The Project Gutenberg eBook of Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo and across the Great Desert to Morocco performed in the year 1824-1828, in Two Volumes, Vol. II
    
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Title: Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo and across the Great Desert to Morocco performed in the year 1824-1828, in Two Volumes, Vol. II

Author: René Caillié
        M. Jomard

Release date: February 10, 2023 [eBook #70011]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley

Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS THROUGH CENTRAL AFRICA TO TIMBUCTOO AND ACROSS THE GREAT DESERT TO MOROCCO PERFORMED IN THE YEAR 1824-1828, IN TWO VOLUMES, VOL. II ***

LIST OF PLATES.

* * * * *

I.—Portrait of the Author. To face title Vol. I.
II.—General map.
III.—Itinerary map.
IV.—A woman of Timbuctoo.
V.—M. Caillié meditating upon the Koran, and taking his notes.
IV.—Plan of the great mosque of Timbuctoo, and a view of it taken
from the E. N. E.
V.—Details of the great mosque of Timbuctoo.
VI.—View of part of the town of Timbuctoo, taken from the summit
of a hill to the E. N. E.

* * * * *

LONDON:
PRINTED BY O. SCHULZE, 13, POLAND STREET.


[Illustration: GENERAL MAP OF THE TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIE TO JENNÉ
AND TIMBUCTOO, AND ACROSS THE SAHARA, in 1827, & 1828.  Drawn by
M. JOMARD _Member of the Royal Institute of France_ 1829]


TRAVELS
THROUGH
CENTRAL AFRICA
TO
TIMBUCTOO; AND
ACROSS THE GREAT DESERT, TO MOROCCO;
PERFORMED IN THE YEARS 1824-1828.
BY RÉNÉ CAILLIÉ.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

LONDON: HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY,
NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
1830




PREFACE.

* * * * *

I offer, at length, to the public the narrative of my travels in the
interior of Africa, which should have appeared long since; several
causes have, however, concurred during the fifteen months that have
elapsed since my return to my native soil, to retard its publication
till the present time. I have brought home, from the regions I have
traversed, only fugitive and very laconic notes, written in haste and
trepidation: they would have been inexorable evidences against me,
had I been surprised tracing unknown characters, and unveiling as
it were to the Whites the mysteries of these countries. In Africa,
especially in those districts occupied by the Foulahs and the Moors,
religious hypocrisy in a stranger is the most flagrant of outrages,
and it were a hundred times better to pass there for a Christian,
than for a false Mahometan; so that if my mode of travelling had its
advantages, which its success has proved, it was also attended with
terrible inconveniences. I carried always in my wallet a sentence
of death, and how often was that wallet necessarily confided to
the hands of enemies! On my arrival in Paris, the notes, written
mostly in pencil, were found so faint and so much effaced by time, my
wanderings, and my ill fortune, that it required all the tenacity and
the scrupulous fidelity of my memory to restore and reproduce them
as the basis of my observations and the materials of my narrative.

But that scrupulous fidelity which should always distinguish the
compilation of travels, and which I consider the principal merit
of mine, demanded that I should consecrate to this work the time
necessary to ascertain that I have omitted nothing essential, and
to arrange the facts in the exact order in which I had observed and
noted them. Another not less legitimate cause of delay arose from
a long and dangerous illness which seized me some months after my
arrival in France, and exhausted the strength which was left me by
the long continued fatigues and privations of a seventeen months’
journey over those burning sands so frequently fatal to our European
travellers. To these causes must also be added the extent of my
materials, my want of initiation into the art of composition in
the most difficult and delicate of languages, and the resolution
I had formed to avoid having recourse to a more experienced pen,
except for the correction of those errors of style which would
naturally escape mine; for I was desirous of offering to the public
a composition as entirely my own as the observations on which it was
founded; a composition which, however deficient in studied elegance,
should at least be simple, clear, and frank, describing the exact
extent of my travels and exhibiting the traveller under his peculiar
traits. With regret I acknowledge that important observations upon
the political and religious institutions, and upon the manners
and customs of the people amongst whom I have sojourned, will
not be found here; even had my prior studies directed my mind to
this species of reflections, the scanty resources at my disposal,
and the consequent necessity of a rapid passage, did not permit my
residence in any place for a sufficient length of time to furnish
a solid foundation for such researches.  My principal object was
to collect carefully and accurately all the facts, of whatsoever
nature, which fell under my inspection, and especially to notice
whatever appeared conducive to the improvement of geography and of
our commerce with Africa.

A long stay in our establishments of Senegal, and perhaps also,
my own experience, had taught me how much this commerce, which,
had so long languished, needed new markets and new connections in
the interior; but to form these new connections, to impose on the
distant population a tribute to our industry, new discoveries were
necessary; and increased geographical knowledge was indispensable
to enable the government to extend sufficient encouragement to
our mercantile establishments on the coast. A strong persuasion
of this necessity, of this urgent need, under which our African
commerce labours, became in a manner the soul of my inquiries,
particularly in a certain portion of my travels. I was convinced that
our colonial and all our commercial relations must sooner or later
be powerfully influenced by clear and positive information, drawn
from the fountain head, and deposited with the government of a king,
the zealous and enlightened protector of interests so important,
and so nearly affecting, at the present period, the prosperity,
and perhaps even, the internal tranquillity of the kingdom.

Have I been fortunate enough to realize in this respect the wishes I
had formed, the hopes which, in common with my former compatriots of
Senegal, I had dared to conceive, of fulfilling this part of the task
which I undertook, and of thus paying my tribute to the government
of my country? Let my natural judges, with whom the fruits of my
researches are deposited, and let the success of future enterprizes,
incited by mine, answer this question for me.  It is not for me to
estimate the progress which geographical and natural science may
owe to my travels. I must leave it to be appreciated by those who
so worthily represent them in the capital of the civilized world,
and the possession of whose knowledge and talents would have been so
delightful, and above all so useful to me, when day after day I found
myself alone and left to my own feeble resources in a world as yet
unknown to, and unexplored by curious and scientific Europe. Armed
with the knowledge and the instruments for which we are indebted
to them, I might have hoped to have more fully accomplished the
wishes of the Geographical Society, and to have rendered myself
more deserving of the flattering and benevolent reception which
it has granted me, and of the distinction and rewards which its
descriminating patriotism decrees to those who record its efforts;
of that Society which, with so much zeal and success, prosecutes the
extension of science, and which, by the encouragement it held out to
those who should explore the central regions of Africa, confirmed
my opinion of the importance of such travels, and determined me
in the plan which I had already formed of one day attempting the
discovery of Timbuctoo.

In paying this just homage to the Geographical Society, I must not
omit one of its most distinguished members, M. Jomard, President of
the Central Committee and Member of the Institute, who, since my
arrival in France, has without intermission honoured me with his
valuable advice and his personal kindness, who has not disdained
to unite his name with mine, and has so largely contributed to any
success with which this narrative may be honoured, by enriching it
with a map founded upon my notes, and with geographical disquisitions
upon a continent, the study of which has long been familiar to him,
both as a traveller and as a writer. I request him to accept this
public testimony of my warmest gratitude.




CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XIX.

Departure for Timbuctoo on the 13th of March — Description of the
banks of the river — Slaves released from their chains — Populous
villages — Vessels of from sixty to eighty tons burthen — Branch
of the river forming a large island — Mode of building canoes —
Villages of Banan — Character of the Mandingoes — Description of
Lake Debo — Islands called St. Charles, Henry, and Maria-Theresa.

CHAPTER XX.

Tongom, a village in the country of the Dirimans — Co — Do —
Sa, a commercial port — Mercantile flotillas — The Soorgoos
or Tooariks, a nomadic and predatory tribe — Baraconga — Lelel
— Garfola — Filinsa — Baracondié — Tircy — Liquor made
from the kondoo — Alcodia, the Diriman capital — Customs of
the inhabitants — Salacoila — Cora — Coratoo — Separation
of the river into two branches — Arrival at Cabra, the port of
Timbuctoo — Description of the place.

CHAPTER XXI.

Journey from Cabra to Timbuctoo — First view of the city — The
Kissoors — The king grants the traveller an audience — Condition
of the slaves — Description of the city, its buildings, extent,
and commerce — Food and dress of the people — Bousbéhey, a city
of the Zawats — Toudeyni — Tribe of Salah — Terror inspired
by the Tooariks — Description of that tribe — The Jinbalas —
Particulars respecting the fate of Major Laing — Reflexions on
the means of penetrating to the centre of Africa.

CHAPTER XXII.

Departure from Timbuctoo on the 4th of May, 1828 — Caravan of six
hundred camels — Entrance of the desert — Suffocating heat —
The caravan falls in with the Tooariks — Manner in which the Arabs
direct their course in the desert — Aspect of Sahara, like the
bed of a sea without water — Details respecting the caravans —
The place where Major Laing was assassinated — El-Arawan, a city
in the desert: its springs, population, and trade — Information
respecting Tawât and Walet — Caravan of four hundred camels —
Disheartening effect of the view of endless sands.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Violence of the east winds — Pillars of sand — Scarcity of water
— Deplorable situation of the caravan — Hills of loose sand —
Rocks of granite — Wells of Telig — Toudeyni, rich salt mines
— Thistle of the desert — Vexations and persecutions of the
Moors, their intolerance — Wells of Cramès — Wells of Trases
or Trarzas — Trajacant Moors.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Wells of Amoul-Gragin — Enormous serpents — High sand-hills
called Helk — Wells of Amoul-Taf — Hills of various-coloured
granite — Wells of el-Ekseif; very good water — Wells called
Marabouty, el-Guedea, Mayara, and Sibicia — High and steep
mountains, defiles and precipices — A severe fall — Encampment
of Sidi-Aly — El-Harib — The Berbers. Tatta — Description of
the country at el-Harib, customs; the tribes who inhabit it.

CHAPTER XXV.

Country of el-Drah — Zawât — el-Hamid — Bounou — Town
of Mimcina — Camp of Berbers — Tabelbât — The Tawâts —
Wells of Yeneguedel, of Faratissa, of Bohayara — Customs of the
Berbers — Wells of Goud-Zenaga, of Zenatyia — Town of el-Yabo
— Wells of Chanerou, of Nyela — Arrival at Tafilet — Town
of Ghourland — Market — Ressaut, the residence of a Governor
under the Emperor of Morocco.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Description of Tafilet and its commerce — Flourishing state
of agriculture and industry — Miserable condition of the Jews;
their habits and customs — Afilé — Gardens — Taneyara, Marca,
M’Dyara, Rahaba — Chains of granite mountains — Small river
of Guigo — L’Eyarac, Tamaroc, Kars, Ain-Zeland, L’Eksebi —
Very high mountains covered with cork-trees — L’Quin — Guigo
— Town of Soforo — Town of el-Fez, or Fez, the ancient capital
of Morocco.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Description of el-Fez — Markets, monuments, gardens, police —
Mequinaz — Inhospitality — Arm of the sea called Sbo — Arbata
or Rabata or Rabat, the ancient Sallee — Visit to the Consular
Agent — The traveller avoids the camp of the Emperor of Morocco
— Writes to the Vice Consul M. Delaporte — Larache — Arrives at
Tangier 7th of September, almost dying, emaciated by want, fatigue,
and fever — Generous reception of M. Delaporte — Anxiety of the
traveller — Is introduced by night and concealed by the Consul
— M. Delaporte obtains from the naval commander of the Cadiz
station a vessel to convey him to France.

GEOGRAPHICAL REMARKS AND INQUIRIES.

CHAPTER I.

§ I.—General retrospect of the published information on this
subject prior to M. Caillié’s travels.

§ II.—Analysis of the itinerary map, and of the general map of
the travels.

ARTICLE I.

Early travels of M.  Caillié.

ARTICLE II.

Map of the traveller’s route.

First part of the journey.

Second part of the travels.

Observations on the course of the Dhioliba as traced from Couroussa
to Sego and Djenné.

Third part of the travels.

ARTICLE III.

Remarks on the general map of the travels and the elements which
serve for its basis.

Observations on the situation of Timbuctoo, and particularly on
its longitude.

Bearings of M. Caillié’s routes.

Computation of the days’ journeys.

§ III.—Of the nomenclature.

§ IV.—Of some results of the travels of M. Caillié.

§ V.—Of the course of the Dhioliba above and below Timbuctoo.

CHAPTER II.

VOCABULARIES COLLECTED BY M. CAILLIÉ.

English and Mandingo vocabulary.

Kissour vocabulary.

Observations on the vocabularies.

CHAPTER III.

M. Caillié’s Itinerary.

CHAPTER IV.

Explanation of the plates.

Miscellaneous notes.

CHAPTER V.

Documents and miscellaneous papers.

CORRESPONDENCE.


[Illustration: MAP of the ROUTE travelled by M. CAILLIE TO JENNÉ
AND TIMBUCTOO, Compiled from his Journal By M. JOMARD _Member of
the Royal Institute of France_ 1829]




TRAVELS
TO
TIMBUCTOO,
_ &c., &c._

* * * * *

CHAPTER XIX.

Departure for Timbuctoo on the 13th of March — Description of the
banks of the river — Slaves released from their chains — Populous
villages — Vessels of from sixty to eighty tons burthen — Branch
of the river forming a large island — Mode of building canoes —
Villages of Banan — Character of the Mandingoes — Description of
Lake Debo — Islands called St. Charles, Henry, and Maria-Theresa.

About half past nine o’clock we left the port. We did not waste
much time in adieus; my friends saw me on board, wished me a safe
voyage, and departed exclaiming: _Salam alécoom, Abdallah_. The
sherif, with whom the gift of my umbrella rendered me such a
favourite, directed me to his correspondent at Timbuctoo, to whom
he particularly recommended me in a letter, which he sent by the
superintendent of the cargo. I had reason to be grateful for his
kind foresight, to which I was indebted for the friendly reception
I experienced on my arrival in the capital of the Western Soudan.

Though the heat was beginning to be exceedingly oppressive, I
remained on deck, for the canoe was very full. The river makes
several windings; its course is rapid; and as it is extremely
shallow, we were obliged several times to unload the vessel in order
to pass over the sandbanks. The negroes in the neighbourhood helped
to load and unload the canoe, and to push it forward; all this,
of course, occasioned considerable delay.

About two o’clock we reached the majestic Dhioliba, which flows
slowly from W. N. W. At this part it is very deep, and about three
times the width of the Seine at the Pont-Neuf. It takes a turn of
about two miles to the south; its banks are low and very barren. The
distance from Jenné to this river is, I should imagine, about ten
miles. After flowing two miles to the southward, it turns to the
N. N. E. About four o’clock we arrived at Cougalia, where I had
previously crossed the river.  Aided by the current I suppose we
made about two miles an hour.

A little before sun-set we passed Kera, a pretty little village
on the right bank of the river, containing about three hundred
inhabitants. It is nearly seven miles from Cougalia. Here the river
turns to the N. E. A little to the left there is a small island
submerged during the inundation The river is much wider here than
at Cougalia, and it is quite as deep. On the plain I observed some
slaves tilling the ground; they had pickaxes like those of the
Bambaras. We continued our course till near midnight. As I had no
compass I observed the direction of our course during the night by
the polar star. In the evening we stood to the N. E., still going
at the rate of about two miles an hour.

When we lay to, the negroes who had the management of the canoe
sought to pick a quarrel with me: they would not allow me to sleep
on board. They told me that I had given them nothing, and that
if I did not pay them they would put me on shore. I saw very well
that their only object was to intimidate me and thereby to extort
something from me. I disregarded their threats, and prepared to
sleep on board in spite of them, for the cold night air and the
damp were very unpleasant.  I arranged my resting place as well as
I could on a heap of baggage, where I was almost folded double and
unable to move. I had not a wink of sleep during the whole night,
and the negroes annoyed me in every possible way to induce me to
leave the canoe. They even began to address insulting language to
me, and threatened to put me on shore next day if I did not satisfy
their demands. I suffered much from this annoyance; but the negroes
gained nothing by their insolence. When the common people of these
countries meet with a stranger who does not speak their language,
they think they may insult him with impunity; but it is sufficient to
shew firmness to make them more tractable. They gave me for supper
a little rice boiled in water, which was the food of the slaves. I
had not eaten any thing all day, for there was no possibility of
cooking on account of the crowded state of the canoe.

At four in the morning of the 24th of March we stood to the N. E. The
sailors pushed forward the canoe with a long pole: they rowed it
in deep water, and sometimes towed it along shore.

At this part, the river is about half a mile broad and very deep. Its
banks, though low, are adorned with a species of mimosa, which grows
only to the height of a small shrub. About seven in the morning we
stopped before the village of Soufara, situated on the right bank,
on a height which preserves it from the inundation. Beside this
village is little stream, which runs in an eastward direction. We
went ashore to purchase some maumies and pistachio-nuts for
breakfast. In this place there is no regular market; but people
go through the streets selling pistachios, and other little
productions of the country. The village probably contains about
two hundred and fifty inhabitants.  They live in wretched huts,
built of earth like those of the Bambaras, which do not approach
the perfection of the habitations of Jenné. The people catch a
great quantity of fish. They generally use nets made of cotton, but
sometimes fish with the line. When I returned on board the canoe,
the negro who was the master of the slaves and superintendent of
the cargo gave me a piece of cake for my breakfast. Fortunately I
had provided myself with some on shore, otherwise I should have made
a sorry repast. The negroes again importuned me for cowries; but I
persisted in my resolution to give them nothing. At half past seven
we continued our course. The river now took a northerly direction. It
continued wide, and its depth was about ten or twelve feet. This I
ascertained by observing the long pole with which the sailors pushed
the canoe. It was nearly eleven o’clock when we passed Cabia. In
front of this village there are three little islands; here the
river takes a turn to the N. E.  and becomes narrower. About two
o’clock I observed its direction was north, and at half past
three, north-east. Its width and depth continued much the same;
its banks were barren and low. On both sides I observed immense
plains, the uniformity of which was broken only by some ronniers
which rise majestically to the height of about eighty feet from
the ground and bound the horizon. About five in the afternoon we
perceived the village of Taco, which is situated on the left bank.

At sun-set I discerned, in the direction of the east, two little
hills about six miles from the bank of the river, which in this
part runs to the north. About seven in the evening we stopped
before the village of Coona, which is inhabited by Foulahs, who
live in straw huts. In the port there were some canoes, all going
to Timbuctoo. Here we could plainly perceive the two hills I have
just mentioned, and a little to the north-east were three others
of similar height. We passed the night in this village, which,
like Taco, is situated on the left bank.

On the 25th of March I was informed that the great canoe which
was to convey us to Timbuctoo was in the port and ready for our
reception. It was covered with mats, and laden with rice, millet,
cotton, honey, vegetable butter, and other productions of the
country. The canoe appeared to me very fragile; like the smaller ones
its planks were joined with cords; its burthen was about sixty tons.

We were occupied all day in getting the merchandise from the small
canoe, and putting it on board the large one. There was on the shore
a great concourse of people, all engaged in some kind of labour;
they had pitched tents to shelter themselves from the heat, which
was excessive. The negroes offered us their merchandise for sale. On
seeing them I almost imagined myself in a market on the banks of
the Senegal. The village is situated on a little eminence, and is
scantily shaded by ronniers and mimosas. The heat was suffocating. I
went to visit the market, which was very badly provided; for it
was then the time of the Ramadan: there was a little milk, some
pistachios, dry and fresh fish, maumies, and other light articles of
food. The people looked at me with indifference. The young girls,
who offered their merchandise for sale, had a very pleasing mode
of address; but I bought nothing, on account of the presence of
the Foulahs, who are even more fanatical than the Moors, and who,
if they had seen me eat, would have set me down for an infidel. My
hosts at Jenné had however made me promise that I would not fast on
my passage, observing that I could make up by fasting at Timbuctoo
for the number of days during which I might neglect the practice of
that religious duty. I sat down beneath a tree on the bank of the
river, and amused myself for a short time by observing a group of
young negroes of both sexes, who were bathing, dancing and gamboling
about in the water.

A little to the north of the village the river is intersected by
a sand-bank. This bank was covered by a multitude of water-fowl of
various kinds, whose white plumage looked like a sheet of snow in
the midst of the river. The channel for the passage of canoes is
near the right bank. The surrounding country is very barren: not a
single shrub is to be seen. The soil consists of immense marshes,
which are inundated at the swell of the waters. The shore on either
side is so extremely low that the river seems on the point of
overflowing its banks. In the village I met with a Moorish trader,
who was returning from Timbuctoo in a common canoe, laden with
salt. He told me that he had been a month on his way from Cabra
to Coona. I invited him to come on board our vessel and take a
little refreshment of dokhnou and water. Dokhnou, as I have before
observed, consists of a mixture of the flour of millet and honey,
which is afterwards mixed with water for drink. He requested me to
wait until sun-set on account of the Foulahs, who, if they saw us
drink, would have a bad opinion of us. He left me to take a turn
in the village, but I did not see him again.

In the port, there were many fishermen’s canoes. When the fishermen
catch their fish, either with the net or the line, they dry it in
the sun and sell it to the vessels which are continually stopping
in their port: they also carry it to Jenné for sale. At two
o’clock in the afternoon, I was informed that dinner was ready,
and was asked whether I would partake of it; for the slaves were
not required to fast, and I was ranked among them. That I might not
be observed by any one, I went on board the canoe to take my dinner
at my ease. It consisted of a little boiled millet-flour, without
any seasoning. After this frugal repast, the slaves were freed from
their chains, and I was gratified in witnessing the pleasure which
these poor creatures experienced during their temporary release from
bondage. They appeared perfectly happy. They tried to walk, but it
was with difficulty that they could move a few steps, for the chains
which they had worn since they left Jenné had wounded their feet.

Having nothing more to detain us in the village, we left it in the
afternoon during a calm, taking a northern direction. The large
canoe did not get on so well as the small one which we had left
behind us, consequently we scarcely made two miles an hour.

About five o’clock we passed Taguetia, situated on the
left bank. In front of this village a marigot, or branch, about
twenty-five or thirty fathoms wide, runs off to the east. The village
of Sangouno is on one of the banks of this branch. At its mouth are
two little islands, about a quarter of a mile in circumference,
on which are some fishermen’s huts. The river still continues
of the same width, running to the north. It is very deep, and its
banks are low and barren.

At ten at night we stopped at Sankhaguibila. At this place the river
takes a turn to the east, and then to the north. The inhabitants
hold a little market, to which they bring milk and dried fish, which
the negroes of the canoes purchase, and pay for in cowries, the only
money current on the banks of the river as far as Timbuctoo. People
came from all sides with earthen pots, calabashes, mats, and various
other kinds of merchandise. This village probably contains about
four hundred inhabitants, consisting of Foulahs, Mandingoes, and
Bambaras from Jenné.

At three o’clock on the morning of the 26th, we quitted the
village of Sankhaguibila, the huts of which are all of straw, and
badly constructed. We advanced slowly to the west. At sun-rise we
found the river take a turn to the north. Its banks are adorned
with a few dwarf shrubs.

At four in the afternoon we passed Diébé, situated on the right and
before which there is a sand-bank. In general, all these villages
resemble each other. The population varies but little. We stopped
here nearly two hours to escape the north wind, which was blowing
furiously, and which, in all probability, would have destroyed our
frail bark. When it ceased we continued our course, and at nine
o’clock we lay to at Isaca, where we passed that night and the
following day. During the night the wind changed to the north-east,
and there was a good breeze stirring. The banks of the river are so
low that the least wind prevents the canoes making way; for when the
water is ever so little agitated the waves dash over their sides
and sink them; an accident of frequent occurrence. The population
of Isaca may amount to seven or eight hundred, all Foulahs. Their
houses, which are built of bricks baked in the sun, resemble those
of the Bambaras.

The inhabitants brought us fresh fish, sour milk, and butter,
which we purchased. The butter was rolled up into little balls of
the size of crab-apples, for which we paid six cowries each. In
this village I saw a great quantity of dried fish, an article in
which the inhabitants traffic very considerably. They carry it to
Jenné and other neighbouring markets. The great arm of the river
which, as the negroes informed me, branches off from Sego, and
forms an immense island, rejoins the river a quarter of a mile from
Isaca. This arm, which comes from the west, is very broad, and seems
to be navigable for large boats. It has not a rapid current; indeed,
the water appears to be almost stagnant. The village is situated on
the right bank of the river, and is inhabited by Foulahs, similar to
those of Fouta-Dhialon. They are the subjects of Sego-Ahmadou, the
capital of which al-Lamdou Lillahi, is a day’s journey eastward
from Isaca.  They rear flocks, which are their principal wealth,
and cultivate rice in the plains, inundated by the overflow of the
waters. They fish with nets made of cotton cord.

The women manufacture a beautiful kind of pottery, which they sell
at Jenné, and to the canoes going to Timbuctoo. The village is
situated on a little eminence; it is a great market for provisions.

Before I proceed further I will give a description of the canoes
which are employed in the passage from Jenné to Timbuctoo, and
which keep up a continually active trade along the whole extent of
the river. Little flotillas of sixty or eighty boats are frequently
seen all richly laden with various kinds of produce.

A vessel of sixty, or eighty tons burthen, is about ninety or one
hundred feet long, twelve or fourteen broad at midships, and draws
six or seven feet depth of water. These canoes, whether large or
small, are generally fragile, and it is astonishing how they bear
the heavy cargoes with which they are laden, and which consist
of rice, millet, butter, honey, onions, pistachios, colat-nuts,
stuffs, and various kinds of preserved articles. In addition to
their cargo they frequently have on board forty or fifty slaves,
half of whom remain on deck.

The crew consists of sixteen or eighteen sailors, two steersmen, and
a superior, who acts as captain. The manner in which these vessels
are built shews their want of solidity. Large planks, five feet long
by eight inches broad, and about one inch thick,[1] are adjusted and
fixed together by ropes made from the hemp of the country and the
leaves of the ronnier. These ropes possess the property of lasting a
long time in water, an advantage of great importance in this country,
where the inhabitants do not avail themselves of the use of iron.

The workmen first of all join the planks together; but they do
not unite closely, and large interstices are left in this first
joining. The seams are then caulked over with bruised straw, reduced
to a sort of oakum, and mixed with a soft kind of clay, found in the
morasses and on the banks of the river. The interstices thus filled
up, the seams are closely covered with fresh straw, and the whole
is strongly fastened by a second joining; this renders the canoe
sufficiently solid for the purpose of navigating the river At the
bottom, wooden bars are laid at certain distances to consolidate the
whole mass; and similar bars are placed higher up, for supporting the
deck. The hull being finished, it is covered over with small pieces
of flexible wood, bent in a convex form, across which, other pieces
of smaller size are fixed. This forms the deck, which is raised
three feet and a half above the sides, and covered over with mats,
made in the country from the leaves of the ronnier. The lightest
merchandise is placed on the deck, or orlop, and is firmly lashed
to the gunwales of the vessel, forming a sort of barrier, not very
high, but sufficiently so to prevent the slaves, who sleep on deck,
from rolling into the water. The vessel is loaded to the height of
two feet and a half or three feet above the deck, even on the prow.

As they are unacquainted with the use of pumps, they leave in the
middle of the canoe an open space, where two men are constantly
stationed, and whose business it is to bale out the water which makes
its way through the seams of the vessel. In spite of the quickness
with which they work, the water on board is never less than half a
foot deep. These men keep watch as in our European ships, and they
are relieved every six hours.  They use large calabashes to bale the
vessel. I observed that this part of the canoe is always covered with
moss of a fine green colour. This is also the place where the women
kindle fires to cook the victuals of the crew; for which purpose
they provide themselves with portable earthenware stoves. These
stoves are in the form of chaffing-dishes, round and open, and are
composed of glazed earthenware. They are manufactured at Jenné, or
in its environs, and are nearly four feet in circumference. They are
furnished with three little supports, forming a tripod, on which the
pot, used for boiling the rice, rests. These portable stoves obviate
all danger that might be apprehended from the use of fire on board
the vessels. Before the cargo is put on board, the hold is lined with
thick pieces of wood, to prevent the goods being damaged by damp.

These vessels being unprovided with sails, cannot make way except in
very calm weather; they are besides so frail, that the slightest wind
agitating the river (the banks of which are very low) produces waves,
which, by dashing against the sides of the canoes, would either
damage or swamp them.  This danger often causes delay, and renders
the navigation tedious and perilous. When the banks are entirely free
from bushes, the sailors row or tow the vessel along, and when they
can reach the bottom of the river with poles, they push it. In this
manner the greater part of the passage is effected, and it was by
means of these poles, which are about twelve or fifteen feet long,
that I was enabled to judge of the depth of the river. It is very
difficult to find wood of such a length in this country, and it is
necessary to fix two pieces together lengthwise to form the poles.
It sometimes happens that the banks are covered with bushes, and
that the river is so deep that these poles cannot reach the bottom;
in such cases the sailors move the vessel forward by paddles three
feet long; and a place for the rowers is left open, quite at the
fore part of the vessel, occupying only twelve or fourteen feet.
They sometimes stand up close against the side of the vessel, and
at other times sit upon the merchandise, having scarcely room to
turn themselves round in consequence of the crowded state of the
canoe. These men are naked; they row very fast, and keep time.

The master stands at the stern and steers the vessel, not without
difficulty, by a long pole instead of a rudder. He experiences a
good deal of trouble in managing the unwieldy machine, so that it
is often found necessary for two others to assist him. A rudder
like that attached to the boats which descend the Seine, would
be extremely serviceable, but at present the people are ignorant
of the use of such a thing. Each of these vessels has a captain,
who maintains great authority over his crew, and I never witnessed
any abuse of this authority, as is sometimes the case with us,
especially in the merchant service. All the negro sailors who
navigate the river are slaves; there are also some captains of this
class, whose employers give them half of what they earn. Free men
think themselves degraded by accepting such employment.

On the 28th, at four o’clock in the morning, the wind fell and we
continued our course towards the north. The breadth of the river
did not vary, and its banks continued low and naked. About seven
o’clock in the morning the N.  E. wind blew stronger than on
the preceding day, and we were obliged to anchor before a large
plain of white quicksand, which, when inundated by the rising of
the waters, forms a great bank; the channel is on the left side
of the river. The wind, blowing up the sand in great quantities,
added to the inconvenience we were suffering from the heat.

To lighten the canoe all the slaves were set on shore, and the
rice-grinders were sent to continue their work on the plain. At
sunset the wind fell a little, and the oars might have been used
during the whole of the night, but the negroes, to whom time is of
no value, and who are never in a hurry to reach their destination,
thought proper to wait till morning.

The slaves, male and female, all Bambaras, began to leap, dance,
and amuse themselves in various ways. Their gaiety, however, proved
the cause of some trouble to us, for the Foulahs, observing them,
came on board at night-fall in a party of about thirty, armed
with bows and pikes. They severely censured the impropriety of
allowing the slaves to dance during the Ramadan, observing that
it was like making a scoff of religion, and that, as a punishment
for such misconduct, a fine of five thousand cowries (a sum equal
to twenty-five francs) must be paid. The master, to whose charge
the slaves had been committed, earnestly defended the cause of
his employer. A spirited altercation arose between the parties,
who were seated in a circle upon the sand. The Foulahs for some
time shewed no disposition to forego their demands, but at length
they were taught reason, and the dispute ended at the expense
of the poor slaves, who, as a punishment for dancing during this
sacred season, were each condemned to receive five lashes on the
back. The sentence, however, was not executed with much severity,
and it did not restrain the slaves from resuming their dance as
soon as the fanatical Foulahs departed.

From motives of prudence, I had for some time kept myself apart
from this scene, but I felt curious to know, before the departure
of these rigid defenders of Islamism, what was the subject of
dispute. I therefore approached the spot where they were and sat
down on the sand beside them. They were astonished at seeing me,
for I had hitherto escaped their observation, owing to the interest
they took in discussing the subject of the five thousand cowries,
which they conceived they had a right to exact. They told the master
that I must certainly be the chief of the canoe and the proprietor
of the cargo; that I must doubtless have money; and that I must
make them a handsome present.

The master answered them that I was a poor Arab, whom the
christians had carried off from his country when a boy, and that
I was proceeding to Mecca, to seek my relatives. This explanation
seemed to satisfy them, for they asked no more questions about me.

The proprietor of the canoe had put a Mandingo negro on board, to
take care of the cargo. This person was also directed to attend to
me; a duty which he performed very negligently, for, after leaving
Jenné, he gave me nothing but rice boiled in water, the food of
the slaves. He was more strict than the Moors, and fasted on the
voyage, not partaking of any thing until a repast was served to
us at half past six in the evening. This was the best meal I had
throughout the day, for he added a little dry fish and vegetable
butter to the dish. However, he made me eat at other times with
the slaves. I complained of this treatment, but the only reply
given to my repeated remonstrances was, that he did not choose to
have the trouble of lighting a fire for only one person, and that I
must be content with what he gave me. Not being able to do better,
I patiently bore my misfortune, and considered myself lucky when
I procured a little sour milk to relish my dinner.

On the 29th of March, about three o’clock in the morning, we
again put off. During the night time, the polar star served me
for a compass, and the position of the stars enabled me to guess
the hour. About nine o’clock a fresh breeze having sprung up,
we were obliged to wait till midday, when we began to move on. At
two o’clock we again stopped. The excessive heat brought upon me
an attack of fever, which, fortunately, was not followed by any bad
consequences. At five o’clock in the evening, the wind dropped,
and we were enabled to continue our voyage. At sun-set, we passed a
village on the left bank, close to which an arm of the river branches
off to the west. At eight in the evening, we found ourselves before
Wanza, having constantly advanced in a northern direction. We lay
to about one o’clock in the morning, at a point where there was no
village. Here the river might be three quarters of a mile broad, and
from eight to nine feet deep; the banks were uniformly low and bare.

On the 30th of March, at six in the morning, we put off, still in
the same direction. About nine o’clock, a violent north-east wind
arose, and obliged us to halt before the village of Sansan. Here
the river is of considerable breadth, but the banks being ornamented
with mimosas, presented a pleasing prospect after the long absence
of all vegetation. About five in the evening, the wind falling a
little, we advanced to the north-east. The country on either side of
the river was covered with numerous herds of oxen, whose lowing was
heard at a great distance; they belonged to the Foulahs, residing in
a village at some distance from the shore, and whose only property
is their cattle. At six in the evening, we passed over a sand-bank,
extending across the river, which is here a full mile in breadth.
The canoe ran aground several times, and the men were obliged to
jump into the water in order to get it afloat, for which about four
feet and a half water was requisite. By great efforts we gained
the channel, which runs near the right bank. Here I saw thousands
of trumpet-birds, which came down in flocks upon the sand banks,
and by their shrill cries seemed to sound a charge upon the fish,
destined by nature for their prey. There were also great numbers of
ducks, water-fowl, puffets, pelicans, and egrets, and multitudes of
the other varieties of water birds, which inhabit these marshes,
and brood undisturbed by the people of the surrounding countries.
Powder is a very scarce article here, and lead is unknown; pikes,
therefore, form the only arms of the inhabitants.

We continued our course till midnight; when, our wearied rowers
requiring rest, we moored the vessel to two stakes fixed in the
shore, and went to sleep.

On the thirty-first of March, at six in the morning, we started in a
northern direction. At seven we passed the village of Corocoïla,
situated on the right bank. This place contained from five to
six hundred inhabitants, chiefly Foulahs, and also some who came
originally from Jenné. In all the villages on the banks of the
river the same language is spoken as at Timbuctoo and Jenné; it is
called the _Kissour_. The Foulah language also is spoken in those
places. The banks of the river were still covered with numerous
herds of oxen.

At ten o’clock, we lay to about two miles to the north of
Cobi. Between this small village and Corocoïla is a pretty little
island, about two miles in circumference, covered with the finest
vegetation; I was astonished to find it uninhabited. In the evening
we made three miles towards the north, for the purpose of reaching
Cona, the first village in the country of Banan, which the negroes
call _Banan-dougou (land of Banan)_. Cona contains about eight
hundred inhabitants, all negroes. There are in the country some
Mandingoes and Foulahs, who are engaged in trade. It is situated
on the right bank of the river, and its environs are marshy.

The people on board our vessel purchased tamarinds, earthen pots,
and untanned ox-hides used for packing. The inhabitants brought us
milk, giraumons, and other articles.

In this place I met two Moors from Adrar, owners of a very large
canoe of eighty tons burden at least. They were going to Timbuctoo
to dispose of the merchandise they had bought at Jenné. A small
vessel of seven or eight tons, was employed to carry themselves
and provisions for their use and it followed the large canoe at
various distances; for the latter, encumbered with merchandise,
advanced but slowly.

After introducing themselves, they invited me to partake of their
boiled rice and some milk, while supper was preparing. About seven
in the evening they proceeded on their passage, but we stayed until
the next day.  Several of our men went to the village to make small
purchases for a venture. Banan is independent of Ségo-Ahmadou:
it is situated upon the right bank of the river, and extends
very far to the east.  The inhabitants are all Mahometans, and
the slaves, who are very numerous, are employed in tilling the
ground. The people build canoes, and make voyages to Jenné and
Timbuctoo. They are very rich in herds of oxen, sheep and goats,
and rear great quantities of poultry. They are very industrious,
and manufacture cotton stuffs, which they sell to the people of
the neighbouring towns and villages. The cotton tree, which they
cultivate, flourishes exceedingly in this place. They also make
cloth from the wool of sheep, for the purpose of traffic.

I saw the inhabitants, who never go out unless armed with pikes, and
bows and arrows. They have woolly hair and a very black complexion,
and are in other respects like the Mandingoes, to which race indeed
they belong, though they speak another language.

About ten at night, we left the village of Cona, with a fine
moon-light that would have favoured our progress, but the negroes
thought proper to lie to at eleven o’clock. As soon as the vessels
are anchored they betake themselves to sleep, without leaving any
one to keep watch, for they are not accustomed to such duty when
at anchor.

On the 1st of April, at six in the morning, we made ready to start:
a breeze was blowing, which however, about midnight so encreased
in violence, that we were compelled to stop. Had we attempted to
proceed, the canoe would infallibly have been destroyed; for during
this gale it made more water than usual.

The frequent halts which we were obliged to make were very annoying
to me; for I was obliged to remain on board exposed to the heat of
the sun. How pleased should I have been had the adjacent country
been like the smiling shores of the Senegal! But here the immense
monotonous plains on all sides fatigue the eye of the traveller.

The course of the river, though winding in some parts, is still
northward. On the morning of the 1st of April, I observed a large
hill, about two hundred and fifty feet high, distant three or four
miles from the left bank of the river. It was without vegetation,
and appeared to be composed of red sand.

We daily expected the owner of the canoe, who, on departing from
Jenné, promised to join us in two days. He had assured me, that
even in his absence I should be well treated on board. The case,
however, was quite the reverse, so I looked for him with the utmost
impatience, trusting that his presence would better my condition.

After my departure from Jenné, I had the misery of being the
only white man among the negroes, and with their language I was
unacquainted. This circumstance, joined to my being a stranger,
and almost destitute, emboldened them to insult me in the grossest
manner. I was absolutely ranked and treated as a slave.

During the day the heat was excessive, and I had great trouble
to find a place where I could be shaded from the burning sun,
which was almost insupportable, even in a state of inaction. In
the night I slept on deck, for there was no room for me below. I
was exposed to the dew and all the inclemency of the night; but I
took the precaution of wrapping myself in a sheep-skin. However,
this did not prevent me from being seized, on the 31st March,
with a violent fit of illness. I experienced severe numbness,
followed by great weakness, and my stomach rejected food.

