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Title: Thoughts upon slavery

Author: John Wesley

Release date: May 21, 2022 [eBook #68144]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: G. Paramore

Credits: Thomas Frost and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOUGHTS UPON SLAVERY ***





THOUGHTS

UPON

SLAVERY.


THE FIFTH EDITION.


By _JOHN WESLEY_, A. M.


[Illustration]


_LONDON_:

Printed by G. PARAMORE, North Green, Worship-Street;
and sold by _G. Whitfield_, at the Chapel, City-Road; and at the
Methodist Preaching-Houses, in Town and Country. 1792.

[Price TWO-PENCE.]




I. 1. By _Slavery_ I mean Domestic Slavery, or that of a servant to
a master. A late ingenious Writer well observes, “The variety of
forms in which Slavery appears, makes it almost impossible to convey
a just notion of it, by way of definition. There are however certain
properties which have accompanied Slavery in most places, whereby it is
easily distinguished from that mild domestic _service_ which obtains in
our country.”[1]

[1] See Mr. _Hargrave’s_ Plea for _Somerset_ the Negro.

2. _Slavery_ imports an obligation of perpetual service, an obligation
which only the consent of the master can dissolve. Neither in some
countries can the master himself dissolve it, without the consent of
judges appointed by the law. It generally gives the master an arbitrary
power of any correction, not affecting life or limb. Sometimes even
these are exposed to his will: or protected only by a fine, or some
slight punishment, too inconsiderable to restrain a master of a harsh
temper. It creates an incapacity of acquiring any thing, except for
the master’s benefit. It allows the master to alienate the Slave, in
the same manner as his cows and horses. Lastly it descends in its full
extent from parent to child, even to the last generation.

3. The beginning of this may be dated from the remotest period, of
which we have an account in history. It commenced in the barbarous
State of Society, and in process of time spread into all nations. It
prevailed particularly among the _Jews_, the _Greeks_, the _Romans_,
and the ancient _Germans_: and was transmitted by them to the various
kingdoms and states, which arose out of the _Roman_ empire. But after
christianity prevailed, it gradually fell into decline in almost all
parts of _Europe_. This great change began in _Spain_, about the end of
the eighth century: and was become general in most other kingdoms of
_Europe_, before the middle of the fourteenth.

4. From this time Slavery was nearly extinct, till the commencement
of the sixteenth century, when the discovery of _America_, and of the
Western and Eastern coasts of _Africa_, gave occasion to the revival
of it. It took its rise from the _Portuguese_, who to supply the
_Spaniards_ with men, to cultivate their new possessions in _America_,
procured Negroes from _Africa_, whom they sold for Slaves to the
_American_ Spaniards. This began in the year 1508, when they imported
the first Negroes into _Hispaniola_. In 1540, _Charles_ the fifth, then
King of _Spain_, determined to put an end to _Negro-Slavery_: giving
positive orders, That all the Negro-Slaves in the _Spanish_ dominions
should be set free. And this was accordingly done by _Lagasca_, whom
he sent and impowered to free them all, on condition of continuing to
labour for their masters. But soon after _Lagasca_ returned to _Spain_,
Slavery returned and flourished as before. Afterwards other nations, as
they acquired possessions in _America_, followed the examples of the
_Spaniards_; and Slavery has taken deep root in most of our _American_
colonies.

II. Such is the nature of Slavery: such the beginning of Negro-Slavery
in _America_. But some may desire to know, what country it is, from
which the Negroes are brought? What sort of men, of what temper and
behaviour are they in their own country? And in what manner they are
generally procured, carried to, and treated in _America_?

1. And first, What kind of country is that from whence they are
brought? Is it so remarkably horrid, dreary and barren, that it is a
kindness to deliver them out of it? I believe many have apprehended so:
but it is an entire mistake, if we may give credit to those who have
lived many years therein, and could have no motive to misrepresent it.

2. That part of _Africa_ whence the Negroes are brought, commonly known
by the name of _Guinea_, extends along the coast, in the whole, between
three and four thousand miles. From the river _Senegal_, (seventeen
degrees North of the line) to Cape _Sierra Leona_, it contains seven
hundred miles. Thence it runs Eastward about fifteen hundred miles,
including the _Grain-coast_, the _Ivory-coast_, the _Gold-coast_, and
the _Slave-coast_, with the large kingdom of _Benin_. From thence it
runs Southward, about twelve hundred miles, and contains the kingdoms
of _Congo_ and _Angola_.

3. Concerning the first, the _Senegal_ coast, Mons. _Bene_, who lived
there sixteen years, after describing its fruitfulness near the
sea, says, “The farther you go from the sea, the more fruitful and
well-improved is the country, abounding in pulse, Indian corn, and
various fruits. Here are vast meadows, which feed large herds of great
and small cattle. And the villages which lie thick, shew the country
is well peopled.” And again: “I was surprized, to see the land so well
cultivated; scarce a spot lay unimproved: the low lands divided by
small canals, were all sowed with rice: the higher grounds were planted
with Indian corn, and peas of different sorts. Their beef is excellent;
poultry plenty, and very cheap, as are all the necessaries of life.”

4. As to the _Grain_ and _Ivory-coast_, we learn from eye-witnesses,
that the soil is in general fertile, producing abundance of rice and
roots. Indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation. Fish is in great
plenty; the flocks and herds are numerous, and the trees loaden with
fruit.

