the church, we shall receive them like to the prodigal son,
and with paternal charity embrace them.

'Let therefore, the antipope, Amadeus, and his adherents, renounce
their errors, and we will receive them through the mercy of our
God, who has shed his blood for the redemption of sinners and the
edification of his church, with our whole heart; and so soon as they
shall desist from their wicked and scandalous excesses, they will be
accepted of us and this sacred council with paternal affection, when
they shall appear, as they are bounden so to do, before it.

'But should the love of justice and virtue be unable to withdraw them
from their sins and wickedness, we admonish them on the reverence and
obedience they owe to our holy church, to turn from their evil ways, on
pain of excommunication for their heresies, and of being condemned to
other penalties; and we strictly command and enjoin, that Amadeus, this
antipope, do, within fifty days from the date of these presents, lay
aside his title of pope of Rome, and all others appertaining thereto,
and that henceforth he do not presume to exercise any of the functions
attached to the papacy in any manner whatever.

'The aforesaid electors and adherents to this antipope are strictly
forbidden, under pain of being prosecuted by the apostolical chamber
for schism, henceforward to favour or support the said antipope in any
way whatever; and we order them to acknowledge us as the true bishop
of Rome, vicar of God, and the legal successor to the holy apostles St
Peter and St Paul,--the which, we as their father and pastor of their
souls, expect them to obey, and appear before us at the time fixed on.

'Should the aforesaid antipope, Amadeus, and his followers,
contumaciously refuse obedience, within the said fifty days, we will
that they suffer every penalty attached to their disobedience; but
should it be otherwise, we are desirous of their appearance personally
before us and the holy council precisely within fifteen days after the
said term. Should that day be a feast-day, then on the day following,
to hear from each of them their reasons for having thus acted; and
we now summon them to appear before us on the day specified, on pain
of being declared heretics, guilty of high treason, and sentenced to
punishment for these crimes; and we shall then proceed to pass such
sentences as their contumacy may require, according to the strict
letter of the law, and as they may be found deserving.

'That these our summons may be fully made known to them, we shall order
copies thereof to be attached to the doors of the new church of our
Lady in Florence, that ignorance of them may not be pleaded,--and we
shall otherwise make them as public as possible.

'We also will, and ordain, by our apostolical authority, that this our
bull be personally served on each of the principal delinquents, and
proclaimed in every large town. To prevent any of them from excusing
themselves from obeying these summons, under pretence that the court
of Rome and the place where the council is held are not safe for them,
and that they would run risks of their personal safety by going and
returning thence, we, by these presents most earnestly exhort all
patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, whether attached
to monasteries or to churches, all dukes, earls, princes, knights,
and others, of whatever degree, together with their lieutenants, and
all commonalties whether of towns, castles, or townships, to suffer
the aforesaid persons to travel to the court of Rome, and to return
thence without molestation in person or effects. All who shall in the
smallest degree, infringe on these our orders will incur our highest
displeasure; and should any one attempt it, he will be in danger of the
anger of God and of his holy apostles St Peter and St Paul.

'Given at Florence, at our public synodal session, in the new church
of our Lady at Florence, in which city we are now resident, the 10th
day of April, in the year of the incarnation 1439, and in the 10th year
of our pontificate.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 23: This council, the eighteenth general council was first
held at Basil, and, after many quarrels had arisen between it and the
pope, he transferred it first to Ferrara, and thence to Florence, for
the better accommodation of the Greeks. Many of the members of the
council, however, remained at Basil, deposed pope Eugenius, and elected
Amadeus duke of Savoy pope, under the name of Felix V.

See Hist. des Conciles, L'Art de Verifier les Dates, &c. &c.]

[Footnote 24: _Aux avichoix._ Denys Sauvage, in his annotations
seems as much puzzled about this word as I have been. He says, that,
'avichoix' may perhaps mean advice or counsel,--and adds that the whole
of this bull is full of faults, from his not having a latin one to
correct it by.

I have endeavoured to find it in Dumont's Corps Universel Diplomatique.
There is in that collection a bull of pope Engenius, dated Florence,
November 1439, condemning the acts of the council at Basil toward the
pope. It is indeed a decree of the council of Florence; but it has not
any resemblance to this bull, for it was issued to annul the celebrated
decree of the council of Basil, declaring the powers of a general
council superior to those of the pope.]

[Footnote 25: This was not a general council. It was held at Ephesus in
the year 449. The reigning pope was St Léon.--See L'Art de Verifier les
Dates.]




CHAP. XXVIII.

 SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG, IN CONSEQUENCE OF BEING IN THE ILL GRACES
 OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, SENDS LETTERS TO THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN
 FLEECE.


From reports that had been made to the duke of Burgundy injurious to
sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny he was greatly displeased with
him, and chiefly because he retained in his towns and castles large
bodies of men at arms, who made frequent inroads on his subjects and
country. Sir John, having been informed of this, sent letters to
exculpate himself to the knights-companions of the Golden Fleece, the
contents of which were literally as follows.

'Very dear brothers, and companions, I have lately learnt from some
true friends, that my redoubted lord the duke of Burgundy is angered
against me, by reason of some reports that had been made to him.
In consequence, I sent John Taillemonde and my secretary Huet with
letters, to supplicate him that he would have the kindness not to be
angered against me, nor hold me in his indignation, without first
hearing me in my own justification and defence.

'He sent me by them credential letters,--and told them verbally the
grounds of his discontent against me, from the reports that had been
made him. As the charges seemed to them very heavy, they required to
have them put in writing, but never could obtain it, which appears to
me very surprising. However, they repeated them to me as well as they
were able, and thereupon I wrote to my said lord my justification.

'I had hopes that some of you might have been present, to have heard
it,--but as that was not the case, I now write to repeat it, that you
may have it fresh in your memories.

'I shall begin with the charge against my loyalty, as what most touches
my honour and hurts my feelings. It has been declared, that my lord
has been informed by the English, that a short time after the peace of
Arras, they wrote to my brother the archbishop of Rouen, that if it
were agreeable to my lord the duke of Burgundy and his allies to keep
the peace in respect to them, they and their allies would do the same
in regard to him, his subjects, allies and countries; and that my lord
and brother had pressed me to touch on this matter with the duke, and
endeavour to have it accomplished,--but that, although my lord the
archbishop had thus written to me, I had concealed the matter, which
has been the cause of numberless and great evils, that would not have
happened if I had acted loyally.

'In my excuse, I must say (saving the reverence due to my lord duke),
that these great evils have not been caused by my fault or neglect;
nor has the war been commenced or advised by me. I know for a truth,
that if my said lord had but remembered my actions in respect to this
business, no such charge would have been made against me.

'It is a fact, that on the morrow after I had this information from my
brother the archbishop of Rouen, dated Rouen, the 29th day of January,
in the year 1435, and which I received on the 8th of February, I
dispatched some of my people to Brussels, where they arrived on the
10th, with credential letters from me, charging them to declare the
intelligence I had just received from Rouen, and which they reported
to me had been done. They received for answer, by the mouth of the
bishop of Tournay, that for certain causes, which he then told them, my
lord duke was not determined how to act in regard to the intelligence
contained in my brother the archbishop of Rouen's letter, which had
been in substance laid before him.

'It has been a matter of great wonder to me, that this bishop, who has
such dignities and honours, in the church, who is reputed so wise and
prudent, and who is the principal adviser of my lord duke, should
send a verbal answer by my people, and did not inform my lord of the
necessity of otherwise acquitting himself toward me,--for had this been
done, no such imputation could have been thrown on me.

'Should what I have now said be insufficient for my acquittal, I can
produce letters signed by the hand of my lord to prove that I duly
informed him of the contents of my brother's letter,--and that he
declares in these letters, that he was not fully resolved how to act
respecting the proposal from the English. You will, therefore, clearly
perceive, that I have faithfully performed my duty; and henceforward
I intend, if it be the good pleasure of God my Creator to exculpate
myself by every means in my power, so that all the world may know that
I have been no way to blame.

'With regard to another charge made against me, namely, that I have,
since the peace at Arras, sent a body of men to join the English in
Calais, without the knowledge of my said lord, or of my most redoubted
lady the duchess of Burgundy, or of the members of his council. It is
true, that when I heard, my lady duchess was at Gravelines, I did send
thither some of my people on business with my lord cardinal of England,
thinking that he was there, as had been reported, I ordered them to
treat on this business with him, the which I had formerly mentioned to
my lord duke, who had consented that I might send to England on this
subject. I wished not that this matter should be transacted privately,
or in secret, but openly before all the world and even in the presence
of my lady duchess and her council, should it then happen to be brought
forward.

'Since my lord cardinal was not there, nor, as it was said, expected
to arrive for some time, those whom I had sent thither, seeing many
persons go to Calais, took on themselves to go thither also on their
own affairs; but they first asked the permission of the lieutenant of
Gravelines, who granted it, and they set off, not imagining any harm
in so doing, as they have informed me. I certify to you, that I never
charged them to signify any thing whatever to the English prejudicial
to the realm or to my said lord, or any way tending to retard the
negotiations that were to commence at Gravelines,--and I should suppose
that I, of all persons, should be clear from the smallest suspicion
of treasonable practises; for were I inclined that way, which God
forbid! you may imagine I would have acted otherwise, and employed
unknown emissaries, or merchants who daily repair thither; but never,
please God, shall I have the will or courage to do any contrary to the
honour or interest of my said lord, or unbecoming a knight of unsullied
honour.--Respecting the summonses I had issued for guards, which was
ascertained during a late meeting of the three estates at Arras, when
it was discussed, that as my said lord was, through God's mercy, more
powerful than ever any counts of Artois, his predecessors, had been,
it seemed to this meeting that no other person but himself required
guards; and, among other things, it is said, then and there determined
upon, it was resolved that none but my said lord should have guards.

'I have no remembrance whatever of being present at this meeting of the
three estates at Arras when such conclusions were made; but I perfectly
recollect, that at Lille, in the house of the lord de Roubaix, where
my lord duke held his court, it was determined, in the presence of
many of his council, that in future no one should have guards,--when I
joined in opinion with the others, and said, that I would not summon
any, if the rest would do the same. On this, I departed from Lille; but
observing some time after, that several had their guards, I did the
like, but did not suppose that my lord could be angered by my so doing,
or that he wished to keep me in greater servitude than others. My lord
even wrote me several letters with his own hand, and signed by him,
on this subject, as did my lady duchess, assenting to my having these
guards. It should seem, therefore, that my lord was not then displeased
with my conduct.

'In regard to Riflart de Neufville, who is said to have been killed on
account of this business, and the lord des Bosquets, who was driven out
of his house and grossly injured,--although I had many reasons to be
displeased with both, yet when my lord shall be completely informed of
the whole truth of these matters, I shall expect that the tales he has
heard will be found lying and falsely wicked.

'As for the disobedience alleged against my officers and commissaries
to the bailiff of Amiens, to the king's officers, and to those of the
duke, whom they will not permit to execute any warrants saying and
maintaining that I have not taken any oaths of allegiance but to the
king of England,--I have never before heard any mention made of this,
nor do I know what private wrongs may have been done, nor to whom: of
course, I am unable to make any reply to this charge. I should have
expected that the bailiff of Amiens, whom I consider as my particular
friend, would have informed me of any misconduct in my people, for had
he done so, I should have exerted myself in such wise that my lord
should have been satisfied. In regard to the provost of Peronne, who
has charged my officers with waylaying and chacing him into the town
of Cambray, with the intention of ill-treating and perhaps of killing
him,--I have inquired of my officers, and they tell me, that when
they were amusing themselves twenty leagues from Cambray, they were
informed, that the said provost had vauntingly declared, that if he
could lay hands on them, he would hang them by the necks; on which they
suddenly pursued him, to know if what they had heard were true,--and
learning that he had not said any such things, they had quietly left
him.

'As for the threats which my said officers have held out to the abbot
of St Aubert of Cambray, they beg to be held excused.

'With regard to the complaints of the receiver-general of Peronne,
that he cannot exercise his office, nor the toll-gatherers at Bapaume,
from the hinderance of my officers,--my lord will cause further
informations to be made on this subject, and will then write to me
fully thereon, according to his pleasure, when I shall make such
answers as ought to be satisfactory.

'In respect to master Ador Caperel, who has told my lord that I have
caused him to be waylaid, to abuse and ill treat him, I assure you
that this is not true,--and I beg that further information may be had
thereon. Should it clearly appear, after I have been heard, that I have
caused him to be waylaid, I am willing to receive such punishment as
justice shall order; but should the contrary be proved, I entreat that
you will beg my said lord to lay hands on the said Caperel and others,
who have been guilty of such lying reports, that they may be severely
punished, for an example to all others, to prevent them from doing the
like, and that it may be publicly known that my said lord, and the
members of his council, will not suffer such scandalous reports to be
made against me, or others of his servants, with impunity.

'As for you, my very dear brothers and companions, whose prudence,
valour, and wisdom, I am acquainted with, you would not that one of
your brethren should be unjustly accused,--and in this confidence I
have written thus fully, for your information, of the charges alledged
against me, entreating you fraternally, at the same time, that you
would exert yourselves toward my said lord, to induce him to withdraw
his indignation from me, and be satisfied with the explanations and
excuses contained in this letter, and no longer give faith to any
reports made against any one without that person being first heard in
his exculpation, that it may be proved on which side the fault shall be.

'In truth, if I am not assisted by you, and if proceedings shall be
carried on against me without my being heard in my defence, I know not
to whom to apply, nor have I any hope of being treated with justice,
which must cause me to suffer the utmost grief. I refer you for all
other particulars to the bearers of this letter, the before mentioned
Taillemonde and Huet, either of whom can relate to you the details of
every charge.

'Very dear brothers and companions, if there be any thing you would
wish me to do, let me be made acquainted therewith, and I will perform
it most willingly, as the Lord knows, to whose holy keeping I commend
you.

'Written at my hotel at Bohain on Candlemas-day.'

Such were the contents of the letters sir John de Luxembourg sent to
the different knights-companions of the order of the Golden Fleece,
the greater part of whom were very desirous to mediate with the duke
of Burgundy that sir John might remain in his good graces. They daily
remonstrated with the duke on this subject, and that he ought not to be
so much displeased; but new matters of quarrel arose between them, and
various tales were continually carried to the duke against him.

It happened, at this time, that in the provostship of Peronne a heavy
tax was ordered to be collected, and, among others, some villages
within the lordships of Ham and Neel, then in the possession of sir
John de Luxembourg, were taxed, who was very much discontented that
such levies should be raised on his subjects; but, as the deed was
done, he made an appeal against the officers of the duke of Burgundy
who had laid the tax, and wanted to collect it.

The duke, dissatisfied on his part that this right should be
questioned, sent a body of archers to support his officers in
collecting the tax, who, on their arrival, carried the edict very
rigorously into execution, by seizing all they could lay hands
on,--insomuch that the sufferers went to Ham to make complaint to
Jacotin de Bethune then in garrison.

On hearing what had passed, he instantly ordered his men to mount and
go and see what could be meant by it, while he followed soon after.
They advanced to where the duke's archers were, and, without further
enquiry beat them soundly: a sergeant from Mondidier was wounded in
many places; but when Jacotin came up, and saw that they belonged to
the duke of Burgundy, he put an end to the affray, and made excuses
for what had happened, saying, that he had taken them for a party of
the Skinners attached to king Charles.

They were, however, very ill treated, and speedily returned to the
duke their lord, to whom they made heavy complaints about what had
passed.--The duke was so indignant with sir John de Luxembourg for this
that he resolved to force him to make amends for it, cost what it would.

He wrote shortly after to sir John to order him to send to him Jacotin
de Bethune and the others who had committed this offence; but sir
John refused, excusing himself, by saying, that he did not think that
his people should be meddled with. Thus was their quarrel mutually
increased.

Not long after this, Jacotin overthrew with the garrisons under his
charge, a body of men belonging to the counts de Nevers and d'Estampes;
when a gentleman, called La Perriere, was killed, together with
others, at which the above named lords were greatly vexed. Sir John
de Luxembourg was, however, much feared, because he was possessed of
some very strong places, such as, Coussy[26], Beaulieu[27], Ham sur
Somme[28], Neel[29], La Ferté[30], St Goubain[31], Marle[32], Arsy[33],
Montaigu[34], Guise[35], Herison[36], Bouchain[37], Beaurevoir[38],
Honnecourt[39], Oisy[40], and others, all of which had numerous
garrisons. He had not as yet broken off his connexions with the
English: on the contrary, he depended much on their support,--for which
reason many who were inclined to injure him, were afraid to attack any
parts of his territories, lest he should fill his towns and castles
with English, which would be the total ruin of the country. For fear
of this, all who hated him dissembled their feelings; nevertheless,
he did not slacken in providing means of defence, but retained in his
different towns and castles men at arms, ready to oppose all who should
wage war against him, as well French as Burgundians. These warriors,
however, harrassed the country much, more especially the Cambresis.

The english garrisons of Creil[41] and of other places, under pretence
of being his men, made frequent excursions, taking many prisoners, and
collecting all they could find, which they drove away to places under
their obedience. Several of sir John's captains were connected with
the English; one in particular, called Perrinet Quatre-Yeux, who was
from near Beauvais in the Cambresis, who had served them as a guide
to make prisoners and ransom some rich men in those parts, but it
happened that, in the course of these wicked pursuits, he had come to
a farm near Oisy, called Gourgouche; which being told to Sir John de
Luxembourg then in the castle of Oisy, he instantly sent thither his
archers, who put him to death, and buried him in a ditch,--and sir John
gained great praise from all the country for so doing.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 26: Coussy. Q. Courcelles? a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 27: Beaulieu,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 28: Ham sur Somme,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 29: Neel,--a village in Picardy.]

[Footnote 30: La Ferté. Q. La Ferté-Milon? a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 31: St Goubain. Q. St Gobin? a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 32: Marle,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 33: Arsy. Q. A town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 34: Montagu,--Montaigu, a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 35: Guise,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 36: Herison,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 37: Bouchain. Q. Bohain, a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 38: Beaurevoir,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 39: Honnecourt,--a town in Picardy.]

[Footnote 40: Oisy,--a village in Picardy.]

[Footnote 41: Creil,--situated on the Oise, ten leagues from Paris.]




CHAP. XXIX.

 THE COUNT DE RICHEMONT, CONSTABLE OF FRANCE, GAINS THE TOWN OF MEAUX
 IN BRIE FROM THE ENGLISH.


While these things were passing, Arthur of Brittany count de Richemont
and constable of France, collected about four thousand combatants,
under the command of La Hire, Floquet, the lord de Torcy, sir Giles de
Saint Simon, and other french captains, as well from Champagne as from
other parts, whom he marched about the beginning of July before the
town of Meaux in Brie, then in the possession of the English.

He first fixed his quarters at Champ-commun[42], which is a very
large village, and, shortly after, erected a blockhouse, fronting the
gate of Saint Remy at Meaux, and lodged his men in the convent of the
Cordeliers at St Faron-les-Meaux, and in other places near. He erected
another blockhouse on the island opposite the town,--and one was placed
by sir Denis de Chailly at the gate of Cormillon, leading toward Brie.
Five others were afterwards erected on two islands near the court of
Supletes, and opposite to the market-place, all of which were filled
with men at arms.

Several large engines were also pointed against the gates and walls,
which damaged them greatly. Having continued these attacks on the
place for about three weeks, the constable consulted his officers and
determined to storm the town, for which the men were very eager,--and
it was won with but little loss to the assailants. The bastard de Thian
was made prisoner in the town, who was instantly beheaded together
with another gentleman called Carbonnel de Haule, and some others.
The besieged lost about sixty men,--and from forty to fifty were made
prisoners on their retreat to the market-place. The constable now
quartered himself and the greater part of his army in the town of
Meaux, leaving, however, very strong garrisons in the blockhouses.

The chief commanders for the English in the market-place of Meaux were
sir William Chamberlain, sir John Ripley and others, with about five
hundred combatants. Prior to the siege, they had sent information to
the government at Rouen of the intentions of the French to besiege
them, and required to be reinforced as speedily as possible.

The earl of Cambridge, at that time governor of the duchy of Normandy
for the king of England, accompanied by sir John Talbot, the lord
Falconbridge, sir Richard Woodville, and other english captains, with
about four thousand fighting men, began their march from Rouen to
raise this siege, and arrived before the town of Meaux. The constable,
hearing of their intentions, had, however, withdrawn into the town
before they came all his men and stores; and lucky it was, for had
they remained in the field great mischiefs must have happened on both
sides,--for the English desired nothing more than to fight the French.

They made many proposals to the constable to this effect,--but he
refused to listen to them, or consent to a general action. Several
skirmishes, however, took place, in one of which the English gained
from the French twenty boats laden with provision; and in another
quarter a blockhouse, under the command of the lord de Moy, was
abandoned.

The English attacked and took one of the blockhouses, on the island
opposite to the market-place, in which from a hundred to six score
French were slain, and the rest made prisoners. After various
attempts, finding the French unwilling to combat them, and that it
was impossible to hurt them in their present situation, they made
preparations to return to Normandy the same way they had come, after
having revictualled their countrymen in the castle of the market-place.

When they were departed, the constable renewed his attacks on the
market-place with greater vigour, and with so many engines that
after three weeks sir William Chamberlain capitulated to surrender
the place, on having the lives and fortunes of the garrison spared.
When this treaty was concluded, the English marched to Rouen, under
passports; but on their arrival, their commander was much reproached
for his surrender of Meaux which was so well provided with stores
and provision, and was one of the strongest places of France: he was
committed to prison in the castle of Rouen,--but, after some time, he
found means of excusing himself to the lords of his party, who set him
at liberty.

At this period, a gentleman named Jean de la Fange attached to the
constable, was beheaded and quartered, on being convicted of holding
communications with the English, to the prejudice of the king of France
and his realm. A sergeant of the Châtelet was also quartered with this
Jean de la Fange.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 42: Champ-commun--in the MS. corrections in M. du Cange's
copy of Monstrelet in the imperial library at Paris: it is Chant-conin
from the life of the constable; but I cannot find either of these names
in the Gazetteer nor in Cassini's large map of France.]




CHAP. XXX.

 SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG SENDS LETTERS TO EXCULPATE HIMSELF, TO THE
 GREAT COUNCIL OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY. THEIR CONTENTS.


Sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny and de Guise was duly informed
how much the duke of Burgundy was displeased with him, and chiefly for
the offence committed by Jacotin de Bethune against his archers, as has
been before mentioned. In order, therefore, to exculpate himself as
well as the said Jacotin, he wrote letters to the grand council of the
duke, of the following tenour.

'Most reverend fathers in God, very dear and beloved cousins, and my
most especial friends,--I believe it is within your knowledge that a
sudden quarrel has accidentally arisen between some archers of my most
redoubted lord the duke of Burgundy and the men of Jacotin de Bethune,
in my town of Ham.

'This has raised the indignation of my most redoubted lord against
me,--for which I am more grieved than I can express. I shall therefore
explain the matter fully to you, that you may be made acquainted with
the whole, and exculpate me from any blame.

'Prior to this quarrel with the archers, the officers of my most
redoubted lord imposed a tax on the land, without calling together a
competent number of the three estates to authorize it,--and this tax
they wanted to raise on my possessions. Some of my officers made an
appeal against this conduct, and matters remained in this state,--when
a body of those called Skinners, from the Valois, and other men at
arms, showed a disposition to make war on me.

'These appearances obliged me to reinforce my strong places with men
at arms,--and I sent Jacotin de Bethune to guard my town of Ham.
Some time afterward, certain persons on horseback made an inroad on
my villages near to Ham, and carried away horses, cows, and whatever
they could lay hands on: in consequence, many women hastened to Ham and
complained of these outrages,--upon which Jacotin concluded they must
be the Skinners, and instantly sent a party after them, when a scuffle
ensued. But as Jacotin followed his men, finding that they belonged to
the duke of Burgundy, he immediately put an end to the affray, and was
exceedingly distressed that it had happened,--for he could never have
supposed that they had belonged to my most redoubted lord, considering
that an appeal was then lying in his courts against this tax being laid.

'They had shown great mockery as they had passed by Ham, and had also
declared, prior to this, that they had not been ordered to insult my
territories; from which it plainly appears, that the dispute was sudden
and unpremeditated, although my most redoubted lord summons me on this
account to deliver up to him Jacotin de Bethune and his men. I have,
consequently, had the matter legally examined into, in the presence of
the king's notary-public, and have had the result laid before my most
redoubted lord, by which it appears that the said Jacotin and his men
have not been so blameable as my lord duke has been told,--but that
the fault lies with these archers, and other officers of justice, for
having acted illegally.

'At the same time, I entreated him, in consideration of this body of
evidence to withdraw his anger, and to suffer the affair to be treated
judicially; adding that he might send whomsoever he pleased to take
fresh examinations,--and that if I should be found guilty of having
done any thing wrong, after having been heard in my own defence, I
would make such amends as should be judged proper, or ask his pardon.

'I have also, for greater humiliation, and to take away all suspicions
he may have conceived against me, (who have never done him wrong)
frankly made offer to ask his mercy, which offer he has not been
pleased to accept, but has seized on the lands I and my wife possess in
Flanders and in Brabant. This I think extremely hard, considering that
I am no way culpable in the above affair, and have, besides, proposed
to refer the whole to a court of justice: should I be found guilty,
(which cannot be the case) there can be no reasonable ground for the
confiscation of my lands, even according to the laws and usages of
those countries.

'All these things I have fully declared to the lord de Santhois, who,
of his courtesy, has come to visit me; and I have entreated of him
to remonstrate with my lord duke, beseeching him that he would, out
of his good grace, refer the whole matter to a court of justice, for
that I was ready to appear in my defence before my said lord the duke
of Burgundy, my lords companions of his order, and in the presence of
his council,--or before the three estates of Flanders and Brabant,--or
before the judges within whose jurisdictions my lands lie.

'I supplicated at the same time my most redoubted lord, that he would
accede to one of these proposals, and set my lands at liberty; for I
am unwilling to fly from the justice of my said lord, or to seek other
princes and judges than those to whom I have already offered to submit
myself.

'It seems to me that, under God, justice, and nobility, what I demand,
ought not to be refused me; for I do not think I can offer fairer
terms, or show greater duty, than to submit myself to be judged by my
said lord, who is a prince of such high renown, by my lords companions
of his order, who are his brethren, relations or friends, or persons
selected for their valour and wisdom, or by his council, and by the
three estates and judges of his countries of Flanders and Brabant, who
are persons of consummate learning and prudence; offering, at the same
time, to present myself and beg pardon of my said renowned lord the
duke, notwithstanding that I have never, in any one instance, done him
wrong, as I have said before.

'Nevertheless, I have heard from some, who have purposely come to me,
that the duke will not receive my offers until I shall have given up
to his pleasures Jacotin de Bethune,--which is a thing impossible for
me to do, as he is not within my power: and it is not to be supposed
that any person who knew that he had incurred the anger of so powerful
a prince as my most redoubted lord would suffer himself to be arrested,
when certain martyrdom would be the consequence.

'Now, very dear and especial friends, I have stated to you the whole
truth of the case, that you may be fully acquainted therewith, and
consequently exert yourselves to procure my justification,--for you
must now see how undeserving I am of blame,--and I entreat you most
humbly to remonstrate with my said lord that I may be restored to his
favour, and that he would take away his officers from my lands.

'I must beg that you would obtain me the means of exculpating myself
in a court of justice, considering that during my youth I loyally
served my late lord, duke John, whose soul may God pardon! and that I
never failed, as is known to every one, in my services to my present
lord, in assisting him to guard and defend his countries,--for
he wrongfully detains my possessions without even attempting to
demonstrate the legality of such confiscation, which, in fact, is due
to all who demand it by every lover of justice.

'I pray you, therefore, to have in remembrance the duties I have
performed and the offers I have made, which I have more amply detailed
in the former part of this letter. Reverend fathers in God, very dear
and beloved cousins and most especial friends, if there be any thing
you would wish me to do, acquaint me therewith,--and, as the blessed
Son of God knows, it shall be done with a hearty good will,--and to his
holy keeping I now leave you. Written in my castle of Vendeuil[43],
this 13th day of April.'

The direction was, 'To my very dear and very beloved cousins and
especial friends, the members of the great council of my most redoubted
lord, my lord the duke of Burgundy.'

When these lords had received their letters, they met together to
consult on the best mode of proceeding relative thereto,--particularly
the knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, of which order sir John
de Luxembourg was one. They were very anxious to reconcile him with
his lord; for they were afraid, should hostilities commence, very
great inconveniences would arise to the territories of the duke. They
also knew that he was a man of determined courage and enterprise,
well provided with strong towns and castles, that would enable him
to protract the war to a great length of time. He was likewise still
connected with the English, who had promised to supply him with men and
stores as often and in what quantities he should require.

They considered the valuable services he had done the duke and his
country for a very long period,--and, on the other hand, that the
French were daily making encroachments on the territories of the duke,
and according to their opinion, very ill observed the articles of the
treaty concluded at Arras. Weighing all these circumstances, they
thought it would be much better that sir John should be received into
favour on making the satisfaction he had proposed than otherwise.

After this matter had been debated several times, they determined to
wait on the duke in a body, and endeavour to bring it to the conclusion
they had agreed on. They addressed him at length pointing out the
necessity for a reconciliation, more particularly sir Hugh de Launoy
lord of Santois, who had the business much at heart, as well as some
others.

Nevertheless, at first they found the duke very shy and cold in his
replies, for he was indignant at sir John's conduct, more especially
respecting the attack on his archers, which seemed to have angered him
more than all the rest. The counts de Nevers and d'Estampes were also
highly displeased with Jacotin de Bethune for slaying their men, and
not indeed without cause.

These lords, however, by persevering, brought the matter to this issue,
that no objection would be made to hearing sir John and the others
in their defence, in consideration of the proposals made by him. At
length, a day was fixed on for bringing the two parties together in the
city of Cambray.

Thither came, on the part of the duke of Burgundy, the bishop of
Tournay, master Nicholas Raoulin, lord of Authun[44] his chancellor,
sir Hugh de Launoy, the lord de Saveuses, and other persons of rank.
Sir John de Luxembourg was there, accompanied by many noble persons, as
well knights as esquires and counsellors at law,--and even Jacotin de
Bethune was there also.

Within a few days after their arrival, the business was entered upon
relative to the insults which were said to have been offered to the
duke of Burgundy by sir John de Luxembourg, and others of his party.
On the charges being declared, sir John made his reply, and exculpated
himself from the greater part of them, offering likewise, by himself
and council, to make whatever advances should be deemed proper.

After a long discussion, it was agreed to put down in writing such
articles as should be thought reasonable to be complied with by each
party, for the conclusion of peace. They were shown to sir John de
Luxembourg, who corrected some of the articles that displeased him,
and were then laid before the chancellor, and the other members of the
council, who likewise made alterations. On their being brought back to
sir John, he was so indignant thereat that, in his rage, he tore the
paper into pieces, and said aloud, that the bishop of Tournay and the
chancellor should not manage him at their pleasure. However, through
the interference of the other lords on each side, his heat was shortly
after calmed, and matters were brought to an amicable conclusion,
provided it met the approbation of the duke, to whom they were to carry
the treaty.

Among other articles, Jacotin de Bethune was to surrender himself,
in one of the public prisons, to the duke's mercy,--but the lords at
Cambray, on the part of the duke, promised him to insist with their
lord that he should be pardoned, and received into favour. When these
matters had been thus concluded, the members of the council were
grandly feasted, with the rest of the lords, at the hôtel of sir John
de Luxembourg. All the adjoining countries were greatly rejoiced when
they heard of this peace being concluded.

Soon afterwards, both parties left Cambray; and the commissioners from
the duke of Burgundy laid before him what they had done, with which he
was satisfied. Within a certain time, Jacotin de Bethune waited on
the duke, in his town of Hèdin, and surrendered himself to his mercy,
requesting that, if he bore any anger against him, he would be pleased
to pardon him,--but the duke sent him away a prisoner. It was not long,
however, before he obtained his liberty, on certain conditions, that
were granted him through the pressing intercessions of some lords of
high rank, and of great weight in the duke's council.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 43: Vendeuil,--a village in Picardy, near to Mondidier.]

[Footnote 44: Authun. He was lord d'Ainneries and a native of Authun,
and thus he styled himself, _Du Cange._]




CHAP. XXXI.

 KING CHARLES OF FRANCE SENDS THE PRINCESS CATHERINE, HIS DAUGHTER, TO
 THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, CONFORMABLY TO THE TREATY OF MARRIAGE AGREED ON
 WITH THE COUNT DE CHAROLOIS HIS SON.


In the month of June, of this year, king Charles of France sent from
his palace the lady Catherine, his daughter, to the duke of Burgundy,
having consented to her marriage with his son the count de Charolois.
She was grandly and honourably accompanied by the archbishops of Rheims
and of Narbonne, the counts de Vendôme, de Tonnerre, and de Dunois,
the young son of the duke of Bourbon, called the lord de Beaujeu, the
lord de Dampierre, and other noble personages, knights and esquires,
together with an escort of about three hundred horsemen. She was
attended by the lady of Rochefort, and several noble dames and damsels.

On their arrival at Cambray, they tarried in that city three days, and
were grandly feasted by the clergy, the magistrates and inhabitants.
The counts de Nevers and d'Estampes, the chancellor of Burgundy
and numbers of the nobility, were at Cambray ready to receive her,
together with the countess of Namur, the lady of Crevecœur, the lady
of Hautbourdin, and many other ladies of birth. Very great honours and
attentions were shown by each of the parties respectively. The young
princess, who was but ten years old, was carried on a rich and highly
ornamented litter,--and in all the towns through which she passed, of
France as well as Burgundy, the greatest honours were shown her. At the
gates of the great towns, ten or twelve of the principal gentlemen were
commonly in waiting to receive her, and kept their hands on the litter
until she descended from it at the hôtel prepared for her.

On leaving Cambray, she arrived, after some days travelling, at
Saint Omer, where the duke of Burgundy was holding his court. On
her approach, he advanced out of the town grandly attended by his
knights, and paid her every respect when they met, as did all who had
accompanied him. He then led her into the town of St Omer where the
marriage was fully confirmed.