During my illness I was permitted to go into the cabin; but the place
assigned me there was very inconvenient. I was with a Mandingo and
his female slave; and they allowed me so little room that I could
not lie straight; my head touched my knees. I had been particularly
recommended to the care of this negro by the sherif Oulad-Marmou;
but he paid no regard to the directions he had received, and showed
as little pity for me as the rest of the crew. I ought, however,
to exempt from this censure a young Foulah from Massina, to whom
the sherif had also recommended me. He was the only one who had
behaved to me with any kindness. He went on shore whenever I asked
him, bought me milk, and rendered me all the service he could. He
even endeavoured to console me when I expressed dissatisfaction
at the inattention with which I was treated by the rest. He
often reprimanded the slaves, who, following the example of their
superiors, behaved with the grossest insolence towards me. In short,
I should have been much worse off had it not been for the attention
of this kind-hearted young man.

In the course of my travels I have often had intercourse with the
Mandingoes, and, with the single exception of those of Cambaya, in
the Fouta, I have always found them arrogant when possessed of any
little authority, while they are fawning, mean, and servile, to their
superiors. I have seen them, in the passage from Tinné to Jenné,
insult the poor Bambaras while selling their merchandise, speaking
harshly to them, and even abusing them in their own language; but
whenever the Bambaras showed a disposition to resent this treatment,
the Mandingoes became all at once silent and humble. The women
have the same faults, in addition to which they have insufferably
harsh voices.

On the 1st of April, the wind continued blowing till four in
the evening, when it fell a little.  We rowed in a northern
direction. Near half past six in the evening we halted at Toï. The
river still continued the same; the banks being low and bare, and
in many places not a single shrub can be seen. At nine o’clock,
we started, and all night advanced towards the north. The river
makes a few small windings to the east.

On the 2nd of April the weather continued calm. Towards eight
o’clock in the morning we passed some large islands, situated not
far from the mouth of the lake Débo.  The river is here divided by
several islands, which separate it into different narrow branches
of great depth. Two of these islands are larger than the rest, and
might be habitable, for, when the river overflows, they are only
partially inundated. On one of these islands, there are the huts of
fishermen, and of shepherds, whose numerous flocks find rich pasture
on the marshes. These marshes are covered by aquatic birds of every
kind. There is an infinite number of other small islands covered
with rank grass, and inundated at all seasons. When this immense
river overflows all the herbage is under water, and then the lake
appears much more extensive; its banks are no longer perceptible,
and it might be mistaken for an inland Sea.

After a slow navigation, during which we made repeated halts,
we reached the mouth of the great lake about three in the
afternoon. About six miles S. W. of this entrance, there is a rock
in the form of a truncated sugarloaf; it is situated in an inundated
marsh which is covered with green herbage. This enormous rock, which
is quite bare, forms a singular contrast with the freshness of the
surrounding vegetation. As it has, though a very striking land-mark,
received no name from the natives, I thought proper to give it one,
and have named the whole spot St. Charles’s Island. In the lake,
and about nine or ten miles to the N. E. is a small island on which
I observed some trees almost destitute of leaves. It is capable
of being inhabited, and affords facilities for the formation of
a good port. I have named it Henry Island, in honour of his Royal
Highness the Duke of Bourdeaux. A third island, also formed of rock,
is situated between these two, a little to the eastward of the
line which would intersect them, and to it I have given the name of
Maria-Theresa, in honour of her Royal Highness the Dauphiness. Two
of these islands appear to command the mouth of the lake. Were
a fort built on one of the three it would command the environs,
and the navigation would be under the control of the possessor.

To the N. N. E. of the island of Maria-Theresa we observed a hill
about fifty or sixty fathoms high.  It is composed of red earth,
and of large porous rocks of the same colour. Some fishermen have
established themselves on the declivity of this hill, which is
extremely arid.

Land is seen on every side of the lake except on the west, where it
spreads out like an inland sea.  On coasting along its northern side,
and steering nearly W. N. W.  to the distance of fifteen miles, we
leave on the left a tongue of very flat land, which extends several
miles southward. It seems to close the passage of the lake, and to
form a kind of strait. Beyond this barrier the lake is prolonged,
as I have said, towards the west, until it is lost in the horizon.

The barrier I have just mentioned divides lake Debo into two lakes,
the upper and the lower. That through which the boats passed, and
in which the three islands I have mentioned are situated, is very
large. It extends in an easterly direction, and is surrounded by
extensive marshes. Land is visible on every side.

When we had advanced as far as the middle of the first division,
three of the large boats fired some muskets, to salute this
majestic lake, and the crew of each boat shouted with all their
might _Salam! Salam!_ repeating the cry several times. We stood off
from the eastern bank and navigated with great caution: the lake
was calm and the water clear. The current was not perceptible on
its surface, the depth of the part which we navigated was twelve
or thirteen feet. The canoes were merely rowed, and advanced very
slowly. I could not recover from my surprise at seeing so great
a mass of water in the heart of the country. There was something
very majestic in the sight.

About five in the evening we arrived off Gabibi, a small fishing
village on the right bank of the lake. The huts of this village are
made of straw and of a round form. Since we entered the lake we had
stood to the N. E. We passed close to the island of Maria-Theresa,
on which I observed some fine granite of a bright chesnut colour. We
took our departure from Gabibi, and at sun-set I saw, for the
first time, since I left the coast, that luminary sink into a sort
of ocean.

We proceeded along the shore, at some distance from it, in the
direction of W. N. W. The boatmen sang while they pushed along the
canoe with their poles. We observed large blocks of granite on the
shore. We brought to about eleven at night off Didhiover, a large
village inhabited by Foulahs, who have only straw huts like those
of the pastoral Foulahs. Some negroes went to the village to buy
giraumons. We could not procure a single drop of milk.




CHAPTER XX.


Tongom, a village in the country of the Dirimans — Co — Do
—Sa, a commercial port — Mercantile flotillas — The Soorgoos
or Tooariks, a nomadic and predatory tribe — Baraconga — Lelel
— Garfola —Filinsa — Baracondié — Tircy — Liquor made
from the kondoo — Alcodia, the Diriman capital — Customs of
the inhabitants — Salacoila — Cora — Coratoo — Separation
of the river into two branches — Arrival at Cabra, the port of
Timbuctoo — Description of the place.

On the 3rd of April we took our departure from the village of
Didhiover, which is situated near the northern entrance of the
lake. The river on issuing from the lake may be about six miles
broad. At sun-rise we stood towards the north. In the course of the
morning we passed the village of Tongom, which belongs to the country
of the Dirimans. It contains about four or five hundred inhabitants.

About one in the afternoon, we lay to at a spot where we observed
bushes and cut some for fire-wood. At this spot the river is
only about three quarters of a mile broad. I went ashore with the
slaves. The land, which is subject to inundations, is not destitute
of vegetation. I saw naucleas and mimosas twelve feet high. In the
course of the voyage, the master of the canoe asked me to lend him
five thousand cowries, until the Moor, who was the owner, and who
was daily expected, should arrive. The negro had already cheated
me more than once, and as I was apprehensive that I should never be
repaid, which would have infallibly been the case, I refused to lend
him such a sum. He made several individuals apply to me for him,
but I would not comply. Finding that I was determined not to lend
him the cowries, he threw out threats against me, and went so far
as to pull me by the legs to make me leave the boat. He collected
what articles belonged to me and threw them on deck, accompanying
the action with many violent and rude expressions. He intimated
that he would drive me among the slaves, and thus insulted me in
a thousand different ways.

When I went on shore he objected to my going in the small boat. I
knew not to whom I could complain of all these vexations, for there
was no person on board who could protect me. At last the young Foulah
obtained his consent to my going in the little canoe, to be put on
shore along with some slaves. On landing, I seated myself under the
shade of a mimosa, and, reflecting sorrowfully on the disagreeable
situation in which I should be placed during the voyage if I did not
lend him the cowries, I resolved to make that sacrifice. He came
on shore to me, and assailed me with fresh reproaches, insisting
at the same time that I certainly ought to place confidence in him,
and assuring me that he would repay the debt on the arrival of his
master. Though my resources were greatly diminished, and I felt
that the strictest economy was indispensible, I promised for the
sake of peace to lend him a thousand cowries. From that moment
our quarrel terminated.  His example was however followed by one
of his comrades. These two negroes completely abused the advantage
which circumstances had given them over me; and when we arrived at
Timbuctoo I found it impossible to procure repayment.

About three o’clock in the afternoon, while we were proceeding
on our voyage, the canoe, which had put off from the shore with
the slaves to bring them on board, sunk in consequence of being
leaky and overloaded. The poor women, embarrassed by the weight
of the pagnes about their loins, were in the greatest danger: but
prompt assistance was given and every one was got on board without
any further accident. It is usual to anchor the boats close to the
banks of the river, but when the canoe filled we were under way.

The river here makes an elbow towards the east of about six miles;
it then stretches towards the north. It is every where broad and
deep, but the banks are low and bare.

About seven in the evening we anchored opposite Mujo, a village of
the Diriman country, containing from three hundred and fifty to four
hundred inhabitants. The huts are of straw and in the sugar-loaf
form. In the evening I was informed of the arrival of Sidi-Mbark,[2]
the owner of our vessel. I immediately went to him and complained
of the bad conduct of his people to me, but he paid little attention
to my representations: he was along with a Moorish friend on board a
small boat of six tons burthen. He had determined to get under way,
immediately in order to reach Timbuctoo before us. I expressed a wish
to go with him in his boat which moved rapidly, but he alleged that
it was already too heavily laden, and that besides it was so small
that there was not sleeping room for me. He once more consigned me to
the care of the Mandingo, ordering him to supply me with provisions
during the remainder of the voyage, and to treat me better than
he had hitherto done. Sidi-Mbark afterwards tried to console me,
advising me to have patience, and assuring me that we were not far
from Cabra, which was the place of our destination.

The Moors of Adrar, whom I had seen in the country of Banan, stopped
with us at the same spot.  They sent Sidi-Mbark a plentiful supper,
consisting of rice, and dried meat, seasoned with giraumons and the
small onions of the country. He invited me to partake of the meal;
and I accepted his invitation with pleasure, for it was late and I
had not yet supped.  The Moors shew great address in eating with the
fingers; for my part, however, though I had long been accustomed to
take my food by handfuls, I was still far from being as expert as
they: I sometimes let part of the mess fall on the ground which gave
them great offence, and made them vent their anger in maledictions
on the Christians, who, they observed, had not even taught me how
to eat decently. This was the first comfortable meal I had made
since my departure from Jenné. Sidi-Mbark gave his men colat-nuts
to purchase provisions. I returned on board our boat, where I soon
learned how little regard was paid to the directions of the master
when he was absent.

At sun-rise we stood towards the north, at the rate of two miles
an hour, leaving Mbark asleep in his boat; he soon got up with us
however, for he had six good rowers: he came alongside of our boat
and put on board some merchandise, which had embarrassed him on
account of the room it occupied. He then gave his final orders and
left us, expressing his hope that every man would do his duty. The
river takes a turn to the west, the banks continue low, but at
this spot, the right bank was not entirely destitute of wood. At
ten o’clock we came to a spot were it made an elbow towards the
N. E. About half past ten we passed Co, a large village, in the
environs of which we observed some tamarind-trees and ronniers:
the left bank is formed by sand hills. There is a little island
in the midst of the river opposite to Co; it is inhabited by five
or six hundred Foulahs who have numerous flocks. At noon we found
the course of the river turning towards the N. E. and we proceeded
with it in that direction until half-past four, when it elbowed
round to the north. At this hour we passed in front of Do. The
river then stretched westward. It is still broad and deep enough
for the boatmen to use their paddles in navigating. At half-past
six we halted at Sa, a large village surrounded with a wall and
shaded by some tamarind-trees, (_tamarindus indicus_). This was the
only village with a wall which I had seen on the banks of the river
since we left Isaca. Here we joined from thirty to forty large boats,
all bound for Timbuctoo.  Many of these vessels were of about eighty
tons burthen. Sa is a rendezvous for the vessels which navigate in
this direction. It is their practice to assemble at this port and
to proceed on the voyage together, to guard against the depredations
of a tribe in the neighbourhood of this town, who often board their
boats and commit acts of violence and robbery. They are called
by the natives Soorgoos, and by the Moors Tooariks. There were
in the port of Sa from four to five hundred persons, seamen and
inhabitants, who gazed at the flotilla. The port was covered with
bales of merchandise, ready to be shipped on board the canoes. The
commercial activity appeared astonishing. There was something in
the appearance of the flotilla far more interesting than I could
have expected to find in the interior of Africa. The bustle on
every side almost made me fancy myself in a trading port of Europe.
The largest vessels belong to Moors, who carry on the principal
trade of the country: they form themselves into companies, and
employ their canoes in conveying merchandise to Timbuctoo, where
they are paid their freight in salt or cowries.

On the 5th of April, at sun-rise, we got under way and steered a
northerly course until eleven o’clock, when we came to a bend
in the river, which then flowed towards the N. E. On every side we
heard the joyous cries of the sailors, who also fired muskets, still
more strongly to express their gladness. We passed the village of
Baraconga, which is situated on the left bank. About one o’clock
we anchored before Tantala, a pretty village, where we bought some
dry fish, milk, and fine mats made of ronnier leaves. They are
of a long shape and yellow colour; they are used for sleeping on,
and for making sacks.

We continued our course to the N.  E. until sun-set, when we passed
a large branch of the river, which runs westerly. About seven
o’clock we brought to at Cooma, where we passed the night. The
river and its banks still presented the same uniformity of aspect.

On the 6th of April, at five in the morning, we got under way,
and stood towards the east. The course of the river was in that
direction, but with a number of small sinuosities on the northern
and southern sides. About three in the afternoon we passed Lelel,
a large village, containing from five to six hundred inhabitants,
and situated on the left bank. A little before it reaches this
village the river elbows round to the north for a mile and a half,
and then turns back to the east. At half past four in the evening we
passed Garfola, a village without a wall, and very much resembling
the former. I observed around it multitudes of Barbary ducks and
other aquatic birds. The banks in the neighbourhood of this village
are somewhat elevated. Some baobabs, bombaces, tamarinds, somps,
mimosas, and naucleas, adorn the environs. The river may be here
about half a mile broad. About seven o’clock we anchored at Doboo,
where we passed the night.

On the 7th of April we waited to give time to the heavy boats, which
we had left astern, to come up, and, about eight in the morning,
stood towards the N. E. with a gentle breeze, favourable for that
course. However, as it soon began to blow fresh, we anchored,
about nine o’clock, at Filinsa, a village containing five hundred
inhabitants. A great number of canoes were under repair in the
port. I saw the carpenters at work: the only tool they used was a
small hatchet, in the form of an adze, with which they shaped out,
awkwardly enough, little pieces of plank, the greater part of which
appeared to be in a state of decay. They were indeed fragments of
old canoes which were thus used for repairs. When there was a hole
in the side of a canoe, these carpenters clapped a bit of plank
upon it, and fastened it, or, as it were, stitched it on with rope,
made of the bark of trees. These patches are always very ill fitted,
but the apertures which are left are stopped up with a mixture of
bruised straw and clay. This compound is covered with a layer of
fresh straw, which is fixed by a second stitching with bark-rope. I
am astonished that boats thus constructed do not sink as soon as
they are afloat. A man is kept constantly employed in baling them,
to prevent their filling with the water which penetrates through the
seams. These canoes belonged to fishermen. Young girls, half naked,
came on board to us with milk and fresh butter.

The N. E. wind continued to blow till three o’clock, and it was
five in the morning before we began to prepare for prosecuting
our voyage. We had scarcely gone a mile when we observed that two
large boats had fallen astern, and we thought it right to wait for
them. We were then off Baracondié, a village opposite to which there
is a large island, which is inundated when the water is high. All
the villages from lake Debo belong to the Diriman country, which
extends to a great distance easterly. A number of pastoral Foulahs
also inhabit the banks of the river, and remove with their flocks
when the inundations commence.

On the 8th of April, at five in the morning, we left Baracondié
and directed our course westerly.  About eleven we brought to off
the village of Tircy. The N. E.  wind, Which blew a gale, obliged
us to anchor. Here the river takes a turn towards the north. The
village of Tircy contains about six hundred inhabitants; it consists
of straw huts, of the same form as those of the pastoral Foulahs
who inhabit the banks of the Senegal.

In the surrounding marshes I observed a number of negroes gathering
a large herb, which grows only in marshy grounds. This plant is
called kondoo: they dry it in the sun, and then pass it rapidly
over a flame to burn off the leaves, as the stalks only are
preserved. Of these they make large bundles, which they carry
home on their heads. I also saw several asses loaded with these
bundles. I asked my comrades what was done with this plant: they
told me, that after it is well washed and dried by the women, it is
reduced to a fine powder, which is put into a large earthen vase,
having the bottom perforated with small holes. Upon the powder warm
water is poured, and, in filtering, the water becomes impregnated
with the essence of the plant, which is of a saccharine nature. The
liquor thus obtained is much esteemed by the natives, who relish
it greatly; but it has the effect of a purgative on persons not
accustomed to drink it. It always retains a slightly smoky flavour,
which renders it disagreeable to strangers. The Mahomedan natives
indulge in this beverage without scruple: the Moors also drink it,
but they always mix with it a little sour milk.

The stalk of the kondoo is as thick as a reed; it is a creeping
plant, about eight or ten feet long; the leaves, which are
narrow, are six or eight inches long; their edges are indented or
serrated. The banks of the Dhioliba are covered with this plant. The
Dirimans and some Foulahs who inhabit Tircy came to sell us this
liquor, sour milk, fresh butter, dry fish, and mats. About a glassful
of milk was sold for five cowries.  I suppose that provisions were
scarce in this village, for the dealers hawked their goods on the
shore, and, in general, would take nothing but millet in payment. It
is true, that among the number, there were many pastoral Foulahs who
pay no attention to agriculture, and whose only resource consists
in their cattle.  Never travelling, and not being near any markets,
cowries are of no use to them; but millet is always a ready and
acceptable food. A bowl full of millet purchases twice the quantity
of milk which the same bowl will hold. This is the fixed rate of
dealing in the country. Young girls of twelve or fourteen years
lined the bank of the river, offering to sell us their merchandise:
they were nearly naked, having only a pagne round their loins.

Soon after our arrival at the village of Tircy, we learned that some
of the large boats had run aground, and that one of them had been
completely swamped. This unforeseen accident occasioned considerable
delay in the progress of the flotilla, which was obliged to stop
in order to give assistance to the wrecked boat. The crews of the
canoes hastened to help them; the greater part of the merchandise
was floating about in the river, and, notwithstanding the activity
which every individual displayed, only a very small part of the cargo
was saved. This was a considerable loss to the owners; for, though
the trade is very brisk, the merchants know nothing of the means
of protecting themselves from risks by insurances. Notwithstanding
this unfortunate occurrence, the Moor, whose neglect had caused it,
did not appear in the least concerned.

The 9th and 10th of April were employed in dragging some bags of
rice and millet out of the water; the negroes plunged in and one
was drowned. All the negroes of the flotilla came to the aid of the
wrecked canoe; they generally have an interest in rendering this
kind of service, for they receive, by way of reward, a portion
of the merchandise they save, except the manufactured stuffs,
the value of which they are paid in millet and rice.

I saw at Tircy the two Moors of Adrar whom I had met at Banan; they
greeted me cordially, and invited me many times to sup with them. As
I knew these people think much of presents, I gave them a part of
my dokhnou, a little baked bread, and a sheet of paper; these things
they received with gratitude. One of them asked me whether I wanted
some cowries to purchase milk with: as I had still from five to
six thousand left, I thanked them, but declined their obliging offer.

The women of the Dirimans, like all who live on the banks of the
river from Jenné to Timbuctoo, have their hair ornamented with
small glass beads; they also wear glass, and sometimes metal rings
in their noses. My fellow travellers told me that these people are
robbers, and that they often practise great cruelties; this I was
ready enough to believe, for, during the two days I staid among them,
I observed much quarrelling and fighting. Their dress is the same
as that of the people of Jenné; like them, they have woolly black
hair. They have handsome countenances, aquiline noses, thin lips,
and large eyes; they are armed with two or three pikes and a dagger,
which they promptly make use of on the least provocation. After being
engaged in a quarrel, they fall devoutly to their prayers, for they
are Musulmans, and they often rise from their religious duties merely
to begin fresh contentions. They use the bow and arrow against their
enemies; but some were armed with muskets, and some with sabres;
these weapons had been introduced by Europeans. I saw a man walking
on the bank of the river with a calabash full of saltpetre, which
he offered for sale: I was desirous of knowing in what way it had
been procured; the Moors informed me that saltpetre was manufactured
in the country, and that it was used for making gunpowder.

The village of Alcodia, the residence of the chief of the Dirimans,
is situated to the east of Tircy, from which it is a day and a
half’s journey distant. The crew, having saved all the merchandise
they could, prepared to start the next day.

On the 11th of April, at six in the morning, we left the village
of Tircy; the course of the river is northward. At seven o’clock
we passed Talbocoila; about nine we halted to take in our stock of
fire-wood. The wind blew gently from N. E. Two hours after we had
re-embarked, we observed that the river, which had hitherto always
continued of an equal width, became very narrow and deep; its banks
were still low and bare. In many places we saw on the right bank
quicksands, of a bright yellow colour; I perceived numerous herds
of cattle grazing in the surrounding marshes.

From five o’clock in the evening till seven, when we halted,
the river continued its course to the north. We saw a good many
hippopotami, who kept at some distance; I could see nothing of them
but their heads: the negroes assured me that they often saw them,
and that if they passed near the canoes they would shatter them,
as it were, with a touch. The river at this part is a little wider,
we crossed it to the other side during the night.

I gave the captain of the canoe (who since I had lent him some
cowries had become more civil) a bit of coloured cloth, to make him a
cap, on condition that he would supply me with proper food, till our
arrival at Cabra; thus I was much better fed, than I had previously
been, for the captain, who was not very scrupulous, took no notice
of the Rhamadan, and, indeed, lived very well for that country.

In the course of the night we were awakened by the roaring of
wild beasts.

On the 12th of April, at five in the morning, we stood to the east;
the river continued narrow, but deep; its width, however, was still
nearly equal to that of the Senegal at Podor; about eight o’clock
it made an elbow to the south, and became narrower. This part of the
river may be called the _dungeon_, the name given to a particular
part of the Senegal which is extremely narrow. The country on all
sides is low and damp, and very bare; at the narrow part of the
river, I have just mentioned, there are several marshy islands,
some of which are flooded all the year round; we also observed
four great arms, two on each side. The river seemed to lose itself
in the marshes, the banks being so low that, even at this season,
they are well nigh overflowed.

These marshes, extending as far as the eye can reach, are covered
with pasturage, and frequented by multitudes of water-fowl of
every species; by numerous herds of cattle, sheep, and some
horses, breaking, by their various cries, the silence of these
desert regions. These herds belong to the pastoral Foulahs, who
came to the river’s side to sell us their milk; they wanted to
barter it for tobacco, of which we had none to give them; we were,
consequently, obliged to go without their milk, for they would not
accept cowries in exchange.

When, by the overflowing of the river, all the marshes are covered to
the depth of eight or ten feet, this immense plain forms a vast lake;
at those periods, the tribes of pastoral Foulahs, who have their
huts in the neighbourhood, are obliged to retire into the interior,
where the pasture is abundant during the rainy season. Continuing
our course till ten o’clock in the morning, we found the river
bend to the north; at this part, a very wide arm, branching from
the river, extended to the east.

About eleven we passed Salacoila, a village of the wandering
Foulahs, situated on the right bank; they build their huts on the
quicksands. I went ashore with a negro to purchase a little milk, and
saw some of the women, who were pretty well dressed; they would not
take our cowries, but wanted millet or rice in exchange. They seemed
very gentle in their manners; I visited their little habitations;
they are of a circular form, made of a very pretty kind of matting,
manufactured in the place; this is laid on poles which are fixed in
the ground, and which, being flexible, curve inward at top; seven or
eight of these huts were surrounded by quickset hedges of _celane_,
a euphorbious plant which grows spontaneously on the sandy shores
of the Senegal; these huts were very neat, being cleanly swept in
the inside: they had no other furniture than a few mats spread on
the ground, by way of bedding: some calabashes, wooden plates and
skins for holding milk, were the only domestic utensils I saw. These
Foulahs have the same cast of features and the same resemblance
one to another as those in the neighbourhood of the Senegal; they,
however, speak another language, though they perfectly understand
that which is spoken at Timbuctoo. The only dress of the women was
an apron tied round their waists. They were all exceedingly clean,
and I do not think their hair was greased. They came in crowds to
see me, being very curious, and apparently, very devout, for when I
was going away they took up some sand in their hands and earnestly
requested me to pray over it.[3] I complied with their wishes,
gravely muttering some verses of the Koran. They then carefully
rolled up the sand in their aprons, with the intention of preserving
it as a precious talisman. The nenuphar (_nymphæa cærulea_) grows
in abundance in the immense marshes which surround Salacoila. The
largest species of this plant bears a beautiful blue flower. The
inhabitants gather and dry the seed, and it affords them a valuable
article of food. They also procure grain from the canoes which come
from Jenné.

I observed the river sensibly widening. Its direction still continued
northward. About two o’clock we stopped for some canoes that
were astern of us. At four we again pushed off, steering to the
N. E. The river now widened considerably. About ten we halted for
the night. Here we again observed many hippopotami sporting about
in the water. The negroes hunt this animal and sell its flesh,
which they esteem very highly.

On the morning of the 13th of April, we continued our course to
the north. I occasionally observed some alligators proudly rearing
their heads to the surface of the water, and apparently threatening
any one who might be bold enough to attack them. Scarcely had we
proceeded three or four miles when we were obliged to halt to assist
a canoe which had sunk. The crews of all the vessels were dispatched
for this purpose, and the whole cargo was saved, but not without
considerable difficulty. Every one assiduously exerted himself to
dry the wet merchandise, and stow it again. During this disorder
the whole cargo was lying on the shore exposed to the depredations
of the sailors, who would have made no scruple of appropriating any
article to themselves, had not guards been stationed here and there
to watch them. When the cargo was once more in safety, the men who
had rescued it were paid with millet. We then prepared to advance,
leaving the owners and crew of the wreck to wait till they could
get another canoe from Timbuctoo. Fortunately for them there was
no village near, or part of their cargo would in all probability
have been carried off.

About noon we took an easterly direction; the river continued wide,
its banks low and adorned with a few bushes. Along the shore I
observed the traces of elephants, who inhabited the neighbouring
woods. I was anxious to see one of these animals, but could not
gratify my curiosity. It is strange that, during my long wanderings
in the interior of Africa, which, according to the accounts of many
travellers, is infested with wild beasts, I never met with one. At
sun-set the river took a turn to the north. About nine in the evening
we stopped to rest for the night; the heat had been excessive.

At five on the morning of the 14th of April we again started. Half
an hour after sun-rise we passed two little islands pretty close
to each other; here I observed a large arm of the river running
W. S. W. At a little distance northward were two hills, which did
not appear very high.

At seven in the morning we found the river turning N. E. and
about nine o’clock it began to flow due east, in which direction
it continued for four or five miles; then again it turned N. E.,
and about two in the afternoon we found ourselves before the little
village of Diré, a dependency of Timbuctoo. As far as I could judge,
I should suppose it contained about 150 or 200 inhabitants. Their
houses are built of earth, and have terraced roofs. In an arm of
the river which branched off in the neighbourhood of the village,
there were six vessels of sixty tons burthen, on their way from
Jenné. They had been waiting for us sixteen days. The Soorgoos
or Tooariks would not allow them to pass without the payment
of a ransom. These robbers daily went on board the canoes to
levy contributions of food. The Soorgoos are a wandering tribe
who inhabit the banks of the Dhioliba. They contrive to make
themselves feared, and live at the expense of the poor negroes,
whom they make their tributaries. I shall describe them more fully
hereafter. The vessels which had been so long detained, joined
us, firing muskets in token of their joy. The negroes of Diré,
who are tributaries of the Soorgoos, informed us that the latter
were absent, and that consequently we should escape the annoyance
of their visits. In company with the canoes which had joined us,
we now proceeded about four miles to the north-east, and afterwards
turned due east. At sun-set we were overtaken by a violent storm,
and we gained the right bank of the river, to which we moored our
canoes with pikes made for that purpose. From N. E.  to S. W. the
sky was overspread with clouds driven by a gale, which continued part
of the night. It did not raise the sand, but the heat was very great.

At six o’clock on the morning of the 15th of April, we took an
easterly direction, and shortly afterwards I observed the river
turning S. E. It was still as wide and deep as before, and its banks
were very low. A few dwarf trees were growing in the plains. I was
astonished to see so vast a mass of water, notwithstanding the idea
I had formed of the magnitude of this river before my departure. The
Senegal is but an ordinary river in comparison with this, which,
at the season here referred to, was nine or ten feet deep. The
current is scarcely perceptible; I should think about a knot and
a half an hour. About eight in the morning we passed an island, on
which grow some low shrubs. We proceeded but slowly, having to wait
for the large canoes, which could not advance so rapidly as we did.

About half past eight in the morning we lay to for half an hour
before the island. We saw the little village of Khokhoola, which
like Diré, is a dependence of Timbuctoo. Here we met a little canoe
which had left that city on the preceding morning. She had on board
several of the Soorgoos, who exact a maintenance for themselves as
far as Salacoila, where they stop, and then get conveyed home by
some returning canoes. If they cannot obtain a conveyance in this
way, they travel home by land. At Khokhoola the river takes a little
turn to the N. E. and then to the north. The Soorgoos were waiting
for us in the village, having been informed of our expected arrival.

They came on board the canoes, being rowed, from the shore, in
little boats of their own. They were supplied with rice and water
and honey mixed, a beverage of which they are exceedingly fond, and
which they call _Jenné-hari_ (water of Jenné.) These vagabonds levy
their exactions without moderation. We did not allow them to come
on board our canoe; we handed them out a bag of rice and they went
away to importune some of our companions. When they are on board
the canoes, and the negroes want to get rid of them, they fire a
musket close to their ears, and they speedily take their departure,
for they are very much afraid of gunpowder. They themselves never
make use of fire-arms.

During the visit of the Soorgoos I was directed to go below,
to avoid being seen by them; for, when they see a Moor on board,
especially if his colour be lighter than usual, they assert that
he is richer than the rest, as if his fortune depended on his
complexion. They then become extremely troublesome, and will not
suffer the canoes to depart without exacting a contribution from
the white man, whom they call _almankoye_ (the rich man.).

I was afterwards informed that these savages had detained on
shore a Moor, whose complexion was, unluckily, not very dark,
and who was imprudent enough not to conceal himself. They extorted
merciless contributions from him.  The Moors, aware of this danger,
are accustomed to conceal themselves in the canoes, and only quit
their hiding-place during the night.

The negroes only have the privilege of remaining on deck; they
are looked upon as an inferior class, who have not much to give,
and are merely the servants of the Moorish merchant.

Wishing to see without being seen, I made several holes in
the matting that covered that part of the canoe in which I was
concealed. In this place the heat was so excessive, that it gave
me a violent head-ache. The Moorish merchants of Timbuctoo have no
authority over these robbers: not one of them would have ventured
among the Soorgoos to claim the six canoes which were so long
detained. If they had, they would have been sure of being laid
under contribution themselves; yet, they frequently make presents
to the Soorgoos.

Each flotilla that navigates the river has a chief called the
_amiroo_, and it is he who determines the periods for halting and
starting; he is always the oldest man among the crews; it is his
business to settle the amount of the contributions with the Soorgoos:
though he has some influence over them, yet he can do nothing in
behalf of the Moors, and if the Soorgoos see one on board his
canoe, they become refractory, and often proceed to the utmost
extremities to obtain what they want.  “If you were not worth
a single cowrie,” said the negroes of our canoe to me, “they
would declare that you were very rich, and you would be obliged to
give them something before they would allow us to proceed.”

The river, after flowing three or four miles to the north, turns
to the east, and then to the N. E.; its width still continuing the
same, and its banks being uniformly low and barren.

At eight in the evening we stopped before the little village of Cora,
which, perhaps, contains two hundred inhabitants. Here we had another
visit from the Soorgoos. They immediately went on board the canoe
of the chief of the flotilla, to demand the contributions. Each
canoe was ordered to put ashore a bag of millet for their supper,
and the order was obeyed without hesitation. I was informed that
the chief had engaged to pay at Cabra the exactions for allowing us
to pass; which exactions consisted of millet, rice, honey, butter,
manufactured stuffs, and preserved articles.

During the whole of the evening lightning flashed from the east. The
heat was oppressive, and we had no rain.

On the 16th of April, we were detained at Cora until ten in
the morning; the negro inhabitants of this village came to sell
us milk, for which we gave them millet in exchange; they often
want provisions, though they cultivate a great deal of rice; but
they are continually robbed and harassed by the Soorgoos, who
make these poor creatures supply them with food. At ten in the
morning we stood to the N. E. There were some Soorgoos on board
the canoes, and others were following us on horseback along the
seashore. About one in the afternoon we lay to near some trees and
shrubs, and collected a little fire-wood. At two we continued our
course. At the point we reached at sun-set the river turned to the
north, and was very wide and deep. The sailors now used their oars
instead of their poles. At eight in the evening we halted before a
camp of the Soorgoo. The discussions which arose with these people
occasioned considerable delay, and were a source of great annoyance,
especially to me, who was shut up in my hiding-place, suffocated
with heat, and only able to observe what was going on through the
holes which I had made in the mats of my prison. We were continually
harassed by troops of these banditti: some were in small canoes,
others mounted on fine horses, gallopping along the shore, and by
the most horrid yells instigating their companions in the canoes
to board us. This tumult was insufferable. We did not entirely get
rid of our tormentors until our arrival at Cabra. Every evening our
canoes were obliged to give them rice and millet for their supper,
in return for which they presented the chief of the flotilla with a
little bull, which was killed and distributed among the masters of
the different canoes. The reports of the muskets which the negroes
fired before the camp, frightened the horses of those Soorgoos who
had ridden from the interior for the purpose of sharing the spoil.

On the 17th of April, at six in the morning, the flotilla stood to
the north. We had not proceeded above four or five miles, when we
were obliged to stop and wait for one of the great canoes which had
sprung a leak, and was in momentary danger of sinking; the sailors
on board set about repairing it; they plunged into the water with
great agility and put oakum into the seams along the keel. About
three in the afternoon all was put to rights, and we again pursued
our course.  The river was very wide and deep, and its banks were
naked and marshy; it took a little turn to the east, and afterwards
to the north: in every direction nothing was visible but marshes,
without trees of any kind. At sun-set the new moon was saluted by
several discharges of musketry, which so terrified the Soorgoos,
that they hastened ashore, and I heard some of them exclaim in
their little canoes, “God preserve us from gunpowder!” The only
arms used by these people, are lances and poniards. About seven
o’clock we passed Caratoo, a little village on the right bank,
and about nine, we stopped at an uninhabited place.

At five in the morning, of the 18th of April, we continued our
voyage. The river turned eastward, and at seven o’clock we found
its course changing to N. E.; it then became rather narrow, the
banks being all along very low and bare.  The immense marshes on
both banks were covered with cattle belonging to the Soorgoos. These
herds as I have already observed, are their chief property.

At eight in the morning we stopped to say the prayer of the salam,
it being the last day of the Ramadan, which the Mandingoes call
_Sali_. We were within sight of Cabra, and the negroes testified
their joy on perceiving the date trees of the village. They put
on their finest dress, assembled in a large plain, and piously
prostrated themselves in adoration of their God. I remained in the
canoe, and observed them through the holes that I had made in the
matting of my prison, where the heat was suffocating. I congratulated
myself that I was not required to join in these religious ceremonies,
and secretly offered up a prayer that my enterprise might be favoured
by Heaven.  Their devotions being ended, the negroes went to dinner,
and good cheer compensated for their past abstinence, which, however,
had not been very rigorously observed. An easterly wind obliged us
to pass some part of the day at this spot.

About four in the afternoon it became somewhat calm, and preparations
were made for pursuing our voyage; but the Soorgoos opposed our
departure until they had received four sacks of millet from each
boat, independently of the duties we should be obliged to pay them
on arriving at Cabra. This exaction on their part led to a long
discussion: all the masters of canoes gathered round the chief
of the flotilla, attended by the chiefs of the Soorgoos, and each
party defended their own interests and those of their employers with
considerable warmth. The Soorgoos were not inclined to abate their
demands; but, by dint of entreaty and resistance, the contributions
were reduced to one-half the amount which had been at first demanded.

About nine in the evening the canoes received orders to send on shore
two sacks of millet; which was done without delay. These sacks were
of the height of a man, and as wide as the sacks commonly used in
France. I suppose they might contain nearly two hundred pounds of
grain. Never did any day appear to me so long and tedious as this. I
was almost within sight of Timbuctoo, and durst not shew my face:
I was obliged to hide myself the whole day; and, if at any time
the Soorgoos came on board, the crew obliged me to muffle myself
up in a large woollen wrapper, and to pretend to sleep. At night
I left my prison, for then the Soorgoos could not distinguish my
complexion from that of the negroes, and I breathed the pure air
until day-break.

On the 19th of April, at five in the morning, we stood to N. E.,
and at sun-rise passed a large branch of the river, which flows for
a short space to W. S .W.  About seven o’clock we found ourselves
near a camp of Tooariks, the aspect of which was most miserable. The
tents which the Moors inhabit on the right bank of the Senegal
are palaces in comparison with the dwellings of these savages:
a few stakes, three or four feet high, supporting a covering of
untanned bulls’ hides, and encircled by mats, in the form of a
palisade, compose the abode of the chief, as well as of his meanest
sujects. The interior of these habitations appeared to correspond
perfectly with their exterior.

As we were very near the shore, I could observe a woman who had
the clear copper complexion of the Moorish females, whom she still
further resembled in dress: she was enormously fat, and was sitting
on a sheep-skin spread on the ground; she was doubtless amusing
herself by looking at the vessels as they passed. During my travels
among the Braknas I never saw a woman who had attained such a degree
of corpulency, though that quality constitutes the principal charm
of female beauty among these people. This Tooarik Venus must have
required four slaves at least to assist her in walking. The river now
turned a little to the east. After having passed the camp, we came to
a large island, off which we halted till eight o’clock, having to
wait for some boats, which could not proceed as fast as ours. This
island is very flat and sandy, but I observed some specimens of
the mimosa, _balanitis ægyptiaca_, and other stunted shrubs.

About nine o’clock we again put off, and at ten arrived at a place
where the river separates into two branches: the principal of these
might be three-quarters of a mile broad, running gently E. S. E.;
the direction of the other is E. by N.; it is deep, and its breadth
is from thirty-five to forty paces.

About one o’clock P. M. we arrived at the port of Cabra, and I was
informed that I might quit my prison, the Soorgoos having remained
behind; I speedily went on deck, whence I could see nothing around
me but flooded morasses covered with aquatic birds. This arm of
the river is very narrow, and the current stronger than in the
large arm. I think it not unlikely that at a little distance it
joins the Dhioliba, for in this place the branch inclines to the
east. If this is the case, the river forms a large marshy island,
which must be flooded during the inundations.

Across these immense marshes is discovered the village or little
town of Cabra, situated on a small hill, which protects it from
inundation. I was told that in the rainy season these marshes are
covered with water to the depth of ten feet, which appeared to me
a surprising depth for so vast a space, and that at those periods
large vessels cast anchor before Cabra. A little canal leads to
this village; but small boats only can enter the port. If the canal
were cleared of the grass and nenuphars which choke the passage,
vessels of twenty-five tons burthen might go up it in all seasons;
but such a task would be too toilsome for the negroes.