5. The _Gold-coast_ and _Slave-coast_, all who have seen it agree, is
exceeding fruitful and pleasant, producing vast quantities of rice and
other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm-wine and oil, and fish in
great abundance, with much tame and wild cattle. The very same account
is given us of the soil and produce of the kingdoms of _Benin_, _Congo_
and _Angola_. From which it appears, that _Guinea_ in general, is far
from a horrid, dreary, barren country, is one of the most fruitful,
as well as the most pleasant countries in the known world. It is said
indeed to be unhealthy. And so it is to strangers, but perfectly
healthy to the native inhabitants.

6. Such is the country from which the Negroes are brought. We come next
to enquire, What sort of men they are, of what temper and behaviour,
not in our plantations, but in their native country. And here likewise
the surest way is to take our account from eye and ear-witnesses. Now
those who have lived in the _Senegal_ country observe, it is inhabited
by three nations, the _Jalofs_, _Fulis_ and _Mandingos_. The king
of the _Jalofs_ has under him several Ministers, who assist in the
exercise of justice, the Chief Justice goes in circuit through all
his dominions, to hear complaints and determine controversies. And
the Viceroy goes with him, to inspect the behaviour of the _Alkadi_,
or Governor of each village. The _Fulis_ are governed by their chief
men, who rule with much moderation. Few of them will drink any thing
stronger than water, being strict _Mahometans_. The government is
easy, because the people are of a quiet and good disposition; and so
well instructed in what is right, that a man who wrongs another is the
abomination of all.--They desire no more land than they use, which they
cultivate with great care and industry: if any of them are known to be
made Slaves by the white men; they all join to redeem them. They not
only support all that are old, or blind, or lame among themselves: but
have frequently supplied the necessities of the _Mandingos_, when they
were distrest by famine.

7. The _Mandingos_, says Mons. _Brue_, are right _Mahometans_, drinking
neither wine nor brandy. They are industrious and laborious, keeping
their ground well cultivated, and breeding a good stock of cattle.
Every town has a Governor, and he appoints the labour of the people.
The men work the ground designed for corn; the women and girls, the
rice-ground. He afterwards divides the corn and rice, among them:
and decides all quarrels, if any arise. All the Mahometan Negroes
constantly go to public prayers thrice a day: there being a Priest in
every village, who regularly calls them together: and it is surprising
to see the modesty, attention and reverence which they observe during
their worship--These three nations practise several trades; they have
Smiths, Sadlers, Potters and Weavers. And they are very ingenious
at their several occupations. Their Smiths not only make all the
instruments of iron, which they have occasion to use, but likewise work
many things neatly in gold and silver. It is chiefly the women and
children who weave fine cotton cloth, which they dye blue and black.

8. It was of these parts of _Guinea_, that Mons. _Adanson_,
Correspondent of the Royal Academy of Sciences at _Paris_, from
1749, to 1753, gives the following account, both as to the country
and people, “Which way soever I turned my eyes, I beheld a perfect
image of pure nature: an agreeable solitude, bounded on every side by
a charming landscape; the rural situation of cottages, in the midst
of trees; the ease and quietness of the Negroes, reclined under the
shade of the spreading foliage, with the simplicity of their dress and
manners: the whole revived in my mind the idea of our first parents,
and I seemed to contemplate the world in its primitive state. They are,
generally speaking, very good natured, sociable and obliging. I was
not a little pleased with my first reception, and it fully convinced
me, that there ought to be a considerable abatement made, in the
accounts we have of the savage character of the _Africans_.” He adds,
“It is amazing that an illiterate people should reason so pertinently
concerning the heavenly bodies. There is no doubt, but that with proper
instruments, they would become excellent astronomers.”

9. The inhabitants of the _Grain_ and _Ivory-coast_ are represented
by those that deal with them, as sensible, courteous, and the fairest
traders on the coasts of _Guinea_. They rarely drink to excess: if any
do they are severely punished by the King’s order. They are seldom
troubled with war: if a difference happen between two nations, they
commonly end the dispute amicably.

10. The inhabitants of the _Gold_ and _Slave-coast_ likewise, when they
are not artfully incensed against each other, live in great union and
friendship, being generally well tempered, civil, tractable, and ready
to help any that need it. In particular, the natives of the kingdom
of _Whidah_, are civil, kind, and obliging to strangers. And they are
the most gentleman-like of all the Negroes, abounding in good manners
toward each other. The inferiors pay the utmost respect to their
superiors: so wives to their husbands, children to their parents. And
they are remarkably industrious; all are constantly employed; the men
in agriculture, the women in spinning and weaving cotton.

11. The _Gold_ and _Slave-coasts_ are divided into several districts,
some governed by Kings, others by the principal men, who take care
each of their own town or village, and prevent or appease tumults.
They punish murder and adultery severely; very frequently with death.
Theft and robbery are punished by a fine proportionable to the goods
that were taken.--All the natives of this coast, though heathens,
believe there is one God, the Author of them and all things. They
appear likewise to have a confused apprehension of a future state. And
accordingly every town and village has a place of public worship.--It
is remarkable that they have no beggars among them; such is the care of
the chief men, in every city and village, to provide some easy labour,
even for the old and weak. Some are employed in blowing the Smith’s
bellows; others in pressing palm-oil; others in grinding of colours. If
they are too weak even for this, they sell provisions in the market.