Very great feasts took place in consequence, with tournaments, balls,
music, and every other amusement. The lord de Crequy was tenant of the
lists, on the part of the duke of Burgundy, against all comers.

They remained a considerable time at St Omer, on account of a
conference that was about to be holden by ambassadors from the kings
of France and of England, between Gravelines and Calais, of which I
shall shortly make mention.




CHAP. XXXII.

 THE BASTARD OF BOURBON TAKES THE TOWN OF LA MOTHE IN LORRAINE.


In this year, the bastard of Bourbon left Jargeaux with about four
hundred combatants, whom he marched by many days journeys to La
Mothe[45] in Lorraine, and took it by storm. Every thing portable
was seized on by his men,--and he remained there for a month, making
excursions and pillaging all the country round. He even attempted the
town of St Nicholas de Varengeville, which for a long time had not been
attacked by any men at arms of either party.

Upon this, the governors of Lorraine, foreseeing the total ruin of that
country, treated with the bastard of Bourbon to surrender the town of
La Mothe and quit those parts, on receiving a large sum of money.
When the money was paid, the bastard departed, and set out, with all
his men, to return to the place whence they had come; but as he was
marching near to Langres[46], he was pursued and overtaken by sir John
du Vergy, Anthony de Gelet, Philippot de Sainginis, who attacked and
conquered him, and won from him all his plunder. Upwards of six score
remained dead on the field; the rest, or the greater part of them, were
made prisoners.

Thus those who had been robbed were in some measure avenged on
their marauders,--but they did not recover what had been taken from
them.--With regard to the said bastard, he was neither killed nor made
prisoner.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 45: La Mothe,--four leagues NNW. from La Marche.]

[Footnote 46: Langres,--a large city in Champegne, the capital of
Bassigny-françois.]




CHAP. XXXIII.

 MANY NOBLE AMBASSADORS FROM THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND MEET
 BETWEEN GRAVELINES AND CALAIS, TO HOLD A CONFERENCE ON THE SUBJECT OF
 PEACE.


In this year, many noble ambassadors were assembled at the same place
where, the preceding year, a conference had been holden on the parts of
the kings of France and England and the duke of Burgundy. Among others,
there came, on the part of the king of France, the archbishop of Rheims
high chancellor, the archbishop of Narbonne, the bishop of Châlons, the
counts de Vendôme and de Dunois, the lord de Dampierre, sir Regnault
Girard, governor of la Rochelle, master Robert Mailliere, and Andry le
Boeuf.

On the part of the duke and duchess of Burgundy came the bishop of
Tournay, master Nicholas Raoulin his chancellor, the lord de Crevecœur,
the lord de Santois, master Pierre Bourdin, master Philip de Nanterre,
and others.

From the king of England came the cardinal of Winchester, the
archbishop of York, the bishop of Norwich, the bishop of St David's,
the bishop of Lisieux, the dean of Salisbury, the duke of Norfolk, the
earl of Stafford and his brother, the lord de Bressuire, the earl of
Oxford, sir Thomas Kiriel, with several others of the nobility.

They held several meetings to consider if they could not bring about
a general peace between the two kings and their allies, and also
respecting the deliverance of the duke of Orleans, who had remained a
prisoner in England since the battle of Azincourt. But they could not
agree on any conclusion worth speaking of; for the English refused to
treat with the king of France unless the duchy of Normandy, together
with all their other conquests, remained to them independant of the
crown of France.

Another meeting was appointed for the ensuing year, and the conference
was broken up, when they all separated without doing any thing
further. The English had come thither in great pomp, and magnificently
dressed; but the cardinal of Winchester outshone all in the splendour
of his tents and pavilions, and the richness of his gold and silver
plate, and in all other necessaries and luxuries. He nobly feasted the
duchess of Burgundy, his fair niece, before they all separated, and
returned to the places they had come from, without transacting any
other business.




CHAP. XXXIV.

 THE ENGLISH MAKE AN EXCURSION INTO THE COUNTRY OF SANTOIS[47], WHERE
 THEY GAIN THE CASTLE OF FOLLEVILLE[48], AND COMMIT MANY RAVAGES AND
 CRUELTIES.


About the beginning of Lent, in this year, the earl of Somerset,
the lord Talbot and other captains, collected about two thousand
combatants, as well horse as foot, in the country of Normandy, near
to Rouen, whom they marched, with all their baggage, provision and
stores, toward the country of Santois. Having crossed the Somme near
the town of Montrieul[49], they quartered themselves before the castle
of Folleville, then under the government of Bon de Saveuses, in right
of the lady-dowager, whom he had married.

In consequence of the garrison making a sally, and killing a particular
favourite of the earl of Somerset, whom he much loved, he swore a great
oath that he would not march away until he should have conquered the
castle, and reduced all within to his power.

He ordered an excellent small bombard, with other engines, to be
pointed against it,--and their first discharge killed the governor. He
continued his attacks with such courage that the garrison were glad
to surrender the place and every thing it contained, and to pay a
large sum as ransom for their lives. The earl had the castle repaired,
and regarrisoned it with his men, who did great mischiefs to all the
country round.

On the morrow of the surrender of this castle, the earl of Somerset
departed with the remainder of his forces, and followed the lord
Talbot, who was already far advanced into the country of Santois.
They fixed their quarters at Lihons[50], wherein they found abundance
of every thing, as well as in the surrounding country,--for the
inhabitants, not suspecting their coming, had not driven away their
cattle and flocks to places of security.

At Lihons, there was a small fort and large church wherein the
inhabitants had retired, on perceiving the English near the town. The
earl summoned those in the church to surrender, or he would order an
assault. They refused to comply, and, in consequence, on the morrow,
a very severe attack commenced; but the English, finding from its
continuance that they could not otherwise obtain their end, set the
church on fire, which was wholly burnt with all it contained,--and
upwards of three hundred persons, men, women and children, were thus
pitilessly destroyed, for very few escaped who had therein taken refuge.

Those who had fled to the fort, witnessing the cruel manner in which
their poor brethren had been treated, entered into capitulation with
the commissaries of the earl, and saved their lives and the town from
being destroyed, by paying a larger sum of money. They gave many
hostages, women as well as men, for the due payment of their ransom,
who were long prisoners at Rouen and elsewhere, from the delays in
the payment. One of these hostages was a gentleman called Noiseux de
Sailly, who died in prison.

While the English remained at Lihons, they made frequent inroads on
the adjoining countries, whence they brought large booties to their
quarters. They took also the castle of Harbonnieres[51], and the lord
within it,--who, to ransom himself and his vassals, and to prevent
the castle from being destroyed as others had been, agreed to pay one
thousand golden saluts[52].

During this time, the English met with no opposition,--but the count
d'Estampes had arrived at Peronne, and instantly sent summonses to the
principal persons in Picardy, Hainault, and the adjacent countries,
to hasten to him with as many men as they could collect. They joined
him in great numbers,--among whom were the lord de Croy, the lord de
Humieres, the lord de Saveuses and his brothers, Waleran de Moreul,
Jean de Brimeu, at that time bailiff of Amiens, sir Jean de Croy,
bailiff of Hainault, the lord de Hautbourdin, the lord de Barbenson,
sir Simon de Lalain, and very many more from the countries aforesaid,
who, when they were assembled in Peronne and the towns round about,
amounted to full three thousand well-tried combatants.

These lords held a council, to consider how they should act. Many
wanted to fight the English without more loss of time; but others were
of a contrary opinion, and gave good reasons, why they ought not to
fight them. At length, it was determined to take the field during the
night, and form an ambuscade near to Lihons in Santois, while some
of the captains were to beat up the quarters of the English, and set
fire to the outskirts of the town,--when they would consider, from the
movements of the enemy, how it would be most expedient for the main
body in ambush to act.

After this determination, every one was ordered to be ready to mount
instantly after midnight,--and this order was obeyed. The count
d'Estampes issued, immediately after, out of Peronne,--but they had
scarcely advanced half a league from that town, when it became so very
dark that they had difficulty to keep their road; they were, therefore,
forced to move about until it was lighter, so that their enterprise
failed, and they returned back to Peronne. On this same day, about
twelve o'clock, the count d'Estampes received certain intelligence that
the English had dislodged from Lihons, and were on their march back to
Normandy by the same road they had come.

When the English had remained for about ten days in Lihons, ransoming
and despoiling the country as I have said, they marched back to
Normandy, without meeting with any opposition worth mentioning,
carrying with them much plunder, and hostages for payment of the
composition-money. On repassing Folleville, they reinforced the
garrison with a strong body of men.

During the stay of the English in Santois, and when they were quartered
in Lihons, those attached to, and dependant on, sir John de Luxembourg
went backward and forward, and had much communication with them, to the
great astonishment of the count d'Estampes, who as well as the other
lords with him were not very well pleased,--but they could not prevent
it at that time. On the departure of the English for Normandy, the men
at arms who had obeyed the summons of the count d'Estampes began to
retire, each to the place he had come from.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 47: Santois,--a small fruitful country of Picardy, to the
south of the Somme and Peronne. Mondidier is the capital.--_Gazetteer._]

[Footnote 48: Folleville,--a village in Picardy, election of
Mondidier.--_Gazetteer._]

[Footnote 49: Montrieul. This must be a mistake, for Montrieul is not
on the Somme, and is quite out of their line of march.]

[Footnote 50: Lihons,--a town in Picardy, near Peronne.--_Gazetteer._]

[Footnote 51: Harbonnieres,--a town in Picardy, near
Corbie.--_Gazetteer._]

[Footnote 52: Saluts,--old french crowns, of the value of five
shillings sterling.--_Cotgrave._]




[A.D. 1440.]

CHAP. XXXV.

 THE DAUPHIN, THE DUKE OF BOURBON, AND MANY OF THE GREAT LORDS QUIT IN
 DISGUST THE COURT OF KING CHARLES[53].


At the commencement of this year, the king of France assembled a
large body of nobles and men at arms to march into the Bourbonnois,
and conquer the duke of Bourbon and destroy his territories; because
he had, to his great vexation, seduced and carried off his son the
dauphin, who had, until then, been lodged in the castle of Loches[54].

The count de la Marche was governor of the castle of Loches, and was in
the town at the time the dauphin went away, unsuspicious that he would
do so without first speaking to him. The bastard of Bourbon, however,
with Anthony de Chabannes and other captains, with a large body of men
at arms, entered the castle, and, with the dauphin's consent, carried
him away to the town of Moulins[55] in the Bourbonnois.

Thither followed the duke of Bourbon, the duke d'Alençon, the count de
Vendôme, the lords de la Trimouille, de Chaumont, de Prie, and other
nobles and great lords, whose intentions were to invest the dauphin
with the sole government of France, and to put king Charles in wardship
to be managed by them.

In order to have aid to accomplish their plans, they summoned barons
and gentlemen from divers countries, to whom they disclosed their
intentions, and required them to make oath that they would serve
the dauphin against all who should attempt to injure him. In this
number came the great lords of Auvergne, who on hearing the proposal,
made answer by the mouth of the lord de Dampierre, that they would
cheerfully serve him in every thing, excepting against the king his
father; adding, that should the king come with an army into their
country, and require their support, and a free entrance into their
towns and castles, they would not dare to refuse him,--and this those
who made them the request must expect to see done, should the case
happen.

This answer was not agreeable to the dauphin, nor to the other lords,
who now began to suspect they should fail in their enterprise, and
that it would turn out badly for them. They had also received exact
intelligence that the king was marching a great power against them, and
had already entered the Bourbonnois, carrying on a severe war against
the towns and castles of the duke of Bourbon and his adherents, and had
reduced several to his obedience.

In the mean time, the dauphin and his advisers had sent messengers
to the duke of Burgundy to know if he would receive them in his
territories, and afford them assistance to carry on their plans. The
duke, after he had consulted with his ministers, replied, that his
territories and fortune were at the disposal of the dauphin whenever he
might please to come thither, but that upon no account would he afford
him any assistance to carry on a war against the king his father,--and
would be at all times ready to aid him in the recovery of his father's
affections. He added, that he advised him to take this step without
loss of time,--for the continuance of this warfare was disgraceful
to those concerned in it, and would be the most effectual means of
completely ruining the kingdom of France.

To put an end to this quarrel, the duke of Burgundy sent ambassadors
to the king of France, who mediated between the parties; and a treaty
of peace was concluded, on condition that the dauphin, the duke of
Bourbon, and their adherents should appear with all humility in the
presence of the king, and beg pardon for their offences. However,
before this could be accomplished, the greater part of the estates of
the duke of Bourbon and of his partisans were totally destroyed by the
warriors of the king, who had marched thither a large army.

On the 19th day of July, the king being at Cusset[56] the dauphin
and duke of Bourbon, accompanied by the lords de la Trimouille, de
Chaumont, and de Prie were on the road to present themselves before
him,--but when they were half a league off, a messenger from the king
met them, and said, that the king would not promise them safety, and
ordered them not to approach nearer to him.

The dauphin on hearing this, turned round to the duke of Bourbon, and
said, 'My good friend, you could not have guessed how things would
have turned out, or that my father would not have pardoned those of my
household.' He then swore a round oath, that he would not return to his
father. The duke of Bourbon replied, 'My lord, all will go well: do not
doubt it: but you cannot go back, for the van of the king's army, is
on the road.' He would, however, have attempted it, had not the count
d'Eu, and other lords who had come from Cusset, to meet him, strongly
remonstrated on the impropriety and danger of such proceedings.

The three lords aforesaid then went to Moulins; and the dauphin, with
the duke of Bourbon, entered Cusset, and dismounted at the hôtel of
the king. On entering the king's apartment, they kneeled three times
as they approached; and at the third they begged of him with great
humility, to be pleased to lay aside his anger. The king then addressed
his son, and said, 'Louis, you are welcome; you have been long absent.
Go and repose yourself for to-day at your lodgings: to-morrow we will
talk with you.'--After this, he conversed long and wisely with the duke
of Bourbon, saying, 'Fair cousin, we are much displeased at the fault
you have committed against our majesty, and which has been repeated
five different times,' (mentioning when and where he had been guilty of
it). 'Were it not for the honour and love we bear to some persons, whom
I will not name, I would have made you feel severely my displeasure.
Take care, therefore, that you be not guilty of the like again.'

After this conversation, the dauphin and the duke of Bourbon retired
to their lodgings, where they remained until the morrow, and when
the king's mass was ended, they again waited on him. In the presence
of the members of the council, they again most humbly requested the
king that he would have the goodness to pardon them and the lords
de la Trimouille, de Chaumont, and de Prie. The king made answer,
that he would do no such thing, but was satisfied that they should
return to their houses and estates. The dauphin replied, 'My lord, I
must then go back to them, for such has been my promise.' The king
displeased at this speech, instantly said, 'Louis, the gates are open
to you,--and should they not be wide enough, I will have thrown down
sixteen or twenty fathoms of wall that you may have sufficient room to
go whithersoever you please. You are my son, and cannot bind yourself
under promises to any one without my leave and consent: but should you
wish to go away, go,--for, under God's pleasure, we will find some of
our blood who will assist us in the maintenance of our honour and power
with more firmness than we have hitherto done.'

The king turned away from him on the conclusion of this speech,
and went toward the duke of Bourbon, who instantly took the oath
of allegiance to be true to him henceforward for ever. The king
discharged all the officers of the household of the dauphin, except his
confessor and cook.

The duke of Bourbon, in consequence of the terms of the treaty,
promised to restore to the king, within a few days, the towns of
Corbeil, Vincennes, Sancerre, and the castle of Loches, which were in
his possession; but the king would not permit his army to quit the
Bourbonnois and Auvergne until these places were fairly given up. The
king also pardoned the duke d'Alençon, the count de Vendôme, and many
other princes and nobles, who had taken part with the dauphin. When all
these things were accomplished, the dauphin was satisfied to remain
with the king his father, and peace was proclaimed in the following
terms.

'We make known to you, by the king's command, that my lord the dauphin
and my lord the duke of Bourbon have appeared before his majesty in all
humility and obedience; that the king has affectionately received them
into his good graces, and pardoned every thing. By these presents, the
king wills and ordains, that all quarrels and warfare cease, and that
no prisoners nor captures of cattle, or of other effects, be made, or
injuries done to any one by taking castles or towns, or otherwise,--but
that all persons do now attend to their affairs, and go about their
business without any interruption whatever,---and he forbids any places
belonging to the duke of Bourbon or to others, being demolished.--Given
at Cusset, the 24th of July, in the year 1440.'--It was subscribed
at the bottom by order of the king and his great council, and signed
'Jugon.'

Within a few days after, the king gave to the dauphin the government of
Dauphiny,--and ordered his army to march from the estates of the duke
of Bourbon, toward Orleans and Paris.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 53: This quarrel was caused by reforms which the king
wanted to make in his army, that devoured the country, and was very
displeasing to the nobles, who fattened on the misery of the people.
The commotion was called _La Praguerie_. The dukes of Alençon, Bourbon,
Vendôme, and even the bastard of Orleans, the count de Dunois, entered
into it. They complained that the king intrusted the government of the
realm only to two or three private persons, and formed a league against
the ministers. The duke of Alençon seduced the dauphin, then only
sixteen years of age,--but whose turbulent disposition readily inclined
him to make part of the conspiracy, in order to get rid of the count de
Perdriac, his tutor.--_Mezeray._]

[Footnote 54: Loches,--a town in Touraine, on the Indre, ten leagues
from Tours.]

[Footnote 55: Moulins,--capital of the Bourbonnois, 43 leagues from
Lyons.]

[Footnote 56: Cusset,--a town in the Bourbonnois, near St Gérond.]




CHAP. XXXVI.

 THE FRENCH OVERRUN THE LANDS OF NEEL, BELONGING TO SIR JOHN DE
 LUXEMBOURG.


In the month of July, of this year, while sir John de Luxembourg count
de Ligny was at Neel in the Vermandois, the garrisons of Crespy in
Valois[57], of Ver[58], and other places, to the amount of about one
hundred combatants, advanced thither having crossed the Oise at the
bridge of Saint Maixence, under the command of Gilbert de la Roche, a
companion of arms to sir John de Luxembourg. They overran the country
round Neel, belonging to the count de Ligny, and made great prizes of
peasants, cattle, horses, and of all they could seize,--after which,
they set out with their plunder, on their return home.

Intelligence of this was carried to sir John de Luxembourg, who was
very indignant thereat,--for it was not the first time such pillaging
had taken place. He instantly assembled, from his nearest towns and
castles, about a hundred fighting men, whom he sent in pursuit of them.
The principal captains were sir David de Poix governor of Guise, Guyot
de Bethune, Antoine de la Baniere governor of Ham, Antoine du Belloy,
and other gentlemen, who, riding full speed, overtook them below
Compiégne, opposite to Royaulieu[59], where they had sent across the
river, by means of a boat which they had found there, good part of the
cattle and horses,--and about twenty were in the boat crossing, when
they saw their adversaries arrive, and vigourously attack those who
had remained behind. Wishing therefore, to assist their companions,
they turned the boat toward the shore they had come from, but it was
useless; for no sooner did it approach than such numbers, from fright
and surprise, leaped into it that it overset, and many were drowned and
their effects lost. The rest were defeated, and several slain: in this
number was Gilbert de la Roche. Rassillé saved himself by flight, with
only about eight or ten of his men.

The conquerors now crossed the river to seek for the plunder,--and,
by another road, drove the cattle, &c. to Neel, where sir John de
Luxembourg came out to meet them, much rejoiced at their good success.
They brought with them five prisoners, the majority of whom were hanged.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 57: Crespy in Valois--capital of the Valois, six leagues from
Senlis.]

[Footnote 58: Ver,--a village in Picardy, diocese of Senlis.]

[Footnote 59: Royaulieu,--a convent in the diocese of Soissons, near
Compiégne.]




CHAP. XXXVII.

 THE EARL OF SOMERSET BESIEGES HARFLEUR WITH A POWERFUL ARMY OF ENGLISH.

About the end of April, in this year, six thousand english combatants
were assembled near to Rouen, under the command of the earls of
Somerset, of Dorset[60], and of Falconbridge, they having with them
the lord Talbot, sir Francis the Arragonian, Matago, Jacquemin,
Vacquier, Thomas Heniton, the bailiff of Rouen, and some other
captains, who marched thence, and besieged Harfleur by sea and land.

The governor for the king of France was John d'Estouteville, having
with him his brother Robert and others, to the amount of four
hundred fighting men, who, with the townsmen and sailors, made
every preparation to receive their adversaries with courage. They
strengthened every weak part of the fortifications, and made some
sallies, in which they took prisoners, or slew several of their
adversaries.

The besiegers on their side, were not idle in securing their camp
with deep ditches all round, and with strong hedges, to prevent
any surprise, leaving, at proper intervals, openings for their
own convenience to sally forth. They pointed bombards, and other
destructive engines, against the gates of Harfleur, which harrassed
the town much, and for so long a time that the inhabitants suffered
greatly. They were also oppressed by a famine, caused from a want of
all necessaries. They sent several messengers to king Charles to state
their situation and solicit succour, which he promised to send: but,
from the many weighty affairs on his hands, he was unable to do it so
soon as they required.

However, at the end of about four months that this siege had lasted,
and when the countess of Somerset and other ladies and damsels were
come thither to see the conclusion of it, the count d'Eu was ordered
to march, with the promised succour, to the relief of the town. He
had with him the count de Dunois bastard of Orleans, the bastard de
Bourbon, the lord de Gaucourt, La Hire, sir Giles de St Simon, the lord
de Penerach, Pierre de Broussac, and other experienced captains, with
about four thousand combatants.

John d'Estouteville had in the town about four hundred fighting men,
whose captains were John de Bressay, sir James de Hincourt, Hector
de Fol, Guillot de Las and John Gentil. The succours sent him were
all picked men: they marched through the country near Paris, then
suddenly turned toward Amiens and Corbie, where they crossed the river
Somme, and thence through Ponthieu, came to Abbeville, where they
held a council on their future proceedings. As they marched through
Picardy, they were joined by all the vassals of the lords d'Auxi and
de Humieres, John d'Ailly lord of Araines, Guillaume le Jeune lord of
Cousay[61], and many other gentlemen.

When they had fully deliberated in a general council how they should
act, they caused thirty carts to be laden with artillery, provision and
warlike stores, and then left Abbeville in handsome array, and marched
to Eu[62]. The bastard of Bourbon and La Hire commanded the vanguard.
From Eu they marched to quarter the greater part of their force at Le
Bourg-d'Un[63],--and the count was lodged at St Aubin en Caux[64]; but
this same day, about vespers, the lord de Gaucourt, having remained
behind, was made prisoner by about eighteen English, who had watched
his steps, and carried him off to the castle of Neufchâtel[65] de
Hincourt He afterwards regained his liberty, on paying a large sum of
money for his ransom.

The count d'Eu had intelligence while at St Aubin, that the English had
taken master John de la Motte, whom he had sent to inform the garrison
of Harfleur of the relief he was bringing them; and this very day, the
English sent pursuivants to say, that they would advance to combat the
French before they proceeded further,--which, however, they did not
do. On this account, the French advanced their whole force to Fauville
en Caux[66], two leagues nearer their adversaries. On the morrow, at
day-break, they marched to Montivilliers[67], which was under their
obedience, and there learnt for certain that the English had not broken
up their siege.

This day the count d'Eu went to reconnoitre the enemy, escorted by
about one hundred chosen horsemen mounted on the flower of their
cavalry, when some sharp skirmishing took place between them and a
party of English. On his return, he called a council of his ablest
captains, to consider how they should act,--and they lamented the
loss of the lord de Gaucourt, who, from his great experience in
such matters, would have ably advised them. It was resolved in
this council, that the count should embark with a certain number of
combatants, and attack the enemy on the side of Caux; that the bastard
of Orleans should do so, with another detachment, on the opposite side;
and that the Picards should advance on foot, with pontoons to throw
over the ditches which the english had made round their camp; and that
all these operations should commence as nearly as possible at the same
instant of time. La Hire and the rest of the captains were to remain on
horseback with their men, ready to succour those that might stand in
need of support.

When these orders had been given, every one made his preparations for
executing them on the ensuing day. The attack first commenced on the
quarters of the lord Talbot, and was very sharp, lasting for more than
half an hour; but the assailants, though they fought valiantly, made
little impression, from the superior resistance of the English, and
because their pontoons were too short for them to cross the ditches.
On the other hand, the enemy was advantageously posted,--and their
archers, who were very numerous, shot so well and briskly that they
wounded and killed great numbers with their arrows. Among the slain
were two valiant knights, sir John de Chailly, lord of Chambois, and
sir Harpin de Richames, governor of Rue[68], and a few more.

At this attack, some new french knights were made,--such as John
d'Ailly, Guillaume le Jeune, and others. While this was going forward,
the English to the amount of five hundred, charged the infantry, but
were soon repulsed by the cavalry, with the loss of forty or fifty
slain. The garrison now made a sally on the guard before the gate, and
killed about thirty.

The count d'Eu made a fruitless attempt with his men on the side near
the sea, for the English had so strongly fortified every point where he
could land that it was labour in vain; and after losing some of their
vessels, which had grounded, they retreated to Montivilliers. The
infantry likewise retreated thither, finding that they could not gain
any advantage.

The French remained eight days at Montivilliers, in great want of
provisions for themselves and their horses, waiting to see if they
could any way afford assistance to the besieged,--and during this time
many skirmishes took place. The count d'Eu sent proposals to the earl
of Somerset, to decide the raising of the siege on a personal combat
with him, or of one hundred men against a hundred Englishmen; but
neither was accepted, because the earl knew full well that the garrison
and inhabitants were so much distressed by famine that they must,
within a few days, surrender at discretion. The earl and the other
captains considered also the very great expence their king had been
at for this siege, and, when so near gaining their object, would not
put the risk of losing it to the chance of a battle, at the request of
their adversaries.

The French then, from their great want of victual, and from the
superior numbers of the English, seeing the impossibility of relieving
the town, concluded unanimously to return whence they had come as
speedily as they could. They were forced to this from want of food
for themselves and their horses, which was not to be had for any
consideration; but, before their departure, they requested a passport
from the enemy for the lord de Rambures, which was granted.

The lord de Rambures then went to the english camp to treat for the
surrender of Harfleur,--and the French and Picards, in the mean time,
retreated to Abbeville. On their march, they were met by certain
messengers from the duke of Burgundy, to forbid them entering his
territories, by reason of the great damages they had done when passing
through them before, threatening that if they should set foot in them
he would drive them back by force.

They promised not to touch the duke's lands,--but a few broke their
word, and entered Ponthieu, drawing toward Amiens, and committed great
damages; but the counts d'Estampes and de St Pol, having collected a
large force of men at arms, attacked and repulsed them.

Some skirmishes took place on each side; but at length, for certain
considerations, they promised to withdraw from the duke's territories
and make for Santois, and for the lands of sir John de Luxembourg,
threatening to carry thither fire and sword. Sir John was, however, so
well provided with troops to resist them that they were happy to pass
quietly through his possessions,--for the count de St Pol was hard on
their rear, with a very numerous body of men, ready to succour his
uncle should there be any need of it. They advanced into Champagne,
doing great waste to all the poor people whose countries they passed
through, and who were unable to oppose them.

The lord de Rambures concluded a treaty with the earl of Somerset and
the other english captains for the surrender of Harfleur, that the
inhabitants might depart in safety, each with a white staff in his
hand. In like manner was Montivilliers reduced, for it was forced to
surrender from want of provisions.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 60: The following note, having been mislaid, was omitted at
p. 177, line 7. 'Mortaigne.'

The count de Mortain was going on an expedition to France, when he was
counter-ordered to Calais, on account of the duke of Burgundy besieging
it. Sir John Radcliffe was lieutenant of the town of Calais, and baron
Dudley of the castle.

This count de Mortain is styled, in the treaty of Harcourt between the
French and English, A.D. 1438, 'Edmond comte de Dorset, et de Mortain,
et de Harcourt, captaine general et governeur de par monseigneur
le roi du pays d'Anjou, du Maine, &c.' Dumont, Corps Universel de
Diplomatique.]

[Footnote 61: Cousay. Contay.--_Du Cange._]

[Footnote 62: Eu,--a considerable town in Normandy, eight leagues from
Abbeville.]

[Footnote 63: Le Bourg-d'Un,--a village in Normandy, near St Valery en
Caux.]

[Footnote 64: St Aubin en Caux,--a village in Normandy, near Dieppe.]

[Footnote 65: Neufchâtel,--on the road from Amiens to Rouen, 16 leagues
from Amiens.]

[Footnote 66: Fauville,--a market-town in Normandy, in the country of
Caux, four leagues from Fêcamp.]

[Footnote 67: Montivilliers,--a town in Normandy, in Caux, two leagues
from Harfleur.]

[Footnote 68: Rue,--a town in Picardy, two leagues from St Valery.]




CHAP. XXXVIII.

 A VERY GREAT LORD IN BRITTANY, CALLED THE LORD OF RETZ, IS ACCUSED AND
 CONVICTED OF SORCERY.


In this year, a very extraordinary event happened in Brittany. The
lord of Retz, then marshal of France and of a very noble birth, and
a great landed proprietor, was accused and convicted of sorcery,
which he had long followed, by the instigation of the devil and his
adherents. He confessed having put to death many young children and
women with child, with the intent of arriving at great fortunes and
honours,--and that with the blood of these victims to his superstition,
whom he had violently murdered, were written divers books of diabolical
conjurations, and other things contrary to the catholic faith.

When he was arrested and examined, he confessed that in this way, he
had caused upward of eight score persons of different sexes and ages
to be put to death. After a trial before competent judges, he was
condemned to be hanged and strangled until he should be dead, and then
his body to be burnt.

The duke of Brittany and numbers of the nobility, as well secular as
ecclesiastical, were present at this trial in the town of Nantes,
where the sentence was executed. However, when the first part of it
was done, and his body partly burnt, some ladies and damsels of his
family requested the body of the duke, that they might inter it in holy
ground, which the duke granted.

Notwithstanding the many and horrid cruelties he had been guilty of,
he made a very devout end, full of repentance, requesting most humbly
of his Creator to have mercy on his manifold sins and wickednesses.
The greater part of the nobles of Brittany, more especially those of
his kindred, were in the utmost grief and confusion at his disgraceful
death. Before this event, he was much renowned as a most valiant knight
at arms.




CHAP. XXXIX.

 PIERRE DE REGNAULT, BASTARD-BROTHER TO LA HIRE, GOES ON A FORAGING
 PARTY TO THE COUNTRY ROUND ABBEVILLE.


About this period, Pierre de Regnault bastard-brother to La Hire,
who resided in the castle of Mailly, near to Beauvais, which he had
repaired, set out with about eight score combatants, as well horse as
foot, to forage the country round Abbeville. He took the castle of
Yancourt[69], and the lord within it, whence he carried away every
thing that was portable.

Intelligence of this was soon carried to Abbeville, wherein were the
lord d'Auxi, Guillaume de Thiembrone, Philip de Vaucourt[70], Guy
Gourle[71], and other captains, who no sooner heard it than they armed
themselves and their men, and sallied out horse and foot, to the
amount of more than three hundred, with the intent of overtaking the
marauders and recovering the plunder they had made from the castle of
Yancourt.

Pierre de Regnault, having had notice of this assembly, sent to the
lord d'Auxi to excuse himself for what he had done, saying, it was only
provisions he was seeking,--but this excuse was not admitted. Great
discord now arose on the meeting of the two parties,--but Pierre de
Regnault, observing that most of those who had come from Abbeville were
only common men, charged them furiously; and breaking through them with
little resistance, he turned on their rear, and, with great slaughter,
totally defeated them.

Twenty or thirty were killed on the spot, and nine were drowned in
attempting to cross the Somme,--in which last number was Guy de
Gourlay,--and upward of sixty were made prisoners; the principal of
whom were sir John de Fay knight of Rhodes, sir Philip de Jaucourt, and
sir William de Thiembrone.

After this defeat, Pierre de Regnault returned with his prisoners and
booty, unmolested, to his castle of Mailly, and ransomed his prisoners
as if they had been Englishmen. He made, during this year, frequent
excursions on the territories of the duke of Burgundy, who was very
much displeased thereat, and in consequence sent information thereof
to king Charles, and complained that those of his party were daily
robbing and pillaging his country and subjects, and committing such
devastations as were not to be endured, considering that peace had been
concluded between them.

The king made answer, that he was equally vexed at such misconduct, and
offered many excuses; adding, that he would provide as speedy a remedy
for it as he could,--but that he should be no way displeased at the
duke if he could arrest any of these marauders and put them to death,
or punish them by any other method he might choose.

Notwithstanding this, the same inroads and plundering were continued,
to the ruin of the poorer ranks of people.

At the same time, La Hire's companions, who resided in the castle of
Bonne near Laon, began to make inroads on Hainault, the Cambresis, and
other places dependant on the lord de St Pol, who, dissatisfied with
their proceedings, placed a strong garrison in the town of Marle[72] to
oppose them.

This garrison one day marched toward Rheims,--and, to secure a passage
over the river, took the fort of Bac-a-Bery[73], of no great value, but
possessed by La Hire's men. They left about thirty combatants to guard
it, under the command of a captain; but within a few days the men of
La Hire returned, having been joined by some from the garrisons in the
Valois, who had been lately beaten by sir John de Luxembourg, amounting
in the whole to full three hundred fighting men.

They instantly attacked the fort, which was soon won, and all within it
put to the sword, or forced into the river and drowned,--after which,
the French left a stronger garrison in the fort.

Within sixteen days, the vassals of the count de St Pol, and of his
uncle sir John de Luxembourg, again assembled in great numbers, with
the intent of attacking this garrison in the fort of Bac-a-Bery; but
they, having had notice of their coming, abandoned the place before
they arrived. The fort was now demolished and razed to the ground.

Thus were the countries about Rheims, Laon, and other parts, sorely
oppressed by the inroads of both parties; and this was done by one
side, as it has been said, because sir John de Luxembourg would not
take the oaths of allegiance to king Charles, and had kept all his
garrisons on a war establishment, to prevent them being insulted.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 69: Yancourt,--in Picardy, near Peronne.]

[Footnote 70: Vaucourt. Jaucourt.--MS. Du Cange.]

[Footnote 71: Gourle. De Gourlay.--MS. Du Cange.]

[Footnote 72: Marle,--a town in Picardy, five leagues from Laon.]