I embarked on board a small canoe, in company with the Moors from
Adrar, to proceed to Cabra. The negro slaves hauled the canoe along
by a rope, as the pole would not have been sufficient to move it. We
met several small canoes which had been dispatched for the purpose of
conveying to the town the most valuable commodities brought by the
vessels from Jenné. About three in the afternoon we reached Cabra,
which is situated three miles to the north of the great port. On
entering it I observed a number of straw huts like those of the
Foulahs, which were inhabited by trading slaves. Near their huts
was a great quantity of the fruit of the nenuphar, which constitutes
part of the food of the slaves and poorer classes.

I observed in the streets a great concourse of people and merchants;
some walking idly about, others endeavouring to dispose of their
goods, consisting of fish, milk, colat-nuts, pistachios, &c. The
town of Cabra is narrow, and extends east and west; the houses are
built of earth with terraced roofs, and have only a ground-floor; few
of them are well built, being chiefly cabins, for the richer class
of people prefer living at Timbuctoo, the centre of commerce. The
inhabitants of Cabra, about a thousand or twelve hundred in number,
are all employed, either in landing the various merchandise brought
from Jenné, or in conveying it to Timbuctoo.  For this purpose
they make use of asses and camels. The slaves do not carry loads
on their heads; this would be a bad speculation for their masters,
for the poor creatures would soon be worn out, as the road leading to
the town consists of quicksand which renders walking very difficult.

At Cabra a market is daily held for the sale of all sorts of
merchandise from Soudan. The town contains a little mosque,
surrounded by a tower or minaret. To the west of the town there are
some specimens of the _balanitis ægyptiaca_, and small gardens of
tobacco; this latter plant, however, does not thrive, and seldom
grows higher than six or seven inches. On the east side there are
some date-trees, which are visible from a distance.

The almost constant inundation of the marshes, in the neighbourhood
of Cabra prevents the inhabitants from cultivating rice; and the
sandy soil on the north is unfit for growing millet.  The Moors from
Adrar, in whose boat I had come from the great port, having unloaded
the canoe, placed their goods in a store-house, until they should be
ready to convey them to the city. The inhabitants of Cabra let their
magazines to merchants, who wish to deposit their goods in the town;
and they also let out asses for carrying loads to Timbuctoo.

I went out to take a view of the interior of the village. The
streets are narrow, but neat. I saw several female traders, and
from one of them I bought a little milk and a loaf of wheaten flour,
which cost me twenty cowries. I made a hearty breakfast, for I had
not tasted any thing all day. I had not cause to think much of the
honesty of the woman from whom I made the purchase, for she wanted
to make me pay twice. I was foolish enough to pay her beforehand;
it is the custom in this country to lay the value of what is bought
on the basket in which the goods lie, and the money is not removed
until the article is in the hands of the purchaser.  This precaution
does not say much for the honesty of either buyers or sellers.

I saw in the port a number of large canoes undergoing repair.
The owners are accustomed, as soon as the boats are unladen, to
draw them on shore, where they are supported on large round blocks
of wood, which keep them a little elevated from the ground. Were
it not for this prudent practice, the cords with which the planks
are fastened together would very quickly rot. The little port of
Cabra extends east and west for the space of half a mile, being
about sixty paces broad. It would be a very useful place, were it
kept in better order; but it is very dirty and full of mud. Numbers
of men and women are always ready in the port to load and unload
the vessels. This was the day for celebrating the conclusion of the
Ramadan. The inhabitants were dancing and indulging in their simple
demonstrations of joy. They were all decently clothed. I asked a
female slave, who was sitting before her hut, for some water to
drink. She immediately rose, and, washing a wooden bowl, brought
me some water in it, which she presented to me with great civility.

The Soorgoos, or Tooariks, receive at Cabra the duties which they
levy on vessels. They roam about the village, and behave in the
most arbitrary way, making the inhabitants give them provisions
and other property—in fact, seizing whatever they can lay their
hands on. The inhabitants of Cabra took no notice of me. The Moors
of Adrar invited me to partake of their supper of rice, which
I found very palatable; and I passed the night in the open air,
sleeping on a mat beside my companions. I was a little tormented
by the mosquitoes, which, however, are not so common on the banks
of the Dhioliba as on those of the Senegal.

On the 25th of April, the merchants of Timbuctoo came to Cabra,
to land their goods. They were mounted on excellent horses.
Sidi-Abdallahi Chebir, to whom I had been directed by the sherif of
Jenné, did not come; but he sent his slaves. They were all well
clothed, and armed with a common kind of muskets, made at Tunis.
Sidi-Mbark, the owner of the canoe which had conveyed me to Cabra,
had arrived at Timbuctoo several days before us, and had mentioned
me to Sidi-Abdallah Chebir. He, consulting only the duty imposed
on him by his religion (for he had not yet received the letter of
his correspondent in my behalf) ordered his slaves to congratulate
me on my happy arrival, and to invite me to visit him. This message
led me to augur a good reception from him.




CHAPTER XXI.


Journey from Cabra to Timbuctoo — First view of the city — The
Kissoors — The king grants the traveller an audience — Condition
of the slaves — Description of the city, its buildings, extent,
and commerce — Food and dress of the people — Bousbéhey, a city
of the Zawats — Toudeyni — Tribe of Salah — Terror inspired
by the Tooariks — Description of that tribe — The Ginbulas —
Particulars respecting the fate of Major Laing — Reflexions on
the means of penetrating to the centre of Africa.

On the 20th of April, at half past three, I set out for
Timbuctoo, escorted by Sidi-Abdallah Chebir’s slaves. Our road
lay northward. The slaves who had been on board our canoe also
accompanied us, so that we formed a numerous caravan. The youngest
slaves were mounted upon asses, as the road is very sandy and
wearisome. Near Cabra we passed two lakes, the banks of which were
overgrown with mimosas from five to six feet high. A little further
the eye was refreshed by some signs of vegetation. The country
presented the same scenery until we had proceeded half way on our
journey, and then it began to be more naked, and the sand becoming
exceedingly loose, rendered travelling very difficult. On the road we
were followed by a Tooarik, mounted on a superb horse. This marauder,
who appeared to be about fifty years of age, shewed a disposition to
appropriate to himself a young negro slave.  Sidi-Abdallah Chebir’s
men represented to him that the slave belonged to their master,
and that if, on arriving at the city, he would pay him a visit,
he would doubtless receive a present. This appeared to satisfy him,
and he ceased to molest us. He eyed me narrowly, and several times
inquired who I was, and whence I came.  They told him I was poor,
and he relinquished the hope of getting any thing from me.

At length, we arrived safely at Timbuctoo, just as the sun was
touching the horizon. I now saw this capital of the Soudan,
to reach which had so long been the object of my wishes. On
entering this mysterious city, which is an object of curiosity
and research to the civilised nations of Europe, I experienced an
indescribable satisfaction. I never before felt a similar emotion
and my transport was extreme. I was obliged, however to restrain
my feelings, and to God alone did I confide my joy. With what
gratitude did I return thanks to Heaven, for the happy result which
attended my enterprise! How many grateful thanksgivings did I pour
forth for the protection which God had vouchsafed to me, amidst
obstacles and dangers which appeared insurmountable. This duty
being ended, I looked around and found that the sight before me,
did not answer my expectations. I had formed a totally different
idea of the grandeur and wealth of Timbuctoo. The city presented,
at first view, nothing but a mass of ill-looking houses, built of
earth. Nothing was to be seen in all directions but immense plains
of quicksand of a yellowish white colour. The sky was a pale red as
far as the horizon: all nature wore a dreary aspect, and the most
profound silence prevailed; not even the warbling of a bird was to
be heard. Still, though I cannot account for the impression, there
was something imposing in the aspect of a great city, raised in the
midst of sands, and the difficulties surmounted by its founders
cannot fail to excite admiration. I am inclined to think, that
formerly the river flowed close to Timbuctoo; though at present it
is eight miles to the north of that city, and five miles from Cabra,
in the same direction.

I took up my abode with Sidi-Abdallahi, who received me in the most
friendly manner. He had already been indirectly acquainted with the
alleged circumstances, which, as I pretended, had occasioned my
journey across the Soudan. He invited me to sup with him; and an
excellent couscous of millet and mutton was served up.  Six of us
partook of the dish, and we ate with our fingers; but in as cleanly
a way as was possible under such circumstances.  Sidi-Abdallahi,
according to the custom of his countrymen, did not say a word to
me. He was a mild, quiet, reserved man. His age might be about
forty or forty-five. He was five feet high, stout and pitted with
the small-pox. His countenance was pleasing, his manners grave,
and rather dignified. He had no fault but his religious fanaticism.

After bidding my host good night, I went to repose upon a mat which
was spread upon the ground in my new lodging. At Timbuctoo the nights
are as hot as the days, and I could get no rest in the chamber which
had been prepared for me. I removed to the court adjoining the house,
but still found it impossible to sleep. The heat was oppressive;
not a breath of air freshened the atmosphere.  In the whole course
of my travels I never found myself more uncomfortable.

On the morning of the 21st of April, I went to pay my respects
to my host, who received me with affability; afterwards I took a
turn round the city. I found it neither so large nor so populous
as I had expected. Its commerce is not so considerable as fame has
reported. There was not as at Jenné, a concourse of strangers from
all parts of the Soudan. I saw in the streets of Timbuctoo only
the camels, which had arrived from Cabra laden with the merchandise
of the flotilla, a few groups of the inhabitants sitting on mats,
conversing together, and Moors lying asleep in the shade before
their doors. In a word, every thing had a dull appearance.

I was surprised at the inactivity, I may even say, indolence,
displayed in the city. Some colat-nut venders were crying their
goods in the streets, as at Jenné.

About four in the afternoon, when the heat had diminished, I saw
several negro traders, all well clothed and mounted on good horses
richly harnessed, go out to ride. Prudence forbids them to venture
far from the city, for fear of the Tooariks, who would make them
pay dearly for their excursions.

In consequence of the oppressive heat the market is not held until
three in the afternoon. There were few strangers to be seen except
the Moors of the neighbouring tribe of Zawât, who often come hither;
but in comparison with Jenné, the market is a desert.

At Timbuctoo, it is very unusual to see any other merchandise except
what is brought by the vessels and a few articles from Europe,
such as glass wares, amber, coral, sulphur, paper, &c.

I saw three shops kept in small rooms, well stored with stuffs of
European manufacture. The merchants put out at their doors cakes
of salt for sale, but they never exhibit them in the market. Such
as do business at the market have stalls made of stakes covered
with mats, to protect them against the heat of the sun. My host
Sidi-Abdallahi was obliging enough to shew me over one of his
magazines in which he stowed his European merchandise. I observed
there many double-barrel guns, with the mark of Saint-Etienne,
and other manufactories. In general French muskets are much prized,
and sell at a higher rate than those of other nations. I also saw
some beautiful elephants’ teeth. My host told me that he procured
some from Jenné, but the larger ones had been bought at Timbuctoo;
they are brought hither by the Tooariks or Soorgoos, the Kissoors,
and the Dirimans, who inhabit the banks of the river. They do not
hunt the elephant with fire-arms, but catch it in snares. I regret
having never seen one of these animals caught.

On the 22nd of April, Sidi-Mbark, to whom I had made a present of
a piece of cloth with the view of gaining his friendship, told
me he should have a caravan ready in two days to go to Tafilet,
and that I must hold myself prepared to accompany him to the great
desert. This information vexed me, for I was not disposed to quit
Timbuctoo so soon. I did not, however, lose all hope of prolonging
my stay in that city.

In the evening I mentioned Mbark’s proposition to my host, adding
that I was greatly fatigued by the long journey I had performed on
foot, and that I wished to rest at Timbuctoo for about a fortnight,
after which I would avail myself of the first caravan that might
depart. I had scarcely expressed this wish, when he interrupted me,
saying in the kindest manner: “You may remain here longer than
a fortnight, if you please. You will gratify me by so doing; you
shall want for nothing.” I gratefully thanked him for his generous
hospitality. Shortly after I had another instance of his kindness,
for which I was very grateful. He had at first given me a chamber
to myself; but the Mandingo negro by whom I had been so ill treated
on board the canoe, on his arrival in Timbuctoo, quartered himself
and his female slave in my apartment. I bore this patiently for some
days; but the presence of the intruders prevented me from taking my
notes which I could only do in secret.  I mentioned to Sidi-Abdallahi
that I should prefer being alone; and, after reprimanding the negro,
he lodged me in another house belonging to him, which was near the
marketplace and opposite to that which had been occupied by Major
Laing, the street only intervening between them.

Often, when seated before my door, I thought of the fate of that
unfortunate traveller, who, after surmounting numberless dangers and
privations, was cruelly assassinated when on the eve of returning to
his country. In the course of these reflections I could not repress
a feeling of apprehension, lest, should I be discovered, I might
be doomed to a fate more horrible than death—to slavery! But
I determined to act with caution, and not to afford any ground
for suspicion.

I found myself much more comfortable in my new lodging.
Sidi-Abdallahi my host had directed a mat to be spread in my chamber,
of which he gave me the key. The slaves who lived in the house were
ordered to wait on me, and they brought me twice a day couscous
and rice seasoned with beef or mutton.

The city of Timbuctoo is principally inhabited by negroes of the
Kissoor nation. Many Moors also reside there. They are engaged in
trade, and, like Europeans, who repair to the colonies in the hope
of making their fortunes, they usually return to their own country to
enjoy the fruits of their industry. They have considerable influence
over the native inhabitants of Timbuctoo, whose king or governor
is a negro. This prince, who is named Osman, is much respected by
his subjects. He is very simple in his manners: his dress is like
that of the Moors of Morocco; and his house is no better furnished
than those of the Moorish merchants. He is himself a merchant, and
his sons trade with Jenné. He inherited a considerable fortune
from his ancestors, and is very rich. He has four wives, besides
an infinite number of slaves, and is a zealous Mahometan.

The sovereignty is hereditary, descending to the eldest son. The king
does not levy any tribute on his subjects or on foreign merchants,
but he receives presents. There is no regular government. The king
is like a father ruling his children. He is mild and just, and has
nothing to fear from his subjects. The whole community, indeed,
exhibits the amiable and simple manners of the patriarchs. In case
of war, all are ready to serve; but the mild and inoffensive manners
of these people afford little ground for quarrels, and when they
arise the natives of Timbuctoo repair to their chief, who assembles
a council of the elders, all of whom are blacks. Though the Moors
are not permitted to take part in these councils, yet my host
Sidi-Abdallahi, the friend of Osman, was sometimes allowed to be
present at them. The Moors acknowledge a superior among themselves;
but they are, nevertheless, amenable to the authorities of the
country. I requested my host to present me to the king, which,
with his usual good-nature he consented to do.

The prince received me in the midst of his court. He was seated
on a beautiful mat with a rich cushion. We seated ourselves for a
few moments at a little distance from him. Sidi-Abdallahi, after
briefly relating my adventures, told him that I wished to pay my
respects to him. I could not understand their conversation, for
they spoke in the language of the Kissoors. The king afterwards
addressed me in Arabic, asking some questions about the christians,
and the manner in which they had treated me. After a short time we
took our leave: I wished to have seen the interior of the house, but
my curiosity could not be gratified. The king appeared to be of an
exceedingly amiable disposition; his age might be about fifty-five,
and his hair was white and curly. He was of the middling height,
and his colour was jet black. He had an aquiline nose, thin lips,
a grey beard, and large eyes, and his whole countenance was pleasing;
his dress, like those of the Moors, was composed of stuff of European
manufacture. On his head was a red cap, bound round with a large
piece of muslin in the form of a turban. His shoes were of morocco,
shaped like our morning slippers, and made in the country. He often
visited the mosque.

There are, as I have already mentioned, many Moors in Timbuctoo,
and they occupy the finest houses in the city. They very soon
become rich in trade, and they receive consignments of merchandise
from Adrar, Tafilet, Tawât, Ardamas, Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers.
They receive from Europe tobacco and other articles, which they
send by canoes to Jenné and elsewhere. Timbuctoo may be regarded
as the principal _entrepôt_ of this part of Africa. All the salt
obtained from the mines of Toudeyni, is brought hither on camels.
The Moors of Morocco and other countries who travel to the Soudan,
remain six or eight months at Timbuctoo to sell their goods, and
get their camels re-laden.

The cakes of salt are tied together with cords, made of a sort
of grass which grows in the neighbourhood of Tandaye. This grass
is dry when gathered; but it is afterwards moistened, and then
buried under ground to keep it from the sun and the east wind,
which would dry it too rapidly. When sufficiently impregnated with
moisture, it is taken out of the earth and platted into cord, which
the Moors use for various purposes. The camels frequently throw
their loads off their backs, and when the cakes of salt arrive in
the town they are frequently broken. This would spoil their sale,
if the merchants did not take the precaution of making the slaves
join them together again. When the pieces are fastened together,
the cakes are packed up again with a stronger kind of cord made
of bull’s hide. The cakes are ornamented with little designs,
such as stripes, lozenges, &c., traced in black. The slaves are very
fond of executing these ornaments, an employment which enables them
to collect a little supply of salt for their own use. In general,
the slaves are better treated at Timbuctoo than in other countries.
They are well clothed and fed, and seldom beaten. They are required
to observe religious duties, which they do very punctually; but
they are nevertheless regarded as merchandise, and are exported to
Tripoli, Morocco, and other parts of the coast, where they are not
so happy as at Timbuctoo. They always leave that place with regret,
though they are ignorant of the fate that awaits them elsewhere.

At the time of my departure, I saw several slaves affectionately
bidding each other adieu. The conformity of their melancholy
condition excites among them a feeling of sympathy and mutual
interest. At parting, they recommended good behaviour to each other;
but the Moors frequently hurry their departure, and interrupt
these affecting scenes, which are so well calculated to excite
commiseration for their fate.

When I was at the mosque, a middle-aged Moor stepped up to me
gravely, and without saying a word slipped a handful of cowries into
the pocket of my coussabe. He withdrew immediately, without affording
me time to thank him. I was much surprised at this delicate way of
giving alms.

The city of Timbuctoo forms a sort of triangle, measuring about three
miles in circuit. The houses are large, but not high, consisting
entirely of a ground-floor. In some, a sort of little closet is
constructed above the entrance. They are built of bricks of a round
form, rolled in the hands, and baked in the sun. The walls, except
as far as regards their height, resemble those of Jenné.

The streets of Timbuctoo are clean, and sufficiently wide to permit
three horsemen to pass abreast. Both within and without the town
there are many straw huts of a circular form, like those of the
pastoral Foulahs. They serve as dwellings for the poor, and for
the slaves who sell merchandise for their masters.

Timbuctoo contains seven mosques, two of which are large; each is
surmounted by a brick tower.

This mysterious city, which has been an object of curiosity for so
many ages, and of whose population, civilization, and trade with the
Soudan, such exaggerated notions have prevailed, is situated in an
immense plain of white sand, having no vegetation but stunted trees
and shrubs, such as the _mimosa ferruginea_, which grows no higher
than three or four feet. The city is not closed by any barrier,
and may be entered on any side. Within the town are seen some of
the _balanitis ægyptiaca_, and in the centre is a palm tree.

Timbuctoo may contain at most about ten or twelve thousand
inhabitants; all are engaged in trade. The population is at times
augmented by the Arabs, who come with the caravans, and remain awhile
in the city. In the plain several species of grass and thistles
afford food for the camels. Fire-wood is very scarce, being all
brought from the neighbourhood of Cabra. It is an article of trade,
and the women sell it in the market-place. It is only burnt by the
rich; the poor use camel-dung for fuel. Water is also sold in the
market-place; the women give a measure containing about half a pint
for a cowrie.

Timbuctoo, though one of the largest cities I have seen in Africa,
possesses no other resources but its trade in salt, the soil
being totally unfit for cultivation. The inhabitants procure from
Jenné every thing requisite for the supply of their wants, such
as millet, rice, vegetable butter, honey, cotton, Soudan cloth,
preserved provisions, candles, soap, allspice, onions, dried fish,
pistachios, &c.

If the vessels from Cabra should chance to be stopped by the
Tooariks, the inhabitants of Timbuctoo would be reduced to famine.
To obviate this misfortune, they take care to have their warehouses
always amply stored with every kind of provision. I saw the magazines
of Sidi-Abdallahi full of great sacks of rice, which keeps better
than millet.

For these reasons, the vessels which come down the river to
Cabra are deterred from making any resistance to the Tooariks,
notwithstanding the burthen of their exactions. I was assured
that, if the crews dared but to strike one of these savages, they
would forthwith declare war against Timbuctoo, and intercept all
communication with the port; the city could then receive no supplies.

To the W. S. W. of the town there are large excavations, from
thirty-five to forty feet deep: these are reservoirs, which are
supplied by the rains. Hither the slaves resort to procure water
for drink and cooking. This water is tolerably clear, but it has
a disagreeable taste and is very hot.

These reservoirs had no covering whatever; the water is
consequently exposed to the influence of the sun and the hot wind.
The excavations are dug in loose sand. I descended into the largest
of them by a gentle declivity: the bottom was not quite covered with
water. I remarked some veins of hard red sand; with this exception
the soil was grey sand, of a coarsish grain.

Near the reservoirs are some small plantations of tobacco. This
plant grows here no higher than five or six inches, and that only
by dint of watering. It is the only cultivated vegetable that I
observed in this country. Some negroes were engaged in gathering it;
and I remarked that it had already run to seed. They dry the leaves
and pound them in a mortar, and then take the powder without any
further preparation. It is merely a green powder, and has not even
the smell of tobacco. They bring it to market; but the richer class
of people prefer that which comes from Morocco, which is of a far
better quality.

The inhabitants of Timbuctoo do not smoke, but the wandering Moors
who dwell in the neighbourhood of the city use pipes.

The slaves draw the water from the reservoirs in calabashes,
with which they fill leathern bags, which are carried by asses.
Before they proceed to work, they always amuse themselves with a
short dance; for, in spite of their hard lot, they are constantly
full of gaiety. On their return home, they pour the water into jars,
where it cools and loses somewhat of its disagreeable taste.  I saw
some female slaves washing in large calabashes beside the reservoirs.

Two days’ journey N. E. of Timbuctoo stands the town of Bousbéhey,
built of bricks, made of a sandy clay. It belongs to the tribe of
Zawât, who wander in the desert of that name. The inhabitants of
Bousbéhey trade in salt, which they procure in the small village of
Toudeyni. They possess many camels, which constitute their principal
property: they drink their milk, of which they also make butter. They
possess a few sheep and some horned cattle.

The merchants of Timbuctoo purchase cattle from these people, and
give in exchange millet and rice; for the soil of Bousbéhey is
totally barren, and scarcely furnishes fodder for the camels. The
Timbuctoo merchants likewise procure salt at Toudeyni, for which
they barter millet, rice, cloth, and gold.

Bousbéhey and Toudeyni, being only supplied with the grain which
the merchants of Timbuctoo receive from Jenné, would of course be
reduced to famine if the trade between the two latter cities should
be interrupted.

The country of Salah, which is inhabited by a wandering tribe
like that of Zawât, is situated on the east, and is ten days’
journey from Timbuctoo, whither the people of Salah often come for
the purpose of trade. They possess numerous herds of camels, the
milk of which, together with the grain they procure from Timbuctoo,
forms their subsistence. Sidi-Abdallahi informed me, that there
was no traffic or communication by water between Timbuctoo and the
country of Haoussa; because, said he, the navigation of the river
ceases at Cabra.

The negroes and Moors devote their attention exclusively to trade:
they possess but limited ideas of geography. All to whom I applied
for information respecting the course of the river to the east and
E. S. E. of Timbuctoo agreed in stating, that it runs to Haoussa,
and empties itself into the Nile.[4] I was unable to obtain any
more accurate information on this point, and the great problem
of the issue of the Dhioliba into the ocean will thus be left to
the demonstration of some more fortunate traveller; but, if I may
be permitted to hazard an opinion as to the course of the river,
I should say, that it probably empties itself by several mouths
into the Gulf of Benin.

The Moors of Tripoli, as well as those of Ardamas, trade with
Haoussa, whither they carry European merchandise, and in exchange
bring back gold, which they procure in the rich country of Wangara;
they afterwards go to Timbuctoo with packages of the fine cloth of
Wangara, which is woven in narrow breadths, dyed a beautiful blue,
and well glazed with gum. Sidi-Abdallahi shewed me a beautiful
piece; it resembled the cloth manufactured by the negroes more to
the north. At Galam, in 1819, I saw a similar kind of cloth which
was brought from Sego, and was made by the Bambaras. It was as well
glazed as that which I saw at Timbuctoo. In general, the negroes
of the Senegal set a high value on this article.

As the country of Timbuctoo is entirely destitute of pasture,
(for even the camels can scarcely find food) the people obtain a
considerable quantity of fodder from Cabra, which the inhabitants
of that town grow in the marshes, and which they dry for the
purpose of selling to those who keep horses, cattle, sheep, and
goats. This forage is stowed on the roofs of the houses. Timbuctoo
and its environs present the most monotonous and barren scene I ever
beheld. I once indeed saw a herd of camels near the town feeding here
and there upon thistles which had been dried up by the scorching east
wind, and on branches of the _mimosa ferruginea_, the long thorns
of which did not prevent these animals from devouring them. I was
told that these camels belonged to the Moors who journey across
the great desert.

All the native inhabitants of Timbuctoo are zealous Mahometans;
their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Like the Arabs, they
are allowed to have four wives each. The women attend to domestic
occupations, and they are not like the Mandingo females, subject
to the punishment of beating. The people of Timbuctoo, who are in
constant communication with the half-civilized inhabitants of the
Mediterranean, have some idea of the dignity of human nature. I
have constantly observed in my travels, that in proportion as a
people was uncivilized the women were always more enslaved. The
female sex in Africa have reason to pray for the progress of
cultivation. The women of Timbuctoo are not veiled like those of
Morocco: they are allowed to go out when they please, and are at
liberty to see any one. The people are gentle and complaisant to
strangers. In trade they are industrious and intelligent; and the
traders are generally wealthy and have many slaves. The men are of
the ordinary size, well made, upright, and walk with a firm step.
Their colour is a fine deep black. Their noses are a little more
aquiline than those of the Mandigoes, and like them they have thin
lips and large eyes. I saw some women who might be considered
pretty. They are all well fed: their meals, of which they take
two a day, consist of rice, and couscous made of small millet,
dressed with meat or dried fish. Those negroes who are in easy
circumstances, like the Moors, breakfast on wheaten bread, tea,
and butter made from cow’s milk. Those of inferior condition use
vegetable butter. Generally speaking, the negroes are not so well
lodged as the Moors. The latter have great influence over them,
and indeed, consider themselves far their superiors.

[Illustration: WOMAN OF THE CITY OF TIMBUCTOO.]

The inhabitants of Timbuctoo are exceedingly neat in their dress
and in the interior of their dwellings. Their domestic articles
consist of calabashes and wooden platters. They are unacquainted
with the use of knives and forks, and they believe that, like them,
all people in the world eat with their fingers. Their furniture
merely consists of mats for sitting on; and their beds are made
by fixing four stakes in the ground at one end of the room, and
stretching over them some mats or a cow-hide. The rich have cotton
mattresses, and coverlets, which the neighbouring Moors manufacture
from camel’s hair and sheep’s wool. I saw a woman of Cabra
employed in spinning these coverlets.

The natives of Timbuctoo, as I before observed, have several
wives, and to these many add their slaves. The Moors, indeed,
cohabit only with their slaves, and these females are employed
in vending merchandise in the streets, such as colats, allspice,
&c. Some also have a little stall in the market-place, while the
favourite stays at home, superintending those whose business it
is to cook for the household: the favourite herself prepares the
husband’s meals. These women are very neatly dressed: their costume
consists of a coussabe, like that worn by the men, except that it
has not large sleeves. Their shoes are of morocco. The fashion
of the head-dress sometimes varies; it principally consists of
a _fatara_ of fine muslin, or some other cotton stuff of European
manufacture. Their hair is beautifully platted. The principal tress,
which is about an inch thick, comes from the back to the front of the
head, and is terminated by a piece of cornelian of a round form and
concave in the centre; they put a little cushion under the tress to
support it, and add to that ornament several other trinkets, made of
imitation of amber or coral, and bits of cornelian cut like that just
mentioned. They also anoint the head and the whole body with butter,
but less profusely than the Bambaras and the Mandingoes. The great
heat, which is augmented by the scorching east wind, renders this
custom necessary. The women of the richer class have always a great
number of glass beads about their necks and in their ears. Like the
women of Jenné, they wear nose-rings; and the female who is not
rich enough to procure a ring, substitutes a bit of red silk for it;
they wear silver bracelets, and ancle-rings of plated steel, the
latter of which are made in the country; instead of being round,
like the bracelets, are flat, and about four inches broad. Some
pretty designs are engraved on them.

The female slaves of rich masters have gold ornaments about their
necks; instead of wearing ear-rings as in the environs of the
Senegal, they have little plates in the form of a necklace. A
few days after my arrival at Timbuctoo I fell in with a negro,
who was parading about the streets two women, whom I recollected to
have been fellow-passengers with me on board the canoe. These women
were not young, but their master, to give them the appearance of an
age better suited to the market, had dressed them well. They wore
fine white pagnes, large gold ear-rings, and each had two or three
necklaces of the same metal. When I passed them, they looked at me,
and smiled. They did not appear in the least mortified at being
exhibited in the streets for sale, but manifested an indifference
which I could easily enough account for, by the state of degradation
to which they had been reduced and their total ignorance of the
natural rights of mankind. They thought that tilings should be so,
and that they had come into this world to be bought and sold.

The negroes of the Diriman Malaka and Kissoor villages, situated
on the banks of the river, come to Timbuctoo in their canoes. They
bring to that market slaves, ivory, dried fish, earthen pots, and
various other articles, which they exchange for glass trinkets,
amber, coral and salt.

To the south of Timbuctoo there is a country called _Ginbala_,
which extends far inland. The inhabitants are, as I was told,
all Mahometans. They seldom come to Timbuctoo on account of the
Tooariks, whom they dread. They are very industrious, and raise
crops of millet and rice; they are hospitable to strangers, and
have numerous herds of horned cattle and flocks of sheep and goats.
They grow cotton, with which they manufacture stuffs for clothing.
Having nothing to fear in communicating with Jenné, they prefer
trading with that place.

The Foulahs who inhabit the neighbourhood of the river also visit
Timbuctoo. The few whom I happened to see were similar in features
and colour to those of the Fouta-Dhialon. They were armed with
several pikes.

The trade of Timbuctoo is considerably cramped by the Tooariks,
a warlike nation who render the inhabitants of the town their
tributaries. The latter, for the privilege of carrying on their
trade, give them what they demand, independently of the duties
levied on the flotillas at Cabra. A refusal to satisfy them would
be attended with serious consequences; for the Tooariks are very
numerous, and sufficiently strong to cut off all communication
between Cabra and Timbuctoo, when the city and its neighbourhood,
having within themselves no agricultural resources, would be
reduced to famine. The Moors entertain a profound contempt for the
Tooariks, and when they would express their utmost hatred of them,
they compare them to the christians, whom they suppose to be the
same kind of vagabonds and depredators. I endeavoured to refute this
error, which received implicit credit here. I assured them that the
Europeans were not to be compared to those marauders; that, instead
of robbing, they were always ready to assist and succour their fellow
creatures. “But if the christians are so very good,” said they,
“why did you not stay among them;” This question embarrassed
me a little; but I replied that God had ordained it otherwise,
and had inspired me with the idea of returning to my country to
resume the religion of my fathers.

The house of my host Sidi was constantly infested with Tooariks
and Arabs. These people visit Timbuctoo for the sole purpose of
extorting from the inhabitants what they call presents, but what
might be more properly called forced contributions. I have often
seen them sit in the court and insist on being supplied with food
until the master sent them his tribute. They always come on horseback
and their horses must be provided with forage.

When the chief of the Tooariks arrives with his suite at Timbuctoo,
it is a general calamity, and yet every one overwhelms him with
attention, and sends presents to him and his followers. He sometimes
remains there two months, being maintained all that time at the
expense of the inhabitants and the king, who sometimes give them
really valuable presents, and they return home laden with millet,
rice, honey, and preserved articles.

The Tooariks and Soorgoos are the same people: the former name
is given to them by the Moors and the latter by the negroes. They
are a wandering race, and inhabit the banks of the Dhioliba from
the village of Diré to the environs of Haoussa, which my host
informed me was twenty days’ journey E. by S. E. of Timbuctoo,
situated in a vast country of the same name, watered by the river.

The Tooariks have terrified the negroes of their neighbourhood into
subjection, and they inflict upon them the most cruel depredations
and exactions. Like the Arabs, they have fine horses which facilitate
their marauding expeditions. The people exposed to their attacks
stand in such awe of them, that the appearance of three or four
Tooariks is sufficient to strike terror into five or six villages. At
Timbuctoo the slaves are never allowed to go out of the town after
sun-set, lest they should be carried off by the Tooariks, who
forcibly seize all who fall in their way. The condition of these
unhappy beings is then more deplorable than ever. I saw some in
the little canoes almost naked, and their masters were constantly
threatening to beat them.

The Tooariks possess numerous flocks of sheep and herds of oxen and
goats. Milk and meat are their only food. Their slaves gather the
seed of the nenuphar, which is very common in all the surrounding
marshes; they dry it and thrash it. It is so small that it does
not require bruising; they boil it with their fish. The Tooariks
cultivate no kind of vegetable. Their slaves are employed in
tending their flocks and herds. They have no grain for their own
use, except what they obtain from the flotillas passing from Jenné
to Timbuctoo. During the swell of the waters, the Tooariks retire
a little into the interior of the country, where they find good
pasture. They have numerous herds of camels, whose milk is always
a certain resource for them.

The Foulahs who live in the neighbourhood of the river are not kept
in subjection by these savages. The Foulahs are very superior to
the pure negro race; they are full of energy, and are too brave
to submit to the degrading yoke of the Tooariks. These Foulahs do
not speak the Poulh language of the Fouta-Dhialon. I addressed to
them some words in that dialect which they did not understand. They
speak the language of Timbuctoo; but they have also a particular
dialect which they use among themselves. All those whom I saw on
the banks of the river were rovers.

I sometimes saw the camels of the Tooariks employed in transporting
merchandise from Cabra to Timbuctoo; but only the poorest among
them would condescend to earn any thing by this sort of labour. The
rich are too proud to work. They sell at Timbuctoo oxen and sheep
for the usual consumption of the town. Milk is very dear and not
so good as on the banks of the river.

The Tooariks have, like all Mahometans, several wives. The largest
and the fattest are the most admired. To be a real beauty with them,
a woman must have such a degree of obesity as will render her unable
to walk without two assistants.

They are dressed like the Moorish women on the banks of the Senegal;
but instead of blue Guinea stuffs they wear blue pagnes, which are
brought from Jenné, and which the merchants of Timbuctoo procure for
them. Those I saw in passing the chief’s camp were very dirty, and
the men did not appear to be very careful about their dress. Like
the negroes of Timbuctoo, they wore a white or blue coussabe,
and trowsers reaching to the ancle, such as are worn at Jenné and
Timbuctoo. The slaves have breeches, like the Moors who inhabit the
banks of the Senegal. The dress of the Tooariks, except as to the
head, resembles that of the Moors. They wear, both night and day,
a band of cotton cloth, which passing over the forehead hangs down
over the eyes and even upon the nose, for they are obliged to throw
back the head a little to enable them to see.  After two or three
turns round the head the band is passed under the nose, and made
to descend a little below the chin, so that only the point of the
nose is visible. They do not take it off either to eat, to drink,
or to smoke. On these occasions they merely lift up this bandage,
which the negroes call _fatara_.

The Tooariks are great smokers. They have all fine horses, which they
manage ably. They are as cruel as they are warlike. Their weapons
consist of three or four pikes and a poniard which they wear on
the left arm; the blade pointing upward and the hilt touching the
back of the hand. To the sheath of these poniards is attached a
kind of muff, through which the hand is passed; they are straight
and very well made. This weapon is brought from the banks of the
Mediterranean. These men also carry bucklers, of tanned ox-hide,
the workmanship of which is elegant. In their form they resemble
the shields of the ancient knights, except that they are square at
the extremities.[5] They are adorned with handsome designs, and are
large enough to cover the whole body.  Some negroes of Timbuctoo have
likewise bucklers of the same form, but smaller. The only weapons
of the Tooariks, who are always on horseback, are the lance and the
poniard. They do not use the bow, as the management of their bucklers
would prevent them from employing that weapon advantageously. The
people who compose this wandering tribe have long hair and a very
swarthy complexion, like the Moors. The nose is aquiline, the eyes
large, the mouth finely formed, the face long, and the forehead
rather elevated. The expression of their countenance is, however,
savage and barbarous.  They are supposed to be of Arab origin,
and in fact, in some of their customs they resemble that race; but
they speak a particular dialect. They assemble in force to attack
the caravans from Tripoli, but the Morocco caravans are less exposed
to their depredations because their haunts are more northerly. They
keep many slaves, whom they partly employ in collecting gum on the
banks of the river. This gum, and also considerable quantities of
ivory, they sell to the merchants of Timbuctoo.

It is astonishing that such a number of different tribes submit
quietly to the yoke of these Tooariks, when, were they to come to
an understanding, they could so easily rid themselves of their
troublesome enemy. The Dirimans, the Ginbalas, the Kissoors,
and the Moors of Zawâ and Salah, if united, would be greatly
superior to the Tooariks, and could soon deliver themselves from
their oppression. The Tooariks dread fire-arms, of which they make
no use, while the negroes of Timbuctoo and the Moors are armed with
double-barrel guns.

The Foulahs in the neighbourhood of Jenné, led by their chief
Sego-Ahmadoo, attacked the Tooariks; the Foulahs were few in
number, on account of their distance from their country, and the
difficulty of procuring supplies of provisions; nevertheless,
they defeated the Tooariks, made a number of prisoners, whom they
put to death, and carried off a multitude of slaves and cattle,
which were valuable prizes to the victors. This defeat proves,
that there is no good reason for the dread with which the Tooariks
are regarded, and that they are really formidable to those only
who fear them.  Were these tributaries, supported by the Moors,
to attempt to throw off their yoke, they would quickly succeed;
but, in general, the negroes are indolent, and the Moors, being
addicted to commerce, have no martial character. Sego-Ahmadoo,
indignant at seeing these Tooariks, who are Mahometans, although
certainly not very zealous disciples of that creed, imposing a tax
on the vessels from his country, has determined to make war upon
them; but he is too distant to maintain a long war. I conjecture
that Mungo Park was murdered by these barbarians.

After residing four years at Jenné, or Timbuctoo, the Moors return
to their own country with a little fortune; they carry with them a
number of slaves; the greater part, however, prefer trading with
Sansanding and Yamina, on account of the vicinity of the gold
mines of Bouré, whence they obtain considerable supplies of this
precious metal. The Arabs, who come from Tafilet, Adrar, Tripoli,
and other countries, bring wheat to Timbuctoo: of the flour of
this wheat small leavened loaves are made; they are round, and
weigh about half a pound each; the bread is good, and a loaf may
be purchased for about forty cowries, (equal to four sous French
money). The rich merchants, as I believe I have already observed,
eat this bread at breakfast, with tea; they have tea services which
are brought from Morocco; those which I saw were made of tin, and
the cups were small, like Sidi-Ulad-Marmoo’s, at Jenné. All the
negroes of Timbuctoo are able to read the Koran, and even know it
by heart; they make their children begin to learn it very early,
whether they take upon themselves the task of instructing them,
or confide their education to the Moors, of whose abilities they
have a high opinion. They employ writing in their correspondence
with Jenné.