12. The natives of the kingdom of _Benin_ are a reasonable and
good-natured people. They are sincere and inoffensive, and do no
injustice either to one another or to strangers. They are eminently
civil and courteous: if you make them a present, they endeavour to
repay it double. And if they are trusted, till the ship returns the
next year, they are sure honestly to pay the whole debt. Theft is
punished among them, although not with the same severity as murder.
If a man and woman of any quality, are taken in adultery, they are
certain to be put to death, and their bodies thrown on a dunghill, and
left a prey to wild beasts. They are punctually just and honest in
their dealings; and are also very charitable: the King and the great
Lords taking care to employ all that are capable of any work. And those
that are utterly helpless they keep for God’s sake; so that here also
are no beggars. The inhabitants of _Congo_ and _Angola_ are generally
a quiet people. They discover a good understanding, and behave in a
friendly manner to strangers, being of a mild temper and an affable
carriage.----Upon the whole therefore the Negroes who inhabit the
coast of _Africa_, from the river _Senegal_ to the Southern bounds
of _Angola_, are so far from being the stupid, senseless, brutish,
lazy barbarians, the fierce, cruel, perfidious Savages they have been
described, that on the contrary, they are represented by them who have
no motive to flatter them, as remarkably sensible, considering the few
advantages they have for improving their understanding: as industrious
to the highest degree, perhaps more so than any other natives of so
warm a climate: as fair, just and honest in all their dealings, unless
where white men have taught them to be otherwise: and as far more mild,
friendly and kind to strangers, than any of our forefathers were. Our
forefathers! Where shall we find at this day, among the fair-faced
natives of _Europe_, a nation generally practising the justice, mercy,
and truth, which are found among these poor _Africans_? Suppose the
preceding accounts are true, (which I see no reason or pretence to
doubt of,) and we may leave _England_ and _France_, to seek genuine
honesty in _Benin_, _Congo_, or _Angola_.

III. We have now seen what kind of country it is, from which the
Negroes are brought: and what sort of men (even white men being the
judges) they were in their own country. Enquire we, thirdly, In
what manner are they generally procured, carried to, and treated in
_America_.

1. _First._ In what manner are they procured? Part of them by fraud.
Captains of ships from time to time, invited Negroes to come on board,
and then carried them away. But far more have been procured by force.
The Christians landing upon their coasts, seized as many as they found,
men, women and children, and transported them to _America_. It was
about 1551, that the _English_ began trading to _Guinea_: at first, for
gold and Elephant’s teeth, but soon after, for men. In 1556, Sir _John
Hawkins_ sailed with two ships to Cape _Verd_, where he sent eighty men
on shore to catch Negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther
down, and there set the men on shore, “to burn their towns and take the
inhabitants.” But they met with such resistance, that they had seven
men killed, and took but ten Negroes. So they went still farther down,
till having taken enough, they proceeded to the _West-Indies_ and sold
them.

2. It was some time before the _Europeans_ found a more compendious
way of procuring _African_ Slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war
upon each other, and to sell their prisoners. Till then they seldom had
any wars: but were in general quiet and peaceable. But the white men
first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell
one another. Nay, by this means, even their Kings are induced to sell
their own subjects. So Mr. _Moore_ (Factor of the _African_ Company in
1730) informs us, “When the King of _Barsalli_ wants goods or brandy,
he sends to the _English_ Governor at _James’_ Fort, who immediately
sends a sloop. Against the time it arrives, he plunders some of his
neighbours’ towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other
times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his
own subjects.” So Mons. _Brue_ says, “I wrote to the King” (not the
same) “if he had a sufficient number of slaves I would treat with
him. He seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word he was
ready to deliver them for goods.” He adds, “Some of the natives are
always ready” (when well paid) “to surprize and carry off their own
countrymen. They come at night without noise, and if they find any
lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people.”--_Barbot_,
(another French Factor) says, “Many of the Slaves sold by the Negroes
are prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their
enemy’s territories. Others are stolen. Abundance of little Blacks of
both sexes, are stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on
the road, or in the woods, or else in the corn-fields, at the time
of year when their parents keep them there all day to scare away the
devouring birds.” That their own parents sell them, is utterly false:
Whites not Blacks, are without natural affection!

3. To set the manner wherein Negroes are procured in a yet stronger
light, it will suffice to give an extract of two voyages to _Guinea_ on
this account. The first is taken verbatim from the original manuscript
of the Surgeon’s Journal.

“SESTRO, Dec. 29, 1724. No trade to-day, though many traders came on
board. They informed us, that the people are gone to war within land,
and will bring prisoners enough in two or three days; in hopes of which
we stay.

“The 30th. No trade yet: but our traders came on board to-day, and
informed us the people had burnt four towns: so that to-morrow we
expect slaves off.

“The 31st, Fair weather; but no trading yet. We see each night towns
burning. But we hear many of the _Sestro_ men are killed by the inland
Negroes: so that we fear this war will be unsuccessful.

“The second of January. Last night we saw a prodigious fire break out
about eleven o’clock, and this morning see the town of _Sestro_ burnt
down to the ground.” (It contained some hundred houses.) “So that we
find their enemies are too hard for them at present, and consequently
our trade spoiled here. Therefore about seven o’clock we weighed
anchor, to proceed lower down.”

