SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS

BY

CHARLES H. WILLIAMS

Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro
Soldiers in the World War

With an Introduction by
BENJAMIN BRAWLEY

BOSTON
B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY
1923

Copyright 1923
By B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY
First Edition, June, 1923

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

THE AMBROSE PRESS, INC.
Norwood, Massachusetts

Dedicated to the Memory of

My Mother

and to

My Aunt

Mrs. Maria Burnside

It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops, representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war.

I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material; and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some small way help the American people better to understand not only the perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the highest ideals of life.

CHARLES H. WILLIAMS.

Hampton Institute,
December 15, 1922.

It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history. Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved. We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry. “Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars.

The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their control were changing the destinies of thousands—in migration, in economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events at East St. Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical. They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship. Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country, or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover, on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their husbands accordingly.

In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance. Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in France—in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France—the Negro in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health, his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations, the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad.

For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess, and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France. His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique.

Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the country I bespeak for it a generous welcome.

BENJAMIN BRAWLEY.

Cambridge, January 1, 1923.

WAR DEPARTMENT
Washington

WAR DEPARTMENT

The Adjutant General’s Office
Washington

GENERAL HEADQUARTERS

American Expeditionary Forces
Provost Marshal General’s Office
A. P. O. 706

Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest.

When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered 75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of age, regardless of color.

During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of colored militia officered by men of the race.”

In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they would be sent to jail if they failed to appear.

When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the Atlanta Constitution took the position that Negro soldiers should be trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country.

The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, Ga. , assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede for the place.

The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, Ga. , the draft board had to be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while 6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation.

Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.”

Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave shared this point of view.

Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their great love for it in the hour of national peril.

The late Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, said that two hundred thousand men out of the first two million composing the American army could neither write to their mothers and fathers nor read the letters written to them. Just how many Negro soldiers were illiterate will probably never be known, but it is certain that tens of thousands of them could not read or write. The percentage of illiteracy was highest in the non-combatant units, where education was not primarily essential and where the first requirement was that the men be physically fit to do the heavy work necessary. In such organizations it was not unusual to find that 75 per cent of the men were illiterate. At one time when an order was given a company that all men who could neither read nor write should step forward, practically the whole company advanced. In a machine-gun group of 167 men there were 127 illiterates; in a class of seventeen of these men four had never heard of Abraham Lincoln, seven had never heard of Booker T. Washington, and none had ever heard of Frederick Douglass. Many soldiers had never heard of Germany, Servia, France, or Russia, or of kaisers and czars. Hundreds, born and raised in the states from which they were called, did not know what city was their state capital. Birthdays were given to many, and sometimes even names were furnished. Thousands were away from the old plantations for the first time; until called to register, some did not know that the Great War was raging.

In striking contrast to these men was another group, those whom education and experience had fitted for the great undertaking. These were graduates from representative institutions, they were trained in the various crafts, arts, and professions, and were neat in appearance, responsive, and fired with enthusiasm. Great numbers of those of whom we have been speaking, however, had never attended school a day in their lives. Naturally they had little or no knowledge of the laws of health. They did not always understand that clothes were to be changed at bedtime and sometimes punishment had to be meted out for failure to take the required number of baths per week. Guards frequently were on duty at night to see that barrack windows were not closed in the effort to keep out the treacherous night air.

The barracks at the different camps to which these men were sent were usually comfortably built. This was especially true in the national army cantonments, where they were satisfactorily heated, lighted, and ventilated, with spacious mess halls, sanitary latrines, and adequate bathing facilities. Such provisions was not always found where tents had to be used, though the situation was improved when the tents were boxed and floored and had stoves and electric lights. It is regrettable that in the army, when there was a supply of old tents to be used, the Negro soldiers were generally the recipients. When camps were crowded and units had to be moved to less desirable quarters, most frequently it was the Negro units that were moved. In rainy seasons they suffered from exposure, and influenza made great inroads among them.

The task of supplying the men with clothes was a stupendous one. Even honest attempts to get clothing for any group of men did not always meet with success, and for the Negro soldiers it was at times exceedingly difficult to secure what was necessary. When there was a shortage they were the ones to suffer. In Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala. , late in November they were found wearing little besides a fatigue suit because winter underwear, “O. D.” suits, overcoats, and shoes had not yet arrived. When there were second hand, unmatched khaki suits and second hand hats, these passed to the Negroes. On one occasion at Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C. , such clothing arrived in boxes marked for the “current colored draft.” At Camp Hill, Newport News, Va. , where there were several thousand of the suits referred to as the “old Civil War blue,” it was decided that the Negro soldiers should wear them. When one of the organizations thus clad marched through the camp it became the laughing-stock of the rest of the soldiers and the men were humiliated. In Camp Humphrey, Va. , through which 40,000 Negro soldiers passed, not until after the Armistice and until the white soldiers were discharged did the Negro men have such conveniences as barracks, comfortable mess halls, and sanitary facilities; and their “Y” tent was especially leaky. Such conditions in different places easily gave the Negro people the impression that their sons were being mistreated and were suffering in the camps, and this accounted for considerable unrest. In spite of the occasional lack of clothing, however, and poorly prepared food, those soldiers who survived the test were discharged from the army more fit physically than when they entered it, and thus the manhood of the country was made stronger and better.

The modern American cantonments required the labor of hundreds of soldiers to keep them up to the requirements set by the inspectors. Negro soldiers who were stationed in all the camps did their full share of this work, and their special achievement is described in our chapter on the Stevedore. The ambition of every man in camp, however, was to be a real soldier, one who took up his knapsack and marched off to battle. “I don’t want to stagger under heavy boxes,” said one stevedore, “I want a gun on my shoulder and the opportunity to go to the front.” Nearly three-fourths of all the Negro soldiers, however, were in non-combatant units. In these units very little military training was given. “Our drilling,” said one soldier, “consisted in marching to and from work with hoes, shovels, and picks on our shoulders.” In some of the more liberal camps the men got from thirty minutes to one hour of drill without guns after the day’s work. Where there was an absence of genuine military training there was always a lack of soldierly spirit on the part of both officers and men. Where there was conscientious effort to train and instruct the men in military science, however, there was enthusiasm for the work.

The Negro is able to adjust himself to the life of a soldier with comparative ease. His happy disposition and responsiveness to sincere, efficient leadership, his regard for discipline and love for his uniform, his sense of rhythm and his physical courage, are distinct military assets. The fact that many officers preferred to command Negro troops was a splendid tribute to their ability. In one camp where there were eight commands with Negro soldiers, one hundred and fourteen officers applied for the posts. With the exception of the 92nd and 93rd Divisions, Negro soldiers were almost entirely commanded by white officers. In combatant units, and even in non-combatant units where some military training was given, there were few complaints and the officers were proud of their men.

In non-combatant organizations, on the other hand, some of the commanding officers were disappointed because they had not been placed with fighting units. They felt detached and humiliated. While as the usual thing the corporals were colored, the sergeants were generally white men. Only in rare cases were the non-commissioned officers all white or all colored. Several reasons were given for placing white sergeants in these units. It was said that most of the Negroes forming such organizations had little or no knowledge of military tactics and that experienced white men were needed to organize them; moreover, that white officers could get more work out of labor units than could Negro “non-coms.” It was felt that these men, having come in contact with Negroes on plantations, public works, and turpentine farms, would be especially competent to handle them. Unfortunately these officers were often ignorant and when provoked would curse the men and call them abusive names. In rare cases they even went so far as to strike the men. There were also some examples of colored sergeants who belonged to the “treat ’em rough” group. On the other hand, there was a class of white non-commissioned officers from the Western and Northern states who, claiming no previous acquaintance with the Negro, managed by considerate handling to have excellent morale in their organizations.

There were various rules in the camps concerning the issuing of passes. In a few camps Negroes were not required to get passes in order to leave, provided they returned by a certain hour at night. Most frequently, however, passes were issued, though with less frequency than to white soldiers. Sometimes the Negroes were denied the privilege of visiting the cantonment cities for fear that trouble might arise. One very effective means of restriction was the establishing of a state of quarantine.

Much was said during the war about throwing the arm of protection about the soldier lest evil should befall him. The Government desired him to return to his home a cleaner and a better man. In states where there were no prohibition laws the Government prohibited saloons within a radius of twenty-five miles from a camp. Federal and city officials worked to carry out the letter of the law, but their task was exceedingly difficult. While no open saloons existed in cantonment cities, there was evidence of almost free access to some kind of intoxicating liquor. Bootleggers sold their wares for from six to sixteen dollars a quart, and numerous resorts were close at hand. Fortunately, while there were cases in which individual soldiers were arrested for drunkenness, the vigilance of the authorities prevented the problem from becoming serious in cantonment cities.

In the army it was not generally felt that gambling or swearing affected the fighting ability of the soldier. As a result of this attitude little was done to influence the men in regard to these evils. Officers occasionally prohibited gambling in their commands, but generally it flourished. Y. M. C. A. secretaries sometimes called the sergeants together and instituted campaigns against gambling, and these did some good, but as long as camp officials were tolerant, little could be accomplished. “Shooting craps” was a popular form of recreation, and some officers encouraged this as long as it was played in the open. Great crowds of men would gather in camp streets or barracks and “roll” their last dime away. With other things affecting the moral welfare of the men we shall deal in a later chapter.

One of the strong objections to placing white and colored soldiers in the same camps was that there would be race conflicts. This proved not to be the case, and with few exceptions the relations between the races in every camp were good. Where the exceptions did occur, they were due to the policies of officials rather than to the inclinations of the men themselves. The fact that the war was a common cause made most soldiers tolerant of the “other fellow,” in spite of their prejudices. Even in sections where the idea of separation prevailed white and Negro soldiers often used the same building, played games together, and attended the same picture shows and entertainments. Occasionally they played in the same shows and orchestras; they frequently wrote letters for one another, and had many other points of agreeable contact. Sometimes, if they were from the same city or town and met in camps miles away from home, they acted like brothers. One day two such lads from a town in Louisiana met at Camp Pike, and their joy at meeting was noticeable to all. Grasping each other’s arm, they walked away from the crowd and sat down on a nearby hillside, where they spent the happiest hour they had experienced in camp. This friendly attitude, which made for harmony, was occasionally looked upon with disfavor by the officers and even by “Y” secretaries, and measures intended to prevent such contact sometimes engendered bitterness and frequently caused friction.

Captain C. Rowan, stationed at Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark. , received wide publicity when, on March 25, 1918, he disobeyed the order of his brigade commander, Col. F. B. Snow, of the 162nd Depot Brigade. This order called for a review in which Negroes and white soldiers were to appear in the same formation. Captain Rowan said that the order called for a formation in which there would be intermingling of the races, that custom would be violated, and that the discipline and self-respect of the white soldiers would be affected. He himself, he said, had no prejudice and was willing to command a Negro organization, but he had taken his course of action because he felt that it was for the good of the service. He was dismissed from the service, but during the trial a delegation from a Southern legislature visited the camp to see if the races were intermingling, and both white and Negro soldiers, who had temporarily laid aside race hatred, had it kindled anew within them.

Just as there were camps where military authority was used to carry out unjust orders, there were also camps where harmony prevailed because commanding officers believed in fair play. On one occasion a Texas regiment arrived at Camp Upton, N. Y. On their first night in camp a group of the soldiers went into a Y. M. C. A. building and saw two Negro men sitting there writing. Being unaccustomed to such scenes, the group threw them out of the window. The camp “Y” secretary reported the matter to the late General Bell, who said he would investigate the case. There were four thousand Negro soldiers in camp, and as the day passed there were rumors of an impending clash, and there was some anxiety on the part of the authorities. Late in the afternoon the General called all the officers of the Texas regiment to headquarters and after they had been introduced he said: “Gentlemen, I am the General of this camp. Something happened here last night that has never happened before, nor will it ever happen again. If there is any trouble here you will be held responsible. Your men started the affair. If there is trouble every one of you will be disgraced and put in the guard house for the duration of the war. You won’t be tried by a Texas jury. I shall be both judge and jury. Secretary Baker and the Chief of Staff, General March, have said that every man in the uniform is the equal of every other man. They are my superiors and I am yours. I am soldier enough to obey orders, and you must do likewise.” The Colonel said, “Yes, sir, I understand,” and the officers left the headquarters no man uttering a word. After they reached their quarters they called their regiment together, and peace and order prevailed afterwards in that camp.

There were many lesser deeds of this kind which gave hope and encouragement to Negro soldiers as they served the country, and it was clearly demonstrated that colored and white soldiers could live, work, drill, and play together without friction or riots, if only the square deal was meted to all alike. Naturally the opportunity of serving together in a great cause and of coming to know a little better Americans of all groups was responsible for a greater spirit of tolerance on the part of many thousands of men. A young lieutenant, born and raised in South Carolina and graduated from the University of Georgia, said that he really hated Negroes before he was assigned to the branch of Negro artillery located at Camp Jackson. He was brought up on a plantation and expected to see in his battery much lying, stealing, and gambling. When he realized that the men who had been selected for his branch of the service were physically and educationally fit and that their conduct was excellent, he frankly said that his ideas had changed.

Of special importance was the Negro’s contribution to the joys of camp life by his religion and song. His religion gave him courage that enabled him to go forward when the path was dark, and his song not only made his own burdens lighter but enabled him to bring cheer and sunshine to thousands of discouraged soldiers. A Negro who on the parade ground tried to master a drill or who went through a savage bayonet exercise, at night frequently forgot completely his daily work as he sang “Ain’t goin’ to study war no more.” From early morning until taps sounded at night, moreover, one could hear the strains of music in the “Y” hut. It might be anything from a “blues” played on the piano with one finger to some classic theme. Sometimes a soldier would begin playing a familiar song on the piano and the strain would be taken up until all who were present were singing. On one Sunday three thousand Negroes from Florida who had just arrived at Camp Devens, Mass. , held a meeting. A quartet and a soloist rendered several numbers. Then one man who had a beautiful baritone voice led the three thousand men as they sang “I need thee every hour.” Most of the men were from farms and away from their loved ones for the first time in their lives—strangers in a strange land. As their thoughts were far away the leader began the refrain of “S’wanee River,” and as they sang of the “old folks at home” the music rose until the very rafters shook. Tears were in the eyes of stalwart men that Sunday afternoon, and there was a warmth and a harmony about it that was unlike anything in the world.

With all the hardships the experience gained in camp more than repaid the thousands of Negro soldiers, who had come from all classes and included the country lad, who had been denied educational advantages, as well as the college youth. The progress of many men from day to day was an inspiration. Thousands who on entering camp had a shambling gait soon displayed a firm step and erect carriage. The blank expression seen on many faces gave way to one of animation and enthusiasm, not only for the training but also for the victory of the cause in which they were enlisted. The crudest material, under efficient guidance, developed into the capable soldier, all because these men, like thousands of others, in France as well as in America, were giving their very lives to the country to which all owed so much.

The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, when Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico.

Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the establishment of the camp.

Dr. Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, 1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all parts of the country. Dr. Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming its supporters.

With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences were held with the War Department officials, and Dr. Spingarn meanwhile worked untiringly. Dr. Stephen M. Newman, president of Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with officials and labored in behalf of the camp.

There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers.

When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the army:

Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus the Charleston Post said, “Officers as high as majors may be turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interview Col. H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers ever commissioned by the United States.

As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of hope.

On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. m. From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from 8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. And yet there were some good times—recreation in the form of baseball and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one of the secretaries, the “grand old man,” Dr. George W. Cabiniss, who gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf.

Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the close of the concert, Rev. Dr. Medbury said of the candidates, “It is not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.”

Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and that is new in my army experience.”

The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey “palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious “rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of making.”

As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army of the United States.

Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before them. Dr. Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could absorb the training required of officers was won with honors.

After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of mastering them, though with opinion against them.

The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with the other branches required in the full organization of a division. While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the 92nd were distributed in several groups.

The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit—two tram officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines.

Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week?

While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. These six were given artillery commissions. During their training period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due officers.

Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned to their outfit just before it sailed for France.

White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work will be given elsewhere.

The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the 92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp Jackson, S. C. , where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France.

To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a —— if the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked.

While these new officers were working at their task of training men to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. A small number of men were selected from the various units of the 92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to assist as instructors in the cantonments.

When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers in charge of Lieut. B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who has passed through the school.”

In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This school began under the command of Lt. Col. William G. Doane, who was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other.

In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark. , while the machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. Camp Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in most cases turned to interest.

To Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. , selected for the machine-gun school, fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race feeling.

When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, and because of this contact both groups learned something of their comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the 13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand seemed to cheer them on their way.

In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised.

On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala. , which showed something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail.

One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the conflicting opinions on this subject, Gen. John B. Castleman, a major in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action of Gen. Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.”

From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received much publicity. Such was the case of Lieut. Joseph B. Saunders, who was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg, Miss. , because he wore his uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that of Lieut. Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, “changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, although in practice it was not always carried out.

Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a recognition of work well done.

According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been “pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the 369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored officers in the 92nd.

Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice.

These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro officers were many times given third class coaches while the white officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account in an impartial review.

As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue and were told to mind their business when they called attention to grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without the supervision of a battalion commander.

In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” “Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you Sergeant, don’t mind.”

In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd Division. This alone is proof that they were fairly efficient, especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit where credit was due.

One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the future policy of the War Department.

Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty and support to the Government as far as necessary.

When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss. , there was also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed all fears. At Rockford, Ill. , where the police force was enlarged in anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a splendid record—much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was never needed for them.”

The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell, commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the Negro soldiers.

In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:

Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but don’t worry; we’re not going over.”

The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. In its issue for May, 1919, the Crisis published a document on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned.

Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; “Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were “campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a twelve-hour pass.

Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. French children were treated with the greatest deference by the Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. The picture that appeared in Life , showing a colored soldier carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was possible.

During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion had been occasioned.

As the rumors continued to spread, Dr. Robert R. Moton was asked by the President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. On making inquiry Dr. Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, 1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation the general statements. Dr. Moton then asked the General if he would mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says Dr. Moton, “as well as in Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the 92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among white soldiers or any soldiers.”

The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were bona fide efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant.

The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro Americans.

Historians tell us that when, in the fifteenth century, Jeanne d’Arc led the soldiers of France to victory, no women followed the army. This was not true of the victorious armies in the World War. Wherever the soldiers camped, in the North, East, South, or West, in a camp near a great metropolis or in one far from cities and railroads, in America or in France, there women were to be found. For the first time also the War Department made formal provision for the American soldiers to have the gentle and civilizing influence of women; and barracks and tented camps were soon followed by hostess houses or other structures, tastefully furnished and decorated, and presided over by kind-hearted hostesses.

When this great plan was conceived, little thought was given at first to the Negro soldier and to the entertainment of his women folk. For some time, if they visited camp, they found that no provision was made to receive them. Sometimes it was a mother who had traveled miles just to see if Uncle Sam was kind to her only son, or a wife from a distant state, who arrived discouraged and with depleted funds, only to find that her husband had just embarked for a distant land; or perhaps a sweetheart hoped to get a last glance and bid a last farewell.

There was still another woman who had no such innocent mission and whose heart went out to every soldier. It was this one who made a real problem. Little interest was shown in her by camp authorities. Sometimes she remained in camp streets until as late as eleven o’clock at night; or she might be seen under the trees, in the groves, or waiting along the camp roads. At Camp Dodge women were allowed in camp from early morning until late in the evening, with no restrictions whatever. Some were the wives of soldiers, but some others came to the camp for the purpose of forming acquaintances. Occasionally a girl was seen giving her address to a crowd of soldiers surrounding her. At Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. , a quarantine stopped the daily visiting of women, who were required to register in the “Y” tent, which they soon practically deserted. In general the commander of a camp made such regulations as he thought best. On rare occasions women were compelled to secure passes before entering; but in most cases they could enter during the day without passes, being governed only by visiting hours, which were usually from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m.

As the war progressed, the tendency throughout the country was to improve conditions in this connection. Even before the spring and summer of 1918, when some hostess houses were erected for colored soldiers, there were bright spots where an effort was made to meet the problem. One of the best systems regulating the visiting of women found anywhere was at Camp Funston, where a visitors’ day was held the first Saturday of each month. This rule was strictly enforced and not even officers could take women into the camp except on this day. On this occasion, however, the officers and soldiers became the hosts, entertaining their friends at dinner, after which there were usually socials and dances. Large numbers of colored women visited Camp Taylor, Louisville, Ky. , and their conduct is said to have been excellent. The Y. W. C. A. had the use of a small building, conveniently located on the car track, and here the women were helped to get in touch with relatives. Where the number of women who visited a camp was small, the problem of providing facilities was naturally less difficult. At Camp Devens, Mass. , near which the colored population was small, women visited the “Y” buildings and also the houses in charge of white hostesses, if they so desired. The soldiers were permitted to invite them to dinner in their mess halls. All were expected to leave the camp by 7.30, and the military police saw that this rule was enforced. In general where there was a sincere effort on the part of the authorities and the different agencies to provide for the welfare of colored women visitors, the problem was reduced to a minimum, and the visits contributed to the happiness of the soldiers and the morale of the army, as was the intention from the beginning.

The problem which grew to be vexing in the camps became far more difficult to control in the cities; and Government officials familiar with the popularity of the uniform proceeded immediately to clean up every city adjacent to the cantonments by abolishing all forms of legalized vice. Cities thus located were able, with Federal aid, to introduce in one week reforms that had been desired and worked for, with no results, for decades. The closing of the districts, however, did not mean the complete elimination of the evils which existed. It often meant simply a distributing of the problem to various sections of the city. New restaurants, hotels, and boarding houses were opened, and there were usually to be found in them attractive girls who served as waitresses. Although the café sign was sometimes seen on the windows, “no meals were ever served nor fire ever seen in the kitchen.” It was through such places as these that well-intentioned women and girls sometimes found themselves in the clutches of the law.