Provisions are very dear in Timbuctoo, and I should have been greatly
embarrassed if, as at Timé, I had been obliged to maintain myself,
for my means would have been soon exhausted. To the worthy and
generous Sidi-Abdallahi-Chebir, I was therefore indebted for my
return through the great desert. I had only merchandise to the
value of thirty-five piastres, which I reserved to buy a camel,
to carry me to the sea-coast, either through the great desert, or
by directing my course westerly. I confess that the idea of crossing
the Sahara in so dry a season was accompanied by not a little alarm;
I was afraid that, with my slight resources, I should not be able to
support the privations and fatigues of such a journey, augmented,
as they must be, by a scorching wind, which blows unceasingly and
renders the heat intolerable. However, after mature reflection, I
resolved to encounter the dangers to which the great drought could
not fail to expose me, and to venture with a caravan among the moving
sands of the desert. I reflected that if I should return by the way
of Sego, Sansanding, and our establishments at Galam, those who
might envy the success of my enterprise, the very undertaking of
which had created for me many enemies, would pretend to doubt the
fact of my journey and of my residence at Timbuctoo, whereas, by
returning through the Barbary states, the mere mention of the point
at which I had arrived would reduce the most malignant to silence.

Sidi-Abdallahi daily lavished on me marks of his kindness; he
even went so far as to urge me to remain in Timbuctoo. He said
he would give me merchandise to trade on my own account; and,
observed, that when I should have accumulated sufficient profit,
I might return to my own country without assistance from any one.
However, the fear of being discovered, joined to a strong wish to
re-visit my native land, induced me to decline his generous offers.
I considered, moreover that, as my departure for the interior of
Africa was not authentically known, even that circumstance would
be buried in oblivion, were I to perish, and the observations I had
made would be lost to my country. Influenced by these considerations,
I resolved to endeavour to return as speedily as possible. As the
opportunity on which I relied, was likely to occur soon, I did not
neglect to take advantage of the short time which would probably
be at my disposal. I visited the great mosque on the west side of
the town; it is larger than that on the east, but is built in the
same style. The walls are in bad repair, their facing being damaged
by the rains, which fall in the months of August and September,
and which are always brought on by easterly winds, accompanied by
violent storms. Several buttresses are raised against the wall to
support them; I ascended the tower, though its staircase, which is
internal, is almost demolished. I returned several times to make my
notes, for in this little frequented spot I was not afraid of being
observed. During these travels, I always endeavoured to conceal
myself while writing, lest I should awaken the suspicion of the
Moslems: I always endeavoured to get into a wood, or placed myself
under the shade of a bush or a rock, when I wished to commit what
I thought worthy of remark to writing.[6]

From the tower I had an extensive view over an immense plain of white
sand, on which nothing grows except a few stunted shrubs, the _mimosa
ferruginea_, and where the uniformity of the picture is only here
and there broken by some scattered hills or banks of sand. I could
not help contemplating with astonishment the extraordinary city
before me, created solely by the wants of commerce, and destitute
of every resource except what its accidental position as a place
of exchange affords. The western quarter of the mosque seems very
ancient, but the whole façade on that side is in ruins. There
are also some vaulted arcades, from which the whole of the plaster
facing is detached. This mosque is constructed of sun-dried bricks,
of nearly the same form as those made in Europe. The walls are
rough-cast with a kind of coarse sand, similar to that of which the
bricks are made, mixed with the gluten of rice. In some parts of
the desert there is found a very hard ash-coloured earth, in which
sand predominates. This earth has been used in making the bricks
for the mosque. The rest of the edifice appears to have been built
after the western part was in ruins. Though the new part is very
well for a people ignorant of architecture, it is greatly inferior
to the ancient remains.

I was surprised to find in the ancient part three galleries, each
supported by ten arcades, as well built as if they had been the
work of a skilful architect. The arches are six feet wide and ten
high; there the plaster is in an excellent state, and appears to
have been white-washed. The style and the position of this building
connect it with the ruins. I am inclined to think that the mosque
consisted originally of this part only, and that additions were
afterwards made to it.

The eastern part is composed of six galleries; those of the west are
supported by nineteen pillars. The apertures are each six feet and
a half wide, and ten or eleven high. The workmanship, though pretty
well executed, is, as I have already observed, far from equalling
that of the other quarter. The first three galleries on the east
side, are one hundred and four ordinary paces[7] long, and about two
and a half broad: the three next are only sixty-four long. The length
of those on the west is only thirty nine paces. They lead to the
great tower, which faces an inner court, closed on the west by the
ruins. It is of a square form, but terminates in a small truncated
pyramid, which is also built of brick and surmounted by a pot of
baked earth. Its height may be estimated at fifty or fifty-five
feet from the base to the summit.  The steps of the staircase,
which is constructed internally, are supported by pieces of wood
fixed in the walls and covered with earth. The dilapidated state
of the staircase prevented me from ascertaining the exact number
of the steps, but I observed the traces of thirty-two.

[Illustration: SKETCH OF THE PLAN OF THE GREAT MOSQUE OF TIMBUCTOO,
AND VIEW TAKEN FROM THE E. N. E.]

[Illustration: 1, 4, 3, DETAILS OF THE GREAT MOSQUE OF TIMBUCTOO; 4,
5, PLAN AND FRONT OF THE HOUSE OF SIDI ABDALLAH CHEBIR, IN WHICH MR.
CAILLIÉ RESIDED.]

The walls of the mosque are fifteen feet high and twenty-five or
twenty-six inches thick. The top of the wall of the east front is
indented in the form of battlements, the salient parts of which are
surmounted by pots of baked earth, similar to that on the summit
of the tower.

Another massive tower, of a conical form, surmounts the front
wall. It is about thirty feet high. On the dome, projecting pieces
of wood are perceptible, the use of which seems to be to unite
the masonry.

The roof of the mosque has a terrace like that of the tower, and
is moreover surrounded with a parapet eighteen inches high.

The roof of the building is supported by rafters, formed of the
trunks of the ronnier tree split into four, and placed at the
distance of a foot from each other. Pieces of salvadora wood,
brought from Cabra, where it grows in great abundance, cut to the
length of the intervals between the rafters, are placed obliquely
in double rows, crossing each other. Over these are laid mats made
of the leaves of the ronnier, which are covered with earth.

This mosque has five gates of different sizes on the eastern side,
three on the south side, and two on the north. On the western side
the ruins form at once the boundary of the mosque and of the city. On
the eastern and northern sides, the floor of the building is level
with the ground; but on the south is an ascent of four steps.

On the eastern wall, in the interior of the building, there are some
ornaments made of yellow clay. They are in the form of a chevron or
triangular festoon, two feet high, with an opening of a foot and
a half. They commence about eighteen inches above the ground. The
pillars supporting the arcades in front, have some ornaments of
the same material tolerably executed, but very much defaced. A
kind of niche, in the centre of the eastern wall, is destined for
the marabout who officiates at prayers. In another similar niche
there is a large wooden pulpit, into which the priest ascends by
two or three steps, on the days when he reads certain passages of
the Koran. The floor of the mosque was covered with mats, on which
the people kneel during prayers.

Conceiving that the description alone would not convey an adequate
idea of the construction of this mosque, I ventured to make
a sketch of it, as well as of the town; both would, I thought,
convey a better idea than words alone of the objects with which I
wish to make the reader acquainted[8].

To make my sketch of the mosque, I sat down in the street in front of
it, and, covering myself in my large wrapper which I folded over my
knees, I held in my hand a sheet of white paper close to a leaf of
the Koran. When I perceived any one approaching, I hid my drawing,
and looking at the leaf of the Koran I appeared to be absorbed in
devotion. The passers-by, far from suspecting me, regarded me as
one of the elect, and applauded my zeal[9].

The eastern mosque is much smaller than that on the western side. It
is surmounted by a square tower, similar in form and dimensions
to that of the western mosque. The walls are entirely stripped
of their parget. Many buttresses have been erected to support the
building. It has three arcaded avenues. The galleries are six feet
wide and thirty feet long.

[Illustration: MR. CAILLIÉ MEDITATING UPON THE KORAN AND TAKING
NOTES.]

[Illustration: VIEW OF THE CITY OF TIMBUCTOO.]

The mosque itself is thirty paces long and five and twenty wide.
The arcades which are three feet and a half wide and seven and a
half high are built of the same bricks as those of the western
mosque. There is an inner court, which must be passed through
before we can ascend the tower. No part of this mosque is in ruins,
though it appears very old. It is not very regularly built. I
remarked that it had two gates looking to the south and one to
the north. The western and eastern sides had no apertures. Near
the mosque, on the eastern side, are seen a small hillock of sand,
and some buildings overwhelmed by the sand blown up by the east wind.

In the centre of the town is a kind of square surrounded by circular
huts. Here grow some _palmæ christi_ and a palm-tree, the only
one I saw in the country. In the middle of this square is a large
hole, dug for a receptacle for filth. Two enormous heaps on the
outside of the town appeared to me to be also collections of dirt
or rubbish. Many a time have I ascended to the tops of these hills
to obtain a complete view of the town and to make my sketch[10].

A third and somewhat remarkable mosque stands nearly in the centre
of the town. This likewise has a tower, but not so high as those of
the other two. It has square arcades: the naves are seven feet wide
and twenty five long. The front wall is ornamented with many ostrich
eggs, some of which are also placed on the top of the tower. On
the east side is a very extensive court, in the middle of which a
_balanites ægyptiaca_ is planted by way of ornament. At the back
of the mosque on the opposite side, some _salvadoras_.

There are five mosques besides those which I have mentioned; but
they are small and built like private houses, with the exception
that each is surmounted by a minaret; all of them have an inner
court, to which the people resort in the evening to perform their
religious devotions. The criers, whose business it is to call to
prayers, receive no salary; but at stated periods they announce to
the faithful from the summits of the minarets that it is time to
pay their contributions. I happened to be at Timbuctoo at one of
these periods. Each person made his offering, consisting of bread,
millet, rice, dried fish, pistachios and cowries; all these articles
were deposited on a mat spread on the ground, before the door of
the mosque.

It frequently happened that Moors who felt interested in my
situation questioned me about European customs and the treatment
I had experienced at the hands of the christians. I tried in my
turn to obtain from them information concerning the neighbouring
nations and the distance of their country from Timbuctoo. But, so
far from satisfying my curiosity, they pretended not to hear me,
and turned from me to speak to each other. Unfortunately, I had
not the means of gaining their favour by presents. They called
me the _meskine_ (beggar). The little information I obtained at
Timbuctoo was furnished me by my host Sidi-Abdallahi-Chebir, and
by some Kissour negroes. These were the only individuals who had
the civility to reply to my questions. They had no definite idea
of the course of the river eastward of the city. Sidi assured me,
that it went to Haoussa and joined the Nile[11]. This is the general
opinion of the Arabs of this country. This river bears at Timbuctoo
the name of Bahar-el-Nil (Nile river).

The house which was appropriated for my residence not being quite
finished, I had opportunity to observe the way in which the houses
of this country are built. An excavation is made in the town itself
to the depth of some feet, where a grey sand mixed with clay is
found. This is made into bricks of a round form, which are baked
in the sun. These bricks are similar to those used at Jenné. The
young slaves carry them on their heads in calabashes, the way in
which they also carry the mortar, which is formed from the same
material. The builders, who are slaves, execute their work as
cleverly as those of Jenné. I thought indeed that their walls were
better constructed. Their doors are well made and solid; they are
formed of planks joined with bars and nails brought from Tafilet.
They fasten their doors by locks made in the country, without
iron: even the keys are of wood[12]. Some Moors use iron locks
and keys which they bring from the coasts of the Mediterranean.
Locks are not used in the interior of the houses; but chains or
bars supply their place. The roofs of the houses, none of which
have more than the ground-floor, are, like those of the mosques,
supported by rafters cut from the trunk of the ronnier, a tree which
grows to a prodigious height on the banks of the river. I have seen
some of these trees above a hundred and twenty five feet high. The
trunk is split into four quarters, which are rounded off, laid upon
the walls, and then covered with pieces of wood, mats and earth,
like the roofs of the mosques.

Each house forms a square,[13] containing two inner courts, round
which are ranged the chambers, each of which is of a narrow oblong
form and serves at once for a magazine and bed-room.  These rooms
receive light only from the door of entrance, and another very
small door opening into the inner court. They have neither windows
nor chimneys.

The people of Timbuctoo have not adopted the practice, which is
general in the Soudan, of lighting fires in their houses. Some of
them build in the court a small hut of mats, in which during summer
they live day and night; the chambers being too warm.

A chamber similar to those I have above described was allotted to me;
but I had well nigh been suffocated in it. I found it impossible
to endure the heat, especially in the night. But what could I do
in a country where there is not a tree to cast the least shade? My
only refuge was a mosque which was the coolest and most airy place
I could find. The east wind too, by raising clouds of dust, darkens
the atmosphere and augments the heat. The inhabitants stay within
doors during the heat of the day, and only go out in the mornings
and evenings. The nights bring with them an oppressive calmness
of the atmosphere, and if by chance there is a breath of air,
it is felt like a burning vapour, and seems almost to scorch the
lungs. I was continually ill at Timbuctoo.

The caravan destined for Tafilet was not to leave Timbuctoo for
some days, and I was informed that the next did not start for
three months; I therefore determined to take advantage of the
earliest conveyance; for I dreaded so long a stay at Timbuctoo,
notwithstanding the reiterated invitations of Sidi-Abdallahi, who
recommended to me to take the route of Tripoli by Ardamas rather
than that of Morocco. He told me that he had intended to make
a collection for me, but that my speedy departure afforded him
no time to do so. He assured me that, if I would remain with him
some months, my subsistence should cost me nothing. I scarcely knew
how to decline such kindness, but I had formed my determination; I
excused myself to Sidi, by telling him that I was afraid to travel
in the rainy season, and finding me obstinate he looked out for a
good guide to conduct me to Tafilet.

The Moors in whose company I was about to travel were far from being
so kind and civilized as those who reside in the city. I had had an
opportunity of observing their manners before I started; for, they
often came and begged of me, and made no scruple of rousing me out of
my sleep. They are a class of men whom the Moors of a superior order
call _zenagues_, (tributaries). They are very ignorant. Many of them
do not know the first prayers of the Koran.  They however observe
religious ceremonies. A poor stranger like myself, unacquainted
with their language, was in their eyes an object of contempt. I
expected therefore to suffer much in crossing the desert.

Sidi-Abdallahi informed me that he had hired a camel to carry me
to Tafilet. The thirty thousand cowries’ worth of cloth, the
proceeds of the sale of my merchandise at Jenné, sufficed to pay
for the camel. Sidi told me that he would keep my cloth and give
my guide ten mitkhals of gold, or thirty piastres.

I employed the remainder of the time I stayed in Timbuctoo in
collecting information respecting the unfortunate death of Major
Laing, which I had heard mentioned at Jenné, and which was confirmed
by the inhabitants of Timbuctoo whom I questioned respecting the
melancholy event. I learned, that when within a few days’ journey
of the city, the caravan to which the major belonged was stopped,
on the road to Tripoli, by the Tooariks, or as others alleged,
by the Berbiches, a wandering tribe, near the Dhioliba.  Laing,
being discovered to be a christian, was cruelly attacked, and his
assailants continued beating him with a club until they thought
him dead. I conclude that the other christian, who was said to have
been actually murdered, was a servant of the major’s.

The Moors belonging to the caravan raised Laing up, and succeeded
in restoring him to animation. When he became sensible, they placed
him upon a camel, but he was so weak that they were obliged to tie
him on. The robbers left him almost destitute, having robbed him
of the greater part of his merchandise.

On his arrival at Timbuctoo, Major Laing healed his wounds by the aid
of an ointment which he brought with him from England. His recovery
was slow; but he was made very comfortable, owing to the letters
of recommendation which he had brought from Tripoli, and especially
to the attention of his landlord, a Tripolitan, to whom he had been
directed. The house of this Moor was near that in which I lodged at
Timbuctoo. I had frequent opportunities of seeing him.  He appeared
to me a man full of kindly feelings. Many a time he has given me
dates, from mere charity, and the day before I left he made me a
present of a pair of blue cotton trowsers, to wear on my journey.

He told me that the major had been recommended by a Tripolitan
house to an old Moor, who, not having convenience to lodge him,
transferred him to his hospitality. Laing, he added, never laid aside
his European dress, and used to give out that he had been sent by
his master the King of England, for the purpose of making himself
acquainted with Timbuctoo and the wonders it contains.[14] It would
appear that the traveller had openly taken a plan of Timbuctoo,
for the same Moor told me in his simple way that _he had written
down every thing in it_.

Other Moors, whom I questioned respecting Laing, merely told me that
the major ate little, and that he lived entirely on bread, eggs,
and poultry. I moreover learned that he was tormented to say that
there is but one God and that Mahomet is his prophet; but he always
stopped at the words: “There is but one God” They then called
him cafir, and infidel, but, without ill treating him, left him
free to think and pray in his own way. Sidi-Abdallahi, whom I often
questioned as to whether the major had been insulted during his stay
at Timbuctoo, always replied in the negative; shaking his head, to
give me to understand, that they would have been sorry to annoy him.

This toleration may be accounted for by the fact, that the Moors
who reside at Timbuctoo come from Tripoli, Algiers, and Morocco,
and that, being in the habit of seeing christians in their own
countries, they are less liable to be offended at their worship and
their manners. For instance, Sidi-Abdallahi, who came from Tatta,
a town near Cape Mogador, was not inimical to the christians. Thus
it may easily be conceived that the major was free to inspect every
part of the town and even to enter the mosques.

It would appear that, after he had made himself completely acquainted
with Timbuctoo, he wished to see Cabra and the Dhioliba.  But had he
left the city in the day time he would have incurred the greatest
danger from the Tooariks, who are continually roaming about the
environs of Timbuctoo, and whose attack he had too much reason to
remember. He determined to set off during the night. This was wise,
for though the Tooariks dared not touch him while he staid in the
town, they would have wrecked their vengeance on him had they caught
him beyond its limits, and murdered as well as robbed him.

Taking advantage of a dark night, Major Laing mounted his horse,
and, unaccompanied by a single native, reached Cabra, and even,
it is said, the banks of the Dhioliba, without accident. On his
return to Timbuctoo, he ardently wished, instead of proceeding to
Europe by the desert, to travel by Jenné and Sego, ascending the
Dhioliba, whence he might have reached the French factories on the
Senegal.  But, no sooner had he communicated his plan to the Foulahs
established on the borders of the Dhioliba; (a great number of whom
had resorted to Timbuctoo, on hearing of the arrival of a christian)
than they all declared they would never suffer a _nasarah_ to set
foot in their territory, and if he made the attempt, they warned
him that he would have cause to repent it.

The major, perceiving that he could do nothing with these fanatics,
chose the rout of el-Arawan, where he hoped to join a caravan of
Moorish merchants, conveying salt to Sansanding; but alas! after
journeying five days to the north of Timbuctoo, the caravan with
which he had come up was stopped by Sheikh Hamet-oul’d-Habib,
an old fanatic, chief of the tribe of Zawât, who wander in the
desert of that name. Sheikh Hamet seized the major, under pretence
of his having entered his territory without permission. He then
wished to compel him to acknowledge Mahomet to be prophet of
God, and required him even to make the salam. Laing relying too
confidently on the protection of the pacha of Tripoli, who had
recommended him to all the sheikhs of the desert, refused to obey
Hamet, who more and more urgently insisted on his acknowledging
himself a Musulman. Laing continued firm, and chose to die rather
than yield; a resolution which made one of the most intelligent
of travellers a martyr to the cause of science. A Moor, belonging
to the train of the chief of the Zawâts, who was directed by
his master to kill the christian, refused to execute his order.
“What!” said he, “do you wish me to slay the first christian
who has come among us, and one who has done us no injury? give the
commission to another; I will not be the instrument of his death;
kill him yourself.” This address suspended for a moment the fatal
sentence, and the question of Laing’s life or death was warmly
debated for some time. At length the latter was decided on. Some
black slaves were summoned, and they were ordered to perform the
horrid deed, with which the Moor had refused to stain his hands.
One of the murderers immediately tied his turban round the neck
of the victim, and strangled him on the spot, he pulling one end
while his comrade held the other. The corpse of the unfortunate
Laing was cast upon the desert, to become the prey of the raven
and the vulture, the only birds which inhabit those desolate regions.

When the major had once been discovered to be a christian and
a European, death was a thousand times preferable to even a
temporary change of religion, since he must have renounced all
hope of again visiting Europe. The fate of Laing, had he become a
Musulman perforce, would have been irremediably wretched. He would
have been the slave of merciless barbarians, and exposed to all
the miseries and dangers peculiar to that country; in vain would
the pacha of Tripoli have demanded his liberation. At that immense
distance, the chief of the Zawâts would have scorned his menaces
and detained his prisoner. The resolution of Major Laing was perhaps
at once a proof of intrepidity and of foresight.

On his departure for El-Arawan the major took with him some
astronomical instruments and his papers, but very little merchandise,
for the Tooariks had relieved him of nearly all he possessed. The
Sheikh Hamet therefore gained little by the murder of the English
traveller, and he was even obliged to divide that little with
the wretches whom he had made the instruments of his crime. A
Moor of Tafilet, who belonged to the caravan, had for his share
of the spoil a sextant, which I was informed might be found in
the country. As for the major’s papers and journals, they were
scattered among the inhabitants of the desert. During my stay at
Gourland, a village of Tafilet, I saw a copper pocket compass, of
English manufacture. Nobody could tell me whence this instrument
had come, and I concluded that it had belonged to Laing. Had it not
been for the precautions I was compelled to observe in my Arabic
disguise, I would have given a good price for it; but I could not,
without betraying myself, show that I attached the least value to
an instrument, of the use of which I was supposed to be ignorant.

I have left a wide field of discovery for those who come after me,
especially in the geography and natural history of this country. What
I have suffered should not discourage future enquirers. Their
attempts will doubtless be attended with hardships and danger; but an
enterprise conducted with prudence would triumph over obstacles. To
ensure success, the traveller should, I think, make no sort of
display; he should externally adopt the worship of Mahomet, and pass
himself off for an Arab. A pretended convert would not enjoy so much
liberty, and would be an object of suspicion to such distrustful
people. Besides, I am of opinion that a converted christian would not
be tolerated among the negro tribes. The best plan would be, I think
to cross the great desert of Sahara in the character of an Arab,
provided with adequate but concealed resources. After remaining
for some time in the Musulman town selected by the traveller as
his starting point, where he might give himself out as a merchant,
to avoid suspicion, he might purchase some merchandise in that town,
under the pretence of going to trade further on, carefully abstaining
from all mention of the city of Timbuctoo.

Let us suppose Tangiers or Arbate to be the place chosen as the
point of departure; mercantile business at Fez might be alleged
as an excuse for setting off. Still adopting the same pretence,
the traveller might proceed from Fez to Tafilet, and thence to
Timbuctoo. At Tafilet there would be no danger of speaking of
Timbuctoo, for there a journey to the Soudan is an affair of frequent
occurrence and it excites no attention. It would be advisable to
purchase merchandise at Tafilet for the purpose of exportation. On
reaching Timbuctoo, the traveller should settle there, establish
a mercantile house; but he should above all things avoid appearing
rich, and must make himself familiar with the customs of the country,
and be very circumspect in every thing connected with religion.

After remaining at Timbuctoo seventeen or eighteen months, and
purchasing some Mandingo or Bambara slaves speaking the Kissour
and Tooarik languages, he might procure a middle-sized well built
canoe, for the conveyance of merchandise and provisions. It would
be necessary to take a supply of the latter, on account of the
uncertainty of being able to procure them from the people who dwell
on the banks of the river. By promising the slaves their liberty,
they might be easily prevailed upon to undertake the voyage, the
pretended object of which would be to trade in the lower part of the
river, and to purchase gum, ivory, &c. It would not be necessary to
adopt all these precautions for the passage of the river above Cabra.

To lull suspicion, it would be advisable to leave at Timbuctoo a
certain quantity of merchandise, under the care of a confidential
slave, who might have orders to dispose of it under the direction
of a Moorish merchant, during his master’s absence.

Being once fairly embarked in the canoe with six slaves, good
swimmers, it would be preferable to proceed onward during the night
on account of the wandering tribes of Tooariks and others. But even
if they were met during the day time, they might be got rid of with a
few presents. This course, prudently and cautiously followed, would,
I doubt not, be attended with complete success, and it appears to
me preferable to the plan of sending numerous expeditions, which
would rouse the cupidity and distrust of the natives.

The rapid passage of the little canoe would render the voyage
infinitely less fatiguing and dangerous than if performed in a
large vessel. Sidi-Abdallahi informed me that Haoussa was only a
twenty days’ passage from Timbuctoo, descending the river; but in
a small canoe the passage might be accomplished in twelve days, and
then the mouth of the river might be speedily reached, especially if
it empties itself into the Ocean. This plan, I am convinced, would
be far less dangerous than that of starting from the gulf of Benin,
where great difficulties would always be experienced in ascending,
both on account of the climate and the inhabitants.




CHAPTER XXII.


Departure from Timbuctoo on the 4th of May, 1828 — Caravanof six
hundred camels — Entrance of the desert — Suffocating heat —
The caravan falls in with the Tooariks — Manner in which the arabs
direct their course in the desert — Aspect of Sahara, like the
bed of a sea without water — Details respecting the caravans —
The place where Major Laing was assassinated — El-Arawan, a city
in the desert; its springs, population, and trade — Information
respecting Tawât and Wâlet — Caravan of four hundred camels
— Disheartening effect of the view of endless sands.

On parting with my host, I thanked him for his generous hospitality:
though he had often declared that all the care he took of me was
for the love of God and the prophet, I offered him the woollen
wrapper which I bought at Kakondy, and which had been so useful to
me during my long illness at Timé; I also offered him the _satala_
or vase which I used for my ablutions. Contrary to my expectation,
this excellent man declined receiving my offered presents, observing
that I should want those articles in the course of my journey,
and that I ought not to be deprived of them. At last, overcome
by my solicitations, he consented to accept them; but, the day
before my departure, he, in his turn, presented me with a cotton
wrapper manufactured in the Soudan, and which was of equal value
with the one I had given him. He added to this handsome present
a new cotton coussabe also, that I might have a change of dress
on my journey. This was not all, he presented me with a stock of
provisions sufficient to last till I reached El-Arawan; and he paid
all the expenses of my journey to that place, warmly recommending
me to one of the inhabitants, who was his agent, during the stay I
should make there before I crossed the great desert. In short, he
spared no pains to diminish the hardships of that undertaking. He
also gave me two leathern bottles to hold my supply of water for
the journey; some dokhnou, wheaten bread, baked in the same way as
our biscuit, melted butter, and a large quantity of rice.

It was very warm during the whole of the fortnight that I stayed
at Timbuctoo; the wind never ceased to blow from the east.

The caravan destined for el-Arawan, with which I had resolved to
travel, was to set out on the 4th of May, at sun-rise. My host was
up so early that morning as to allow me time, before my departure,
to breakfast with him on tea, new bread, and butter. That nothing
might diminish the agreeable impression which my stay at Timbuctoo
had made upon me, I met, on departing, the host of Major Laing,
who made me accept some new clothing for my journey.

Sidi-Abdallahi accompanied me to some distance from his house, and,
at parting with me, he affectionately pressed my hand and wished me
a good journey. This farewell detained me almost too long. To rejoin
the caravan, which had already proceeded to a considerable distance,
I was obliged, as well as three slaves who had also remained behind,
to run a whole mile through the sand.  This effort fatigued me
so much, that, on reaching the caravan, I fell down in a state of
insensibility; I was lifted up and placed on a loaded camel, where I
sat among the packages, and though dreadfully shaken I was too glad
at being relieved from the labour of walking to complain of my beast.

On the 4th of May, 1828, at eight in the morning, we directed our
route to the north over a sandy soil, almost moving, quite level,
and completely barren. However, at the distance of two miles from the
town, we met with a few shrubs resembling junipers, and some rather
tall clusters of _mimosa ferruginea_, which yield a gum of inferior
quality. The inhabitants of Timbuctoo send their slaves hither for
fire-wood. The heat was most oppressive, and the progress of the
camels was extremely slow; for, as they moved along, they browsed
on the thistles and withered herbs, which they found scattered
here and there on these plains. During this first day the slaves
were allowed to drink at discretion, as I was. This conduct was
doubtless very humane; nevertheless, I was soon shocked by an act of
barbarity, which I had the misfortune to see too often repeated. A
poor Bambara slave of twenty-five was cruelly treated by some Moors,
who compelled him to walk, without allowing him to halt for a moment,
or to quench his burning thirst. The complaints of this unfortunate
creature, who had never been accustomed to endure such extraordinary
privations, might have moved the hardest heart. Sometimes he would
beg to rest himself against the crupper of a camel, and at others he
threw himself down on the sand in despair. In vain did he implore,
with uplifted hands, a drop of water; his cruel masters answered
his prayers and his tears only with stripes.

At Timbuctoo the merchants give the slaves shirts, such as are
worn in the country, that they may be decently covered; but on the
route the Moors of the caravans, who are the most barbarous men I
ever knew, take the good shirts from them and give them others all
in rags.

At five in the evening the caravan, the camels of which amounted to
nearly six hundred, halted in a ravine of yellow sand, which was,
however, pretty solid. Here these animals found some herbage, and
the spot appeared to me delightful. A slave, who was barely allowed
time to take a drink of water, was ordered to look after our camels,
and we thought of nothing but how to pass the night quietly; but
before we laid ourselves down to sleep, we made our supper on a
calabash of water, some dokhnou, and the bread which I had received
from Sidi-Abdallahi; the bread being hard we soaked it in the water,
into which we put a little butter and honey. This mixture was to us
a delicious beverage. The slaves had for their supper some sangleh
seasoned with butter and salt. These good-natured creatures were
so kind as to offer me some of their meal.

On the 5th of May, at sun-rise, we resumed our journey. We still
proceeded towards the north, upon ground similar to that over which
we passed on the preceding day. A few stunted bushes were descried
here and there, and also some salvadoras, which the camels devoured.

Towards noon we approached a less level region, where the ground
was raised into slightly elevated mounds, all inclining in the
direction from east to west. The heat was suffocating, on account
of the east wind, which raised great clouds of sand: our lips
were covered with it; our thirst became insupportable; and our
sufferings increased in proportion as we advanced further in the
desert. We fell in with two Tooariks, who were going to el-Arawan,
and whom we took to be the scouts of a troop of these marauders.
Fortunately they were alone. They were both mounted on one camel.
On the left arm they had a leather buckler; by the side, a poniard;
and in the right hand, a pike. Knowing that they should meet us in
their route, they had brought no provisions with them, and trusted
to the caravan for a supply. These robbers, who would have trembled
at the slightest menace, if seriously made, took advantage of
the terror which their name and the crimes of their tribe every
where spread, and obtained whatever they demanded: in a word,
the best of every thing was presented to them. On the one hand,
there was a sort of rivalship in offering them whatever they chose
to eat; on the other, to give them water, though it would be six
days before we should come to any. At last, after they had staid
with us three days, we had the satisfaction to see them depart,
and to be delivered from their troublesome company.

At four in the evening we encamped to pass the night, during
which we were oppressed by excessive heat, caused by a dead calm.
The sky was heavy and covered with clouds which seemed immoveable
in the immensity of space. Still the heat continued intense.

Before proceeding farther, I ought to inform the reader how I
continued to make an estimate of the route. We travelled, at an
average, about two miles an hour. At night we proceeded almost
constantly in a northerly direction. Being afraid that my pocket
compass would be noticed if I took it out to consult it, I judged of
our course during the day by the sun; in the night, by the pole-star.

It is by this star that the Arabs are guided in all their excursions
through the desert. The oldest caravan conductors go first, to lead
the way. A sand-hill, a rock, a difference of colour in the sand,
a few tufts of herbage, are infallible marks, which enable them
to recognize their situation. Though without a compass, or any
instrument for observation, they possess so completely the habit
of noticing the most minute things, that they never go astray,
though they have no path traced out for them, and though the wind
in an instant completely covers with sand and obliterates the track
of the camels.

The desert, however, does not always present the same aspect, or,
consequently the same difficulties. In some parts I found it covered
with rocks and gravel, which bore the traces of caravans that had
passed long before. Besides, though the desert is a plain of sand
and rock, the Arab commits few errors in crossing it, and is seldom
wrong to the extent of half an hour in fixing the time of arrival
at the wells. I ought not to omit to mention, that these wells are
almost constantly found covered over, and that the first thing done
on the arrival of a caravan is to clear away the sand.

On the 6th of May we resumed our march, at three in the morning,
and continued our route to the north. Still the same soil, the same
aridity, and the same uniformity, as on the preceding days.

The atmosphere was very heavy all day, and the heat excessive.
It seemed as if we should have rain. The sun, concealed by clouds,
appeared only at long intervals. But our prayers did not obtain
from Heaven a drop of rain. In spite of all the prognostics no
shower fell. The further northward we proceeded the more barren the
country became. We no longer saw either thistles or salvadoras: sad
consolations, where all nature wears so frightful an aspect! The
plain had here the precise appearance of the ocean; perhaps such
as the bed of a sea would have, if left by the water. In fact, the
winds form in the sand undulating furrows, like the waves of the
sea when a breeze slightly ruffles its surface. At the sight of this
dismal spectacle, of this awful abandonment and nakedness, I forgot
for a moment my hardships, to reflect on the violent convulsions
which thus appeared to have dried up part of the ocean, and of the
sudden catastrophes which have changed the face of our globe.

At eleven in the morning we halted. The heat was insupportable,
and we seated ourselves beside some unhealthy looking mimosas, over
which we extended our wrappers, for these shrubs being destitute of
leaves afforded no shade of themselves. Under our tents thus formed,
we had distributed to us a calabash of water, which was rendered
tepid by the east wind. According to our custom, we threw into the
water some handfuls of dokhnou. Finally, to relieve ourselves from
every immediate care, we sent a slave to watch our camels, which
were endeavouring to refresh themselves by browsing on some withered
herbage. We then lay down to sleep on the sand, which at this place
was covered with small stones. This was not done from indolence,
but from consideration; for it was proper to wait for night to take
advantage of the coolness, when we might travel more at our ease than
during the day, in which the calms were sometimes more insupportable
than the burning sun. During these calms I could not close my eyes,
while the Moors slept soundly. The same kind of calm often prevails
during the night, but then there is some compensation in the absence
of the sun. In the inhabited countries, the night, or rather the
latter part of the night, is always the most agreeable portion of
the twenty-four hours. It is at day-break that the flowers exhale
all their perfumes: the air is then gently agitated, and the birds
commence their songs. Recollections, at once pleasing and painful,
turned my thoughts to the south. In the midst of this frightful
desert could I fail to regret the land which nature has embellished?

The caravans which traverse the desert are under no absolute
commander; every one manages his camels as he pleases, whether he
has many or few; some have fifteen, others six or ten; and there
are individuals who possess not more than three; I have even seen
some with only two, but these were very poor. Such persons join
richer travellers and take care of their camels; in return, they
are supplied with provisions and water during the journey.

The Moors always lay out the profits of their journeys in the
purchase of camels, and none of them travel to Timbuctoo without
possessing at least one. The camels do not advance in files, as
they would do in our roads lined by hedges and cultivated lands. On
the contrary they move in all directions, in groupes, or single,
but in this journey their route is always between N. N. E. and N.
N. W. Those which belong to one master keep together, and do not
mix with strange camels; and I have seen as many as fifty grouped
together in this way. A camel’s load is five hundred pounds,
and the carriage from Timbuctoo to Tafilet costs ten or twelve gold
mitkhals,[15] which are paid in advance.

The camels which convey merchandise of light weight, such as
ostrich feathers, clothes, and stuffs in the piece, have their
loads made up with slaves, water, and rice; for, the load being
paid for according to its weight, the proprietors of the camels, if
that weight were not completed, would gain nothing by the carriage
of merchandise more cumbersome than heavy. When the caravan stops,
the groupes of camels are kept at the distance of two hundred paces
from each other, to obviate the confusion which would arise if they
were suffered to mix together.

When the Moors return to their country, they do not carry back
merely ostrich feathers and ivory; but they take also gold, some
more, and some less. I saw some who had as much as the value of a
hundred mitkhals. This gold is generally sent to the merchants of
Tafilet by their correspondents at Timbuctoo, in return for the
merchandise sent by the former, and sold on their account by the
latter. During our halts in the deserts, I often saw the Moors
weighing their gold in little scales similar to ours, which are
made in Morocco. The gold which is conveyed by these travelling
clerks of the desert is carefully rolled up in pieces of cloth,
with a label, on which are written the weight of the metal and the
name of the individual to whom it belongs.

When night set in, we took our usual supper, consisting of water,
bread, butter, and honey. Several Moors, with whom we were not
acquainted, came and asked us for a supper; they then invited the
two Moors who were of our party to share their mess of baked rice and
butter. Though they knew that they had partaken of my provisions, yet
they did not think proper to invite me, a proof, that notwithstanding
all my efforts, there existed a feeling of distrust towards me. At
sun-set a north breeze arose, which, though not very cool, was
nevertheless very reviving, and enabled me to enjoy a little sleep.

About eleven at night we set out, still proceeding northward,
and directing our course by the pole-star. The camels are so well
acquainted with the desert that, as soon as they are loaded, they
take, as if by instinct, the northern course. It would seem that they
are guided by the recollection of the springs of water which are
found in that direction. I really believe that a traveller, though
alone, might safely trust himself to the guidance of his camel.

The night was hot and calm, and the clear sky was studded with
stars. We had before us the great and the little wain which appeared
very near the horizon. As I could not sleep, I amused myself by
observing the courses of the stars; I saw in the east the remarkable
groupe called the constellation of Orion; I watched it during nearly
half its course, almost to our zenith. On the approach of day,
the stars disappeared and seemed to sink into an ocean of sand.

The camels never accelerate their pace, which is naturally somewhat
tardy. When they are in haste, they thrust forward their necks, the
motion of which corresponds with that of their legs.  They are led
by men on foot, whose labour is so fatiguing, that it is necessary
to relieve them every two hours.

The ground over which we travelled during the night appeared to me to
be even more barren than that which we had passed on the preceding
days. For whole hours in succession we did not see a single blade
of grass.

At eleven in the morning the heat became excessive, and we halted
at a place where we found a few little banks of sand. A slave was
sent to seek out a few bushes that might afford us shade, but
no such thing was to be discovered. The reflection of the rays
of the sun on the sand augmented the heat. It was impossible to
stand barefoot on the sand without experiencing intolerable pain.
The desert is here and there interspersed with a few hills, and we
found at very distant intervals a little grass for the camels.

We had been the whole of the morning without drink, and as soon as
our tents were pitched we slaked our thirst. Our water began to
diminish in proportion as our thirst increased, therefore we did
not cook any thing for supper, but merely drank a little dokhnou.
About eleven at night we broke up our camp and proceeded northward:
at seven in the morning we turned N. N. W.

At eleven o’clock on the 8th of May, the insupportable heat
obliged us to halt on a spot as flat and barren as that at which
we had stopped on the preceding day. We pitched our tents, and
assembled beneath them. Some drink was distributed to us; and, as
we had tasted none since five o’clock on the preceding evening,
our thirst was very great. Though the water had received a bad taste
from the leathern bag, it was nevertheless exceedingly grateful. I
observed some ravens and vultures, the only inhabitants of these
deserts. They subsist on the carcases of the camels that die
and are left behind on the road. At half past six in the evening,
after having refreshed ourselves with a glass of water and dokhnou,
we proceeded on our journey. We travelled all night in a northerly
direction. The camels, finding no pasture, went on without stopping.

About 8 o’clock on the morning of the 9th of May, we halted in
a sandy plain, where we found a little grass for our poor camels.
There we perceived at a distance the camels of el-Arawan.