[Footnote 73: Bac-a-Berry. Q. Berru? a village in Champagne, diocese of
Rheims.]




CHAP. XL.

 AMBASSADORS FROM FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND BURGUNDY, MEET AT CALAIS TO
 TREAT OF A GENERAL PEACE.


In these days, several ambassadors of note were sent by king Charles to
St Omer to treat of a peace with the English, who were to come to that
town according to their promise of last year. The principal of these
were the archbishop of Rheims and of Narbonne, and the count de Dunois
bastard of Orleans. On their arrival at St Omer, they were grandly
feasted by the duke of Burgundy, and soon after heard that the duke of
Orleans was come to Calais, being brought thither by the English: on
which they sent to Calais, to know at what place it would be agreeable
to them to hold their convention.

The answer returned was, that the English would not quit Calais with
the duke of Orleans,--but that, if the french ambassadors would come
thither, they would be ready to enter upon the business. Having
considered the proposal, the archbishop of Rheims, the count de Dunois,
and others, went thither under passports, together with the lord de
Crevecœur and the envoys from the duke of Burgundy. On their arrival at
Calais, the count de Dunois was conducted to the duke of Orleans his
brother who received him with much joy,--and most courteously thanked
him for the attentions he had paid to his property during the time of
his imprisonment.

After this, the parties met on business several times,--and divers
proposals were made respecting the deliverance of the duke of Orleans,
and for a general peace; but as they could not agree as to several
articles, they appointed another meeting, before which each was to
inform his sovereign of the grounds they had laid for a negotiation to
establish peace between the two kingdoms.

The French and Burgundians returned to St Omer, and, shortly after, the
duke of Orleans was carried back to England.




CHAP. XLI.

 THE BARROIS AND LORRAINERS OVERRUN THE COUNTY OF VAUDEMONT, WHERE THEY
 COMMIT GREAT WASTE AND DESTRUCTION.


While these things were passing, the Barrois and Lorrainers collected a
large force, together with some Frenchmen, and marched for the county
of Vaudemont, where they carried destruction with fire and sword,
committing sacrilege on many churches and doing inestimable mischiefs.

The count de Vaudemont, to avenge himself, not having sufficient forces
of his own, sent to demand succour from the duke of Burgundy, and
from his son-in-law the lord de Croy, and to beg of them not to delay
sending him reinforcements of men at arms. In consequence, sir John de
Croy was dispatched to him, accompanied by sir Simon de Lalain, the
lords de Launoy and de Maingoual, nephews to the lord de Croy, sir
John bastard de Reuly[74], sir Anthony de Wissoch, and other nobles,
with a body of one thousand combatants, who fixed their rendezvous
at Aubanton[75], and thence marched toward the duchy of Bar, for the
Barrois had evacuated the county of Vaudemont.

They continued advancing until they came before the town of
Bar-le-Duc[76], in which were the marquis du Pont, son to the king of
Sicily, duke of Bar, and others of the nobility of that country. They
summoned the marquis to come out and give them battle, for that they
were ready and anxious to meet him in the field.

The marquis, by advice of his council, made answer, that he would not
combat them at their request and pleasure; but he had that intention
in proper time and place, when he should judge most fitting. The
Burgundians, on hearing this answer departed thence for a large
village, called Longueville[77], where they were met by the count de
Vaudemont with all the forces he could muster.

On the morrow, they advanced farther into the duchy of Bar, destroying
every thing with fire and sword; and thence into Lorraine, where they
despoiled all all that was not secured in the fortified towns and
castles; and what was worse, they took by force some churches and
committed divers sacrileges. In truth, the count de Vaudemont was so
determined on his revenge that he would have continued this cruel
treatment throughout the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, had not the lords
who had come to his aid been dissatisfied with it.

He could not keep them longer with him, nor indeed his own men; so
that after they had been employed on this business for the space
of twenty-six days, without meeting with any force to combat, they
returned whence they had come, but by another road, after having
suffered greatly from want of provision for themselves and their horses.

Such was the mode in which war was carried on between these two great
lords, to the ruin and destruction of the poorer people.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 74: Reuly. Rely.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 75: Aubanton,--a town in Picardy, near Vervins, diocese of
Laon.]

[Footnote 76: Bar-le-Duc,--a strong town of Lorraine, on the confines
of Champagne.]

[Footnote 77: Longueville,--three leagues north from Faquemont.]




CHAP. XLII.

 THE DUKE OF ORLEANS OBTAINS HIS LIBERTY BY MEANS OF THE DUKE OF
 BURGUNDY, AND MARRIES THE LADY OF CLEVES, NIECE TO THE SAID DUKE.


Several embassies, as you have seen, took place between the kings
of France and of England, and the duke of Burgundy, to endeavour to
bring about a general peace, and also to obtain the deliverance of the
duke of Orleans from his confinement in England. They had, however,
been attended with little success for the English held out no hopes
of peace, but to the prejudice and loss of the king of France and his
realm.

They would not condescend to treat in earnest but on condition that
all the conquests they had made in France should remain freely to
them, with any dependance whatever on the crown of France, and they
particularly insisted on holding the duchies of Guienne and Normandy on
these terms. This had prevented the conclusion of a general peace, for
neither the king of France nor his council would submit to them.

In regard to the duke of Orleans, the English (as I heard from one who
pretended to be acquainted with the secrets of their government) were
not desirous that he should gain his liberty; for many persons about
the court received very large sums to defray his expenses, and this was
the cause why he had been so long detained prisoner. In truth had the
king of France, or those who had the management of the duke of Orleans'
estates, refused to send over any more money, it is to be supposed
that his deliverance would have been sooner effected. Nevertheless, I
believe that every thing was done honourably, and with good intentions.

While these negotiations were pending, and afterward, the duke
of Burgundy had a great desire to aid the duke of Orleans in his
deliverance, as well from their near connexion by blood, as that, on
his return to France, they might remain good friends, forgetting all
former feuds that had existed between their houses.

In consequence, he caused frequent overtures to be made to the duke
of Orleans, and to those who governed him, to learn in what manner he
could best assist him for the accomplishment of this purpose; and at
the same time, he caused him to be sounded, whether he would be willing
to marry his niece, a daughter of the duchess of Cleves his sister,
then with him; and also, in case of his deliverance, if he would agree
to ally himself with the duke of Burgundy, without taking any measures
in times to come against him or his family, in consequence of the
former quarrels between their fathers, against their mutual enemies,
the king of France and the dauphin alway excepted. The duke of Orleans,
considering the long imprisonment he had suffered and might still
undergo, readily assented to these propositions.

He gave his promise, on the word of a prince, that if the duke of
Burgundy should obtain his liberty, he would instantly espouse his
niece, the lady of Cleves, and satisfy the duke completely as to his
other proposals. In consequence of this engagement, measures were taken
in earnest, for the ransom of the duke of Orleans, with the king of
England and his council; when after many delays, it was agreed to by
the king of England, on condition that the duke of Burgundy would give
security, under his seal, for the due payment of his ransom.

By the conclusion of this treaty, the duke of Orleans obtained his full
liberty; and after he had solemnly promised to employ himself earnestly
to bring about a general peace, and taken his leave of the king of
England and some of the nobility, he set out from London, and arrived
at Calais, furnished with ample passports, and thence was conducted to
Gravelines, escorted by the lord de Cornewall[78] and sir Robert de
Roix[79], and other gentlemen.

The duchess of Burgundy, attended by many great lords and gentlemen,
came out of Gravelines to meet him; and both expressed much pleasure
on the occasion,--the duke of Orleans for his liberty, and the duchess
for his arrival. Within a few days, the duke of Burgundy came thither
to see him, when, as before, great joy was testified on each side, and
many and frequent embracings took place: indeed their pleasure was so
great, on this meeting, that neither could for some time utter a word.

The duke of Orleans broke silence first, and said, 'On my faith, fair
brother and cousin, I ought to love you more than all the princes
on earth, and my fair cousin the duchess also; for had it not been
for you and her, I should have remained for ever in the power of my
adversaries,--and I have never found a better friend than you.'

The duke of Burgundy replied, that the not having done it sooner had
weighed much on his mind,--for that he had for a considerable time,
been desirous of exerting himself for his deliverance. Such was the
conversation, often renewed, between these two princes, which rejoiced
all that heard it; and every one was glad of the return of the duke
of Orleans who had been a prisoner in England since the Friday before
All-saints-day in the year of grace 1415, until the month of November
in the year 1440.

The ambassadors from the king of France were present at this meeting;
the principal of whom were the archbishop of Rheims, lord chancellor
of France, the archbishop of Narbonne, the count de Dunois, bastard of
Orleans, and some others,--to each of whom, in his turn, the duke of
Orleans gave a most gracious reception, but particularly to his brother.

The company thence went by water to St Omer, and were lodged in the
abbey of St Bertin, where grand preparations had been made for the
reception of the duke of Orleans, who was accompanied by the english
lords. He was there received most honourably by the duke of Burgundy
and the lords of his household. Great presents were made him by the
municipality; and he was daily visited by persons from France and
Picardy,--but more from his own territories than elsewhere, who were
very much rejoiced at his return.

After some days, the duke of Orleans was requested, on the part of the
duke of Burgundy, that he would be pleased to swear to the observance
of the treaty of Arras, and take to wife the lady of Cleves, niece
to the duke of Burgundy, as had been before treated of and the duke
replied, that he was perfectly ready and willing to confirm all that he
had promised when a prisoner.

This business being settled, the two dukes entered the choir of the
church of St Bertin, with their attendants, whither the treaty of
Arras was brought, written in Latin and in French. It was read aloud,
first in Latin, then in French, by master James Trançon, archdeacon of
Brussels, in the presence of the two dukes the archbishops, bishops,
and a great number of knights, esquires, burghers, and officers of each
party.

When the reading of it was ended, the duke of Orleans promised and
swore on the book of the holy Evangelists, which the said archdeacon
held in his hand, faithfully to observe all the articles of the treaty
in general, excepting those articles that related to the death of the
late duke of Burgundy,--saying, that he was not bounden to exculpate
himself from this death, as his mind was no way consenting thereto;
that he was perfectly ignorant of the attempt, and had been very much
displeased and vexed when he heard of it, as this event had thrown the
kingdom of France into greater danger than it had ever experienced.

After this, the count de Dunois was called upon to take a similar oath,
who, delaying some little to comply, was instantly commanded by the
duke of Orleans to take it, which he then did. The duke then renewed
his promise to espouse the lady of Cleves,--and they were immediately
betrothed to each other by the archbishop of Narbonne.

Great feastings and every sort of amusement and entertainment now took
place; and the duke of Burgundy's purveyors were dispatched to distant
countries, to supply provision for the wedding-feast,--and also for
that of St Andrew, which the duke had not for some time kept. The duke
of Burgundy defrayed the whole of the expenses of the duke of Orleans
and of his train.

On the Saturday before St Andrew's day, the duke of Orleans was
married to the lady of Cleves; and on the ensuing day, the feast was
celebrated, when great crowds of the nobility came thither to view the
procession of the lords and ladies to the church. The duke of Burgundy
led his niece by her left hand: on the right, behind him, were sir John
bastard of St Pol and the lord de Hautbourdin, who held up the sleeve
of her robe. A lady supported her train, which was very rich. A little
behind came the duke of Orleans leading the duchess of Burgundy,
attended by the counts d'Eu, de Nevers, d'Estampes, de Saint Pol, de
Dunois, while others of the high nobility and ladies of rank, knights,
esquires, and damsels, followed the archbishop of Narbonne, who on what
day chaunted mass.

The archbishop was attended by a numerous body of clergy, who made
processions round the choir; and there were numbers of kings at arms,
heralds and pursuivants, as well as trumpeters, minstrels, and others
playing on a variety of musical instruments. All these heralds were
dressed in their tabards emblazoned with the arms of their respective
lords, and in the number was Garter king at arms from England.

The lord Fanhope and sir Robert Roos, with their attendants, were
present at all these ceremonies, to whom the highest honours were
paid, and the handsomest reception given: the duke of Burgundy showed
particular attention to lord Fanhope, and they went all over the town
without hindrance.

When mass was finished the company went to dinner, where the duchess
of Orleans was seated at the middle of the table in the great hall: on
her right was the archbishop who had celebrated mass, and on her left
the duchess of Burgundy. There were also the countesses d'Estampes
and de Namur. At other tables were seated ladies and damsels, each
according to her rank and degree.

With regard to the two dukes, the english lords, the counts before
named, and other chivalry, they all dined together like a troop, and
were well and abundantly served from various rich and curious dishes.
From dinner they proceeded to view the justs in the market-place, where
all the windows round were filled with ladies splendidly dressed. The
lord de Vaurin won the prize this day. After supper, justs were again
held in the great hall of the abbey of St Bertin, on small horses, when
many lances were broken, and it was a fine sight to view.

On the morrow, which was Monday, were divers joyous entertainments and
justings, in which the count de St Pol won the ladies' prize.

During these days, many presents were made by the princes to the
officers at arms, for which they cried out several times, with a loud
voice, 'Largesse!' naming such as had given them a present.

On Tuesday, which was the vigil of St Andrew's day, the duke of
Burgundy commenced his feast of the Golden Fleece, by hearing vespers
in the choir of the church of St Bertin, accompanied by his brother
knights clothed in their mantles, hoods, and in the full dress of the
order. Above each of the knights' seats in the choir was an emblazoned
tablet of his arms; but there were many knights, not present,--and six
had died since the last celebration of this feast.

On the morrow, St Andrew's day, the knights, in handsome array, went
to church in procession; and it was wonderous to see the very rich
ornaments of the altar, as well as of the choir, so that both English
and French marvelled at the great state and splendour of the duke of
Burgundy.

After the church service, the duke seated himself at table in the
midst of his knights, who were placed in the usual order on one side,
and were abundantly well served. In the procession to and from church
the oldest knight went last, according to the date of his knighthood.

On Thursday a chapter was held, for the filling up the vacant stalls,
of those who were dead, which lasted a considerable time. It was there
agreed on unanimously to offer a collar to the duke of Orleans,--and
the bishop of Tournay and master Nicholas Raoullin, chancellor of
Burgundy, were sent to him, to know if it would be agreeable to him to
accept of it. When they had declared the wish to the duke of Burgundy
and of his knights companions, the duke of Orleans replied, that he
would willingly wear the order, in honour of his fair cousin the duke
of Burgundy, and soon after entered the great hall,--whither came the
duke of Burgundy with the knights-companions preceded by their officers
at arms.

Golden Fleece, king at arms, bore on his arm a mantle and hood of the
order, and, on approaching the duke of Orleans sir Hugh de Launoy
(who had been deputed for this purpose) addressed him saying,--My
most excellent, most puissant and most redoubted lord, my lord duke
of Orleans, you see here in your presence my most redoubted lord my
lord duke of Burgundy, and my lords his companions of the order of
the Golden Fleece who have unanimously resolved, in full chapter, to
present to you a collar of the said order, as a testimony of your
high renown, prudence and valour, which they humbly entreat you will
be pleased to accept of and wear, to promote that fraternal love and
friendship which at present exists between you, and that it may be
strengthened and preserved.'

The duke of Orleans having replied that he would willingly wear it, the
duke of Burgundy advanced with one of the collars in his hand, which he
presented to him, and placed round his neck, in the name of the Father,
Son and Holy Ghost, and then kissed his cheek. The duke of Orleans then
requested the duke would be pleased to wear his order, to which he
assented,--and the duke of Orleans then drew a collar of his order from
his sleeve, and put it round the duke of Burgundy's neck.

When the duke of Orleans had been dressed in the mantle and hood of the
order, he was led to the chapter-house to take the accustomed oaths,
and to assist in the election of four other knights; but they were not
immediately named, and none but themselves knew to whom the vacant
collars were to be given. The greater part of the nobles were much
gratified by this exchange of orders, and that so much unanimity and
concord existed between these two princes.

Some days afterward, the chapter was renewed, and it was determined to
present the dukes of Brittany and of Alençon each with a collar; and
Golden Fleece, king at arms was ordered to carry to them letters from
the duke of Burgundy and the knights-companions, to inform them of
their election. The king at arms performed his message punctually; and
the two lords received the collars with pleasure, giving him for his
trouble such rich presents as satisfied him.

When all these feasts were over, the lord Fanhope departed, with his
attendants, from St Omer, and, by way of Calais, returned to England;
but sir Robert Roos remained with the duke of Orleans, with the intent
of accompanying him to the king of France, having been commissioned on
an embassy to him by the king of England.

During these times, some of the principal inhabitants of Bruges came to
St Omer, as they were very anxious for their lord the duke of Burgundy,
in whose good graces they were not thoroughly established, to come
to their town; for although a reconciliation had indeed taken place,
he had declared that he would never enter their town again unless he
were conducted thither by a greater lord than himself. The bruges men
therefore, humbly solicited the duke of Orleans that he would out of
his grace, request the duke of Burgundy to go thither, and that he
would be pleased to conduct him.

The duke of Orleans granted their request,--and the duke of Burgundy
having assented, they both made preparations for their journey to
Bruges, where they were most joyfully received. The town of Bruges made
such rich and grand preparations for the reception of the two dukes and
duchesses that it exceeded all that had ever been done by them, and
deserves a brief description.

When the inhabitants of Bruges learnt that the two dukes were
approaching the town, all the magistrates with their officers and
servants, together with the deacons, constables, and others to the
amount agreed on, issued out of the gates, and advanced to an inn
beyond the boundaries of the town called The Three Kings. They might be
upward of fourteen hundred in the whole, and were drawn up on an open
spot to wait the coming of their lord.

On seeing the duke of Burgundy advance by the side of the duke of
Orleans they approached in good array with bare feet unhooded and
ungirdled,--and throwing themselves on their knees, with uplifted
hands, most humbly supplicated him in the presence of the two duchesses
and the whole company, to forgive them their past offences, according
to the tenour of the peace.

The duke delayed some little to answer,--but, at the prayer of the
duke of Orleans, he granted their request. This done, the magistrates
presented him with the keys of all their gates, and then, rising up,
retired aside to dress themselves. At this moment, processions from the
different churches, as well as of the four mendicant orders of friars,
monks, nuns and beguines, made their appearance, bearing their relics
and dressed in their best copes. They were in great numbers, and, on
hearing that their lord was now satisfied with them, chaunted forth
lustily 'Te Deum laudamus,' &c. The greater part of them attended him
to his hôtel.

All the merchants from different nations then resident in Bruges came
out on horseback, most handsomely arrayed to meet the duke. On the
other hand stages were erected at various parts where he passed, on
which were represented divers pageants. The streets, on each side,
were hung with tapestries and rich cloths; and in respect to trumpets
of silver, clarions, and other musical instruments, there were so
many that the whole town resounded with them. There were also several
pageants with figures of animals that spouted out wine and other
liquors, for all who pleased to regale themselves. In short it is
not in the memory of man that ever the inhabitants of Bruges made so
magnificent a display, on the reception of their lord, as they now did.

When the duke had dismounted at his hôtel, he was waited on by the
magistrates to give him welcome: having received them kindly, he
ordered the governor of Flanders to return them the keys of their
town which they had presented to him, saying that he had now the
fullest confidence in them. This speech rejoiced them very much, and
they all huzzaed. Carols had been sung through all the streets on his
arrival,--and when night came, the houses were so well illuminated
that the town seemed one blaze of light.

On the morrow, justs were held in the market-place: the lord de Vaurin
won one prize, and the heir of Cleves the other. This last was supplied
with lances by his uncle the duke of Burgundy. At the end of the justs,
supper was served, and then dancings took place, to which all the
damsels of Bruges were invited. On the ensuing Tuesday, other justs
were held in the market place,--and the company supped at the house of
the sheriffs, where they were splendidly entertained at the expence of
the town.

On the Saturday, the count and countess of Charolois, daughter to the
king of France, arrived from Charolois,--when the duke of Orleans,
many nobles, the municipality of the town and several of the principal
burghers, went out to meet them, and conducted them to the court-yard
of the hôtel of the duke of Burgundy.

On Sunday, a variety of diversions took place; but it would be tedious
to relate them all: suffice it to say, that the inhabitants exerted
themselves in every manner they could imagine from love to their lord
and prince, and in honour to the duke of Orleans and those that were
with them; they even made him handsome presents, that pleased him much.

On the following day, the duke and duchess of Orleans left Bruges, with
their attendants, which caused many tears from the ladies and damsels
of the household of the duke of Burgundy on taking their leave of
her. They went to Ghent, whither they were accompanied by the duke of
Burgundy,--and were there received with every mark of honour. After a
few days stay, they departed thence, and were escorted out of the town
by the duke of Burgundy. On taking their leave, they mutually promised
henceforth to do every thing possible for each other.

The duke and duchess of Orleans went by slow days journeys to Tournay,
where they had a very flattering reception. From the time the duke had
returned from England to his quitting the duke of Burgundy, many lords,
and others, had come from France, and elsewhere, to welcome his return
home, and to offer him their services, some of whom he retained in
his service. Several even from the states of the duke of Burgundy had
offered themselves, and were so pressing that many, as well gentlemen
as damsels, were retained of his household, and in divers situations.
Some knights and esquires had presented from eight to ten of their
sons to him, for his pages, and about twenty-four companions from the
Boulonnois, well mounted and equipped, were retained for his archers
and body guards: in short, his retinue was increasing so fast, that
when he arrived at Tournay he was followed by about three hundred horse.

In regard to his order, it was granted to such numbers of knights and
esquires, and others of low degree, who solicited it,--and so few
were refused, that it was quite common throughout Picardy. Many were
desirous of attaching themselves to him in the expectation and hope
that when he should have seen the king he would have the principal
government of France, and that they might then be advanced by various
means: he himself also indulged this expectation. Some, however, more
wise, thought otherwise,--and it happened as they had foreseen; for
they said in secret, that it would have been more advisable in the
duke to have made greater haste to wait on the king and with a smaller
train of followers,--and they thought that those who governed the king,
and had done so during all the troubles, would not suffer any but
themselves to rule the realm, although the duke of Orleans was the next
heir to the crown of France after the dauphin, and had suffered much
for it; but, notwithstanding this, it has been long seen that violent
quarrels and dissentions can exist between such great lords.

The duke of Orleans, on leaving Tournay, went to Valenciennes, and
thence to Quênoy le Comte, to visit his fair cousin the countess
Margaret, dowager of Hainault, who received him with joy. After she
had made him some gifts, he went to the city of Cambray, where he
received many presents, and the town also gave him five hundred golden
French crowns. The duke had intended going to St Quentin, on quitting
Cambray; but some of his people gave him to understand, that he would
incur a great risk to himself and his attendants by so doing,--that he
would be obliged to pass through some defiles commanded by the castles
of sir John de Luxembourg, who had not yet sworn to observe the treaty
of Arras.

This was the cause that made him change his route; and he summoned some
gentlemen from the Cambresis to aid him in the escort of his baggage.
But had the duke been better informed of the state of parties, he
needed not have feared sir John de Luxembourg for two reasons: first,
because sir John was perfectly reconciled with the duke of Burgundy,
and had even been at Bruges, where he had held many conferences with
the duke of Orleans on his affairs, as well touching the lordship of
Courcy as other matters of concern to both. Sir John had then left
Bruges well inclined to the duke, and had offered to serve him, and do
every thing for his interest that he should think would be agreeable
to him; whence it may naturally be supposed, that he would never have
permitted any injuries to be done him on his road.

Secondly, because at the time the duke was at Cambray sir John was
lying on his death-bed at his hôtel in Guise, and news of his decease
was carried to the duke while in Cambray, which made him stay there two
days longer than he had intended. He even requested the magistrates of
that town to choose him for their governor, in the room of the late
sir John de Luxembourg, and he would obtain the usual and necessary
confirmation of it from the king of France. The magistrates excused
themselves from compliance as well as they could, saying, they dared
not to do it without the consent of their bishop.

The duke of Orleans, went from Cambray to St Quentin,--thence to Noyon,
Compiégne, Senlis, and to Paris, where he remained some days. In all
the towns he passed through, or stopped at, he was received with as
many honours as if he had been the king of France or the dauphin. Every
body was full of hopes and confidence that great consolation would
befal the kingdom of France on his return from imprisonment. The people
more especially were rejoiced to see him again at liberty, for they had
long wished for it.

It was the intention of the duke to hasten to the king as speedily
as he now could; but he received such intelligence as made him delay
it a considerable time; for a year or more. The cause of this delay
was, that the king had been informed of the whole conduct the duke had
held since his return from England,--of his oaths and alliance with
the duke of Burgundy,--of having received his order,--how grandly he
was accompanied--of his having admitted into his household numbers of
Burgundians, who had formerly waged war against him and his crown. The
king was also told, that these connexions had been formed in opposition
to him and his ministers,--and that many great lords, such as the dukes
of Brittany and Alençon, had joined the two dukes, with the view of
forming a new administration,--and that henceforward his kingdom would
be ruled by them, or such others as they might please to appoint, and
that he would be only allowed a decent establishment to maintain his
state, without a power of interfering in the government but as it might
be agreeable to them, and with their consent.

The king, who was ever inclined to suspicion, and to listen to such
information, from the many plots that had been formed against him
during his reign, readily believed what was now told him; but when
he heard that the dukes of Brittany and Alençon had accepted of
the order of the Golden Fleece, whatever doubts he might have had
were strengthened. Those about his person repeated daily the same
tales, assuring him that they were true, so that his suspicions were
completely confirmed.

Notwithstanding that the king had ordered the duke of Orleans to
come to him, telling the duke's messengers who had brought him the
intelligence of his return from England, that he was very anxious to
see him, he would not permit him to come (in consequence of the tales
he had been told) but with a small retinue, leaving behind all the
Burgundians he had retained in his service.

The duke of Orleans, knowing the state of the court, and what had been
told of him, went from Paris to Orleans, and thence to Blois, and to
his other territories, where he was received with the utmost joy by his
vassals and subjects, and many grand presents were made to him from
these his possessions.

We must speak a little of sir John de Luxembourg count de Ligny,
who as I have related, departed this life in the castle of Guise.
His body was placed on a car, and carried, with every honour and a
numerous attendance, to the church of our lady at Cambray, and placed
on tressels within the choir. On the first night, vigils and funeral
orisons were made, and he was watched until the morrow, when a grand
funeral service was performed, and the coffin surrounded by a number
of lighted torches held by his vassals. When this service was ended,
he was interred without the choir, near to one of his ancestors called
sir Waleran de Luxembourg, lord of Ligny and of Beaurevoir, as has been
already told.

Sir John de Luxembourg had died without ever having taken the oaths of
allegiance to king Charles, or to his commissioners, although often
pressed to do it. Since the year 1435, when the peace of Arras was
concluded, until the eve of Twelfth-day in the year 1440, when he died,
he had kept such good garrisons in all his towns and castles that
none of the three parties, France, England and Burgundy, had done his
lands any damage worth mentioning. With regard to the English, they
were very desirous of pleasing him, for he had not yet broken with
them nor returned his bonds of alliance,--and they had great hopes of
being supported by him, should there be occasion. In like manner, he
considered them as sure allies against all who should attempt to injure
him.

As to the Burgundians, there were few but were inclined to serve him;
and although the duke of Burgundy was for a time very indignant against
him, from reports often brought to him, yet matters were not pushed to
open hostilities, and he had recovered the good graces of the duke.

The French, and particularly the captains of these marauding parties,
feared him greatly,--for they knew how personally valiant he was, and
that he had always a sufficiency of men at arms ready to resist all who
meant to harrass his lands.

They also knew that if he could meet them unawares, on any part of his
territories, he would destroy them without mercy. For these reasons,
therefore, whenever they approached any of his possessions they were
glad to give assurances, under their seals, not to commit any damage
to his vassals or country. This they had frequently done,--and he was
contented to leave them unmolested.

A short time, however, before his death, king Charles had determined
in council to give him no farther respite from taking the oaths, and
to raise a large army to conquer him, or at least to force him to take
the oaths prescribed at the peace of Arras; but God, the creator of all
things, provided a remedy, before it could be known what would have
been the event of such proceedings.

Thus ended the life of sir John de Luxembourg, who was a valiant and
enterprising knight, and much feared in all places where he was
personally known; and he might be about fifty years of age when he died.

Shortly after his decease, one called Leurin de Moucy, to whom he had
given in guard the castle of Coucy, surrendered it to the duke of
Orleans, in consideration of a certain sum of money which he received
and refused to put it into the hands of the count de St Pol, nephew and
heir to sir John de Luxembourg.

The townsmen of Neel and Beaulieu, in the Vermandois, expelled their
governor, Lionel de Wandonne and all the friends of sir John de
Luxembourg, and admitted the vassals of the lord de Mongaignier[80].
But the rest of the towns and castles were placed under the obedience
of the count de St Pol, by those who had the government of them.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 78: Lord de Cornewall.--Sir John de Cornewall, summoned to
Parliament 11 Henry VI.]

[Footnote 79: Sir Robert de Roix. Sir Robert Roos.]

[Footnote 80: Mongaignier. Q. Montgaugier?]




CHAP. XLIII.

 THE KING OF FRANCE GOES TO TROYES IN CHAMPAGNE.--SEVERAL TOWNS AND
 FORTS SUBMIT TO HIS OBEDIENCE.--OTHER MATTERS.


King Charles of France now assembled a very large body of men from
different provinces of his realm, and ordered those captains of whom I
have spoken as Skinners, to join him instantly with their troops. When
all were collected on the banks of the Loire, the king departed from
Bourges in Berry, attended by the dauphin, the constable of France, the
lord Charles d'Anjou, and lords without number.

He marched to Troyes in Champagne, and remained there about three
weeks. His men were quartered in the towns and villages in the open
country round,--but the greater part were sent to Auxerre, Tonnerre,
and to the borders of Burgundy, where they harrassed the country much.
During his stay at Troyes, many towns and castles, which had formerly
waged a severe warfare against him, submitted to his obedience. He
also put an end to the quarrels between the house of Bar and Lorraine
and that of Vaudemont, and received into favour the heir of Commercy,
and several lords on the borders of Burgundy, who had incurred his
indignation.

Having finished these matters, the king went to his town of
Bar-sur-Aube, whither came the bastard of Bourbon, with a large train
of men at arms, whom he had long maintained in the field. On his
arrival, he was instantly accused of treasonable practices against the
king; and, after the affair had been examined into, he was tried, and
condemned to be sewed in a sack, and thrown into the river and drowned,
which sentence was executed. His body, when dead, was taken out of the
river, and buried in holy ground.

It was currently reported, that this execution had taken place because
that, during the quarrel between the king and the dauphin, he had
joined his brother the duke of Bourbon with a large force, and had been
the principal actor in separating the dauphin from his father. It was
also said, that on the failure of the expedition to raise the siege
of Harfleur, where he had served under the count d'Eu, he had gone
to St Omer, and offered his services to the duke of Burgundy, should
he at any time have occasion for them, in compliment to the duke's
brother-in-law the duke of Bourbon. This execution gave great alarm
to many of the captains who had for a long time been under arms, on
pretence of forming part of the king's army, lest they should in like
manner be punished for their wicked deeds.




CHAP. XLIV.

 THE ENGLISH IN THE CASTLE OF FOLLEVILLE[81] DO MUCH DAMAGE TO THE
 COUNTRY ROUND AMIENS.--THEY DEFEAT SOME PICARD LORDS AND THEIR MEN.


The english garrison in the castle of Folleville did, at this time,
much mischief to the countries round Amiens, Corbie, and in Santois,
where they alarmed the town of Mondidier. They were about one hundred
warriors, who kept the neighbourhood in such awe that most of the towns
were forced to pay them monthly a certain sum as protection-money, and
a stipulated quantity of wheat, to the great oppression of the poor
farmers[82].

They even made an attack one day on the town of Dours[83] on the Somme.
In the castle was the lord of the town,--but, not having a sufficient
force to resist them, he hastily mounted his horse and rode to Amiens,
to demand succour. He found there the lord de Saveuses, the governor
of Amiens, and many gentlemen and warriors, who unanimously agreed to
accompany him in the pursuit of the English. They overtook the English
near to Folleville, whither they were retreating in handsome array,
carrying with them the immense plunder they had taken.

It was ordered, that the lord de Saveuses should lead the
infantry,--and the lord de Dours, the lord de Contay, the lord de
Tilloye, Guichart de Fiennes, and other gentlemen, should gallop up to
the English, and cry out to them to halt and fight with their enemies
on horse and on foot; but these orders were not observed,--for those
on horseback, eager to engage their adversaries, made a full charge
without waiting the coming up of the infantry, which turned out very
unfortunately for them.

The English seeing the enemy approach, and being more numerous, formed
two divisions, placing their horses in the rear, that they might not
be attacked on that quarter, and defended themselves so valiantly
that most part of the French were slain. In this number were the lord
de Dours, Guichart de Fiennes, John de Beaulieu, and other noble
gentlemen. The principal among the prisoners, was sir Martel d'Antoch
lord of Tilloye. The remainder escaped by flight,--not, however,
without having some of their horses wounded and killed from fatigue.

The lord de Saveuses, seeing the unfortunate issue of the day, kept the
infantry under his command together as well as he could, and rallied
some of the horse who were flying homeward. He marched them back to
Amiens, very much afflicted at their ill fortune. Shortly after, by a
treaty with the English, they obtained the naked bodies of the dead, to
inter them in their own sepultures. Some of the relations and friends
of the slain would have thrown the blame of this defeat on the lord de
Saveuses, saying that he did not advance fast enough with the infantry
to support the cavalry when engaged. He answered this charge by
declaring, that as the infantry had been put under his command by the
unanimous consent of the captains then present, he could not advance
faster than he did without leaving his troops behind him.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 81: Folleville,--a village in Picardy near to Bretueil.]

[Footnote 82: This protection-money was well known on the borders of
England and Scotland, under the name of Black Mail.]

[Footnote 83: De Dours. Q. Dourcha? which, in Bleau's atlas, is on the
Somme; but I cannot find Dours, or Dourcha, in the Gazetteer of France.]




CHAP. XLV.

 SOME OF THE GARRISONS OF THE COUNT DE ST POL ROB THE KING OF FRANCE'S
 SERVANTS AS THEY WERE CONDUCTING WARLIKE STORES FROM THE CITY OF
 TOURNAY.--THE REPARATION THE COUNT DE SAINT POL MAKES FOR THIS CONDUCT.