It was in one of the large cantonment cities that a party of four such women arrived from the far South to see their husbands before they entrained for parts unknown. The women were not met at the station by their husbands, as was planned, because they were several hours late in arriving. They were directed to a hotel just two blocks from the station, and here they found the parlor and dining room filled with soldiers and their friends. Among the men in uniform they felt more at ease, and they asked several soldiers if they knew their husbands. Finally a young man said that he was in the same company as one of the men named, and that he would tell him about his wife as soon as he reached camp, as it was not possible to reach him that night. Tired from travel and anxiety, the women retired with pleasant thoughts of meeting their loved ones in the morning. In the very early morning, however, while the city still slumbered, a knock on the door awoke them. One sprang to the door, but instead of finding her husband she was greeted by an officer, who told all four to dress and follow him. All their tears and explanations did not suffice to move him. With a score of other women they were carried away to prison. As the turnkey closed the great iron door some of the number seemed indifferent, but the hearts of others were seized with fear lest some awful thing should happen. The next morning the husbands of the four women were reached and they were released, made wiser by their bitter experience.

Hotels and boarding houses, however, were only one phase of the matter. On the city streets, in the dance halls, in the soft drink parlors, wherever soldiers craved companionship, there the problem of the girl was to be found. It was most serious in the case of young girls fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were sometimes seen on the streets long after midnight, and it is to be remembered that in the Negro sections of the cities the streets were often dark and conducive to all forms of evil. Sometimes conditions were winked at by officials who opposed destroying the old order of things. In one case, after Government criticism, the local police made indiscriminate arrests in a pretended effort to clean up. This resulted in lawsuits which halted the work. Ignorant girls were brought into court, but those in higher places were seldom arrested. Even when arrests were made, the evidence revealed often brought a quick release. In one court a woman was sentenced to a year in prison and fined $1000 for leading girls astray, but within a few days, through the influence of unseen forces, she was again enjoying her liberty. A strange leniency also was often found in Southern courts in the case of colored girls whose conduct had brought them there; it did not seem to be required or expected that colored girls should live up to the same standards as white girls. Sometimes unsympathetic lawyers made sport of them for the amusement of crowded court rooms. They were not taken behind closed doors for protection, as were other girls charged with similar offences. Seldom, until near the end of the war, were there detention homes to which they could go and find a genuinely helpful guiding hand. Money appropriated by the Government for the establishment of detention homes in cantonment cities was seldom used for Negro girls. Instead they were usually placed in jail, or sent to the prison farm or the “stockade,” the home of the chain gang. The jails in which they were confined were, with few exceptions, demoralizing and a disgrace to the cities. The inmates lived in dirt and disease, sleeping on ragged, greasy mattresses on concrete floors and eating food prepared in the most unsanitary manner. In one instance colored girls were placed in a room 20 feet by 10, with their cots close together. An open toilet was in the back of the room, which was without windows or any means of ventilation except an electric fan. In such environment were placed many girls arrested for the first time. They associated with confirmed criminals and the living conditions and the treatment which they received made it well nigh impossible for them to lead a different life after being released. Sometimes they worked on the city farms, in the jails, or on rock piles in the jail yards. In one case they were marched through the streets to and from the work of cleaning the city cemetery.

Who were these girls who, in their early teens, found themselves in the clutches of the law? For the most part they were ignorant and were growing up without the influence of interested parents. Some could not read or write; frequently they were exploited. It is to be noted also that this concrete problem was often complicated by other social or economic forces. In practically every cantonment city orders were issued to prevent white soldiers from entering undesirable Negro sections. The enforcement of such orders, however, was difficult because of the frequent leniency of the guardians of the law. In one city a prominent member of the Chamber of Commerce said, “The colored people will probably never get over the effect of the moral lapse due to the presence of the camp and the soldiers.” He grew eloquent in describing the depths to which the city had fallen and the difficulty of getting servants. Those who had formerly helped in some of the old families were now leading an easier life and wearing on the streets clothes of the most expensive style. Such a speaker apparently forgot that the exodus had made great drafts on labor, that many women were doing work formerly done by men, and that the increased wages had enabled many men to keep their wives at home.

Even when the moral situation was dark, however, all was not hopeless. Sometimes a wise and big-hearted judge gave justice tempered with mercy. Sometimes women, both colored and white, toiled untiringly in their effort to save girls from the folly of their ways. The attitude of the Negro people themselves was most important. Among them there was often found a strange lack of sympathy and interest. This was sometimes attributed to the attitude of officials who would not deal with them in a respectful manner. While this was often the case, there was also a feeling on the part of many good people that they could not afford to help such girls. One churchman who was asked for his co-operation said, “I don’t know whether I can afford to come to the jail,” and another, “My mind is on heavenly things; I haven’t any time for such work.” Gradually the situation improved, however, and we shall now consider some of the forces for moral betterment. One of these, the War Camp Community Service, will receive extended treatment in our next chapter in connection with the subject of Welfare Organizations. Just now we are interested especially in the influences that bore directly upon the Negro woman or girl who in one way or another was affected by the war.

GIRLS’ PROTECTIVE AGENCY

The Girls’ Protective Agency was active in several cantonment cities where Negro soldiers were stationed. Comparatively few colored women represented this organization, but those who did labored most effectively. The worker at Anniston, Ala. , gave her entire time to colored girls. The Negro women of the city formed a co-operating committee composed of representatives from every church. The names of girls who were thought to be careless in their conduct were given to the one in charge and she visited the girls and their parents. In this way many were helped. The white workers also sometimes took an active interest in colored girls, especially those who found their way into the courts. Where grave problems arose from the intermingling of the races, every effort was made to relieve the situation for the good of both.

TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY

Representatives of the Travelers’ Aid Society often rendered genuine service to colored women visiting cantonment cities in search of their friends in the camps. They usually put them in touch with the local Y. W. C. A. or with representative women who could tell them of reliable places where they could stay. While some assistants were indifferent, most of them were impartial and took the same interest in providing for the Negro women who came to their cities as for the white women. This was especially true of a worker in Manhattan, Kansas, who labored earnestly for the colored girls who visited the railroad stations in order to meet soldiers. According to reports of reliable colored citizens, she talked to the girls as she would to her own daughters.

Y. W. C. A.—HOSTESS HOUSES

The Young Women’s Christian Association established constructive work in cantonment cities by organizing the best girls into clubs and patriotic leagues for various kinds of war effort. Such endeavor was in the field of preventive rather than of constructive work. That at Louisville is fairly representative of what was done in the cantonment cities. Here an attractive building was secured and placed in charge of an executive secretary, who was assisted by a girls’ worker. Clubs were organized among the employed girls and school girls, and Bible, cooking, and French classes conducted. Five hundred women and girls were organized into twenty-six circles, with a captain over each circle; and an information bureau was conducted for the soldiers.

Of the various kinds of service rendered by the Y. W. C. A. the erection of fifteen hostess houses in the various camps was the greatest achievement and filled one of the greatest needs of the Negro soldier and his women folk. It is doubtful if any other welfare work gave more pleasure. Rightly was the hostess house called “a bit of home in the camps, a place of rest and refreshment for the women folks belonging to the soldiers, a sheltering chaperonage for too-enthusiastic girls, a dainty supplement to the stern fare of the camp life of the soldiers, a clearing house for the social activities which included the men in the camps and their women visitors.”

While the need was always great, the development of hostess houses for Negro soldiers and women was very slow. Camp commanders often failed to see the need of such an addition, and the uncertainty of Negro soldiers’ definitely remaining a part of camp organizations was usually given as the reason for delay. At length, however, through the untiring efforts of Miss Eva D. Bowles, leader of Y. W. C. A. work for Negro girls, her co-workers, and the War Work Council of the Y. W. C. A., these buildings came into being. The work was started at Camp Upton, N. Y. , where barracks were used as temporary quarters. Later the first hostess house for Negro workers was erected in this camp. It was well located, attractively finished, and splendidly equipped. Five efficient secretaries were employed. Every evening the house was crowded. The soldiers were served at the cafeteria, or they read, wrote letters, sang, played, or mingled with their comrades. For some of the men it was the most wholesome environment they had ever enjoyed. The second hostess house was erected at Camp Dix, N. J. It was a spacious building, beautifully furnished and arranged, and the New Jersey Federated Clubs of Colored Women spent $1200 in helping to furnish the building. The third was at Camp Funston. Late in the spring of 1918 barracks were used here, but in the course of the summer a hostess house was completed just outside the camp and three secretaries were employed. Perhaps the largest and most attractive house was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio. When it was opened the sergeants in the various companies of Negro soldiers entertained their men in it in order to make them interested. At the suggestion of the hostesses a Christmas tree was secured by the Y. M. C. A. secretary and a Negro officer, and put up for the men by the co-operation of the fire and electrical departments in the camp. The need was greatest in the Southern camps because these were visited by hundreds of Negro women daily. By the fall of 1918 houses were at both Camp Gordon and Camp Jackson. The building at Gordon was situated just beyond the street car station outside the camp. The one at Jackson was well located in relation to the headquarters group of buildings. Both had unusually large porches. At Camp Jackson the settees used in the yard were built by soldiers. Two of the last houses opened for Negro men were at Camp Meade, Md. , and Camp Alexander, Newport News, Va. Returning soldiers held their farewell socials in these buildings.

In every camp the soldiers showed a fine spirit in visiting the hostess houses, especially in regard to conduct. They looked upon the secretaries as their friends and ofttimes went to them with their troubles. In turn those in charge not only served the women visitors, but brought comfort and cheer to many a heartsick soldier, and they gave many a commanding officer and welfare worker a new conception of the ability and worth of Negro womanhood. In one case the executive secretary was known throughout the camp as “Mother,” because of her understanding heart and her large appreciation of the problems of the men.

Negroes were highly commended for their loyalty in aiding the Government and for their willingness to co-operate with all welfare agencies during the war. There were, however, some workers who, though they rendered great service, did not always receive the plaudits of the crowd because they worked more humbly and did not always have the backing of a great organization. Among these were those women who went out into the highways and byways in order to help girls and lead them into the noblest life. Sometimes their work was difficult, for public officials did not always welcome them; but initiative and tact told, and we must speak of three such women who were representative.

The first was Mrs. R. T. Brooks, who when the war began was working for the associated charities of Columbia, S. C. Her experience in dealing with poverty and with lives that had been wasted or whose opportunities had been lost, prepared her to meet the problems following the establishment of Camp Jackson. Day and night she was seen in all parts of the city on the watch for those whom she might help, and the little pay she received was often divided with those who needed aid. She was respected by judges and policemen in the court room, where she often went to intercede for some erring girl, and one of the leading lawyers of Columbia said of her work, “Mrs. Brooks is the most efficient worker, white or colored, in the city.”

In Little Rock, Ark. , a few years before the war, a fourteen-year old Negro girl was arraigned in court, charged with murder and seven other offences, any one of which, if proved, would have given her a prison sentence. The case aroused the colored women of the city, who followed the trial with interest. The city attorney who was conducting the case had little belief in Negro womanhood, but before the case was summed up a number of the women called on him and presented the girl’s side. The conference bore fruit, for the attorney, who had been violent in his attack, at the end of his argument asked for mercy, showing how environment had played a large part in the unfortunate girl’s life.

After this trial the Negro women of Little Rock, with the permission of the court, appointed and for two years paid the salary of Mrs. Maggie A. Jeffries, who looked after the interest of Negro girls. When soldiers came to Little Rock, her experience had prepared her for the emergency. Her work received the most enthusiastic approval of numbers of prominent citizens, and through her aid the work was formally taken over by the city, and all probation workers used the same office. Many a time this earnest helper pleaded with the judge to turn some erring girl over to her, and she found honest work for the girl or bought a ticket and sent her home to her parents.

It was realized and often admitted by policemen and judges that a well trained Negro woman with police authority could render invaluable service with the problems of the Negro girl who appeared at court, but generally such power was denied. Mrs. Mary Colson, of Des Moines, however, was given such authority, being commissioned by the Governor as a member of the secret service of the state. She also received a certificate from the Policemen’s Institute, a course of lectures given to the Des Moines police. When Mrs. Colson was first appointed many a policeman treated the appointment as a joke, but before long she was able to prove her worth, and she became a force that helped hundreds of women and girls to make a new start. It was not her prime mission to arrest, and she did so only in extreme cases. Her work was as blessed as it was far-reaching.

No organization ever employed a greater number of workers to serve men without cost than did the Young Men’s Christian Association during the Great War. Millions of dollars given by the American people were spent in carrying out its program of service. Wherever there were American soldiers, in the camps at home, at the base ports, on the battle front, in leave areas, or behind the lines in France, there they were followed and served by the Y. M. C. A. Some of the workers even followed the troops “over the top,” sacrificing life itself in their endeavor to give comfort and cheer to the men.

Negro soldiers shared in the “Y” service both at home and in France. At first they were somewhat overlooked, but through the efforts of Dr. Jesse E. Moorland and his associates provision was made for them. In the National Army cantonments large “Y” huts with six secretaries were maintained,—building, business, religious, educational, physical, and social secretaries,—each of whom developed his particular line of work. Sometimes a second building or tent was used. The secretaries met in the general Y. M. C. A. conferences held weekly with the camp secretary, who usually co-operated in every possible way.

The effectiveness of the work depended largely upon the efficiency and ability of the building secretary to co-operate with his staff and the camp officials. Often these secretaries not only effectively supervised the work in their buildings, but they also watched the morale of the soldiers and held conferences with commanding officers for the purpose of improving unsatisfactory conditions. The business secretary conducted the stamp and money order business. This alone in some camps amounted to sums ranging from $150 to $200 a day. Lectures were given to the men on the value of saving and they often bore fruit. At Camp Dodge $10,000 was sent home by the soldiers in one month. The educational secretary worked mainly to reach the men who could not read or write. In Camp Dodge, where perhaps the most successful work was done, 2300 Negro soldiers learned to read and write and to do simple work in arithmetic and drawing, using implements of warfare as models. A business course and instruction in French were offered to those men who had sufficient education.

Colonel Bush, who was in charge of the educational work at Camp Dodge, ordered all illiterate men to attend school, and the rule made by many company commanders that every man must sign his name before drawing his pay, served as a great incentive to study. This school for Negro soldiers in the 366th Regiment was well organized, with the educational secretary, George H. Fortner, as superintendent. Each company represented a part of the school, with a lieutenant as head, and non-commissioned officers, who did the teaching, as assistants. For every fourteen men a teacher was furnished, and there were ample materials. Educational lectures in the different camps were also appreciated, as well as the circulation of books. Naturally the success of all such work as this depended primarily on the initiative of the secretary and his co-operation with the camp authorities.

The physical secretary’s work was to promote athletics, chiefly games, boxing and wrestling. In camps where there were combatant units the athletic officers and the physical secretaries co-operated, and there the best organizations were found. In non-combatant units effective athletic work was seldom found, partly because of the nature of their organization. However, in some of these, teams were organized, and the secretaries were able at times to get outside agencies to provide equipment. The women of Cuthbert, Ga. , gave basket ball equipment for two teams and a shooting gallery costing $44. As a result there was organized a team which played Morehouse College and the Columbus Y. M. C. A.

The work of the social secretary was of great importance. He it was who furnished relaxation and entertainment after the arduous tasks of the day. Moving pictures, given from two to five times a week; programs, consisting of singing, dancing, stunts, and recitations, by talent in cantonment cities or by company entertainers; concerts, by bands or great singers; and addresses by famous speakers, filled the “Y,” even the windows and rafters, with men at night. Of such service no group was more appreciative than the Negro soldiers. Members of the race in cantonment cities co-operated splendidly, and schools sometimes sent quartets or orchestras. Sometimes there were Christmas trees hung with presents ranging from tooth brushes to wrist watches, and with each present was a bag of popcorn and a personal letter. On one occasion when more than a hundred white soldiers were present at such a festivity, they also received presents. Many of the entertainers on the “Y” circuit were also enjoyed by the men, though too often in some camps their programs happened to be given in every building except the one attended by the Negro soldiers.

The religious secretaries were usually ministers of considerable experience. Negro soldiers had high regard for things religious. Bible classes were conducted every Sunday morning, and were followed by preaching, sometimes by local ministers. Weekly Bible classes or prayer meetings were also held, and sometimes “sings” or testimonial meetings. At these meetings the soldiers often took a stand for Christ, and in such cases the secretary wrote personal letters to their families, informing them of the fact and asking them to write letters of encouragement. The many personal interviews which these secretaries had with the soldiers gave them some of the best opportunities of rendering service.

In the smaller camps things were not always as well appointed as in the larger ones. No big program could be carried out, though religious and sometimes educational work was conducted. In the South, moreover, the colored secretaries most frequently did not attend the general “Y” conferences. In spite of all discouraging circumstances, however, the development of the work was rapid. What was done at Camp Hill, Newport News, Va. , shows what was possible after an unpromising beginning. In October, 1917, two Hampton students, W. D. Elam and E. M. Mitchell, went to serve 4500 men, using an army tent for the work. The tent was destroyed in a storm and was replaced by a smaller one, 16 by 16, in which three men lived and where there were, in addition, a stove, a victrola, and a piano. Stamps and stationery were handled, and small meetings held. This was the extent of the facilities in one of the coldest winters Virginians had ever seen. In the early spring, however, a barrack was secured through the aid of the officers, and in April a large “Y” building was dedicated with a full staff of secretaries and all necessary equipment. Here, as elsewhere, the soldiers were served in numberless ways; and when the time came to go to France, there was chocolate or lemonade, with sandwiches, and the secretaries accompanied the men to the port of embarkation, where they separated from each with a touching farewell and a most fervent “God bless you.”

IN FRANCE

As one traveled among the soldiers in France he saw in almost every camp the Y. M. C. A. hut or tent. There were 7850 “Y” workers overseas, 1350 of whom were women. Of this large number 87 were Negroes and 19, women of the race. Only three of these Negro women were in France during the actual fighting, and not until the spring of 1919 did others sail. At the head of the colored secretaries was Dr. John Hope, president of Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga. , who was stationed at the “Y” headquarters in Paris, where he helped to solve many problems regarding the work. Traveling over France, he visited many units of troops, saw their needs, and tried to meet them. There were hardly ever more than 75 Negro secretaries in France at one time, and these were scattered among nearly 200,000 Negro soldiers. They served with the fighting units, with the troops in the service of supplies, and in the leave areas. The fighting units of Negro soldiers were the 92nd and 93rd Divisions, the latter comprising four regiments brigaded with the French. It was in these units that the secretaries won deserved praise for their service and courage. Airplane raids, bombardments, and bursting gas shells did not slacken their ardor to follow the men wherever they went.

H. E. Caldwell, with the 369th Regiment, was under shell fire longer than any other Negro secretary. Matthew W. Bullock and Dr. B. N. Murrell followed the 369th into the thickest of the fight and were with it when it led the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine, a position of honor accorded it because of its excellent service in the trenches. Of Mr. Bullock it was said that when the fight was hardest and the soldiers were wounded and dying, he was ever with his men encouraging them to press forward to victory. Of Dr. Murrell we shall speak again. T. C. Cook, of the 371st Regiment, was cited in orders for his bravery in rescuing two wounded soldiers exposed in pouring rain and shell fire. He succeeded in moving them to a narrow dug-out that was soon afterwards filled with poisonous gas. In attempting to escape, he left the dug-out only to fall unconscious in the open. On that morning of the battle officers and men had entrusted to his care $35,000 of their savings, which he carried on his back as he helped the wounded. When he regained consciousness in a hospital behind the lines, he found that the money had disappeared, but his anxiety was relieved when he was informed that the colored sergeant-major of the regiment, whom he had requested to guard the money in case of accident to himself, had forwarded it to the Paris office of the Y. M. C. A. and that every cent had been safely delivered. Of Secretary James G. Wiley of the 92nd Division Lt. Col. A. E. Deitsch wrote: “During the occupancy of the Marbache sector, he established an Association in the town of Atton which was bombarded daily. Even when the German bombardment tore the roof from the building and all civilians had left the vicinity, only the soldiers necessary for the relaying of supplies and ammunition to the front lines remaining, this man held on and served the soldiers faithfully.”

Sometimes the Negro secretary served not only the men in one camp but in several, even covering an area containing as many as 50,000 soldiers. Such a worker was J. E. Saddler, who was engaged in the Chaumont region. The labor battalions which he served worked on the roads, at bakeries, rail heads and ammunition dumps, often working both day and night, one man doing two men’s work. At first Mr. Saddler went on foot, walking 30 kilometers a day, carrying all the supplies he could, and distributing them to groups of men doing road work. Then he secured a motorcycle, and when that was completely used up he obtained a Ford, with the aid of which he could reach more men. Sometimes he organized schools, offering prizes to induce the men to learn to write. Occasionally he conducted spelling bees, taking the words from the Stars and Stripes . He was not a preacher, but some Sundays he held as many as seven services. Dr. Murrell served in the Verdun region where thousands of men were engaged in salvaging and in burying the American dead. He, like Mr. Saddler, traveled about in a truck with supplies. At Romagne, the site of the Argonne cemetery, he and his staff did excellent work. Two huts were constructed from sheet iron taken from German dug-outs. At night these were so crowded that one could hardly move about in them. The men wrote letters, played games, or gathered around the piano; they also had daily shows, athletic contests, and the canteen was excellent. All such service was of great value in building up the morale of the men and in relieving them from the depressing effects of the grewsome work they were called on to perform. At Liffol-le-Grand, M. R. Atwell had a hut which was attractively whitewashed and painted inside. Pictures of Negro officers and nurses were on the walls, and generally the work ranked with the most efficient in France.