In the morning, little before sun-rise, the Moors who accompanied me
shewed me the spot where Major Laing was murdered. I there observed
the site of a camp. I averted my eyes from this scene of horror,
and secretly dropped a tear—the only tribute of regret I could
render to the ill-fated traveller, to whose memory no monument will
ever be reared on the spot where he perished.

Several Moors of our caravan, who had witnessed the fatal event,
told me that the major had but little property with him when he was
stopped by the chief of the Zawâts, and that he had offered five
hundred piastres to a Moor to conduct him to Souyerah (Mogador).
This the Moor refused to do, for what reason I was not informed,
and I dared not inquire. They also spoke of the sextant, which I
have mentioned above.

Having pitched our tents near some water, we could drink as much
as we pleased. Rice was boiled for our dinner and we were somewhat
indemnified for the privations we had undergone in the preceding
days. At six in the evening we proceeded northwards over a very
level sandy soil, on which were scattered a few solitary patches
of vegetation. Though the sand has a tolerable consistency, yet
not a tree was to be seen. Towards nine in the evening, we arrived
at El-Arawan, another commercial entrepot. We encamped outside the
city, and in the neighbourhood I observed several tents and camels,
which I was told belonged to the caravan, waiting for the signal
for departure. Our arrival was greeted by the howling of dogs,
a circumstance which reminded me that I had seen none of those
animals at Timbuctoo.

Being unaccustomed to riding on camels, I found myself extremely
fatigued by the journey. The moment we stopped, I spread my wrapper
upon the sand, and fell into a profound sleep. I did not find the
heat so oppressive as it had been on the preceding days. I was
roused to partake of an excellent couscous brought from the city.

On the morning of the 10th of May my guide took me to his
correspondent Kalif, to whom I had been recommended in a private
letter from Sidi-Abdallahi-Chebir. I met with a favourable reception,
and he lodged me in one of his houses, where he had some slaves
and merchandise.

As soon as I was installed in my new dwelling, my guide, who had been
very attentive to me on the journey, wished through my influence to
get himself quartered upon Kalif; but I refused to make any such
proposal to my host, lest I should appear troublesome. Finding me
obstinate on this point, he asked me to lend him my cotton wrapper
to wear while he paraded about the town to visit his acquaintance. I
consented to this in order to get rid of him; but next day, I thought
it prudent to make him return my wrapper. Another time he told me
that he had been robbed of the wooden bowl, out of which he used to
drink on the journey, and earnestly begged me to ask my host for
one and give it him. Wearied by all these demands and not knowing
how to get rid of the troublesome fellow, I gave him a flat refusal;
but that did not deter him from coming very often to partake of my
repast of rice and couscous. This man was continually asking the
slaves, whether they had any provisions or other articles to sell,
a practise by which he and others like him often induced the poor
creatures to plunder their masters.

My host sent me, about eleven o’clock in the morning, a plate
of well flavoured rice and meat, and about eight in the evening a
plate of couscous for my supper. The water for my drink was brackish
and luke-warm.

On the 11th and following days, I inspected the town of El-Arawan. It
is situated in a hollow, and surrounded by sandy hills, which extend
to the west. The streets are wider than those of Timbuctoo, and
equally clean. The houses, built in the same manner as at Timbuctoo,
are much lower and less solid; for the sand here is not of so clayey
a nature. The roofs are flat; instead of the small pieces of wood,
which are used in the buildings at Timbuctoo, they here substitute
the stalks of a bullrush which grows in the neighbourhood of the
town. Thin rafters of ronnier wood support these reeds, which
are slightly covered with sand. The magazines are very small. The
houses are all of very frail construction, and their number may
be five hundred, each containing about six inhabitants, including
slaves. Before the doors is sprinkled a yellow kind of sand, which
is found by digging to a certain depth.

El-Arawan, like Timbuctoo, possesses no resources of its own. It
is the entrepot of the salt of Toudeyni, which is exported to
Sansanding, on the banks of the Dhioliba. Its soil is even more
barren than that of Timbuctoo. As far as the eye can reach, no
trace of vegetation is to be perceived. The camels of the numerous
caravans have to go a great distance for forage. Wood is so scarce,
that nothing is burned but camel-dung, which is carefully collected
by the slaves. This is the only fuel used even for cooking. The
Moors collect their camels every six days, in order to take them to
drink at the wells, which are in the environs of the town. These
wells are about sixty paces deep. They employ a camel to draw
up the bucket, which is made of hide. A pulley is also used. The
water of these wells is brackish, warm, and very unwholesome. The
springs are numerous. At the depth of four feet from the surface is
found a grey sand mixed with a little clay of the same colour. This
sand is tolerably firm. At the bottom of the pits there is a very
white kind of earth, resembling chalk, of which I carried away
a specimen. There are also some black and grey pebbles, and a
small quantity of calcareous stones, of which the Moors make a
brim round the wells. The place in which they are dug is flat,
and surrounded by large hillock of sand. I have often seen the
Moors employed in watering their camels. They have a trough of
tanned hide, which stands on three supports of twisted wood. For
drawing up the water they use a rope made of straw, first damped
and beaten and afterwards twisted. Though water when kept in the
houses is always exposed to a current of air, it is invariably warm,
and consequently very disagreeable for drinking.

Many Moors and negroes, impelled by curiosity, followed me in the
streets. Some asked for snuff; in vain did I assure them that I
had none, and never used any, they would not relinquish the attack,
and they called me christian as the greatest insult they could offer
me. Their vociferations were accompanied by threatening gestures. I
began to fear that I should lose my temper, and that the affair
might become serious. I hastened back to my lodging, into which my
assailants followed me. An old Moor took pity on me, and reproached
them for their behaviour, assuring them that I was a Musulman and a
stranger, and under the protection of Kalif, who would be indignant
at my being ill treated. He finally succeeded in dispersing them.

I found a great difference between the inhabitants of this place
and those of Timbuctoo, where I had been well received by the
Moors. The people of El-Arawan, on the other hand, looked upon me
with suspicion. They could not believe, that after having passed
my youth among the christians, I should voluntarily forsake their
customs and resume those of my kindred. Fortunately for me, some
old men more zealous, or credulous, than the rest, declared that
God would support me in the way of salvation, since he had inspired
me with so astonishing a resolution. They added in Arabic, “Let
us thank God, that he has returned among us.”

These disagreeable occurrences induced me to appear more zealous than
hitherto. I went regularly to the mosque, but, when I prostrated
myself, like the disciples of the prophet, I offered up fervent
prayers to God, thus endeavouring to atone for the painful sacrifice
of my religion which I was outwardly compelled to make.

El-Arawan is not a place of such active trade as Timbuctoo, whence
all provisions for the former place are brought, Sansanding, which
is twenty-five days’ journey to the west, being too far distant
to afford supplies. I was told, indeed, by several Moors, that the
journey occupied a month.

El-Arawan sends, as I have before said, the salt of the mines of
Toudeyni to Sansanding and Jamina, by caravans of Moorish merchants,
who also carry tobacco, which is cultivated in Tafilet and Zawât.

This town, though inhabited by the Moors of Zawât[16] and the
different countries on the banks of the Mediterranean, has no
market. I never saw so dull a place. In the interior of the town
there are, as at Timbuctoo straw huts for the slaves.

Bousbéhey, of which I have already spoken, is two days’ journey
distant from El-Arawan, and the inhabitants of the latter place
purchase cattle there, as in all parts of the interior of Africa
there are no markets. Each family kills a bullock from time to time
and cures the meat, by drying it in the sun. It is eaten with rice
or couscous.

Though the great distance of Sansanding does not permit the
inhabitants of El-Arawan to go thither for millet, they procure
from that place more valuable articles, such as ivory, gold,
slaves, wax, honey, the cloths of Soudan, and cured provisions.
Rice is also transported thence in small quantities. Cowries, which
are the current money of Soudan, do not pass at El-Arawan. There
nothing circulates but gold and silver—neat pieces of the value
of a mitkhal, in imitation of the money of Morocco. The gold mitkhal
increases in value as you approach the coasts.

El-Arawan is the point for the arrival of the caravans from
Tafilet, Cape Mogador, Drah, Tawât, and the cities of Aghdâmus
and Tripoli. They bring merchandise of European manufacture, such
as fire-arms, gunpowder, stuffs, and a few productions of their
own countries, as tobacco, dates, &c.

Kalif, who was one of the principal merchants of El-Arawan, was a
native of Tawât, and he received from his country merchandise which
he sent to the Dhioliba. The caravans which perform this journey
are seven days without procuring water; after which they reach the
banks of the river, which I was informed is very wide at that part.

I supposed it to be the banks of the lake Débo. At a short distance
from this place which is not inhabited, negro villages are met with
as far as Sansanding.

In the rainy season, which occurs at the same time as at Timbuctoo
the inhabitants of El-Arawan are visited by the Touariks, who come
and pitch their tents in the environs of the city, and collect
the duties which they impose on traders. These duties are not so
exorbitant as at Timbuctoo. The Touariks observe some moderation
at El-Arawan, on account of its distance from their country.

The inhabitants of the town are all fanatical Moors; they
have numerous slaves, which they purchase at Sansanding, and,
notwithstanding the natural brutality of the people, they treat
their slaves kindly; they allow them plenty of food, consisting of
sangleh, which is eaten with a sauce made of dried baobab leaves,
boiled and seasoned with salt or allspice. They also clothe them
well. If to the misery incidental to this wretched country were
added the bad treatment which slaves experience in some parts of
the desert, the poor creatures could not long survive.

An old Moor named Sidi-Boubacar is the chief of El-Arawan; he acts
as judge in all the differences which arise among the inhabitants. At
his death his son succeeds him. The Mahometan chief levies no duties
on the people. He is himself a merchant and possesses considerable
herds of camels. In the rainy season, when forage becomes more
abundant, the inhabitants use camels’ milk as an article of food.

On the 14th of May, a violent gale blew from the east, which unroofed
several of the houses, and raised such a quantity of sand, that it
was impossible to keep the doors open. The heat, though there was no
sun, was stifling. The air was full of sand, which descended in the
night. It would be impossible to express what I suffered during this
storm. I was obliged to lie on the ground, with my head enveloped
in a pagne, to protect myself from the burning sand, which entered
through the chinks in the door. I experienced a continual thirst,
and had nothing but warm and brackish water to quench it. This
unwholesome drink caused a violent derangement of the stomach,
and the heat, rising to a degree I had never before felt, produced
a dreadful head-ache.

The slaves, obliged sometimes to walk barefoot on the sand,
complained of violent pain, which they were not able to bear long,
but which soon compelled them to return home. The Moors stay within
doors, keeping a piece of cloth constantly before their lips, to
prevent the sand from getting into their mouths. I was unable to
comprehend how the mere love of gain could induce these people to
live for twelve or fifteen years in such a dreadful country.

The town of Walet, mentioned by Mungo Park, is ten days’ journey
W. N. W. of El-Arawan. Some Moors, whom I saw, told me, that no
water is to be met with on the road, and that this town carries on
a great traffic in salt with Sansanding, Yamina, and Ségo. This
last place is five days’ journey to the south; salt, which is its
principal article of trade is obtained from the mines of Waden,[17]
situated in the great desert, fifteen or eighteen days’ journey
north of Walet. This salt is made up in cakes of the same dimensions
as those of Toudeyni. The inhabitants keep a great many camels,
as well as a few goats and sheep. Walet is situated on a barren
soil, not susceptible of cultivation, and the inhabitants buy corn
in the Bambara country. I was told that this town is as large as
Timbuctoo. I questioned some Moors respecting Tichit, but was unable
to obtain any positive information on the subject.

During my stay at El-Arawan the same scorching east wind continually
prevailed and obliged me to keep myself within doors, which vexed
me not a little.

The caravans which were assembled at El-Arawan prepared to depart in
a few days. I looked forward with pleasure to the happy moment when I
was to leave this disagreeable country. My host, a zealous Musulman,
laid in a supply of provisions for my journey. It was neither to his
generosity nor his friendship for me that I owed this attention;—it
was purely a sacrifice, which his piety prompted him to make in
order to conciliate the favour of the prophet. The provisions
consisted of a bag of rice weighing about fifty pounds, a bag of
dokhnou of the same weight, and about ten pounds of butter. This
was more than sufficient to last me two months.  Wishing to make
some acknowledgment for the attention of Kalif, I offered him some
pieces of silver, a pair of scissors, and a small piece of cloth,
the only one I had left. The good Musulman at first affected an
unwillingness to accept my presents, saying that I was poor, and
that probably the things would be useful to me, and that what he had
done for me was solely with the view of serving God. He however put
the silver in his pocket, and was apparently much pleased with that
sort of money which is very uncommon in this country. He sent my
provisions to the tent of Sidi-Aly, a Moor, with whom I was to go
to Tafilet. This man, whom Sidi-Abdallahi-Chébir had recommended
to me, had received on departing from Timbuctoo ten gold mitkhals
(equal to 120 francs) for my expenses in the desert.

A Moor, who was settled at El-Arawan, and with whom I used frequently
to converse, made me a present of a skin to enable me to increase my
supply of water. He informed me that I should suffer much from thirst
on the journey, and that for seven or eight days we should meet with
no wells. The description he gave of crossing the desert at this
season made me shudder. I thought I should certainly share the fate
of the many unfortunate travellers who had perished there. However
I rallied my courage, by dwelling on the hope of relating in my
native country the result of my observations. I then no longer
thought any difficulty insurmontable.

Sidi-Aly, whom I had not seen at Timbuctoo, and to whom
Sidi-Abdallahi, my host, had strongly recommended me, gave me
extraordinary proofs of his regard. He assured me that he would
treat me as his son. He confirmed the report I had previously heard
respecting the scarcity of water on the road, and stated that we
should have to undergo great privations, but that I must not be
disheartened, as he would take care of me, seeing that I was not
like the rest, accustomed to the heat of the desert, and could
not so well bear the excessive thirst, to which we should often
be exposed. This person was looked upon by the Moors as a zealous
Musulman. I was assured that he feared God, and that he would act
towards me as he had promised. Sidi-Aly always carried in his hand a
rosary two feet and a half long, the beads of which were as large as
nuts. He never failed, when he met any one in the streets, to cast
his eyes piously on the ground, at the same time moving his lips,
as if he were muttering a prayer. By this hypocrisy he imposed on
me, as he did on others, and I believed that he was as good as he
pretended to be; but I was cruelly deceived.  Notwithstanding his
feigned zeal for religion, the old hypocrite did not keep one of
the promises he made me, as will be seen in the sequel.

We left El-Arawan on the 19th of May 1828, at six o’clock in the
morning. Aly, my guide, had sent his son to carry my luggage to
the place appointed for the rendezvous of the caravan. My host
had invited me to share his repast; but as it was not cooked,
I was obliged to set off without tasting anything but a little
dokhnou and millet. He again recommended me to my guide, and took
his leave of me after wishing me a prosperous journey. It was about
half past seven, when the caravan began to move to the N. E. I was
concerned to see the poor slaves, whom I recognized as having been
my companions from Jenné to El-Arawan, running through the sand
to overtake the camels, which were in advance.

Our caravan was numerous: it consisted of fourteen hundred camels,
laden with the various productions of the Soudan; as gold, slaves,
ivory, gum, ostrich-feathers, and cloth in the piece and made into
dresses. In leaving El-Arawan the road leads over a sandy country,
with but few traces of vegetation. After proceeding six miles in this
direction, we arrived at Mourat, a small village, containing five
houses like those of El-Arawan, and built of sand bricks. At Mourat,
the sons of Sidi-Boubacar, chief of El-Arawan, keep a school, where
the children of the inhabitants of the town study the Koran. Mourat
appeared to me even more gloomy than El-Arawan; the uniformity of the
soil is broken only by a few plants, which are eaten by the camels,
and which are buried beneath the sand, drifted by the east wind. On
leaving Mourat, the traveller comes to some deep wells filled with
brackish water. Here our caravan stopped and took a hearty draught,
for we were now about to enter upon a part of the desert where we
should find no water for the space of eight days. In the midst of
these vast deserts, the wells of Mourat, surrounded by fourteen
hundred camels, and by the four hundred men of our caravan, who
were crowded round them, presented the moving picture of a populous
town; it was a perfect tumult of men and beasts. On one side were
camels laden with ivory, gum, and bales of goods of all sorts; on
the other, camels carrying on their backs negroes, men, women, and
children, who were on their way to be sold at the Morocco market;
and further on, men prostrate on the ground, invoking the prophet.

This spectacle touched and excited my feelings, and in imitation
of the devout Musulmans, I fell on my knees; but it was to pray
to the God of the Christians: with my eyes turned to the north,
towards my country, my relations, and friends, I besought the
Almighty to remove from my path the obstacles which had stopped so
many other travellers; in the ardour of my wishes, I imagined that
my prayer was granted, and that I should be the first European who
had set out from the south of Africa, to cross this ocean of sand,
and succeeded in the undertaking. The thought electrified me; and
while a gloom hung on all other faces, mine was radiant with hope
and joy. Full of these sentiments I hastened to mount my camel,
and to penetrate fearlessly into the deserts which separate the
fertile Soudan from the regions of northern Africa. I felt as if
I was mounting the breach of an impregnable fort, and that it was
incumbent upon me to sustain the honour of my nation, by divesting
myself of every kind of fear and braving this new peril.

A boundless horizon was already expanded before us, and we could
distinguish nothing but an immense plain of shining sand, and over
it a burning sky. At this sight the camels uttered long moans,
the slaves became sullen and silent, and, with their eyes turned
towards heaven, they appeared to be tortured with regret for the
loss of their country, and with the recollection of the verdant
plains from which avarice and cruelty had snatched them.




CHAPTER XXIII.


Violence of the east winds — Pillars of sand — Scarcity of water
— Deplorable situation of the caravan — Hills of loose sand —
Rocks of granite — Wells of Telig — Toudeyni, rich salt mines
— Thistle of the desert — Vexations and persecutions of the
Moors, their intolerance — Wells of Cramès — Well of Trasas
or Trarzas — Trajacant Moors.

We continued our route to the north a little west, through a district
uniformly arid, interspersed with little sand-hills, in a direction
from east to west. The east wind had now subsided, and the heat was
excessive on account of the calm. We were tormented with thirst,
for we only drank once in the course of the day. I derived some
benefit from the care I took, after the example of the Moors, to
fasten a strip of cotton cloth over my eyes, and another over my
mouth to keep off the burning air which parched my lungs.

In the course of the day, we had passed over grey and red gravel
in many places. Towards half past five we halted on unvaried sand;
and a large calabash of water mixed with dokhnou was brought to us.
We had eaten nothing all day, and yet we felt no need of food;
for the dokhnou is very nourishing, and the burning thirst with
which we were tormented had taken away every thing like hunger. A
Moor was sent to take care of the camels, which were wandering here
and there in search of a few blades of grass.

About ten at night, we had some rice cooked, which we ate with
melted butter; but it made me very thirsty. I begged for a little
water; but old Aly, my guide, who had remained behind, no doubt
that he might drink as much as he liked himself without being seen,
came up at the moment they were preparing to give me the water,
and peremptorily countermanded it. This was only a prelude to the
annoyance he afterwards caused me.

On the 20th of May, at five in the morning, we continued our
course to the north, the country being of the same nature, as that
which we traversed the day before. About ten o’clock we halted
in a place which was absolutely bare. The heat was beginning to
be excessive, and we hastened to stretch the covering (a tanned
sheep-skin which served for a tent) under which we collected for
the rest of the day. We had each a calabash of water containing
about three bottles which we swallowed at a draught; but this
tepid water only filled the stomach without quenching our thirst:
I would fain have drunk oftener, and a smaller quantity at a time,
but the Moors who presided over the distribution of the water would
not hear of this new arrangement, and adhered to the old practice.

The poor negro slaves, accustomed to a fertile country, suffered
from this way of life, but they were no worse off than the rest of
us; we were all on an equality.

It was not yet noon, and we were to have nothing to eat or drink till
five in the evening. The heat was excessive and the east wind raised
a great quantity of sand, as it had done most days; we suffered
dreadfully. At the moment when I was thinking of nothing but the
present calamity, old Aly came to inform me that the water-skins
which Sidi-Abdallahi of Timbuctoo had given me were not large
enough, and that our provision of water would not last long if we
were not extremely economical. The rogue was right; for whilst I
had three skins for my share, he and his companions had only two
small ones a-piece, and there were nine persons to be supplied for
a week. I was certainly entitled to forbid their making use of my
stock; but what should I have been the better if I had? they would
have drunk the water, and told me the east wind had dried it up. I
answered therefore that I was obliged to Aly for his information,
and that I should take his advice. During this conversation,
which was followed up on my part by many painful reflections,
the east wind increased; it was no longer a time for talking of
one’s affairs, but every one lay down to sleep, as we intended
to travel during the night. My eyes never closed, and I lay wide
awake. The east wind continued till sunset and then changed to the
west; though its force was abated, it hardly incommoded us less,
for it still blew up a great quantity of sand.

At five o’clock we had a calabash of dokhnou, and then lay
down again till nine, when we started. We marched all night; and
the calm was stifling, for the west wind had ceased. The country
through which we travelled was quite level and absolutely barren.
The slow and unvaried step of the camel made me drowsy. I laid my
head upon my bag, and slept a little.

On the 21st, at ten o’clock in the morning, we halted. The burning
east wind which was beginning to blow rendered the heat insufferable,
and the scorching sand found its way into our eyes, in spite of the
precautions which we took to exclude it. We pitched our tents, and
tepid water was distributed, which we thought delicious though it
had little effect in quenching our thirst; after we had drunk it,
we stretched ourselves on the sand to repose. Notwithstanding all
the precautions I had taken, the heat was so intense and my thirst
so tormenting, that I found if impossible to get any sleep; my throat
was on fire and my tongue clave to the roof of my mouth. I lay as if
expiring on the sand, waiting with the greatest impatience for the
moment when we were to have our next supply of water; I thought of
nothing but water—rivers, streams, rivulets, were the only ideas
that presented themselves to my mind during this burning fever;
in my impatience I cursed my companions, the country, the camels,
and for anything I know the sun himself, who did not make sufficient
speed to reach the horizon.

The spot where we were encamped was frightfully arid, there was
not a single leaf to refresh the eye, and nature presented her most
terrific aspect.

The camels scattered over the plain, the profound solitude, the
silence of the desert, produced painful impressions, which it is
difficult to describe; the poor animals, exhausted with fatigue,
were lying near the tents, with their heads between their legs,
quietly waiting for the signal of departure; it was given at last.
At half past four Sidi-Aly who had undertaken to provide our rations,
threw a few handfuls of dokhnou into a large calabash, and poured
water upon it; he then mixed the whole with his hands, thrusting
his arms in up to the elbows—a sight which would have disgusted
any one less hungry than ourselves, for water was so precious that
old Aly’s hands had not been washed for many days.  Though the
beverage was luke-warm, and very dirty, we drank heartily of it,
and with the greatest delight.

When the Moors had quenched their thirst, they went to look after
the baggage, and to see that none of the straps had given way. In
spite of this examination, which is repeated at every halting-place,
the camels are often galled by their loads, and these hurts are not
easily healed; the Moors apply fire to the wounds, and often scarify
the neighbouring parts and the tumours themselves, to let out the
blood and matter; they cut away the dead flesh, and cover the wound
with salt to prevent mortification. When a camel is ill, or ready to
die of exhaustion, the Moors give it a little water, and for this
purpose they use a wooden funnel which they apply to its nostrils;
this is the best method of watering a camel, because the animal,
though naturally docile, shakes its head about and spills the water
on all sides, when it is applied to its mouth. It is only in cases
of extremity however that they have recourse to this practice.

Sometimes it was immediately after doctoring the wounds of his
camels that Sidi-Aly came and mixed our beverage without washing
his hands; if by chance he did wash them, he gave the water he had
used for this purpose to his poor slave to drink! I cannot describe
the horror and disgust which I felt at this man’s contempt for
his fellow-creatures.

At five o’clock in the afternoon, we pursued our course towards
the north; at ten we stopped for prayer, and having discharged
this pious duty, we received a ration of water, very insufficient
however to quench our thirst; for the further we advanced into the
desert, the more intense became the heat. In the night I was almost
consumed with thirst; but I could get no water. I doubled myself
up upon my camel, whose motion lulled me and made me feel drowsy,
but I could get no sleep.

On the 22d of May, at nine in the morning, the caravan halted;
we were all exhausted by thirst; the east wind was hotter than
ever, and our water was rapidly diminishing, for the wind caused
a great evaporation by drying the skins; and a great deal of water
filtered through the pores. As I lay on the sand, I ruminated on the
possibility of alleviating the horrors of our condition; I desired
Sidi-Aly to buy two or three more skins if any could be found,
and I gave him for this purpose some goods which I had received
from the Moors of Timbuctoo. He replied that nobody would sell
them at any price; which I believed, but I suffered too much not
to insist upon making the experiment. He then proposed to send one
of the men belonging to the caravans to the nearest wells which he
said was the best way of getting water to make sangleh to recruit
our exhausted strength. I thought this a good plan, and agreed to
it with pleasure; but Sidi-Aly, who was not the most scrupulous of
Musulmans, never made the least inquiry for such a person; he took
into his own possession what I had given him to pay the messenger,
and sent his son to the well. This he would have done whether I had
paid or not, for as I afterwards found it was the custom to do so,
and I saw the Moors set off from all parts of the caravan for the
same purpose.

My thirst was so intense that I determined, in order to appease it,
to go into the neighbouring tents, and see if I could obtain a few
drops of water out of charity. With my rosary in my hand, I went
from tent to tent, to beg a little water “for the love of God;”
I did not find many charitable souls, but it was not a favourable
moment for the experiment, for we were all suffering alike. My
useless fatigue, and the impatience it occasioned, augmented my
torments, and when I got back to my tent, I fell on the ground
senseless. The Moors who are themselves the most importunate beggars
in the world, do not like to be asked for any thing. Sidi-Aly told
me that I ought not to ask other people for water, that it was
troublesome; I found out also that he boasted amongst his friends
of the kindness he showed me, and said that he was grieved at the
privation I endured. A lying hypocrite! he took no better care of me
for that. Many of the Moors thought that he had brought me with him
out of pure compassion, and, far from undeceiving them, he took care
to confirm them in this error; but when they questioned me on the
subject, I told them the state of the case, and they then assured
me that I had paid too much to my guide. I knew that full well;
but what could I do? only resign myself to my fate.

About five o’clock in the afternoon, after having quenched our
thirst, we continued our course to the north, and traversed a
district interspersed with grey quartz rocks streaked with white:
at midnight we ascended some sand-hills.

On the 23rd, at ten in the morning, we halted on sandy ground,
but rather more solid than what we had crossed the day before, and
interspersed with rocks of rose-coloured and black granite. Our
situation was still the same; the east wind blew with violence;
and far from affording us any refreshment, it only threatened to
bury us under the mountains of sand which it raised, and what was
still more alarming, our water diminished rapidly from the extreme
drought which it occasioned. Nobody suffered more intensely from
thirst than the poor little slaves, who were crying for water.
Exhausted by their sufferings and their lamentations, these unhappy
creatures fell on the ground, and seemed to have no power to rise;
but the Moors did not suffer them to continue there long when
travelling. Insensible to the sufferings which childhood is so
little fitted to support, these barbarians dragged them along with
violence, beating them incessantly, till they had overtaken the
camels, which were already at a distance.

Indeed, no person was privileged; even the Moors, whose turn it
was to walk by the camels, and who, partly to amuse themselves
and partly to encourage the animals, sang to them as they marched
by their side, were under the same law as those who were riding,
and never tasted water except when it was distributed to the whole
caravan. I thought I could perceive nevertheless that Sidy-Aly had
under his dress a small bottle, like our hunting bottles, and that
the old fox made use of it every now and then in secret to refresh
himself, without any regard for his brethren.

What distressed us most during this horrible day was the pillars
of sand, which threatened every moment to bury us in their course.
One of the largest of these pillars crossed our camp, overset
all the tents, and whirling us about like straws, threw us one
upon another in the utmost confusion; we knew not where we were,
and could distinguish nothing at the distance of a foot. The sand
wrapped us in darkness like a thick fog, and heaven and earth seemed
confounded and blended into one.

In this commotion of nature, the consternation was general; nothing
was heard on all sides but lamentation, and most of my companions
recommended themselves to heaven, crying out with all their might,
“There is no God but God, and Mahomet is his prophet!” Through
these shouts and prayers, and the roaring of the wind, I could
distinguish at intervals, the low plaintive moan of the camels,
who were as much alarmed as their masters, and more to be pitied,
as they had not tasted food for four days. Whilst this frightful
tempest lasted, we remained stretched on the ground, motionless,
dying of thirst, burned by the heat of the sand, and buffetted by
the wind. We suffered nothing however from the sun, whose disk,
almost concealed by the cloud of sand, appeared dim and shorn of
its beams. We durst not use our water, for fear the wells should be
dry, and I know not what would have become of us if, about three
o’clock, the wind had not abated. As soon as it became calm, we
prepared to set off, and the dokhnou was mixed and distributed. It
is difficult to describe with what impatience we longed for this
moment; to enhance the pleasure which I expected from my portion,
I thrust my head into the vessel, and sucked up the water in long
draughts. When I had drunk, I had an unpleasant sensation all over
me, which was quickly succeeded by fresh thirst.

About half past four in the afternoon, we left the place where
we had experienced this terrible hurricane, and proceeded on our
way towards the north. The camels walked slowly and with effort,
for they were almost exhausted; the poor beasts looked jaded and
dejected. The sight of this numerous caravan, destitute of water, and
condemned to die of thirst, scattered over the arid land, was truly
dismal. The camels gently shaking their heads, or ruminating, took
their course towards the north, without requiring any direction. We
advanced over a sandy soil covered with rocks, rising about five
feet above its surface. Wrapped in my own reflections, I thought
of the wisdom of divine Providence, which has anticipated all our
wants. What a masterpiece of nature’s workmanship, said I, is the
camel! If it were not for this wonderful animal, who could exist
for a week without food, how could these deserts be traversed? No
mortal would dare attempt it, or if any were rash enough to venture
upon such an undertaking, certain death would be the reward of his
temerity. These reflections are trite; but they were natural in the
situation in which I was placed, and I wish to give an account of
my thoughts as well as of my sensations and sufferings.

On the 24th of May, at nine in the morning, we halted in as barren
a spot as usual. The night had been calm, and the heat stifling;
the fatigue we endured was augmented by the quantity of sand which
fell upon us all the time we were travelling. We continued all day
in a state of impatient expectation mingled with fear; the Moors,
seeing our dejection and sufferings, tried to encourage us with
the hope of the speedy arrival of the messengers who had been sent
in search of water: vain hope! none of them returned. Despair was
general; to keep up our spirits, a small quantity of water was
distributed, and we were told that the delay of our messengers was
not occasioned by their finding no water, but by their finding it
in small quantities, so that it took longer to fill the skins;
that they would have returned immediately if they had met with
no water. Alas! this was a mistake, as will shortly appear. That
we might not lose time in uncertain expectation, we continued our
journey towards the north, at about four o’clock in the afternoon,
over a firmer soil than we had lately crossed, and equally covered
with quartz; we proceeded all night in silence; nobody slept however,
for we were all too thirsty. The Moors who drove the camels were
mute, and relieved one another oftener than usual.

On the 25th, at nine in the morning, we halted in a plain of hard
sand, producing a few herbs, which were speedily devoured by the
camels. This plain was interspersed with hills of coarse red sand
mixed with gravel. We had now only a skin and a half of water
remaining for eleven persons, we had indeed more than that number
with us, and the allowance was every time more and more scanty; we
suffered beyond all expression. After drinking a few drops, we lay
down to wait for those who were gone in search of a fresh supply.
About ten in the morning the poor wretches arrived half dead with
thirst, and as soon as they had been relieved, as far as our small
store permitted, they told us that they had had great difficulty
at first in finding the well; and that when they had reached it
they were dreadfully disappointed to find it quite dry; they were
by this time so tortured with thirst, that they resolved to kill
a camel, that they might divide amongst them the water contained
in its stomach! a poor resource, for the water was not pure, and
there was very little of it. The blood of the animal would have
been a great refreshment, but they durst not drink it for fear of
infringing the laws of the Koran.

About four in the afternoon, after having drunk the rest of our
water, we were again on our way, more thirsty than ever, and
proceeding slowly towards the north, in the hope of reaching the
wells of Telig by the morning of the 26th. At nine in the evening
we stopped for prayer as usual; a Moor who accompanied us gave us
each a little water, which we received most gratefully; it relieved
us very much. The night was very hot like the preceding. About ten
we turned for three miles to the east, along the foot of some high
hills of moving sand.

On the 26th, at five in the morning, we passed near some large
masses of white earth, which looked at a distance like houses in
ruins; in this part is found a very fine grey sand. The camels,
though laden, lay down to roll themselves, which raised a terrible
dust; and the Moors had infinite difficulty in preventing them from
doing so. I also observed in this place gravel of the same colour,
and further on I found veins of white earth, of the same nature as
the masses already mentioned. About three miles to the west we saw
some sand-hills, covered with granite, the colour of wine-lees; it is
very brittle, and appears to lie in strata three or four feet thick.

We travelled the whole morning in an extensive plain, enclosed by
these hills; the soil was very hard, covered with rocks and red
and black granite, in flaky strata like slate. About eight in the
morning, after climbing a high hill, we descended into a sort of
basin formed by hills of red granite; the chain extends from east to
west; the highest point that we passed over was three or four hundred
feet high. In this valley, the soil of which is composed of coarse
yellow sand, are the wells of Telig. We found these much wished-for
wells filled with sand; which the Moors immediately fell to work to
clear out; the poor camels which had already become unmanageable,
from knowing that they were near water, were then permitted to
drink: when they were driven away by the whip, they ran off to a
little distance, and came crowding again round the well, ruminating,
and laying their heads on the damp sand which had been thrown out
of it. The first water we drew up was very black and muddy; but,
in spite of the sand which it contained, the camels fought for
it with fury. These wells, which afford plenty of brackish water,
are not more than three or four feet deep.

When the water was fit to drink, I went and thrust my head in amongst
the camels to drink with them; a Moor permitted me to drink out of
his leather bucket, for we had not stopped to unpack calabashes,
which were our usual drinking vessels. To the east of these wells,
where the ground is lowest, we saw the ruins of some houses built
of bricks of white clay; they are almost buried in the sand which
the wind drives over them: further on in the same direction, there
is a great deal of white-veined earth like that with which these
houses were constructed; it bears some resemblance to lime.

The whole day was employed in watering the camels, who seemed as if
they would never be satisfied, and quarrelled for the last drop in
the trough. I was forced to remain in the sun, for the Moors were
so busy with their camels, that they never thought of pitching a
tent. The east wind, which blew violently, rendered the day very
unpleasant, particularly by the clouds of dust which it threw over
us. As water was now abundant, we had a little rice cooked, which
we ate with butter; it was the first meal we had taken since the
evening of the 19th.

On the 27th, many of our companions went to Toudeyni, which, as far
as I could learn from our travellers, is a little less than half
a day’s journey to the west of the wells of Telig. From this
little town is procured the salt which is brought from Timbuctoo
to Jenné, and thence dispersed through all the Soudan. The salt
mines, as I was informed, are three feet and a half or four feet
below the surface of the ground; the salt is in thick strata, and
is brought out in blocks, after which it is split into cakes of the
size I have already described. These mines are the wealth of the
country; they are worked by negro slaves, superintended by Moors,
who live entirely upon rice and millet, brought from Timbuctoo,
and cooked with camels’ flesh dried in the sun. The water which
they drink filters through the salt, and is extremely brackish;
to render it more palatable they put dokhnou and honey into it;
and they also improve this detestable beverage by mixing with it
a sort of cheese reduced to powder, which I have mentioned above,
and which is nothing but curd dried in the sun.

On the 27th, about three in the evening, after having filled our
skins with water, we broke up our camp, and journeyed to the N. W.
hoping we might meet with some vegetation for the poor camels, which
wanted food the more, for having quenched their thirst. About five
in the afternoon, we halted on a tract of loose sand, of a grey
colour, where we found a few scattered patches of grass, which the
camels devoured with eagerness, harsh as it was, as they had not
eaten scarcely any thing for a week.

Just before we left the wells of Telig, we had been forced to kill
two of these animals, which could go no further, and were dying of
fatigue; the flesh was distributed among all who wished for it,
and we had some for our supper. Part of it was boiled, and the
rice which was cooked with it contracted the odious taste of the
camels’ flesh, which I disliked extremely. The Moors ate this
meat with the greatest avidity, and said that it was excellent,
but I was not at all of their opinion, for I thought it very tough,
and the little I ate disagreed with me; this might however be owing
in part to the brackish water I had drunk. This was nevertheless
one of the most comfortable nights I had passed since I had been in
the desert; I lay down by a patch of grass, and the heat seemed to
me less overwhelming than on the preceding days, which I ascribed
to the vicinity of the wells.

The soil was covered with grey quartz, striped with a dirty white,
mixed with which were several kinds of small gravel.

On the 28th at sun-rise, we were on our way in a northwesterly
direction amongst quartz rocks; here and there upon the ruins
of sand grew a few withered herbs which the camels browsed as
they passed. About ten we crossed a soil covered with small black
gravel, and varied by sandhills extending from east to west; this
sand was harder and yellower than what we had seen the day before;
in some places we found grey gravel and several rocks of black
and grey granite. At half past ten we halted to rest our camels,
which were all very weary, and they were fortunate enough to find
a few thorny plants[18] which they amused themselves with cropping.
These plants have short and flexible leaves; the thorn is short but
very hard; by the wise providence of Nature this plant, the only
resource of the animals of the desert, has the property of remaining
green all the year round, in spite of the burning east winds which so
frequently prevail; the camels though not very delicate would refuse
the dry leaves. This plant is very tenacious of life, throws out
long roots on the surface of the ground, and does not grow to the
height of more than eighteen inches; it is found in sandy places,
and I have generally observed that it is most abundant on the west
side of the hills. The roots are thick and serve for fuel; the Moors
use it to cook their provisions, and at sun-set the slaves went to
collect it, to boil our scanty portion of rice with water and salt,
to which they added melted butter for sauce; this was our frugal
supper. My portion was set apart for me in a little calabash: for
the Moors did not chuse to eat with me after they had discovered
that I had had the scurvy; they held me in utter abhorrence. In
spite of the pains which I took to study their habits and customs,
they observed that I could never eat rice as they did, making it
into a little ball in the hand and tossing it into the mouth; when
they meant to insult me, therefore, they always told me that I ate
like a christian.

Sidi-Aly, my guide, was a short man, about four feet high, with a
wrinkled face, black mischievous-looking eyes, a little grey beard,
a rather long chin, and a large mouth, which rendered him still
more hideous: this man ate by himself that he might appear to be a
person of importance. Thrusting his dirty hands, the chapped skin
of which resembled a crocodile’s scales, into a leather bottle,
to take out some butter to put into our rice, he stirred our victuals
about in this cleanly manner. Notwithstanding all the fine promises
of protection which he had made me at first, I soon found how little
he was to be trusted. He refused me the necessaries of life, and
especially water, although he had been handsomely paid beforehand;
the slaves were better off, for he did not prevent them from helping
themselves when they wished—thanks to the wells at Telig however,
there was no longer a scarcity.  Fortunately the heat did not appear
to me so great, nor was my thirst so tormenting as heretofore;
whether because we were in the neighbourhood of water, or because
we were now advancing to the north, I know not; whatever was the
cause, I enjoyed some alleviation of my sufferings: a mortification,
however, but of a different nature was in store for me.