During the stay the king of France made in Champagne, he had ordered
some of his most confidential servants to go to the town of Tournay,
and to Flanders, to purchase artillery and warlike stores, which
they were to convey to Paris, to be ready in case they should be
wanted. Those whom he had intrusted with this commission executed it
faithfully; and having laden carts and waggons with the artillery and
stores, conducted them without any hindrance through the territories of
the duke of Burgundy, from the city of Tournay, until they came to a
town called Ribemont[84], where they were stopped by the garrison in
that place for the count de St Pol.

The chiefs of the garrison were John lord of Thorante, Guyot de
Bethune, Hoste de Neufville, with several others, as well men at arms
as archers. They robbed these servants of the king of France, carrying
into the town of Ribemont the contents of the carts and waggons, which
they there divided among themselves and wasted; but the whole of this
conduct was without the knowledge or consent of the count de St Pol,
who was much displeased thereat.

When intelligence of this robbery came to the king of France, he was
very indignant, and swore that he would have ample amends for it; and
that he would wage war on the count de St Pol, unless he made full
restitution for the things stolen, and did homage to him for the lands
he held within his realm.

During the king's residence in the town of Bar-sur-Aube, gentlemen came
daily to offer their services to him,--and having staid there some
time, he departed, through Châlons and Rheims, to the city of Laon.
Wherever he passed, he was received most honourably, and in the manner
in which obedient subjects usually show to their sovereign lord.

From Laon he dispatched the greater part of his captains with their
men,--namely, La Hire, Anthony de Chabannes, Joachim Rohault,--to
make war on the towns and castles dependant on the count de St Pol.
The count had heard of this plan, and consequently had reinforced his
different places as strongly as he could, and had retired to the castle
of Guise, in Tierrache, to be ready to succour such as might stand most
in need of it.

It happened, that those of the garrison of Ribemont, whom I have before
named, on hearing of the near approach of the king's army, were so much
frightened, from dread of the French, that they suddenly left the town
in the utmost disorder, and without waiting for each other, abandoning
the command of it and the castle to the common people. This caused
great confusion; and they mostly withdrew to Guise and other fortified
places of the count, who was much enraged at their cowardice, more
especially with those to whom he had intrusted its defence.

On this same day, or on the morrow, the French came before Ribemont,
to whom, in the name of king Charles, was the town surrendered, and
admittance given them. They found it full of wealth, and helped
themselves to it at their pleasure; and Joachim Rohault entered with
the rest, as governor of the place.

Shortly after, the French advanced to the town of Marle[85], which
they surrounded on all sides with their whole force. The governor in
the town for the count de St Pol was a gentleman diligent and expert
in war, called George de Croix, having with him sixty combatants,
including those of the town. He was regularly and often summoned to
surrender the place to the king of France; but he always replied, that
without the knowledge and consent of the count de St Pol, he would not
yield it up.

The besiegers, in consequence, sent on their heavy artillery, and
pointed many cannon against the walls and gates, which damaged them so
much that they intended very soon to storm it. In the mean time, the
count de St Pol, considering that it would be impossible for him to
hold out against the power of France, especially as he had been told
that he must not look for aid from the duke of Burgundy, began to turn
his thoughts to the best means of appeasing the king, particularly
as the principal gentlemen about him advised him, by all means, to
negotiate a peace and remain in the quiet possession of his estates.

The countess-dowager, his mother, first opened the business, with
others of his friends, who had a little before gone to wait on the
king at Laon.--The count went also thither himself, and was graciously
received by the king and the dauphin, and by the lords of the court. He
shortly after requested and obtained from the king a suspension of arms
between the army before Marle and the garrison, until a fixed day, when
a treaty should be opened to accommodate the business.

A treaty was concluded, after the king had holden several councils,
and after the count de St Pol had been heard in his defence. It was
agreed, that the count should remain in the good graces of the king,
on consideration that he did immediate homage for the lands he held in
France, and also for those of the countess of Marle and of Soissons,
his lady, in the usual manner in which homage was done by other
vassals. He was likewise to place the town of Marle under the king's
obedience, and deliver it to such commissioners as should be appointed,
sending those now within it away. He was beside to give certain
declaratory letters, signed and sealed by him, the contents of which
shall be specified farther on.

When this matter had been finished, the king sent commissioners to take
possession of the town of Marle: they carried with them passports for
George de Croix and his men, who, on their departure, marched to La
Ferté-sur-Oise, by orders from the count de St Pol. The commissioners
on entering Marle, received the obedience of the inhabitants; and
having executed all they had been commanded, the town was, soon after,
restored to the count de St Pol, with the king's approbation, on the
same terms on which he had before held it.

The army now dislodged, and advanced further into the Vermandois,
Hainault and Cambresis, greatly oppressing the poor people. The count
de St Pol, after the conclusion of the peace, increased much in favour
with the king and the dauphin: he was particularly beloved by the
latter, whom he promised to serve faithfully, henceforth, in all his
wars with the English. The count remained at Laon a considerable time;
and before he quitted it, delivered to the council the declaratory
letter before mentioned, the tenour of which was as follows.

'Louis de Luxembourg, count de St Pol, de Ligny, de Conversan, de
Braine and de Guise, lord of Anghien and of Beaurevoir, and Castellan
of Lille, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.

'Be it known that I have promised, and by these presents do promise, on
my faith and corporal oath, and under penalty of confiscation of all
my effects, full and entire obedience to the king our lord, and to all
his officers, as well legal as civil, touching his finances, taxes, and
other matters respecting his royal domains, and to put an entire end to
all bonds of alliance in opposition to him that I may have contracted
within these last twenty years.

'I also promise, by these presents, to make restitution to the king,
or to whomsoever he may appoint, of what remains of the artillery, and
other stores, that were taken from the king's servants, by the garrison
of Ribemont, and what may remain of the king's horses and carts taken
by those of Marle.

'I likewise promise to make answer in the court of parliament to
whatever the king's attorney shall maintain and require from me,
touching the succession of my late lord, the count de Ligny, my uncle,
whose soul may God pardon! as well in regard to the personal effects of
my said uncle, on the day of his death, as to the inheritances which
have fallen to me as his heir in the countries of Ligny, Guise, and
elsewhere; and I hold myself bounden to obey whatever judgement that
court shall pronounce.

I have, in consequence, fixed on the 15th day of July, at which time I
hold myself adjourned to appear before the said court of parliament,
to make my reply to the king's attorney, that he may instantly proceed
thereon.

'I do promise generally, by these presents, to conduct myself toward
the king my sovereign lord, in a manner becoming a loyal subject,--and
that I will not suffer the smallest damage to be done, by any of my
garrisons, to any of the king's vassals, or to his territories. I also
promise faithfully to restore all I may hold that belongs to others on
account of the war; and in regard to Montaigu, my full powers shall be
exerted for its restoration.

'All these things I promise most strictly to perform, without the
infringement of any one article. In testimony whereof, I have signed
these presents with my own hand, and sealed them with the seal of my
arms, this 20th day of April, in the year 1441.'

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 84: Ribemont,--a town in Picardy, four leagues from St
Quentin.]

[Footnote 85: Marle,--a town in Picardy, five leagues from Guise.]




CHAP. XLVI.

 THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY WAITS ON THE KING OF FRANCE AT LAON, TO MAKE
 SOME REQUESTS TO HIM.--OTHER MATTERS.


In the month of April, in this year, the duchess of Burgundy, daughter
to the king of Portugal, waited on king Charles at Laon, honourably
attended by knights, ladies and damsels. As her health was but
indifferent, she was carried in a litter. The constable, who had
married a sister of the duke of Burgundy, came out a league from Laon
to meet her, and conducted her to the town, and to the king, who, as
well as the dauphin and courtiers, received her with every attention.

After this ceremony, she retired to the abbey of St Martin, where she
was lodged. She had several interviews with the king, respecting a
general peace, and also respecting the duke of Orleans.

At this time, the castle of Montaigu was held by Villemet de
Hainault, and others that had belonged to the late sir John de
Luxembourg, who had boasted that they would not surrender it to the
king's commissioners without the consent of the duke of Burgundy.
In consequence of this refusal, a large detachment had been ordered
thither to reduce it to obedience, and, if necessary, to besiege
it. This had, however, been delayed, in the expectation that an
accommodation would have been brought about before the duchess should
leave Laon,--who indeed had made many requests to the king, but few, if
any, were granted her. Nevertheless, she celebrated Easter there, kept
great state, and was visited by the nobles and other persons of note in
the king's household.

In like manner was the king visited while at Laon by Jeanne de Bethune,
countess of Ligny and viscountess of Meaux, who did him homage for her
lands. The king was well pleased at her coming, and received her most
kindly. She concluded a treaty, through her commissioners, respecting
the personal effects which her late husband had left her, which it
was said were confiscated because he had died while an enemy to the
king, and paid down for their release a sum of money: by this means
she remained unmolested, and received letters patent confirming the
agreement. During the time she staid at Laon, she was strongly urged to
remarry with the count d'Eu,--but she excused herself from compliance.
Soon after she had finished her business, she departed for her castle
of Beaurevoir, and thence to Cambray.

During this time, persons came daily to do homage to the king, and
to offer him their services, whom he retained, promising to be very
liberal toward them,--for he was then occupied with a plan of raising a
very large army, to combat his ancient enemies the English.

In this year, one of the esquires of the stables, named Dunot, was
charged before the duke of Orleans with an attempt to poison him, at
the instigation, as it was said, of some of the great lords of the king
of France's household. He was closely examined, and severely tortured,
and afterward drowned by night in the river Loire. Little, however,
was made public of the reality of the charges against those who had
been suspected.

About this period, eight score pillagers from the household of king
Charles went to a town in Hainault, called Haussy[86], which had a fair
castle, wherein they quartered themselves for three days. Many of the
adjacent towns and villages, as well in Hainault as in the Cambresis,
paid them protection-money to a large amount.

While this was passing, sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault,
assembled some men at arms in Quênoy, and advanced to attack them.
Part of them instantly retired within the castle, which was directly
stormed,--in the doing of which, an elderly gentleman of much note,
called Lordennois d'Ostern, was slain. They capitulated with the
bailiff to depart, on leaving all they had received behind, and to pay
a sum of money down for liberty to march away in safety. Many of them
were killed, that had not taken shelter in the castle. On their march
toward Laon, they were met near the bridge of Nouvion, by a party of
the count de St Pol's men, who robbed them of all they had, and slew
the greater part of them beside.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 86: Haussy,--near Quênoy.]




[A.D. 1441.]

CHAP. XLVII.

 THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY LEAVES KING CHARLES AT LAON, AND RETURNS TO
 THE DUKE HER LORD AT QUÊNOY.


King Charles, having celebrated the festival of Easter at the bishop's
palace at Laon, held several councils on the requests which the duchess
of Burgundy had made, at the conclusion of which (as I have before
said) few if any were granted. She was much displeased at this, and
saw clearly, as well as those who had accompanied her, that the king's
ministers were not well inclined toward the duke of Burgundy or his
concerns.

Perceiving that her stay was no longer profitable, she took leave of
the king, and thanked him for the honourable reception he had given
her,--but added, 'My lord, of all the requests I have made you, and
which seemed so very reasonable, you have not granted me one.' The king
courteously replied, 'Fair sister, this has weighed on my mind more
than you conceive, and I am much hurt that it cannot be otherwise; for,
having laid the whole of them before my council, where they have been
fully discussed, they have determined that it would be very much to my
prejudice were I to accede to them.'

After this conversation, she took her leave of the king and the
dauphin, and went to St Quentin with her attendants. She was escorted
by the constable, and others, a considerable way. From St Quentin, she
departed on the morrow to dine at the castle of Cambresis. While she
was there, some of the king's men had entered Hainault on a foraging
party, and were carrying away great numbers, of cattle, sheep, horses,
and other effects; but they were sharply pursued by the duchess's men,
who killed three or four on the spot: the rest saved themselves by
flight, except two, who were overtaken, made prisoners, and carried to
Quênoy, where they suffered death.

The duchess pushed forward to Quênoy, where the duke was, to whom she
related all that had passed between her and the king and his ministers.
In truth, the greater number of the nobles who had accompanied her were
not so much attached to the french interest on their return as they
were when they had set out, on account of what they had seen and heard
while at Laon.

The duke weighed well these matters in his own breast, and considered
with his council on the best means of securing his dominions, which
seemed likely on the first fair opportunity, to be attacked. He had,
however, about him many prudent and valiant men, who exerted themselves
to the utmost to preserve peace and union,--and in particular, on
the part of the French, the archbishop of Rheims, lord chancellor of
France, was very active to preserve the peace from being infringed.
And although the duchess of Burgundy had left the king in an ill
humour, there were daily communications between well-intentioned men on
both sides, to bring to an amicable conclusion what differences might
exist between the king of France and the duke of Burgundy.




CHAP. XLVIII.

 THE FORTRESS OF MONTAIGU[87], BELONGING TO THE LORD OF COMMERCY,
 IS DESTROYED, AND RAZED TO THE GROUND, BY ORDERS FROM THE DUKE OF
 BURGUNDY.


Sir Robert de Sallebruche, lord of Commercy, pressed the king of France
and his council for the restoration of his castle of Montaigu; but this
lord de Commercy was not in the good graces of the duke of Burgundy,
whose indignation he had incurred by injuries done to his country and
subjects. He would not therefore consent that this castle should be
restored in its present state, and insisted on its being demolished.

The towns of Laon, Rheims, St Quentin, and others joined in this
request, because the garrison had made very oppressive inroads on
all the country round. It was, therefore, concluded, with the king's
approbation, that those within it should give security to the king for
its due surrender in the beginning of June in such state, entire or
demolished, as it might please the duke of Burgundy.

The duke instantly sent a numerous train of workmen, to destroy the
castle: but, while this was doing, the lord de Commercy practised
secretly to get possession of it from those to whose care it was
intrusted by means of bribes. It was discovered,--and those suspected
of being concerned were arrested, four of whom were beheaded: one of
them was the governor of the town of Montaigu. In revenge for this
attempt, the fortress was razed to the ground. It was seated very
strongly on a high mountain, and the adjacent countries had suffered
greatly from it.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 87: Montaigu,--a town in Picardy, near Laon.]




CHAP. XLIX.

 THE KING OF FRANCE LAYS SIEGE TO, AND CONQUERS, THE TOWN OF CREIL[88].


When the king of France had resided about a month in Laon, he departed
thence, and went, through Soissons and Noyon, to Compiégne, where he
tarried some time to wait for his army that he was raising to march to
Creil.

Although William de Flavy, governor of the town of Compiégne, had
obtained his pardon from the king for the death of the lord de Rieux,
marshal of France who had died in his prisons, he would not appear
before the king,--and, from fear of the marshal's friends, went off
with the lord d'Offemont, for the greater security of his person.

The king was joined at Compiégne, by numbers from all parts of France,
in obedience to his summons; and a few days after he quitted Compiégne,
and went to Senlis, where he made a short stay, and thence marched
his army before Creil, then held by the English. He fixed his quarters
near the town, on the side toward Paris,--and the constable and other
captains posted themselves on the opposite side, in front of the bridge.

Many skirmishes took place on their arrival; but soon after, when the
king's artillery, that had been pointed against the walls and gates,
opened their batteries, the fortifications were so much damaged that
the garrison began to fear the event of a storm,--so that, at the end
of twelve days, they desired to capitulate, which was granted to them.

They agreed to surrender the town and castle to the king, on condition
of being allowed to march away in safety with all their money, and
as many of their effects as they could carry on their backs. Having
received passports, they marched out on foot through the gate leading
to the bridge, taking the road toward Beauvais. Their commander was sir
William Chamberlain.

On the departure of the English, the king entered the castle,--and the
other captains were lodged in different parts of the town. Yvon du Puys
was appointed captain of the garrison.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 88: Creil,--a town on the Oise, and on the road from Amiens
to Paris.]




CHAP. L.

 THE KING OF FRANCE MARCHES TO BESIEGE THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF PONTOISE.


When the king of France had resided some days at Creil, he marched
his whole army to Pontoise and arrived there about the middle of May.
He was lodged in the abbey of Maubuisson, a noble convent having many
fine edifices. His household was quartered there with him, and also the
constable and marshals of France, namely the lord de Solignes[89] and
de Lohiac: the other commanders were lodged in divers parts.

The artillery was soon brought to bear on a large bulwark at the end
of the bridge, opposite to Maubuisson[90], which so much damaged it
that it was taken by storm. From fourteen to sixteen were killed on
the kings side, and many wounded: the English suffered nearly an equal
loss. The king had this bulwark repaired and strengthened, and gave the
guard of it to sir Denis de Chailly, and Michael Durant, with their men.

In another quarter, a bridge was thrown over the river Oise, opposite
to the abbey of St Martin, which was surrounded by a low wall, and
fortified like a blockhouse. The lord Charles d'Anjou and the lord de
Cotivy[91], admiral of France, took possession of it with three or four
thousand combatants. A strong blockhouse was also erected at the end of
this new bridge, for its defence. The French could now pass over the
river at their pleasure, without fear of danger from the enemy.

While these approaches were carrying forward, the king was joined by
great numbers of nobles and gentlemen, and likewise by the burghers
from the chief towns, in obedience to his summons. In the number were
six score combatants from the city of Tournay, all picked men, and
excellently appointed. These were chiefly cross-bow men, and under the
command of three persons of note in Tournay, namely Symon de St Genoix,
Robert le Boucher, and John de Cour, who were most graciously received
by the king. Numbers came from Paris handsomely equipped, and from all
the other great towns; and, as they arrived, they were received by the
king's officers, and suitably lodged.

Louis de Luxembourg, count de St Pol and de Ligny, who had been some
time assembling his men, arrived before Pontoise about a week after
Midsummer-day, with six hundred men well appointed and arrayed. As the
weather was very hot, he drew up his men in order of battle near to the
king's quarters, who, with several of the princes and others, came to
see him and were greatly rejoiced at his arrival. The king feasted him
much, and was profuse his thanks to him for having come thither with
so handsome a company.

There came with the count de St Pol the lord de Vervins, sir Colart
de Mailly, Louis d'Anghien, sir Ferry de Mailly, John de Hangest, sir
Daviod de Poix, Jacotin de Bethune and his brothers, George de Croix,
and many more gentlemen, who suffered much this day from the excessive
heat; insomuch that one gentleman, called Robert de Frisomen, died of
it.

After the king had reviewed them they went to lodge at a village hard
by, and shortly after encamped with the besieging army. The count de
Vaudemont came also thither with one hundred or six score combatants,
with whose arrival the king was well pleased. In truth, there were at
this siege most of the great lords of France,--such as the dauphin,
the count de Richemont constable of France, the two marshals and the
admiral, before named, the lord Charles d'Anjou, the counts d'Eu de la
Marche, de St Pol de Vaudemont, d'Albreth, de Tancarville de Joigny,
the vidame de Chartres, the lord de Châtillion, the lord de Moreul in
Brie, Poton de Saintrailles, the lord de Bueil, La Hire, the lord de
Ham, sir Heincelin de la Tour, the lord de Mouy, Claude de Hangest,
Regnault de Longueval, the lord de Moyencourt, the lord de la Suze,
sir Theolde de Valberg, Anthony de Chabannes, Charles de Flavy, sir
Giles de St Simon, Hugh de Mailly, Olivier de Cointiny, the lord de
Pennesach, Blanchefort, Floquet, Broussach, Joachim Rohault, Pierre
Regnault, the lord de Graville, sir John de Gapondes, Geoffry de la
Hire, the bastard de Harcourt, and many others of great weight and
authority,--so that, according to an estimate made by persons well
informed, it was thought that the king's army amounted to from ten to
twelve thousand combatants, the flower of his chivalry, each of whom
was personally anxious to conquer the town and castle of Pontoise.

While the French were thus employed, the duke of York, the lord Talbot,
and others of the english commanders then at Rouen, took council
together how they could best relieve their companions in Pontoise. It
was resolved that the lord Talbot should first attempt to revictual
it, and reconnoitre the position and appearance of the French. In
consequence lord Talbot marched away with about four thousand fighting
men, as well horse as foot, and had with him a long train of carts and
cattle for the supply of the garrison.

After some days march, he took up his quarters at a town called
Cheurin[92], not far distant from Pontoise, where he lay two
nights,--and, during that time, threw his supplies into Pontoise
without hinderance from the French; for the king had determined in
council to avoid combating the English, unless he could do so highly to
his advantage.

Having accomplished this business, lord Talbot retreated to Mantes[93],
and quartered his men without the town: thence he returned to Normandy.

In the mean time, the artillery of the king of France, as well in the
blockhouse of St Martin as elsewhere, played continually on the walls
and gates of Pontoise, and damaged them greatly; but the besieged
repaired them in the night, as well as they could, with beams of wood
and old barrels: they also made frequent sallies, in which several were
killed and wounded on both sides. The king was desirous of inclosing
the town all round,--but could not well do it from the danger of an
attack from the english army, and of his troops being cut off from
succouring each other when thus separated; for he knew how near the
enemy were, and in great force, preparing to make him raise the siege.
It was from this cause that the French delayed surrounding the town
closely on all sides. A huge blockhouse was ordered to be instantly
built in the forest of Compiégne, and floated down the Seine to
Pontoise, where they would fix it as they should judge expedient,--and
William de Flavy was commanded to see that this was immediately done.

Some time after, the lord Talbot came a second time and revictualed
the town, and supplied it with all sorts of stores in abundance. Each
time, he took away those who had been wounded, leaving reinforcements,
from his own men, and, as before, met with no interruption or
opposition in his return.

The king, observing those measures of his adversaries, became very
melancholy; for he saw no end to a siege when the town was so
continually and uninterruptedly reinforced. Nevertheless, he was
personally active in strengthening his leaguers, and in providing them
with all necessary stores, in case the enemy should advance to attack
them.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 89: Solignes,--Jaloignes.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 90: Maubuisson,--a convent in the diocese of Beauvais.]

[Footnote 91: Cotivy,--Coitiny.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 92: Cheurin. Q. Ennery?]

[Footnote 93: Mantes,--capital of the Mantois, on the Seine, 19 leagues
from Rouen.]




CHAP. LI.

 THE DUKE OF YORK, GOVERNOR OF NORMANDY FOR THE KING OF ENGLAND MARCHES
 AN ARMY TO PONTOISE, TO FORCE THE KING OF FRANCE TO RAISE THE SIEGE.


The duke of York, commander in chief and lieutenant-general for king
Henry in the marches of France and Normandy, had assembled from six
to seven thousand combatants,--among whom were the lord Scales, the
lord Talbot, sir Richard Woodville, who had married the duchess of
Bedford, sister to Louis de Luxembourg count of St Pol, and many other
captains, then at Rouen, but whose names I have not been told. There
were likewise collected a large train of carts and horses, laden with
artillery and provision, together with a great number of live cattle.

The duke of York began his march about the middle of July, and in a few
days, came near to Pontoise, the lord Talbot commanding the vanguard of
three thousand men. The duke fixed his quarters at Cheuery[94], half a
league from Pontoise; and the van were lodged at Hetonville[95] where
they remained for three days and reinforced and revictualled Pontoise
most abundantly.

When this was done, the duke sent to tell the king, that he was come
to offer him and his army combat, if he would give him an opportunity.
But the king was not inclined to comply; for his council had repeated
the advice they had given on other occasions, that he would act
imprudently to risk his army and person against men of such low
degree,--adding, that the battles that had formerly taken place with
the English during his reign had cost him too dearly, and that it was
more advisable to let them for this time run their career and guard the
fords of the river, for that the English could not long remain where
they were without danger from want of provisions for so large a force.

This resolution was adopted,--and many captains, with their men, were
detached along the river Oise, even farther than Beaumont[96] and the
king and the rest of his army remained in their quarters.

The English, finding they would not hazard a battle, resolved, if
possible, to cross the Oise and advance into the isle of France,
and even attack the king's quarters. They decamped therefore
on the fourth day from their arrival, and marched in a body to
Chanville-haut-Vergier[97]; but as they heard that all the passes on
the river were guarded, they determined to execute their plan by night,
and they had with them on carts small boats of leather and wood, with
cords and other necessaries. They ordered a large detachment to advance
to Beaumont, under pretence of their crossing the river and to make a
prodigious noise, that the guards at the other passes might be, drawn
off to resist their attempt at Beaumont, while the remainder of the
army should proceed silently along the river to find out a proper place
to cross.

A place was found according to their wish, opposite to the abbey of
Beaumont, whence the guards had gone; for all the soldiers near were
attracted by the noise at Beaumont, as it had been planned by the
English, who, when they saw numbers had been collected, pretended to
make an attempt to force a passage, which was quite impracticable
should any tolerable defence be made.

The other party of English now launched a boat into the river, and with
difficulty three or four passed over, when, having fastened two strong
cords to each bank with staves of wood between them, from forty to
fifty crossed by this means, and instantly fortified themselves with
sharpened palisades, as was their usual custom.

Now, consider the extreme danger the first party that crossed would
have been in had only ten Frenchmen staid to guard this pass, who
would easily have defended it against the whole power of the duke of
York; and this may serve for an example to those who are intrusted
with similar commands, never to place any guards but such as they know
may be depended on, and such as will have a proper regard to their own
honour,--for by neglect the greatest misfortunes may happen.

Shortly after, the men of Floquet, who had had this part of the river
in charge, returning from Beaumont, whither they had gone on hearing
the shoutings of the English, noticed them crossing the river, and
instantly gave the alarm, along the banks, as far as Beaumont, where
the greater part of their captains were quartered. They lost no time
in mounting their horses, and hastened to where the English were,
intending to combat them; but it was lost labour, for they were too
numerous, although some skirmishing passed between them.

In these skirmishes, a very valiant man was slain, called William du
Châtel, nephew to sir Tanneguy du Châtel, and with him two or three
more.

On this bridge of cords the English conveyed over their baggage, carts
and stores; and when the French saw that they could not prevent them,
they retreated to Pontoise, to inform the king of what had passed,
who was greatly displeased at the intelligence. Some of his council,
being fearful of the event turning out more disastrous and to their
greater shame, had all the artillery and stores moved into the large
blockhouse of St Martin, and made every preparation for immediately
decamping with the whole army, should it become necessary.

The English, having passed the Oise at their ease, lodged that night
on the spot, and there created some new knights,--such as the two
brothers of lord Stafford, one of whom styled himself count d'Eu[98].
On the morrow, they dislodged, and marched in handsome order toward
Pontoise, and were quartered in two villages. The king, on receiving
intelligence of the approach of the English, was advised to remove his
quarters from Maubuisson, and march his whole army to Poissy[99], with
the reserve of those in the great blockhouse, to the amount of two or
three thousand combatants, under the command of the lord de Coetivy,
admiral of France. He had also with him La Hire, Joachim Rohault, John
d'Estouteville and his brother Robinet, sir Robert de Bethune lord of
Moreul in Brie, the lord de Châtillon, the lord de Moyencourt, Regnault
de Longueval, the lord de la Roche-Guyon, the lord de Moy in the
Beauvoisis, and other gentlemen of renown.

Those who had been sent from Tournay remained there likewise, and great
plenty of provision and stores of all sorts had been carried thither.
The king, on his departure, had promised to relieve them so soon as
possible. With regard to the bulwark at the end of the bridge, the
French had abandoned it.

The duke of York continued his march to Maubuisson, but arrived after
the king's departure. He found great abundance of provision and other
things, which the merchants had not had time to remove. The duke fixed
his quarters there, and lord Talbot at a town a league distant, on the
Oise, between the towns of Pontoise and Conflans. They remained there
for three days, and went into Pontoise by the bridge which the garrison
had repaired, as well as the bulwark that had been abandoned, without
any opposition whatever from the French; and those of the town went in
and out at their pleasure, without hinderance.

The French in the blockhouse were every day expecting and hoping for
an attack, as they were determined to defend themselves well; but the
English had no thoughts of risking the attempt, considering that their
affairs were growing worse, and that they could not foresee the end of
them. The enemy, however, threatened to attack them, but offered to let
them march away in safety, with part of their baggage,--which, like men
of sense, they ought gladly to have accepted of, since their king had
abandoned them in such danger. But they had no such inclination, and
replied, that they would not accept of terms, as they were not afraid
of their attempts. While this kind of parley was going forward, several
skirmishes took place, but more between the archers than with any
others.

On the fourth day, the duke of York dislodged from Maubuisson, and
marched to the quarters of Talbot, who had made a bridge over the Oise
with cords and hurdles, on which full fifty cars and carts crossed
that river. On this same day, Poton de Saintrailles had left Poissy,
accompanied by a numerous escort, with provisions to revictual the
blockhouse of St Martin. He was followed by the constable, the count de
St Pol, and other captains, to support him, should there be occasion.
Having learnt that the English had recrossed the river, they sent
orders to Poton to hasten his return,--but he sent back the messenger,
to tell them to cross the river at Meulan, and return to Poissy on the
other side, which they did.

The duke of York, having recrossed the Oise, advanced his whole army
in battle-array before Poissy, wherein were the king of France, the
dauphin, and the greater part of his nobles and captains. A very great
skirmish took place, in which two of the archers of the constable, and
one belonging to the count de St Pol, were made prisoners.

The duke thence marched to Tourtie sur Seine, and on the morrow
returned to Mantes,--and the king went to Poissy and Conflans with a
part of his army. The constable, the count de St Pol, and others,
passed through St Cloud to Paris, where they staid two days, and then
retired with their men at arms into the isle of France, where different
towns were delivered up to them for the quarters of their men, each
according to his rank.

The king afterwards went, with his attendant lords, to St Denis,
and remained there until the middle of August, when he returned to
Conflans, and caused a bridge to be constructed over the Seine to an
island in that river, and another bridge thence to the main land, with
a strong blockhouse, and ditches round at that end, wherein he posted a
body of troops. In the mean while, lord Talbot plundered the convent of
Poissy, and carried away the effects of the nuns to Mantes.

Shortly after, the town of Pontoise was again revictualled, for the
fourth time; and the men of the duke of York remained there in the
room of the lord Talbot's, which vexed the king greatly,--for he saw
but little hope of his accomplishing his enterprise. He thought,
however, that should he depart without having gained Pontoise, after
lying before it so long, and at such a prodigious expense, he would be
disgraced, and the people would cry out against him and his ministers,
more especially the Parisians, who had advanced large sums of money for
this purpose.

He was likewise informed that the nobles of his realm, and even the
princes of his blood, were much dissatisfied with his government, and
that there was to be a meeting of them, which could not be meant for
his welfare: he had, therefore, enough to think on. Nevertheless, he
determined, with his most faithful advisers, to return to Maubuisson
and prosecute the siege, which he did on the twelfth day from the time
he had quitted it, and quartered his troops in their former situations.

Soon after his return, a grand skirmish took place with the constable's
division, between Maubuisson and Pontoise, in which Claude de Hangest,
lord of Ardilliers, was killed by a cannon-shot. Various and frequent
skirmishes passed between the French and English,--but it would be
tiresome to enter into a detail of each: in one of them, the lord
Charles d'Anjou was wounded by an arrow. Very little worth noticing
took place in the main business of the siege.

The count de St Pol's men having been much harrassed, and having
expended large sums of money, were desirous of returning home, and
entreated of him permission so to do: upon this, he took leave of
the king and the dauphin, who, on his going away, made him handsome
presents, and returned him their thanks for the services he had done
them.

The count de St Pol marched with his men from before Pontoise, to cross
the river Oise at Pont St Maixence. At the entrance of the bridge,
the captain of the fort came out to meet the count,--when, sharp
words arising between them, the count would have seized the captain,
had he not made haste to retire within his fort, whence he instantly
discharged the cannon and cross-bows on him and his men. The horse of
sir Ferry de Mailly was killed under him by a shot, and another man at
arms had his arm broken. The count retreated with his army and crossed
the Oise at Compiégne, and thence returned to his own country. The
garrison of the bridge before mentioned followed a party of the count's
men who were marching toward Mondidier, overtook and pillaged them.

On the same day, the count de Vaudemont marched his men from before
Pontoise, as did several other great lords, and left the king in the
state you have heard, to his no small displeasure, although he did not
suffer it to appear, for he could not help it; and he was forced to
bear all things patiently which God was pleased to send him. He daily
employed his cannon and other engines against the walls and gates of
the town, and also against the church of our lady, without, the walls,
but possessed by the English, and held by them for a long time.

The walls of this church were so battered that, on the 16th day of
September, the king resolved in council to storm it, which took place
on a Saturday, and all within were put to the sword or made prisoners.
This church was very high, and so near to the town that from the top
could be seen almost every thing the English were doing,--and they
could be thence annoyed with small cannons, culverines, and even
cross-bows.

The church being won, it was ordered, that on the ensuing Tuesday, a
general storm should be made on the town, to see if they could not
conquer it. This was executed; and on the Tuesday, the king and his
lords, having well armed their men, urged them on with shouting,
'St Denis! Town won!' A large party having forced an entrance, the
townsmen fled to the churches and other strong places; but about five
hundred of the English were soon put to the sword, and the remainder,
to the amount of four hundred, made prisoners. Among the slain was an
English knight called sir Nicholas Burdet,--but the governor of the
town was taken prisoner. Only forty, or thereabout, were killed on the
king's side at the attack, or died afterward of their wounds. Many new
knights were made on the occasion: among whom were the brothers, John
and Robert d'Estouteville, Regnault de Longueval, le bon Roly, and
others.

With regard to the person who first mounted the tower du Frice[100], he
was much praised by all for his valour, and was ennobled, himself and
his successors, by the king, who also gave him large estates to support
his rank. The king entered the town with those who had stormed it, and,
on its being gained, issued his orders that no harm should be done to
the inhabitants who had retired into the churches, excepting such as
had borne arms. On his arrival with his banner in front of the great
church, an Englishman issued forth and surrendered himself to him. He
was mercifully received, and not only delivered without ransom, but the
king made him handsome presents. He entered the church, and devoutly
offered up his prayers and thanksgivings at the great altar, to God his
Creator, for the good success he had experienced.