4. The second Extract taken from the Journal of a Surgeon, who went
from _New-York_ on the same trade, is as follows. “The Commander of the
vessel sent to acquaint the King, that he wanted a cargo of slaves. The
King promised to furnish him, and in order to it, set out, designing to
surprize some town, and make all the people prisoners. Some time after,
the King sent him word, he had not yet met with the desired success:
having attempted to break up two towns, but having been twice repulsed:
but that he still hoped to procure the number of Slaves. In this design
he persisted, till he met his enemies in the field. A battle was
fought, which lasted three days. And the engagement was so bloody, that
four thousand five hundred men were slain upon the spot.”----Such is
the manner wherein the Negroes are procured! Thus the Christians preach
the Gospel to the Heathens!

5. Thus they are _procured_. But in what numbers and in what manner are
they carried to _America_?----Mr. _Anderson_ in his history of Trade
and Commerce, observes, “_England_ supplies her _American_ Colonies
with Negro-slaves, amounting in number to about a hundred thousand
every year.” That is, so many are taken on board our ships; but at
least ten thousand of them die in the voyage: about a fourth part more
die at the different Islands, in what is called the Seasoning. So that
at an average, in the passage and seasoning together, thirty thousand
die: that is, properly are murdered. O earth, O sea, cover not thou
their blood!

6. When they are brought down to the shore in order to be sold, our
Surgeons thoroughly examine them, and that quite naked, women and men,
without any distinction: those that are approved are set on one side.
In the mean time a burning iron, with the arms or name of the Company,
lies in the fire, with which they are marked on the breast. Before they
are put into the ships, their masters strip them of all they have on
their backs: so that they come on board stark naked, women as well
as men. It is common for several hundred of them to be put on board
one vessel: where they are stowed together in as little room as it is
possible for them to be crowded. It is easy to suppose what a condition
they must soon be in, between heat, thirst and stench of various kinds.
So that it is no wonder, so many should die in the passage; but rather
that any survive it.

7. When the vessels arrive at their destined port, the Negroes are
again exposed naked, to the eyes of all that flock together, and
the examination of their purchasers; then they are separated to the
plantations of their several masters, to see each other no more. Here
you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked
breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the
whipper soon obliges them to part. And what can be more wretched than
the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their country, from
their friends and relations for ever, from every comfort of life, they
are reduced to a state scarce any way preferable to that of beasts of
burden. In general a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or
potatoes, are their food, and two rags, that neither screen them from
the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night their covering. Their
sleep is very short, their labour continual, and frequently above their
strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty, before they have
lived out half their days. The time they work in the _West-Indies_, is
from day-break to noon, and from two o’clock till dark: during which
time they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory,
or think any thing not so well done as it should be, whip them most
unmercifully, so that you may see their bodies long after whealed and
scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist. And before they are
suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to
do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fewel for the
boilers. So that it is often past twelve before they can get home.
Hence if their food is not prepared, they are some times called to
labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will
avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to
feel the lash. Did the Creator intend that the noblest creatures in
the visible world, should live such a life as this! “Are _these_ thy
glorious works, Parent of Good?”

8. As to the punishment inflicted on them, says Sir _Hans Sloan_,
“they frequently geld them, or chop off half a foot: after they are
whipped till they are raw all over. Some put pepper and salt upon
them: some drop melted wax upon their skin. Others cut off their ears,
and constrain them to broil and eat them. For Rebellion,” (that is,
asserting their native Liberty, which they have as much right to as to
the air they breathe) “they fasten them down to the ground with crooked
sticks on every limb, and then applying fire by degrees, to the feet
and hands, they burn them gradually upward to the head.”

9. But will not the laws made in the plantations, prevent or redress
all cruelty and oppression? We will take but a few of those laws for a
specimen, and then let any man judge.

In order to rivet the chain of slavery, the law of _Virginia_ ordains,
“That no slave shall be set free, upon any pretence whatever, except
for some meritorious services, to be adjudged and allowed by the
_Governor and Council_: and that where any slave shall be set free by
his owner, otherwise than is herein directed, the Church-wardens of the
parish wherein such negro shall reside for the space of one month are
hereby authorized and required, to _take up and sell_ the said negro,
by _public outcry_.”

10. Will not these Law-givers take effectual care, to prevent cruelty
and oppression?

The law of _Jamaica_ ordains, “Every slave that shall run away, and
continue absent from his master twelve months, shall be _deemed
rebellious_:” And by another law, fifty pounds are allowed, to those
who kill or bring in alive a _rebellious_ slave. So their law treats
these poor men with as little ceremony and consideration, as if they
were merely brute beasts! But the innocent blood which is shed in
consequence of such a detestable law, must call for vengeance on the
murderous abetters and actors of such deliberate wickedness.

11. But the law of _Barbadoes_ exceeds even this, “If any negro under
punishment, by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other
crime or misdemeanor, shall suffer _in life or member, no person
whatsoever shall be liable to any fine therefore_. But if any man, of
wantonness, or only of bloody-mindedness or cruel intention, _wilfully
kill_ a negro of his own” (Now observe the severe punishment!) “He
shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds sterling! And not be
liable to any other punishment or forfeiture for the same!”