After the Armistice a splendid piece of work was done for the soldiers at Issurtille by W. W. Waitneight, a white secretary, who in the beginning was opposed to working with colored men. In the early days of the camp these soldiers were not permitted to visit the “Y” buildings, and no other place of recreation was provided for them. Finally a captain, moved by the situation, asked for volunteers to help erect a building. The “Y” furnished the lumber, some of the engineer regiments supplied foremen, and the soldiers, including forty mechanics, undertook to do the work. The site selected was in a bottom where the entire camp drained, and at times the water was six inches deep on the floor. In such an environment there was little enthusiasm on the part of white secretaries to undertake the work; but the one who did found the greater joy in the hearty appreciation of the men. Two thousand were in nightly attendance, and from three thousand to thirty-five hundred were served daily in the “Y” and in the wet canteen. The work developed until it became the most popular in the camp, and the secretary who at first doubted, learned to love the men and to work untiringly for them. At Gierve, a white Baptist minister, Mr. Rankin, served Negro soldiers in a spacious and well equipped hut, and he also endeared himself to the men.

At the biggest base ports in France—Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest—the Y. M. C. A. did a wonderful work. For months there were 20,000 Negro soldiers at Bordeaux alone, doing stevedore work. Some of the first colored secretaries sent to France went to this city during the period of active fighting. They and the army officers did not work harmoniously together, and after some stormy days they were ordered to Paris with recommendations to Y. M. C. A. headquarters that they be sent to America. After investigation, however, they were sent to other fields of labor, but meanwhile Negro secretaries in New York, about to sail for France, were detained for months. The situation was finally adjusted and two other men, B. F. Seldon and A. W. Shockley, who went to Bordeaux, successfully co-operated with the officers and worked among the white as well as the colored soldiers. At St. Sulpice Mr. Seldon had charge of a hut that was well equipped, and Mr. Shockley conducted a canteen that was said to be one of the cleanest in France. Thomas Clayton, another secretary in the Bordeaux area, conducted schools for 600 illiterate men. Twenty-seven men were sent from the section to the universities in France, and thirty were sent to the agricultural department at Bonn. At Anconia, also in this area, a big hut was in charge of J. M. Price, a white secretary who served with colored troops from the beginning. This hut had an auditorium seating 2000, a spacious sitting-room, a good library, and a large room for games. Two shows daily were given the 10,000 men. They were encouraged to save, and in one month $22,000 was sent to the States. Mr. Price was a Southern man, but he was so much admired by the men and he made such a favorable impression on the commanding officers that, when the troops sailed for America, he was, against the rules of the Y. M. C. A., allowed to sail with the men he had served.

The “Y” at St. Nazaire did one of the biggest pieces of work seen anywhere in France. There were at times more than 50,000 Negro soldiers at this base. The first colored secretary sent to France, Franklin W. Nichols, worked here and had the honor of building the first hut erected for Negro stevedores. Other pioneers were Rev. Leroy Ferguson, J. O. Wright, William Stevenson, James H. Robinson, R. E. Williams, and the three canteen workers who reached France before the Armistice, Mrs. Helen Curtis, Mrs. Addie W. Hunton, and Miss Kathryn Johnson. These workers left splendid records of achievement. During the last months at St. Nazaire, Negro soldiers were served in four Y. M. C. A. buildings operated by Negro secretaries and also in some conducted by white secretaries. The huts of the former were located at Camps Dodge, Guthrie, Montoir, Lusitania, and Camp I. That at Lusitania was the largest; it had an auditorium seating 1800. The commanding officers co-operated gladly, and the divisional secretaries in the area, especially M. B. Wallace, showed fine spirit in helping to make the work a success.

During the days of fighting and immediately after the Armistice, Negro soldiers at Brest related stories of discrimination by the “Y” and of its refusal to serve them. In the spring of 1919, however, the camp commander and the divisional secretary declared that the men should have a “fifty-fifty” deal. The organization conducted altogether fifteen huts in Camp Pontenazen, one in Camp President Lincoln, and a small room at the sorting yard. “Soldiers’ Rest” at Camp Pontenazen was especially set aside for the Negro soldiers, though all soldiers were served there. In March, 1919, B. F. Lee was sent to work in this hut. He later became general secretary for the building, and four canteen workers helped in the last days. In all the other huts at Pontenazen Negro soldiers were also served. While some canteen women were not enthusiastic about assisting them, the divisional secretary, a Tennesseean, tried to give all men equal service, and one secretary who refused to serve the Negroes was sent back to America. At Camp President Lincoln Secretaries Fritz Cansler and Nelson were stationed and did some very effective educational work. After prayer meetings movies were advertised and these always meant a full house. At the sorting yard, located on the docks at Brest, a group of Negro soldiers ran a kitchen where embarking soldiers were fed and where stevedores working on the docks got one meal to prevent the necessity of returning to camp; they also had a secretary. In the city of Brest Negro soldiers were served at both the Y. M. C. A. restaurant and the big cafeteria, and generally the improvement in the conditions at this base accounted for a more favorable impression than that borne away from some other places.

There were many other instances of devoted service. “Y” work was by no means easy. Many army officers looked upon any secretary with disfavor. On the other hand, the secretaries themselves were not always infallible, nor were their words and actions unerringly discreet.

Hundreds of entertainers who went overseas visited the soldiers in all branches of the service. Among these there were no theatrical people of color, nor any of the leading singers of the race. However, during the last months there was a religious entertaining unit composed of Rev. H. H. Proctor, who spoke, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Miss Helen Hagan, a noted pianist. These helpers carried cheer wherever they went.

The few Negro women who went to France as canteen workers exerted a great influence for good. While many officers and secretaries were opposed to having women serve the men, their presence was like the calming of a great storm. They built up the morale instantly, as was noted in every camp to which they were sent. Once or twice, as when Mrs. Hunton first appeared at St. Nazaire, some of the men cried for joy. The men loved, protected, and honored these workers for what they represented, and one of them said that she had to go to France to be truly proud of the fact that she was a Negro woman.

The work of the canteen women received probably the greatest praise in the leave areas. This work was conducted in the Department of Savoie, among beautiful mountains and lakes conducive to rest and relaxation; and Chambéry, Challes les Eaux, and Aix les Bains were the leading cities. Aix les Bains is noted for its baths, used by the Romans and visited by tourists from all over the world. Chambéry, used as headquarters, is an educational center with colleges and art museums. On the outskirts of the city overlooking the valley below is the home of Jean Jacques Rousseau; and from there one might view also the cross of Nivolet and a chain of snow-capped Alps. Seven miles away is the famous Pass where Hannibal with his army crossed the Alps. To this day the road said to have been built by him is in perfect condition. To such an environment the Negro soldiers came, and they were welcomed by the citizens as men who had helped to save their country. They stood in the Pass, viewed Lake Bourget below, and the Italian Alps in the distance. Here also it was that the secretaries, under the direction of William Stevenson and Mrs. Curtis, did some of the best work in France.

Other places of interest visited by the soldiers were the St. Bernard’s Pass, Mt. Revard, and the Church of the Black Madonna. The last place was the most interesting of all because of its unusual sight. Inside the church is a small figure of the Madonna with a black child in her arms. The robes are of gold studded with diamonds, and pictures, crutches, canes and other tokens of thanks have been left here by people who have been blessed and healed. Once when the town was destroyed by a mountain slide, only the church stood, and the presence of the Madonna was thought by the people to be responsible for the miraculous escape. Here the Negro soldiers were more than welcome and the keepers felt honored by their visits.

Altogether more than twenty thousand soldiers visited this leave area, coming from all parts of France. They were selected from the various organizations in the A. E. F. and sent for periods of from seven to fourteen days. Before they arrived some unpleasant propaganda was spread about them, but they made a highly favorable impression. The “Y” headquarters was a spacious building, splendidly equipped. There were band concerts, and on Sunday afternoons there were refreshments in the beautiful garden, with representative people of the vicinity assisting in the serving. Because of the good conduct of the men and the success of the secretaries in establishing such fine relations between citizens and soldiers, the Governor of Savoie gave a farewell reception, including a public meeting in a theatre and an entertainment in his own home afterwards; and letters were written by the mayors of all three towns and by leading citizens to praise the work and to express regret at its closing.

While thousands of soldiers visited the leave areas, tens of thousands went to see Paris the Beautiful. Naturally officers and welfare workers as well as the men in the ranks desired especially to see this great city before returning to America. Ordinarily three-day leaves were granted, and each day in the spring of 1919 brought hundreds of soldiers to the city. In order that the limited time might mean as much as possible to the men, the Y. M. C. A. organized wonderful sight-seeing programs, including all the famous places of historic interest. With every party there were efficient guides, and the Negro soldiers, like all the others, appreciated fully and thoroughly enjoyed the never-to-be-forgotten experience.

CRITICISM OF THE “Y”

The work of the Y. M. C. A. in American camps was so conducted that it met with comparatively little criticism. Headquarters could be easily reached for the adjustment of any question arising over the Negro, and during the war public sentiment was more decidedly against discrimination than in peace time. Such matters as arose generally grew out of the attitude or action of individual wearers of the red triangle. At Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. C. , for instance, there were 10,000 Negro soldiers. Five “Y” buildings in the camp were located in areas allotted to these men, but in no case were they allowed to use the buildings except possibly for stamps and paper. A sign over one read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed outside the building a table that colored men might use in writing letters. In Camp Lee, Petersburg, Va. , a prayer meeting was conducted in an area where Negro soldiers were located, but a soldier with a rifle on his shoulder was doing guard duty, pacing in a circle around the group to see that no Negroes attended. The comments made by the Negro soldiers under the circumstances were interesting. In some camps the soldiers of both races used the same building, playing games together, attending the same picture shows, sometimes playing in the same orchestra, and even writing letters for one another. Such friendly contact was looked upon with disfavor by some secretaries, and they introduced discriminatory measures, which naturally led to friction.

It was from overseas, however, that the severest criticism of the organization came. During the spring of 1919, in every shipment of soldiers that landed on American shores there were those who denounced the “Y” for something it had or had not done. The Negro soldiers did their share of the criticising in spite of the fact that the organization had done much to help them. Why, then, did they criticise it?

First of all, the “Y” appeared to have no definite policy regarding Negro soldiers in France. Endeavor was left mainly in the hands of divisional or regional directors, and these men inaugurated such policies as they thought best, and a most careful investigation indicates that some secretaries resorted to discrimination and segregation more than the men in any other organization and even more than the army with its military caste. Sometimes such an attitude was assumed even by ministers of the gospel. The general situation was described, very accurately, by one regional secretary as follows: “About 25 per cent of the white secretaries served the colored soldiers gladly, about 25 per cent served them half-heartedly, and about 50 per cent either refused to serve them or made them feel they were not wanted.” When soldiers were building the Pershing Stadium for the allied games, the “Y” served for months all the men in the order in which they appeared for service. One day a young Southern woman was sent out as a canteen worker. The soldiers lined up as formerly. All went well until a colored soldier in the line was reached. The young woman asked him to get out of the line. He said he was an American soldier and would not get out of the line. Thereupon she closed the canteen. A noted divine from Atlanta, Ga. , was for a time in charge of one of the three-day conferences for new secretaries in France. At the close of one of the sessions a colored canteen worker told him she had enjoyed the discussion. “I am glad you enjoyed it,” he said, “but we don’t mix in the States and you must not expect to here.” All such incidents could be multiplied hundreds of times, and because of them there grew up in the hearts of the Negro soldiers a contempt for the general organization that made such things possible.

An interesting sidelight was afforded by the fate of what was known as the “Honey Bee Club.” A Negro soldier who was sentenced to death, just a few days before his execution asked a “Y” secretary at Brest to come and pray with him. After four days of struggle with the soldier and himself, the secretary felt that he too was changed and should work in some large way for the good of the Negro men. He began with prayer meetings among small groups that had been somewhat neglected, and at one such meeting he told the story of the Honey Bee that was busy and successful and another about birds that preyed on the undesirable things of the world. Using with telling effect the lesson drawn from the experience of the soldier who paid with his life for the undesirable, he asked, “How many of you would like to be the Honey Bee?” All responded with raised hands. Soon afterwards he was given permission by the Paris office to devote all his time to the organization of Honey Bee clubs. When it became known, however, that membership was to be limited to Negro soldiers, opposition developed. The colored men felt that if the club was capable of doing so much for them, white soldiers in France should not be denied a share in its blessings. The original idea was undoubtedly to help the Negro soldier in France, but the method by which the idea was developed did not meet with approval, and accordingly, in most cases, it was either opposed or treated with indifference.

In spite of all the criticism, however, the fact remains that the Young Men’s Christian Association did more for the recreation, entertainment, and educational development of Negro soldiers than any other welfare organization in the course of the war. Through its agency thousands of men learned to read and write. Moreover, it is to be remembered that it was the “Y” that sent Negro welfare workers to France, including nineteen women for canteen work, while other organizations faltered. Such effort did not materialize without hard work on the part of the Negro people and their friends. However, it did materialize, and the Negro workers were a credit both to the organization and to their race. In a talk to a number of them at a banquet in Paris, E. C. Carter, head of the Y. M. C. A. overseas, said in summing up their work: “No group of secretaries has been more successful, nor has any work been on a higher level. I have been impressed most by your spirit. Sometimes you have met with difficulties and have been insulted by workers with the red triangle on their arms, but through it all you have shown the spirit of true greatness as did the Master.”

During the World War not only the Y. M. C. A. but other leading religious and social organizations in America aided the War Department in providing for the welfare of the soldiers, both inside and outside the camps. We may now consider briefly the Salvation Army, the Knights of Columbus, the large agencies within the army itself, passing on to War Camp Community Service, the Red Cross, and also to some consideration of what was done by the Negro Church and the Federal Council of Churches.

SALVATION ARMY

The Salvation Army did little or no work for Negro soldiers in American camps, but when the men returned from France they spoke about the service the organization had rendered with an appreciation akin to reverence. This agency did not have great buildings and hundreds of workers distributed throughout the camps, but it did have here and there faithful representatives imbued with the spirit of service. One of its largest huts was at St. Nazaire, and here the relation between men of different races was of the most cordial sort. The Salvation Army workers stated that on no occasion had there been any trouble, and this example well illustrates their spirit and it explains the deep appreciation that the Negro soldiers had for their organization.

KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS

The Knights of Columbus erected their first building for Negro soldiers at Camp Funston, Kan. This was opened on December 1, 1917, with Clarence Guillot as executive secretary and two assistants. Religious services were conducted every Sunday for the four hundred Catholics in the camp, with communion every Sunday morning. One of the two chaplains was always available for consultation, there were excellent library facilities, and also special effort for recreation. In Camps Taylor, Dodge, Meade, and Beauregard (at Alexandria, La. ) buildings were also provided. At Camps Dodge and Beauregard white secretaries were in charge, while at Taylor and Meade Negro secretaries conducted the work. The building at Dodge was visited by both white and colored soldiers, and the kindliest feeling was maintained. At Beauregard a mess hall was renovated and attractively furnished for the large Catholic element there. The building at Camp Taylor, which was beautifully furnished and adequately equipped, was first used by white soldiers, but when they left the camp and Negro soldiers were moved into the area, it was turned over to them. At Meade there was a small but attractive portable building. The work was similar to that at Camp Funston. Not all secretaries were in sympathy with the liberal policy that seemed to be intended by the organization, but those who were not were sometimes transferred.

The Knights of Columbus had a small building for Negro soldiers at Tours, and there was also special provision at Romagne, where the soldiers were reburying the dead. After a tent was erected and supplied with tobacco, chocolate, gum, packages of cakes, stationery, and other such things, the secretary came to the Y. M. C. A. hut and addressed the soldiers, informing them that the K. C. tent had been erected and that to it they were very welcome. The next morning a hundred white and colored soldiers were in line at it receiving supplies. When the camp commander instituted a policy of segregation, the K. C. was compelled to adopt it or leave camp. It chose the former course and put up signs accordingly. When these signs appeared some of the soldiers pulled them off and pulled down the tent, and there was a riot.

The Knights of Columbus were criticised for the procedure at Romagne, which was contrary to the general belief as to the policy of the organization. As has been shown, however, while only a small number of Negro secretaries were employed and in only a few camps was there any special effort to serve Negro soldiers, they were generally admitted to K. C. buildings and in general the organization impressed them by its catholicity of spirit.

AGENCIES IN THE ARMY

In addition to the work of the welfare organizations in the camps, the Army also contributed something to the pleasure of the soldiers by providing for athletics and socials. Holidays were usually given on Wednesdays, Saturday afternoons, and Sundays, though in the non-combatant units these were not always observed. In the combatant units where athletic officers were selected, there was competition in baseball, basket ball, or football, and occasionally a track meet was held. For the most part, however, organized effort in athletics was hardly ever successfully carried out among Negro soldiers, largely because of the failure of the officers to realize the need. There were, however, exceptions. An enviable record was made by the stevedore team at Camp Alexander, Newport News, which defeated all the teams, white or colored, in the various camps on the lower peninsula of Virginia. One of the best examples of athletic competition in non-combatant units was seen in the depot brigades at Camp Gordon, Atlanta, Ga. Three fields were provided for the men and the teams were well equipped by their organizations with suits and materials. During the baseball season two scheduled games were played each week. The two battalions represented, which formed and marched to the field, always furnished an enthusiastic crowd. Games were also played with the colleges and the Federal Prison team in Atlanta, and there was a big field and track meet. They also had representation in the Camp Gordon meet. In another camp a regimental cross-country run of two miles was held. One hundred and thirty-five men entered and one hundred and twenty-six finished. Boxing was also a source of recreation, and in some camps men were selected for a special class. These later became instructors. Boxing contests and exhibitions were held each week, and in some of the stevedore regiments “battles royal” were conducted. Wrestling was also introduced, but it was not as popular as boxing and did not receive much encouragement.

In Western and Southern camps only a small number of Negro soldiers frequented the Liberty theatres and Y. M. C. A. auditoriums. In the South they were not always permitted to attend. In some places they built their own amusement houses and furnished their own entertainment, as at Camp Travis, Texas. Here there was a minstrel troupe composed of exceptional talent, most of the men having been stars in the profession before being drafted into the army. They gave weekly shows in the camp, and during the warm weather they played in an open air theatre on the hillside, with thousands of white and Negro soldiers attending. They also played in the city theatre in San Antonio, as well as elsewhere in Texas; and they were accompanied by a forty-piece band which was considered the finest in the camp. One tangible result of the work of these entertainers was the erection of a beautiful recreation house at a cost of $6000 with funds raised entirely by their work.

Two other notable examples where provision was made for the recreation and entertainment of Negro soldiers were found in the 92nd Division. One was at Camp Funston and the other at Camp Upton. The theatre at Camp Funston was first planned for the soldiers of the 89th Division, who already had three theatres and a moving-picture show. General Ballou accordingly used his influence to have the new one erected for the use of the headquarters section of the 92nd Division, and the money for the material was furnished by the Government. The soldiers furnished the labor, with the exception of a foreman, an expert carpenter, and some interior finishers. The building was wired by a master electrician, who was drafted from St. Louis; it seated more than 2500; and it was the most beautiful and conveniently arranged theatre seen in the camps. The “Buffalo” auditorium at Camp Upton was built by the soldiers of the 367th Regiment, with the assistance of friends. It was designed for both instruction and recreation. The total cost was $40,000. Of this amount the officers and men subscribed more than $14,000, and they conducted a campaign to raise the balance in New York City. Within the building there was everything from religious services and lectures to preliminary instruction in the use of the bayonet, moving pictures and vaudeville. This auditorium was a great factor in building up the fine esprit de corps of the “Buffalo” regiment; and the three outstanding examples which we have recorded are representative of what was done with the co-operation of officers in the different camps for the recreation and entertainment of the Negro soldiers.

NEGRO CHAPLAINS

It mattered not how ignorant a Negro soldier was, or how difficult his life had been, he believed in God and in the efficacy of prayer. There was something about his religion that was satisfying and genuine, and no one could attend his services and hear him sing and pray without being touched. In writing to his family and friends he usually asked for their prayers. “Tell them all to pray for me and that I am trusting in the Lord,” said one in dictating a letter, and another: “Tell them not to worry about me now. I am happy and contented. I have prayed constantly and have now no fear of death. Whatever happens will be all right. Tell them to pray for me.” On one Sunday night at Camp Jackson several white soldiers came into one of the religious services at the colored “Y,” and they joined heartily in the singing. After the meeting they told the secretary that they were leaving for France the next morning and had come to the meeting in order to get a little nearer to God.

Such being the general situation, importance attached to the man who became the religious guide in time of stress. The average minister was hardly adapted to the work of chaplain, because his experience had not prepared him to have an understanding and appreciation of the problems of the men in the new situation. Some who were fitted were pastors of leading churches and in most cases it was impossible for them to get a leave of absence. Besides the difficulty of securing competent men, there was also opposition on the part of many officers to having Negro chaplains in their organizations. When the efforts of the Federal Council of Churches resulted in increasing the number, they found difficulty in serving the Negro men because several of them were kept in one camp and often in one organization. At Camp Meade, for instance, at one time there were three Negro chaplains in the 1st Development Battalion. When this battalion was disbanded in December, 1918, two of the chaplains were assigned to the 4th Battalion, where there were already one Negro and two white chaplains. At Camp Travis three Negro chaplains were found serving one organization, and at both Camps Taylor and Sherman there were several chaplains with a small number of soldiers. At the same time there were throughout the South Negro organizations without any chaplain at all, except a machine-gun group at Camp Hancock and a part of the 157th Development Battalion at Camp McClellan, which units were served respectively by a white and a colored chaplain.