The Moors of Aly’s party, seeing that he had ceased to behave
respectfully to me, were no longer under any restraint; they gave
me ridiculous nicknames, calling me Gageba, from the name of the
camel I rode on, and I was constantly exposed to their insult and
raillery. Encouraged by my silence and patience, they set their
slaves to follow their example, and the slaves were delighted to
torment me; they talked on no other subject; they were continually
ridiculing the form of my face; and they carried their ill-nature
so far as to throw stones at me when I turned my back. All this
persecution was at the instigation of their masters, who often
supplied them with branches of thorns to thrust into my face;
at other times they took little pieces of wood, and proposed that
the slaves should drive them through my nose, as they do to the
camels.  These slaves, encouraged by the visible satisfaction of
their masters, collected around me, laughing violently, capering,
dancing, and showing me first the branch of thorns and then the
piece of wood which they had been ordered to run through my nose.
In this way I was tormented all the way from Telig to Tafilet. The
Moors would often say with contempt, “Look at this slave; I would
rather have him than thee, so thou mayst think how little I value
thee.” This insolence was accompanied by immoderate laughter. When
I was eating, these boors would come about me opening their mouths
as wide as they could; then, with hideous grimaces they thrust
their fingers into them to mimic me, and called out at last: “He
is like a christian!”

I swallowed my vexation, trembling at the thought of what such men
would do to me, if they discovered my real sentiments; they would
have made a martyr of me; and I could not but think of the tortures
which poor Major Laing must have suffered from beings who were still
more ferocious. How I longed for the moment when I should reach
Tafilet, and get rid of my tormentors. I had absolutely nothing
left but the clothes I had on, and a new coussabe which I owed
to the generosity of my Timbuctoo host, besides a padlock which
secured the bag that contained my notes: not a day passed that
these did not excite the cupidity of my companions; when I asked
for water they said: “Give us thy new dress and thy padlock,
and thou shalt have something to drink.” They purposely left me
in want that I might give them what they wished; but I had courage
to resist and they obtained nothing.

The wells were now nearer together, and as we came to them more
frequently, we could travel part of the day. When the heat was
excessive, during the journey, those who wanted to drink were
allowed to have water; on these occasions they pointed at me and
said to one another: “Do not let us give _him_ any, till he has
promised us something.” I disdained to have recourse to entreaty,
and bore both hunger and thirst rather than ask for any thing at
their hands; so I turned my head away, and pretended not to hear
what they said. Thirst at last compelled me to apply to Sidi-Aly,
who muttered when he ordered them to give me water; while I was
drinking it he imitated the humming noise made to induce the camels
to drink. He durst not refuse me the water for his own sake; for the
other Moors in the caravan, who were not his associates, would have
been indignant; in their presence he always pretended great kindness
for me, and compassion for the sufferings which I had endured in the
desert. It was impossible that he could altogether deceive them, for,
notwithstanding the abundance of water which we had since we left
Telig, I was often obliged to apply to the other Moors in the caravan
when I wanted drink: I was also driven out of our tent many times by
the rudeness of my tormentors, and took shelter with my neighbours,
who were much amused with my conversation, and collected around me,
to question me about my escape from the christians, their manners
and customs; they asked me also whether I had been ill-treated by my
white master. I always took care, as much as I could, to counteract
the impression which they all have, that Musulmans are ill-treated
amongst us, an idea which proceeds from their intolerant system.

They all showed me their guns and inquired where they were made;
and when I told them that they came from France, I observed that
they thought them the more valuable: accordingly, if I wanted to
flatter a Moor I told him that his gun was of French manufacture,
and out of gratitude for the pleasure which I afforded him, he
commonly offered me a share of his dokhnou and water.

On the 29th, at six in the morning, we proceeded northward. The soil
over which we passed was covered with quartz. About nine o’clock
in the morning, we halted in a place where we found some traces
of vegetation amidst the rocks. One of the Moors took water in his
leather bag, and went to tend the camels; the others were engaged
in examining and weighing their gold; they commonly hide it as I
have already mentioned, in pieces of rag, on which they put a mark
denoting the quantity, and the person to whom it belongs; for this
gold is often the proceeds of goods entrusted to them by merchants,
when they leave Tafilet.

The camel upon which I rode was laden with ostrich-feathers
only. That it might be the less fatigued with the journey, I was
never allowed to mount it while it was on its knees; one of the
Moors was commissioned by Sidi-Aly to help me to mount; and,
for the reasons above stated, this Moor was very ill-natured,
and took every opportunity of playing me a trick which might raise
a laugh amongst his companions at my expense. At nightfall, rice
was cooked for our supper. We had nothing before that but a little
dokhnou and water to refresh us; as the roots of this plant were
scarce, the slaves were sent to pick up camel’s dung for fuel;
though the wind quickly effaces their footsteps, it is always easy
to track them by the great quantity of their excrement.

At ten in the evening, we broke up, and proceeded towards the N.
W. The soil, which was as unvaried as ever, was covered on the
surface by quartz. The night was calm, and the heat stifling.

On the 30th of May, we halted at eleven in the morning, and found
some herbage, which supplied the camels with food during that day
and part of the succeeding night.

On the 31st, at two in the morning, we continued our journey in
the same direction. The soil was sandy, and covered with hills
of loose yellow sand. In crossing the desert, I perceived, at
a distance, immense tracts, which had the appearance of rivers
or lakes, with islands of sand rising in the midst of them; they
presented themselves to the eye, in the horizon of the desert, as
places where one might quench one’s thirst. This prospect broke
for a time the uniformity of these vast deserts; on approaching, I
was cruelly disappointed, for the water vanished, and I saw nothing
but loose sand where I had hoped to quench my thirst. This illusion
only rendered my situation more dreadful, when I was consumed with
thirst, and saw the sea receding before me as by enchantment. It
is impossible to form any correct idea of a _mirage_ without having
seen one.

Towards noon we halted; the burning heat was augmented by a scorching
wind from the east. My thirst was excessive, but I had no means of
quenching it; my companions told me, to comfort me, that we should
soon come to wells. In fact, the wells of Cramès are in this part
of the desert; and we hoped to find water there; but alas! they
were dry. These wells are situated near a chain of hills extending
from N. N. W. towards south. At intervals, we came to a few tufts
of herbage; the only trace of vegetation which is to be found here.

We pitched our tents, and sheltered ourselves under them from the
burning wind; we had a very short allowance of water dealt out to us,
on account of the impossibility of procuring more. The soil in this
part is composed of hard sand, mingled with gravel; the east wind
blew with such violence, that all our tents were overturned. About
sunset, we had an alarm; the camel-drivers at a distance from the
camp, saw some Moors, whom they took for banditti; they came to us,
calling out, “To arms! to arms!” The whole camp was immediately
on the alert; every one flew to arms, and hastened to meet the
supposed enemy. I saw some of our party tremble, which made me
presume that the danger was great. No person was left in the camp
besides three or four old marabouts, the slaves and myself; they
fell forthwith to prayers, and gave me a little water and a piece
of camel’s flesh, I suppose to propitiate Heaven. For my part,
I was not less uneasy than the Moors; I speculated sorrowfully upon
what would be our lot, if we lost our camels, our only resource
in the desert. We shall die in this horrid country, thought I,
for we are too distant to receive help from any quarter; and as
a climax to misfortunes, our provision of water is exhausted. In
fact, a few of the camels had returned, but the greater number
were grazing out of the camp. In the course of an hour, I beheld,
to my great satisfaction, our intrepid warriors returning; and
they informed us, with an air of triumph, that the robbers had
disappeared. All the evening the camp was in a tumult; and there
was a long deliberation what was to be done for want of water. It
was an object to set off at night to avoid the heat of the day; but
our prudent companions were afraid of being attacked on their way;
it was even suggested, that the robbers might have taken possession
of the wells, at which we were to arrive the next day. Sentinels
were appointed, and a watch was kept for a mile round the camp.

On the 1st of June, at five in the morning, we prepared to continue
our course to the north. Our water-bags were now dry, for we had
supplied our last night’s sentinels with water. All the forenoon
we were travelling over a barren soil, which was dreary to look at;
it was composed of very hard sand, covered with much grey gravel,
and small, flat, sharp-edged, black stones. I perceived, which
was rather unusual, a number of small tracks of former caravans,
and which the winds had not had the power to efface, because the
soil is hard and stony.

I shall here relate a conversation which passed in my presence
between Sidi-Molut, a Trajacant Moor, and Sidi-Body, associates
of Sidi-Aly, my guide, and some of my greatest tormentors; the
conversation turned upon the number of slaves they supposed the
Europeans to possess— just as they suppose that all the christians,
of whom they know nothing but the names, are of one nation and
subject to one chief. In this persuasion, Sidi-Molut related that
the sultan of Morocco had made an agreement with the sultan of the
christians for the exchange of prisoners of both sexes; and that,
by this treaty, a christian was to be exchanged for ten Musulmans,
or a thousand piastres. The moment Body heard that the price of a
christian slave was fixed at this sum, he interrupted Sidi-Molut,
and said: “Well, we must sell Sidi-Abdallahi,” pointing at me
with his finger. The other replied that I was not a christian but a
Musulman, and that a Musulman was worth all the gold in the world.
I could not refrain from darting a look of contempt at Body; and
I even told him I saw plainly, that if he could he would sell me,
the sooner the better, without any respect for his religion. He
did not seem to pay attention to what I said; but Molut looked at
me with a smile and said: “Body is a rogue, is not he Abdallahi?”

The soil over which we travelled in the afternoon was covered with
hills of loose yellow sand; we saw some vegetables, but at long
intervals; the heat was excessive, and again increased the pangs
of thirst. At last, about two in the afternoon, we halted near the
wells of Trasas or Trarzas, situated in a plain surrounded by hills
of yellow sand. These wells, which are numerous, are seven or eight
feet deep; the water is salt and most disagreeable.

Here we found some Trajacant Moors, the very people whom we had
descried the day before, and who had alarmed us so much; we had
occasioned them equal alarm, and it was for this reason that they
had not halted at the wells of Cramès. The wells of Trasas were
filled with sand, but the Trajacants had cleared out two of them.
In this plain, the surface of which is composed of hard grey sand,
we found some lumps of salt, and near the place where we watered
our beasts, several houses built with bricks of this substance. The
Moors informed me, that there was formerly a large village in this
place, belonging to their tribe, and that the inhabitants used to
work the Trasa salt mines, and carried on considerable commerce in
this article with the Soudan. They had many camels, as I learnt
from the same authority; but the village had been destroyed by
the Tafilet Moors. It is, nevertheless, very probable, that this
village was voluntarily abandoned by the inhabitants, who might be
discouraged by the great difficulty of finding fodder for their
beasts, and grain for themselves, and also by the annoyance of
being always forced to drink salt water.

As the Trajacants had taken the trouble to clear the wells, we had
nothing to do but to profit by their labour; and to reward them,
Sidi-Aly and Sidi-Molut joined to give them a good supper.

As our tent was not pitched, I took shelter under that of the
Trajacants. I found them drinking dokhnou, and talking over the
adventures of their journey; the moment they saw me, they perceived
that I was not an African; their first look announced their ill-will,
and one of them asked me who I was. A Moor of our caravan who
happened to be with me, spared me the trouble of answering; he took
the affair into his own hands, and related, without any omission,
the fiction which I had industriously circulated, and which was now
received as truth amongst all those who knew me. They afterwards
criticised my countenance, which did not seem to them to possess the
genuine Arab character, though I was by this time exceedingly dark;
but my complaint had entirely disfigured me. The Trajacants asked
me many questions about the christians, and made me repeat a verse
of the Koran which I had learnt by heart; they afterwards drank by
turns, and then poured salt water upon what was left in the vessel,
and asked me to drink.

On the 2d in the morning, Aly sent two of his Moors to look out
for fodder; they went a great distance, and returned in the evening
with two little bundles of straw, which were given to the animals,
and immediately devoured. Sidi-Aly asked me to go to seek food for
my camel; I replied that he might go himself, and I went to the tent
of two Wadnoun marabouts. These men were very kind, and censured
Sidi-Aly’s conduct towards me without reserve. All this day was
employed in watering the beasts, and in laying in a stock of water
for ourselves. The salt water penetrated our skins and ran out at
the seams, in spite of all we could do. Some of the Trajacants set
off before us.

On the 3rd, at five in the morning, we proceeded to the N. W.
first crossing a chain of hills, and then travelling over a soil
composed of black gravel, with flat, sharp-edged stones. We halted
about half past eleven in a plain, in which were a few thorny plants
for the camels to feed on. As we had plenty of water, we boiled a
little rice with some morsels of camel’s flesh, which had been
dried in the sun, and were as hard as leather. After this savoury
repast, we lay down on the ground by our baggage, to rest.

On the 4th, at two in the morning, we prepared for departure, and
directed our course N. N. W. till towards eleven; we travelled
at first over very hard sand, and then crossed a chain of hills
stretching from E. to W. About two in the afternoon, we halted,
very much fatigued, because we had had to ascend the hills of loose
sand amongst which we had encamped over night. I have observed that
fodder is more abundant in these hilly tracts than it is elsewhere.
I looked in vain for shells on these mountains; a search which was
suggested by the idea that the sea may formerly have covered the
site of these immense deserts.




CHAPTER XXIV.


Wells of Amoul-Gragim — Enormous serpents — High sand-hills
called Helk — Wells of Amoul-Taf — Hills of various-coloured
granite — Wells of el-Ekseif; very good water — Wells called
Marabouty, el-Guedea, Mayara, and Sibicia — High and steep
mountains, defiles and precipices — A severe fall — Encampment
of Sidi-Aly —El-Harib — The Berbers — Tatta — Description
of the country of el-Harib, customs; the tribes who inhabit it.

On the 5th of June, at three o’clock in the morning, we continued
to ascend lofty downs of loose sand; our direction was northerly:
the western side of these downs was covered with thorny plants,
which served the camels for food. The poor animals moved with so
much difficulty, that our progress was slow and painful; we advanced
but a mile an hour.

Towards noon, having climbed to a great elevation, we found ourselves
on an extensive plain of very hard grey sand: we halted near the
wells of Amoul-Gragim; which, like the preceding, were filled up;
these are only seven or eight feet deep; their water is muddy and
salt, but less disagreeable to the taste than that of Trasas.

This night seemed cooler than those which had preceded it: my rest
was disturbed by the appearance of a serpent, which suddenly awoke
me, and had nearly reached my head when I perceived it. I rose in
haste; the reptile was alarmed by the noise I made, and returned
immediately to its hole, which was not far distant: this serpent was
five feet and a half long, and as thick as the thigh of a boy twelve
years old. The idea of so unpleasant a neighbour banished sleep for
the remainder of the night: my travelling companions also experienced
similar visits, and appeared no less dismayed by them than myself.

The whole of the 6th was employed in watering our camels; we procured
for them stalks of _hedysarum-alhagi_, and branches of the tamarisk,
which grows on the plain at some distance from the wells: these
were quickly devoured. This night we lay down as on the preceding,
and I was again annoyed with the sight of enormous serpents.

At four o’clock in the morning of the 7th, we directed our
course to the N. N. E., among the chain of sand-hills called Helk;
but these are not by much so high as those we had crossed the day
before. Sidi-Aly, whom I questioned on the subject, and who at
times vouchsafed an answer, assured me that in none of his former
travels in the Soudan had he seen such lofty sand-hills; his route
had always been more northerly.

As our road was better than that of the preceding day, we travelled
at least two miles an hour. About half past eleven we halted at
the foot of the chain, on a somewhat hilly plain of grey gravel,
the finest I had yet seen.

On the 8th, we set out at four in the morning, taking a northerly
direction, over a sandy and tolerably level soil. Near noon we
halted in a plain of firm ground, covered with sharp flints as flat
as slate, and mixed with small gravel; this plain is surrounded
by gently swelling downs. I longed to emerge from these frightful
deserts, where the only indications of animated nature were the
distressing east wind, and some light-footed antelopes, which swept
across them with the rapidity of an arrow. I saw in several places
skeletons of these animals, dried up by the burning sun; they had
undoubtedly died of thirst.

On the 9th, at about one in the morning, we pursued our journey
northwards; the soil was covered with black gravel, and studded
with pointed rocks of the same colour. A little before eleven we
halted at the wells of Amoul-Taf, situated among rocks of grey
granite; it was necessary to open them; they are only four feet
deep, the water sweet, but not plentiful; tamarisks flourish in the
neighbourhood. We surrounded these wells with straw to prevent the
sand from falling in.

The camels were but half watered, and we filled our leathern bags
in preparation for departure.

At four o’clock in the morning of the 10th, we continued our
progress northward; and climbed a steep hill of granite with much
difficulty, finding no beaten track. The soil we traversed was
broken by hillocks of black gravel, and by sharp rocks: the country
offered not the smallest sign of vegetation. Towards nine in the
morning we descended into a plain, where we found a little grass,
and some very stunted _mimosa ferruginea_.

Here we rested to let our camels graze, and killed one, which,
quite overcome with the heat, could carry the baggage no longer:
its flesh was distributed amongst the people of the caravan, and
made us a very indifferent supper, but for want of better we were
obliged to eat it.

On the 11th we proceeded at four in the morning. If my inclinations
had been consulted, the journey would have been delayed till sunrise,
for I was much fatigued by rising every day so early. I was so
sleepy that it was with much difficulty I could keep my seat upon my
camel. I frequently called to mind that the only chance of surviving
the journey lay in hastening our march; this idea supported my
courage, and restored my exhausted strength: I confess nevertheless,
that I envied the fate of those who can purchase fame at a cheaper
rate than by such painful trials and continually recurring dangers.

We still travelled northward over a dry soil resembling that
which we had traversed on the preceding day. As we advanced in this
direction, the heat gradually diminished, and our thirst became less
intolerable. About ten o’clock we halted; the tent was pitched,
and I lay down in the hope of obtaining a little rest: next to
thirst, the greatest torment I suffered arose from the fatiguing
necessity of rising at all hours of the night, to pursue our journey.

On the 12th, at two in the morning, still half asleep, I mounted
my camel and we resumed our route northward, over a level, hard
and stony soil: I saw some mimosas scattered in the plain at great
distances apart, without any other sign of vegetation. About nine, we
descended, through a very narrow path, into a deep ravine, surrounded
by enormous blocks of granite, of a pink and various other colours,
in strata of eighteen or twenty inches thick. The camels, fatigued
with so bad a road, had much difficulty in descending amongst these
rocks. It was ten A.  M., when we halted at the wells of el-Ekseif,
situated at the very bottom of the ravine. These wells, or springs,
are shaded by a pretty grove of palm-trees of beautiful appearance;
such at least is the impression produced by the contrast of this
umbrageous and refreshing spot with the desolation that reigns
around, and with the bare and arid region which we had just crossed;
a few reeds and some rushes also grow round about.

This verdure, embosomed among immense rocks of granite, on a spot
where, as far as the eye can reach, no other trace of vegetation
is perceptible, has something at the same time wild and pleasing,
which produces an effect strikingly picturesque.

The water of the wells of el-Ekseif is very good; I found a real
luxury in drinking it, for it was sweet, bright, and limpid.

Tired of eating nothing but boiled rice, I went to a Moor who
treated me with better fare. I recounted to him my privations,
in which he seemed to take some interest, exhorting me to bear
my misfortunes with patience, and inviting me to partake of his
supper, which consisted of rice, boiled with meat dried in the sun,
and seasoned with allspice; the meat he had brought from Jenné,
in which town he had lived several years occupied in commerce,
I thought, by making him a little present, to obtain in return
frequent invitations to his meals, and therefore gave him a piece
of twenty _sous_, which he accepted; he considered himself however
under no engagement in my favour, for he invited me no more.

On the 13th of June, we remained beside the wells to recover from
our fatigues, and refresh ourselves with copious draughts of the
delicious water. The soil on which we were encamped was dry, and full
of stones, which we were obliged to clear away from the spot where
the camels were to lie, lest they should be hurt. In the evening
water was so abundant here that I was enabled to cool my body with
a calabash of cold water, and I found great benefit from it.

On the 14th, we set out at five in the morning, still pursuing
the same course. Descending into a plain where we found a little
herbage, we halted about nine o’clock to allow the camels to graze.
The road had been difficult and we had travelled about two miles an
hour. At five in the evening, judging that the camels were satisfied,
we continued our journey northwards, but had scarcely proceeded a
mile when we were obliged to wait for part of our company, who had
stayed behind; the ground which we were upon was composed of very
hard grey sand, covered with fine white gravel.  Towards eleven at
night, the stragglers, whom their beasts had carried to a distance
in pursuit of food, arrived, and we resumed our route, guided by
the pole-star; we travelled all night and till eleven in the morning
of the 15th.

On the 15th, we met with the same soil as the day before, without
any vegetation. A strong north wind prevailed and greatly incommoded
us. At half past five P. M., after drinking some _dokhnou_, we
again entered upon the desert.  Travelling northwards all night,
we found the air unusually cold, but free from fog.

On the 16th of June, at sunrise, we saw a little chain of hills
stretching from north to south; they appeared black, which made me
presume that they were granite.

About ten in the morning, we rested at the foot of a chain of
hills of loose sand, which ran in a parallel direction with the
granite hills.

At two in the morning of the 17th, we broke up our camp, and
proceeded northwards; having on either side of the road hills of
very fine sand. The poor camels cropped as they went along the
heads of some prickly plants, the only species of vegetable which
they could find. About ten we halted at the wells called Marabouty,
situated a quarter of a mile east of our route, amongst high hills
of moving sand: these wells, which are no deeper than the last,
were also filled up, but we soon opened them.

I eagerly pressed forward to ask for drink, for I had not been able
to obtain any on the road: my thirst was intense, and augmented by
a violent westerly wind, which drifted the sand and rendered the
journey most fatiguing. The neighbourhood of the wells is covered
with the excrements of camels, to such a degree, that if the Moors
were not well acquainted with their situation, these traces would
suffice to point them out: the water is very good.

Another camel at the point of death was killed here and some
of its flesh boiled for eating. Sidi-Aly had some pieces dried,
and sprinkled with salt, to preserve them as a luxury for himself
during the remainder of the journey.

On the 18th, at seven in the morning, we proceeded N. N. E. at
first amongst the sand-hills afterwards, over a plain of black
gravel. About ten we halted to feed the camels, and a meal was
prepared with part of the animal killed the day before. This mess
did not provoke the appetite, but necessity taught us to eat it.  One
particular that I think worthy of remark is that my health continued
perfectly good in the desert, notwithstanding the privations of
every kind which I experienced. I had no fear of perishing but by
thirst; and this was increased by the apprehension that we might
lose our way and wander to a distance from the wells.  Providence,
however, watched for my preservation, and I escaped even this peril,
the greatest, perhaps, which these frightful solitudes present.

At one o’clock in the morning of the 19th, we resumed our route
over a hard soil covered with gravel, and followed the same course;
some hills of little elevation were scattered over the country. At
noon we arrived at a spot which offered a little grass, and there
halted. A man was deputed to take care of the cattle, and we
assembled under the tent for refreshment, and to shelter ourselves
from the wind which now blew up clouds of dust.

On the 20th, at one in the morning, we resumed our journey
northwards, over loose sand, and halted at ten; our camels found
some prickly shrubs scattered over the plain. Towards midnight we
broke up, and again travelled towards the north over some hillocks
which rendered our progress slow and painful.

On the 21st, at nine A. M. we halted in the midst of sand-hills,
amongst which grass grew pretty plentifully. We were a mile west of
the wells of el-Guedea, where we found tolerably good water: the heat
was greater than on the preceding days and it was increased by a dead
calm: we were this day fully occupied in laying in a stock of water.

On the 22nd we recommenced our journey, still proceeding northwards;
our progress was slow, as the camels browzed by the way on some
thorny and half dried plants. The soil was of the same nature
as that we had last traversed. At ten in the morning we halted to
avoid the heat of the day, and about ten at night broke up our camp,
directing our course northward amongst sandy hills till day-light,
when we came to a more level soil covered with white gravel.

On the 23rd, at nine in the morning, we suspended our progress.
Some pieces of camel’s flesh dried in the sun were boiled for
our dinner, but proved as hard as wood. The same evening at nine,
we broke up, and, after proceeding northward for three hours,
turned to the N. N. W. over a level soil, without any vegetation,
and overspread with small gravel.

On the 24th, at eleven in the morning, the heat being insufferable,
we halted under our tent till it moderated, drinking a little
dokhnou; and, about four in the afternoon, after having eaten
some rice boiled with the flesh of the camel, we again advanced,
bearing N. N. W. till sunset, when we turned northward to cross a
chain of low sand-hills on which some grass grows. I learnt from
my comrades that the Moors of el-Harib come as far as this place
in the rainy seasons to pasture their flocks. We continued our
journey till two in the morning, over a hard gravelly soil and
some hills of loose sand; after which we halted till dawn, lying
down beside our camels to rest. On each side of the place where we
stopped were great rocks of granite, amongst which were seen some
miserable plants of _mimosa ferruginea_.

On the 25th, at four in the morning, there being sufficient light,
we slowly advanced amidst large blocks of quartz, among which I saw
many thorny plants and stunted mimosas, the bare branches of which
the famished camels cropped and ate with avidity.  Whether these
animals were sensible that they were approaching their own country
and the moment when their wants would be satisfied, I know not,
but they appeared more sprightly and vigorous than usual. About
ten o’clock the same morning, we halted at the wells of Mayara,
situated in a defile surrounded by granite and some mimosas. The
water of these wells, which are only four or five feet deep, is
salt; its taste is detestable: we had still one leather bottle
full of good water, but the Moors would not allow me my share of
it; they kept it all to themselves, and told me to go and drink
with the camels. Three Moorish slaves, who were of our party, were
more fortunate than I was; a small portion of the good water was
given to them. At a hundred and fifty feet from the salt wells,
there is another, the water of which is fit to drink, but it was
nearly dry; several Moors passed part of the day in emptying it,
and towards sunset I could quench my thirst at my ease.

On the 26th, I was awakened at one in the morning: we proceeded
N. N. E. between two hills sixty or seventy fathoms in height,
composed of great blocks of grey quartz and some granites of the same
colour: many mimosas and _hedysarum alhagi_ grow in this defile,
the soil of which consists of grey sand. So long was it since I
had seen any thing similar in point of vegetation, that I thought
myself in the most beautiful country in the world.

About eight in the morning, we entered a plain of black sand, in
which we perceived here and there spots resembling little islands
covered with herbage and mimosas. In proportion as we approached
the limits of the desert, nature appeared less desolate. At eleven,
we halted upon loose sand: we experienced the whole day a stifling
heat, which created a dreadful thirst; as night drew on, some rice
was boiled as usual for supper. About ten o’clock on the same day,
we started towards the N. N. E., over a soil broken by deep ravines,
on the edge of which some vegetation appeared. Our progress was slow,
for the camels were allowed to graze as they went on; we proceeded
but two miles an hour.

At nine in the morning of the 27th, we stopped by the wells of
Sibicia, situated between blocks of pale rose-coloured granite, and
surrounded by a pleasant grove of date-trees, the verdure of which
presented an agreeable contrast with the rest of the soil. The
water of these wells, which are only seven or eight feet deep,
is clear and delicious to drink.

About six in the evening, being occupied in prayer, we heard a
musket-shot at a distance; this noise did not surprise us, as we
knew that Sidi-Aly had gone on before from el-Guedea, to fix upon a
spot where his camp might be pitched, and we expected that he would
send some one to meet us and conduct us thither. Several Moors ran
immediately towards the point whence the sound proceeded: it was
actually a Moor sent to us by Sidi-Aly, who informed us that in two
days we should reach the camp of the Moors of el-Harib. He was the
bearer of letters for several members of the caravan, acquainting
them with the state of the country and the prices of merchandise
and provisions; part of the evening was employed in reading them
publicly, so that the whole caravan shared the benefit of the news.
We set out again at ten in the evening, taking a northerly course;
and travelled all night over a gravelly soil.

On the 28th, about seven in the morning, we descended a very
steep hill, bestrewed with rocks of granite, soft and crumbling,
in strata from twelve to eighteen inches thick. The road was very
difficult and even dangerous for the beasts of burden. About ten
in the morning, we pitched our tents in a plain, upon a stony soil,
and surrounded by hills of granite of the most arid appearance.

I was not suffered quietly to enjoy the shelter which this halt
offered us; for the Moors incessantly tormented me. Sidi-Body, the
same who proposed to Sidi-Molut to sell me, carried his indignities
so far as to strike me. I was obliged to take refuge under another
tent, where I lay down for the remainder of the day. The wind blew
with violence; I was very thirsty and could obtain no water from my
companions. The strangers to whom I applied pitied my situation and
gave me a little. I passed the day without eating; in the evening
I was indebted for a handful of rice to the generosity of my new
hosts, who awoke me that I might share their meal.

As we approached the encampment of el-Harib, some Moors prepared
their dress, with the intention of preceding us on the following
day, in order, no doubt, to enjoy as soon as possible the pleasure
of meeting their families. One of them, the son of Sidi-Aly,
my guide, had paid court to me for several days, that I might be
induced to lend him my wrapper, his own being torn: as I had less
reason to complain of him than of his comrades, during the journey,
I consented to lend it to him.

About nine at night, we again decamped and took a north-west
direction, as we had done from seven till ten in the morning.
Toward midnight, we changed our course to N. N. E. through the
passes of high mountains of granite, amongst which were pools of
salt water. Enormous masses of these rocks, suspended over our heads,
seemed to threaten to tumble and crush us. In one of these defiles,
the camel that I rode took fright, turned aside and ran away. I
was thrown flat on my back upon the gravel.

The pain I experienced was so great, that I was persuaded some of my
bones were broken, and indeed that I was near my end. A Moor came
to my assistance; he took me in his arms, and pressed me violently
against his breast, which afforded me some ease. He assisted me to
overtake my camel, which had been stopped, and made it knee, that
I might remount with more ease; this Moor was a stranger, who did
not belong to the company of Aly. My sufferings were still so acute,
that I could not restrain my groans; I conceived that my skull was
fractured; I experienced a giddiness in my head and could scarcely
see. I was not relieved from these symptoms till the following day,
and the pains in my loins continued with much violence, so that I
could not stoop without great difficulty. I felt the effects of
this fall for more than two months. The Moor who assisted me to
rise placed me himself upon my camel, which I should have been
incapable of mounting without help.

To issue from these defiles, we were obliged to climb a steep and
lofty mountain; the path was narrow and winding, and presented
considerable difficulties, in consequence of which all the company
were required to alight from their camels. I alone continued to ride;
I was so severely bruised that I should have found it impossible to
walk any part of the way. This exposed me to numerous invectives from
some of the Moors, who threatened to throw stones at me to compel
me to dismount: those, however, who had witnessed my accident took
my part, and I was allowed to proceed in peace.

The camels, exhausted by the fatigues of the journey, advanced with
reluctance, took two or three steps, then stopped, painfully turning
their heads first on one side and then on the other, uttering low
moans, while they seemed to measure with their eyes the laborious
task which still remained to be accomplished. It was with regret
that I found myself obliged to continue mounted, for I pitied these
unfortunate animals. The Moors, walking behind, encouraged them
with their voices, repeating certain words in different tones,
in the way of a song, which the camels appeared to understand.

The track frequently passed so near the edge of the rock, and
was so narrow, that I thought it impossible to follow it without
being thrown down frightful precipices. At length, having with
great toil attained the summit, we discovered an extensive plain,
the soil of which, composed of gravel and grey sand, is very hard
and interspersed with thin flat stones, resembling slates, and of
a grey and black colour.

On the 29th, about two in the morning, the soil changed, becoming
more sandy, and offering some traces of vegetation. At daybreak
we stopped to perform our devotions; after having returned thanks
to God, those who wished to precede us set out for the camp upon
fresh camels and went off at a swift pace.

We followed them soon afterwards, in a N. N. W. direction, over a
hard soil covered with coarse grey gravel. About eight o’clock, we
descended into a plain in which the vegetation was tolerably fine;
I particularly remarked the tamarisk in considerable quantity. The
herbage, though dry, on account of the season, afforded abundant
nourishment to our camels.

The inhabitants of the camp, apprised of our arrival, hastened out
to meet us: the women presented the children to their fathers,
who expressed the greatest joy, embracing them alternately, and
affectionately returning their caresses. I was much struck by this
interesting scene, and could not avoid comparing it in my mind with
the coldness, which amongst the Braknas the wife and children of
Mohammed-Sidi-Moctar had manifested on occasion of his return to
his family.

About nine o’clock in the morning, we arrived at the dwelling of
Sidi-Aly. His camp belonged to the tribe of Body; it was composed
of twelve or fifteen tents, covered with stuff made of camel’s
hair, pitched in a spacious plain, to the north of which rose high
mountains entirely bare and running from east to west. My joy on
finding myself in an inhabited region was extreme; the idea that
henceforth I might quench my thirst at my ease made me forget the
fatigue of the desert.

On entering the camp my guide met me laughing, and asked me to give
him my hand in token of peace: he inquired after my health and even
lodged me in the tent of his aged sister, who was so prejudiced
that she durst not approach me. I had soon numerous visits from
men and women; for Aly had related to his countrymen the various
circumstances which had determined me to cross the desert on my
return to my own country. The women, whom I found much more curious
than the men, teased me incessantly; they talked all together,
so that I was at a loss which to listen to. In order to attract
my attention, one struck me on the shoulder, another on the head,
and another pulled me by my clothes. Sidi-Salah, to whom I had in
the morning lent my wrapper, gave me some dates for my breakfast;
I found them however so hard that I ate but few, which nevertheless
renewed the pains in my jaws.

Aly, my guide, had couscous of wheat prepared for two Mahometan
priests, of the Trajacants who had travelled with us: I expected
that he would have offered me a small share, for I had eaten nothing
throughout the day, except the bad dates which had been sent to me;
but I was disappointed and compelled to wait patiently.

At sun-set, Aly killed a fine sheep to regale the priests; the
liver and suet were stuck upon skewers, laid upon the coals, and
eaten half-raw. He gave me a taste of it; the children and their
parents divided the entrails, which they also laid upon the coals.

The remainder of the mutton made a plentiful supper; they gave me
a good portion of couscous of barley-meal, adding a small piece of
the belly of the sheep which had been reserved. Though this couscous
was detestable, both for its want of seasoning and for the great
quantity of fat with which it was made, I ate of it with appetite.

On the 30th of June, the women were early at work grinding wheat
for the breakfast of the priests. The means by which they obtain the
flour separated from the bran is as follows: they have two round flat
granite stones, placed one upon another, and set into one another
by means of a piece of wood fixed to the centre of the lower stone;
the upper has an opening through which the grain is introduced;
it is then turned with a handle. Two women are employed in working
this machine, although it is neither heavy nor difficult to move.

When the wheat had been thoroughly sifted several times through
a sieve of thin canvas, the two daughters of Sidi-Aly, as dirty
as their father, proceeded to knead it into a cake without yeast:
one of them made a great fire of tamarisk wood, to heat the ground
on the spot chosen for baking the cake: when it was considered
sufficiently hot, they swept the place and laid the dough upon
the earth; the embers were then replaced upon it and covered with
loose sand which had been heated for the purpose: when half-baked
it was washed, broken in pieces, and thrown into a calabash, full
of fat, the remains of the preceding night’s supper; a kind
of sauce was now poured over it and a piece of a sheep recently
killed was added. All the family and the priests partook of this
stew, and when they had eaten sufficiently they brought me a small
portion which remained, with a little sauce upon it; this formed
both my breakfast and dinner. On the succeeding days they gave me
nothing but dates; I represented to Sidi-Aly that they disagreed
with me, owing to the complaint in my teeth, which prevented my
chewing them without experiencing severe pain. Aly answered that
he was sorry for it, but he had no meat to give me; that in this
country dates only were eaten during the day and couscous at night:
the remainder of the rice which had been given me at el-Arawan,
was put into his tent, and the family ate of it without ever
offering me any. At length, having no remedy, it was necessary to
conform to this mode of living upon dates alone: but how much did
I suffer! I had soon a sore on the roof of my mouth, and fearing
lest I should be again reduced to the dreadful state in which I
had formerly been, I gave up eating these fruits, and determined
to beg a little camel’s milk from our neighbours, whom I found
but little affected by my petition. Aly had several daughters whose
young lovers were frequently coming to his tent; sangleh was often
dressed for their breakfast, but they never once offered me any,
though they knew that it gave me such excruciating pain to eat the
dates. In three days’ time the family of Aly began to persecute me;
they conceived they could not do better than imitate the chief, who,
on all occasions, manifested an implacable hatred to me. The women
appeared to take pleasure in tormenting me; they would not allow
me a tent; the moment I lay down to sleep, they played a hundred
tricks to oblige me to rise, they pricked me with a piece of wood,
dragged me by the legs, took away my wrapper, and threw water over
my face. Tired of these endless annoyances I resolved to take refuge
in the tent of a good blacksmith who had performed the pilgrimage
to Mecca, which was a great recommendation to him in that country:
his aged mother was very pious, and received me kindly; she gave me
for refreshment milk and water, which beverage they, as well as the
Braknas called cheni. The good old woman thought she was performing a
meritorious act, acceptable to God, in saying that her tent was mine,
and that I might come thither to sleep whenever I pleased. Though a
devout Mahometan, she was full of spirits and fond of a joke, nor
did I find her given to falsehood like the other women. Sidi-Aly,
seeing that his people would not endure me in any of his tents,
had one pitched for me alone, but it was impossible to remain in it,
for, as the air entered at one side only, the heat was suffocating.

Early on the 2nd of July, the sister of Sidi-Aly came to seek me,
holding in her disgusting hands a lump of sangleh covered with hairs,
for she had used the same butter to grease her head and to season
this mess: though I was exceedingly hungry I had not courage to
taste it. This woman, about sixty years of age, took me aside, and
said in a low voice: “Listen, Abdallahi, thou who wert brought
up among the christians, who know every thing except the path to
salvation, thou shouldst be as wise as they are; and I come to pray
thee to make me a charm for one of my nieces who wants a husband;
if thou consentest, and the charm proves good I will provide thee
with sangleh for two days.” She paused a moment to hear my answer;
she then added, that she had induced the Moorish priests to write
several for her and had paid them well in _dragmes_, but that they
had produced no effect; she hoped that mine would turn out better.
The situation in which I now stood did not permit me to reject
this proposition: I only insisted upon the clause that she should
not put butter into the sangleh. Without loss of time she fetched
ink and a straw to use as a pen. She first told me the name of the
desired lover, and the names of his parents, and recommended to me
particularly to keep the secret: as she had no paper I furnished her
with a little bit, and wrote in her presence the charm she wished
for. To give it the more importance, I ordered it to be tied round
the neck of the young girl, which was immediately done, and finally,
to inspire a high idea of my skill in magic, I traced upon a little
board another talisman, directing that the writing should be washed,
and that her niece should drink of the water which had been used for
this purpose. This formality having been punctually fulfilled, the
girl came to ask me what time would elapse before the charm would
operate. As I knew that I should not be many days in the country,
I told her that it would probably not be twenty before she was
married. Her aunt Ayesha (this was the old woman’s name) kept her
word; she brought me on the morrow, in a very dirty calabash, some
sangleh made of barley-meal and without seasoning.  The daughters
of Aly, having become more civil since I had shewn my talent for
bestowing husbands, ceased to molest me; they came and offered me
some fresh camel’s milk, and this was the first time that I had
drunk any in the dwelling of my host.