Nearly allied to this is that law of _Virginia_: “After proclamation
is issued against slaves that run away, it is lawful for any person
whatsoever to kill and destroy such slaves, by such ways and means as
he shall think fit.”

We have seen already some of the ways and means which have been
_thought fit_ on such occasions. And many more might be mentioned.
One Gentleman, when I was abroad, _thought fit_ to roast his slave
alive! But if the most natural act of “running away” from intolerable
tyranny, deserves such relentless severity, what punishment have these
_Law-makers_ to expect hereafter, on account of their own enormous
offences?

IV. 1. This is the plain, unaggravated matter of fact. Such is the
manner wherein our _African_ slaves are procured: such the manner
wherein they are removed from their native land, and wherein they are
treated in our plantations. I would now enquire, whether these things
can be defended, on the principles of even heathen honesty? Whether
they can be reconciled (setting the Bible out of the question) with any
degree of either justice or mercy?

2. The grand plea is, “They are authorized by law.” But can law, Human
Law, change the nature of things? Can it turn darkness into light,
or evil into good? By no means. Notwithstanding ten thousand laws,
right is right, and wrong is wrong still. There must still remain an
essential difference between justice and injustice, cruelty and mercy.
So that I still ask, who can reconcile this treatment of the negroes,
first and last, with either mercy or justice?

Where is the justice of inflicting the severest evils, on those that
have done us no wrong? Of depriving those that never injured us in word
or deed, of every comfort of life? Of tearing them from their native
country, and depriving them of liberty itself? To which an _Angolan_,
has the same natural right as an _Englishman_, and on which he sets as
high a value? Yea, where is the justice of taking away the lives of
innocent, inoffensive men? Murdering thousands of them in their own
land, by the hands of their own countrymen: many thousands, year after
year, on shipboard, and then casting them like dung into the sea! And
tens of thousands in that cruel slavery, to which they are so unjustly
reduced?

3. But waving, for the present, all other considerations, I strike
at the root of this complicated villany. I absolutely deny all
slave-holding to be consistent with any degree of natural justice.

I cannot place this in a clearer light, than that great ornament of his
profession, Judge _Blackstone_ has already done. Part of his words are
as follows:

“The three origins of the right of slavery assigned by _Justinian_,
are all built upon false foundations. 1. Slavery is said to arise
from captivity in war. The conqueror having a right to the life of
his captive, if he spares that, has then a right to deal with them as
he speaks. But this is untrue, if taken generally, That by the laws
of nations, a man has a right to kill his enemy. He has only a right
to kill him in particular cases, in cases of absolute necessity for
self-defence. And it is plain, this absolute necessity did not subsist,
since he did not kill him, but made him prisoner. War itself is
justifiable only on principles of self-preservation. Therefore it gives
us no right over prisoners, but to hinder their hurting us by confining
them. Much less can it give a right to torture, or kill, or even
enslave an enemy when the war is over. Since therefore the right of
making our prisoners slaves, depends on a supposed right of slaughter,
that foundation failing, the consequence which is drawn from it must
fail likewise.”

“It is said secondly, Slavery may begin, by one man’s selling himself
to another. And it is true, a man may sell himself to work for another;
but he can not sell himself to be a slave, as above defined. Every sale
implies an equivalent given to the seller, in lieu of what he transfers
to the buyer. But what equivalent can be given for life or liberty?
His property likewise, with the very price which he seems to receive,
devolves _ipso facto_ to his master, the instant he becomes his slave:
in this case therefore the buyer gives nothing. Of what validity then
can a sale be, which destroys the very principle upon which all sales
are founded?”

“We are told, Thirdly, that men may be _born slaves_, by being the
children of slaves. But this being built upon the two former rights
must fall together with them, if neither captivity, nor contract can
by the plain law of nature and reason, reduce the parent to a state of
slavery, much less can they reduce the offspring.” It clearly follows,
that all slavery is as irreconcileable to justice as to mercy.

4. That slave-holding is utterly inconsistent with mercy, is almost
too plain to need a proof. Indeed it is said, “That these negroes
being prisoners of war, our captains and factors buy them, merely to
save them from being put to death. And is not this mercy?” I answer,
1. Did Sir _John Hawkins_, and many others, seize upon men, women and
children, who were at peace in their own fields and houses, merely to
save them from death? 2. Was it to save them from death, that they
knock’d out the brains of those they could not bring away? 3. Who
occasioned and fomented those wars, wherein these poor creatures were
taken prisoners? Who excited them by money, by drink, by every possible
means, to fall upon one another? Was it not themselves? They know in
their own conscience it was, if they have any conscience left. But 4.
To bring the matter to a short issue. Can they say before God, That
they ever took a single voyage, or bought a single negro from this
motive? They cannot, they well know, to get money, not to save lives,
was the whole and sole spring of their motions.

5. But if this manner of procuring and tearing negroes is not
consistent either with mercy or justice, yet there is a plea for it
which every man of business will acknowledge to be quite sufficient.
Fifty years ago, one meeting an eminent statesman in the lobby of the
House of Commons, said, “You have been long talking about justice and
equity, Pray which is this bill? Equity or justice?” He answered, very
short, and plain, “D--n justice: it is necessity.” Here also the
slave-holder fixes his foot: here he rests the strength of his cause.
“If it is not quite right, yet it _must_ be so: there is an absolute
_necessity for it_. It is necessary we should procure slaves: and when
we have procured them, it is necessary to use them with severity,
considering their stupidity, stubbornness and wickedness.”