The work of the chaplains who remained in the States consisted in conducting religious services and in educational work, visiting the sick in the hospitals, aiding the soldiers in securing their allotments and allowances, and often adjusting difficulties. A number of white chaplains served Negro soldiers, especially in the labor organizations and in one instance in a fighting unit, the 371st Infantry. Many of these men were sincere and conscientious, yet they were not able to influence the men to any great extent. One said that he felt the soldiers would rather have one of their own race for a religious leader. At first the soldiers would not go to him with their difficulties, but as he worked among them they came to have more confidence in him, and a few began to seek his aid in the matter of securing their allotments and allowances. His most effective work, however, was in conducting schools for the illiterate. In general it was not impossible for the white chaplain to enter into the life of the Negro soldier, if he dealt with him as man to man and was a living example of his teachings.

To be a Negro, however, was by no means the only requisite of a successful chaplain for Negro troops. Personality and moral force also counted. Because care was not exercised at first in the selections for Negro soldiers, a great opportunity was lost to serve them in their darkest hours, when both physical and moral dangers surrounded them. Some workers, however, won the hearty commendation of both officers and men. Whether in America or in France, they gave of themselves freely for their comrades. Such a man was Allen O. Newman of the 366th Infantry. Soon after joining his regiment he won his way to the hearts of the men by his genuine appreciation of their difficulties. When they were in training at Camp Dodge he became one of them. He ate with some company daily and afterwards gave a short talk on patriotism or morality. He was also regimental song leader. A chorus of two hundred and fifty men that he developed gave several concerts in the city of Des Moines. Chaplain Newman accompanied his regiment through France, and in the front line trenches he visited and comforted them constantly. Chaplain H. M. Collins, who served the stevedore organizations at Camp Williams, Issurtille, was a genuine “big brother” to his men. The commander, in speaking of his work, said that he had been the greatest factor in helping to better conditions in the camp. He remained until the last Negro soldier started for America. Altogether the sixty Negro chaplains who served during the war made a real contribution in building up the morale, the morality, and the loyalty of the Negro soldier.

BASE HOSPITALS

In the National Army cantonments there were at times from 40,000 to 60,000 men. As a part of the equipment of these camps great base hospitals were erected and supplied with the most modern improvements. Negro soldiers shared with others the blessings of wonderful discoveries in surgery and preventive medicine. Even in camps where living conditions were unsatisfactory, in the base hospitals they were well treated. Sometimes, as at Camp McClellan at Anniston, there was such a marked difference within the hospital from the general situation in the camp, that the men asked questions in their wonderment. Of course there were exceptions, but whether in the North, the South, the East, or the West, there was usually to be found among the doctors and nurses the spirit of the Great Physician and the desire to heal all men.

RED CROSS. NEGRO NURSES

When American men were called to service, women throughout the country enrolled as Red Cross members and worked for the organization in various ways, rendering every service that would make life more comfortable for the soldiers. They not only served as nurses but also as canteen workers; and they knitted, sewed, and made bandages. Hundreds of qualified and registered Negro nurses gladly offered themselves for service. The Red Cross appeared to be willing to use these nurses and at times greatly needed them, but for some reason it was difficult for them actually to enroll for service. Considerable correspondence with reference to the matter passed through the office of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, and at last, after the Armistice was signed, some Negro nurses served at Camps Grant and Sherman. The first five called by the Red Cross were on duty in Washington at the time, but on two hours’ notice they were traveling to Camp Stuart, Newport News, where they were put on duty in the base hospital to serve four weeks as a trial. They had every consideration and courtesy, and the commanding officer said of them that he had never had more competent nurses and that their conduct was above reproach. After this trial at Newport News, four more were added and all were sent to the base hospital at Camp Sherman, where they were provided with a modern home. They worked in the wards on both day and night duty with the white nurses and served all the soldiers, and because of their efficiency they won the respect of all. Colored nurses were assigned to Camp Grant where they made a similar record.

Important in this general connection is the matter of the general relation of Negro women throughout the country to Red Cross work. In the North and West they joined the organization and worked in more or less complete harmony; but in the South they had difficulty in becoming members. Yet it was in the South that their services were most needed. The whole matter is important as a study in effort toward racial co-operation, and we shall refer to the experience of three representative cities.

In Atlanta the colored people were willing to work, because there were thousands of Negro soldiers at Camp Gordon, some of whom were their sons. Several attempts were made at first to work, but the Atlanta chapter assumed an attitude of aloofness. When the Red Cross launched its campaign in October, 1917, the Negro people were not asked to take part until only two days were left. They objected at first but finally decided to do what they could in the remaining two days. A committee of the most influential men was formed and this raised $400. They also contributed eight dozen sheets and eight dozen pillow cases. The money was turned over to the Atlanta chapter, with the names of all persons who contributed a dollar, the understanding being that this would go as membership fees in the branch which they would be allowed to form. They elected temporary officers and applied to the president of the Atlanta chapter for the complete organization of a branch, but were met by a policy of evasion. Meanwhile the women were eager to do knitting for the soldiers and they secured some yarn; but the next morning the young woman who received the yarn was called up over the telephone and asked to return the wool she had received, as the Red Cross was “not giving wool to new organizations.” Further effort on the part of the colored people at length brought forth a formal letter giving them authority to establish a branch, but because of certain conditions specified in the letter and the previous attitude of the chapter in Atlanta, the Negro people in this city did not finally co-operate in any large measure.

The attitude of the Red Cross in Little Rock was in the beginning similar to that of the Atlanta chapter, but there was a feeling on the part of some of the white people that they should utilize the efforts of the Negroes because they represented so large a part of their total strength. W. H. Holt, a representative citizen, believed that some satisfactory adjustment could be made and took charge of a campaign to raise $15,000 among the colored people. Instead of $15,000, $22,000 was raised. This result changed the situation entirely. The Negro branch was immediately recognized and rooms were opened in the county courthouse in which various kinds of Red Cross work was done by the colored women.

Very different was the case in Greenville, S. C. , where was found the most liberal attitude in any Southern city. The Negro women were organized in a branch and did the same work as that done by the members of the white branches. They made comfort-kits for every drafted man sent from Greenville, as well as other articles desired by the Red Cross, and they gave $100 to the Y. M. C. A. for the South Carolina boys at Camp Jackson. They were enthusiastic about the work. The fine spirit of co-operation shown in Greenville was due in large measure to the attitude of Mrs. W. G. Sirrine, chairman of the local chapter, who believed heartily in the assistance of the Negro women and finally said of them, “They have responded to every call.” In general the work at this place was an example of what was possible in teamwork between the races when there was hearty good will and when all were striving for a common cause.

In every cantonment city in the South toward the end of the war there was some form of co-operation between the Red Cross and the colored women. The organization often aided the families of Negro soldiers when they were in need, as was necessary in the case of the soldiers at Camp Knox near Louisville, Ky. The service records of more than a hundred men were lost. Although they had been in the army for months, their families had not received a cent of their allotments or allowances. The Red Cross representative in Louisville took up the matter with the commanding officer, and he saw that the claims were paid immediately. This was only one of thousands of cases of such assistance.

RED CROSS CANTEEN SERVICE

Over 65,000 women enrolled in the seven hundred American Red Cross canteens. This service consisted of canteen kitchens, medical supplies, and small transfer hospitals. It was organized to stimulate the morale of the soldiers and to make them feel that the people of the country appreciated the loyal manner in which they had responded to the country’s call. In some of the chapters there were organized Negro canteen auxiliaries, and these did very effective work in such centers as Hamlet, N. C. , Greenville, S. C. , Montgomery, Ala. , and New Orleans. At first there was some objection to the wearing of the uniform by Negro women, but in the centers mentioned they wore it and did regular work for the soldiers passing through on the trains. At Montgomery there was a canteen room at the station for colored soldiers, and in New Orleans there was a well equipped auxiliary with headquarters on the ground floor of the Pythian Temple owned by Negroes. In the beginning it was said in some places that the canteen workers failed to serve Negro soldiers, and to some extent this was true, but it was by no means the rule. The policy was to render service to all officers and enlisted men without distinction. On one occasion six hundred Negro soldiers stopped at a town in Arkansas. They had come direct from the farms in Louisiana, and were timid and uncertain when they arrived, but they felt very different when they left. As the local paper said, “The interest shown in them here made new and fighting men out of them. It will be a long time before the American Red Cross will perform a better service, or one that gives the good women, both white and colored, more pleasure.” Another time, as a train stopped at the station in Charlotte, N. C., a canteen worker came to a car window and asked the Negro soldier in the car to have a cup of coffee and a sandwich. He refused at first, but she insisted, passing the refreshments to him, and as the train pulled out she uttered a hearty “Good luck!” and “God bless you!”

Not only in America but in France also the Red Cross served these men. At Thiaucourt the canteen was in charge of a young woman who gave away large quantities of supplies, such as towels, summer underwear, shaving sticks, razor blades, gum and chocolate. In this instance the Negro soldiers shared almost entirely in the generosity, but this was only one of many, many cases of whole-hearted and highly appreciated service.

WAR CAMP COMMUNITY SERVICE

Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the Committee on Training Camp Activities, said in writing about the work of the Commission: “It is our task, in the first place, to see that the inside of the sixty-odd army camps furnish real amusement and recreation and social life. In the second place, we are to see to it that the towns and cities near by the camps are organized to provide recreation and social life to the soldiers who flock there when on leave. The Government will give the men while they train every possible opportunity for education, amusement, and social life.”

Negro soldiers were a part of the army for whom recreation was an essential. In most places, however, the pool rooms and the ice cream and soft drink parlors very frequently were but meeting-places for the soldiers and girls, and the boarding and rooming houses were especially questionable. Public dance halls were hardly ever adequately supervised. In Charlotte, for instance, where two public halls were conducted, the most popular one was open and crowded every night. A policeman acted as doorkeeper and received all tickets. Little effort was made to control the conduct and none to supervise dancing.

The War Camp Community Service came into being to organize the social and recreational facilities of the communities adjacent to the training camps and to furnish the best possible places for the soldiers in their free time. City organizations were impressed with their responsibility for showing genuine hospitality to the men, and invariably they co-operated. In the beginning there was very little effort to provide centers for Negro soldiers. Within the first seven months that Negro soldiers were in the camps in only one city did the War Camp Community Service make provision for their entertainment. In May, 1918, however, eight clubs were opened in different cities, and in all cases these were the best places that provided wholesome amusement, and usually the only available places.

While discussion was going on as to whether Negro soldiers would be permanent and whether it was necessary to establish clubs for them, R. B. Patin, executive secretary of the War Camp Community Service at Des Moines, established the first club for Negro soldiers. The Lincoln School, a large three-story building, was secured by the Community Service and the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, and Herbert R. Wright, a lawyer and former consul of the United States in Honduras and Venezuela, was placed in charge of the club, which had a spacious reading-room, well supplied with writing materials, and a music room with piano, victrola, and numerous records. There was also an up-to-date cafeteria, as well as a bootblack parlor and a well conducted pool room. Citizens were invited to the band concerts in the auditorium, as well as to the socials of the various companies in the 366th Infantry.

Two of the largest community centers for Negro soldiers were located at Washington, D. C., and Baltimore, Md. During the summer of 1918 a well equipped “Soldiers’ Club” was established in Washington; it was conducted by J. B. Ramsey and the co-operation of the community was more effective than in any other center visited by the writer. Some form of entertainment was given practically every evening by club or church organizations; on Sundays many wounded soldiers at the Walter Reed Hospital were taken to church and then to dinner; and on Christmas Day, 1918, and New Year’s Day, 1919, there was very special hospitality and entertainment. The center in Baltimore was opened July 20, 1918, and was in charge of Dr. W. H. Weaver, a Presbyterian minister. The club was visited by soldiers from Camp Meade, Camp Holabird, Curtis Bay, the Canton warehouses, and Edgewood, and its chief feature was its sleeping-quarters accommodating two hundred men. For these the fee was 25 cents a night and they were the most attractive found in any center for Negro soldiers. The men at Camp Upton had access to the recreational facilities of New York, and while a club was established for them in Harlem, they did not depend upon the community center as in most other places. At Camp Devens in Massachusetts the soldiers’ clubs were open to all men in uniform irrespective of race.

So much has been said about racial goodwill in Virginia that it was surprising that there should be in this state in the beginning an indifference that was very close to opposition to the establishing of clubs for Negro soldiers. After the first eight months of war, however, the need became so urgent that clubs were established at Petersburg and Richmond for the soldiers at Camp Lee, at Alexandria for those at Camp Humphrey, and at Norfolk, Portsmouth, Newport News, and Hampton for the sailors and soldiers in the various camps and training stations on the Lower Peninsula. At Petersburg, on account of the opposition of the local ministers, dancing was not included as a part of the club entertainment. At Alexandria an Odd Fellows Hall, owned by Negroes, was donated to the Community Service without rent. The first club erected at Newport News proving altogether inadequate, eighteen city lots were purchased and a new building costing $25,000 erected. A staff of six secretaries was employed. To furnish the building at Hampton, Negro citizens raised $1,000, an effective program being carried out under the direction of Miss Elizabeth Martin. The success of the work in Newport News and Hampton was largely due to the sincere effort of J. L. Einstein, director of community work on the Lower Peninsula.

In Columbia, S. C. , community work was influenced by local sentiment and it was more than a year before a club was provided for Negro soldiers. At Spartanburg and Greenville there were small clubs which were principally bureaus of information, and at Greenville the colored committee especially opposed dancing. At Charlotte, where a hotel was renovated and made into an attractive club, the Negro ministers gave their moral support, and clubs of colored women aided greatly. In Atlanta it was said that the Negro soldiers were not “stationary enough” for a club, though thousands of them were constantly at Camp Gordon during the first year of the war. It was necessary at length for the War Department to intervene on behalf of the men and a club was finally established November 15, 1918, after fifteen months of waiting. When it was established the colored committee objected to dancing, pool and card playing, thus eliminating the forms of recreation that the soldiers especially enjoyed. In Augusta, near Camp Hancock, more than $3,000 was spent in renovating a two-story hall, and the club was in charge of a liberal Baptist minister, Rev. R. J. McCain. At Macon, near Camp Wheeler, club rooms were secured in the Pythian Temple. At Anniston, near Camp McClellan, the man employed as janitor was expected to do the executive work and very little was done by way of carrying out a constructive program. At Hattiesburg, Miss. , a committee of Negro men raised $100, rented and furnished a small rest room for the Negro soldiers when they were first sent to Camp Shelby; later the War Camp Community Service renovated the Masonic Hall with two floors and attractively furnished it as a club. At Alexandria, La. , near Camp Beauregard, a club was opened in the Masonic Hall and repaired by the Community Service at a cost of $1,000. At Little Rock the club was in the Taborian Hall, a modern, well located building. The Negro citizens paid the rent of $10 a month, while the Community Service equipped the room. A soldier from Camp Pike was in charge. Effective work was not done at this center because of lack of co-operation with the citizens. The state of Texas was generally behind others in the work. At Camp Logan, Houston, Camp MacArthur, Waco, and Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, there were no centers. $5,000 was placed in the budget at Fort Worth for a club, but it was cut out entirely, and the Negro people felt keenly the attitude toward Negro soldiers after they had contributed generously toward the various “drives” for the war. At Camp Travis in San Antonio, after eight months had passed, the Negro citizens purchased a site and gave it to the War Department for as long a time as it might be needed. The War Camp Community Service appropriated $10,000, and a building was opened at Christmas, 1918. When this was no longer needed for war work, it was turned over to the colored people and used as a public library.

All told this work gave to many Negro people a new conception of well organized and supervised recreation for the young people. Scores of men and women were employed as secretaries and tens of thousands of dollars spent in promoting the work. Realizing that the development of recreation centers for Negro girls was a part of the bigger problem from the standpoint of the soldiers, the War Camp Community Service did not confine its activities to maintaining clubs for soldiers but also established centers where there were persons who gave their entire time to girls. In the cantonment cities the young women were organized into patriotic leagues and clubs, and these co-operated with the soldiers in giving entertainments and socials, and in those cities where the work for girls was most active there it was that Community Service as a whole was most successful. When the first soldiers’ club was equipped at Des Moines, one of the chief factors contributing to its success was the organization also of four girls’ clubs with a total membership of one hundred and thirty. There was a chaperone for each club; gymnasium classes met twice a week, and at the close a demonstration in folk games was given. At Chillicothe the club room was located under an Episcopal mission and was beautifully furnished. In Baltimore the whole effort was handled with unusual success, and no young woman was admitted to the parties without a card from the hostesses. The work in these three places was typical. Sometimes employment departments and classes in cooking and sewing were conducted. All such effort gave the young women better protection and at the same time afforded them social contact in a wholesome environment. It also gave to the different communities a deeper sense of responsibility for the welfare of the Negro girl.

THE NEGRO CHURCH

In the cantonment cities, especially in the South, there were numerous representative Negro churches. A few of these had adequate facilities for the entertainment of soldiers, but many were too poorly located or equipped to conduct social centers. The ministers’ unions or alliances always endorsed the war work for the soldiers, but rarely was there organized effort on the part of the churches. On one occasion in Columbia, S. C. , the ministers’ alliance assumed responsibility for the money contributed by the citizens for a flag presented to the 371st Infantry. Some important factors contributed to the general situation. In many cases at the beginning the welfare agencies in the cantonment cities showed a tendency to ignore the Negro citizens. Another difficulty was found in the uncertainty as to the soldiers’ presence. Numerous cases occurred where elaborate arrangements were made for the men and they did not arrive at all. In such a case of course either the church or the camp authorities had failed to do what was necessary for the most complete co-operation. Sometimes when rest rooms were provided by the churches, the soldiers were not enthusiastic about them because of the limitations placed upon them. Excellent concerts and well ordered socials were sometimes given by the churches, however, and soldiers were frequently invited to dinner at the homes of members of congregations after the Sunday services.

The best co-operation in any cantonment city between the Negro churches and the camp authorities was probably that in Atlanta. The Congregational church here had a spacious basement, a good library and a well equipped gymnasium, and a trained worker organized and worked with the girls’ clubs. A special Sunday afternoon service was held and after this there were refreshments. Other large churches in Atlanta were also active. San Antonio followed closely in such endeavor; and in Augusta, Ga. , one church sent a wagon load of watermelons to the soldiers, and another twenty gallons of ice cream. In all the cantonment cities ministers from the various churches preached in the camps and they often took with them their church choirs. Some of the national religious bodies sent camp pastors to the soldiers, and these men sometimes spent as much as three days a week addressing those in uniform and visiting the hospitals.

FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES

The General Wartime Commission of the Churches was constituted by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America soon after the nation entered the war. This commission was composed of more than a hundred men chosen from the different religious bodies which were dealing with the problems raised by the war, and its activities were conducted through committees charged with specific phases of war work. Reports of conditions in the camps led to the Appointment of a Committee on the Welfare of Negro troops. This consisted of Bishop Wilbur P. Thirkield, chairman, George Foster Peabody, Dr. R. R. Moton, Dr. James H. Dillard, J. R. Hawkins, Thomas Jesse Jones, Rev. M. Ashby Jones, Bishop R. E. Jones, Robert E. Speer, Rev. Henry A. Atkinson, Rev. W. H. Jernagin, and Rev. Gaylord S. White.

In order that the Committee might have definite information for its work, two Negro men, Charles H. Williams and Rev. G. Lake Imes, were appointed as field secretaries. Of their work Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, executive secretary of the committee, wrote as follows: “One of these, financed by the Phelps-Stokes Fund, made careful observations of conditions in and about the cantonments where colored soldiers were located. The reports prepared by this worker showed such a thoroughness in ascertaining the truth and such a constructive point of view in the recommendations made as to win the cordial approval of the War Department and all the agencies co-operating in the care of the soldiers. The second worker devoted his time to the study of the churches in their relations to colored soldiers. On the basis of these observations he assisted the churches to plan their activities so as to be of real help to the soldiers in the community.” The reports of the field secretaries were sent direct to the War Department and on the basis of them conferences were held with the Secretary of War and the various welfare organizations. It was in this connection that the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, Dr. Emmett J. Scott, labored unceasingly to remove discrimination and adjust difficulties. Members of the committee, though in an unofficial capacity, often assisted directly. Bishop Thirkield visited various camps and cantonment cities and conferred with army officers, chambers of commerce, and Rotary clubs, always with a view to improving conditions. Mr. Peabody on a number of occasions went to Washington and conferred with the President and the Secretary of War with reference to the Negro soldiers. In a most uncompromising manner he always advocated a square deal. Dr. Moton was frequently called into conference with President Wilson and Secretary Baker and was also asked to go to France to investigate the situation when damaging reports had been spread in both America and France with reference to the conduct of Negro officers and soldiers. Dr. Jones was also called into conference and toward the close of the war went to France under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A.

Thus, while there were many difficulties and an enormous amount of work to be done in the different welfare agencies—whether the Y. M. C. A., the Red Cross, the Community Service, or some other—there were loyal souls who were laboring unceasingly for the comfort of the Negro soldier and also for the final consummation of victory for the great cause in which all were engaged.