The French sought day and night after the English who had hidden
themselves, and put them to death or made them prisoners. Thus did
Charles VII. king of France, reconquer his town of Pontoise by a most
gallant attack, notwithstanding the many and severe skirmishes that
took place before it. In respect to the nobles, as well knights as
esquires, and other captains, who were there in great numbers, very
many behaved themselves valiantly and prudently,--but I was told that
sir Charles de Bosqueaux was much praised by all.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 94: Cheuery. Q. Ennery?]

[Footnote 95: Hetonville. Herouville, near Pontoise.]

[Footnote 96: Beaumont,--a seigniory in the isle of France, near to
Melun.]

[Footnote 97: Chanville-haut-Vergier. Q. Chambly?]

[Footnote 98: See Dugdale's Baronage.]

[Footnote 99: Poissy,--in the Isle of France, two leagues from Meulan,
seven from Paris.]

[Footnote 100: Du Frice. Du Fresche.--Du Cange.]




CHAP. LII.

 THE DUKE OF ORLEANS RETURNS TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FROM FRANCE.


The duke of Orleans this year returned from France to the duke of
Burgundy, then residing at Hêdin--and who no sooner heard of his coming
than he went out with a large company to meet him. The duke of Burgundy
showed him every mark of friendship, and entertained him handsomely
during the eight days he remained at Hêdin, where he celebrated the
feast of All-saints.

The two dukes held frequent and secret conferences on the state of
their own and the public affairs,--and agreed to meet the other princes
and nobles of France, who were shortly to assemble at Nevers. The duke
of Orleans, on departing thence, passed through St Pol to the town of
Arras, where he was most honourably received and entertained by the
magistracy, who made him also rich presents. He went thence to Paris
and to Blois.

The duke of Burgundy having assembled a body of men at arms, was
escorted by them toward Burgundy. A number of the burgundian nobles
came to meet him at Troyes in Champagne, when he dismissed his Picards,
who had escorted him thither, with strict orders not to oppress or hurt
the country or subjects of the king of France.

The fortress of the lord de Commercy, namely, the castle of Montaigu,
was a second time destroyed,--for the lord de Commercy had rebuilt it.




CHAP. LIII.

 REMONSTANCES ARE SENT TO KING CHARLES OF FRANCE BY THE NOBLES
 ASSEMBLED AT NEVERS[101].


The nobles assembled having considered the four propositions made to
them by the king's commissioners at Nevers, with the answers to each,
then remonstrated on the necessity of a general peace for the kingdom
of France, according to the terms the king had assented to; adding,
that he ought, in order to avoid expense, to continue the negotiations
at the usual place, without making objections to its situation, which
were not of sufficient interest to hinder the conferences from being
holden,--and they recommended that the appointment for the relief of
Tartas[102] should also be kept.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 101: Nevers,--capital of the Nivernois, 17 leagues from
Bourges.]

[Footnote 102: Tartas,--a town in Gascony, seven leagues from Dax.]




CHAP. LIV.

 THE ANSWERS OF THE KING OF FRANCE AND OF HIS GREAT COUNCIL TO THE
 REMONSTRANCES OF THE NOBLES OF FRANCE ASSEMBLED AT NEVERS.


With regard to the first point, it need not be noticed,--for it has not
been repeated in the answers made by the nobles at Nevers to the lord
chancellor of France, and to sir Louis de Beaumont, and others, deputed
thither by the king.

Respecting the remonstrances for peace,--the king has always shown the
sincerest wish to obtain so desirable an object by every reasonable and
just means, and this the said nobles must have well known. Considering
the very many advances he has made to this effect, he holds himself
acquitted in this matter before God and before the world. It is
notorious, that when the treaty of Arras was concluded, the king, by
the advice of the duke of Burgundy, who was anxious to promote an union
between the kingdoms of France and England, made greater offers than
was becoming him to the english ministers sent thither by their king to
treat of a peace,--but which offers were by them refused. It seemed,
therefore, just, to the cardinals who had been deputed by our holy
father the pope and the sacred council of Basil, and likewise to the
relatives and allies of the duke of Burgundy, who were there assembled
in great numbers, that from the unreasonableness of the English in
refusing such offers, the duke of Burgundy, was no longer bound in
loyalty to them,--but that, for this and other causes, he was at
liberty to quit their party, and unite himself in peace with the king
of France, his natural sovereign.

Since then the king, at the request of the duke of Orleans and of the
duke of Brittany, and with the consent of the duke of Burgundy, without
whom he would never have listened to the treaty of Arras, nor to any
overtures of peace with the English, although on their part some had
been made, but simply to perform his duty, he sent a solemn embassy to
the duke of Brittany to fix on a spot for the holding of a conference
between commissioners to negotiate a peace, from the kings of France
and England, and whither the duke of Orleans was to be conducted.
Cherbourg was the place appointed, although this conference never took
effect.

The king again, at the solicitations of the duke of Orleans and the
duchess of Burgundy, consented to another conference being held on the
subject of peace, between Gravelines and Calais. To this place he sent
ambassadors with full powers to treat, notwithstanding that Gravelines
and Calais were far distant, and the last in the hands of his enemies.
But this he did in favour to the duke of Orleans, who was to be brought
thither,--for the king was desirous that he should be present at or
near to the place of conference, to give his advice and opinion on the
terms that should be proposed, considering how nearly connected he was
in blood with the king, and also that he might endeavour to obtain his
deliverance from England. Had it not been for these reasons, the king
would never have assented to the conferences being held at Gravelines.

At this conference, a schedule, containing many articles respecting a
peace, was delivered to the duchess of Burgundy by the duke of Orleans,
and which was transmitted to the king of France, then holding the three
estates of the realm, to have their opinions thereon: but from the
absence of the dauphin, whom it more immediately concerned after the
king, as must be known to all, and of many of the great barons from
Languedoc and Vienne, another conference was appointed to be held at
Bourges in Berry in the ensuing month of February, and which the king
proposed personally to attend, but was prevented by other important
matters intervening.

Nevertheless, a solemn embassy was sent to this conference in the month
of May, in compliance with the appointment of the said duke of Orleans
and duchess of Burgundy, with full powers to treat of peace; but they
remained there for the space of seven or eight months without coming
to any final conclusions,--except, indeed, appointing another meeting
for the month of May in the year 1442, when the king again sent thither
his ambassadors. Nothing, however, was done, through the fault of the
English, who only sent a simple clerk, a very insufficient person to
treat of and discuss such various and weighty matters.

The lord chancellor, in consequence of fresh overtures made him by the
duchess of Burgundy, appointed another conference on the first days of
this present month of May, at any place in the countries of Beauvais,
Senlis, or Chartres,--which appointment the duchess made known to the
king of England, but he sent for answer, (which letter she transmitted
to the king of France) that he would not consent to hold any conference
but at Gravelines, a place which the king had especially objected to.
Considering that the king had consented to three conferences being held
in places under the subjection of his adversaries, the English ought
not to have refused meeting for once within his territories, where they
might conveniently have assembled; and the king had not consented to
a congress so often meeting at Gravelines, except in the hope that it
would expedite the deliverance of the duke of Orleans.

The king, notwithstanding, to show further his great willingness and
anxiety for peace, has, through his chancellor, made known to the
duchess of Burgundy, that he is content that another conference should
be holden on the 25th of next October in the parts before named, either
between Pontoise and Mantes, between Chartres and Vernueil, or between
Sablé and le Mans, wheresoever the commissioners on both sides shall
fix on as most agreeable to themselves for a place of meeting.

The king cannot propose any earlier day than the 25th of next October,
for two very substantial reasons. In the first place, he should wish
to be returned from the relief of Tartas, to attend this meeting in
company with the princes of his blood, and such of the nobility of his
kingdom as might choose to be present, more particularly the lords and
prelates of Normandy, without whose presence, and that of those before
specified, the king will not agree to any negotiations being carried
on; for they have most loyally served both him and his father, and have
suffered so much in their cause that they are well deserving of being
called to this congress, and having their opinions asked--and also
because the negotiations for peace affect them more than any others.

Secondly, in regard to the ancient alliances still maintained between
France and the kingdoms of Spain and Scotland, there must be time
allowed for the king to send information thither of the time of
meeting of this congress, to them and to their allies, that they may
send ambassadors with their consents thereto; for, by the articles of
alliance, neither party can conclude a final peace with England without
their being parties, or at least consenting thereto,--and the king
would not on any account infringe these alliances, which have been
most advantageously maintained respecting France,--for the subjects of
these respective kingdoms have done him and his predecessors the most
essential services.

The king therefore most anxiously desires that these his reasons may be
publicly known, (which all men must think satisfactory and reasonable
for his acquittal toward God and man); and he declares his willingness
that a congress should be holden at any of the places aforesaid, for
treating of a general and lasting peace with his adversaries, who may
have assurances of safety from our holy father the pope, the kings of
Spain and Scotland, and their allies.

The king will make known these his intentions to his adversary the
king of England, that he may send thither sufficient ambassadors. The
king also requires from the duke of Orleans, the dukes of Burgundy and
Brittany, and the duchess of Burgundy, who have exerted themselves in
the business, that they also send proper notice of this conference to
England, that efficient ambassadors may meet them to negotiate the
terms of a peace on the appointed day; at which time the king will
not fail to send thither men of note, with-full powers to bring this
matter to a conclusion.

The king is desirous, at this moment, to open his mind fully to his
nobles, as to those on whose attachment he depends,--being assured that
they can only wish to support his honour and that of his crown,--and
to those who are so nearly allied to him by blood, touching certain
expressions which the king has been informed were used respecting
the terms of a peace. At the first conference, held between Calais
and Gravelines, present the duchess of Burgundy and the cardinal of
England, the archbishop of York said, that the whole english nation
would never suffer or consent _usque in ultimo flatu_, that their
king should hold any lands in homage, or dependant on other sovereign
than himself, which expression would not accelerate a peace; for the
king was determined not to concede any thing to the English but under
similar terms with his other subjects and vassals, by doing homage
and service. He will not that what has been gained or augmented by
the valour and good conduct of his ancestors should be thus lost;
and the king cannot believe that any of the princes of his blood, or
the gallant nobles of his realm, would suffer such act to be done, or
consent thereto, considering the superiority and excellence of the
crown of France.

In order that no blame may attach to the king respecting the
non-accomplishment of peace, he will cause an account of the different
efforts he has made to effect it to be drawn up and enregistered with
a copy of this answer in his chamber of accounts, for the perpetual
remembrance of what he has done.

Item, as the nobles have required that proper provision be made against
the enterprises of the English in the countries of Chartrain and
Beauce, prior to the king's departure for the relief of Tartas, the
king will provide a remedy, and send thither the bastard of Orleans,
whom these nobles cannot object to, with sufficient powers to resist
the further enterprises of the English.

Item, as these nobles are soon to assemble at Nevers, and as their
ambassadors have notified the same to the king, requesting also, that
as the king was contented that the duke of Brittany should there join
them, he would be pleased to write again to the said duke of Brittany
his consent to his meeting the other nobles at Nevers, sending him
passports for his personal security, should there be occasion.

Item, the king makes known to his nobles by the lord chancellor and sir
Louis de Beaumont, that he is contented with their assembling, in the
hope of seeing them in his good town of Bourges, or in any other place,
where he would have given them good cheer, and received them kindly
as his near relatives, and discussed openly with them the affairs
of the realm. With regard to the duke of Brittany going to Nevers,
the king is surprised that any complaint or doubt should be made
concerning it,--for the king was so well inclined toward him that, had
he travelled by land, it was his intention to have invited him to pass
through Tours and accompany him to Bourges, to meet the said nobles, if
the duke could have done so with convenience to himself,--otherwise,
the duke might have thought that he had estranged himself from him.
The king, nevertheless, sent the lord de Gaucourt to him with letters
patent, which he has, and, should he travel by water through Blois
and Orleans, to accompany him, that he might afford an opportunity to
the duke to open his mind to him, as if the king had personally been
present. But to write again to the duke of Brittany, to repair to the
assembly at Nevers, does not seem to the king a proper or reasonable
request,--nor is it very decent that the nobles should hold any
meetings to treat of the affairs of the nation, except in the king's
presence or by his commands. The king, on his return from Tartas,
intends calling on them for their aid and advice, and to lead as large
an army as possible into Normandy, as the surest means of obtaining a
better peace, or with the aid of God and their support to recover his
lost territories.

Item, in answer to their complaints of the want of justice being duly
administered, as well in the parliaments as in the other jurisdictions
of the realm,--and their requests to the king that he would be pleased
to nominate only such as have experience and knowledge in the laws, and
that suitable persons be appointed to the different offices without
favour or affection,--

The king has ever filled up the places in his parliaments with the most
learned and intelligent lawyers he could find; and it now consists
of the most experienced and of those most versed in the laws of the
realm. At the solicitations of and to please the duke of Burgundy, the
king has nominated twelve persons whom he recommended as judges in
parliament; and when other lords have applied, the king has attended
to their recommendations, and appointed such as were said to be
fully competent to discharge faithfully the several duties of their
respective offices, in the administration of justice throughout the
realm.

Item, the king has been requested to shorten the proceedings of the
courts at law, as well in respect to the subjects of these nobles as of
all the king's subjects, without partiality as in former times, and
that indiscriminate justice may be had.

In reply to this request,--the king has been much grieved at the delays
of the courts of law, and earnestly desires the due administering of
justice with as little delay as possible, and will punish such as may
act to the contrary. It is the king's intention to write to his courts
of parliament, and to his other law-officers, that henceforth they
abridge all suits at law more than they have hitherto done, and that
they do strict justice to all without the least partiality.

Item, in respect to the complaints made to the king of the robberies,
crimes, and abuses committed by many soldiers under the king's name,
and calling themselves the king's men, whether they be the king's or
the nobles' subjects, a remedy is demanded for such abuses, not by
letters but by effectual measures,--and it has been remonstrated,
that it would be proper that only those who are well known, and have
loyally served the king, should have the command of these companies
of soldiers: likewise, that all soldiers should be well and regularly
paid, and quartered on the frontiers, which they were not to leave and
harrass the country people without being severely punished; that the
king should only keep near his person those experienced in war, and not
a multitude of indisciplined men; and that all of low degree, idlers,
and ignorant of war, should be constrained to return to their trades
and labour.

The king, in answer, says, that such robberies have always gone to his
heart,--and he has made frequent attempts to rid the kingdom of such
pillagers. With regard to quartering his soldiers on the frontiers,
when the king was last at Angers, he had settled this business; but the
new levies that have been raised have alone caused a renewal of these
abuses,--and other causes have arisen to prevent the proper notice
being taken of these pillagers, as was intended to have been done.
The king, in consequence of the complaint from his nobles, will issue
ordinances to put an end to them, and to dismiss all that are useless
in war: he therefore requires these said nobles not to countenance or
support any one who shall act contrary to these proposed regulations.

Item, respecting their request to the king, that he would be pleased
to take measures that the poorer ranks be not unnecessarily vexed or
harrassed, from the excessive taxes that are now raised on salt and
other articles,--the king replies, that he is extremely affected at
the poverty of his people, for that his interest is connected with
theirs, and it is his meaning to relieve them as soon and as much as
he conveniently can. He last year put an end to the vexations they
suffered in Champagne, and will not cease, doing the same in the other
parts of his realm as speedily as may be.

The king has also taken measures for the regular supply of provision
and pay to the troops on the frontier, otherwise he knows what
destruction and ruin will ensue to his subjects. But with regard to the
excessive taxes which these nobles complain their vassals are aggrieved
with, the king has shown far greater indulgence to them than to his
own; and it will be found that in the course of a year, when two taxes
have been raised on the king's subjects, the vassals of these lords
have paid but one, or that these nobles themselves have laid hands on
the greater part of what should have been paid to the king. It is clear
that the king must have the aid of his subjects for the support of the
war and the maintenance of his crown and dignity.

Item, it has been advanced, that before any taxes be laid, the king
should call together the three estates of the realm, to consult with
them and have their opinions thereon. In reply to this: the taxes have
been laid on the lands of these lords with their consent,--and, as for
the other impositions, the king, when there has been an opportunity,
has called them together, and shown them, of his royal authority,
the urgent state of his kingdom, when great part was occupied by his
enemies. There can be no need for calling the three estates to lay on
taxes,--for this would only add to the expenses of the poorer people
in paying the deputies' charges for coming and going; and many lords
of great weight have, in consequence, required that such convocations
should cease, and were satisfied that proper warrants should be issued
in the king's name for the raising of these taxes. In respect, however,
to the affairs of the nation, the king is bounden to consult with the
princes of his blood in preference to all others, considering how much
they are interested in its welfare,--and this has been usually done by
the most Christian kings, his predecessors.

Item, the nobles have requested the king to preserve to them their
prerogatives and authorities, which they hold, as well from their
peerage as from the other lordships they possess within the realm of
of France. The king in reply says, that he has never treated on any
affairs of consequence without their knowledge, or at least that of
the greater part of them,--and it his intention not to do otherwise.
It is his pleasure, as well as his will, to preserve to them all their
prerogatives and authorities, and in no way to act contrary to them:
they will therefore govern their vassals and lands in the manner in
which they are bounden to do.

Item, the king is requested that he would be pleased to select, as
members of his great council, men of knowledge, fearing God, and who
have not been partisans in the late disturbances; and likewise that he
would be pleased to elect a sufficient number, so that the weight of
the business of the kingdom may not be intrusted to two or three, as
has been hitherto the case.

The king replies, that he has always selected for his council the most
able men of his realm, without thinking on what may have passed during
the late disturbances, which he has put clean out of his remembrance,
and in such numbers as the state of public affairs at different periods
may have required.

Item, the nobles request the king to receive favourably these
remonstrances, in consideration of the four reasons already laid before
him, which have induced them thus to make them. They also remonstrate
with him on the case of the lord duke of Alençon, required that he
should be restored to his town of Niort, or that payment be promptly
made him in money for the loss of it; that he should be re-established
in his lieutenancy and pension; and that his place of Sainte Susanne,
should be delivered up to him, together with an Englishman whom he had
made prisoner, and that speedy and equitable justice be done him.

The king makes answer to these demands, that when he was in Poitou,
putting an end to the pillaging and robberies that were going on there,
and taking possession of several towns and castles the resort of the
robbers, he was suspicious, that during his absence for the relief
of Tartas, the town and castle of Niort would continue these evil
practices as it had been accustomed to do, and consequently laid hands
on it with the intent of paying its full value. But though the whole
amount was not at that time paid, he had given to the lord d'Alençon
six thousand crowns, with an engagement to that lord to make the
remainder of the payments punctually at the time specified in writing,
without making any deductions for the rents which the lord d'Alençon
had continued to receive since the first payment had been made.

In regard to re-establishing him in his lieutenancy and pension, when
the lord d'Alençon shall conduct himself in a becoming manner toward
his sovereign, the king will treat him as a relative and subject,
holding in his mind the nearness of their kindred, and the services
which he and his ancestors may have rendered to the king and the realm.
This the king continued to do, until he was obliged to change his
behaviour from the fault of the lord d'Alençon.

In respect to the place of Sainte Susanne[103], the king has not
given it to the lord de Bueil, nor is it held by him by the king's
orders. The lord de Bueil is fully able to answer the lord d'Alençon's
accusation respecting his holding this place wrongfully. Whenever
the lord d'Alençon shall appeal to the king's justice, it shall be
willingly and duly administered; and in like manner shall he have
justice done him in regard to the prisoner whom he demands.

Item, the nobles also made a requisition that the duke of Bourbon
should have his pension restored to him, for that it was not excessive.
The king replied that he had regularly continued the payments of this
pension and nothing was now due. Of fourteen thousand and four hundred
francs, the whole amount of this pension, the king had ordered nine
thousand francs to be paid to the duke's servants at Bressure[104],
in the month of January last, but which they refused to receive; and
the king wonders greatly how this matter has been, at this moment,
introduced.

Item, they likewise mention the case of the lord de Vendôme,--and
supplicate the king that he would be pleased to continue to him his
former pensions, of which he has great need, as there were not
sufficient grounds for striking them off; and that it would please
the king to permit him to exercise his office of grand master of the
household, as he had usually done in former times.

The king answers, that he did not dismiss the lord de Vendôme from his
household, but that he dismissed himself; and when the lord de Vendôme
shall conduct himself toward the king in a proper manner the king will
do on his part all that shall be thought right.

Item, the nobles beg leave to state the case of the lord de Nevers;
and, considering how near a-kin he is to the king, and that the lord
his father died in his service, and also the services the present
lord may render to his majesty to solicit that all opposition to his
establishing a warehouse for salt, at the town of Arcy-sur-Aube, may be
removed, and that he may receive the accustomed payment of his pension.

The king makes for answer, that, notwithstanding the very heavy charges
he is now at for the expenses of the war, out of favour, and in
kindness to the lord de Nevers, he consents to his having his former
pension,--for the payment of which he will receive the protection-money
of the Rethelois, as far as it shall go; and the balance shall be
paid from the amount of the taxes on the lands of the said lord de
Nevers, until he shall have received the whole sum. But the king is
much dissatisfied that the lord de Nevers should suffer his vassals,
and those of others, to overrun and despoil the country of Champagne,
by means of the country of the Rethelois, to which they retreat, and
expects that such measures will be taken to prevent it in future as
will satisfy him. In regard to the salt-warehouse at Arcy-sur-Aube, the
king wishes that the matter be laid before his court of exchequer, for
them to decide whether the lord de Nevers be entitled or not to have a
warehouse for salt at that place,--and whatever their decision may be,
the king will conform to it.

The nobles remonstrate also on the case of the duke of Burgundy, not
by way of complaint, but in the manner he had desired them, namely,
to make the king acquainted that many articles of the treaty of peace
between them had not been fulfilled on the part of the king,--and that
several were daily attempted to be infringed contrary to the intent of
the peace, and to the great loss of the duke of Burgundy.

The king replies, that he always most ardently wished for peace with
the duke of Burgundy, and to obtain it has nothing spared. The king
has hitherto maintained the peace inviolate, and has the intention of
ever doing so. For the better establishing of this peace, the king
gave his daughter in marriage to the duke's son the lord de Charolois.
As for the non-performance of some of the articles, the duke has seen
what weighty affairs the king has had on his hands to prevent its
being done,--but he has the will and inclination to have the remaining
articles fulfilled as speedily as he possibly can, and in such wise
that the duke of Burgundy shall be satisfied. As for the daily attempts
to infringe the peace, the king is perfectly ignorant of any such
being made, for he has never given the least encouragement to them,
but the king has great cause for grief at the business which is now
carrying forward.

When the ambassadors from the nobles had remained some days at the
king's palace, where they were very honourably entertained, and had
discussed at length the subjects of complaint in the remonstrance they
had brought, as well as the answers thereto from the king as well in
writing as verbally, they took leave, and returned to their lords.

The king however, was very uneasy at his nobles thus assembling
without his being present,--for they were daily attended by some of
the greatest lords in the realm; and his ministers reported to him,
that these meetings were not for his welfare; that the nobles were
endeavouring to gain to their party the barons of his realm, the
churchmen, and the common people, to make great reforms, and to place
the government of the kingdom in the three estates,--which must turn
out to his destruction; for, if they succeeded in their plans, he would
possess no other authority than the three estates should be pleased to
allow him. The king said, that he could not believe that his nobles
would be desirous to do any thing to his prejudice, or to the prejudice
of his crown,--and more especially that the duke of Burgundy, with whom
he had so lately made peace would interfere or consent to any thing so
destructive to the royal authority. He added, that if he were assured
they intended to bring forward such measures to his prejudice, he would
lay all other matters aside, and instantly attack them with his forces.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 103: Sainte Susanne,--a village in Normandy, election of St
Lo: or it may be a city in Maine, nine leagues from Mans.]

[Footnote 104: Bressure. Q. Bressolles? a village in the Bourbonnois,
near Moulins.]




[A.D. 1442.]

CHAP. LV.

 KING CHARLES ASSEMBLES A LARGE BODY OF MEN AT ARMS, AND MARCHES THEM
 TO TARTAS, WHERE, HOWEVER, THE ENGLISH DO NOT APPEAR.


At the beginning of this year, the king of France issued his summonses
throughout his realm, for the assembly of a very large force to carry
on his warlike enterprises, and to relieve the town of Tartas, whither
he intended marching in consequence of a time being fixed for its
surrender, unless relieved by the king. He was determined now to have
the greatest army that had been raised during his reign: indeed, there
was much necessity for it,--for, had he neglected this business, he ran
great risk of losing all Gascony and Guienne, and the obedience of the
greater part of the lords in those countries.

This army was collected with all diligence in the different parts of
the kingdom, and ordered to march by various roads, and rendezvous at
Toulouse. The day of relief had been fixed for the first of May,--but
at the request of the english captains who had signed the capitulation
at Tartas, it was prolonged to the ensuing feast of St John Baptist,
and during this time, the king continued his preparations.

At length, the king marched from Toulouse,--and for a truth, when he,
his great lords and all the captains, with their men, were assembled,
there were four score thousand horse, and carts and cars without number
to carry artillery, provision, and stores of all descriptions. Almost
all the principal nobility came thither,--among whom were the dauphin,
the count de Richemont constable of France, the lord Charles d'Anjou,
the count d'Eu, the count de Foix, the viscount de Helman[105], son
to the count d'Armagnac, the lord d'Albreth, the count de Comminges,
the two marshals, namely, the lords de Lohéac and de Jaloignes, who
commanded the vanguard with the constable, the lord de Coetivy admiral
of France, the lord de Villars, the lord de Mongascon, the lord de St
Priath, the lord de Chalenton[106], the lord de St Valier, the lord de
Videmont and many more great lords.

The king was also accompanied by numbers of adventurous men at arms,
the flower of french chivalry, who had for a long while followed
warlike enterprises,--such as La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, Anthony
de Chabannes, Olivier de Coetivy, the lord de Blainville, and his
brother sir Robert Blanchefort, Pennesach[107], Floquet, Joachim
Rohault, Pierre Rohault, Mathelin de l'Escouan, Dominic de Court, and
many others of renown.

On the king's arrival at Toulouse, he was informed by the lords of
Gascony, that the English were not in force sufficient to oppose him on
the day appointed for the relief of Tartas. Having called a council,
it was therefore determined to advance thither with only part of the
army, that they might more easily obtain provisions. The king marched
from Toulouse with but sixteen thousand horse,--among whom, however,
were most of the lords and captains above named. He was lodged at a
small town called Meillan[108], two leagues from Tartas, belonging to
the count d'Albreth, but in the possession of the count de Foix, and
his men were quartered round about.

On the morrow, which was the day fixed on for the surrender of Tartas
unless relieved by the king of France, the king drew up his men in
battle-array before the town, and thus remained from early morn until
ten or eleven o'clock in the forenoon,--when the lords de Coignac and
Enguerrot de Sainct Per, who had the command of the place appeared
before him, and brought with them the young Charles d'Albret, who
had remained in the town as an hostage. They surrendered the keys
of Tartas into the king's hands,--and at the same time, the lord de
Coignac did him homage, but Enguerrot retired to the city of Dax.
The lord d'Albret now entered Tartas,--and the king went to sleep at
Coignac, which is a pretty good town, about two leagues distant from
Tartas, where he remained on St John's day and the ensuing one.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 105: Helman. Lomaigne.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 106: Chalenton. Chalencon.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 107: Pennesach. Vennensach.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 108: Meillan,--a small town in Gascony, near Tartas.]




CHAP. LVI.

 THE KING OF FRANCE, AFTER GAINING TARTAS, COMES BEFORE SAINT SEVERE,
 AND CONQUERS THAT TOWN AND CASTLE, WITH SOME OTHERS IN GASCONY.


On the Wednesday following the surrender of Tartas, the king of France
marched his army before the town of Saint Severe[109], whither, as it
was very strongly fortified with five bastions, the whole country had
withdrawn with their cattle and effects. The dauphin's men, on their
arrival, made an attack on two of these bastions with such success that
they gained them, and lodged themselves therein.

Within a few days, another was won by the king's division, who ordered
an immediate attack on the fourth: the English made a vigorous defence,
but were driven thence, and pursued as far as the gate of the principal
bastion. The French continued their attacks on this place, without
having had any orders from the king or his captains,--and they lasted
for a long time with great valour on both sides; but at length the
French gained the victory, and conquered the place by storm, putting
to death about eight hundred English, with the loss of from twenty to
thirty of their own men, but in that number was the little Blanchefort.

The town was won on the side where the constable attacked it, when on
the part of the English, sir Thomas Rampstone and a few more were made
prisoners. The king after this conquest, remained there for twelve
days, and thence marched to besiege the town of Dax, which occupied
him for the space of five weeks, as there was a strong fortification
in front of one of the gates. When the battering cannon had partly
demolished the walls of the town, orders were given for storming this
fortification which held out most obstinately for five hours, but was
at last won about nightfall. Ten or twelve English were killed and very
many of the French wounded.

The king withdrew his men after this event, with the exception of
those who had the guard of it. On the ensuing day, the townsmen of
Dax, fearing that a stronger attack would now be made on their town,
surrendered themselves to the king except the lord de Montferrand,
governor of the town for the English, and the before-mentioned
Enguerrot de St Per, who were permitted to march out in safety, but
with staves in their hands.

The lord de Montferrand also promised to surrender into the king's
hands two castles which he held near to Bourdeaux,--for the due
performance of which he gave his son in hostage. He remained a prisoner
a long time, because the lord de Montferrand, refused to keep his
promise of surrendering these two castles.

Gascony and Guienne were at this time governed, for the king of
England by the captal de Buch, the lord de Montferrand and sir Thomas
Rampstone, seneschal of Bourdeaux. In the absence of the king of
France, the English reconquered the town and castles of Saint Severe;
but the king shortly after, marched back his army thither, retook it by
storm, and put numbers of English to death. At this time, all the towns
and castles of the lord de la Rochetaillade turned, and did homage to
the king of France.

The king of France next marched to Marmonde[110], which opened its
gates to him, and thence to La Réole[111]. It was vigorously besieged
and the town was taken by storm; but the castle held out for about six
weeks, when it surrendered on the garrison being allowed to march away
in safety. Olivier de Cointiny was appointed by the king governor of
this and of other places that had been conquered in the course of the
expedition. The baron of Dax commanded in La Réole for the king of
England,--but he afterward turned to the french interest.

While these conquests were making, the English much distressed the
French particularly by encouraging their peasantry to harrass their
scouting parties, so that, from the multitudes in the french army they
frequently suffered famine. Great numbers of their horses died; a
severe loss to those adventurers who had been accustomed to keep the
field all the year round. Many of them, in consequence, quitted the
army in search of provision for themselves and horses, and advanced as
far as Navarre, where they committed all sorts of mischief on the poor
farmers.

In another quarter, the English collected a body of men, and through
friends in the town, regained the city of Dax from the French. The
governor, Regnault Guillaume le Bourguignon, was made prisoner, and
most part of his garrison put to the sword. The king of France was much
vexed at thus loosing a place, through the neglect of the governor,
which had cost him so long a time and such an expense to conquer.

When the king of France had remained for seven or eight months in
Gascony, where he had made such valuable conquests, he considered the
dreadful state of his army, and the danger it was daily exposed to from
want of provision, and resolved to direct his march toward Montauban.
He staid at Montauban about two months, whence he issued his orders
for the defence of the country, and then, by slow marches, returned to
Poitiers.

Shortly after the king had left Montauban, La Hire, who had suffered
extremely in this expedition, and was advanced in years, died in the
castle of that town. The king on hearing of his death, was much
affected, and ordered that his widow should possess the lands he had
given to him for his life.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 109: Saint Severe,--near to Coignac.]

[Footnote 110: Marmonde,--a town on the Garonne, between Bourdeaux and
Toulouse.]

[Footnote 111: La Réole,--on the road between Bourdeaux and Toulouse.]




CHAP. LVII.

 PIERRE DE REGNAULT IS FORCED TO DISLODGE FROM THE CASTLE OF
 MAILLY[112].


I have before noticed how Pierre de Regnault had taken possession
of the castle of Mailly, two leagues distant from Beauvais, which
he had repaired and refortified. He had with him about two hundred
determined combatants, with whom he overran the countries round,
seizing and carrying off to his fort all he could find, as well
from those dependant on the king of France as from others. He
overran, in particular, the dependances of the duke of Burgundy,
the count d'Estampes, and other great lords of that party: he even
at times crossed the river Somme, and advanced into Artois, twelve
or fifteen leagues from his castle. He acted in like manner within
the castlewicks of Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier, where he made some
capital prisoners, who paid large sums for their ransoms, just the same
as an enemy would have done in time of war, so that the country was
grievously harrassed,--and heavy complaints were made frequently to
the superior lords, who were much vexed at this conduct. The duke of
Burgundy at last sent to remonstrate with the king of France on this
destruction of his country, and to require that a remedy be applied.

The king gave a similar answer to what he had done before: that he was
much concerned at what had happened, and would be well pleased if the
duke should conquer Pierre de Regnault whenever he found him marauding
on his territories, or that he would besiege him in his castle of
Mailly, and drive him thence; that he would send positive orders to all
his captains in that part of the country not to give him the smallest
aid against the troops of the duke of Burgundy, under pain of incurring
his highest indignation.

The duke was satisfied with this answer, and began to arrange his plans
accordingly. He concluded a treaty with some of the english captains
on the frontier of Normandy, that they should give security not to
molest his men nor aid the enemy; and when he was assured that neither
French nor English would take part against him in this business, he
sent orders from Burgundy, where he then was, to the count d'Estampes,
who had the government of Picardy, to collect as many men as he could
raise, and march against the castle of Mailly. The count on this
made great diligence, and assembled in a short time twelve hundred
combatants, knights, esquires, and others, the most expert warriors
in Picardy and in the adjoining parts. In the number were Waleran
de Moreul, Guy de Roye, Jean d'Ange, the lord de Saveuses, Simon de
Lalain, Jean de Haplaincourt, Charles de Rochefort, sir Colart de
Mailly, and many more great lords and gentlemen.

The rendezvous was in the town of Amiens, whence they marched with a
numerous train of artillery, stores, and baggage, to Beauvais. The
count and great lords were handsomely received in that town, and their
men were quartered in the villages round. The count d'Estampes lost no
time in advancing to the castle of Mailly, and posted his men as near
as he could to the gate, the strongest part of the castle, and to the
lower court, which had been newly strengthened with casks and beams of
timber. The garrison defended themselves courageously with cannons and
other engines of war, and killed many of the count's men: among the
slain was sir Matthew de Humieres. The besiegers had left the greater
part of their horses in the town of Beauvais, whence and from Orleans
they were daily supplied with provision.