Meanwhile the good old aunt who had so strongly recommended secresy
to me, gave her friends information of the happy talent which I
possessed, and I soon had to write for the neighbouring camps. All
the women of the environs made friends with me that, I might give
them a charm which would procure husbands for their daughters; they
even went so far as to offer me money in payment, which it will be
easily imagined I was far from accepting; but I made no scruple of
taking milk and sangleh for my support: profiting by this innocent
stratagem, I had every day gruel or milk for breakfast. Before
chance furnished me with this method of procuring food, I had given
my host a little coussabe, entreating him to send me each morning,
at least, a small quantity of sangleh: the old hypocrite kept my
present, but gave me nothing in return.  One day I reproached him
for his conduct, and he returned me my coussabe: I changed it for
a pair of morocco shoes, for I was barefoot; in the middle of the
day, the sun was so scorching, and the gravel and dry herbage cut
my feet so much, that I had been obliged to borrow shoes to walk in.

The sons of Sidi-Aly, from twenty-eight to thirty years of age,
not wanting my assistance to find wives, did not treat me more
kindly than before; they continued to insult me up to the time of
my departure; they even carried their insolence so far as to present
themselves uncovered before me using the most indecent gestures. Aly,
their father, only laughed at this conduct, which he witnessed.

The Arabs of el-Harib are so harassed by the Beraberas, or Berbers,
to whom they are tributary, that they are fearful of travelling
even in their own country without an escort from among these people;
for if these unfortunate Arabs were met by the Berbers, they would
be beaten and pillaged: for this reason we could not proceed to
Tafilet without an escort. We were therefore obliged to wait for
one of the chiefs of this nation, who lived in a village of the
Drah or Draha, and had been sent for.

On the 3rd of July, this chief arrived at the encampment Aly gave
him a good reception. They agreed upon the price which each load
should pay for transport from el-Harib to Tafilet—for this Berber
was to furnish beasts of burden; they signed a written agreement in
which they mutually bound themselves to fulfil their engagements, and
the Berber promised to return in eight days with the camels. Tired
of the monotonous life which I was leading in the camp, I resolved
for amusement to make a tour among the tribe of Oulad-Gouassim to
visit an eminent Mahometan priest, whose sanctity had been highly
extolled; his encampment lay about three miles to the east of
ours. I approached his tent at the moment when the holy personage
was coming out: several old men accompanied him; they had heard
me spoken of, and immediately informed him that I was unhappy,
and that I had separated from the christians. He answered with
an air of indifference and without appearing to take any notice
of me: “Well then! he has to thank God for his return into the
way of salvation.” I seated myself for a moment upon the ground
with him and some of the Moors, who were vicing with each other in
obsequiousness to him: he ordered one of them to fetch him a little
water, to dissolve some salt which he intended to take as a remedy
for an indisposition, pretending that this beverage would give
him relief. As the vessel which was brought to him was too full,
he was about to pour out some of the water, when one of the Moors
in his company, being apparently thirsty, proposed to drink it, but
the haughty priest, with a contemptuous air, asked who he was that
he should drink out of his satala: the person who aspired to this
favour was no doubt worthy of it, for no sooner had he mentioned
his name than the priest presented the vase to him. During the
short time that I remained in his presence I saw a number of Moors
come to consult him on divers maladies; his only remedy for so many
complaints was to lay his hand gravely upon the part affected, and,
rubbing it gently, to pronounce a prayer. This important person
was also the public writer and the instructor of the children.

The only wealth of this man consisted in his knowledge of the Koran;
but in Africa this knowledge is worth an estate. From all parts
they brought him cotton cloth for his dress, stuff for his tent,
beasts to carry him on his journeys, and barley for the food of
himself and his people: he received all this in exchange for the
charms which he wrote. In his camp he was abundantly furnished with
whatever could contribute to his support and that of his friends; in
return, he gave talismans for the cure or prevention of all diseases,
against thefts, or to obtain husbands for the young females.

As it was late and I did not intend returning to Aly’s camp, and
as the priest had not given me an invitation to sleep in his tent,
I sought elsewhere a lodging for the night; I addressed myself as
is usual to the first man I met, and requested permission to sleep
near his tent: this man received me kindly, installed me in the place
which he usually occupied, and left me; he then sent me a supply of
dates to serve till supper time. I did not touch them, being afraid
of them. During the night I was visited by a Moor, who was a cripple,
and obliged to be carried by another. I was lying upon the ground;
on rising I was astonished to see this little man beside me; he
gave me the idea of a mysterious dwarf; I knew not what to think
of his nocturnal visit, and conceived that by the assistance of
his companion he intended to steal something. Finding that their
presence was not at all to my satisfaction, they desired me not
to be afraid, but I assured them loud enough to be heard by the
neighbours, that if they did not leave me, I should complain to my
host. The deformed dwarf threw himself into the arms of his conductor
and they disappeared like lightning. About ten o’clock at night,
my supper was brought me: it was good couscous with meat, such as
I had never eaten in Aly’s family. The chief of the tent brought
me water to wash my hands, inquired if I had had a good supper,
and took his seat beside me: he put several questions relative to
the customs of christian countries, and then withdrew.

On the 4th of July, after taking leave of my generous host,
I returned to Aly’s camp. On the road I met two women, whose
conversation amused me a little. They begged me to write charms,
one to make her husband who intended to quit her change his mind;
another to procure a husband for a young woman who wished to marry:
they offered me money in exchange, but warned me, laughing, that they
should pay nothing till my charms had taken effect. This conversation
made the walk pleasant, and beguiled the length of the way.

We arrived at the camp: the blacksmith, to whose tent I often
went to sleep, was preparing to transport two cargoes of ivory
to Tatta; I perceived that he paid dues to the Berbers to travel
through the country in safety. On making inquiries concerning the
place to which they were going, I learnt that Tatta is a large town
situated five days’ journey to the N. W. of our camp: the route
leads through the town of Brahihima, which is two days’ journey
from the camp. The goods taken to Tatta are dispatched thence by
the merchants of Soueyrah (Cape Mogador.)

On the 6th of July, the wife of Sidi-Aly, who till then, like
the rest of the family had given me tokens of ill-will accosted
me in a very affable tone, and requested a saphi for bad eyes;
promising me that if I effected a cure, she would give me every
thing I wished. To get quit of her I gave her one immediately, and
she received it with gratitude. I refused her money, but accepted
with pleasure a little milk which she offered me. After some days,
the impatient Mariam (that was her name) seeing that my amulet did
not operate, reproached me bitterly, saying that my skill was no
greater than that of the priests. Knowing from her husband that I
had some medicaments, she asked me for physic, which embarrassed
me greatly, as I was fearful of increasing her complaint; it was
necessary however to satisfy her, under penalty of being considered
disobliging. Convinced that cleanliness was the best remedy I could
prescribe, to force her to it, I diluted with a considerable quantity
of water a small portion of sulphat of quinine, and desired her
to wash her eyes with it; she insisted that I should perform this
operation myself, unfortunately the water, penetrating to her eyes,
made them smart a little: upon which she flew into a rage, loaded
me with abuse, and in conclusion, cursed both the doctor and his
medicines. From that time she gave me no more sangleh.

This incident did not destroy their confidence in my saphies, to the
credit of which moreover old Aly had contributed by a falsehood;
having asserted that when I left Timbuctoo my abdomen was much
swelled, and that I wrote in a book, washed my writing in water,
and drank this liquor, which cured me.

An old woman long tormented me to procure a husband for her daughter;
she dragged me, at length, against my will into her tent, which
belonged to a neighbouring camp, promising me a draught of _cheni_
in recompense. Here I saw the object of her maternal solicitude;
a girl about twenty years of age, repulsively ugly, clothed in
rags, the filthiness of which could only be equalled by that of
her person. Her left cheek was covered by a scar, and she had sore
eyes. Her whole figure presented the most revolting appearance
imaginable; and I perceived at a glance the cause of her mother’s
anxiety to get her married by means of a charm. I felt that it
was quite beyond my art to accomplish such a prodigy. To induce me
however to exert all my skill, the old woman offered me a piece of
dried meat, which she took out of a large leathern sack, where, from
its state of putrefaction, it might have been deposited on the day
that her amiable daughter was born. Notwithstanding the repugnance
which I manifested, the mother insisted upon my acceptance of the
delectable morsel, which she assured me was excellent; but such
was my disgust that I even refused the _cheni_ which she offered. I
was anxious to withdraw, but could not effect my escape till I had
written the amulet required; this done, I fled with all expedition,
invoking for the maiden a man courageous enough to take her to wife.

I have never, in any country, seen women so dirty as those of
el-Harib. This total want of cleanliness is no doubt the cause of
the chronic ophthalmia, and other disorders, with which they and
their equally filthy offspring are afflicted. My medical reputation
drew upon me most unpleasant avocations: the mothers brought to me
in crowds children in so disgusting a state that I could not look
at them without horror; in vain did I avert my eyes, they only
became more importunate, compelling me to examine the miserable
beings for whom they solicited my aid. I could do no better for them
than recommend cleanliness; but this simple remedy they despised,
and would not be content with any thing short of the marvellous.

On the evening of the 6th, a troop of Berbers arrived in our camp
demanding hospitality. Aly ordered for their supper a couscous of
wheat flour, to which were added some pieces of meat dried in the
sun. The food for me and the slaves was separately dressed; but
Aly’s sister, who, since I had given her amulets for her nieces,
had become much more attentive to me, gave me some of their meat
concealed under the bad couscous of barley intended for me.

On the 8th of July, another troop of Berbers carried off several
camels which were grazing at a distance. The whole camp took the
alarm, and arming themselves with guns the men set off in haste,
some on foot and others on horseback; but the thieves were already
distant, and their pursuers returned without having overtaken them.
The evening was spent in lamentations on the part of the owners
of the camels, their relations, and friends. They had recourse to
fortune-tellers to know if they should recover them, and came to
consult me on the subject, requesting a charm to bring them back;
this I refused, under pretence that my writings did not possess
that virtue.

On the 11th of July, the Berbers who were to escort us to Tafilet
arrived, and great was my joy to think that on the morrow I should
quit a place where I had experienced so many mortifications.  Aly had
a sheep killed for the Berbers’ supper and gave me a little bit,
with an apology on account of the many persons who were to partake
of it.

On the 12th, at five o’clock in the morning, our preparations
were made for departure; but before quitting this country I shall
give a description of it.

The territory of el-Harib, two days’ journey west of that of
el-Drah, and one to the east of the tribe of the Trajacants,
is situated between two chains of mountains, which extend from
east to west, and separate it towards the north from the empire of
Morocco, to which it is tributary. The inhabitants are divided into
several roving tribes. Their principal wealth consists in the great
quantity of camels which they breed, and which in the wet season
produce abundance of milk for their sustenance. All the Moors of
el-Harib travel in the Soudan; they go to Timbuctoo, el-Arawan,
and Sansanding; the merchants of Tafilet, el-Drah, and Soueyrah,
give them loads for their camels; on their own account they carry
only wheat and dates, and these in small ventures. When in the
Soudan they remain there several months, for the purpose of traffic;
making little journeys to Toudeyni, where they purchase mineral
salt, which they sell again to the principal merchants in the two
chief entrepôts, receiving in exchange grain, the stuffs of the
Soudan, and gold. Having spent nine or ten months in this traffic,
they take a load for Tafilet or some other city, and afterwards
return into their own country and to their family, bringing with
them gold only and some slaves, whom they sell in Morocco.

On returning to their own country, they are obliged to pay a small
tribute to a chief called the sheikh. The goods brought by the Moors
from the Soudan to el-Harib are transported to Tafilet or other
places by the Berbers alone, or under escorts which they furnish at
a price agreed upon; without which precaution the merchants would
certainly be robbed or murdered on the road.

The Moors of this miserable country are incessantly harassed by
the Berbers, from whose habits of rapine they have every thing to
fear, although they pay them a heavy tribute; and not one of them,
whatever rank he may hold at home, dares travel without being thus
accompanied. These roving people, not being themselves cultivators
of the soil, are obliged frequently to go to el-Drah to purchase
barley and dates for food, and not daring to attempt this without
the convoy of the Berbers, they pay them an additional tribute
by way of remuneration. These latter, well armed, are continually
prowling about in the country of el-Harib, to obtain food from the
Moors and even to carry off their cattle.

The inhabitants of this district are so poor that they can purchase
only the cheapest provisions, principally such dates as, having
fallen from the trees before they have become perfectly ripe, are
carefully picked up by the owners, exposed to the sun to dry, and
then put into leathern bags, where they become so extremely hard
that very good teeth are requisite to eat them without pain. Upon
these dates, which they pound in a wooden mortar, and a little cheni,
the Moors of el-Harib subsist during the day; eating sangleh before
evening only in very particular cases.

About eight or nine at night, they usually sup upon a couscous
of barley generally steeped in warm water, in which they have
boiled a handful of herbs gathered in the environ of their camp.
They also breed some sheep, but when they kill one, which is very
rarely done, they dry the meat and preserve it in leathern sacks,
sometimes for six months. They have recourse to this reserve when
they treat strangers, particularly the Berbers, to whom they are
very attentive. As a mark of consideration, they spread before the
tent for their repose a carpet as good as those which we use in
Europe. The master, in honour of his guests, frequently eats with
them from the same bowl, and, instead of offering them pure water,
he adds to it camel’s milk, which in the rainy season is very
abundant. On the arrival of the strangers, the dates and cheni are
immediately set before them as a refreshment till the supper hour.
Though the Moors of el-Harib receive the Berbers thus hospitably,
yet in travelling through their country they are never treated even
with a supper; in their journeys therefore, they are careful to
carry their provision of dates and a little barley-meal, which they
boil in water. The costume of the Berbers differs from that of the
Moors only in a band of coloured stuff, which the former wrap round
their heads in the form of a turban; they also wear ear-rings. They
are all armed and mounted on fine horses, handsomely caparisoned,
and they wear spurs, which are attached to a leather strap firmly
fastened round the instep.

The Moors of el-Harib dress like those on the banks of the
Senegal, except that over their coussabe they wear a linen wrapper
manufactured in the country of el-Drah or Tafilet. They have only
one wife, but like the Braknas change her frequently. They are all
Musulmans, yet they do not addict themselves, like the marabouts,
to the study of the Koran, being satisfied with knowing the first
verse of it without learning to write; a marabout is, consequently,
held in great consideration among them.

The Moors of el-Harib are generally detested by their neighbours;
in el-Drah and Tafilet they are seldom called any thing but cafirs
or infidels. In my life I never saw women so evil disposed and so
dirty as those of this country: they do not veil themselves, like the
women of Morocco, but expose a face disgustingly filthy; the smell
that proceeds from them is most offensive. The inhabitants eat the
camels which have died from fatigue, but not till they have drained
off the blood; they keep some sheep and a few horses. El-Harib
contains eleven tribes, the names of which, as I received them
from an old inhabitant of the camp to which I belonged, are as
follows: Oulad-Rossik, Oulad-Wébal, Oulad-Gouessim, Oulad-Foulh,
Oulad-Ouraff, Oulad-Rouzinn, Oulad-Rahan, Oulad-Nasso, Oulad-Body,
Oulad-Bonlaboi, Oulad-Sidi-Ayesha. One day’s journey west from
our camp are situated the first tents of the Trajacants; at the
distance of four in the same direction are the tribes of Oulad-Noun,
who dwell near the village of Adrar, which must not be confounded
with the country of el-Drah, a small district extending from east
to West, and from north to south, between Morocco and el-Harib;
five days’ journey west from the encampment of Sidi-Aly is the
village of Sous; at fourteen days in the same direction that of
Soueyrah; and at ten or eleven days from el-Harib, to the N. N.
W. is Morocco, the capital of the empire of that name, which these
rovers sometimes visit.

While the men of el-Harib are travelling in the Soudan, the women
employ themselves in making ropes of grass, to fasten the baggage
and to draw water from the wells in the deserts; they spin camel’s
hair with which they make tent-covers; they prepare and tan leather,
and make sandals for their husbands, and the remainder of their time
is devoted to their domestic concerns. As in all other Mahometan
countries, they eat apart from the men.

Sidi-Aly had frequently teased me to part with my two pieces of
blue cotton cloth from the Soudan, that I might have, he said,
the means of purchasing provisions for my journey to Tafilet,
those which had been given me at Timbuctoo and el-Arawan, having
been wholly consumed by himself and his family. Wishing to retain
my cloths, which might probably prove serviceable to me in future,
I resisted his importunities, and thus cheating his cupidity ran the
risk of exposing myself to his resentment. My resolution, however,
produced no ill consequences.




CHAPTER XXV.


Country of el-Drah — Zawât — el-Hamid — Bounou — Town
of Mimcina — Camp of Berbers — Tabelbât — The Tawâts —
Wells of Yeneguedel, of Faratissa, of Bohayara — Customs of the
Berbers — Wells of Goud-Zenaga, of Zenatyia — Town of el-Yabo
— Wells of Chanerou, of Nyela.— Arrival at Tafilet — Town
of Ghourland — Market — Ressaut, the residence of a Governor
under the emperor of Morocco.

On the 12th of July, we set out at five in the morning, after having
taken a little camel’s milk, which I bought with a glass bead from
my chaplet. We proceeded slowly towards the east, over a hard soil,
composed of grey sand, covered with vegetation, and intersected
with deep ravines. Aly would not permit me to mount my camel all
the morning; it was not till towards noon when he mounted himself
that I could obtain this favour. About two P. M. we halted on a very
hard sand upon which grew some zizyphus lotus; throughout the day
a strong easterly wind incommoded us much: at four in the evening
it veered to the west.  At nightfall we were visited by a Moorish
priest whose camp was in the vicinity of our halting place. As he
was proprietor of several flocks of sheep, we wished to purchase
some mutton of him but he refused; and we gave him some barley-meal
which he undertook that his wife should dress for our suppers. He
sent it to us at ten o’clock, and had the civility to add some
milk from his ewes. Out of reserve he declined supping with us,
but seated himself apart and waited till the dish containing our
mess was brought to him.

On the 13th of July, at two in the morning, we continued our
route E. N. E., and crossed several sand-hills covered with dry
shrubs. About eight o’clock we passed the ruins of some mud-huts,
surrounded by a battlemented wall; opposite to these ruins is
a small square mausoleum, the roof of which is a vaulted arch.
Immediately within the little entrance door, is stretched a cord
from which depend numerous shreds of cloth of various colours,
which travellers had hung there from a sentiment of devotion.
Several pyramids of flint heaped together without cement, and about
eighteen inches in height, are another kind of offering made by
passengers to the manes of the sherif whose ashes repose in this
monument, and whose memory is held in veneration.

Here the Moors and Berbers of our little caravan went through their
devotions; after a short ceremony they took a little sand from
the place in which they had prostrated themselves and sprinkled it
over their camels and slaves. I learned that these ruins belonged
to an ancient village called Zawât, long since abandoned by its
inhabitants, who had elsewhere founded another town of the same name.

The soil of the environs is barren, hard, and full of stones of
various colours; a few bushes indeed are to be seen, but their
foliage is parched up by the sun.

It was noon when we passed the new village of Zawât, which belongs
to the country of el-Drah. This village is peopled by the former
inhabitants of the deserted ruins we had seen in the morning:
the houses are of stone, with terraced roofs, and consist only
of a ground-floor; they are ill-built and resemble the huts of
the Bambaras. We crossed some fields which had been cultivated,
and about half past twelve halted in a wood of date-trees, near a
neat village, called el-Hamit. Nothing was to be seen on all sides
but forests of date-trees majestically rearing their summits to
the clouds. Under these trees the inhabitants of el-Drah cultivate
wheat, barley, and some garden vegetables. They divide their land,
the soil of which is a fine sand but fertile, into little squares,
round which they raise dikes to receive and retain the rain-water,
and when they have collected more than they want they convey the
surplus by channels to the foot of the date-trees. Each landholder
has in the middle of his field a well of clear and good water,
sunk to the depth of twenty or twenty-five feet, in a hard sand
mixed with small black and yellow pebbles; I remarked several having
strata from fourteen to eighteen inches thick of red sand a little
veined with grey and of the consistence of clay. Two posts fifteen
feet high are erected, one on each side of these wells supporting
a cross-beam, to which is fastened a long pole, bearing a weight at
its hinder extremity to counterbalance the bucket which is attached
by a piece of cord to the other; the water is thus drawn-up without
much effort and serves to water their plantations. At the depth
of about twenty-five feet are found rocks which appear to be of
granite. Wood is very scarce in this country; the fuel consists
only of dry palm-leaves and the trunks of dead trees: the timber
used in the construction of their houses is that of the date-tree.

The plough is used in this country, and it is drawn by mules
or camels.

Near sunset the Berbers collected some small pebbles, which they
arranged symmetrically upon the sand, then heated them with a
fire of palm-leaves, and, after kneading a little barley-meal,
baked a cake of it for our supper upon the stones; to improve it
they mixed with the meal some small bits of mutton fat; when baked
it was divided among us. Aly gave me a little bit of it which I
thought delicious, although badly baked and very heavy, for I had
tasted nothing the whole day; my guide, however, though he allowed
me so little nourishment, upbraided me with living at his expense,
since my own provisions had been long exhausted. Happily for me
two Trajacant marabouts had joined our caravan; Aly supplied them
with provisions, and allowed them sometimes to ride his camels,
not out of humanity, but because he would have utterly forfeited
his reputation as a pious Musulman had he acted otherwise. These
two men were excellent company to me: they consoled me under the
insults to which I was incessantly exposed, and greatly alleviated
the hardships of my lot during this long and toilsome journey; for
I should probably have encountered still worse usage but for their
presence, which imposed some restraint on my guide and his family.
The marabouts had even the kindness to give me drink, when, as it
frequently happened, water was refused me.

On the 14th at three in the morning, we took our departure, slowly
directing our course E. N. E., through numerous plantations of dates;
the soil was broken by hills of loose sand.

About eight in the morning, we passed a large village called
Bounou, surrounded by beautiful palm-trees. About ten we came
to a hard soil covered with small black and yellow pebbles;
here we met six Berber horsemen, all well mounted, and armed
with sabres and muskets; they advanced at full speed to meet us
with hostile intentions, pointing their loaded muskets: the six
Berbers who formed our escort, with four well armed Moors, placed
themselves at the head of the cavalcade, holding their weapons in
readiness to receive the enemy. The two parties halted within a
certain distance, when the Berbers parleyed together in their own
language, still holding their muskets ready for firing. As soon
as they recognised each other to be countrymen, they saluted;
and we pursued our route without molestation. What a country is
this, in which it is impossible to stir a step without danger of
being robbed and even murdered by one’s neighbours! We continued
our course in the same direction over a hard and stony soil, and
passed an ancient village in ruins, where the minaret of a mosque
is still to be seen; beside it is a well at which travellers quench
their thirst; one of the Trajacant Moors gave me a little of this
water, which I found tepid and bad. I also observed a mausoleum,
like that which we had seen the day before, and where the Musulmans
again performed their devotions. Proceeding in the same direction,
we met some wretched Moors, leading asses laden with forage; these
men were badly clothed and walked barefoot.

About noon we encamped in the fields under the shade of some date
trees and not far from Mimcina, a large town of el-Drah, inhabited
by Berber and Moorish husbandmen. This town, surrounded by walls
twelve-feet high, is situated between two chains of hills stretching
east and west, the soil of which every where presents a reddish hue,
without any trace of vegetation.

As it was hot, and our people were not yet returned from watering
the camels at the wells, my thirst became extreme, and I determined
to visit the tents of the Berbers, pitched at a short distance from
our own, to beg a little water.

No sooner did I approach the camp than three large dogs rushed upon
me, tore my garments and bit me in several places. I cried aloud to
the Berbers for assistance, but these unfeeling wretches carelessly
looked on or turned away with the utmost indifference: assailed
by so many enemies I found the combat very unequal; and, for fear
of being torn in pieces, sounded a retreat, still sustaining some
bites as I retired: the dogs carried off some pieces of my dress as
trophies, and did not leave me till I was at a considerable distance
from their tents. Heartily cursing the inhumanity of their masters,
I returned sorrowfully to our own camp under the date-trees. The
Berbers keep a great number of dogs to watch their flocks, and
they are so accustomed not to suffer the approach of any stranger
whatsoever to the habitations of which they are left in charge, that
the fear of being devoured by them serves as a wholesome restraint
upon the depredations of those robbers by whom the country is so
much infested. The Berbers themselves dare not approach without
caution the camps of their own tribe to which they are strangers;
but, if business obliges them to repair thither, they take the
following method to escape the fury of these pitiless guardians. The
visiter advances slowly, and makes a circuit round the tents at a
considerable distance; the dogs begin to bark, without advancing
on account of the distance; as soon as the owners of the tents
shew themselves, he acquaints them with the object of his coming,
when they are anxious to satisfy him; if he applies for hospitality,
supper is spread for him on a mat at a short distance from the tents,
which no one is ever allowed to enter.

At five in the evening, when the heat was abated, I took a walk to
the town of Mimcina, accompanied by a neighbouring Moor, who, being
a friend of Sidi-Aly’s, had come to visit him and brought him
a present of dates, which, by the invitation of the donor, we ate
together. The chief of our Berbers strongly recommended me to this
Moor, and charged him especially to guard me from insult and not to
suffer me to be robbed of the pagne which I wore; a recommendation
which gave me but an indifferent opinion of the people whom I
was about to visit. The town is walled and surrounded by pleasant
plantations of palm-trees. I observed under a shed near the gate
a party of loungers, who, as soon as they saw me, crowded round
me asking a thousand ridiculous questions, for they were already
apprised that I was an Arab who had escaped from the christians.
With some trouble I got quit of these impertinent fellows, and,
penetrating into the town, I passed through a very narrow, winding,
and dirty street; the walls of the houses are at least fifteen feet
high and very badly plaistered. I was followed by a crowd of men, for
the women were veiled and durst not look at me. I seated myself under
a gallery, where many old men were collected together in conversation
with one of our Trajacants, who had been in the town all day,
and had already related part of my history to the assembly. Among
the crowd was an aged Moor, who, having performed two journeys to
Mecca, had acquired great preponderance over their counsels: this
man talked to me a long time about the christians, and shewed me a
fac-simile of the manner in which Christ is represented in Europe;
he tried to chant in imitation of the priests whom he had heard
at Tripoli in Barbary, and often repeated, striking his breast,
_amen, amen_. He asked me if I was disposed to eat some dates,
for which I thanked him. The Trajacant marabout told him that I
was with a guide named Aly, who persecuted me in order to force me
to sell my dress and purchase provisions for the journey; the old
man appeared incensed at such perfidious conduct, and declared that
such a person could not be a good Musulman. He inquired whether I
would like a present of dates, which I accepted; and he immediately
ordered those about him to provide me with a sufficient quantity
to last till our arrival at Tafilet; and leading me to the mosque
reiterated his orders. After the prayers, a great quantity of dates
was brought to me, enough indeed to load an ass; but unfortunately
they turned out to be spoilt and bad: these good people carried
their complaisance so far as to carry them to our camp; bad as
they were, Aly, the covetous Aly, received them with pleasure,
and on that day behaved better to me than usual.

The houses of Mimcina consist of a ground-floor, only; like those
of Timbuctoo, they have terraced roofs, and admit the air only
from an inner court. I saw several dirty Jewesses, covered with
rags, walking barefoot, and displaying the utmost extremity of
wretchedness. The inhabitants of Mimcina have but few beasts of
any kind, and scarcely any oxen or horned cattle: they breed a
few sheep for the sake of their wool, some goats and poultry;
they are excellent husbandmen, and have many date-trees, in which
their wealth principally consists. Their breakfast is composed of
bread with a little gruel made of barley-meal; and they sup upon
couscous. About seven o’clock a plentiful couscous with mutton
was sent to Sidi-Aly, who, after having made his own supper with
two or three persons whom he looked upon as his equals, shared the
remainder between me and six camel-drivers, who were not admitted
to his table: the poor slaves also, to my great satisfaction,
were not forgotten. We afterwards lay down under the palm-trees,
the broad leaves of which formed a canopy over our heads, and I,
contrary to my usual habit, slept tolerably well.

On the 15th, at three in the morning, we took leave of the town
of Mimcina and its inhabitants; and, bending our course E. N. E.,
traversed a hard soil of white sand, with a surface of small pebbles
of the same colour, mixed with gravel; the country is diversified
with hills of an extremely arid appearance. The Moors of Mimcina
informed me that Beneali, the residence of the chief of the Berbers,
is situated N. N. W. of their town, at the distance of a day’s
journey, on the road to Morocco. This nation, according to their
account, pays no tribute to the emperor.

A day’s journey from Beneali in the same direction lies the village
of Amsero; a days’ journey beyond that Ranguerute, a large town,
and six days farther still Morocco, the capital of the empire.

Six days’ journey east of Mimcina is situated the town of
Tabelbât, on the road to Tawât, which is eight days’ journey
beyond. The Moors of Tawât are husbandmen; they have numerous
palm-trees, trade with Timbuctoo, and occasionally visit Tafilet
and el-Drah to purchase goats and sheep.

Pursuing our route, we arrived at the wells of Yeneguedel, where we
halted: a quarter of mile to the south we saw a delightful grove
of palms, offering a striking contrast with the barrenness of the
neighbouring mountains; but our guides neglected this spot, where we
might have enjoyed the shade, and left us exposed to the scorching
sun, which on that day was more than usually powerful. I visited
the wells, situated on a little hill, as bare as the neighbouring
country, and there found a single drooping _mimosa ferruginea_,
under which I stretched myself, and, resting my head on a stone,
slept soundly. On awaking, I approached the wells to drink, and saw
there some Berber women watering their sheep: the wells are three
feet deep, and their water is good and abundant; they are sunk in
grey sand, containing many calcareous stones of a flat shape. On our
departure from Mimcina, we had been joined by a Moor from Tafilet:
he and his train were mounted upon mules, the animals most commonly
used for travelling this stony road, which is apt to wound the feet
of camels; those of Sidi-Aly were however obliged to carry his goods.

The Berbers had a barley-cake baked upon the ashes for our supper;
each of us after this light repast, drank a glass of cold water,
and lay down for the night on the stony ground.

On the 16th, at three in the morning, we proceeded slowly N. N.
E., till near eight, when our course was changed to the north. Our
march lay over a very mountainous soil, covered with sharp stones,
which were very troublesome. The mountains are not high, and
composed of granite without any appearance of vegetation. The Moor
Sidi-Boby, who still perpetually insulted me, threw a stone at me,
which striking me on the right side, hurt me much, and I retained
the mark of it a considerable time: this brute had no other cause for
such savage treatment than my having mounted my camel without giving
him notice. Old Aly, seated upon his, had preceded us; immediately
on rejoining him, I complained of the outrageous treatment to which
I had been exposed; but he paid little attention to me and answered
laughing: “That is nothing, all will be well.” Exasperated by his
conduct, I told him that if all was well with him, all was very ill
with me: he was silent, and turned his head another way. I ought to
repeat here that it was to the two Trajacant marabouts alone that I
was indebted for not encountering still worse treatment from such
men, in the journey between el-Drah and Tafilet: I thanked them
for it; but for them I should have been obliged either to desert,
or to seek another guide to conduct me to Ghourland. The Moors of
my company were restrained from doing me greater mischief solely
by the fear of passing for infidels.

About ten in the morning, we halted near the wells of Faratissa,
agreeably shaded by beautiful palms: in the environs are some veins
of sand, studded with patches of grass on which the camels are
accustomed to browse; stunted mimosas are also scattered around.
The wells are but two feet and a half deep; the water is very good.

From el-Drah, our little party had been increased by several Moors;
they all assembled round the wells, and talked much about me; with
the exception of my guide all appeared to take an interest in my
fate: fears were expressed that on my arrival in Alexandria I might
not meet with any parents. “Poor young man,” said they, “what
will he do all alone?” I told them that I had full confidence in
God, who had supported me through a thousand dangers and would not
abandon me at the moment of reaching port. “In short,” said I,
“if God has called to himself my father and mother, he will have
left me a brother and a sister.”

On such occasions Aly spoke highly in my favour and even pitied
me: this day he carried his kindness so far as to shave my head,
a compliment which I would willingly have dispensed with; but, as
it was a religious duty, I could not complain. In the very act he
proved his hypocrisy by insulting me, and encouraging his slaves
to follow his example. To escape these persecutions, I took refuge
in the tents of the Moors, our fellow-travellers, where we passed
the night under the palms, the coolness of whose foliage invited us
to sleep. The camels and mules not having had water the whole day,
we rested till three in the afternoon of the 17th.

The intense heat having then moderated, we proceeded northward, over
a soil similar to that of the preceding day. About half past six
we stopped, and each of us supped upon a piece of barley-cake and
some dates. After this meagre repast, we again stretched ourselves
upon the stony ground, where I slept soundly till about three in
the morning of the 18th, when we started afresh.

As my guide was fearful of fatiguing his camel, he obliged me to walk
the whole morning: I therefore followed on foot the little caravan,
which slowly advanced towards the N. N. E. over a gravelly soil;
the face of the country was covered with hills composed of rocks
of granite. About nine in the morning, we halted at the wells of
Bohayara, around which the vegetation is luxuriant; they are twelve
feet deep, and sunk in grey sand, mingled with coarse gravel. They
are very near to a camp of Berbers, who water their sheep and goats
at them: these men inhabit the passes of the mountains, where they
feed numerous flocks of sheep and herds of camels, and cultivate a
little barley and wheat. They are rovers, but change their place of
abode less frequently than the Moors, and whenever occasion calls
them to a distance from their little fields, they always leave some
one behind to take care of them.

I found the Berber women much cleaner and less curious than the
Moorish. They dress like the latter in old rags, but take care to
wash them. These women, whose good looks proclaim that they live in
plenty, colour the tips of their noses and chins blue; they envelop
their heads in ragged cloths of red or white worsted, and wear their
hair in tufts behind their ears, and fastened in rolls at the back of
their heads. Their principal ornaments consist of necklaces of amber,
coral, and various kinds of glass-beads, and in silver bracelets
and anclets; their skin however appeared to be as dirty as that of
the Moorish females of el-Harib. They are industrious, and employ
themselves in spinning the wool of their sheep, and weaving the
yarn into blankets, which they sell at Tafilet. These Berbers have
a peculiar idiom, which the Arabs do not speak; they also conform to
the religion of Mahomet; they have several wives, who superintend all
the household concerns, prepare the food, take care of the sheep,
and have besides the laborious task of drawing water for them to
drink. They pasture their flocks in the passes of the mountains
wheresover they can find herbage, for the appearance of their own
country is absolutely bare. Hills of granite, of moderate height,
but totally destitute of vegetation, meet the eye on all sides. This
wandering and pastoral tribe subsist like the Moors, upon dates and
sangleh made of barley; they often make their supper upon couscous,
or barley-cake, baked upon the ashes. In the rainy season, the milk
of their flocks, being then more abundant, forms a portion of their
nourishment. Such of them as live in the villages have houses in the
Moorish style, built like those of the Arab inhabitants of the towns:
the rovers have only tents, the coverings of which are made of the
hair of their camels. They grow but little grain, the land which they
occupy being scarcely fit for cultivation; but here and there may be
traced veins of more fertile earth which they turn to good account.

Their cookery, like that of the Moors of el-Harib, is performed
in large copper vessels, manufactured by native smiths. It is
astonishing that they escape being poisoned by the verdigris, for
the Moorish women are so excessively dirty that they never wash their
utensils, merely rubbing off with the hand what adheres to the sides.

The Berbers encamped at Bohayara presented Sidi-Aly and our
escort with a sheep, which had a particularly fine fleece, and
was killed by the Berbers of our company for our supper. As we had
no vessel to boil it in, our guides had recourse to the ingenious
expedient of picking up a number of large smooth calcareous stones,
with which they formed a small oven, and heated it with roots of
_hedysarum alhagi_, the only combustible that grows in this part.
The entrails of the sheep were converted into chitterlings and the
carcase was cut into many small parts.

The oven, when strongly heated, was carefully swept, and the pieces
of mutton put in one upon another; it was then hermetically sealed
with loose sand. When the meat was properly dressed, the chief
of our Berbers, who was a lover of justice, secured its impartial
distribution by giving each of us a bit of wood, which, being duly
marked, was brought to one of the Moors appointed for the purpose. He
was ordered to shake them together, and taking them up at random,
to place each upon a piece of the meat: thus every one was entitled
to his own lot. I had also my share, for which I was solely indebted
to the chief of the Berbers, who had been often indignant at the
conduct of the Moors towards me. The meat was pretty good, served
with cleanliness, and perfectly well dressed.

On the 19th of July, at four in the morning, we quitted the
delicious wells of Bohayara, slowly directing our course N. N. E.
over a soil covered with small grey gravel; on either side of our
route was a chain of low, bare hills, containing abundance of black
granite, in huge detached blocks; and the country was still naked,
presenting its usual appearance of frightful sterility.

About ten, after proceeding at the rate of three miles an hour,
the wells of Goud-Zenaga afforded us a resting place; here we found
some Berbers from an adjacent camp who were watering their flocks.
The aspect of the country around led me into reflections upon the
habits and character of these people; it seems inconceivable how they
can contentedly take up their abode in such dreary regions, producing
nothing but scanty herbage, and neither tree nor shrub of any kind.

On the 20th, at four A. M. we again pursued our course to N. N. E.,
over a nearly similar soil, but somewhat stony; the chain of hills
still continued equally bare.

At eleven, we halted at the wells of Zénatyia, twenty or
twenty-four feet deep, yielding abundance of tolerably good water.
The surrounding soil presents a pleasing appearance of vegetation;
some mimosas and _zizyphus lotus_ flourish there, together with
a number of very tall tamarisks, which afforded us an agreeable
shade. The level is broken by hills of loose white sand, the abode of
numerous antelopes, one of which was killed by a Moor of our party,
and divided amongst the whole caravan, allowing only a small share
to each.

A day’s journey N. W. of the wells of Zénatyia, is a Berber
town, called el-Yabo, and one of its inhabitants who belonged to
our caravan parted from us here to return home. The husbandmen of
el-Yabo extend their labours, during the rainy season, as far as
Zénatyia, preparing the ground for wheat and barley, which they
cultivate in small quantities.

On the 21st, we again proceeded towards N. N. E., at four in the
morning, travelling three miles in about an hour, among the hills
of loose sand. We then came to a plain of smooth sand firmer than
that of the hills, covered with small gravel and pebbles. About ten,
we halted at the wells of Chanérou, where we found some Berbers
watering their sheep, the fleeces of which are remarkably white.

Near these wells I observed a small shed, constructed of the branches
of the _zizyphus lotus_, and covered with straw and brambles: here
I took shelter in company with some Moors, and three Berber women,
who left the task of questioning me to the men, paid apparently but
little attention to my adventures, when cursorily related to them;
but my person seemed to attract much of their notice, and to please
them greatly. Now and then I asked them for some water; which they
good-humouredly gave me from the bucket, carefully holding it in
a position that enabled me to drink with ease.

The plain, in which these wells are situated, is gravelly,
interspersed with rocks, and inclosed by sterile hills, which seem to
be about three hundred and fifty feet in height. A little grass grows
in the clefts of these rocks, and serves the sheep for pasturage. We
had been joined in the morning by a Moor from Tafilet, who came to
meet his father. The old man, whose name was Sidi-Abdoul-Rahman,
was about fifty-five or sixty years of age, and nearly bald: he was
returning to his native village, Ghourland, after a long residence at
Timbuctoo; where he had seen Major Laing, as he informed me by the
way. His son brought him some black grapes for his refreshment; he
gave me a bunch with a small bit of wheaten bread, which I accepted
with pleasure. Little, indeed, had I expected to eat fresh bread
and grapes in so sterile a country! In the evening, some troops
of Berbers came to water their flocks.  Sidi-Aly proposed to buy a
sheep for our supper, the Berbers of another troop joined us, and
twenty of them contributed towards this purchase; each gave for his
share a _dragme_, the coin of the country, worth about eight French
sous. Sidi-Aly whom I had allowed to see that I possessed three or
four shillings, consented to lend me this dragme, which I promised to
repay on our arrival at Tafilet. I must here anticipate by observing,
as a fact which greatly surprised me, that at parting he would not
accept payment; desiring that I would keep this piece of money to
assist me on my journey to Fez, and saying that he gave it me for
the love of God.  It was doubtless from remorse of conscience which
he wished to silence at a cheap rate. The mutton thus procured,
and which was dressed like the last, proved delicious, though it
had not been so carefully cleaned.