Very early in the war it was found that there was a serious shortage of common labor in the American army. France was unable to supply her own needs, and therefore not at all able to assist her allies. To supply the American need for common labor Negroes were suggested, G. K. Little, assistant engineer at Mobile, Ala. , writing to the chief engineer that they were “loyal and willing to obey all orders irrespective of weather conditions or other hardships” and generally “peculiarly desirable.” It was the plan of these engineer service battalions to work wherever they could help and to do whatever was necessary. Forty-six such battalions were formed. The first four consisted of white men and the others of Negroes.

The stevedores represent that part of an army about which little is said because it does the rough, unskilled work; yet no group renders a more valiant service or contributes more to the success of an army than do these men.

This was especially true of the 150,000 Negro stevedores in the Great War, who played an important part both at home and abroad. Included in the term were the engineer regiments, the depot brigades, and the service, labor, and development battalions. Some officials have said that the Negro stevedore rendered the most magnificent service of any Negro organizations in France. Their work was undoubtedly appreciated by the War Department and by most citizens; yet honors were not conferred upon them as upon the fighting men. No brass bands came out to greet them on their return. Few had opportunities to win the Croix de Guerre or the Distinguished Service Cross, although they often performed deeds of bravery while working behind the lines in the range of the big guns.

Unfortunately the term “stevedores” came to mean to many people those who were physically or mentally unfit to be fighting men and they were looked upon as inferior to other soldiers. Sometimes this was true, but it is also true that there were thousands of stevedores who represented the best of the young manhood of America. In the beginning of the draft hundreds of Negro men who met all the physical qualifications could not meet the educational tests. Such men were usually transferred to stevedore organizations, and the rate of illiteracy in these ran from 35 to 75 per cent. Sometimes also those who because of physical unfitness were only partially able to serve their country when it needed them, nevertheless rendered some valuable service in American camps. Such a company was the 402nd Reserve Labor Battalion, stationed at Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. This was located fifteen miles from the camp in a wood, where it built roads and also kept in condition the range for the officers and men being trained for the battle fronts in France.

The question naturally arises how it happened that some of the best of the Negro youth were placed in the stevedore regiments. In the beginning there was great need for men to do the manual work connected with supplying with food and equipment two million soldiers in France. The Negro was regarded by many army officials as specially adapted to this work because of his previous training and his cheerful disposition; and for one reason or another some other officials deemed it advisable to withhold from him regular military training. Accordingly, in the fall of 1917, colored draftees and volunteers were sent to various assembling camps and formed into stevedore and labor units. Thousands from the Southern states, many of them students in the schools and colleges, rushed to the colors with the hope of entering combatant units, only to find, to their great disappointment, that they had been assigned to service regiments.

The work in the United States varied with the different camps. Sometimes it was the handling of supplies or ammunition. Then again it was grading, ditching, digging stumps, cleaning up new ground for building purposes, or draining camps. The men did every form of fatigue work and sometimes built roads along with civilians who received $3.50 or $4.00 a day. Those who remained in the United States did not, as a rule, experience as hard a life as their comrades in France. Living conditions in the cantonments were usually very good, even in the tent camps after the necessary improvements had been made. Sometimes it happened that the stevedore was neglected in the beginning, especially if he was placed in a camp apart from the other soldiers. Such was the case at Camp Hill, Newport News, in the winter of 1917-18. In the coldest weather experienced in this part of the country in a quarter of a century, the stevedores lived in tents without floors or stoves. Most of them could get only one blanket and some could not secure even that. Twenty to thirty occupied one tent 16 feet square. Often men reaching the camp in zero weather were compelled to stand around a fire outside all night or sleep under trees for partial shelter from the wind, rain, and snow. For four months no bathing facilities or changes of clothing were provided. Food was served outdoors and often froze before it could be eaten. After inspectors and other investigators constantly reported these conditions they were changed. Comfortable barracks and mess halls were built, a Y. M. C. A. building and a hostess house erected, and the name of the camp was changed from Hill to Alexander in honor of one of the three Negro lieutenants who had been graduated from West Point. Not only in this camp, but in every other where unsatisfactory conditions prevailed, improvements were gradually made until, at the end of the war, most of the stevedores in American camps were living in comfortable surroundings.

The stevedore units were commanded almost entirely by white commissioned officers, with white sergeants and colored corporals. In some engineer units all the non-commissioned officers were white, though in rare cases they were all colored. The work of the Negro stevedore in the American Expeditionary Force was considered of prime importance. He was among the first to sail for France, and among the very first was a group of one hundred men from New Orleans. They and those who followed them were to be found at the base ports of Brest, St. Nazaire, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Le Havre, and at such railheads as Tours, Liffol-le-Grand, Gierve, St. Sulpice, Chaumont, and other such centers. The largest of these ports was Brest, and here the men did more work than anywhere else. They handled all kinds of supplies at the docks, coaled ships, and helped to build piers and docks. They labored night and day, sometimes continuously for sixteen hours. Although they worked in the rain and snow, it was only after months had passed that they were provided with oil-skin suits and gum boots. One high officer said, “The men who worked on these docks have had the hardest job of any men in France, but their spirit has been fine.” In the “Race to Berlin” the Brest port won the championship, a company of the 310th Service Battalion winning the honor of having done more work than any similar outfit in France. As a reward it was sent back to the States earlier than would otherwise have been the case.

The St. Nazaire base was the second largest port. Numerous camps were located outside the city, extending as far as fifteen kilometers. Twenty-eight miles of warehouses were constructed at Montois and filled with supplies of every description, while outside there were railroad engines, cars, and vast quantities of construction material. St. Nazaire was also a huge embarkation port. At times more than 50,000 colored soldiers were stationed in this vicinity. The long pier extending a mile out into the water was built almost exclusively by the 317th Engineers. The task was very dangerous, as the men had to work standing on slippery boards, but it was finally completed and stood as a memorial to the Negro soldiers. Camp Guthrie was built entirely by Negro men. They composed the personnel and ran the big troop kitchens, the delousing plants, the officers’ mess halls, and the infirmaries. Here, as at Brest, the hardest work on the docks was done exclusively by Negro soldiers. This included coaling ships and unloading supplies of all kinds, including railroad engines and tractors. During the “Race to Berlin” new port records for unloading ships were made weekly. The men sometimes “worked like mad men,” having received the impression that they were going home as soon as the armistice was signed. Badges were given to those who got the most work done, and the base port winning the week’s competition flew a flag for the next week. In addition to the work on the docks, the soldiers built and repaired roads, built railroads, warehouses, a round house, a water-filtering plant, and did general fatigue duty. In referring to what they accomplished a major said, “It has been no hero service, but has been hard, long, and faithful, and it is appreciated. These men have handled 30,000 tons of material in one day.” Another officer said, “Many colored soldiers are sleeping in the little graveyard on the hill because they broke their heartstrings in the ‘Race to Berlin.’”

Bordeaux was the third of the large ports. In the camps outside the city as many as fifty thousand soldiers were stationed at times. At St. Sulpice in the Bordeaux area the American army built and filled with provisions and munitions about one hundred warehouses. At two camps on the outskirts of the city, Anconia and Bassens, twenty thousand Negro soldiers were stationed for months, handling cargoes day and night. Many of them worked sixteen hours a day and rarely ever saw the camp in the daytime, as they went to and from work in the dark.

The work at the other base ports was similar, though on a smaller scale. Sometimes hundreds of miles of railroad track had to be laid or great steel warehouses erected. Gierve was outstanding as a center for such work, as it was the largest supply depot in France. Warehouses here covered an area seven miles long and three miles wide. There were always some Negro units stationed at this place, along with white units which did stevedore work. The two organizations which served at Gierve for the longest period were the 313th and 328th Negro labor battalions. At Liffol-le-Grand, near Chaumont, the headquarters of the commander-in-chief of the American Army, there was another large supply depot. Here the Negro engineers drained and cleared a swamp, laid miles of railroad track, and helped to build a large round house and several warehouses.

The stevedores were the great roadbuilders in France. Thousands also worked in the great forests, cutting wood, peeling trees, and laboring in the sawmills. In the Forestry Division at Jironde they made an average of peeling 35 trees a day per man, while the average of other engineers were only 15 trees. Nazareth Thaggard of the 323rd Service Battalion made the highest record of any man in the A. E. F. by cutting 30 steres of wood in one day. The task for his company was five steres. For this notable achievement he was given a twenty-day pass to travel over France and made a corporal in his organization. The 320th Engineers cut and carried wood for a mile and a half on their backs. The men in the 332nd Labor Battalion, stationed at Brion, cut six steres of wood as a daily task. They cut 1500 steres at Jerocho and 5400 at Comercy. The woodcutters lived in floorless tents often surrounded by mud. Many times the necessary clothing and boots could not be secured, and sometimes they were obliged to eat in the rain and snow. Dr. Hope, of whom we have spoken as at the head of Y. M. C. A. work for Negro soldiers in France, said in speaking of a visit to the woodcutters: “One night I went in a car fifteen miles out in a wood with a chaplain who came to a small French town to buy ‘smokes’ for the men. When we reached the camp it was dark. Lights were seen in the narrow streets and mud deeper than I had ever seen before. In the morning the men got up at 4.45. The sound they made walking through the mud was unlike any noise that I had ever heard. Even at that early hour some were joking, some singing.” The record of almost every organization cutting wood shows that the men endured great suffering, and the Negro’s sense of humor was a great asset to him. Said one private who served with the 323rd service battalion: “We have come in wet to the skin, with our boots half full of water. Some would go to a stove and get warm, some would sing, some play cards. Others would walk five miles for French bread and butter and eggs that they would cook in their mess-kits. Some would laugh and be happy, while others beside them would die.”

After peace was declared and the American army started home, there remained still much work to be done “over there.” The heroes who fell at Château-Thierry, Amiens, St. Mihiel, in Belleau Wood and the Argonne Forest deserved a suitable resting-place. The work of reburying the dead was done almost exclusively by the Negro stevedores. Daily convoys of trucks went as far as a hundred kilometers, and men searched the fields, forests, and shell holes for the dead, who were brought to the cemeteries and reinterred. This was the most ghastly and gruesome task in the A. E. F.; yet the way the Negroes worked may be judged from the fact that at Romagne, where the largest American cemetery is located, 1038 and 1050 soldiers were reburied in two successive days. The nature of the work required that much of it be done after midnight when most of the men were asleep. One could hear the sound of the hammer and the tread of feet, and the lonely minor chord of the Negroes’ song as they drove nails into the coffins. The electric lights all over the cemeteries at night showed these men moving about without the traditional fear attributed to them. Theirs was no enviable task, but no group of men ever displayed finer spirit in the performance of duty, and no soldiers more loyally served the republic.

With all of their good service, however, the stevedore organizations were not popular with the Negro soldiers. One reason for this was the lack of opportunity in them for promotion. One incident will illustrate the situation. A colonel who was organizing one of these regiments out of recently drafted men, in an attempt to stir up enthusiasm, said, “Men, we are going overseas in two weeks. We are going to see the country and have some fun. You’ll probably never hear a gun fired.” There was no applause, and the colonel seemed not to realize that the lack of it was due to the fact that the men not only wanted to hear guns fired but wanted to fire some themselves. Continuing, he said, “This is the first opportunity Negroes ever had to serve as engineers. It is all an experiment. It’s up to you men to make good.” After concluding his remarks he asked if there were any questions. “Sir, Colonel, what about promotions?” asked one man. This turn rather surprised the officer, but he recovered and said, “The officers will be white.” A moment later he added, “The non-commissioned officers will also be white.” Then he paused, and the soldier repeated the question. The colonel then said, “There will be twenty-five first class privates, who will carry rifles, and you know they get three dollars a month more pay. You know cooks are needed. A lot of men will want that job, but it takes a —— good man to be a cook.” The silence which greeted this remark indicated great disappointment on the part of the men. Seeing this, the colonel tried to hold out some hope by saying that some non-commissioned officers would be made in France when new organizations were formed. As a matter of fact, as the war progressed, many appointments as non-commissioned officers were made, the commanders of Negro soldiers ultimately realizing that they as well as other soldiers were prompted to do better work when there were even remote possibilities of securing promotions.

The kind of treatment accorded the men was due almost entirely to the attitude of the officers who immediately commanded them. In some organizations commanding officers were more like foremen and overseers over railroad gangs and plantation workers than like officers in command of American soldiers. Very frequently little interest was taken in the personal appearance of the men, and military law was practically disregarded in dealing with them. One commander did not hesitate to say that if the men did not move as he thought they should, he helped them with his foot, and the soldiers were placed in the guardhouse on the most trivial pretense. “The spirit of St. Nazaire,” said one officer, “is the spirit of the South,” and in the early days of this great camp there were constant clashes caused by racial feeling and by drinking. There were several colored French women at this base. White officers and soldiers were frequently seen with them, but if a Negro was seen with a white French woman a good deal was likely to be said, and trouble was generally started by the marines. Discriminatory orders were often issued, and stevedores experienced difficulties in visiting cafés and other public places. Sometimes they were also forbidden to enter French homes or to be seen in company with French civilians. With the military police there was special trouble, as the men received the impression that they made a special effort to use their authority to abuse Negro soldiers. Sometimes they conducted an “era of ruthlessness,” and many of the fights and “near riots” were due to such efforts. In the railway terminal in one cantonment city, when large numbers of soldiers were returning to camp, every Negro was required to show his pass, but the passes of the white men were not required. This sort of thing made for friction, as did also the manner in which the soldiers were often approached by the M. P.’s.

On the other hand, the Negro soldiers themselves were not without faults. Some of their difficulties were due to their own ignorance and to customs that they brought into the army from civil life. On plantations and public works some had been used to “ducking the boss” and slipping away, and attempts to continue this practice in the army sometimes resulted in their being placed in the guardhouse.

In such a situation it is pleasant to recall that two junior officers in one organization were always working in the interest of the men and heartily disapproved of the treatment they received. In their camp discriminatory orders were not issued. While moreover some of the roughest treatment given the stevedores was by Southern officers, it is also true that some of the best and fairest officers commanding Negro troops were Southern men. Such officers saw that their men were well equipped, if it was possible to equip them, and provided for their recreation by organizing athletic teams and by giving full co-operation to the “Y” in its program. The 313th Labor Battalion was commanded by such an officer in France and its fine record was largely due to his impartial attitude. For the 542nd Engineers, one of whose companies worked on the roads in the Remaucourt region in France, there was built a little auditorium. This was wired by one of the officers, and the scenery for the shows was painted by one of the men. There were pictures every night and people from the village near by were free to attend. One of the men, Frank Johnson, won the middleweight championship of the S. O. S. and his only defeat was at the hands of the French champion. That the stevedores appreciated their commanders in such organizations was shown by the fact that when they sailed for America they often presented to them gifts costing hundreds of francs.

The story of one camp will serve to illustrate both types of officers that commanded Negro troops. Camp Williams, located at Issurtille, was the second largest supply depot in France. During the last days of the war 12,000 Negro soldiers, mainly engineers and stevedores, were stationed there. They built warehouses and railroads and supplied the combat troops with wood, food, clothing, medicine and shells and ammunition of all kinds. The camp adjutant said that they did their work without grumbling. The non-commissioned officers were both white and colored, mainly white. Very often they were ignorant men. Illiterate Negro men were often selected in preference to educated men and sometimes were made to serve as “stool pigeons.” For nine months at this camp there was in force a special order bearing date July 3, 1918, which said: “All colored enlisted men of this command are hereby confined to the limits of the Camp and Depot until further advised.” The enforcing of this order was a great cause of trouble. When white troops were permitted to visit not only Issurtille but all the surrounding towns, many of the colored men broke the rules and left the camp without passes; this brought them into conflict with the M. P.’s, and ended by their being placed in the guardhouse. On arresting the men the M. P.’s frequently cursed them and on the slightest provocation threatened to use revolvers. Conditions finally made necessary a change in the camp commander. Colonel S. V. Ham, a regular army officer who had been wounded twice at the front, assumed command. He found a filthy camp with practically no morale. Segregation was everywhere and prejudice was intense. At once he issued the following order: “The restrictions against visiting towns in this district by colored troops are hereby removed until further notice. It is the desire of the Commanding Officer to place the colored troops on the same status as the white troops.” This was dated March 26, 1919. Colonel Ham also issued an order forbidding the use of the word “nigger” in the camp. All officers attended officers’ meetings when they were held; previously colored officers never went, for they did not know when the meetings were to be held. Lectures were given on the treatment of the soldiers; military discipline was enforced in the case of both officers and men; and the Colonel himself pulled down some of the discriminatory signs. The result was that within three weeks the number of men in the guardhouse was reduced from three hundred to fifty; sometimes several days would pass without a man’s being placed there. Complaints were reduced 60 per cent within the first week. Interesting also is the fact that the rate of venereal disease in the camp was also lowered. The general attitude of Colonel Ham changed the spirit of both officers and men, and before long the feeling of racial antagonism gave way to one of comradeship.

PIONEER INFANTRY ORGANIZATIONS

There were fourteen other organizations in France, known as Pioneer Infantry Regiments, which did mainly stevedore work. These were composed largely of men who were drafted during the summer of 1918 and who were given from one to three months of intensive military training in American camps and then sent overseas. The commissioned officers were white, and the enlisted personnel colored. In France a small number of colored dental officers, chaplains, and band leaders were assigned in some of the regiments. It appears that the idea of the War Department in forming these organizations was to have men trained to fight, if needed, and also to have sufficient men to do the work necessary for the maintenance of a big army.

Most of the regiments reached France during the months of September and October, 1918, and consequently did no actual fighting. They worked in the S. O. S. and in the advanced section, sometimes in the back area of shell fire, and in a few instances near the front lines. Their work consisted of road building, assistance at the base ports, salvaging the battlefields, demunition and demolition work, and the building of ammunition dumps with material moved from the battlefields to the roads and then to central stations. The removing of ammunition after the Château-Thierry drive was so satisfactorily done that Lt. Col. Ord, chief ammunition officer of the S. O. S., wrote a letter in which he said: “These two depots were transformed from a heterogeneous pile to this remarkable condition in seven days, and I desire to compliment the officers and twenty-six men who went from these headquarters as well as the 801st Pioneer Infantry for this remarkable achievement.”

Before the Armistice several regiments worked behind the front lines in the Argonne Forest and at St. Mihiel, where they built narrow- and wide-gauge railroads and macadam roads for the movement of light and heavy artillery and supplies. It was also the task of some to bury the dead, working under shell fire. Sometimes bombs dropped among them, killing and wounding them; but because of their late arrival in France they did not work long in such danger. After the Armistice some did guard duty, looking after the German prisoners. Companies of the 806th and 811th Pioneer Infantry regiments did a part of the concrete and grading work for the Pershing Stadium, the $100,000 structure erected by the Y. M. C. A. for the inter-allied games held in July, 1919.

While the Pioneer Infantry regiments and the stevedores did the same kind of work for the most part, the former received the better treatment, as their officers generally insisted on a square deal for their men. In one battalion the major, an Alabamian, discouraged segregation by removing all objectionable signs, and he made no effort to prevent his men from associating with respectable French people. The commander of the 815th Pioneer Infantry regiment gave wholesome lectures to his men as a means of education and encouragement. These organizations also, with few exceptions, were liberal in granting leaves and in issuing week-end passes, and some of the men were sent to the universities in France when the A. E. F. conducted its great educational program.

Most of the regiments had good bands, minstrel shows, and baseball teams. The 807th Pioneer Infantry Band of fifty-two pieces was removed from its organization for several months and stationed with General Liggett of the First Army Corps, being called the First Army Post Band. The 806th Pioneer Infantry Band played at the Columbus Stadium in Paris, giving daily concerts during the A. E. F. try-outs for the inter-allied meet. The baseball team of the 809th was the most notable Negro team in France. It won the championship of the St. Nazaire base and finished third in the A. E. F. league. The umpires in the league were fair in all the games.

The Pioneer Infantry organizations proved a disappointment to many of the soldiers in them because, as one officer said, “they did everything the infantry was too proud to do and the engineers too lazy to do.” However, they did splendid work and returned to America with a record of honorable achievement.

The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, Kan. , to Camp Upton, N. Y. The units were stationed as follows:

As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition, sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater confidence in their ability.

The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments, began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division, who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm.

From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected each of them to do a man’s work.

So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance, of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value as soldiers.

The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However, three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details, composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected with the occupation of a position.

In the three machine-gun battalions—the 349th, 350th, and 351st, trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively—it was found that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging, the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a machine-gun school was also started, in charge of Lieut. Benjamin H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred men attended this course.

The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed, a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at the rate of twenty-five words a minute.

The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken, June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box cars.

Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however, the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in signal work and trench-digging.

The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for six weeks of intensive training—the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work. Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery, and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands, saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine relations existed between the soldiers and the French people.

INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS

From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in securing necessary equipment, all moved to St. Die. Here the Americans were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six hundred years old, were used as headquarters.

Because of the nature of the terrain the St. Die sector was usually quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving. There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French, each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics, the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were frequent and patrol duty was very necessary.

The St. Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the 92nd Division because it was there that they received their first casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H, 365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta, Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second Lieut. Thomas J. Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region, the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it entrained.

Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the St. Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th. Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division was attached to the First Army Corps.

On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace, because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack, the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two battalions remained unchanged.

As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of their comrades, however, Capt. R. A. Williams and First Lieut. T. M. Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a French regiment.

As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11 prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties, including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds. Col. F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left, in spite of the many difficulties encountered.”

As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past, that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.”

The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done. During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate. Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the 365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the 366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment. They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers.

In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement during the Great War, Brig. Gen. Malvern Hill Barnum made the following summary and conclusion:

This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been pushed back three and a half kilometers.