When the artillery had made a breach in the walls of the lower court,
a general and very sharp assault was made, in which great prowess was
displayed on both sides; but the lord de Saveuses and his men gained
the most renown. The besieged defended themselves with such obstinacy
that the count, finding the conquest would be attended with too much
loss, ordered a retreat, leaving behind from eight to ten dead: of the
besieged, only a few were wounded.

The besieged, perceiving that they could not hold out much longer,
and that they had no great hopes of succour, capitulated with the
commissaries of the count to surrender the place, on being allowed to
march away in safety with their arms and baggage. On the surrender of
the castle, it was set on fire, and razed to the ground, and the count
marched his army during Passion-week to the places they had come from.
This siege of Mailly had lasted upwards of three weeks,--and the whole
country that had been laid under contributions by the garrison were
greatly rejoiced when it was known for certain that the castle was
demolished and the garrison driven thence.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 112: Mailly,--a town in Picardy, near Peronne.]




[A.D. 1443.]

CHAP. LVIII.

 THE KING OF FRANCE ASSEMBLES A LARGE ARMY TO MARCH INTO NORMANDY.--THE
 EARL OF SOMERSET[113] MAKES SOME CONQUESTS FROM THE FRENCH IN ANJOU
 AND ELSEWHERE.


At the beginning of this year, the king of France assembled a numerous
body of men at arms, with the intent of marching them into Normandy the
ensuing summer to relieve Dieppe, which was hardly pressed by a very
strong blockhouse the English had raised against it. The king meant,
under escort of this succour, to revictual the town; and consequently
the men at arms conducted thither numbers of cattle and other stores,
which they drove forcibly into the town, notwithstanding the severe
skirmishes that took place, when many were killed and wounded on both
sides.

About this time, the earl of Somerset had collected a body of six
thousand combatants, or thereabout, and marched them into the province
of Anjou, committing great waste with fire and sword; after which,
he advanced toward Brittany, and took by storm La Guerche[114],
belonging to the duke of Alençon, which town was plundered by the
English. He thence advanced to Ponsay[115], where he remained upwards
of two months, but detached parties of men, who overran the countries
of Anjou, Touraine, and near to Chartres, where at times they were
attacked and defeated by peasants.

The marshal de Lohéac had the defence of this part of the kingdom
intrusted to him by king Charles, and to oppose the English with the
men of the duke of Alençon. They formed a plan to attack the English
camp by night; but the earl of Somerset, having had intelligence
thereof, advanced to meet them, and fell on them unawares. The French
were thrown into confusion, and from twenty to thirty were killed or
taken: the rest saved themselves by flight as well as they could. Among
the prisoners were the lord d'Assigny, Louis de Beuil, and many other
gentlemen.

The earl of Somerset now dislodged from before Pouencé, and took the
castle of Beaumont le Vicomte[116]. Having posted garrisons along the
frontier, he returned to Rouen.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 113: John earl of Somerset succeeded to the earldom of
Somerset in 1443: he was created duke of Somerset and earl of Kendal,
&c. in the 21st year of Henry VI. Dying without male issue, he was
succeeded by his brother Edmund, earl of Mortain, in Normandy, and
marquis of Dorset. He was slain at the battle of St Alban's.

See Collins' Peerage,--Scudamore Beaufort,--and also sir William
Paston's letters, wherein are many curious particulars relating to him.
Sir William married into that family.]

[Footnote 114: La Guerche,--a town in Brittany, near Vitré.]

[Footnote 115: Ponsay, Pouencé.--Du Cange.]

[Footnote 116: Beaumont-le-Vicomte,--a town in Maine, near Fresnay.]




CHAP. LIX.

 SOME KNIGHTS AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY'S COURT HOLD A
 TOURNAMENT NEAR TO DIJON.


During the duke of Burgundy's residence in that duchy, several
gentlemen of his household, with his permission, and for his amusement,
had it proclaimed throughout Burgundy, and in other countries, that if
there were any men of name desirous of gaining honour and renown by
deeds of arms, there were gentlemen, whose names shall be presently
declared, who offered to receive and furnish them with arms suitable
for the enterprise. The challenges shall likewise be mentioned that
were dispersed through divers countries for this purpose, by sir Pierre
de Bauffremont lord of Chargny, who was the chief of the enterprise.




CHAP. LX.

 THE CHALLENGES FOR THIS TOURNAMENT AND THE NAMES OF THE CHAMPIONS.


'In honour of our Lord, and of his most glorious mother, of my lady
Sainte Anne, and of my lord St George, I, Pierre de Bauffremnont
lord of Chargny, of Monliet and of Montfort, knight, counsellor and
chamberlain, to the most high, most puissant and excellent prince
the duke of Burgundy, make known to all princes, barons, knights
and esquires, without reproach, with the exception of those of the
kingdom of France and of the countries in alliance, or subjects to my
said sovereign lord, that for the augmentation and extension of the
most noble profession and exercise of arms, my will and intention is,
in conjunction with twelve knights, esquires and gentlemen, of four
quartering, whose names follow,--Thibault lord of Rougemont and Mussy,
sir William de Bresremont lord of Sees and of Sonnegnon, William de
Brene lord of Mombis and of Gilly, John lord of Valengon, John lord of
Rap and of Tirecourt, William de Champdivers lord of Chevigny, John de
Chiron lord Rancheineres, Anthony de Vaudray, lord of Aille, William
de Vaudray lord of Collaon, James de Challant lord of Ainville, sir
Amey lord of Espirey, and John de Chavigny,--to guard and defend a pass
d'armes, situated on the great road leading from Dijon toward Exonne,
at the end of the causeway from the said town of Dijon, at a great tree
called the Hermit's Tree, in the form and manner following.

'In the first place, two shields (one black, besprinkled with tears of
gold,--the other violet, having tears of sable,) shall be suspended on
the tree of the hermit, and all those who shall, by a king at arms or
pursuivant, touch the first shield, shall be bounden to perform twelve
courses on horseback with me, or with one of my aforesaid knights or
esquires, with blunted lances.

'Item, if either of the champions, during their twelve courses, be
unhorsed by a direct blow with the lance on his armour, such person,
thus unhorsed, shall present to his adversary a diamond of whatever
value he please.

'Item, the champions may arm themselves according to their pleasure,
double or single, but without any wicked intentions, having their rest
similar to the usual custom in war.

'Item, each person shall make provision of lances,--but the rondelle,
which lies on the hands, shall be only four fingers broad, and no
more.[117]

'Item, the lances shall be all of similar length, from the point to the
rest.

'Item, for the accomplishment of these feats of arms on horseback, I
will supply all who may come without lances, precisely like to my own
and to those of my companions.

'Item, these deeds of arms on horseback shall be performed _à la
toille_, which shall be six feet high.'

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 117: This article I do not understand. In the original it is
_tondelle_,--altered by Du Cange to _rondelle_, which is translated
by Cotgrave, 'a small target;' but four fingers wide would be too
insignificant for any defence. I have, therefore, left it for better
antiquaries to explain.]




CHAP. LXI.

 HERE FOLLOW THE ARTICLES FOR THE DEEDS OF ARMS ON FOOT.


'Those princes, barons, knights and esquires, of the rank before
mentioned, who shall rather take their pleasure in performing feats of
arms on foot, shall touch the violet shield, and shall perform fifteen
courses with battle-axes or swords, as may be most agreeable to them.

'Item, if, during these courses, any champion shall touch the ground
with his hand or knees, he shall be bounden to present his adversary
with a ruby of whatever value he please.

'Item, each champion shall be armed with the accustomed armour for
combating in lists.

'Item, should any person be unprovided with battle-axe or sword, I
will furnish him with the same, similar to my own or to those of
my companions. These axes and swords are not to have any thing
extraordinary in their make, but such as are usual in these kind of
combats.

'Item, he that shall have engaged himself to fight with me, or either
of us, and shall throw the other to the ground, the person so thrown
shall be obliged to surrender himself a prisoner whithersoever the
conqueror shall order him.

'Item, the person thus made prisoner shall pay for his immediate
ransom, to whomsoever the conqueror shall direct, any sum above five
hundred crowns.

'Item, foreigners need not seek for particulars from me, or from my
companions, for they will find persons ready to deliver such at the
usual hours and places.

'Item, no stranger will be permitted to enter the lists with me or with
any one of my companions, for more than one course at arms, namely,
once on horseback and once on foot,--and no one can require more of any
of us during the present undertaking.

'Item, the aforesaid feats of arms, on horseback and on foot, shall
be performed on the following days: those on horseback on Mondays,
Tuesdays, and Wednesdays,--those on foot, Thursdays, Fridays, and
Saturdays.

'Item, this pass d'armes shall commence on the first-day of July, in
the year 1443, and shall last forty days, exclusive of feast-days and
Sundays, and the feasts commanded to be kept by the court of Rome.

'Item, no prince, baron, knight or esquire shall pass within a quarter
of a league of the spot assigned for these combats without entering the
lists and taking part, or otherwise leaving as pledges his sword or
spurs according to his pleasure.

'Item, for the accomplishment of these feats of arms, as well on
horseback as on foot, according to the articles above specified, I
have most humbly supplicated and entreated my aforesaid sovereign
lord, that he would grant me his licence and permission to perform
them, which he has most benignantly assented to. He has likewise most
graciously appointed, as judge of the lists, that puissant prince and
my most redoubted lord the count of Nevers and of Rethel,--and, in his
absence, the lord marshal count of Fribourg and of Neufchâtel.

'In order that this my intention of performing these deeds of arms in
the manner before specified may be more fully declared, I have affixed
my seal to these presents, and signed them with my own hand, this 8th
day of March, in the year 1442.

'Item, I beseech all princes, barons, knights and esquires, not to
construe this my intention as proceeding from any presumption on my
part; for my sole motive is to exalt the noble profession of arms, and
to extend the exercise of it,--and also to make acquaintance by arms
with such renowned and valiant princes and nobles as may be pleased to
honour me with their company.

'Item, all noble foreigners shall have sure and loyal passports from my
aforesaid sovereign lord, or, in his absence, from his marshal.'




CHAP. LXII.

 THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS THE COUNT D'ESTAMPES, WITH A LARGE BODY OF
 MEN AT ARMS, INTO THE DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG.


At this period, the duchess of Luxembourg, widow to duke Anthony of
Brabant and to John of Bavaria (both of them uncles to the duke of
Burgundy, one by the father's the other by the mother's side), made
heavy complaints to the duke of Burgundy that the greater part of
her subjects and vassals in the duchy of Luxembourg had refused to
obey her, or pay her the rents that were her due. The inhabitants of
Luxembourg and Thionville were particularly rebellious, with those of
other places in their neighbourhood, by driving out of their towns her
officers. She most humbly requested of him, from his love to God, and
in honour to his two uncles, whom she had married, and to whom she had
always behaved most honourably, that he would take compassion on her
case, and afford her such succour as should replace her with honour in
her duchy, otherwise she should be reduced to live in great poverty and
misery.

The duke made her a very kind answer, saying that he would heartily
assist her against her rebellious subjects with every means in his
power,--for which she gratefully thanked him. In consequence, he
lost no time to assemble his council, for them to deliberate on the
matter and determine on the most efficacious method of performing
his engagement.--It was resolved at this council, that the duke of
Burgundy should send a solemn message to the inhabitants of Luxembourg,
to require of them to perform their duties to the duchess and to her
officers, as they were bounden to do,--and that, should they refuse,
he, the duke, would support her with all his power, to restore to her
her rights.

The inhabitants refused to attend to this summons, although several
requests were made to them for the purpose, and instantly introduced
into their towns a body of troops from duke William of Saxony, who
laid claim to the duchy as next heir. He sent thither eight hundred
combatants from the borders of Germany, under the command of a relative
called the count de Clicque, who garrisoned the town of Luxembourg,
Thionville, and others of their party.

The duke of Burgundy, perceiving they persevered in their rebellion,
determined to make war upon them, and wrote letters to the count de
Vernembourg, the heir of Sarrebrusse, Henry de la Tour, and to other
nobles of the duchy of Luxembourg, the greater part of whom supported
the duchess, to request that they would join him in his war against
her rebellious subjects. He added that he would shortly send thither
an army, and command it in person, to conquer that duchy, and drive
out those who at present occupied it. They returned for answer, that
they were very agreeable to join him; and, after they had sent to the
different towns in rebellion their challenges, made open war upon them.
In the mean time, the duke of Burgundy ordered the count d'Estampes
into Picardy, to assemble a large force, and march with it to meet him
in Burgundy.

When his army was ready, he commanded it to advance toward Saint
Quentin, whither he himself went, accompanied by Waleran de Moreul,
Guy de Roye, the lord de Humieres, the lord de Saveuses, sir Simon de
Lalain, the lord de Neufville, Gauvain Quieret, sir Anthony de Wissoch,
Jean de Haplaincourt, and many noble knights and esquires, to the
number of twelve or thirteen hundred combatants.

From St Quentin, the army marched toward Laon, to pass through the
county of Rethel; but when near to Montagut[118], intelligence was
brought that Dimenche le Court, le Roucin, and others of the king of
France's captains, were posted in Montagut and Sissonne[119], whence
they had lately laid waste the whole country of the Rethelois. The
count d'Estampes was very indignant on hearing this; for a short time
before, Dimenche le Court had been defeated in Burgundy, and had then
promised never more to invade the territories of the duke of Burgundy,
nor of his allies. The count sent to order them to decamp, for that he
intended to lodge in Montagut; but as they refused to obey, a dispute
ensued between the two parties, and the count instantly attacked them,
when the French were defeated, with the loss of their horses and
baggage, taken by the Picards. Few were killed, but many wounded,--and
such as had been made prisoners were afterwards set at liberty. Some
had even their baggage restored,--in particular, that of de Court,--and
they made a retreat as speedily as they could.

Neither the king nor dauphin were pleased that their men should
have been attacked and defeated on the territories of France, more
especially as these troops in obedience to a summons from the dauphin,
were on their march to the relief of Dieppe, of which ample mention
shall be made: the mischief, however, was done,--which caused,
hereafter, great remorse.

The count d'Estampes marched his army toward Burgundy, and encamped in
the plains near to Langres and Montfaucon: during which, the count and
principal nobles waited on the duke of Burgundy at Dijon, where they
were joyfully received and feasted. They remained there some time,
while the duke was finishing his preparations to march with his army
into Luxembourg.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 118: Montagut,--a village in Picardy, near Laon.]

[Footnote 119: Sissonne,--a town in Picardy, near Laon.]




CHAP. LXIII.

 THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY REDUCES THE DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG TO HIS OBEDIENCE.


We must now speak of the duke of Burgundy, who was making great
preparations for the attack of Luxembourg. In the interval, several
attempts were made to reconcile the duchess and her disobedient
subjects, but in vain. The duke was, therefore, resolved to make a
severe war on them, and reduce them to his obedience.

He first detached sir Simon de Lalain into Luxembourg, with three
or four hundred combatants, who formed a junction with the count de
Vernembourg, and the other nobles allied to the duke of Burgundy.
They quartered themselves in Arlon, and other towns attached to the
duchess, and thought to have gained Thionville by an understanding
with the inhabitants, but failed, from the count de Clicque and his
party having the ascendency, together with a considerable garrison to
enforce obedience. Shortly after, the count de Clicque, with a large
army and train of artillery, advanced near to Arlon, with the intent to
besiege it, and several skirmishes took place, when many were killed
and wounded on both sides,--but fearing the superior force of the duke
of Burgundy, he retreated into Luxembourg.

The Picards made several excursions, and at times advanced even to the
gates of Luxembourg. The duke of Burgundy now left Dijon in handsome
array, and grandly attended with knights and esquires. He fixed his
quarters at Yvoy, in the duchy of Luxembourg, where he was joyfully
received by the inhabitants. While at Yvoy, he ordered the castle of
Villy to be besieged, as it contained a party of marauders, who had
done great mischief to the poor farmers, under the command of one
called Jacquemin de Beaumont.

The command of this expedition was given to Guy de Roye, the lord de
Saveuses, Hugh de Hasines, and others, having with them six hundred
combatants. They pointed many engines against this castle, which
damaged it much; but those within declared, that they belonged to the
young lord de Commercy, who had been with the dauphin to the relief
of Dieppe. They also sent to inform him of what was passing, when he
assembled about a thousand combatants,--among whom was Pierre Robert,
le Roucin, and many other veterans. They pushed forward by forced
marches until they were near the castle, and then, at early morn, they
surprised the burgundian camp, without meeting much resistance. Those,
however, who had the command of the siege, hearing a noise, assembled
their men in haste, and, in handsome array, attacked the enemy, drove
him out of their camp into the plain, where a sharp engagement ensued,
and where sir Gauvain Quieriet, sir Hugh de Longueval, and others of
the chiefs displayed great courage. Sir Gauvain had joined them the
day before, and had informed them of the march of the young lord of
Commercy.

This lord and his companions, finding that they would lose rather than
gain by a longer stay, galloped off in haste, and returned to Commercy,
leaving behind eight or ten dead and several wounded. On the part of
the Burgundians, a gentleman, named Walter de Pavant, was slain, and a
few with him. During the engagement, Jacquemin de Beaumont abandoned
his men, and, issuing out at a postern of the castle, joined the young
lord de Commercy, and returned with him. The garrison now surrendered
on capitulation, that they should march away with arms and baggage.

The duke of Burgundy encamped his army nearer Luxembourg, and the count
d'Estampes, with the greater part of his captains, went to Ez[120], a
large town that was formerly inclosed, and remained there some time.
His men made frequent excursions thence, and, when they met any of the
enemy's troops, made very light of them.

While these things were passing, the duke, who had with him some of
his ablest advisers, held frequent consultations with those best
acquainted with the country, on the means of putting an end to the war.
He was advised to attempt scaling the walls of Luxembourg during the
night, to which he readily listened, and ordered preparations to be
made accordingly. Two gentlemen,--one from Burgundy named Guillaume le
Grevant, and the other from Picardy called Robert de Miraumont,--were
dispatched, under care of proper guides, to examine the place and make
a trial. They set out, having with them some excellent scalers, and
soon discovered that the enterprise was feasible,--for, finding the
watch inattentive, they mounted the walls, and examined at their ease
the whole state of the town. They then returned as secretly as they
could, and related to the duke all they had observed.

On their report, he determined to make the attempt, and sent
information thereof to the count d'Estampes and the other captains with
him, signifying to them that it was his pleasure they should undertake
it, and that he would support them should there be occasion. The duke
was at this time at Arlon, and the count d'Estampes at Ez. The count,
on receiving this information, assembled the majority of the captains,
and laid before them the plan and orders from the duke, and demanded
their opinions. It was long debated, when some declared themselves
doubtful of its success, and gave their reasons for so thinking; but
at length it was resolved to undertake it, since it was the will and
pleasure of the duke.

After this determination, it was next considered who should take
command of the first party of scalers--and sir Gauvain Quieriet, the
lord de Bosqueaux, Guillaume le Grevant, and Robert de Miraumont,
were appointed, with sixty or eighty men to support the scalers. They
began their march under the direction of able guides of the country,
and were overtaken by the lord de Saveuses, although at the time
he was labouring under a severe disorder, whose arrival gave them
great pleasure. They advanced in silence to within half a league of
Luxembourg, when they dismounted, and there left their horses, and
continued to advance to the appointed place. Having then ordered who
were to mount first, and those who were instantly to follow in a line,
the ladders were raised against the wall, and the enterprise proceeded.
The lord de Saveuses was requested to remain at the foot of the ladders
to see that order was observed, and that such mounted as had been fixed
on,--for there was not a man among them who would have refused to obey
him.

When sir Gauvain and the others had gained the ramparts, they seized
some of the inhabitants, threatening to put them to death if they made
the least noise, and hastened to break open a postern, to admit the
lord de Saveuses and those who had followed them, to the number of
two hundred, who instantly shouted, 'Town won!' to the dismay of the
inhabitants, who cried out, 'To arms!' in several places.

The Burgundians hastened to the market place, which they gained,
notwithstanding some few of the townsmen had assembled there to defend
it. They made little resistance, but sir Gauvain was wounded,--and
two of the townsmen being slain, the rest fled for the castle and the
lower town. The count d'Estampes, having received on his march several
messages of the success of the detachment, hastened as fast as he
could to Luxembourg. On his arrival, he ordered a party in front of
the castle, to prevent those within from making a sally; but they had
already set fire to the houses in the street opposite, which destroyed
several handsome dwellings, and the greater part of the horses of the
men at arms in their stables, their masters having retired within the
castle. When the populace, who had retreated in multitudes to the lower
town, saw that the place was won without hope of rescue, they issued
forth, and went to Thionville, and other places, in despair, abandoning
all their effects.

This same day, the duke of Burgundy came to Luxembourg, and his men
were then regularly quartered through the town: the great wealth,
and abundance of all things therein, were plundered by those who had
made the conquest. It had been ordered, prior to the march, that no
indiscriminate pillage should take place,--but that all things should
be regularly shared to each person, according to his rank, without
fraud: but this order was not observed,--and the majority of the
middling and lower ranks in the army were defrauded of their portion:
indeed, few had any portions but the chiefs of the army and those who
had commanded the expedition. Those also gained who were intrusted with
the guard of the plunder; but this conduct caused great murmurings in
the army,--and complaints were loudly uttered by many, saying that this
was a bad example for them to adventure their lives another time for
plunder, when they now received no share of it: but, notwithstanding
their complaints, they gained nothing. On the contrary, they were
forced rigorously, to deliver up whatever they had taken, into the
hands of commissaries appointed for that purpose.

The lord de Humieres was on this expedition, and exercised the office
of marshal for the lord de Beaumont, marshal of Burgundy. Beside the
count d'Estampes, there were with the duke of Burgundy from Picardy
and its borders, the lord de Croy, count Porcien, Waleran de Moreul,
sir Simon de Lalain, Guy de Roye, the lord de Saveuses, his brother
Hugh de Hames, Hugh de Longueval, the lord de Bosqueaux, sir Anthony de
Wissoch, and numbers of others of the nobility. From Burgundy were the
lord de Ternant, sir Pierre de Bauffremont lord of Chargny, the lord of
Brassay, Charles de Rochefort, Philibert de Vaudray, Jean de Vaudray,
Philibert d'Aincourt, and many more knights and esquires.

The count de Clicque had retreated, with his men, into the castle,--but
escaped thence secretly during the night, and went on foot to
Thionville. The castle of Luxembourg held out for three weeks after the
capture of the town, during which sir John bastard of Dampierre was
killed by the shot of an arrow on the head from one of the garrison;
and the lord de Saveuses was grievously wounded on the breast by a
cross-bow shot, at a sally made from the castle: he was in danger of
death, but by the abilities of the duke's surgeons he recovered.

At the end of three weeks, the count de Clicque signed a capitulation
with commissioners from the duke of Burgundy for the surrender of the
castle of Luxembourg, on condition that his men therein might depart
in safety, but without carrying away any thing with them. The town of
Thionville surrendered at the same time,--when the count de Clicque
returned with his men to his country of Germany, covered with disgrace
and confusion. Thus did the duke of Burgundy in a short time subdue
the whole duchy of Luxembourg to his obedience, and with little loss of
men.

He was now joined by his duchess and the duchess of Luxembourg, with
whom a treaty was concluded for her enjoyment of the duchy during her
life with the same powers as before, and that she was to pay annually
to the duke of Burgundy the sum of ten thousand francs, french money,
as a reimbursement for his expences, and the duchy was to revert to him
and his heirs on her decease.

The duke published a proclamation during his stay at Luxembourg to
forbid all persons, whatever might be their rank, from seeking any
quarrels or doing wrong to any of the lords of that country or to their
vassals. This was infringed by one of his body-archers, called The
Little Scotsman, who quarrelled with sir Pierre Bernard, and struck
him; for which the duke had him instantly hanged, notwithstanding
the entreaties of several great lords of his household, and even the
solicitations of sir Pierre Bernard, to save his life, and although
he had been before very fond of him, and was well pleased with his
services; but he would not remit the sentence, to afford an example to
all others not to dare infringe his edicts or ordinances.

At this time, several embassies took place between the kings of France
and England, to endeavour to conclude a peace between them, or at least
to prolong the truce. The king of France was now at Tours in Touraine,
when many great councils were held on these matters, and for which a
meeting of the three estates was called; but notwithstanding these
measures, the two parties continued a severe warfare on each other.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 120: Ez. Q. Metz?]




CHAP. LXIV.

 SOME OF THE DAUPHIN'S MEN, HAVING ADVANCED INTO BURGUNDY, ARE ATTACKED
 AND DEFEATED BY THE MARSHAL OF BURGUNDY.


About the beginning of this year, the dauphin returned to the king
his father at Tours. He had been long absent in Languedoc, as well
in respect to the affair of the count d'Armagnac[121] as on other
business. On his return, many of his army advanced into Burgundy, and
committed similar mischiefs to what they had done before. They had
fixed their quarters at a large village called Espoise, where the lord
de Beaumont, marshal of Burgundy, accompanied by a party of nobles,
overtook and attacked them,--and the French were defeated, with the
loss of numbers killed and taken.

Intelligence of this event was soon carried to the dauphin, who swore
a round oath that he would march himself into Burgundy to revenge the
loss. On the other hand, the duke of Burgundy having heard what the
dauphin had said and sworn, declared that he would personally defend
his country. Thus was the foundation laid for the ill blood between
these two princes,--but shortly after, by the mediation of prudent
persons on each side, matters were made up, and the dauphin restrained
his anger and resentment.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 121: The count d'Armagnac, disgusted with the king's taking
the county of Cominges from him, and for other causes, had revolted,
and entered into a treaty with England, offering one of his daughters
in marriage to king Henry VI. Hall seems to say, that the cardinal of
Winchester betrayed this to the king of France, from hatred to the
duke of Glocester; and consequently the king of France attacked and
overpowered the count of Armagnac.]




CHAP. LXV.

 A TRUCE IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE, AND WITH
 ALL THE ALLIES AND RELATIVES OF EITHER PARTY.


The meetings for peace were, during this time continued with much
activity at Tours, whither came many of the high nobility of France
and of England: such as could not personally attend sent their
commissioners, with full powers to act for them. On the part of the
duke of Burgundy came sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault, the prior
de Vergy, master Oudart Caperal, and other notable men, there were
likewise envoys from the principal towns.

On the part of the king of England were sir William de la Pole, earl of
Suffolk, master Adam Moleyns, keeper of the king's privy seal and dean
of Salisbury, sir Robert Roos and others[122].

Several conferences were holden to conclude a general peace,--but
so many difficulties arose that it was found to be impracticable at
present to bring it about, and the meetings were continued until the
terms of a truce were agreed to, the articles of which were as follow:

'Charles duke of Orleans and of Valois, count of Blois and of Beaumont,
lord of Coucy and of Oisy, Louis de Bourbon, count of Vendôme and of
Chartres, grand master of the royal household of France, Pierre de
Brésé, lord de la Varenne and of Bressac, seneschal of Poitou and of
Anjou, Bertrand de Beauveau, lord of Precigny, knight, counsellor and
chamberlain to the most excellent king of France, our most redoubted
lord and sovereign, to all to whom these letters may come, greeting.

'Conformably to the frequent requests and solicitations of our holy
father the pope, and latterly by a renewal of them through his
ambassador, the reverend father in God the bishop of Viese, to the
king, our redoubted and sovereign lord, that he would condescend to
take speedy measures for the accomplishment of a lasting peace, or
long truce, with the most high and potent prince his nephew, king of
England, who, on his part has sent hither, with full powers to treat of
the same, certain lords as his ambassadors, namely, William de la Pole
earl of Suffolk, master Adam Moleyns keeper of his privy seal, doctor
of laws and dean of Salisbury, sir Robert Roos, sir Thomas Hors[123],
knight, Richard Andrews, one of his secretaries.

The king our redoubted lord, from his reverence to God, and from the
compassion he has ever felt for the afflictions and distresses the
poorer people have so long suffered from each contending party, and to
prevent the longer continuance thereof and likewise to avoid further
effusion of human blood, has liberally condescended to treat on these
matters with the aforesaid ambassadors from his nephew the king of
England, and has been pleased to commission us to act on his part in
the said business, giving to us letters with full powers to treat of
the same.

'Charles duke of Orleans, &c. Be it known that we have assembled,
for several days, in the town of Tours, to treat of a peace or truce
with the ambassadors from England; and at their request, in the full
persuasion that we may in the end conclude a final and lasting peace
between our redoubted lord and sovereign and his aforesaid nephew, for
the two kingdoms, of France and England, have consented and agreed to
a truce in the name of our sovereign lord, conformably to the powers
granted to us, with the before-mentioned earl of Suffolk and the other
ambassadors from England, on the following terms.

'A general truce on the part of the king, our sovereign lord, and
his kingdom, as well by sea as by land, his vassals and subjects,
including those most powerful princes the kings of Castille and Leon,
of the Romans, of Sicily, of Scotland, the dukedoms of Anjou, Bar
and Lorraine, the dauphin of Vienne, the dukes of Orleans, Burgundy,
Brittany, Bourbon, Alençon, the count du Maine, and generally the whole
of the princes of the blood-royal of France, and all allies of our
sovereign throughout Europe: including, likewise, all their vassals,
subjects and adherents, provided they be not of suspicious character to
either party, and shall wish to be included in this truce,--promising,
at the same time, on oath, to preserve the truce inviolate, and to make
reparations for any infractions that shall be committed. This truce
shall take effect throughout the kingdom of France in manner following.
In the duchy and country of Gascony, and in the sea-ports and adjacent
isles, on the 15th day of May next ensuing, at sunrise, and in all
other parts of the kingdom. But in regard to the sea, the truce shall
not commence on the coasts of England, Ireland and Wales until the
first day of July at sunrise,--and throughout the other parts of the
dominions of the said high and potent prince, nephew to our said lord,
on the same day and hour.

'With respect to the allies on each side, the truce shall take effect
from the moment they shall have signified their acceptance to either
of the parties. It shall be sufficient for the acquittal of the king,
our sovereign lord, that he declare the acceptance of any of his allies
to the person who shall have the government of the territories of
his nephew, the king of England, on this side of the sea in Guienne
or Normandy. And it shall be sufficient for the said high and potent
prince his nephew, king of England, to make similar declarations to the
court of parliament of Paris. This truce shall last until the complete
revolution of the year, which, according to the usual mode of counting
in France, will be on the first day of April, in the year 1445, before
Easter-day.

'Item, during this truce, our sovereign lord will put an end to all
warfare between the two kingdoms and their allies; and the said high
and potent prince, his nephew, shall not aid or abet any of the king's
subjects in designs prejudicial to his honour or dignity. In like
manner will our said sovereign act towards the said high and puissant
prince his nephew.

'Item, during this truce, neither of the parties shall attempt to
gain any city or town by force or stratagem, by sale or seduction, or
under any colour or manner whatever; and our said redoubted lord and
sovereign will order all captures of persons, whatever may be their
rank and ransoms, to cease, (excepting, however, the ransoms of such
as may have been made prisoners prior to the signing of the truce)
together with all plunderings, robberies, and every misery attendant on
war. Those who have borne arms on one side ought not to intermix with
such as have borne arms on the other, nor seek the doing of mischief.

'Item, should it happen that the men at arms of either party take
possession of any city, town, or castle, that party shall be bounden to
yield it back again fully repaired, should any damage have been done
to it; and in case those who have thus taken it shall refuse to give
it back unless forced thereto, the party to whom they belong shall be
bounden to recover the same by force of arms, and at their expense; and
supposing there may not be time sufficient during the existence of the
truce to finish all the repairs, the party that had taken it shall be
bounden to complete it wholly.

'Item, during the truce, the subjects of either shall have free liberty
to pass to and from each country with their merchandise (excepting
always military stores) freely and securely,--and to transact their
business in whatever manner they shall choose, without any let or
molestation whatever, free from arrest for any debt or obligations
contracted prior to this truce, on paying duly all the accustomed
tolls through the different provinces or jurisdictions they may pass:
provided always that none of the subjects of either party, noble or men
at arms, shall enter any castle, inclosed town or fort, without having
previously demanded leave from the governor or his lieutenant of all
such places, and then without arms and in small parties. In respect
to real pilgrims, they may travel in small or large parties, according
to the usual mode of pilgrims going on pilgrimages to the accustomed
shrines. In regard to merchants and common people, it will be enough
for them to demand leave of entrance from the porters at the gates of
any towns or castles.

'Item, whereas several of the subjects of our said redoubted lord
and sovereign possess lands under the obedience of his said nephew,
the revenues of which, or in part, they have enjoyed by the hands of
farmers or otherwise, they may now again enjoy the same during the
truce in the manner and form as before.

'Item, in regard to the contributions which have been customarily
levied by each party, the conservators of the truce and others
commissioned from the two kings shall regulate them according to their
pleasure.

'Item, should any attempts be made to infringe the truce, which God
forbid! it shall not be broken, nor shall war be declared on either
side, but the truce shall remain in full force, as if nothing had
been done contrary to the meaning and purpose of these articles. Such
attempts shall have due reparation made for them by those who committed
them, and be punished corporally by the aforesaid conservators of the
truce.

'Item, if, during the truce, any dispute or quarrel shall arise between
one of the parties and the subjects or allies of the other, the latter
party shall not form any alliances for his support with those who have
commenced the dispute.

'All the above articles, and each of them, we duke of Orleans, and the
other commissioners for our said lord the king, have solemnly promised
on oath to observe, and do solemnly promise and swear for, and in the
name of, our said lord the king to observe, and to make these said
articles agreeable to our most potent and redoubted sovereign,--and we
will, according as the case shall require, send ratifications of the
same to the person who may have the government of the town of Rouen, on
or before the 15th day of July next ensuing, provided that the same be
done within the aforesaid term by the most potent and noble prince the
nephew of our said lord and sovereign.

'In testimony whereof, we, each of us, having signed these articles
with our hands, and sealed them with our own seals.--Given at Tours,
the 20th day of May, in the year 1444.'