I answer, You stumble at the threshold: I deny that villany is ever
necessary. It is impossible that it should ever be necessary, for
any reasonable creature to violate all the laws of justice, mercy,
and truth. No circumstances can make it necessary for a man to burst
in sunder all the ties of humanity. It can never be necessary for a
rational being to sink himself below a brute. A man can be under no
necessity, of degrading himself into a wolf. The absurdity of the
supposition is so glaring, that one would wonder any one could help
seeing it.

6. This in general. But to be more particular, I ask, 1. What is
necessary? And secondly, To what end? It may be answered, “The whole
method now used by the original purchasers of negroes, is necessary to
the furnishing our colonies yearly with a hundred thousand slaves.” I
grant this is necessary to that end. But how is that end necessary?
How will you prove it necessary that one hundred, that _one_ of those
slaves should be procured? “Why, it is necessary to my gaining an
hundred thousand pounds.” Perhaps so: but how is _this_ necessary?
It is very possible you might be both a better and a happier man, if
you had not a quarter of it. I deny that your gaining one thousand is
necessary, either to your present or eternal happiness. “But however
you must allow, these slaves are necessary for the cultivation of
our Islands: inasmuch as white men are not able to labour in hot
climates.” I answer, 1. It were better that all those Islands should
remain uncultivated for ever, yea, it were more desirable that they
were altogether sunk in the depth of the sea, than that they should
be cultivated at so high a price, as the violation of justice, mercy
and truth. But, secondly, the supposition on which you ground your
argument is false. For white men, even _English_ men, are well able
to labour in hot climates: provided they are temperate both in meat
and drink, and that they inure themselves to it by degrees. I speak
no more than I know by experience. It appears from the thermometer,
that the summer heat in _Georgia_, is frequently equal to that in
_Barbadoes_, yea to that under the line. And yet I and my family (eight
in number) did employ all our spare time there, in felling of trees and
clearing of ground, as hard labour as any negro need be employed in.
The _German_ family likewise, forty in number, were employed in all
manner of labour. And this was so far from impairing our health, that
we all continued perfectly well, while the idle ones round about us,
were swept away as with a pestilence. It is not true therefore that
white men are not able to labour, even in hot climates, full as well
as black. But if they were not, it would be better that none should
labour there, that the work should be left undone, than that myriads
of innocent men should be murdered, and myriads more dragged into the
basest slavery.

7. “But the furnishing us with slaves is necessary, for the trade, and
wealth, and glory of our nation:” here are several mistakes. For 1.
Wealth is not necessary to the glory of any nation; but wisdom, virtue,
justice, mercy, generosity, public spirit, love of our country. These
are necessary to the real glory of a nation; but abundance of wealth
is not. Men of understanding allow, that the glory of _England_ was
full as high, in Queen _Elizabeth’s_ time as it is now: although our
riches and trade were then as much smaller, as our virtue was greater.
But, secondly, it is not clear, that we should have either less money
or trade, (only less of that detestable trade of man-stealing) if
there was not a negro in all our Islands, or in all _English America_.
It is demonstrable, white men, inured to it by degrees _can_ work as
well as them: and they _would_ do it, were negroes out of the way, and
proper encouragement given them. However, thirdly, I come back to the
same point: better no trade, than trade procured by villany. It is far
better to have no wealth, than to gain wealth at the expence of virtue.
Better is honest poverty, than all the riches bought by the tears, and
sweat and blood of our fellow-creatures.

8. “However this be; it is necessary when we have slaves, to use them
with severity.” What, to whip them for every petty offence, till they
are all in gore blood? To take that opportunity, of rubbing pepper and
salt into their raw flesh? To drop burning sealing-wax upon their skin?
To castrate them? To cut off half their foot with an axe? To hang them
on gibbets, that they may die by inches, with heat, and hunger, and
thirst? To pin them down to the ground, and then burn them by degrees,
from the feet, to the head? To roast them alive?--When did a Turk or a
Heathen find it necessary to use a fellow-creature thus?

I pray, to what end is this usage necessary? “Why, to prevent their
running away: and to keep them constantly to their labour, that they
may not idle away their time. So miserably stupid is this race of
men, yea, so stubborn and so wicked.” Allowing them to be as stupid
as you say, to whom is that stupidity owing? Without question it lies
altogether at the door of their inhuman masters: who give them no
means, no opportunity of improving their understanding: and indeed
leave them no motive, either from hope or fear, to attempt any such
thing. They were no way remarkable for stupidity, while they remained
in their own country: the inhabitants of _Africa_ where they have
equal motives and equal means of improvement, are not inferior to the
inhabitants of _Europe_: to some of them they are greatly superior.
Impartially survey in their own country, the natives of _Benin_, and
the natives of _Lapland_. Compare, (setting prejudice aside) the
_Samoeids_ and the _Angolans_. And on which side does the advantage
lie, in point of understanding? Certainly the _African_ is in no
respect inferior to the _European_. Their stupidity therefore in our
plantations is not natural; otherwise than it is the natural effect of
their condition. Consequently it is not their fault, but _your’s_: you
must answer for it, before God and man.