The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the 92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.” The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division.

ARTILLERY

The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6 ² ⁄ ₅ seconds with the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½ seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men in the infantry.

It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny, and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry. This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector, General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery, was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause. In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell, two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been what America expects her sons to be—brave soldiers.”

In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A. E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt his ability to become proficient in this branch of service.

This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people.

317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT

The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division. Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the 158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well known industrial schools.

After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the 317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment, but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of 1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918, accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro lieutenants were retained.

In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8, reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details, comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards.

Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was further removal to the St. Die sector previously occupied by the 7th Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for St. Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the 317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy. They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were protected.

On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000 shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front, and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November 11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials. The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored cheerfully and successfully.

Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement. The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from St. Juvin to the north.” General Pershing wrote to Lt. Col. J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the front you gave us valuable service.” Lt. Colonel Cassidy himself in his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer Service.”

The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without grumbling in the St. Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive. For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the St. Die sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet, La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, St. Juvin, Briquenay, St. Georges, and Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes. For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American people.

92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS

The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475 enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often required to work both day and night and even then they were not always able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m. This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T. Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that rank during the war.

The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917, with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers. There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers, and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received a week of intensive training before it departed for the St. Die sector.

Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at St. Die, and the 367th established dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was moved from the St. Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and 368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the 365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching New York on the 24th.

That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R. Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F., to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the 92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the 92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.”

That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one promotion to the rank of major, that of Capt. Joseph H. Ward, and sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon, he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better prepared than many of the other officers.

The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops. The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges, however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum, commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the 365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the 366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals which were won in the 92nd Division.

In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November 7, 1918, from division headquarters:

The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was able to accomplish, as follows:

Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows: “Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F. This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the Philippines, and in Mexico.”

Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get this message; I am wounded.” Lieut. Robert L. Campbell of the same company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets, but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. Lieut. Campbell, who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans, with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun. For such exploits Lieut. Campbell was held up to his organization by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined courage and initiative.

Lieut. Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men, helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the 368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October 29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company commander. Lieut. Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the 368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back the enemy.”

These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made in the wars in which his country had engaged.

SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING

In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who were interested in them and who believed that each one should be given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things. Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal, and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service. When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917 just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia, in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was exerted to remedy bad conditions.

Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was sometimes thwarted:

1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same basis as all other soldiers.

2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers, and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for service just as others who qualified.

3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the Secretary.

4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps.

5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to correct it.

General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,” and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed temporarily with ——. I have informed —— —— that these soldiers are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in event War Department desires to send them to France.”

When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out.

When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board, he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000 white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General Pershing had followed them throughout the service.

The organization of the 93rd Division was begun at Camp Stuart, Newport News, Va. , in December, 1917, with the few remaining National Guard units of Negro men that had survived since the Spanish-American War. These units were battalions from Ohio and Washington, and companies from Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Tennessee which later composed the 372nd Infantry Regiment. This Division, which was never assembled or fully organized, consisted on paper of the 369th, 370th, 371st, and 372nd Infantry Regiments. The general who was to command it was ordered to Camp Stuart in December, 1917, but in the latter part of this month the 369th landed in France and was brigaded with the French, while the other three regiments were still training in America. These three arrived in France in April, 1918, when they too were brigaded with the French, with whom they served throughout their stay overseas. After the cessation of hostilities on November 11, 1918, the four regiments were reassigned to the American Army for return to the United States and demobilization. Their record is one of the noblest in all the history of American arms. Each regiment was decorated as a whole or in part with the French Croix de Guerre with palm. The history of the 93rd Division accordingly embraces the activities of the four regiments that composed it, and these will be considered in order.

369TH INFANTRY

The 369th Infantry, or the old 15th New York National Guard Regiment, was first organized in New York City in 1916 by authority of the New York State Legislature. It was reorganized by the War Department as a National Guard regiment of the United States on April 9, 1917, and placed under the command of Colonel William Hayward. It is proud of the fact that it was the first National Guard regiment of the United States to reach war strength of 2001 men and 56 officers, that it was the first in the field, that it was under fire for 191 days, longer than any other American regiment, and that after the armistice it led the French armies to the Rhine, being the first Allied unit to enter Germany. In all these ways its record was unique.

The morning following its mobilization on the night of July 14, 1917, it was moved to Camp Whitman, near Poughkeepsie; and when the President of the United States drafted the National Guard regiments on August 5, it was immediately placed on active duty without any training whatever. The First Battalion, commanded by Major Lorillard Spencer, guarded 600 miles of railroad in New York and New Jersey, several uniform and shoe factories near New York City, and the German ships seized by the United States Government. The Second Battalion, commanded by Major Munson Morris, did pioneer and guard duty at Camp Upton when it was a wilderness. The Third Battalion, commanded by Major Edward Dayton, with the band did similar work at Camp Dix, transforming it from a cornfield into a camp. The machine-gun company guarded 2000 German spies interned at Ellis Island. Meanwhile regimental headquarters remained in New York City.

On October 5, 1917, regimental headquarters and two battalions went to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C. , for training with the 27th Division, but after two weeks’ stay in camp the regiment was ordered to Hoboken to embark for France. It did not sail on October 27 as planned because of the lack of equipment, and while this was being secured the various battalions were billeted in armories in different parts of New York City. On November 11, 1917, however, fully equipped, it went aboard the U. S. S. “Pocahontas,” which sailed that night for France in a convoy. On the second day out engine troubles developed and the ship was obliged to return to port. The regiment went to Camp Merritt, where details helped to finish the camp. It again embarked, but this time the “Pocahontas” caught fire and for ten days was tied up at the docks. On the night of December 13 she finally sailed, but even then she seemed destined not to land the regiment in France, for she collided with a British oil tanker which drove a hole in her bow. This, however, was repaired and the trip was completed on December 26, when Brest was safely reached.

The regiment was moved to St. Nazaire by rail on January 1, 1918, and there for more than two months it did manual labor, building docks, erecting hospitals, doing fatigue duty, laying railroad tracks, and doing construction work on the great dam at St. Nazaire. From the time of their arrival at this port until March 10 the men did not see their rifles except at night, but on this latter date they were ordered to join a French combat unit. All entrained on March 13 for Givry-en-Argonne, reporting on March 15 to General Le Gallais of the 16th Division, 4th French Army. It was at this place that the regiment learned that its name was changed from 15th New York to 369th Infantry. The American equipment was turned in and French equipment given, this including everything needed on the Western front. The organization of the regiment was also changed so as to make it conform to that of a French regiment. During this training period of three weeks the men drilled day and night under French officers. Beginning April 8 the battalions were successively placed in front line trenches, “doubled” with French units, their first sector being in Main de Massiges, left of the Aisne River and northeast of Châlons in the Champagne. After eight days of this experience the regiment took over 4½ kilometers of front, with two battalions in the lines and one in support enjoying a rest period which gave some opportunity for additional training. On April 29 Colonel Hayward was placed in command of several French units in addition to his own regiment.

The activity in this sector consisted of nightly patrols and raids until July 4 and 5, when active preparation was made for the big German drive long expected by the French high command. The 369th labored incessantly, helping to build and fortify the intermediate positions, which were two or three kilometers from the front line. When the battalions were relieved from front line duty, instead of going into rest billets they worked on these positions, which were fortified as a means of strategy by General Gouraud. This procedure enabled the French to counter-attack and to recapture trenches secretly evacuated. This method foiled and stopped the German drive on a fifty-mile front between Rheims and the Argonne. The 369th participated in this attack, with the third battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, occupying the front line, where it did its share in stopping the enemy advance.

During the terrific bombardment of the German artillery, which had as its target not only the front line but also several kilometers of rear area, the commander of the 369th was ordered to establish liaison at once, if possible, between his headquarters and the French 27th Infantry. This meant establishing a line of relay runners over a front of three kilometers, the entire distance being under heavy shell fire. This hazardous task was performed by the runners of the 369th in such a courageous and efficient manner and with so little thought of personal safety that the regiment received commendation from the division commander.

From the time of the regiment’s arrival on the front until the second day of this battle it was a part of the 16th French Division, but on the night of July 15, while the battle was raging, it received orders to reinforce the 161st French Division, which was being furiously attacked. A place was made for the 369th by taking out a French regiment which had been greatly reduced in both officers and men. In order to make the change of position, the regiment moved six kilometers under constant shell fire. On reporting to General LeBouc, commander of the 161st Division, two battalions were immediately ordered into front- and second-line positions to relieve a Moroccan regiment. Officers and men had been without food or water for hours, yet they occupied the positions and took up the combat, which lasted for three days before the enemy was definitely checked.

On July 18 the 161st began to push the Germans back and to reoccupy the abandoned terrain. Two battalions of the 369th shared in this undertaking and continued in such operations until July 21, when the regiment took over and established the front line in the Calvaire sector north of Minaucourt. All three battalions suffered casualties in this offensive, the third suffering most because it was in the front line longest.

On July 23 the 369th occupied a sector between Butte de Mesnil and Main de Massiges under the most trying conditions. The enemy was constantly being pushed back, but during the process artillery and infantry combat hardly ceased for several days, and there was a constant rain of gas and high explosive shells on all sides. The sector held by the 369th had a front of a thousand meters, and the three battalions supported one another from the front line to the intermediate positions in the rear. Several raids were made each night by both sides and casualties occurred daily and nightly on the patrols and raids that were sent into “No Man’s Land.”

The regiment was at length relieved in this sector and it started for Camp St. Quen south of Châlons to get a long promised rest. It had been under fire continuously for 130 days. At this camp the other three Negro regiments serving with the French were supposed to be mobilized for the complete organization of the 93rd Division. Barracks were cleaned in expectation of these troops, but before they reached the camp the 369th, which had been resting less than a week, was ordered back to the front to resume its place in the 161st Division. It was placed in a sector west of and adjacent to the sector of Calvaire previously held. On its return to the division it replaced the 115th R. I., which was broken up and distributed among other French units. The new sector was the most active and deadly the regiment had held. There were constant raids and patrols and a continuous combat of artillery. The Germans here used the device of having several aeroplanes “loop the loop” over the French lines in the hope that men would come out and watch them. If they did a projector gas attack would be launched immediately.

One of the most furious attacks on the 367th was begun in such manner. The aeroplanes did the “loop the loop,” which was followed by two gas attacks separated only by seconds. Then a terrific artillery bombardment started, lasting forty minutes, during which time it was estimated that 9000 shells fell on the regiment. Twenty minutes after the lull of the big guns seven German infantry regiments charged over the top to drive the 369th from its trenches. The First Battalion, assisted by the machine-gun companies from the other two, met the assault with a steady, intensive, and continued fire until it broke down in front of the lines. At no point were the enemy able to enter the lines or capture any prisoners. Instead, the 369th Regiment captured prisoners who gave valuable and much needed information, and it was specially commended for its steadiness under fire in this engagement. In this sector the regiment lost a large number of officers and men and experienced its hardest fighting. On September 15 it was relieved by a French Fourragère regiment and taken to the rear to Somme Tourbe and Somme Bionne, where for eight days the men rested. Meanwhile they were taught the principles of open warfare in anticipation of the attack by the French and American armies which was launched September 25, 1918.

For this attack the infantry battalions in the division were placed in assault waves and commanded by their regimental officers. The artillery preparation for the attack lasted six hours and twenty-five minutes, with French and American guns of all sizes going at full blast. At the zero hour (5.25 A. M.) the Allied armies went over the top in one of the biggest offensives of the war. The French and Moroccan battalions on the left and right of the 369th contracted their fronts, thus leaving an opening between the French divisions; and the Third Battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, advanced on the left and established liaison with the Moroccans. On September 26 the two units captured the town of Ripont, a large number of prisoners and machine-guns, and advanced to the Dormois River, a distance of more than four kilometers. Heavy casualties resulted from this advance; several officers and men were killed, and Major Spencer himself was wounded six times. On the afternoon of the 27th Fountaine en Dormoise was captured and the regimental P. C. was established there. Further advance was held up for a while by barbed wire entanglements commanded by machine-gun nests, some of which were in concrete pill boxes. These, however, were finally captured. During the night the Second Battalion relieved the third in the front line, and by daylight on the 28th it was ordered to continue the attack with the two French battalions on its left and right. The artillery barrage for the third day’s attack was ineffective, and the assaulting battalion had to cut its way through wire and overcome machine-gun nests without artillery assistance. The day’s advance was 1000 meters over hills and ridges occupied and controlled by the enemy. On this day the battle was hottest around Bellevue Ridge and Bellevue Signal, with the contending forces trying to gain possession. After nightfall the French executed a brilliant flank movement with three battalions, including the second of the 369th, driving the enemy from all the trenches and terrain leading to the summit of the ridge. Dawn on the 29th found the enemy killed, captured, or driven from the ridge and the advance moving down the slopes toward the plains beyond to the town of Sechault, the next objective.

The First Battalion, commanded by Major Little, led this advance, entering the town and engaging in heavy fighting in the streets and in house to house combat, in an attempt to clear the town of enemy infantry and machine-gun nests. The battalion advanced through Sechault to the plains beyond, but withdrew for the night to make way for French artillery preparation for the continued advance, which began on the 30th through the woods of Petit Rosière and lasted until October 3. The regiment was again commended by the division general for the way in which it cleared Sechault of the enemy. The entire division halted to await the capture of the town because of its importance.

The Second and Third Battalions were sent in to relieve the first on October 3, but the regiment had suffered so many casualties in both officers and men that it was relieved with the 161st Division and carried in troop trains to Vitry-le-François. A little later it was transferred from Gouraud’s Fourth Army, where it had served during its offensives, to become a part of the 7th French Army.

The 369th entrained at Vitry-le-François for Belfort on October 12, reaching its destination on the 14th. Two days later it moved by trucks and forced marches to Thann in the Vosges Mountains, where the entire regiment was put in front line trenches in the Thur sector. This was comparatively quiet, and from October 16 to November 11 only six casualties occurred, including one officer.

The 369th Regiment played an important part in all the campaigns in which it participated, its efficiency increasing with every engagement. During the time that it was brigaded with the French the relations were most cordial; and during the last days of the September offensive the commanding general of the 161st Division attached it to his own two crack regiments because of its fighting qualities under fire. While there were difficulties of language, these were usually overcome by the assignment of efficient interpreters and the French officers were enthusiastic in their praise of the manner in which the regiment fought in all its battles.

After the Armistice the 161st Division became a part of the Second French Army of Occupation. The 369th was given the post of honor as advance guard in the Triumphal March of November 17, 1918, and led the Army of Occupation out of the mountains to the plains lying on the west bank of the Rhine River. Reaching Blodelsheim on the Rhine on the morning of November 18, it was the first unit of all the Allied armies to reach the goal toward which so many million men had struggled through four bloody years. The regiment occupied the towns of Blodelsheim, Fessenheim, and Balgan, which also included a pontoon bridge head and a ferry head. Meanwhile the municipal affairs of these towns were administered by the regimental commander and his troops, who also guarded the surrounding territory.

Of this duty the 369th was relieved on December 4, and it moved to division headquarters near Ensisheim. On the 13th it took part in the division review, at which time its colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre for gallantry in action in the Champagne offensive. The recommendation for this citation was made by General LeBouc, with the approval of General Gouraud, Marshal Petain, and General Pershing. The translation of the citation reads as follows:

One hundred and sixty-seven officers and men received decorations, including the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service Cross, the Croix de Guerre, and the Legion of Honor. Where all were brave it is almost invidious to mention names. Some of the most noteworthy exploits, however, were those of Henry Johnson, Needham Roberts, and Sergeant William Butler. The story of the first two of these men is well known to the American public, as they were the very first Americans to receive the French Croix de Guerre. Their achievement in repulsing a German raiding party of more than twenty men in a hand-to-hand combat served as an incentive to their comrades and as an example for the whole American Army. Johnson’s feat was particularly noteworthy. Soon after the beginning of the encounter Roberts was wounded. Although surrounded by overwhelming numbers, Johnson continued fighting, first using hand grenades, then his rifle until that jammed, when he used the butt of it, hitting right and left. Finally he resorted to his bolo knife as a last means of preventing the capture of himself and his comrade. Although himself wounded, he succeeded in killing four of the enemy and in wounding a large number of the others. In August, while the 369th was in the front lines, and when raiding parties from both sides went out nightly, on one occasion the Germans laid down an encaging barrage, after which they enclosed and captured a raiding party of one officer and four men. Sergeant William Butler, armed with a Chauchaut rifle, attacked the group with such effectiveness that he killed four men and wounded the officer, who was captured and later died, the rest being put to flight. The officer and four men of the 369th meanwhile made their escape and returned to their regiment. A captured German report described Sergeant Butler’s activities as “an enemy group in overwhelming numbers” and stated that because of the superiority of the rescuing party eight Germans, including an officer, failed to return. For his heroism on this occasion Sergeant Butler was decorated by both the French and American Governments.

On December 18 the 369th bade a last farewell to its French comrades in arms and started for Belfort, reaching there on the 20th. It had made an enviable record, serving longer than any other American unit as an integral part of a foreign army. In his report of the operations of the regiment on the western front, Colonel Hayward said: “It had less training than any American unit before action, as follows: 3 weeks at Camp Whiteman, New York; 10 days at Camp Wadsworth, South Carolina; 2 weeks with French Army while changing equipment. It had one of the lowest, if not the lowest percentages of venereal infections or drunkenness in the A. E. F. It was 191 days in action in front line trenches, believed to be the longest of any American regiment. It never lost a trench or a foot of ground and never had one of its number captured by the enemy.”

With such a record the 369th turned its steps homeward on January 1, 1919, arriving on the 2nd at Le Mans, where it remained until the 11th. It then entrained for Brest, reaching there on the 12th. The battalions sailed on three ships, and the last contingent arrived in New York, February 12.

It was a happy day for these war-worn heroes when they saw again the Statue of Liberty and set foot on American shores. As one battalion steamed into port, the regiment’s famous band, which had toured France under the direction of Lieut. James Reese Europe and had the distinction of being considered the best musical organization in the American Army, played the “Star Spangled Banner” and the “Marseillaise”; and it was a sight never to be forgotten to see these hardy warriors stand at attention while the national airs of two great allies were being played. As they landed they were applauded by thousands of their kinsmen and countrymen for their glorious deeds; and the greatest reception ever given returning heroes was held for the 369th by the City of New York on February 17, when the regiment, led by its band, marched up Fifth Avenue under the Victory Arch and through Harlem to the plaudits and cheers of tens of thousands who counted it a privilege to honor those who had so gloriously upheld the traditions of their country. At the end of this historic day’s activities, the regiment entrained at night for Camp Upton for demobilization, which was completed March 1. The twelve hundred original survivors were discharged at Camp Upton, while the replacements were sent to the camps nearest their homes.

370TH INFANTRY

The 370th Infantry Regiment, which was otherwise known as “the old 8th” of Chicago, was one of the federalized National Guard units that entered the World War with a record of achievement and with a tradition to uphold. The regiment’s beginning dates back to 1892, when a small group of men in Illinois banded themselves together for the purpose of organizing a battalion of Negro soldiers. The first company was formed with B. G. Johnson as captain, John C. Buckner as first lieutenant, and John R. Marshall as second lieutenant. Three years later a battalion was formed with John C. Buckner as major, and soon afterwards this was admitted to the Illinois State militia as the Ninth Battalion Infantry National Guard. This organization at the time it was formed gave Negro men their best opportunity in the country to gain a knowledge of military tactics, which they found useful when Congress declared war on Spain April 25, 1898.

The allotment for Illinois under President McKinley’s call for 175,000 men was seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. When these eight regiments left for camp and the Ninth Battalion was not called to the colors, the Negro people felt that they were wilfully being kept out of the war with Spain. Shortly afterwards, however, John R. Tanner, who served as governor of the state during the Spanish-American War, called John R. Marshall to his office and suggested that he organize a regiment of Negro men, in which case he would be the first man of his race to bear the military title of Colonel; and the work of organization accordingly began.

President McKinley’s second call for 75,000 men on May 25, 1898, gave Governor Tanner an opportunity to carry out his promise to put the regiment into service. He ordered it to Springfield, where the work of recruiting continued until it reached war strength with 1195 men and 76 officers, and on July 23 John R. Marshall was sworn in as Colonel. While every other Illinois regiment had gone to Cuba and soldiers from all parts of the country were constantly embarking, the 8th remained at Camp Tanner in Illinois; and just about the time the Negro soldiers were getting discouraged over their prospects of taking part in real war, Governor Tanner visited the camp and in a speech said: “Even from the doors of the White House have I received letters asking and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see this regiment, my regiment, on the soil of Cuba battling for the right and its kinsmen.”

It was not Spanish shot and shell that sent many Americans to their graves, but the hot climate of Cuba and its fevers; in some camps the sick and dying were found in every tent and the dead march was heard at every mess call. Yet when the men of the 8th were asked to go to Cuba to relieve the 1st Illinois whose men were dying daily, they readily said “Let’s go”; and their volunteering under the circumstances was especially commended by President McKinley.

On August 14, 1898, the regiment arrived in Cuba and immediately it attracted attention by its military precision. Some very efficient men were officers, among them Major Franklin A. Dennison, who served as judge of claims in Santiago. When the regiment returned on March 17, 1900, and marched down Michigan Avenue, it was given a great ovation by the citizens of Chicago. Much of its success had been due to the hard work of Colonel Marshall, who served until January 1, 1914. He was succeeded by Major Dennison, who took command January 12. During the next year the state legislature appropriated money for the erection of a new armory. The corner-stone of this was laid in 1915, and it was the first building of its kind for Negroes in America. In the course of the trouble with Mexico the 8th was sent to the border.