While this treaty was going on, several other matters were introduced,
and a treaty of marriage was proposed between king Henry of England and
the daughter of Réné king of Sicily, duke of Lorraine and Bar, which
was afterwards concluded, as shall be noticed in the ensuing chapter.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 122: Page 53. vol. xi. of the Fœdera, contains the warrant
for their wages for three months. The _others_ were master Richard
Andrews, king's secretary and doctor of laws, and John Wenlok, esquire.]

[Footnote 123: Sir Thomas Hors--must be a mistake; for only the four
mentioned in the preceding note are contained in the warrant in the
Fœdera.]




[A.D. 1444.]

CHAP. LXVI.

 THE ENGLISH PROLONG THE TRUCE FOR EIGHT MONTHS.--THE KING OF ENGLAND
 IS BETROTHED TO THE DAUGHTER OF RÉNÉ KING OF SICILY. THE KING OF
 SICILY DEMANDS SUCCOURS FROM THE KING OF FRANCE.


Toward the end of April, and after Easter, in the year 1444, the
English prolonged the truces for eight months, and at the same time
betrothed the daughter of Réné king of Sicily to king Henry of England,
in the hope that this measure would establish peace between the two
kingdoms. The english ambassadors then returned to England, to report
to their king and parliament what they had done, and to accelerate a
peace.

In this state of affairs, the king of France determined with his
ministers to send his men at arms, as well french as foreigners, to
take up their quarters in Germany during the truce, under the command
of the dauphin. In consequence the dauphin marched from Troyes in
the month of July, and, by short marches, came before the town of
Montbelliart in Germany, bordering on the country of Burgundy, which he
laid siege to, because the bailiff of that place had made an inroad as
far as the city of Langres in France, had carried away men and cattle,
and done many other mischiefs, which had greatly displeased the king.
The town and castle of Montbelliart surrendered on capitulation.

The king shortly after, followed the dauphin with a large army, by slow
marches, to the city of Langres, whence he detached his van to a castle
called Arlay, on the borders of Lorraine, held by the bastard of Vergy,
who had done from thence, and others of his forts, great damages to the
country of Champagne. All these castles the bastard yielded up to the
king except that of Arlay, which he said he possessed as a pledge for
money advanced to Réné king of Sicily: it was very strong, in excellent
repair, and well victualled.

The king advanced his army to a town called Espinal, on the frontiers
of Lorraine and Germany, which was held by the bishop of Metz, and the
castle by the commonalty: both surrendered to the king on his appearing
before them. He thence marched to Nancy. While he was there, Réné king
of Sicily earnestly entreated that he would assist him to conquer the
city of Metz and other towns in Lorraine, which, although his own
personal domain, were in rebellion against him. The king, in compliance
with his request, sent to summon Metz to surrender, otherwise he would
march his army to besiege it.

The inhabitants having remonstrated on this, and declared that they
were independant of the king of Sicily and of any other lord, they
were closely besieged for the space of five months or more, when
they concluded a treaty with the king, and the blockade was raised.
During this siege, a great lord from Germany, called the lord
Bourgalemoine[124], came thither, having been sent by the emperor to
the dauphin, as his guide to the countries round Basil, Montbelliart,
Coulombaria[125], Selestat[126], Strasbourg, Hagenau, in the district
of Aussays[127], to conquer the Swiss and Germans, who had thrown off
their dependance on the emperor.

The dauphin, accompanied by many lords and captains, advanced as far
as Basil; but when he had come within a league of that place he was
met by about eight hundred Swiss, who took possession of an hospital
and garden, where, considering the smallness of their numbers, they
made a gallant defence, and killed the german nobleman whom the emperor
had sent as a guide to the dauphin, with several others, although they
lost the greater part of their own men. The dauphin now approached
Basil, and the townsmen thinking his army must be fatigued, sallied
out against him; but at this affair upward of a thousand Germans were
slain, and from two to three hundred made prisoners: the rest took to
flight.

The dauphin next marched to the town of St Hipolyte[128] to take it by
storm, but it capitulated, as did that of Vau-du-Lieure. The army began
now to pillage and commit great devastations on the country round,
insomuch that the Swiss and Germans rose in large bodies and killed
numbers of the men. Their captains, perceiving that the whole country
was rising against them, and that their leader, who was acquainted with
all the passes, was dead, returned with the army to the king of France
at Nancy.

With the king were Réné king of Sicily, and numbers of great lords
and knights, the queens of France and Sicily, the dauphiness, and
the daughter of king Réné, whom the earl of Suffolk had come with
a splendid embassy to demand in marriage for the king of England.
After a few discussions, every thing was agreed on; but before their
departure with the new queen a magnificent tournament was held, in
which the kings of France and Sicily, the lord Charles d'Anjou, the
counts de Foix, and de St Pol, the lord Ferry de Lorraine, and several
other great lords, tilted. These feasts lasted eight days,--and the
ladies were most splendidly dressed.

The kings of France and of Sicily escorted the queen of England two
leagues from Nancy, where the king took leave of his niece with many
tears, and recommended her to the protection of God: their grief was so
great that they could not speak. The king returned to Nancy,--but her
father, the king of Sicily, accompanied her as far as Bar-le-Duc, where
he and her mother took their leave of her, with floods of tears, and
prayers for her welfare.

Soon after the return of the dauphin, the Germans, in contempt of their
oaths, gained the towns of St Hipolyte and Vau-du-Lieure, by force, and
set fire to both of them. At this moment, the archbishop of Treves,
elector of the holy roman empire, and the count de Blancquemain[129],
came to the king of France from the Germans, to propose a perpetual
peace and alliance[130].

I had forgotten to say, that during the long siege of Metz many
vigorous sallies were made by the garrison, but courageously repulsed
by the besiegers. Several small castles were won by the king's troops
without interrupting the business of the siege. One belonged to a
gentleman called William Chance, governor of Harfleur. Two or three
were held by the duke of Burgundy's men, but no attempts were made on
them, because they had been given by the king of Sicily to the duke
of Burgundy, as pledges for the payment of his ransom which was still
owing to the duke.

The governor of Metz was a very cruel man, called John Vitout, who,
during the siege, rode a small courser, having at his tail a bell which
made a great noise. He did this that all might hear and know when he
was riding about the town. This governor was very severe on all women
who left the town to ransom their husbands that had been made prisoners
by the French; for on their return, he had them drowned, because they
had supplied the enemy with money. He put to death, without mercy,
all french prisoners, and would not hear of a ransom or exchange.
Nevertheless, the king was so benign a prince that he wished not his
death nor that of his accomplices, but granted them most handsome terms
of surrender. The heavy articles of the capitulation were a handsome
present of gilt plate, two hundred thousand crowns for the expenses
of the siege, and the acquittance of one hundred thousand florins of
gold which king Réné and his predecessors had borrowed from them.
On these terms they preserved all their rights and privileges from
any innovation; and their quarrel with the king of Sicily remained
undetermined, nor were any further measures taken towards bringing it
to a conclusion.

When this matter had been settled, and during the stay of the king at
Nancy, he ordered a general muster of all the troops who had marched
into Germany, and of those who had served at the siege of Metz, from
whom five[131] hundred of the best-appointed lances and four thousand
archers were to be selected. The remainder of his army he disbanded
and sent to their homes, at the same time breaking the greater part of
their captains, retaining only fifteen of the most experienced,--to
each of whom he gave the command of one hundred lances, and a
proportionate number of archers. This was intended for a permanent
establishment, to be quartered in different towns in the kingdom, and
to be fed and paid in so ample a manner that for the future no soldier
was to be suffered to plunder at his pleasure the country farmers or
villages, as had formerly been done.

When this ordinance had been carried into effect, the king and his
court went to Châlons, and there remained some time.

At this period, the king of Poland and the cardinal of St Angelo, the
pope's legate, conquered, with the aid of a body of Christians, who had
joined them, all Greece and Wallachia, driving the Saracens thence to
the Black Sea. But shortly afterward, the sultan and great Turk raised
a large army of Saracens, crossed the sea, came up with the Christians,
who at that moment were but few in number, and completely defeated
them. Among the dead, were slain and killed alive, the king of Poland
and the cardinal, who, please God, are now martyrs in Paradise,--for
they were killed while endeavouring to extend the doctrines of JESUS
CHRIST[132].

On the return of the dauphin's army from Germany, the English left him,
with their leader Mutago, who marched them back, for subsistence, to
Normandy, then in the possession of king Henry of England.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 124: Bourgalemoine. Du Cange MS. has Belleforest.
Bourgumoine? Q.]

[Footnote 125: Coulombaria,--Columbaria, the latin name for Colmar.]

[Footnote 126: Selestat,--or Schlestadt, a town in Lower Alsace, about
four miles from Strasburg.]

[Footnote 127: Aussays. Q. Aussois?]

[Footnote 128: St Hippolyte,--a town formerly of Germany, now of the
duchy of Lorraine, a few leagues distant from Schlestadt.]

[Footnote 129: Blancquemaine. Blanquevau.--MS. Du Cange.]

[Footnote 130: 'To keep the disbanded soldiers out of mischief, (during
the truce) the dauphin leads twenty thousand of them, of whom eight
thousand were English, to assist the duke of Lorraine and the town
of Zuric against the Switzers. Near Basil, they attack four thousand
men, who had come to assist that town. The dauphin, after an obstinate
resistance, slays them all but sixteen; nay, some say one, and that he,
on returning to his canton, had his head cut off for cowardice. The
French retreat, and abandon the war in that district. They then besiege
Metz,--and raise vast contributions from the towns around to buy their
absence. With this money the dauphin pays his soldiers, and discharges
all but fifteen hundred.'--_Andrews_ from _Mezeray_.]

[Footnote 131: _Five._ Q. If it should not be _fifteen_ from what
follows?

This is the origin of a standing army in France.]

[Footnote 132: In the 'Art de Verifier les Dates,' the account of this
event is as follows.

'A peace was concluded with the Turks and Christians for ten years, and
signed about the middle of June, 1444, but almost immediately violated
by the Christians, on the representations of the cardinal Julien
Césarini, who had been present at the treaty. A battle was fought on
the 10th November 1444, near Varna, in Lower Mesia, between Ladislaus,
at the head of eighteen thousand men, and Amurath, who had upward of
sixty thousand. The victory, long disputed, was at length gained by
the infidels. Ladislaus, after performing prodigies of valour, was
killed. He was but twenty years old. The cardinal Julien was among the
dead,--but the manner of his death is variously related.']




[A.D. 1445.]

CHAP. LXVII.

 THE KING OF SICILY MEETS THE KING OF FRANCE AT CHÂLONS TO TREAT WITH
 THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY RESPECTING HIS RANSOM.--THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY
 COMES THITHER.--AFTER THE DEATHS OF THE QUEENS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL,
 THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AN EMBASSY TO THE COURT OF ENGLAND.


In the year 1445, during the residence of the king of France at
Châlons, the king of Sicily came thither to treat of his ransom with
the duke of Burgundy, whose prisoner he was. He had not money enough
when taken, and had therefore turned over to him, as pledges for the
payment, the towns and castles of Neufchâtel in Lorraine, of Beaumont
in Argonne, and Gaudricourt[133], and in all of them the duke of
Burgundy had placed garrisons, paid by the king of Sicily; but when
they wanted money, from neglect of due payments they made incursions
over the duchies of Bar and Lorraine, and committed all sorts of
outrages.

The duchess of Burgundy came to meet the king at Châlons, to make a
treaty with the king of Sicily; and it was agreed that the above-named
towns should be restored to him, on condition he would settle in
perpetuity, on the duke of Burgundy and his heirs, the town and
castlewick of Cassel in Flanders[134]. Many grand feasts were made on
the arrival of the duchess of Burgundy at Châlons.

At this time, the queens of Spain and Portugal departed this life: they
were sisters to the kings of Arragon and Navarre. The queen of Scotland
died also this year, as did the dauphiness of France at Châlons,
daughter to the king of Scotland by his late queen. She was buried in
the cathedral church at Châlons,--and her loss caused great sorrow to
all who knew her, for she was a handsome and good lady[135].

The king of France sent from Châlons, on an embassy to England his
cousin the count de Vendôme, grand master of the household, the
archbishop of Rheims, first ecclesiastical peer of France, with others,
to endeavour to bring about a general peace between the two kingdoms.
The king of Castille, brother at arms and ally to the king of France,
the king of Sicily, the dukes of Brittany, Burgundy, and Alençon, sent
likewise ambassadors thither, to confirm whatever should be proposed by
those of the king.

This embassy was graciously received by the king of England, his nobles
and prelates, but only concluded a prolongation of the truce from the
month of April until the ensuing November, in the year 1446. In the
mean time, a meeting was fixed for the two kings between Rouen and
Chartres, or between Rouen and Paris; and, for a further accommodation
the king of England sent master Adam de Mouleyns, keeper of his privy
seal, and, bishop of Exeter[136] elect, to king Charles, to prolong the
truce from November 1446 to the following April, that there might be
sufficient time allowed for the full discussion of the various articles
incidental to a treaty of peace. The king of France sent in return,
to his nephew, master Guillaume Causinot, councellor and master of
requests of his household, and Jean de Havart, his esquire-carver, to
signify his acceptance of this prolongation of the truce.

When they went back, king Henry sent Garter king at arms with them,
charged with letters to the king of France in which he promised, on the
word of a king to come to France before the ensuing month of November.
Garter brought back to the king of England similar letters which were
proclaimed throughout the two realms.

At this time, duke Francis of Brittany did homage to the king, in
the castle of Chinon, for that duchy, and likewise for the county of
Montfort.

About the same time, two daughters of the king of Scotland arrived in
France, expecting to find their sister the dauphiness alive; for she
had desired them to come to her, that she might marry them. They first
learnt the account of the dauphiness's decease at Châlons, on their
landing in Flanders, and were exceedingly affected by it. On their
arrival at the court of France, the king ordered them to be waited on
by the servants of the late dauphiness, and appointed them a similar
establishment, at his expense, until other arrangements should be made
or they should be married.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 133: Gaudricourt,--Gondrecourt, a village in Champagne, near
Bar-sur-Aube.]

[Footnote 134: Réné became possessed of Cassel and its lordships by
virtue of a gift of the cardinal Louis de Bar, his uncle, who died
1430.]

[Footnote 135: It was this dauphiness who made the celebrated answer
for giving Alain Chartier a kiss when he was asleep.]

[Footnote 136: Exeter. Glocester.--MS. Du Cange. See Fœdera.]




CHAP. LXVIII.

 IN THE YEAR MCCCCXLVI. WHEN THE KING OF FRANCE RETURNED FROM HEARING
 MASS, HE FOUND ON HIS BED THE FOLLOWING DITTY.


  Bad payments, evil counsellors,
  The discord of our warriors,
  Gabelles, and burdensome taxation
  Again torment this hapless nation.
  With wars, which, till our state be mended,
  We ne'er shall see or check'd or ended:
  For multitudes, with trait'rous arts,
  Serve France's king with english hearts;
  And service wrought against the will
  Can ne'er turn out to aught but ill.
  True is the maxim of the sage,
  Which saith, The broils of civil rage
  Surely befal that wretched state
  Whose king his subjects view with hate.
  War too delights the ravening train
  Who still the royal treasure drain:
  Who, midst the strife, with greedy hands,
  Seieze gold and silver, house and lands;
  Who, aye the first to seize the prey,
  Are aye the last their dues to pay.
  But, dukes and kings, to me attend:
  If thus your warfare know no end,
  Be sure at length you'll rue the cost,
  When all your lands are waste and lost;
  For friends by ready pay are won,
  While tardy payers are undone.
  No more within your castle's walls
  Court libbard ease while honour calls,
  But quit your forests and your streams,
  And haste where many a banner gleams.
    Alas! for France so meek and tame,
  No glory dwells upon thy name!
  To thee, O duke! to thee, O king!
  With honest grief this plaint I bring.




CHAP. LXIX.

 THE DUKE OF BRITTANY PUTS HIS BROTHER, THE LORD GILES, TO DEATH.--THE
 GENOESE SEND AN EMBASSY TO THE KING OF FRANCE, TO OFFER HIM THEIR
 SOVEREIGNTY.--THE EVENT.


In the year 1446, the lord Giles of Brittany was arrested in the castle
of Guilledon[137], by order of his brother the duke, who suspected him
of intending to favour an invasion of the English on his coasts. This
arrest was made by four hundred of the king's lances, under the command
of sir Regent de Coetivy admiral of France, sir Regnault de Dresnay
bailiff of Sens, and sir Pierre de Brésé seneschal of Poitou. They
delivered their prisoner to the duke of Brittany, to do with him as he
should please,--and he soon after had him murdered in his prison.

In the month of September, the bishop of Exeter, keeper of the king
of England's privy seal, and the lord Dudley[138], waited on the king
of France on an embassy, at a house in Touraine called Rassilé, near
to Chinon; and on their departure, king Charles sent to his nephew of
England master Guillaume Cousinot and Jean Havart, to prolong the truce
for a year.

In this year, the families of Doria and Fregoso sent a fleet of
five vessels to Marseilles from Genoa with ambassadors, to offer
the sovereignty of their country to the king of France, if it were
agreeable to him to accept of it. The king dispatched as ambassadors
the archbishop of Rheims and others, to examine into the matter, and
to proceed accordingly, who went to Marseilles to practice for the
reduction of Genoa. At this time, John Fregoso had gained possession
of Genoa, Pisa, and other places, in the king's name, having many
family-connexions in the first town. He in consequence of a concerted
plan, came before Genoa in a single galley, with no more than four
hundred men; and on his landing, he raised the king's banner, when
he was instantly surrounded by his friends in arms, and marching to
the palace, was proclaimed doge of Genoa. Bernabo Adorné fled on his
approach, who, a little before, had been raised to the same dignity.

Fregoso had been accompanied by one of the king's esquires, called the
bastard of Poitiers, who had assisted him in gaining Genoa, thinking
he would restore it to the king; but no sooner had Fregoso succeeded
than he put the esquire out of the town. When news of this reached the
archbishop of Rheims and the others, they embarked on board a galley
at Villa-franca, near Nice, and came to Genoa, where they remonstrated
with Fregoso on his treachery, and summoned him to restore the place
to the king of France as he and his friends had promised under their
hands and seals. Fregoso replied, that as he had conquered the town by
his sword, by his sword he would keep it[139]. On hearing this, the
archbishop and his companions returned to Marseilles, and thence went
to the king at Bourges.

In the month of February following, pope Eugenius died,--and on the
28th instant, Nicholas V. was elected pope[140]




[A.D. 1447.]

CHAP. LXX.

 THE KING OF FRANCE, ON THE DEATH OF POPE EUGENIUS, HAS A GRAND COUNCIL
 HELD AT LYONS, WHITHER CAME MANY AMBASSADORS FROM GERMANY, ENGLAND
 AND OTHER PARTS, TO RESTORE UNION IN THE CHURCH AND PUT AN END TO ALL
 SCHISMS.


On the first of April, in the year 1447, the truces between the kings
of France and England expired, but were prolonged until the first of
April in 1449, and thence until the first day of June ensuing, in the
hope that a general peace might be concluded in the mean time.

Great differences had existed during the late papacy between pope
Eugenius and the council of Basil; which council the pope declared was
at an end, for that he had transfered it to Ferrara, and afterward to
Florence and to Rome. The council at Basil maintained that the pope
could not thus transfer them without their consent,--and had proceeded
against him, with the authority of a general council, to suspend him
from all power in the church, and to depose him from all authority.
They afterwards elected pope the lord Amadeus of Savoy, who led the
life of a monk at Ripaille, and took the name of Felix V.[141]

Several anathemas and excommunications were issued, as well by pope
Eugenius as by pope Felix, which created many wounds and schisms in
the church. When the king of France heard of these differences, being
anxious to restore union and greatly hurt at the measures now passing,
sent several embassies to Basil, to Rome, and to Savoy, to put an end
to such shameful disputes. In like manner did duke Louis of Savoy, son
to Amadeus now pope Felix, send several times to the king of France at
Tours, to endeavour to bring about a reconciliation.

The king of France, in the month of November in the year 1447; seeing
there was no end to these disputes deliberated with his council on the
shortest means to stop this schism, and resolved that all the anathemas
and censures that had been published respectively by each pope against
the other should be considered as null and void; that pope Eugenius
should be acknowledged as the true pope, as had been done before the
commencement of these disputes; and that the lord Amadeus of Savoy,
who had been styled Felix V. should remain with dignity and honour
in the holy church; that those of his party in the council of Basil
should be recommended to ecclesiastical dignities and honours, that
peace might be universally restored, and a general council called for
the strengthening of the union of our holy church, which could not
take place until an end was put to these discords, nor could any solid
judgments be given until such a happy pacification should take effect.

King Charles sent these resolutions, which had been concluded by
himself and his council, to pope Eugenius by the archbishop of Aix in
Provence, who was going to Rome on other matters. He sent likewise
copies of them to Savoy and Basil, by master Helye de Pompadour,
archdeacon of Carcassonne, who was afterward bishop of Alet in
Languedoc.

It happened unfortunately, that before the king could receive an answer
from eight of the parties, pope Eugenius died, namely, in the month of
February following, and the archbishop found him dead on his arrival
at Rome. Almost instantly on his decease, Thomas de Sarzana, bishop
of Bologna, was elected pope and took the name of Nicholas V. At his
election, every accustomed ceremony was observed.

Duke Louis of Savoy sent also to the king at Bourges, to urge him to
cause pope Nicholas to be acknowledged, and to desire that he would in
the first place have a general council assembled. In the mean time, the
king, having received bulls from pope Nicholas to make him acquainted
with his election, determined, after some deliberations in council to
acknowledge him in the same manner as he had done pope Eugenius, but
not to desist from the measures he was taking for the general union of
the church.

The king in consequence, sent commissioners to Lyons, and told the
ambassadors from the duke of Savoy, that he wished their lord to do the
same,--and that the members of the council of Basil should also meet
them, in order that there might be a numerous assembly, to consider on
the means of restoring peace to the church.

In the ensuing month of July, the king's commissioners arrived at
Lyons, where they met the archbishop of Treves and ministers from the
archbishop of Cologne, from the duke of Saxony, one of the electors
of the empire, who had waited on the king, respecting this matter of
union. Thither came also the cardinal of Arles[142], the provost of
Montieu, and many others, as well from the duke of Savoy as from the
council at Basil.

After several conferences, it was the opinion of those who came from
Basil, that the king's commissioners should go to Geneva, where pope
Felix resided, to have a personal interview with him, who would gladly
see them. While this matter was under discussion, the count de Dunois
came to Lyons, sent thither by the king to escort the ambassadors from
England. These ambassadors agreeing in the said proposal, they all set
out together for Geneva, in the month of November, accompanied by the
archbishop of Embrun, the lord de Malicorne, the bishop of Marseilles,
the ambassador from the king of Sicily, who had come to Lyons to assist
in promoting a general union of the church.

The ambassadors from the duke of Saxony went also with them to Geneva;
but the archbishop of Treves had returned home, and the commissioners
from the archbishop of Cologne had gone to Rome.

When they were all arrived at Geneva, they held many conferences with
pope Felix, his cardinals and counsellors, and concluded on certain
articles for a pacification, on condition that pope Nicholas would also
agree to them. When this was done, the french commissioners returned
with these articles to the king at Tours, and reported to him all that
had passed. He approved of what had been done as a probable ground-work
for an union of the church, and sent ambassadors to pope Nicholas to
request that he would also approve of these articles or otherwise
arrange matters for a general pacification.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 137: Guilledon. Guilledou.--MS. Du Cange.]

[Footnote 138: Dudley. Audley.--_MS. Du Cange._]

[Footnote 139: In the 'Art de Verifier les Dates' is a short account of
the factions which prevailed in Genoa.

In 1448, Luigi Fregoso was elected doge: deposed in 1450. Peter Fregoso
succeeded him. The Adorné, and other families whom he had exiled,
made repeated attempts, with the aid of Alphonso king of Arragon, to
re-enter their country and depose him. Fregoso, nearly overpowered,
prevailed on the Genoese, in 1458, to submit themselves to the
government of the king of France. Ambassadors were sent to negotiate
this affair, which terminated happily.

John duke of Lorraine was sent by the king of France to Genoa, and
took possession of the town the 11th of May, 1458. He received the
oath of allegiance from the inhabitants,--and the principal forts were
delivered up to him. The duke was soon after besieged in Genoa by the
Adorné, and others of the discontented in league with Alphonso. An
Arragonian fleet blockaded Genoa,--but the death of Alphonso put an end
to the siege.

This extract will sufficiently show the inexactness of Monstrelet's
account as to dates and names.]

[Footnote 140: Thomas de Sarzana, cardinal-bishop of Bologna, was
elected pope the 6th March 1447, and took the name of Nicholas V. The
king of France sent him a magnificent embassy, with many propositions
respecting the general peace of the church. I cannot find that any
council was held at Lyons this year: one was held at Lausanne in 1449.]

[Footnote 141: For a very particular history of the quarrel which took
place between Eugenius and the council of Basil, see Shepherd's Life of
Poggio Bracciolini.]

[Footnote 142: Cardinal of Arles. See his life in Moreri.]




CHAP. LXXI.

 THE DUKE OF ORLEANS RECEIVES FROM THE HANDS OF THE DUKE OF MILAN HIS
 UNCLE, THE COUNTY OF ASTI IN PIEDMONT.--THE KING OF FRANCE BESIEGES
 THE CITY OF MANS, WHICH SURRENDERS BY CAPITULATION.


In this year, the duke of Milan yielded up to the duke of Orleans,
his nephew, the county of Asti,--and shortly after, the duke of Milan
departed this life.

The king of France, at this period, laid siege to the city of Mans,
because the king of England, on his marriage with the daughter of the
king of Sicily had promised instantly to surrender that town, with
all the other places he held in the county of Maine; and he had been
deceived for three months by the specious promises of the english
commissioners, who had not only refused to give it back but had
introduced about fifteen hundred English into that town.

The king, therefore on being informed of this circumstance, ordered
it to be besieged,--and sent thither a great force of men at arms and
archers, to the amount of six or seven thousand combatants, under the
command of the count de Dunois. The siege was pushed forward with such
vigour that those in the town found resistance would be vain, as they
had not sufficient forces to oppose their enemies on that side of the
sea. It would have been taken by storm had not the bishop of Glocester,
keeper of the privy seal, remonstrated with the king of France on the
risk of the truces being broken between the two kingdoms were this to
take place, and obtained a capitulation for them, by which they were
to yield up the town, and march away in safety with their baggage and
effects.

The king of France then resided at Lavardin, near to Vendôme, attended
by some of the princes of the blood-royal, and a large company of men
at arms to support, should there be occasion, the besieging army of
Mans. After its surrender, the king went to celebrate his Easter in
the city of Tours, and those before Mans returned to their quarters and
garrisons, while, on the other hand, the English that had been in Mans
retreated to Normandy.




[A.D. 1448.]

CHAP. LXXII.

 THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AMBASSADORS TO POPE NICHOLAS V.--THE TOWN
 OF FINAL[143] IS BESIEGED BY THE GENOESE.--IT IS REVICTUALLED BY
 SEA.--THE DUKE OF ORLEANS MAKES PREPARATIONS TO RAISE THIS SIEGE BY
 LAND.


In the year 1448, the king of France celebrated the feast of Easter
in the city of Tours,--and immediately after, his ambassadors to
pope Nicholas departed on their embassy. Some of them went by sea on
board of vessels belonging to Jacques Coeur, master of the wardrobe
to the king, and embarked at Marseilles. At the same time, a fleet
of victuallers sailed from Marseilles, to the relief of the town and
castle of Final, near to Genoa, then besieged by the Genoese. It was
defended for the king by sir Galiot du Garet[144], lord of the place,
who had made war on the Genoese, and they in return had besieged
him. Notwithstanding their opposition, the town and castle were
revictualled, and the vessels returned to Marseilles.

When this was done, Tanneguy and the master of the wardrobe, with three
galleys, sailed for a port near Rome called Finette Vielle[145], where
they arrived in safety, although pursued closely by a numerous fleet of
the Genoese.

The duke of Orleans was at this time in his town of Asti, and having
heard of the relief thrown into Final collected a large body of men
to raise the siege: but when the Genoese learnt his intentions, they
quitted their siege and marched away.

The french ambassadors met, by appointment in the city of Sienne; and,
being all assembled, they set out for Rome, where they arrived on the
10th day of July in such grand magnificence that the like had not been
seen or heard of before: with the king of France's ambassadors were
those from the king of Sicily and the dauphin.

The english ambassadors had arrived at Rome long before them, and had
laid before the pope the articles that had been agreed to at Geneva;
but he had replied, that they were unworthy of his attention, and that
he would not by any means consent to them. These ambassadors had on
this left Rome for Viterbo, where they met the french embassy, to whom
they related what had passed, and said that they would stay a short
time at Viterbo, to learn from them whether it would be expedient for
them to return to Rome,--as in fact they did, from the intelligence
they received from the french ambassadors.

On the 12th day of July, the ambassadors from the kings of France,
of Sicily, and from the dauphin, had an audience of the pope, on the
matters they were come upon,--when the archbishop of Rheims, having
declared the solemn obedience of their princes to the pope, explained
the articles that had been agreed on as a ground-work for a general
union of the church, reserving to himself to discuss them hereafter
more fully in detail.

The pope made them a solemn answer, and from that day treated them
with greater kindness and attention than ever any former embassy
had experienced. They had several conferences with the pope and the
cardinals on the articles of union,--to some of which the pope agreed,
to others not.

When they had obtained all they could from the pope, they departed,
and went to Lausanne, where pope Felix resided. Having explained to
him all they had done at Rome, and what pope Nicholas was willing to
agree to, they persuaded him to give peace to the church by renouncing
his claims to the papacy. Pope Felix replied, that he would consult
with the duke of Savoy his son who was on his road to Lausanne, and
his principal counsellors, how he should act, and requested the
ambassadors to wait the return of those he intended to send to the king
of France in the city of Geneva, which, for the furtherance of peace,
they assented to. They also, in compliance with the wishes of pope
Felix, desired the lord de Tollette, ambassador from pope Nicholas, to
come to Lausanne from Lyons, where he was waiting the effect of their
conferences with pope Felix, with the bulls, to publish them, in case
he should agree to the articles as settled at Rome.

Pope Felix, and his son the duke of Savoy, lost no time in dispatching
ambassadors to king Charles, to solicit his interference with pope
Nicholas, that he would consent to more of the original articles than
he had done. The king on this, assembled his council, and, after mature
deliberation, it was resolved to send other ambassadors with those
from Savoy, to assist the archbishop of Rheims in the procuring a
peace. He had with him the patriarch of Antioch, the bishop of Poitiers
and the bishop of Alet, who, with sir John le Boursier, were to proceed
to Rome to obtain certain letters, the form of which they were to draw
up, for the more speedy accomplishment of union in the church.

After many persuasions, the above mentioned letters were obtained from
pope Nicholas, and the ambassadors returned with them to Lausanne, when
pope Felix V. relinquished all right or claim he might have to the
papacy. He was after this, made perpetual legate of all Savoy. Those
who had assembled at Lausanne, pretending to be the general council
transferred from Basil, declared their submission to pope Nicholas
as the true father of the church, and dissolved their assembly as a
council.

This being done, the ambassadors returned to their respective princes.
The patriarch of Antioch, the bishop of Alet, and sir John le Boursier,
took the road to Rome, with the ambassadors from the pope, for the
confirmation of all the acts done at Lausanne, and then returned to
the king of France with the bulls of confirmation. Thus was this whole
assembly broken up, and each went whithersoever he pleased,--and thus
was healed that deep wound in the church, by the re-establishment of
peace and union, through the indefatigable exertions of the king of
France, who had taken great personal pains to bring it about, and had
expended very large sums in sending embassies to the different kings in
Christendom to unite them in so praiseworthy an object; for the kings
of France would never support any schisms,--taking for their guide the
holy scriptures, which have always led them in the right way.

At this time, the king of France ordered every parish throughout his
realm to have one archer ready armed to march whithersoever he might be
commanded, to make war, should there be occasion; and that they might
the more readily obey this order, they would be relieved from paying
any future subsidies. The bailiffs were commanded to select the most
expert and able in all the parishes throughout their bailiwicks.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 143: Final,--a town on the western coast of Genoa.]

[Footnote 144: Sir Galiot du Garet. De Caretto.--MS. Du Cange.]

[Footnote 145: Finette Vielle. Q. Civita Vecchia?]




CHAP. LXIII.

 SIR FRANCIS DE SURIENNE, CALLED THE ARRAGONIAN, TAKES THE TOWN
 AND CASTLE OF FOUGERES[146], BELONGING TO THE DUKE OF BRITTANY,
 NOTWITHSTANDING THE TRUCE BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND OF
 ENGLAND.--THE GREAT MISCHIEFS HE DOES THERE.


On the eve of the feast of our Lady in March in this year, sir Francis
de Surienne, called the Arragonian, knight of the order of the
Garter, and a great captain for the king of England in those parts
of France under his dominion, took the town and castle of Fougeres,
belonging to the duke of Brittany, situated on the borders of Normandy,
notwithstanding the truces were not expired between the kings of
England and France, and their allies. This town was of great antiquity,
and full of people and wealth. Sir Francis had with him seven hundred
men, as well English as from other countries, who committed every
mischief by pillaging the houses, killing the inhabitants and ravishing
the women. Not satisfied with this, he overran the adjacent parts of
Brittany, making prisoners, and doing every exploit usual in war.

The duke of Brittany was very indignant when he heard of this conduct,
and sent the bishop of Rennes to the king of France at Chinon, to
complain that the English had, notwithstanding the truce, taken his
town and castle of Fougeres, and had despoiled many other parts of
his duchy, and requesting of him, as his relative, lord paramount and
protector, that he would aid him by declaring war against England for
that he was prepared to do so without any way sparing his own personal
exertions.

The king replied, that he would never abandon him, but make common
cause with him, as was just. In order, however, to have Heaven on
their side, and to throw the blame wholly on their enemies, he would
first demand reparation from the king of England, and also from the
duke of Somerset his lieutenant-general on that side of the sea, for
the wrongs that had been done him,--the duke having had full powers to
make any reparation for evils that might ensue from the infringement
of the truce. The king added, that he hoped the duke would make
reparation, to avoid the inconveniences that must ensue from a renewal
of war.