9. “But their stupidity is not the only reason of our treating them
with severity. For it is hard to say, which is the greatest, this
or their stubbornness and wickedness.”----It may be so: But do not
these as well as the other, lie at _your_ door; are not stubbornness,
cunning, pilfering, and divers other vices, the natural, necessary
fruits of slavery? Is not this an observation which has been made,
in every age and nation?----And what means have you used to remove
this stubbornness? Have you tried what mildness and gentleness would
do? I knew one that did: that had prudence and patience to make
the experiment: Mr. _Hugh Bryan_, who then lived on the borders of
_South-Carolina_. And what was the effect? Why, that all his negroes
(and he had no small number of them) loved and reverenced him as a
father, and chearfully obeyed him out of love. Yea, they were more
afraid of a frown from _him_, than of many blows from an overseer. And
what pains have _you_ taken, what method have _you_ used, to reclaim
them from their wickedness? Have you carefully taught them,

“That there is a God, a wise, powerful, merciful being, the Creator
and Governor of heaven and earth? That he has appointed a day wherein
he will judge the world, will take an account of all our thoughts,
words and actions? That in that day he will reward every child of man
according to his works: that “then the righteous shall inherit the
kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world: and the
wicked shall be cast into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and
his angels.” If you have not done this, if you have taken no pains or
thought about the matter, can you wonder at their wickedness? What
wonder, if they should cut your throat? And if they did, whom could you
thank for it but yourself? You first acted the villain in making them
slaves, (whether you stole them or bought them.) You kept them stupid
and wicked, by cutting them off from all opportunities of improving
either in knowledge or virtue: and now you assign their want of wisdom
and goodness as the reason for using them worse than brute beasts!

V. 1. It remains only to make a little application of the preceding
observations.--But to whom should that application be made? That may
bear a question. Should we address ourselves to the public at large?
What effect can this have? It may inflame the world against the guilty,
but is not likely to remove that guilt. Should we appeal to the
_English_ nation in general? This also is striking wide; and is never
likely to procure any redress for the sore evil we complain of.--As
little would it in all probability avail, to apply to the Parliament.
So many things, which _seem_ of greater importance lie before them that
they are not likely to attend to this. I therefore add a few words to
those who are more immediately concerned, whether captains, merchants
or planters.

2. And, first, to the captains employed in this trade. Most of _you_
know, the country of _Guinea_: several parts of it at least, between
the river _Senegal_ and the kingdom of _Angola_. Perhaps now, by
_your_ means, part of it is become a dreary uncultivated wilderness,
the inhabitants being all murdered or carried away, so that there are
none left to till the ground. But you well know, how populous, how
fruitful, how pleasant it was a few years ago. You know the people
were not stupid, not wanting in sense, considering the few means of
improvement they enjoyed. Neither did you find them savage, fierce,
cruel, treacherous, or unkind to strangers. On the contrary, they were
in most parts, a sensible and ingenious people. They were kind and
friendly, courteous and obliging, and remarkably fair and just in their
dealings. Such are the men whom you hire their own countrymen, to tear
away from this lovely country; part by stealth, part by force, part
made captive in those wars, which you raise or foment on purpose. You
have seen them torn away, children from their parents, parents from
their children: husbands from their wives, wives from their beloved
husbands, brethren and sisters from each other. You have dragged them
who had never done you any wrong, perhaps in chains, from their native
shore. You have forced them into your ships like an herd of swine, them
who had souls immortal as your own: (only some of them, leaped into
the sea, and resolutely stayed under water, till they could suffer no
more from you.) You have stowed them together as close as ever they
could lie, without any regard either to decency or convenience. And
when many of them had been poisoned by foul air, or had sunk under
various hardships, you have seen their remains delivered to the deep,
till the sea should give up its dead. You have carried the survivors
into the vilest slavery, never to end but with life: such slavery as is
not found among the Turks at _Algiers_, no nor among the Heathens in
_America_.

3. May I speak plainly to you? I must. Love constrains me: love to
_you_, as well as to those you are concerned with.

Is there a God? You know there is. Is he a just God? Then there must be
a state of retribution: a state wherein the just God will reward every
man according to his works. Then what reward will he render to _you_? O
think betimes! Before you drop into eternity! Think now, _He shall have
judgment without mercy that hath shewed no mercy_. Are you a _man_?
Then you should have a _human_ heart. But have you indeed? What is your
heart made of? Is there no such principle as compassion there? Do you
never _feel_ another’s pain? Have you no sympathy? No sense of human
woe? No pity for the miserable? When you saw the flourishing eyes,
the heaving breasts, or the bleeding sides and tortured limbs of your
fellow-creatures, was you a stone, or a brute? Did you look upon them
with the eyes of a tiger? When you squeezed the agonizing creatures
down in the ship, or when you threw their poor mangled remains into the
sea, had you no relenting? Did not one tear drop from your eye, one
sigh escape from your breast? Do you feel no relenting _now_? If you
do not, you must go on, till the measure of your iniquities is full.
Then will the great God deal with _you_, as you have dealt with _them_,
and require all their blood at your hands. And at that day it shall be
more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah than for _you_! But if your heart
does relent, though in a small degree, know it is a call from the God
of love. And to-day, if you will hear his voice, harden not your heart.
To-day resolve, God being your helper, to escape for your life. Regard
not money! All that a man hath will he give for his life! Whatever
you lose, lose not your soul: nothing can countervail that loss.
Immediately quit the horrid trade: at all events, be an honest man.