When war was declared against Germany, April 6, 1917, the regiment was sent to Texas for preparation. It was in Houston during the riots between the citizens and the soldiers of the 25th Infantry, but its record for discipline was upheld. For a while after the riots it was not thought safe for it to remain at Camp Logan, but the soldierly bearing of its officers and men demonstrated that such fears were unwarranted; and when the regiment left Texas for Newport News the citizens of Houston turned out to do it honor. Its arrival at Newport News, with a Negro colonel who placed Negro military police on the streets, created something of a sensation. On Washington’s Birthday, 1918, three companies, led by Colonel Dennison and the regimental band, went to Norfolk to take part in a demonstration to stimulate interest in the sale of war stamps, and for the first time in the history of the city Negro troops marched at the head of a procession of several thousand American soldiers, sailors, and marines.

The regiment did intensive training at Newport News until it sailed for France. It arrived in Brest April 22, 1918, spent two days in the barracks at Pontenazen, and then journeyed for three days to Grandvillars, a village near the town of Belfort and within three miles of the Swiss border. Here it received intensive training under French officers for six weeks. The regiment made excellent progress and was complimented on numerous occasions. It was supplied with French equipment, and during the training period and the time spent in quiet sectors it was attached to four different French divisions.

At the end of the first training period the regiment marched on June 12 and 13 to Morvillars, where it entrained for Ligny en Barrois (Meuse). It then moved near the town of Bar-le-Duc in the department of the Meuse. Here it was declared fit for active service, and on June 21 it was placed on the front line in a quiet sector in the St. Mihiel district for fourteen days. Leaving for the Argonne on July 19, it was placed in the Verdun sector on the plateau of Gorgia and at Hermont and Mont des Allieux. At the last named place, on July 24, the first casualty in action took place when Private Robert M. Lee of machine-gun company No. 2 was killed. The only other operation except the usual routine work was the raid of a Stokes mortar platoon, commanded by Lt. Robert A. Wood, on August 4. This was in the sub-sector of Vauquois. Three hundred rounds of ammunition were fired, the object being to fill up the gaps of the artillery barrage.

On August 15 the 370th was placed at the disposal of General Mangin, who was commander of the 10th Army and who ordered the regiment in reserve along the Curcq River. From this position it was taken on September 15 to the Soissons sector with the 59th Division in the area of Vauxaillon with the Ailette Canal and Alizy Château as its strong salients. The Third Battalion, commanded by Colonel Otis B. Duncan, succeeded in taking the southern boundary of the canal. Four rifle companies were detached with two French regiments and assisted in taking Mont des Singes. The fighting was severe. The 370th was usually in close support, but it also participated in several attacks, in all of which the objectives were gained.

For the first time, on September 22, the regiment was given a full sector extending from L’Écluse to a point 300 meters west of the crossing of the Pinon Braucourt road. The First Battalion went into a position on the Oise-Aisne Canal and the Farm Guilliminet, the Second into a support position at Mont des Tombs and Les Tueries and the slopes west of Antioche Farm, and the third into reserve at Tincelle Farm. The headquarters company was stationed at Levilly and the supply company at Monte Couve.

In the midst of the relief of the First and Second Battalions on the front line during the night of September 27, an attack was ordered at dawn. By the greatest effort the relief was completed and the Second Battalion, which was ordered to work, began offensive operations. These lasted three days. During the night, while the relief was being conducted, there was considerable mixing of units. It was difficult to maintain liaison and as a result one company advanced too far and a number of casualties resulted.

Colonel Duncan, commanding the Third Battalion, was ordered on September 30 to attack along the canal from Mont des Singes to the Pinon Braucourt road. The fighting in this section continued until the evening of October 4 before it was certain that the enemy had been driven across the canal. During this advance the patrols of the regiment were out nightly around L’Écluse and along the canal. The 370th drove the enemy from this triangle several times, but it was difficult to remain where it was as it was the target of severe artillery and machine fire from two directions. This attack of the 30th is memorable in the annals of the 370th as it was against the Hindenburg line and was driving back the famous Prussian Guard, the flower of Emperor William’s army. On account of the orders’ being delayed in transmission, the advance started in broad daylight. It was led by Colonels Roberts and Duncan with other officers close by their sides. As they passed through a shell-torn ravine, German machine-gun bullets rained upon them, but they pressed forward, finally engaging in a hand-to-hand struggle and driving the enemy before them. The fact that some of the new troops got separated from their units in the night caused the rumor to be circulated that the regiment as a whole was demoralized. This was found to be not true, as all the objectives were gained and the morale of the men in the front line was good at all times.

The regiment took part in the general advance of the division on October 12, pushing back the German line 70 kilometers. In this advance the cities of Laon and Crépy were captured. The First and Second Battalions were complimented by the commanding general, the First for its passage of the strong position in Bois de Mortier and its successful reaching of its objective, and the Second for a well conducted march in pursuit of the enemy via Anizyle-Château to Cessières, which was reached late on the night of the 12th. Here the division stopped for twelve days, ten of which were spent in cleaning the town and the last two in supplying the men with much needed clothing. During these days the First and Second Battalions were in the St. Gobain forest and the Third at Mauneux Farm.

After this brief period of rest from fighting, the division went into the front line again, the First and Second Battalions going in near Grandliep, with the Third in reserve near Chambrey. There were no engagements between October 24 and November 3, but on the latter date a large shell fell and exploded in the midst of Company A at Chautrud Farm where the men were gathered around the kitchen. Thirty-four were killed and fifty-two wounded.

On November 5 the enemy began a general withdrawal with the French following closely. The three battalions of the 370th continued in pursuit, alternating in the front line position. Company C of the First Battalion, Captain James H. Smith commanding, took a German battery consisting of three field pieces (77 cannon) and two machine-guns, for which it was proposed for an army citation. The Second Battalion helped to take Beaume and Aubenton, while the Third had crossed the Belgian frontier when the Armistice was signed. On November 10 the regiment celebrated the evacuation of Signy le Petit, a town which had been occupied for four years by the Germans, who marched out four hours before the parade through the town with a French soldier carrying the Stars and Stripes and Color-Sergeant Mark P. Freeman, a Negro, carrying the Tricolor of France.

After the Armistice the regiment did road work and fatigue duty, cleaning up the villages and towns where it was stationed. With the French the relations were always most cordial; all had been comrades, working and fighting together for a great cause. In spite of the difficulties of language, which were often serious, the regiment showed marked improvement as the operations progressed. It played an important part in the activity of the division, as its numerical strength was nearly half of that of the infantry of the whole. During most of the advance to the Ailette and north of the Hindenburg line, the battalion operated separately, but for three weeks in front of the Ailette the regiment functioned as an organization, and it did as much work as any other regiment in the 59th Division. Valuable and necessary service was also rendered by 125 men of the regiment’s depot company who were attached to the divisional artillery, and by 75 who were attached to the engineers.

On the day that the armistice was signed General Vincenden commended the men of the 59th Division for helping to vanquish “the most powerful instrument of conquest that a nation could forge.” In referring to the “Black Devils,” he said: “The 370th R. I. U. S. has contributed largely to the success of the 59th Division and has taken in bitter strife both cannon and machine-guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, go at times even beyond the objectives given by the higher command; they have always wished to be in the front lines, for the place of honor is in the leading rank. They have shown, in the course of our advance, that they are worthy of being there.” As the officers and men were leaving the French command, he further thanked and commended them in General Order No. 4785, which especially complimented the intrepidity of Colonel Duncan and said to the men in closing: “The blood of your comrades who fell on the soil of France, mixed with the blood of our soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common grandeur.”

Prominent among those to whom these words were addressed and among those who received citations were Sergeant Charles T. Monroe of the Headquarters Company of the regiment, Sergeant Mathew Jenkins of Company F, and First Lieut. William J. Warfield of Company L. Sergeant Monroe displayed extraordinary heroism in action at Mont-de-Sanges, September 24, 1918. A private at the time, in the absence of a platoon commander he took charge of a platoon of Stokes mortars, directing the work of the men under heavy shell fire. Although the shelling was at times so intense that the guns were buried, Sergeant Monroe and his men worked unceasingly in placing them back in action. He himself was buried by the explosion of a shell, but on being dug out, continued to direct the work of his men and to inspire them by his fearless example. Sergeant Jenkins, on September 20, 1918, was in command of a detachment that was ordered to attack the German line. After rescuing, under fire, a wounded comrade, he charged with his detachment, took a fortified tunnel, and, being far in advance of his lines and without rations and ammunition, held the position for more than thirty-six hours until relieved, making use of captured guns and ammunition to repel the attacks made upon him. Lieutenant Warfield’s exploit took place near Ferme de la Rivière, September 28, 1918. Although separated with his platoon from the company, he continued to lead a stubborn resistance against enemy machine-gun nests, successfully capturing a gun and killing the crew. Although severely wounded, he still continued to command, refusing relief until his objective was reached. Altogether the regiment received twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses, sixty-eight French Croix de Guerre, and one Distinguished Service Medal.

The 370th was released from the French command and returned to the American Army December 12, 1918. After the change it encamped at Soissons until December 23, then at Le Mans until January 8, 1919, and then at Brest until February 1, when it sailed for America, arriving at Camp Upton nine days later. As the men of the 370th turned towards their native land, they did so with pride in the achievements of their regiment and with the knowledge that it had lived up to its tradition. It had served on two fronts and had participated in the Oisne-Aisne offensive, the last great battle of the war. While patrols had gone forth both day and night, only one man had been taken prisoner. Because of such a record, all Chicago turned out on February 17 to do honor to the “Old 8th.” Offices and stores were closed for the day, bells and whistles welcomed the heroes home, and at the Coliseum, where the regiment went after leaving the station, thousands gathered that they might see the war-scarred and medal-bedecked soldiers and hear something of their experiences. After this great meeting, there was in the afternoon a regimental parade down Michigan Avenue in full war equipment, amid the plaudits of all Chicago. At the close of the parade the regiment entrained for Camp Grant at Rockford for demobilization. This was completed March 12, and thus the noble record of the 370th became history.

371ST INFANTRY

The 371st Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel P. L. Miles, was organized and trained at Camp Jackson, Columbia, S. C. It was composed mainly of North and South Carolina men and was officered largely by Southerners. The commanding officer was interested in the welfare of his men, so also were many of the junior officers; and in spite of some discouraging circumstances the soldiers were faithful in their work. Especially had there been strong protest against having Negroes trained in Columbia; but in the end all such fears proved to be unwarranted, as the conduct of the men was above reproach. At the end of their training period citizens from all walks of life gave testimony to the fact that they had been a credit to their race and to the uniform they wore, and the Columbia State said that South Carolina was proud of the regiment and that when the men went to France they would carry with them the best wishes, the prayers, and the blessing of the best people of the state.

Just before the regiment left for overseas, the colored citizens of Columbia presented it with a flag (March 27, 1918). As the men marched through the principal street of Columbia in full uniform, they presented a wonderful spectacle. The transformation that had been wrought in many of them was almost unbelievable, and mothers, fathers, wives, and friends came from far to see their kinsmen on parade. After receiving the flag the regiment returned to camp, but it was soon on its way to France. William Slovens McNutt, in writing about its departure from Camp Jackson, said that while he was with some officers he heard a great shout outside and the thump, thump, thump of marching soldiers. On looking out he saw a Negro regiment passing in full array. The whole camp was quiet, and the only sound was that of the marching and the cracking of the packs. The black men from the cotton-fields were on their way to France. A big Mississippian standing near swore growlingly under his breath, gulped, and said: “I’m done talking about niggers. These boys have been fine soldiers here, and if they ever get back from France, I’m big enough to lick any man who don’t give ’em a square deal.” Then a soft, quavery voice somewhere in the ranks began the hymn, “Will there be any stars in my crown?” Others took it up, and soon the whole regiment was singing the old church song as the men tramped their solemn way out of camp to put their bodies to the chance of war on a foreign field.

The regiment sailed from Newport News April 9, 1918, arriving at Brest on the 23rd. For three days the men drilled, worked, and rested before their next journey to Rembercourt, the training area. One of its first duties was to clean up Rembercourt, and the soldiers were interested to find that the French people would not allow them to remove the cobwebs from the old barns used as billets because of the superstition that their removal would bring harm to the family. Some companies were trained at Marats-le-Grand and others at Marats-le-Petit in the Rembercourt area. Here under French instructors they did intensive work, learning the French system, and the rapidity with which they absorbed the new methods gratified both the French and the American officers. It took the men some time to get used to the French rations, and Colonel Miles meanwhile forbade the sale of French wines or any form of intoxicant to the men in his charge.

The 371st was assigned to the 157th French Division. Its training period lasted until June 6, when it was ordered to the St. Mihiel sector to join the 38th Division. While it was proceeding to carry out the orders and the regimental commander was making reconnaissance of the sector, the order was rescinded and the regiment was directed to return to the 13th French Army Corps. It then marched to Sivry-la-Perche, Bois Bourrus, Vigneville, and Bois de Bethlainville, where it supported the 68th Division from June 13 to June 22.

On the nights of June 22 and 23 the headquarters company of the First Battalion entered the front line of the Avocourt sub-sector, west of Hill 304, for its first experience in modern warfare. After July 14 the regiment moved into the Varrieres sub-sector in the same vicinity, and the Second and Third Battalions were in support. In this sector the regiment remained until September 14, most of the time with two battalions in the line and one in support, although for a short time the entire regiment was in the front line. During these days there was some nervousness on the part of the troops as they were constantly expecting an attack; but it did not take them long to become accustomed to the artillery fire, and their nonchalant attitude won for them the admiration and the confidence of the French officers.

The supporting battalion did the night work on the defenses destroyed by the artillery fire, and its nearness to the front line prevented any training of the regiment in offensive action. Outpost duty was done, and at one time the 371st covered as much as five kilometers, which was its own front and half the front of the 333rd French Infantry at its left. There were occasional raiding parties and nightly patrols, and daily there was harassing fire in the sector. Some men were killed or wounded in these raids, but on the other hand some prisoners were taken, much to the satisfaction of the French command.

The 371st, though inexperienced in war, occupied and defended its sectors, and provided for all means of liaison and supply just as a French infantry regiment was expected to do. More and more its discipline improved. On September 14 it was taken from the Verdun region by trucks to Helitz-l’Évêque, Champagne, for two weeks of training in offensive action, but on the first day of training new orders came and the regiment marched to Somme Bionne, Champagne, in the area of the great offensive which was to start on September 26. On the night of the 26th the regiment marched from the old French line at Boyan to Butte de Mesnil. At 12.30 on the 27th it was ordered to a position in readiness behind the crest line facing north between Butte de Mesnil and Maison Champagne Ferme. A position astride the Ripont-Gratevil road was reached before daylight. There was heavy gun fire and there were six casualties in the course of the march.

In accordance with operation order No. 20, issued by the 157th Division, the First Battalion of the 371st Infantry attacked at 6.45 o’clock on September 28 on a front of 500 meters on the axis Ripont, Bussy Farm, les Petit Rosières, between the 161st French Division on the right and the 2nd Moroccan Division on the left. Major Joseph B. Pate, commanding the First Battalion of the 371st, was ordered to fill an interval that was reported to have occurred between the 161st and the 2nd Moroccan Division. On receiving information from the commander on the right that no gap existed, the First Battalion attacked at the hour set, but machine-guns held up the advance for a while and caused a large number of casualties. At daylight it was discovered that the gap did exist, but defective liaison prevented getting the necessary aid or artillery support. As a result machine-gun nests had to be taken with rifle and bayonet at a heavy cost.

The French and the 371st, advancing on Hill 188, withdrew and marched to the right flank around the hill, as it was filled with machine-gun nests. The hill was finally taken by the First Battalion of the 371st with the assistance of a battalion of the 372nd Infantry. This encounter will always be remembered by the 371st, as it was here that the regiment lost the greatest number of men. Machine-gun fire swept the crest of the hill, but even this did not stop the advance. When night came a position had been reached 400 meters south of Le Pied.

Personal reconnaissance by the commander of the Second Battalion determined that Bussy Farm had been evacuated by the enemy. Acting in accordance with orders from the 157th Division, the Third Battalion of the 371st occupied this farm at 7 o’clock on the morning of September 29. At 9.15 on the same morning the entire regiment advanced in a column of battalions on a front of 500 meters’ distance between the battalions and 500 meters from the 372nd Infantry on the right and the 333rd French Infantry on the left. The Third Battalion of the 371st captured the villages of Ardeuil, Montfauxelle, and the railroad station, yards, and shops just north of Montfauxelle; and the advance of the regiment halted at these places for the night. During this advance Company K of the Third Battalion was on the extreme left near the French unit. Both were subjected to heavy fire from the hills before them. Captain Chester D. Heywood, who commanded the company, ordered an attack to clear the hill. This was successful, and thirty-five prisoners, including three officers, a 77 M. M. cannon with its ammunition, and a number of machine-guns were captured. On September 30 the regiment advanced in the same formation as on the preceding day, with the Third, Second, and First Battalions from front to rear in the order given. Trières Farm was captured by the Third Battalion, which was far in advance of the troops on its right and left. While in this position it was subjected to heavy fire and there were heavy losses. The Second Battalion was deployed to the right and met the same opposition.

On October 1 at 5 o’clock the regiment was relieved of front line duty and carried to the rear to reorganize. There it remained until October 6. Before entering the great Champagne campaign it had had no training in offensive operations for battalions, and the signal platoon had had experience only in a defensive sector. Lack of training on the part of the signal platoon prevented the regiment from obtaining artillery assistance even sometimes when it was sorely needed in the advance. In spite of this handicap the regiment carried the attack forward in advance of adjacent troops. No French troops led the way for the 371st. It marched into battle and maintained its approach formation under heavy fire without faltering. Many officers stayed at their posts even when wounded, continually encouraging their men; and on the other hand there were numerous acts of heroism and devotion to duty on the part of the men.

During the regiment’s advance it shot down three German aeroplanes which were flying low and directing the firing. This was a unique record. Ninety prisoners were taken, and of a total strength of 2384 the losses of the regiment in the Champagne offensive were as follows: Officers, killed 4, died of wounds 4, wounded 41, total 49; Enlisted men, killed 101, died of wounds 6, wounded 866, total 973; Missing 30; Total 1052.

Such figures are cold. Let us note some of the concrete deeds that were afterwards cited for honors. Near Champagne, on September 28, Corporal Sandy E. Jones was engaged as company clerk and was left behind to care for the company records. “When he learned that all the company officers had become casualties, he immediately went forward, and, collecting the scattered elements of the company, reorganized them under most trying and difficult conditions.” Private Reuben Burrell, “although painfully wounded in the knee, refused to be evacuated, stating that if he went to the rear there would not be enough left for his group to function.” Privates Ellison Moses and Junius Diggs, after their companies had been forced to withdraw from advanced positions, “went forward and rescued wounded soldiers, working persistently until all of them had been carried to shelter.” Four other men, among them Bruce Stoney, Charlie Butler, and Willie Boston, “crawled 200 yards ahead of our lines under violent machine-gun fire and rescued an officer who was lying mortally wounded in a shell hole.” These are only a few of the individual acts of heroism.

After the Champagne offensive the regiment was withdrawn and sent to a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains, the Bonhomme sub-sector in Alsace. It remained there from October 16 until after the Armistice, with the assistance of one battalion of Chasseurs holding over eight kilometers of front. There were no important operations here and for the first time the reserve battalions were given intensive training.

During the service with the French there were always the most cordial relations. General Goybet had sincere affection for these Negro troops and took personal pride in what they did. Other generals and the French soldiers also learned to respect and admire them for their soldierly qualities and their bravery; and so did the Moroccan division. General Garnier Duplessis, commander of the 9th Army Corps of France, after watching the deeds of the 371st and 372nd in the Champagne offensive, said, “I salute the brave American regiments who have equalled in intrepidity their French comrades.” Colonel Quillet, who commanded the regiment in the decisive battle that brought victory, said: “In sectors they have shown endurance, a vigilance, a spirit of devotion, and a remarkable discipline. In battle they have taken by storm with a magnificent animation very strong positions doggedly defended by the enemy.” On October 11, when the regiment came out of battle, the commander of the 157th Division wrote Colonel Miles, saying, “Your troops have been admirable in their attack”; and when the famous 157th “Red Hand Division” was broken up, General Goybet commended the American Negro soldiers for the part they had taken in the great struggle as follows: “During seven months we have lived as brothers in arms, sharing the same works, the same fatigues, the same dangers; side by side we have participated in the great Champagne battle, which was crowned with a prodigious victory. The 157th Division will never forget the irresistible dash, the heroic push of the colored American troops.... The most formidable defenses, the best organized machine-gun nests, the most smashing artillery barrage could not stop them. These élite regiments crossed all of it with a superb disdain of death and, thanks to their courageous devotion, the Red Hand Division during nine days of hard struggle always held the lead in the historic advance of the Fourth Army.”

For its splendid fighting in the Champagne battles the regiment was commended by the French high command and the regimental colors were decorated by Vice-Admiral Moreau in Brest January 27, 1919. The citation reads as follows:

Thirty-four individual Croix de Guerre for officers and sixty-nine for enlisted men, one Legion of Honor, and twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses were awarded to members of the regiment. The 371st sailed from Brest February 3, 1919, and arrived at Camp Upton February 11th. Thence the men were sent to the camps nearest their homes, and most of them naturally went to Camp Jackson. Amid the plaudits of the city of Columbia they returned the flag that had been given them, and South Carolina, that had hesitated to receive and train these black sons of hers, had the magnanimity to admit that no other organization that represented the state in the World War had shed as much luster upon it or brought as much glory to it as the 371st Regiment of Negro soldiers.