King Charles sent to England, to make this demand, his esquire-carver,
Jean Havart, and master John Cousinot, one of the masters of requests
of his household,--and to the duke of Somerset, Pierre de Fontenay,
equerry of his stables. They brought answers from king Henry and the
duke, that they disavowed what sir Francis de Surienne had done,
although it had been currently reported that this capture had been made
by their order and connivance.

The duke of Brittany, who was much interested in this capture of
Fougeres, sent his herald at arms to demand a surrender of the place
from the duke of Somerset,--that it should be completely repaired, and
restitution be made for all the plunder of houses, jewels, and effects,
amounting, in the whole, according to a valuation, to the sum of
sixteen hundred thousand crowns. The duke of Somerset made answer, that
he would no way avow any concern in the said capture.

When the duke of Brittany's herald was departed, the duke of Somerset,
desirous of repairing the fault that had been done in those parts by
sir Francis de Surienne, sent ambassadors to the king of France more
amply to excuse himself from having been any party in the business,
declaring his disavowal of it, and how very unpleasant it had been to
him; which was frivolous, for he made no mention of any offer to repair
the place, nor of making restitution for the wrong, but requested,
for the general safety, that every thing might remain on its present
footing.

The king replied, that if the duke of Somerset was so very much
displeased at what had happened he should do his duty, according to the
full powers vested in him, and make due restitution for the plunder
so unjustly carried away, and restore the place in sufficiently good
repair: and that if he would not do this, he might be assured that he
would support his nephew of Brittany: that in regard to giving up to
the English certain places as pledges for the maintenance of peace, he
would do no such thing; adding, that his nephew of Brittany was allied
to the greatest lords of his realm, and had many able commanders in his
duchy, all of whom were very indignant at this capture of Fougeres,
and who, it must be believed, would be eager to revenge it, by making
conquests from the English: they would, therefore, attend to the guard
of their own towns and castles: that for his part, he would take
especial care to guard his own.

The ambassadors, having had this answer, requested the king to send to
Louviers commissioners fully instructed: for that on their return to
Rouen, they knew well the duke of Somerset would send persons properly
authorised to meet them, and endeavour to bring about an accommodation.
The king, ever wishing to avoid the effusion of human blood, and more
desirous of employing gentle measures than force, complied with their
request, and appointed commissioners accordingly.

The English now returned to the duke of Somerset, and told him all
that had passed at the court of France, and that the king had sent to
Louviers commissioners to settle the dispute respecting the capture of
Fougeres. The duke immediately ordered thither commissioners to make up
the dispute, if possible, with those of France.

This year, the English repaired the town of St James de Beuvron, which
was what they ought not to have done; for by the articles of the truce,
no places were to be repaired during its continuance, either by the
French or English. In this year also, the English surrendered the towns
and castles of Mayenne, and of Juliez in the county of Mayne, which
they had promised to yield up when they marched away from Mans.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 146: Fougeres,--a town in Brittany, on the frontiers of
Normandy, diocese of Rennes.]




CHAP. LXXIV.

 THE POPULACE OF LONDON RISE AGAINST THE KING'S OFFICERS.--THEY
 INHUMANLY MURDER THE BISHOP OF GLOCESTER, AND IMPRISON THE MARQUIS OF
 SUFFOLK,--BUT THE KING SETS HIM AT LIBERTY.


About the end of Lent, in this year, there was a great commotion of
the populace in the city of London, headed by the mayor of that city.
Instigated by their evil inclinations, they inhumanly murdered the
bishop of Glocester, keeper of the king's privy seal,--a good plain
man, and very learned. They also arrested the marquis of Suffolk, who
was a great lord, and imprisoned him in the tower of London. This mayor
had great influence in the city; and, wherever he went, a sword was
borne before him.

The king was, at the moment, three miles distant from London, at one of
his palaces on the Thames, and greatly astonished when told what was
going forward in London. He instantly sent for the lieutenant of the
tower, who lost no time in obeying this order; and, after having heard
a true account of what had been done by the mob, he commanded him to
bring the marquis of Suffolk in safety to him, without delay, or that
his own life should answer for it.

The lieutenant found means of delivering the marquis of Suffolk without
the knowledge of the mayor or people, and of carrying him to the
king's presence. After a short conversation, the king made the marquis
mount his horse and fly toward the northern part of his kingdom, where
he might find convenient means for passing over to France. He was,
however, met by some of the duke of Somerset's men, who cut off his
head, and sent it, with the body, to London.

In the mean time, the king summoned the mayor and townsmen of London
before him. They were much discontented that he had set the marquis at
liberty, and insisted that those of his council who had advised his
deliverance should be given up to them, which was done for fear of
enraging the populace still more, who instantly had them beheaded. Thus
for some time were the citizens appeased[147].

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 147: I copy from Fabian what he says of this business.

'A.D. 1449.--Thomas Chalton, mayor.--And continuing the said
parliament, the duke of Suffolk was arrested and sent as a prisoner (to
content some minds) unto the tower, where he was kept at his pleasure a
month, and after delivered at large,--the which discontented many men's
minds; for to him was laid the charge of the delivery of Anjou and
Maine, and the death of the noble prince Humphrey duke of Glocester,'
&c. &c.--For further particulars, see the Chronicles of Fabian,
Hollingshed, &c.

I suspect that Monstrelet has made a mistake of the bishop of Glocester
being killed, for the murder of duke Humphrey of Glocester, which took
place before. Suffolk was put to death by some pirates, and not by the
duke of Somerset's men.]




[A.D. 1449.]

CHAP. LXXV.

 THREE MALEFACTORS, TWO MEN AND ONE WOMAN, ARE CONDEMNED TO DEATH BY
 THE COURT OF PARLIAMENT AT PARIS.


On the 18th day of April in this year, three malefactors, two men and
one woman, were condemned to be hanged. Two high gallows of wood were
consequently erected, that the punishment for such evil deeds, as they
had committed, might be exhibited to the public. They had confessed
themselves guilty of thrusting out the eyes of a child of two years
old, whom they had in wardship, of putting it to death by running
thorns into its body, which was most cruel, and of being great thieves.

One gallows was erected without the gate of St James, on which one of
the two men was hanged,--and another without the gate of St Denis,
between the chapel and windmill, on which was hanged the other man,
who had been a player on the hurdy-gurdy, as also the woman; and
although they were both married, they had lived together in double
adultery.

They were delivered to the executioner from the prison of the
Conciergerie, but were attended by almost all the ushers of the
parliament, because they had been sentenced by that court. Great
multitudes assembled to see the execution, more especially women and
girls, from the novelty of the fact; for this was the first instance
of a woman being hanged in France. The woman was hanged, with her hair
all dishevelled, in a long robe, having her two legs tied together
below the knees. Some said, that she requested that it should be thus
done, as it was the custom of her country,--while others said, that she
was thus sentenced as a memorial for the longer remembrance of women,
and that her crimes were so enormous she was deserving of a severer
punishment.

Many prisoners were afterward hanged from the dungeons of the Châtelet,
who had been therein detained some time until others of their gang
could be apprehended. They had gone to different parts of the kingdom
where pardons were obtained,--such as the dedication of Saint Denis,
that of St Maur, of St Fiacre, of St Mathurin, and elsewhere,--and had
attacked travellers in forests and on the high roads, under pretence of
asking alms; but the greater part of them had been arrested, confronted
with their companions, and executed by the king's officers of justice.




CHAP. LXXVI.

 IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE CAPTURE OF FOUGERES, THE ALLIES OF THE DUKE
 OF BRITTANY GAIN THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF PONT DE L'ARCHE FROM THE
 ENGLISH.--GERBEROY IS AFTERWARDS TAKEN.


On the 16th day of May, in this year, while the commissioners from the
king of France and the duke of Somerset were assembled, according to
appointment, in the town of Louviers, some of the friends and allies
of the duke of Brittany found means to gain the town and castle of Pont
de l'Arche, on the river Seine, four leagues distant from Rouen.

This capture was owing to a travelling merchant from Louviers
observing, in his frequent crossing of Pont de l'Arche, that it was
but slightly guarded, and giving information thereof to the before
mentioned friends of the duke of Brittany. He offered to take the
place, if they would give him a sufficiency of men at arms,--and having
explained his plans, which seemed feasible, they fixed on a day to meet
him at a tavern in the suburbs of that town.

On the day appointed, several of those who had been ordered on this
expedition, came to the said tavern, one after another, to avoid
suspicion; two of whom were dressed as carpenters, each with his
hatchet swung round his neck. Shortly after, the carrier arrived,
with his cart laden with provisions. About midnight, they seized the
tavern-keeper and his servants, and shut them up in a room, to prevent
them from making any discovery, and then told their intentions, with
which the master of the house seemed very well pleased, for he said he
had been lately beaten by some of the garrison.

During the night, the lord de Brésé came thither with some men on foot,
whom he placed in ambush near to the gate of St Ouen: he was followed
by the bailiff of Evreux with four or five hundred horse, whom he
posted in the wood on the side of Louviers.

When these measures had been taken, Jacques de Clermont and the carrier
approached the drawbridge with his cart, and entreated the porter to
let him pass, as he was in haste to get to Rouen, and return that
night to Louviers, offering him at the same time, a present for so
doing. The two pretended carpenters were with him, and the carrier
pledged himself for them. The porter, through avarice, called to him
another Englishman, and let down the bridge. When the carrier had his
cart on the first bridge, he took out of his purse two bretons and a
placque[148], to pay the Englishmen: but he let fall one breton to the
ground, which the porter stooping to pick up, the carrier drew a dagger
and stabbed him dead. In like manner, the two carpenters slew his
companion on the second bridge.

On a signal that this was done, the ambuscade of horse and foot sallied
forth, and, passing the bridges, entered the town, shouting, 'St Yves
for Brittany! All the English were asleep when this happened, and were
made prisoners, to the amount of a hundred or six score; among whom
was the lord Falconbridge, an english knight, who had only arrived the
preceding day, and his ransom was worth twenty thousand crowns. He was
carried to Louviers for greater safety,--and the conquerors remained in
the place for its guard, until other arrangements should be made.

When the English heard of this capture, they were much troubled and
enraged. On its being told to king Charles, as he was desirous of the
welfare of his nephew the duke of Brittany, he consented, after many
conferences at Louviers, that mutual restitutions should take place,
namely, that Fougeres should be given back to the duke of Brittany,
with sixteen hundred thousand crowns, according to the estimate of
damages done, and Pont de l'Arche yielded up to the English, together
with the lord Falconbridge, who had been there made prisoner.

The English, however, peremptorily refused to agree to such terms,
which was a most unreasonable conduct: and the king's commissioners
employed apostolical and imperial notaries to draw up the offer they
had made, and the english commissioners' refusal of it, that God and
all the world might see how handsomely the king had acted, and that
if a war should ensue, which God forbid! the blame could not fall on
him. The english commissioners departed, on their return to the duke of
Somerset, to relate what had been the result of these conferences.

The king of France, to proceed with greater security, sent the count
de Dunois, and others, with ample powers to his nephew of Brittany,
whom he met at Rennes, where he had assembled the greater part of his
connexions, prelates, barons and knights of the duchy. A treaty was
concluded, by which the duke promised to serve the king in person
against the English, by sea and land, and never to make peace, or
any alliance with them, but with the approbation of the king; in
confirmation of which, he gave letters patent, signed with the hands
and seals of himself and the barons of the duchy.

The said relatives and barons also promised, by putting their hands
within the hands of the count de Dunois, punctually to maintain all the
articles contained in the above-mentioned letters patent; and the count
de Dunois engaged that the king should ratify the said treaty, which he
afterwards did by letters to the duke. In these he promised to make the
quarrel his own, and not to conclude any treaty with the enemy without
comprehending him and his duchy, nor until the English should have
restored what they had taken from him. In case the English should not,
before the end of the ensuing month of July, surrender to the duke the
town and castle of Fougeres, with an adequate sum for the plunder, the
king would openly declare war against them.

At this time, the town of Gerberoy[149], in the Beauvoisis, was taken
by scalado, by the lord de Mouy, governor of that country; and all the
English within it, to the number of thirty, were put to the sword.
Their captain was John Harper, who that day had gone to Gournay[150].
Thus was the place reduced under the obedience of the king of France.

A short time after this, the town of Conches[151] was won by Robert
de Flocques, called Flocquet, bailiff of Evreux. About the same
period, a gascon gentleman called Verdun, by the advice and consent
of the duke of Brittany, took by storm the towns of Coignac[152] and
St Maigrin[153], under the command of an esquire, called Mondoch de
Lansac, for the king of England. He himself was made prisoner, as he
was coming from Bordeaux to Coignac,--for he imagined that it was still
under his command as before. In both towns many prisoners were taken.

When the English heard of these towns being lost, the archbishop of
Bordeaux and the magistrates sent a pursuivant at arms to the king
of France at Chinon, to request that Coignac and St Maigrin might be
restored, and that he would send them passports, pretending that they
would come to him; but nothing was done, for reasons known to the
king and his council. In like manner, the duke of Somerset and lord
Talbot sent to the king at Chinon, to require that the towns of Pont de
l'Arche, Conches, Coignac and St Maigrin should be restored; to which
the king answered, that if they would restore to his nephew of Brittany
his town of Fougeres, and the effects taken away from thence, he would
exert his endeavours that the duke of Brittany should give back the
places that had been won by him, or by those who had taken them on his
advice.

The english ambassadors said that they had no powers to interfere
in the surrender of Fougeres, and therefore returned to the duke of
Somerset at Rouen without effecting any thing.

Soon afterwards, another conference was holden at the abbey of
Bonport[154], when the commissioners from France made offer to those
on the part of England, that if they would, on a day to be appointed,
surrender, for the duke of Brittany, the town and castle of Fougeres
into the hands of the king of France, and pay the sum of sixteen
hundred thousand crowns, the estimated value of the damages, all places
that had been taken from the English should be restored, and even the
lord Falconbridge, who had been made prisoner at Pont de l'Arche, and
that all hostilities should cease on both sides. This the English
refused; and the french commissioners returned to their king as before.

King Charles, having heard the report of all that had passed, and
examined the instruments drawn up by the apostolical notaries, stating
the damages the English had done to his relative the duke of Brittany:
that they had very frequently infringed the truce, without making any
reparations of restitution of places or effects, and their peremptory
refusal of all the offers he had made them for the preservation of
peace and the satisfaction of his conscience; resolved, after mature
deliberation, that having done his duty most loyally, and the English
obstinately refusing all his offers for peace, he was fully justified
in taking every proper step for the defence of his country and of
his allies, as well as for the recovery of such places as had been
conquered from him or from his predecessors, the possession of which
the English had so long usurped. He was advised to declare war against
them, which would be just in the eyes of God, of reason, and of his
conscience, otherwise he would not do his duty. It was concluded, that
he should send ambassadors to the duke of Brittany, to concert measures
accordingly.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 148: Two bretons and a placque,--small coins of Brittany and
France.]

[Footnote 149: Gerberoy,--a town in the isle of France, four leagues
from Beauvais.]

[Footnote 150: Gournay,--a town in the isle of France, on the Marne,
three leagues from Paris.]

[Footnote 151: Conches,--a market-town in Normandy four leagues from
Evreux, sixteen from Rouen.]

[Footnote 152: Coignac,--a town of the Angoumois, on the Charente,
seven leagues and a half from Saintes.]

[Footnote 153: St Maigrin,--a town in Saintonge, near Grolle.]

[Footnote 154: Bonport,--an abbey founded by Richard I. king of
England, in the diocese of Evreux, in Normandy.]

END OF VOL. VIII.


  H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
  Blackfriars, London.




NOTES AND EMENDATIONS.


Page 11. line 12. _Lord de Fontaines_.] The family of this nobleman
(who has been often mentioned before) was of high estimation among
those of Flanders, and is derived from the ancient counts of Alsace
and Kyburg, the progenitors of some of the earls of Flanders, and (on
the mother's side) of the illustrious house of Hapsburgh. Simon (the
brother of Thierry of Alsace count of Flanders,) married the heiress
of the Flemish family of Henninius--(I adopt the Latin termination of
Pontus Heuterus, not knowing the true name)--and Baldwin, his son, was
the first who styled himself by the surname of his mother. Baldwin
III, his grandson, was the first lord of Fontaines. John II, lord of
Fontaines, (who was killed at Agincourt) was a descendant in the fifth
generation; and Baldwin IX, his son was the lord here named. Baldwin
X, the next successor, married a daughter of the vidâme of Amiens, so
repeatedly noticed in this history. [P. Heuter. Gen. Tables.]

Page 25. line 4. from the bottom. _Sir Jacques d'Anjou_] Qu. Charles
d'Anjou? The third son of Louis II, king of Naples, of this name, was
count of Maine, and in 1443 married Isabel de Luxembourg, daughter of
Peter II, count of St Pol.

Page 25. line 3 from the bottom. _Count de Perdiac._] Bernard second
son of the constable d'Armagnac, was count of Perdiac, and known by
that name till his marriage with Eleanor de Bourbon, daughter and
heiress of James II, count of la Marche (the husband of Joan of Naples)
after which he assumed the more noble title of his wife. His son James
was the unfortunate duke of Nemours beheaded by order of Louis XI.

Page 25. line 3 from the bottom. _Count de Vendôme._] Louis de Bourbon,
brother of James count of la Marche above mentioned, count of Vendôme
in right of his mother (the heiress of that ancient house) who died in
1446.

Page 27. line 3 from the bottom. _Bastard de Beaumanoir._] The bastard
son of John de Beaumanoir, lord of Lavardin.

Page 28. line 9. _Sir James de Chabannes._] James lord de la Palice
often before mentioned.

Page 30. line 6. _James de Harcourt._] William son of James lord de
Montgomery (often mentioned in the early part of this history) and
Margaret de Melun, countess of Tancarville. He married 1st Petronille
d'Amboise, and 2ndly, Yoland de Laval, and dying in the year 1487, left
only two daughters.

Page 30. line 7. _Lord de Moreul._] Should be Mareuil, Robert II, son
of Robert I, killed at Agincourt. He married Michéle d'Estouteville,
and died in 1476.

Page 92. line 17. _Marquis du Pont._] Louis marquis of Pont-a-Mousson,
second son of Renè king of Sicily and Naples. He died at an early age.

Page 93. line 3. _Count de Blamont._] Isabel, daughter of Frederic, and
sister of Anthony, counts de Vaudemont married Henry count de Blamont,
whose son must have been the count de Blamont here meant.

Page 97. line. 6. _Duke of Burgundy._] Charles prince of Viana, only
son of John king of Arragon, by his marriage with Blanche the daughter
and heiress of Charles III, king of Navarre, was born at Pennafiel in
the year 1421, and died in 1461 before his father. In his time the
fatal feuds of the houses of Grammont and Beaumont which distracted the
Kingdom of Navarre for nearly half a century, had their commencement.

Agnes sixth daughter of Adolphus duke of Cleves.

There was no issue of this marriage; and the prince left none but
illegitimate children, in consequence of which the crown of Navarre
passed into the house of Foix.

Page 116. line 6. _Lord d'Albreth._] Charles II, eldest son and
successor of the constable, count of Dreux, &c. married Anne of
Armagnac, and died in 1471.

Page 117. line 8 from the bottom. _Roderigo de Villandras._] Don
Roderigo de Villandrado, first count of Ribadeo, was a Castilian
by birth, of the town of Valladolid. He married Margaret a natural
daughter of John duke of Bourbon. Returning to Spain in this year, he
performed some essential services for the king of Castille, who, in
recompense, accorded to him and his descendants, the valuable privilege
of eating at the king's table on new year's day, and of having the robe
worn by the king on that day. La Mayerne, hist. d'Espagne. Liv. 19.

Page 152. line 17. _Jacotin de Bethune._] James third son of John I. de
Bethune lord of Moreuil, was nicknamed Jacotin. From him, according to
Du Cange, the lords of Belfour in Scotland were descended, their family
name being corrupted to Beatoun.

Page 175. line 6 from the bottom. _Lord de Beaujeu_] Philip, 2nd son
of Charles II. duke of Bourbon, was called lord of Beaujeu, and died
young. The title then passed to the fourth son, Peter, who married Anne
daughter of Louis XI, the celebrated dame de Beaujeu, regent of France.

Page 177. line 5. _Bastard of Bourbon._] Alexander son of the duke. See
the account of his death in p. 2.

Page 188. line 4. from the bottom. _La Praguerie._] "The horrors
perpetrated by the Hussites at Prague gave occasion to the dread of
similar consequences from the civil war kindled in France, and gave
this faction the name of _La Praguerie_." Du Clos, hist. de Louis onze.

Page 190. line 4. _De Chaumont._] William V, lord and count of
Chaumont, who died in 1445, leaving by his wife Jane de Mello, lady of
Rigni le Feron, only one surviving son, Anthony lord of Chaumont.

Page 190. line 4. _De Prie._] Antoine de Prie, lord of Buzençais,
&c. was grand Queux, in 1431, and married Magdalen, daughter of Hugh
d'Amboise lord of Chaumont.

Page 202. line 2 from the bottom. _Sir Giles de St Simon._] Giles de
Rouvray, lord of Plessier Choiseul, Precy sur Oise, &c., second son
of Matthew II. lord of St Simon, killed at Agincourt, and brother of
Gaucher, lord of St Simon. He was greatly distinguished in most of the
military exploits in Picardy, Flanders, &c. and died in 1477.

Page 211. line 3 from the bottom. _Lord of Retz_] Giles de Laval,
lord of Retz, descended in the fourth degree from Fulk Laval second
son of Guy VIII. lord of Laval, who married the heiress of the
ancient house of Retz. Giles was a marshal of France in 1429, and a
man of distinguished valour, but of a heart and mind depraved to an
incredible degree. Some historians however alledge that reasons of
state precipitated, if they did not occasion his downfall, and that
duke Francis was too well pleased with the opportunity of getting rid
of a dangerous enemy, to examine very carefully into the truth of the
articles preferred against him. He suffered at Nantes on the 23d of
December 1440, the duke himself attending at his execution. By his
wife Catherine de Thouars, he left but one daughter Mary, who married,
first, the admiral de Coetivy, 2ndly the marshal de Lohèac.

Page 220. line 2 from the bottom. _The lords de Lannoy and de
Maingoval, nephews to the lord de Croy_] John I, lord of Lannoy (a
noble and ancient house of Flanders) married Jane daughter of John,
and sister of Anthony lords de Croy; by whom he had the two sons here
mentioned, viz. John II, lord of Lannoy knight of the golden fleece,
who died in 1492; 2ndly, Anthony, lord of Maingoval, who was ancestor
to the famous Charles de Lannoy, prince of Sulmone and count of Asti,
one of Charles the fifth's greatest generals.

Page 221. line 5 from the bottom. _Du Cange._] Q. Renty?

Page 223. line 12 from the bottom. _Duke._] Charles duke of Orleans had
been twice married before, 1st to Isabel his first cousin, daughter of
Charles VI, and widow of Richard II, king of England, by whom he had a
daughter married to John duke of Alençon; 2ndly, to Bona the daughter
of Bernard constable d'Armagnac by whom he had no issue. His third wife
was Mary, sixth daughter of Adolph duke of Cleves, who died in 1487,
and brought him three children, Liewis afterwards king of France; Mary,
married to the viscount of Narbonne; and Anne, abbess of Fontevrault.

Page 253. last line. _Montgaugier._] John II, de Sainte Maure, lord of
Montgaugier and Nesle, married Louise de Rochechouart, daughter to John
lord Mortemart, and died 1463.

Page 255. line 11. _Bastard of Bourbon._] Alexander, a natural son of
John I, duke of Bourbon, and brother of Charles I, the then duke.

Page 258. line 5. _Lord de Dours._] _Dours_ Qu. _Douars_. Peter lord
of Douars, youngest son to Guy V, lord of la Trimouille, and uncle to
George count of Guisnes, left issue a son, John lord of Douars, in
whose son, John, this branch of the house Trimouille terminated.

Page 258. line 5. _Lord de Contay._] Qu. Conti? Ferry de Mailly (often
before-mentioned) was lord of Conti by descent from Isabel, heiress of
that house, who married Colard de Mailly surnamed "Le Jeune."

Page 263. line 10 from the bottom. _Joachim Rohault._] Joachim de
Rouault lord of Boisemenard, Gamaches, &c. marshal of France in 1461.
The son of John lord of Gamaches, &c. who was killed at the battle of
Verneuil in 1424, and of Jane du Bellay. He was distinguished in all
the great actions of his time, was made constable of Bordeaux, and died
in 1478. He was usually styled the marshal de Gamaches.

Page 270. line 8 from the bottom. _Jeanne de Bethune._] Daughter and
heir of Robert I. (viscount of Meaux in right of his mother Jane,
heiress of the great house of Coucy)--she married first Robert de Bar
count of Soissons mentioned in a former volume, and 2ndly John de
Luxembourg count de Ligny, of whom such frequent mention has been made.

Page 278. line 12. _Marshal of France._] Peter de Rieux, lord of
Rochefort, third son of John II, marshal de Rieux, succeeded to his
father's military dignities in 1417. The ensuing year he was deprived
by the duke of Burgundy, and thereupon threw himself into the arms
of the dauphin, whom he served with fidelity and great success for
many years after. He was made prisoner (with some circumstances of
treachery) by William de Flavy lord of Assy, at his town of Compiègne,
and died of want and misery in a dungeon when only 48 years old,
leaving no issue. This William de Flavy had been also principally
instrumental to the capture of the Pucelle d'Orleans; and not long
after the death of the marshal de Rieux, suffered in common (says
Matthieu de Coucy) with all those who had any concern in Joan's
captivity or death, a violent and untimely end. His throat was cut
in the night time at his castle of Nesle, by the bastard d'Orbendas,
at the instigation (as it is added) of his own wife; A.D. 1448. The
punishment of his cruelty to the marshal de Rieux, in 1509, compelled
the daughter of William de Flavy, with her husband, to pay 10,000
livres parisis for the masses for the soul of his unfortunate ancestor.

Page 284. line 6. _Lord de la Suze._] Renè de Laval, lord de la Suze,
younger brother to the infamous marshal de Retz, whose execution is
mentioned in p. 211.

Page 284. line 9. _Olivier de Cointiny._] Should be Coetivy. This
Oliver, 4th son of Alan III. lord of Coetivy, and brother of the
Admiral, was lord of Taillebourg and seneschal of Guienne &c. He
married Mary, one of the natural daughters of Charles VII, in 1458,
with a portion of 12,000 crowns of gold. His descendants were counts of
Taillebourg and princes of Mortagne and Gironde.

Page 284. line 13. _Lord de Graville._] John Malet V. lord de Graville,
grand pannetier of France.

Page 297. line 9 _Two brothers of Lord Stafford._] They were
half-brothers by the same mother.

Eleanor, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock duke of Glocester, married
two husbands--first Edmund earl of Stafford, (by whom she had Humphry,
afterwards duke of Buckingham,) and, secondly, William lord Bouchier,
created for his services earl of Eu in Normandy, whose two sons, here
mentioned were Henry earl of Eu, married to Isabel sister of Richard
duke of York; and William lord Fitzwarin. There were two younger sons,
besides these, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, and John lord Berners,
ancestor to the translator of Froissart.

Page 334. line 3 from the bottom. _Count de Foix._] Archambaud
de Greilly, Captal de Buche, who became count de Foix (as before
mentioned) in right of his wife Isabel, sister and heir to Matthew de
Chateaubon, died in 1412, leaving five sons, of whom John, the eldest
was count de Foix, and died in 1437, leaving Gaston IV, his successor,
and Peter, lord of Lautrec and Villemur, his two sons. Gaston IV. (the
count of Foix here mentioned) had for his mother a daughter of the
count d'Albret, and marrying Eleanor, daughter of John king of Arragon
by his first wife the queen of Navarre, transmitted to his grandson
Francis Phœbus, the title to that kingdom. Of the four remaining sons
of count Archambaud, Peter was a cardinal; Archambaud was lord of
Noailles, killed by the dauphin at Montereau, in company with John
duke of Burgundy; Gaston was Captal de Buche, count of Longueville and
Benanges; and Matthew was count of Comminges in right of his wife,
Margaret the heiress of that county. This Matthew died in 1453, leaving
by his second wife, Catherine de Coras, two daughters only. The title
of Comminges was then given by Louis XI, (who claimed it as a male
fief) to the bastard of Armagnac commonly called De Lescun.

Page 335. line 1. _Lords de Lohéac._] Andrew de Laval, lord de Lohèac,
second son of Guy XIII, and brother of Guy XIV, lord of Laval. He was
admiral of France after Louis de Culant, but resigned that office to be
made a marechal in 1439. He married Mary de Laval, lady of Retz, widow
of the admiral de Coetivy, by whom he had no issue, and died in 1486.

Page 335. line 2. _Jaloignes._] Philip de Culant, lord of Jaloignes,
seneschal of the Limousin, created a marshal of France the year
before, on occasion of the siege of Pontoise. He died in 1454 without
issue. He was nephew to Louis lord de Culant, admiral of France, and
younger brother to Charles de Culant, lord of Chateauneuf, &c. grand
master in 1449.

Page 335. line 5. _Lord de Mongascon._] Godfrey, second son of Bertrand
de la Tour IV. count of Auvergne and Boulogne, bore the title of
Montgascon. He was betrothed to Jane de Brezè, daughter of Peter count
de Maulevrier; but afterwards married Anne de Beaufort daughter of the
marquis de Canillac.

Page 359. line 5. _Duchy of Luxembourg._] The cause and progress
of this war respecting the duchy of Luxembourg, may deserve some
explanation. After the death of Wenceslaus duke of Brabant and
Luxembourg (the patron of Froissart) the duchy reverted to the emperor
Wenceslaus, as head of the elder branch of the family; and on the
marriage of Elizabeth of Gorlitia, his niece, with Anthony duke of
Brabant, the emperor made a mortgage of the duchy to the said Anthony
to secure the payment of his wife's portion amounting to 120,000
florins. This sum was never paid; and possession of the duchy was
retained by Elizabeth after the death of Anthony, and until some
time after the death of her second husband, John of Bavaria, bishop
of Liege, so often before mentioned. At this period, however, both
Wenceslaus and Sigismund, and also the empress Elizabeth daughter of
Sigismund, being no more, and the rights of the elder branch having
descended on William III. marquis of Thuringia and Casimir IV, king of
Poland, in right of their wives Elizabeth and Anne, the daughters of
the empress Elizabeth, those princes took advantage of the apparently
unprotected state of the province to claim the privilege of redemption;
to enforce which, they sent a powerful army under the command of the
count of _Click_ of the house of Saxony. To oppose the invaders,
Robert, count of Wirnemburg collected what troops he was able from the
duchy itself; and duke Philip sent considerable supplies under the
command of his bastard son Cornelius, of the count of Estampes, and
other nobles, by whose assistance the Saxons were at length expelled.
_In gratitude for this signal service_, Elizabeth soon afterwards
conveyed the duchy and all its dependancies in absolute possession to
duke Philip and his heirs for ever; and the vanquished claimants were
forced to purchase peace by a solemn ratification of her cession. The
king of Poland, however, did not deliver his confirmation till after
the death of Philip, when the transaction was completed in favour of
Charles the warlike. See Bertelius and Heuterus.

The short table annexed will render this affair more intelligible.

                 Charles IV. (Emperor)
                      died 1378.
       _____________________|_____________________
      |                                           |
  Wenceslaus          Sigismund        John of Gorlitia, marquis
  (Emperor)           (Emperor)             of Brandenburg,
  died 1419.          died 1438.              died 1395.
                         |                        |
            Elizabeth d. 1440, married     Elizabeth duchess of Luxembourg,
               Albert of Austria,        married 1 Anthony duke of Brabant,
                    emperor.                     2 John of Bavaria.
           ______________|_____________
          |                            |
  Elizabeth married           Anne married William
  Casimir IV, king              III, marquis of
  of Poland.                       Thuringia.

Page 361. line 1. _Duke William of Saxony._] William marquis of
Thuringia, youngest son of Frederic the warlike, elector of Saxony.

Page 367. line 7. _Sir Gouvain Quieriet._] Gauvaine Quieret, lord of
Heuchin, son of James Quieret who was distinguished in the conquest of
Normandy, and grandson of Guy who was made prisoner at Agincourt.

Page 380. line 15. _Anjou._] Peter II, the father of James count of
Maulevrier, who married Charlotte the daughter of Charles VII, and
Agnes Sorel, and killed her as is more particularly mentioned in a
note to vol. ix. p. 99. This Peter was appointed to the command of an
expedition sent to England in support of queen Margaret of Anjou, and
was afterwards killed at the battle of Montlehery in 1465. (See, Bayle.
Art. Brezé.)

Page 380. line 16. _Lord of Precigny._] Second son of John III. lord
of Beauvau, grand maître d'hotel to Renè king of Sicily and Naples. He
died in 1474.

Page 396. line 3. _Count Blanquemain._] Blanquemain--Qu. Blankenheim;
William de Loz, count of Blankenheim married Mary a daughter of Anthony
de Croy count of Poreien who afterwards had for her second husband
George count of Wirnemburg.

Page 407, line 4 from the bottom. _Regent._] Pregent. See before.

Page 408. line 4. _Prison._] See more of this extraordinary
transaction, (vol. 9. p. 136.)

Page 414. line 14 _Helye de Pompadour._] One of the sons of John I.
lord of Pompadour and of Margaret de Ventadour, his wife; and mother
of Golfier lord of Pompadour who died in 1441, leaving John II his son
and successor, a councellor and chamberlain of the king Louis XI. This
Helie de Pompadour, entering into the church, became bishop of Alet in
1448, and of Pamiers in 1454.

Page 418. line 10. _Life._] Philip Maria, last duke of Milan of the
house of Visconti died in 1448, leaving no issue by either of his wives
Beatrix de Tende, (the widow of the famous Facino Cane) and Mary,
daughter of the duke of Savoy. His natural daughter Bianca Maria was
married to Francis Sforza, who, in her pretended right, succeeded to
the duchy and transmitted it to his descendants.


  H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
  Blackfriars, London.

TRANSCRIBERS NOTE:

Original spelling, including any inconsistencies in spelling of names and
place-names, has been retained.








*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHRONICLES OF ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET, VOL. 08 [OF 13] ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.