4. This equally concerns every Merchant, who is engaged in the
Slave-trade. It is _you_ that induce the _African_ villain to sell his
countrymen; and in order thereto, to steal, rob, murder men, women and
children without number: by enabling the _English_ villain to pay him
for so doing; whom you over pay for his execrable labour. It is _your_
money, that is the spring of all, that impowers him to go on: so that
whatever he or the _African_ does in this matter, is all _your_ act and
deed. And is your conscience quite reconciled to this? Does it never
reproach you at all? Has gold entirely blinded your eyes, and stupified
your heart? Can you see, can you _feel_ no harm therein? Is it doing
as you would be done to? Make the case your own. “Master,” said a Slave
at _Liverpool_ (to the Merchant that owned him) “what if some of my
countrymen were to come here, and take away my mistress, and master
_Tommy_ and master _Billy_ and carry them into our country, and make
them slaves, how would you like it?” His answer was worthy of a man:
“I will never buy a slave more while I live.” O let his resolution be
your’s! Have no more any part in this detestable business. Instantly
leave it to those unfeeling wretches, “Who laugh at human nature
and compassion!” Be _you_ a man! Not a wolf, a devourer of the human
species! Be merciful, that you may obtain mercy!

5. And this equally concerns every gentleman that has an estate in our
_American_ plantations: yea all Slave-holders of whatever rank and
degree: seeing _men-buyers_ are exactly on a level with _men-stealers_.
Indeed you say, “I pay honestly for my goods: and I am not concerned to
know how they are come by”: nay but you are: you are deeply concerned
to know they are honestly come by. Otherwise you are partaker with a
thief, and are not a jot honester than him. But you know, they are not
honestly come by: you know they are procured by means, nothing near
so innocent as picking pockets, house-breaking, or robbery upon the
high-way. You know they are procured by a deliberate series of more
complicated villany, (of fraud, robbery and murder) than was ever
practised either by Mahometans or Pagans: in particular by murders of
all kinds; by the blood of the innocent poured upon the ground like
water. Now it is _your_ money that pays the Merchant, and through him
the Captain, and the _African_ butchers. _You_ therefore are guilty,
yea principally guilty, of all these frauds, robberies and murders. You
are the spring that puts all the rest in motion: they would not stir
a step without _you_: therefore the blood of all these wretches, who
die before their time, whether in the country or elsewhere, lies upon
your head. _The blood of thy brother_, (for, whether thou wilt believe
it or no, such he is in the sight of Him that made him) _crieth against
thee from the earth_, from the ship, and from the waters. O, whatever
it costs, put a stop to its cry before it be too late: instantly,
at any price, were it the half of your goods, deliver thyself from
blood-guiltiness! Thy hands, thy bed, thy furniture, thy house,
thy lands are at present stained with blood. Surely it is enough;
accumulate no more guilt: spill no more the blood of the innocent! Do
not hire another to shed blood: do not pay him for doing it! Whether
you are a Christian or no, shew yourself a man! Be not more savage than
a lion or a bear!

6. Perhaps you will say, “I do not _buy_ any Negroes: I only _use_
those left by my father.” So far is well: but is it enough to satisfy
your own conscience? Had your father, have _you_, has any man living, a
right to use another as a slave? It cannot be, even setting revelation
aside. It cannot be that either war, or contract, can give any man such
a property in another as he has in his sheep and oxen. Much less is it
possible, that any child of man, should ever be _born a slave_. Liberty
is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital
air. And no human law can deprive him of that right, which he derives
from the law of nature.

If therefore you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of mercy,
nor the revealed law of God) render unto all their due. Give liberty to
whom liberty is due, that is to every child of man, to every partaker
of human nature. Let none serve you but by his own act and deed, by his
own voluntary choice. Away with all whips, all chains, all compulsion!
Be gentle toward all men, and see that you invariably do unto every
one, as you would he should do unto _you_.

7. O thou God of love, thou who art loving to every man, and whose
mercy is over all thy works; thou who art the Father of the spirits of
all flesh, and who art rich in mercy unto all; thou who has mingled of
one blood, all the nations upon the earth; have compassion upon these
outcasts of men, who are trodden down as dung upon the earth! Arise
and help these that have no helper, whose blood is spilt upon the
ground like water! Are not these also the work of thine own hands, the
purchase of thy Son’s blood? Stir them up to cry unto thee in the land
of their captivity; and let their complaint come up before thee; let
it enter into thy ears! Make even those that lead them away captive to
pity them, and turn their captivity as the rivers in the South. O burst
thou all their chains in sunder; more especially the chains of their
sins: Thou, Saviour of all, make them free, that they may be free indeed!

    The servile progeny of _Ham_
      Seize as the purchase of thy blood!
    Let all the Heathens know thy name,
      From Idols to the living God;
    The dark _Americans_ convert,
    And shine in every Pagan heart.


FINIS




Transcriber’s Note


Clear printer’s errors have been corrected by the transcriber; as far as
possible, however, original spelling and punctuation have been preserved.

In this file, text in _italics_ is indicated by underscores.



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