372ND INFANTRY

The 372nd Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Stuart, Newport News, in January, 1918, of infantry troops from the First Separate Battalion of Washington, D. C., the Ninth Separate Battalion of Ohio, First Separate Company I of Maryland, First Separate Company K of Tennessee, First Separate Company M of Connecticut, and Company L of the 6th Massachusetts Regiment. These organizations had survived since the Spanish-American War by reason of the enthusiasm of a few commanders who had held them together from year to year in spite of handicaps, until the call to arms in 1917.

Every one of these units had made an interesting record. The First Separate Battalion of Washington was the first unit of district guardsmen to be mobilized for duty on the Mexican Border in 1916. It served for four months, spending a part of the time at Naco, Ariz. , where it guarded waterworks. On March 29, 1917, just before the United States entered the war, it was mustered into the Federal service and called to guard the White House, the Capitol, and other Government buildings and railroad properties around Washington. The Ninth Ohio Battalion was composed of companies from Springfield, Cleveland, and Columbus. It was called to the mobilization center in 1916, but was not ordered to the border. In July, 1917, when the regiment was called to service, efforts were made to raise it to war strength, which was finally reached at Camp Stuart. The First Separate Company of Maryland was organized in the 80’s by Capt. William R. Spencer, who commanded it for nearly thirty years. In 1917 it first went to Pittsburgh for guard duty, but later was sent to Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala. , where it served at the remount station until it was ordered to France. While at Camp McClellan it participated in a review of thirty-five thousand men and was conceded by the reviewers to be the best drilled company in the line of march. Company K of Tennessee, commanded by Captain Hadley, was the only National Guard company of Negro men in the South. It trained at Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C. , before joining the 372nd at Newport News. Company M of Connecticut was one of the two National Guard companies in New England composed of Negro men. During the years of its existence it trained in camp with the Connecticut National Guard, which as early as 1904 it accompanied to Manassas, Va. , for the Bull Run sham battle. During the maneuvers an unfortunate incident occurred, two troopers in the unit opposing this company being injured, and it was withdrawn from further participation in the event. Company L, of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, was the only Negro company attached to a white regiment in the United States; and William J. Williams, the first captain, was the first Negro to receive that commission in the United States Volunteer Army. This company served in the Spanish-American War, and it was mustered into the Federal service on the day that the United States declared war on Germany. It was first sent to Fort Smith, N. H. , where it remained until July. Thence it was moved successively to Framingham, Ayer, the Watertown Arsenal, where it was raised to war strength, then to Westfield, and thence to Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. C. In January, 1918, it was ordered to Camp Stuart to join the other National Guard units preparatory to the formation of the 372nd Regiment under the command of Colonel Glendie B. Young. While organization was being completed, the men were given three months of intensive training in all forms of offensive and defensive tactics.

On March 30 the regiment sailed for France, arriving at St. Nazaire on April 13. It was stationed in one of the rest camps outside the city, details doing stevedore work at Montoir until the 21st, when the regiment was ordered to the Givry-en-Argonne training area, where it was billeted at Condé-en-Barrois. Under French officers intensive instruction was given in the use of hand and rifle grenades, machine-guns and automatic rifles, trench construction and battle formations; and during this period the regiment was reorganized in accordance with the French table of organization and became an integral part of the 63rd Division of the French Army.

Leaving Condé-en-Barrois on May 27, the 372nd proceeded to towns in the Meuse and Vosges Departments, there to await operation orders. These were received on June 6, the different battalions being assigned to the sub-sector Argonne (Meuse), which was placed under the command of Colonel Young. The First Battalion was located at La Noue and Les Islettes as reserve to the 63rd Division, the Second at Camp Kapp and Basse Chevrie, and the Third at Courtes Chousses. There were no large offensive operations in this sector, but patrols from both sides gave the regiment its first real opportunity to see modern warfare.

On June 21 the 372nd was transferred from the 63rd to the 35th French Division, the latter having relieved the 63rd. On June 27 the commanding officer of the 35th Division ordered the 372nd to relieve the 123rd French R. I. in the Vauquois Sector (Meuse). This relief, which was made by the battalions going into the line separately, continued until July 3, when it was completed. On July 2 the regiment was again transferred, this time to the 157th “Red Hand” Division. It was immediately ordered to occupy new positions in support, and from July 11 to 14 it relieved the 49th French R. I. in sub-sector Courcelles. The First Battalion on the night of the 11th moved to Bois de Fenchères, the Second and supply company on the following night to Camp Demougin at Brabant, and the Third and headquarters company to Lochères. On July 4, 1918, Colonel Herschel Tupes relieved Colonel Young in the command of the regiment.

The 372nd moved into second-line positions on July 18. The First Battalion was stationed at sub-sector West, the Second at Vigneville, and the Third at Bois de Bethelainsville. On the 26th the regiment moved into a sub-sector of Hill 304 in the Verdun region, where it relieved the 333rd French Regiment. This relief was completed on the 28th, with the First Battalion in the front line left of sub-sector 304, the Second on the right of 304, and the Third in reserve at Camp Dormandie. The regiment remained in the Verdun region throughout the month of August. Here it took part in no offensive operations except active patrol duty; yet the men were under constant bombardment, which made the line of communication difficult to hold in order. Detachments took part in two attacks, which were accompanied by artillery operation put over by the 333rd French Regiment. On both occasions the men of the 372nd were praised for their conduct under fire. Sub-sector 304 was organized and consolidated for the first time by this regiment.

While in this sector the Negro officers, many of whom had been with their units for years, were removed. It was natural that the removal of those who had helped to organize and promote their organizations should affect the morale of the regiment for a time, but the men finally adjusted themselves to the changes and the work of the regiment proceeded.

On September 8 the 129th U. S. Infantry relieved the 372nd. The battalions marched to Bois de Brocourt and Bois de Fouchères, where they remained until September 12, when orders arrived to leave for the training area in Brienne le Château. Four days later they were ordered by train to Vitry-le-François in Haute-Marne, and thence they proceeded by night marches through Jussacourt, Contault-le-Maupas, Dommartin-sur-Yevre, and Mes Maigneaux to Hans, ten kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, where they arrived on September 25.

In the big offensive the attack which had been scheduled for the Fourth Army began at 5.25 on the morning of September 26. The mission of the 157th French Division was “to exploit the successes after the initial breaking through attack had attained the assigned objectives.” The 372nd was ordered to advance at 3 in the afternoon. The headquarters and headquarters company occupied the north bank of Marson Brook, and the three battalions were on the south of the brook. On the 27th the First and Third Battalions marched north to new positions in Ravin d’Hébaterne, while the Second Battalion was held in reserve for the 157th Division. On the 28th the Second Battalion advanced to Ripont by Corduroy road. The Third was ordered to attack north of Ripont Rouvroy road, which it did at 11.30. Stubborn resistance was offered by the enemy from their entrenchments on Crete-des-Observatoires, but after hard fighting, which lasted the entire afternoon, this position was rushed and cleared. The Third Battalion captured in this advance 60 prisoners, one 105-calibre field-gun, two 77-calibre field-guns, 2 anti-tank rifles, and large quantities of material and small arm ammunition. The Third Battalion continued its advance until night, reaching the woods south of Bussy Farm, three and a half kilometers north of Ripont. Its ranks had been greatly depleted in the day’s operations.

On September 29 the First Battalion was ordered to attack towards Moulin, L’Avébrune, and then towards Challerange, but after starting the attack it was obliged to leave its direction of attack and advance toward Sechault because of the strong resistance from that direction. The town was finally captured, the First Battalion of the 372nd assisting. Because of the casualties suffered by the First and Third Battalions, they were ordered at nightfall to the woods south of Bussy Farm, where they were reorganized into one provisional battalion.

On September 30 the Second Battalion advanced to a plateau 250 meters south of Bussy Farm and on October 1 to Trières Farm, where it relieved a battalion of the 371st Infantry. The provisional battalion, commanded by Major Johnson, advanced three kilometers north of Sechault on the Sechault-Monthoise road, capturing the town of Ardeuil. On October 3 the advance was held up, pending the capture of Croix de Langley, west of Monthoise, by the 120th French Division, which was stopped in its advance. The enemy took advantage of a heavy fog on the 4th and launched a strong counter-attack, assisted by heavy artillery preparation. This attack, which developed into a hand-to-hand combat, was completely repulsed by two battalions of the 333rd French Regiment, and the Second Battalion of the 372nd, the enemy leaving behind 55 prisoners and 6 machine-guns.

The 372nd was relieved on October 6 by a French regiment and moved southward to the north banks of Marson Brook for the 7th, and on to Somme Bionne, 12 kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, on the 8th. Its fighting qualities were put to severe test in the Champagne offensive from September 26 to October 7. The nature of the attack may be judged by the losses sustained. Seven officers and 74 enlisted men were killed and 32 officers and 435 men were wounded. Three of the wounded officers afterwards died.

The regiment entrained at Valmy in Champagne on the 11th for Alsace, arriving at Corcieux in the Department of Vosges the following day. Here it detrained and marched to St. Leonard, preparatory to entering the front lines to relieve the 70th French Infantry at Ban-de-Laveline in sub-sector B on the 15th. It remained in this sector until after the armistice. On the night of November 7 patrols were sent out from each battalion to gain contact with the enemy, who were believed to be retreating. A patrol from the Second Battalion, consisting of an officer and twenty-three men, advanced two kilometers into territory occupied by the Germans, who surrounded them. The officer and one man were killed. All the rest, a number of whom were wounded, were captured, with the exception of one man, who made his escape and returned to the battalion. On the last morning of the war another patrol went 1200 meters into the enemy’s line and captured a soldier of the 2nd Ersatz Bavarian Regiment. There were no heavy offensives in sub-sector B, but there was aggressive patrolling, which secured valuable information from the enemy. On November 17 the regiment was ordered to Granges, Ammontzev, and Jussarupt in the Vosges, where it remained until January 1. At Ammontzev, on December 17, 1918, General Goybet, commander of the 157th French Division, awarded the Croix de Guerre to those officers and men who had won the coveted prize, and Colonel Tupes presented to eight men the Distinguished Service Cross.

The 157th, the “Red Hand Division,” was ordered dissolved on December 20. At the same time the 372nd was returned to the American Army. The regiment had served with the French since April, 1918. During that time the relations had been most friendly, the men of the two nations working together in perfect harmony. The 372nd played an important part in the operations of its division. Its occupation of sub-sector Argonne Quest, considered a phase of training, was satisfactorily conducted. In the Vauquois sub-sector its mission was difficult and important, namely, the defense of Côtes-de-Foriment, the key to the Aire Valley, which was threatened by a German offensive. Its fighting in the Champagne and its capture of Crete-des-Observatoires, the key to Challerange and Monthois, caused the French Higher Command to say that its achievements were equal to those of any French unit in its division.

The regiment entrained for Le Mans on January 1, arriving two days afterwards. There it remained until the 11th, when it was ordered to Brest, where it arrived on the 14th. At Brest, on January 24, 1919, the regimental colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm by Vice-Admiral Moreau of the French Navy. The citation said:

Of individual heroes in the regiment thus cited for gallantry there were many. Two of the most outstanding were Corporal Clarence R. Van Alen, of Boston, and Sergeant Clifton Merrimon, of Cambridge, both of whom were members of the “Old 6th Massachusetts” and both of whom received the extraordinary triple decoration of the Croix de Guerre with palm, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Medaille Militaire. On the morning of September 28, 1918, when his company was under a gruelling fire from hidden German machine-gun nests, Corporal Van Alen, having determined the location of one of these, rushed it single-handed. He killed four of the operators and brought the other three as prisoners into the American lines, himself escaping with a few scratches. Later on the same day, and during the same engagement, he rushed and captured single-handed a trench mortar battery that was inflicting severe losses upon the French lines. Corporal (afterwards Sergeant) Merrimon, near Bussy Farm on September 27, made an attack with hand grenades on an enemy machine-gun which was causing heavy losses to his platoon, and succeeded in killing the gunner and putting the gun out of commission. He then reorganized the remainder of the platoon, leading his men to their position south of Bussy Farm. Although gassed himself, he silenced the machine-gun single-handed. Colonel Tupes himself was decorated with the Croix de Guerre, and altogether four members of the regiment received the Medaille Militaire and fifty-two the Croix de Guerre.

The 372nd sailed for America on February 3, 1919, landing at Hoboken on Lincoln’s Birthday. Demobilization was completed on March 6.

Of such nature was the work and the fighting of the 93rd Division of the American Army in France, which was composed of Negro soldiers and whose different regiments were so largely decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm.

“Keep the home-fires burning,
While your hearts are yearning;
Though your lads are far away
They dream of home;
There’s a silver lining
Through the dark cloud shining;
Turn the dark cloud inside out
Till the boys come home.”

To the American returning from France in 1919, the whole country that had been the scene of the war came back like a panorama or a dream. The moans of the dying and the devastation of homes and villages mingled with the treasures of art and the shrines of devotion. Perhaps he recalled the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the Palace of Kings at Fontainebleau, the tombs of Voltaire and Rousseau and Hugo, the Luxembourg, or the never-to-be-forgotten Promenade at Nice. Roman ruins and amphitheatres, the parade on Bastille Day, fireworks on the Seine, nights at the opera, the games at the Pershing Stadium, the endless coming and going at Brest, even memories of Héloïse and Abelard, all crowded upon the mind to awaken wonder. But above all, far above all, came back the France of the Great Soul, of Liberty and Fraternity and Courage, of the “Marseillaise,”—of Verdun and the deathless word, “Ils ne passeront pas.”

It is a country to love, a country worth dying for. Yet few Americans would prefer even France to their own wonderful land. Memories of those at home rushed back even on the field of battle; and though he lived in Mississippi or Montana, to the returning soldier even the harbor of New York spoke of home. After all there is nothing like the land of one’s birth and loved ones. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.”

To the Negro soldier who went to France the experience was, as for every soldier, one ever to be remembered. Some men who in Alabama or Louisiana had in all their lives hardly been twenty-five miles from home were suddenly taken thousands of miles away, across the Atlantic, to decide the fate of empires. Altogether four hundred thousand Negro men answered their country’s call. Of these a little more than half saw service abroad, and many never came back.

Of those who remained at home importance attached to an organization of which little has been said in these pages, that of the Students’ Army Training Corps. Units of this were established in twenty representative educational institutions, and with inspiring ceremony on October 1, 1918, the flower of the young men of the nation, in these and other colleges, took the oath of loyalty to the flag. Meanwhile black fathers and mothers invested millions of dollars in Liberty Bonds and War Savings Stamps and contributed generously to all the numerous “drives”; and history has not yet told of how much the Negro woman, working hard in the fields of the South, did to feed her country and the world while the war was on.

To the Negro soldier no thought was dearer or more inspiring than that of these women at home, so largely defenceless; and no hope was stronger than that the future might be better for them and their children. Only such feeling explains the tenderness, even the tears, with which the men in uniform greeted the women of their race who in one way or another strove to help them. At Camp McClellan one man was daily growing weaker from pneumonia. One morning a Negro woman who was a member of the Red Cross brought some flowers to be given to him. A beautiful rose was selected by the Chaplain who, when giving it to the soldier, said, “This is the flower that the lady brought you this morning.” “For me?” asked the man; then, looking at the gift with all its beautiful suggestion, he said, “Chaplain, I am twenty-three years old. Do you know that this is the first time anyone ever gave me a flower?” Overseas it was the same. To one talented young woman who went to France to try to bring good cheer, and who inspired the men by her beautiful playing on the piano, a soldier wrote appreciatively: “I just want to thank you for the way you entertained us soldiers last evening and say that you really did bring sunshine to us all. To-day it seems that a burden has been lifted off us, and we wish you could stay in our camp forever. I feel better than I have felt in the whole eleven months that I have been overseas. All the soldiers are talking of you to-day; it has been a year since some of them saw a colored woman. A friend of mine is from Cincinnati and he joins me in wishing you Good Luck and Godspeed.”

Not only through the personal presence of such a worker as this but in far-reaching and unseen ways the influences of home were brought to bear upon the men at the front. Sometimes in the darkest night the great good cheer and the big heart of the Negro shone forth. More than one man “higher up,” while on patrol in No Man’s Land, was buoyed up by the simple faith of an untutored Negro lad. “Officer,” said one, in such a situation, “it is hard, but I’m with you to the end.” On another night, before they went over the top, six boys were in a dug-out. After talking things over, one suggested that they say the Lord’s Prayer. Only one knew it; but while a game of dice was going on in another corner, the little group knelt and repeated the words, gathering strength for the attack that was to come before the new day. Hearing a slight noise toward the close, they turned and saw that a major had come into the dug-out. “Let’s say it again, boys,” he said, “it gives me more courage too.” Then they knelt again and the officer joined with them in the prayer.

In many ways the war meant the awakening of new impulses. As one traveled through the South, again and again he noticed a service flag at the window, sometimes in a cabin forlorn and dilapidated, sometimes in one neat and in a cluster of trees or surrounded by cotton. Sometimes there was only one star, but often there were two; and whenever those stars appeared they meant that the deeper springs of life were being stirred, and that a people whose horizon had been limited was beginning to think in terms of the world. If such was the influence at home, even stronger was that with the men who went to France. They were thrilled with a new hope. One and all they were willing to give their very lives if things might be better for those in the little home in South Carolina or Georgia. They had seen their glorious Stars and Stripes and they knew that they had not fully realized its benefits; but now as never before that banner unfurled meant democracy, and as a beacon light it pointed the way for all lovers of liberty. Negro men went to war believing that a new day was dawning for them, and that loyalty to their country’s cause in her hour of need would be the means of their enjoying in fuller measure the blessings for which they were fighting. In that faith they were willing to face shells and gas at Verdun, in Champagne, and in the Argonne, or wherever duty might lead them.

When the war closed then, it is unfortunate that the experiences of thousands of these men had embittered them instead of bringing them into the freedom for which they had longed. Let us pass over smaller matters and consider only two of the larger reasons that accounted for their feeling. It is possible that no group similarly situated did more to make Armistice Day possible than did the American Negro soldiers; and we have seen that the record of the 369th Infantry was such that it was given the honor of leading French troops to the Rhine. When, however, in Paris, on July 14, 1919—on Bastille Day, the day of freedom—the Allied generals and their armies participated in the greatest military demonstration in the history of the world, the American Negro was not there. Other nations had all the races that fought under their flags in line. Belgium had her black colonial troops; England had Indians and Africans with her own sons and her soldiers from the colonies; and France had her Senegalese, Moroccans, Algerians, Soudanese, and Madagascans: every race that came to her defence was in her victorious army on that memorable day. Only America left her Negro troops behind. The last soldiers in the Victory Parade passed down the Champs Elysees, and still the hero of the 369th or the 371st had not appeared. He alone in the day of glory was the Disowned, the Disinherited.

Then there was “Le Panthéon de la Guerre,” a great painting by “Pierre Carrier-Belleuse, Auguste François Gorguet, and their associates, who on the morrow of the victory of the Marne undertook a work for the glorification of France.” Standing before the painting one beheld thousands of French heroes, officers of all ranks, and soldiers, gunners, horsemen, sailors, and aviators—every group that represented France. Along the right of this great circular painting were seen the Allied nations, represented by their sovereigns, statesmen, and military leaders, with representatives of the groups that assisted in the great struggle. Colonial as well as European soldiers were there. In the American group President Wilson stood in the center with one of his peace documents, and on either side were members of the cabinet, statesmen, military and naval leaders. Every group of Americans was supposed to be represented, and all were there—soldiers, sailors, business men, farmers, cowboys, Indians,—all except the Negro, the Negro soldier, and the stevedore who bore the heavy load. It was not sufficient to say to the Negro that this was an accidental omission; he knew better.

This, then, is the question for Americans. Either these things are true or they are not. Either they are just or they are not. That they are true everybody knows. That they are just we leave to the conscience of our readers.

Meanwhile let us remember that now as ever the Negro has faith in his country and in the principles for which it stands. In every crisis he has been loyal and true. In the World War, in spite of propaganda, he answered promptly every call. For him, as for others, the draft was a great Americanizer. It did within a year what decades of quiet existence would not have done. It carried him far from his home and showed him other peoples and other customs; and as never before he realized that he was to do a man’s part for his own country’s welfare.

As a result of the war also there was co-operation between the races in communities where previously little or none had existed. The inter-racial committees that have been organized throughout the South are the direct outgrowth of efforts to work together in the course of the war. The welfare organizations moreover introduced for Negro young men and women such wholesome recreation as had not been enjoyed by them in large numbers before. Through this work standards developed and a new appreciation of the place that such recreation should have in the lives of the youth of the race.

And in the years to come who will read of the work of the Negro stevedores without feeling that America owes a great debt to these men? They had a heavy and sometimes an unpleasant task, but the zeal with which they worked hastened the peace and saved the lives of thousands of men. In the 92nd Division also more than 20,000 Negro men were moulded into a great fighting organization, officered largely by Negroes for the first time in the history of America; while the record of the 93rd Division is one to make not only every Negro but also every American proud.

Such memories linger in the mind of every man who played his part on the field of battle, and also of that one who offered himself for his country but happened not to be called to the front. Forgetting themselves, but uplifted with hope, they went forth in the spirit of the Master. Risking life itself, they were willing to die, if need be, that others might live. They had only sublime faith in their country, and over all was the divine purpose, “For God and Home and Native Land.”