On the 22nd, at two o’clock in the morning, we set off in a N.
N. E. direction; the soil still the same, and the mountains extending
on both sides of our route. About ten in the forenoon we halted at
the wells of Nyéla, (or Ain-Yela) the water of which is abundant
and good; they are situated in a very stony ravine, and so shallow
that the water is taken up by hand. The heat was extreme, and our
only shelter some of the _zizyphus lotus_.

At a short distance south of the wells is seen a high mountain
of granite, in the crevices of which there are a few patches of
verdure: I observed on its declevity a flock of sheep, which appeared
no larger than young lambs. This mountain is nearly pointed, and
rises to the height of one hundred and fifty or two hundred fathoms
above the level of a very stony soil. When my fellow-travellers had
retired to rest for the night I went to the wells with a satala,
and washed myself in the cold water, which afforded me much comfort;
returning afterwards to my companions and lying down on the ground,
I slept soundly till three o’clock in the morning.

On the 23rd, I was still half asleep when we set out, proceeding
for the first half hour in a N. N. E. direction; we afterwards
turned to the N. E., till six in the morning, and, quitting the
barren mountains, descended into a plain of very hard grey sand,
susceptible of cultivation.

From this plain we beheld the beautiful and majestic palm-trees of
the country of Tafilet, an enchanting prospect and one which raised
my spirits by announcing the speedy alleviation of my sufferings. We
passed through fields, separated, some by earth walls, and others
by narrow ditches. The country was beautiful, but parched up by
the scorching heat of the sun, which left no other verdure than
the evergreen leaves of the palm. About nine in the morning we
reached Ghourland, and were presently surrounded by a crowd of
children, attracted by curiosity. We encamped under the shade of the
palm-trees, at the gates of the town. When the arrival of our caravan
from the Soudan was reported, numbers of dirty and ill-clad Moors
and Jews came to meet us, and soon surrounded the baggage: many of
my companions warned me to be careful of my leathern bag and of my
pagnes, or they would be stolen, even off my back; they advised me
not to go too far from the village, because there were thieves, who,
in the supposition that I had brought much gold from the Soudan,
might attack me. The Moorish merchants who came for their goods
made a single mule carry the burden of a camel. I took mine upon my
shoulder and followed my guide to the house of old Haggi-Le-Mekke,
the chief of Ghourland. I passed in my way through several long and
narrow streets, and arrived at the house of my new host. An inner
court formed the entrance both to the chambers and magazines. Part of
this court was covered by a shed, supported by trunks of palm-trees,
in the middle of which was a sort of sky-light. A staircase of
earth led to the terraced roof of the house. I deposited the bag
containing my notes in a locked-up warehouse, and, the bag itself
being padlocked, I was set at ease respecting the curiosity of
the Moors. Our host gave us for breakfast some excellent dates,
so ripe that they resembled preserves, and added a small piece of
new wheaten bread: this would have been a sumptuous regale, had not
the water which we drank with it been brackish. The young sons of
Haggi received me kindly; they congratulated me more particularly
upon the resolution I had taken to forsake the christians and unite
myself with the Musulmans; telling me that I was under the special
protection of God, and that all who should do me good would be
favorites with the prophet. I need not, they added, feel any further
uneasiness as to my return to my country; now that I was at Tafilet,
I should find no difficulty in reaching the place of my birth,
and they would themselves defray the expense of my journey to Fez,
which should cost me nothing. In conclusion, they invited me to
remain with them, assuring me that they would supply all my wants.

My new hosts seemed so well disposed towards me that I expected an
apartment at their house, but was disappointed, for, after breakfast,
they recommended me to go and engage a lodging at the mosque, an
edifice destined at once for the service of God and the reception
of travellers. In fact, I there met with several strangers, who
surrounded me and overwhelmed me with questions.

About two in the afternoon, I returned to the house of my host, to
relieve the weariness which this importunate curiosity occasioned
me, and was greatly astonished to find the same young men, who in
the morning had expressed so much affection for me, now refuse
me admittance. After having explained that they treated me thus
on account of their women, they asked me if I wanted food, and,
giving me about two ounces of bread with some dates, left me seated
upon the ground at the door. After having taken this slight repast
I returned to the mosque. About ten o’clock, the negro slaves
came to call Sidi-Aly and his people to supper: as he would not
allow me to eat with him, I received no notice; however, finding
the time elapse, and being by no means disposed to lose my supper,
I determined to seat myself at the door of my host’s house.
The slaves, as they passed, inquired what I wanted; I answered that
I had had no supper, and begged they would inform their master:
they executed my commission, and returned saying, that I ought to
have shared the supper of Sidi-Aly and his suite. I then described
their misconduct towards me, at which they were indignant, saying,
that he and his were infidels; and, desiring me to wait a moment,
they brought me an ample quantity of bad barley couscous, with a
small bit of beef. I afterwards went to sleep under the roof of the
mosque, among the Moors, who were necessitated like myself to take
refuge there. As the sons of Haggi-Le-Mekke had represented to me, no
stranger is here admitted into the interior of the houses, lest the
women, who are not allowed to see any other men but those of their
family, might be exposed to indiscreet observation: consequently
travellers obtain an asylum for the night in the mosques, and the
host at whose house they alight sends them their meals; they send
for them at supper time, but receive them in a very dark corridor.

At eight o’clock in the morning, I went to my host’s for
my breakfast, and seated myself, as on the preceding afternoon,
at the door, waiting for an invitation. The youngest son of the
family soon came, and inquired very kindly if I had breakfasted;
on my answering in the negative, he ordered a slave to bring me
some dates and gruel made of barley-meal: this gruel is very thin,
and serves for a beverage in eating the fruit; with bread or couscous
they drink nothing but water. With a stomach thus slightly supported
the stranger is obliged to await the hour of supper, when a little
couscous is given him; this is the nourishment they provide for those
who ask hospitality of them, and for their slaves. The masters drink
with their breakfast a very thin gruel made of wheat flour, and dine
upon new bread and the fruits of the season; they have abundance of
fine melons, of which they are very fond; and the richer inhabitants
of Tafilet breakfast upon tea with bread and figs. At ten at night,
the usual hour of supper, they eat couscous made of wheat flour,
dressed with mutton or poultry, for they rear some domestic fowls.

While sitting at the corner of a street I made acquaintance with
a Moor, named Sidi-Baubacar; who put some questions to me very
prudently, and appeared to interest himself in my situation; he is
a very mild and good man. He had travelled to Cape Mogador and to
Morocco, and in the former town had had much intercourse with the
christians, whom, in common with all other Moors, he detested. He
shewed some taste for the sciences and was desirous of instruction,
had learned arithmetic, and was well acquainted with its first
three rules, in which he could prove his calculations. He was in the
habit of writing upon a slate, which he brought to me, and we made
some calculations together. This man was somewhat of an enthusiast,
and conceived a friendship for me; he spoke much of the knowledge
of the Europeans, which he considered as vastly superior to that of
the Moors, and shewed me a watch to which he attached much value,
because he was the only person in the country who had one. It was at
his house that I saw the English pocket compass, which I formerly
mentioned. He talked of Bonaparte and his campaigns in Egypt,
asked if it was during his residence among the Musulmans that I
was made prisoner, and said that he was at Tripoli about that time;
finally he inquired my age; as I was covered with rags, was ill, and
my complexion scorched almost to blackness by the heat of the sun,
I appeared older than I really was; he had therefore no difficulty
in believing that I was thirty-four years of age.

On the 26th, I proposed to a poor Jew named Jacob, to purchase of
me a shilling by weight, because, as this coin was not current in
the country, and he was a smith and a worker in gold and silver,
he could turn it to account in his trade. He required me, for this
purpose, to come to his house, to satisfy his curiosity no doubt;
however the proposal also answered mine, for I knew not by what
method to obtain admission to the interior of even one house. I
entered then the humble dwelling of this Jew; who conducted me
through two small low rooms, very dark and exceedingly dirty,
into a third, somewhat larger, which received light and air only
by a small opening in the roof: this opening is common to all the
apartments in the interior of the house, the dwellings of the Jews
being as simply constructed as those of the Moors.

Jacob, who did not possess a mat, was obliged to seat me upon
the ground. He opened a closet, and fetched some nuts which he
presented to me, adding a fine slice of melon and a large piece
of wheaten bread, of the preceding day’s baking. His wife
and aged mother, seated beside me, examined me with insatiable
curiosity; they appeared mild and timid, but nevertheless, addressed
several questions to me relative to the countries inhabited by the
christians. I observed in this room two large sacks of corn for the
family provision, some fowls, and a dog, the guard of the house: in
one corner was collected the dirt of several days’ sweeping. After
partaking of the Jew’s hospitable collation I took leave of these
good people. A negro slave had accompanied me, fearing, he said,
lest these infidels should insult me. Jacob desired me to return
on the following day, when he would change my piece of money;
for, my visit having been made on Saturday, no business could be
transacted. The Moors, inquisitive and troublesome, were far less
generous; they offered me nothing but their bad dates, and even
of these they were liberal only because they could not themselves
consume their superfluity.

On the 27th, I accompanied Sidi-Boubacar to a market, which is held
three times a week near a village called Boheim about three miles
N. of Ghourland: Boubacar mounted a fine mule, and myself an ass,
destined to carry the provisions on our return.

This market is held in a beautiful spot surrounded by palm-trees;
it contains many clay huts for the accommodation of the dealers in
stuffs, mercery, and spices, and the butchers. The Berbers and Arabs
from the adjacent villages come hither to sell their merchandise:
they bring cattle, corn, fruit, and green vegetables, and in return
purchase the stuffs of the merchants. As I expressed a desire to
take a particular survey of the market, my companion ordered one of
his people to attend me, assuring me, that if, as a stranger, I was
found there alone, the very clothes I had on would be stolen. I was
astonished at the variety of articles exhibited in this market. I
saw there great abundance of fine herbs, cabbages, turnips, onions,
peas, and dried beans, indigenous fruits, such as raisins, white
and black currants, pears, nuts gourds, and melons of a fine sort;
green lucern for the horses, and many productions of Europe; also
fowls and boiled eggs; I bought half a dozen of the latter for
the value of six farthings of our money. I observed sheep of an
astonishing size, covered with very fine white wool.

Water sellers, with their full bottles, walked to and fro in
the market, with a little bell to give notice to all who wished
to drink, for the heat here is most oppressive. There is no
scarcity of wells in the market, but they are very deep, and
as strangers have not ropes to reach them, much water is sold,
though it is rather brackish. I beheld asses and mules laden with
the productions of nature and industry arriving from all quarters,
and might easily have fancied myself transported into a well stocked
European market. I bought some figs and raisins for my refreshment,
together with a small wheaten loaf worth a sous. The Jews are
the principal brokers: there are merchants established here who
purchase from individuals the woollen goods manufactured at home,
store them, and export them to other markets. No money is current
here, except that of Morocco and Spain; the coin of other European
countries is taken by weight. After traversing the great desert,
almost deprived of the necessaries of life, the pleasure which
I experienced in contemplating a market so richly furnished is
indescribable, but I was obliged to return to the village with the
slave to whose care Sidi-Boubacar had consigned me, and this man,
when his purchases were completed, was unwilling to stay any longer.

On the 28th, Sidi-Boubacar, who was become much attached to me,
sent me an invitation to his house, where he waited to receive me.
He seated me on a fine carpet, spread in the court, under a little
shed, and then requesting me to wait a moment, he went for a friend
of his, a Moor of distinction. Soon afterwards a slave brought,
upon a very clear copper waiter, a meat pasty fried in butter, and
a fine slice of melon, bought on the preceding day at the market of
Boheim: Sidi-Boubacar broke the pasty and his friend and I as well
as himself did justice to it. In the evening Jacob the Jew changed
my shilling, which enabled me on the succeeding days to buy a little
bread. The same day, being at the mosque, a Moor, whose father was
recently dead, accosted me, and, slipping an eightpenny piece into
the pocket of my coussabe, begged me to accept it for the love of
God and the Prophet.

On the 29th, Haggi-Le-Mekke gave me notice that I must hold myself in
readiness to set out for Fez. Unable, from the state of my health,
to undertake so long a journey on foot, I made inquiries concerning
the means of riding; I was in fact swelled and weak. I was asked if
I had dragmes sufficient to pay for a mule: I could have done so,
but thinking it not prudent to confess it, I preferred pleading
poverty, and hoped that the sale of my two blue pagnes of Soudan
would produce enough. Three days previously I had confided them to
a son of my host’s for the purpose of sale, but I was now advised
to carry them to the market of Boheim, whence the caravan was to
set out; I repaired thither with the intention of seeing the bacha
or governor, to ask assistance from him.

On quitting Ghourland, I was accompanied by a muleteer mounted upon
an ass; this man was charged by Haggi-Le-Mekke to conduct me to
Sidi-Habib-Benani, who resided at Boheim and was chief of the caravan
going to Fez, to whom he gave me particular recommendations. On
the road I was stopped by the Berbers going to the market, who,
perceiving that I was a stranger, surrounded me to the number of
twenty or thirty, saying all together, “Who are you?  Whither are
you going?” They all pulled me by my dress and gave me no time to
answer: at length they carried off my pagne and would have stolen
my bag also, had I not on setting out intrusted it to my guide,
who, mounted upon an ass, with a Berber behind him, had gone on
before me, without troubling himself whether I was able to follow or
not. The thieves, not content with my pagne, were about to take my
coussabe also, when Haggi-Lemedan, (my guide,) to whom the Moors of
his acquaintance had given notice of my situation, returned at full
gallop with his Berber; and the latter made the plunderers restore
all they had stolen from me. Soon after this vexatious accident, we
reached the market, which I found as well supplied as the first time
I visited it. On the road I had met two mounted Berbers pursuing at
full speed, with loaded guns, two Arab horsemen, who were galloping
off with the utmost precipitation.  When the market was over, I
went, accompanied by my guide, to Sidi-Habib-Benani’s, who sent
me to take a lodging in the loft of the mosque; about ten in the
evening he supplied me with a very good couscous.

On the morning of the 30th of July, I seated myself modestly on
the ground at my host’s door, being well aware that he would
not have the complaisance to send my breakfast to this public
lodging; as soon as he perceived me at prayers with my chaplet
in my hand, he sent me some wheaten gruel but without dates. At
ten o’clock, I requested a Moor to conduct me to the residence
of Sidi-Habib-Bacha, at the small town of Ressant, two gun-shots
north of Boheim. This man obligingly complied, and we set out;
but we learned on arrival that the Bacha, who was indisposed,
would not come thither that day, and that he seemed to intend
spending it at his private house at Sosso, a village situated about
a mile and a half S. E. of Boheim. As I expressed a strong desire
to repair thither, my honest Moor procured a man of the village,
in the service of the Bacha, to accompany me to the latter. On
my arrival I was conducted through a large court, tolerably clean,
into another and smaller one, at the gate of which two sentinels were
sitting upon the ground, with their muskets resting against a wall.
My arrival was announced to the Bacha, who gave orders for my being
shewn in I found this Arab grandee seated, without ostentation,
on a mat, upon the ground, under a shed, near the wells, which
diffused a pleasant coolness. There were two Moors in attendance,
playing as it were, the part of courtiers. The Bacha gave me a
favourable reception and inquired the cause which had brought
me into his presence. I shortly recapitulated to him the various
circumstances which had occasioned me to take so long and arduous
a journey across the Soudan and the desert; informing him that I
was from Alexandria, whither I was anxious to return, but that from
poverty I had no means of conveyance thither; and being in ill-health
in consequence of the fatigues, which I had undergone, I could not
travel so great a distance on foot. Amongst the numerous questions
which he put to me, he asked how I had defrayed the expenses of my
route since I had quitted the negro countries: to which I replied,
flattering Musulman generosity, that every one had contributed a
small donation to the relief of my wants. He afterwards turned the
conversation to the Europeans, ridiculing their faith. One of his
Moors, a very corpulent man, hereupon sneeringly observed, “Why,
as Jesus is the Son of God, did he suffer himself to be crucified
by the Jews?” As this question was pointed at me, I replied,
that I was in no way concerned to support a cause the merits of
which I did not understand, and that the Christians must discuss
his objection. The Bacha then sent for his steward and commanded him
to give me some dates, which were brought in a small straw basket,
but of which I declined eating though I was politely pressed. By
order of this chief, I was reconducted by one of his sentinels to
my host at Boheim, with an invitation to repeat my visit on the
following day at his government residence; he also sent instructions
to Sidi-Mohammed, the sherif who had accompanied me in the morning,
to repair thither with me.

On the morning of the 31st, I did not fail to wait with the sherif
for the Bacha, on his road to the town. We stood up immediately
upon perceiving him. He rode a fine grey horse, and was escorted
by two soldiers, each armed with a musket. He halted for a moment
before us: the sherif, in accosting him, respectfully kissed his
white tunic; the Bacha spoke a few words to him in a low tone,
after which, raising his voice a little, he informed me that I must
remain at Ghourland till further orders, I readily concluded that I
had nothing to hope from his highness; and, returning to my village,
Mohammed confirmed me in my opinion. Sidi-Habib-Benani had set out in
the morning for Fez; having refused to give me a mule or any other
conveyance for three mitkhals of silver, the produce of the sale
of my two pagnes: thus I found myself at Boheim, without knowing
how to leave it. I had a very good coussabe, which Abdallah-Chebir
had given me at Timbuctoo; and I determined, at the risk of going
away without clothing, to sell it in the market, and endeavour
to hire an ass, so that I might be able to set out the day after
the morrow with a caravan going to Fez: the eldest son of Benani,
a merchant by profession, sold my coussabe for two mitkhals, which,
with the three others, sufficed to hire an ass. At ten at night,
I went as usual to present myself at the gate of my host’s son,
from whom, during the day, I had received as a present some bread
and a bunch of grapes: he also sent me a supper and I went to bed
under the sacred roof of the mosque. The court of this structure
was locked and the inmates could not open it during the night; a
circumstance which had nearly drawn me into grievous trouble. This
court enclosed the tomb of a holy sherif, long since deceased: the
following morning, my fellow-lodgers were scandalized to perceive
that this revered sepulchre had been soiled during the night; a
universal cry of indignation arose, and all eyes were turned upon
me. Amazed and confounded, I had not courage to assert my innocence;
my only excuse was ignorance of the localities, and I protested,
with perfect truth, that the profanation was not wilful but purely
accidental. This sincere allegation was, however, far from calming
the tumult, and I know not how serious the consequences might have
been, had not some old men fortunately determined to intercede in
my favour. They represented that my situation as a stranger should
be taken into consideration; that I was undoubtedly ignorant of
the existence of a tomb in this place; but that, supposing me even
acquainted with the fact, it was impossible I could have learned
amongst christians to respect that which is the object of homage
to all good Musulmans; that some indulgence should, therefore,
be shewn to my want of knowledge.  This plea made an impression
and the matter dropped.

On the 1st of August, I repaired in the morning to the gate of my
host to seek my breakfast; but I waited till two in the afternoon
without obtaining any thing. At this time several Moors were
collected and beginning to question me; but I told them that I was
suffering too much from hunger to be in a condition to answer them,
having eaten nothing the whole day. A zealous Musulman offered to
give me a loaf for the love of God, if I would accept it; and I
was too much famished to refuse it, hard as it was.

On the 2nd; the caravan prepared to depart for Fez; the man whose
ass I had hired had received my earnest, and I waited for him in
the village where he had engaged to take me up. Before taking leave
of this country I will give a succinct description of it.




CHAPTER XXVI.


Description of Tafilet and its commerce — Flourishing state of
agriculture and industry — Miserable condition of the Jews;
their habits and customs — Afilé — Gardens — Tanneyara,
Marca, M’Dayara, Rahaba — Chains of granite mountains —
Small river of Guigo — L’Eyarac, Tamaroc, Kars, Ain-Zeland,
L’Eksebi — Very high mountains covered with cork-trees —
L’Ouin — Guigo — Town of Soforo — Town of el-Fez, or Fez,
the ancient capital of Morocco.

The Tafilet is a small district forming, like el-Drah, part of
the dominions of the Emperor of Morocco. Its inhabitants pay
some imposts to this monarch, who maintains a bacha or governor,
resident at Ressant, a town distinguished by a magnificent gateway,
surrounded with various coloured Dutch tiles, symmetrically arranged
in a diamond pattern.

The villages of Ghourland, L’Eksebi, Sosso, and Boheim, in the
same line, all S. E. of Ressant, are pretty near each other: those
which I have had an opportunity of examining, are nearly of equal
size, and contain about eleven or twelve hundred inhabitants, all
land-holders or merchants. The soil of Tafilet is level, composed
of sand of an ash grey, and very productive; much corn, and all
sorts of European fruits and vegetables, are cultivated here;
lucern thrives well, and when dry is stored for winter provender.

The natives have fine sheep, with remarkably white wool; they use it
in making very handsome wrappers, which are woven by the women. They
have also some horned cattle, though fewer than the roving tribes,
excellent horses, some asses, and many good mules.  The horses
are for the most part the property of the Berbers, who are very
numerously established in Tafilet, but less addicted to pillage
than those of el-Drah, and indeed formidable to strangers alone.

This country is in general very agreeable: its inhabitants carry
on a considerable commerce with the Soudan and el-Arawan, whither
they export tobacco in leaves of their own growing, together with
European commodities; and receive in exchange gold, ivory, gum,
ostrich-feathers, dried provisions, and slaves; for, unhappily, the
infamous traffic in the latter exists in full vigour in this part of
Africa. The commodities which the merchants dispatch to Timbuctoo,
through the medium of the roving Moors of el-Harib, who may be
considered as the carriers of the Soudan, are transported on camels
to the confines of the desert by the Berbers, who deliver them to
the Moors engaged to convey them to their destination. The Berbers
receive a tribute for this service, a species of indemnity given to
them by agreement, since they do not, like the Arabs, extend their
travels through all the negro countries. If the merchants were to
neglect this prudent precaution, their caravans would be pillaged
by these barbarians, as they sometimes are by the Touariks. I have
already said that the most distinguished Moors of Tafilet usually
settle at Timbuctoo, in the hope of making a fortune, as amongst us
Europe is left for the new world: these Moors, after devoting five
or six years to commerce, purchase gold and slaves, and return to
live peaceably in their own country.

The soil of Tafilet is very good, and produces all the necessaries
of life. The numberless date-trees surrounding each property furnish
their owners with a plentiful subsistence and a considerable branch
of commerce. They sell a quantity of dates in all the dependencies
of Morocco, and especially in the towns situated on the sea-coast.

The population of this district is divided into several classes, and
the distinction of social ranks is rigorously observed.  Labourers by
the day or month are considered as belonging to the lowest grade;
those who esteem themselves of a higher order treat them as a very
inferior race of beings. There are also in Tafilet many negro slaves,
and some emancipated negroes, who, however, are never suffered to
intermarry with the Moors; even the children born of a negress and
a Moor, by a clandestine union, have no acknowledged condition in
the country, and can never emerge from the lowest classes.

The inhabitants of Tafilet tan a great quantity of leather; they
make excellent morocco, which is much esteemed in commerce, and
finds at Fez a ready market. The people of this country are more
industrious than I have any where remarked, in the different parts
of Africa which I have visited.

Every one brings to the market the fruit of his labour; there may
be seen in abundance woollen wrappers, coussabes, tanned leather,
pagnes, shoes, mats, wooden trenchers, in short all the manufactures
of the country.

Each proprietor is accustomed to enclose his lands either with
an earth wall or a ditch; all the villages are walled, and those
I have seen have but one gate of entrance, which is shut every
evening. The inhabitants rear much poultry, as large as ours, and
eat the eggs boiled. They have pigeons, but these birds are scarce.
Some individuals keep a dog and a cat, which live upon dates.

Throughout the districts of el-Drah and Tafilet are found Jews, who
inhabit the same villages with the Musulmans; they are in a pitiable
condition, wandering about almost naked, and continually insulted
by the Moors; these fanatics even beat them shamefully, and throw
stones at them as at dogs: the smallest children may abuse them
with impunity, since they dare not revenge themselves, and cannot
expect protection from authority. I have frequently been so excited
myself as to threaten these little revilers with severe chastisement.

The Jews of Tafilet are excessively dirty, and always go barefoot,
perhaps to avoid the inconvenience of frequently taking off their
sandals, which they are compelled to do in passing before a mosque
or the door of a sherif. They are clothed in a shabby coussabe,
and a very dirty white cloak, of little more value, which passes
under the left arm, and is fastened over the right shoulder.
They shave their heads after the example of the Moors, but leave
a tuft of hair which falls over the forehead. Some are pedlars,
others artizans; they manufacture shoes and mats from palm-leaves;
some of them also are blacksmiths. They lend their money upon
usury to the merchants trading in the Soudan, whither they never go
themselves. Their only visible fortune consists in their houses,
but they often take lands as a guarantee for the money which they
lend. Money is always plentiful with the Jews: yet they affect the
utmost poverty; because the Moors, who ascribe to them greater riches
than they really possess, often persecute them for the purpose of
extorting their gold: besides which, they not only pay tribute to
the emperor and his agents, but are moreover harassed by the Berbers.

The Jews live better than the Mahometans, couscous and gruel
forming but a small portion of their food; their bread is of wheat,
kneaded and baked by themselves and their principal beverage, beer
of their own brewing, though in the season of the vintage they make
a little wine.

The Jewish, as well as Moorish women, wear a piece of stuff,
twelve or fourteen feet long, about the body and thrown over the
head, and go barefoot; their costume indeed differs only in the
head-dress. They have on each side of the head a thick large tuft of
hair hanging over the shoulder, about five inches in length and three
in circumference, and they habitually cover their heads with a piece
of coloured stuff, always dirty, like the rest of their garments.

The Jewesses whom I have seen in Tafilet are in general small,
lively, and pretty: they have blue eyes, animated and expressive,
aquiline nose, and a mouth of middling size; they are inquisitive,
and very fond of talking. Drawing water, washing linen, fetching wood
for cooking, in short all the household labours, fall to their share.

I shall not undertake to portray the Musulman women of Tafilet;
I found it impossible to obtain a view of their faces: when out of
doors they have the appearance of an uncouth moving mass, from an
enormous woollen cloak, in which they are enveloped from head to
foot, and which scarcely allows them to see the way they are going:
it is only in the bosom of their families, and sometimes in the
inner court, that they shew themselves unveiled. Care is taken
to give the women notice to retire to their private apartments,
when strangers are about to enter the dwelling upon any business.

A custom prevalent in the east obtains also here and is rigorously
observed: when a common Moor passes a sherif he unties his sandals,
takes them in his hand, and makes a low and respectful obeisance.

On the 2nd of August, about half past four P.  M. the caravan
proceeded in a N. N. E. direction. We met on the road a vast
number of Moors from the country, driving asses loaded with all
sorts of productions, as melons, grapes, figs, and other fruit,
and vegetables, going to a neighbouring market.

We crossed some fields, and passed near a walled village the name of
which I have forgotten: continuing our route for the space of a mile
to the N. N. E., we arrived at the village of Afilé, without which
we halted at sun-set. It is situated near a considerable rivulet,
called by the natives Sidi-Aiche, the water of which although
brackish, is their only beverage: this rivulet runs slowly to the
N. W. Plenty of barley for our beasts was brought, soon after our
arrival, and some water-melons for the refreshment of the sherifs,
of whom we had half a dozen in the caravan travelling to Fez to
sell their dates; and who were not prevented by the insignificance
of their traffic from assuming airs of importance.

Towards eleven at night, several large calabashes full of couscous,
with the flesh of a kid killed for the purpose, were brought to
us from the village; the bearers carried them on their heads, and
were lighted by a taper. No sooner had these messes arrived than the
descendants of Mahomet feasted voraciously, and gave what remained
to the Moors of their train: care was taken to awaken all who were
or pretended to be asleep. I was at the moment lying on the sand
beside the baggage; and as no one seemed to pay any attention to me,
I patiently resigned myself to the loss of my supper, although I
had eaten nothing the whole day but some dates, given to me by my
host at parting. At length a Moor from the village, walking about
with his taper in his hand, discovered me, and asking who I was, led
me to an immense dish of couscous, round which several Moors were
assembled, and desired me to help myself.  The Moor who presided
at the repast placed some scraps of meat upon an old mule-cloth,
and, when we had eaten the couscous, he gave to each a little bit
of the reserved meat, tearing it with his dirty fingers.

On the 3rd of August, at half-past five in the morning, we again
proceeded northward, through plantations entirely surrounded
with earth walls, over which I perceived beautiful fruit trees,
such as pears, figs, apricots, vines, and some rose bushes. These
charming plains though rather deficient in moisture, often renewed
the delightful remembrance of our European gardens. The sterility
of the Sahara was still so impressed upon my imagination, that the
plains of Tafilet appeared by comparison a terrestrial paradise.

About ten in the morning we passed Tanneyara, a little village,
a mile to the east of our road, shaded by immense numbers of
date-trees. Here our caravan was retarded by a troop of Arabs,
to whom we were obliged, whether we would or not, to pay the
passage-dues. This prank occasioned a great deal of confusion;
the two parties had nearly come to blows; but fortunately no
bad consequences ensued: the merchants gave a few dragmes, and
the Arabs left us to continue our route, which lay over a dry and
gravelly soil. The gently swelling hills which rose on either hand
were apparently composed of red sand, and bore no vegetation: the
heat was extreme, and we had no water to moisten our parched lips.
At one in the afternoon we reached Marca, a large village enclosed
by a wall twelve or fourteen feet high, and there halted.

We ran in haste to the wells, situated beyond the village, but could
not draw water enough, having unfortunately no better bucket than an
old leathern bag full of holes. My thirst being at length satisfied,
I seated myself in the shade near the gate of the village; where many
idle Moors were lying on their backs, waiting the call to supper:
immediately upon perceiving me they rose with astonishment and
asked each other, “Who is this man?” easily detecting me for a
stranger by the costume I always wore, which was of Soudan stuff,
and strikingly different from their own.

They assembled round me and overwhelmed me with questions. I was
never taken at first sight by the Moors of Tafilet for an Arab;
they always treated me at once as a stranger; redoubled artifice
was necessary to deceive them: but when I declared myself to have
been taken prisoner while very young by the army of Bonaparte, they
appeared satisfied, and congratulated me upon the good resolution
I had formed of returning to my country

At the gate of Marca, I met, by a singular accident, a Berber
whom I had known at el-Harib: he received me with kindness, and
immediately acquainted the assembly with my history. This Berber
politely invited me to visit his humble cabin, of a single floor,
where he seated me on a very clean mat, and his wife produced some
dates which we ate together. She sat unveiled in a corner of a dark
and dirty room employed in weaving a woollen wrapper. When we had
eaten our dates, the Berber led me to the mosque, and introduced
me to two sherifs, natural sons of the emperor: we found them at
prayers: but no sooner had they finished than I was persecuted with
questions; amongst others whether I had been circumcised either
in the Soudan or at Alexandria: I replied that I was circumcised
in my infancy previously to leaving my country, and I hastened to
change the topic, these interrogatories being always distressing to
me since they constrained me to repeated falsehoods. Fortunately my
reply appeared satisfactory, and I took advantage of their discourse
being directed for a moment to their pupils to leave them; they
soon, however, sought me out at the gate of the village, where I was
seated, placed themselves on the ground beside me, and displaying
a New Testament in Latin and Arabic, asked me if I knew that book;
I read a few passages to them, and they amused themselves with
ridiculing the supposed credulity of the christians.

As the village was surrounded by pleasant walled gardens, I
expressed a wish to see them. The youngest of the party instantly
took me by the hand, and, followed by six other Moors, we walked
to them. The young sherif when in his garden ordered some figs and
grapes to be gathered, which he offered me very gracefully. I was
particularly surprized by an almost French politeness in his manners;
for example, never serving himself first, offering me the finest
and ripest fruits, and even peeling them for me. I ate however but
sparingly of fruit, fearing lest it might disagree with me. I saw
in this garden melons, gombos, and a great variety of fruit-trees;
it also contains a well thirty feet deep.

From the garden we returned to the mosque, where Sidi-Abdoul-Rahman,
(this was the name of the young sherif) ordered one of his people
to carry me some bread and honey; and desired me to remain till
supper time, as he intended to provide me with that meal.

This good young man, about twenty-two years of age, favoured me with
a very obliging invitation to spend some days with him at Marca, in
order to recover from my fatigues, promising afterwards to forward
me to Fez at his own expense. I thanked him heartily, but urged
as an objection my impatience to reach home. The Berber brought
me a handsome dish of mutton couscous; and a moment afterwards the
sherif sent me a portion of his supper, and had the further kindness
to order one of his household to accompany me with a lantern to
our encampment.

On the 4th, at half after five in the morning, we departed,
journeying N. N. W., amongst mountains and along the banks of
a beautiful rivulet which fertilizes the neighbouring soil: the
resident proprietors understand how to avail themselves of this
resource; they form canals from it, by which they water their small
possessions; by this method they are enabled to cultivate corn and
maize in seasons of the greatest drought, and to produce abundance
of fine melons. Some palms and fig-trees grow on the margin of this
pretty rivulet; and I remarked throughout the route small habitations
scattered at very small distances. We advanced more than two miles
an hour notwithstanding the stony nature of the soil. At half past
two P. M. we halted at M-Dayara, a town defended by a high wall
and encompassed by a moat seven or eight feet in depth and of equal
breadth. We entered by a large gate and passed the night here. When
the cattle were unladen and the baggage arranged, my guide, the
sherif, noble scion of the prophet, recommended me to repair to
the mosque to seek my supper: without answering him, I remained
some time seated upon a mat, near a Moor of the town, who seeing I
was in no hurry to withdraw, and no doubt fearing the necessity of
dividing his supper with me, advised me to rejoin my companions,
and take my share of the provision which the town would provide
for them. Thus repulsed on all sides I lay down beside the baggage:
my illustrious muleteer angrily asked, why I did not remain at the
mosque; to which I replied that he might go thither himself to seek
his supper; this answer silenced him. Finding him so desirous to get
rid of me, I thought that the Moors of the caravan intended to club
together to purchase food, and determined to learn how this might be.

The sherif Sidi-Moula-Sitec, a man of high nobility and who
enjoyed the imperial favour, travelled along with our caravan;
he carried his wife with him, concealed under a scarlet pavilion,
as well to preserve her from the intense heat as to screen her from
our observation: at the halting-places, four persons assisted her
to alight, and one of her women, who also appeared veiled in our
presence, lifted up a corner of the curtain to admit the air.

Sidi-Moula-Sitec, whose provisions for himself and his suite were
separately dressed, sent in the evening a copious supply of tea
to his travelling companions; they took it while waiting the
approach of supper time; and soon afterwards an enormous dish
of couscous was sent to them, which was speedily divided among
twelve or fourteen Moors, who disputed the possession of it. When
my muleteer had satisfied his hunger, he put the two or three
mouthfuls of couscous that remained, in a small basket, generally
used for feeding his asses with barley, and brought it to me, I
eagerly accepted this food, as I had eaten nothing all day but a
few dates. After this slender repast, finding that I should not be
permitted to remain beside the baggage, I went in search of a place
where I might sleep in quiet, and lay down at the door of the mosque,
near some travelling Moors, who were so much annoyed by my cough,
for I had a severe cold, that in great anger they even struck me,
to compel me to withdraw.

At five in the morning, I perceived by the arrangements which were
making, that we should not set out before evening, and determined,
though with repugnance, to beg in the town for some dates, a fruit
so plentiful in this country. I first applied to an old Moor,
who affected all the externals of devotion, but he shewed little
sensibility for my misery, recommending me to trust in God who would
assist me; a second brought me a handful of rotten dates, which I
could not eat; and a third, whose mien announced more charity, gave
me a considerable quantity, but they were harder and worse than those
which I had eaten at el-Harib. Losing my fortitude, and undeceived on
the subject of Musulman charity, so much vaunted among us, I returned
to our baggage, and, presenting my acquisition of fruit to the asses
which refused it, I breakfasted upon a handful of that which had been
given me at Boheim. Part of the day was spent in shoeing the animals.

About three P.M, being all ready, we took our departure, and
travelled N. W., over level and stony ground; the sun was setting
as we reached Rahaba, where we encamped under the palm-trees,
without the town. As I happened to be placed near the sherif
Sidi-Moula-Sitec, who had shewn me, on the road, the unexampled
courtesy of giving me a draught from the cup which he himself in
general used, I went to thank him; he gave me a friendly reception,
and, offering me his hand with a smile, told me that he had directed
one of his suite to supply me with provisions all the way to Fez,
and, to leave me under no uneasiness on this head, he renewed his
order in my presence; but the profligate servant took little notice,
and obeyed his master’s command for one night only.

On the 6th of August, at five in the morning, we continued our
route northward, at first on very level ground; after which we
reached a chain of mountains, stretching from E. N. E. to W. S. W.,
and struck into its gorges, following the course of a pretty little
rivulet called Guigo; the road being extremely stony and difficult.
About eight we passed L-Eyara, a village containing from twenty
five to thirty houses, all ill-constructed with a ground-floor
only; this village stands on a rock of black granite. Hitherto our
direction was N. N. E., here we turned due north.

At one P. M. we halted at Tamaroc till the heat, which was intense,
should abate: I lay down upon the grass, in the shade of a fine
rose-laurel, pleasantly situated on the margin of the rivulet,
the freshness and gentle murmurs of which inclined me to sleep. The
hills on each side of the route had no great elevation, and appeared
composed of brittle and coarse-grained rose-coloured granite,
in some parts combined with white quartz. At three P. M., the
heat having somewhat moderated, we proceeded northwards through
the defiles till half past five; we then turned to the west,
still following the sinuosities of the same rivulet. This stony
road led us into a valley, well cropped with corn and maize, the
verdant aspect of which amidst these barren mountains presented
an enchanting spectacle. About seven in the evening we halted at
Kars, where we passed the night. Between Tamaroc and this place,
we saw no more palm-trees.

On the 7th at five A. M., we resumed our journey, first in a
westerly, and subsequently in a northerly direction, still threading
the defiles of the mountains, through a less fertile tract than
that over which we had just passed; here though the country is
still watered by the Guigo it is generally barren.

The roving Berbers, who encamp in these narrow valleys, find
here and there a little forage for their cattle. About eleven
o’clock we arrived at N-Zéland (or Ain-Zéland) our beasts being
much fatigued. The hamlet is inhabited by Berbers, who breed fine
sheep. As these people are accustomed to give nothing to the Moors,
part of our caravan were compelled to forego their supper. The
sherif Sidi-Moula-Sitec ordered a couscous, and sent a portion of
it to the sherifs of the company; the Moors of inferior rank were
not included in the distribution.

The Berbers, thinking to gain something by us, made cakes of
barley-meal, which they sold for a good profit to those who had
money: encouraged by the success of this traffic, they killed two
sheep, which they cooked whole at a large fire, cut up into small
pieces, and sold for four mouganans, a sum equivalent to eight sous
of our money. But our company was so numerous that this provision
proved insufficient, and those who could not obtain any ate dates
only; a poor substitute for more nourishing food.

On the 8th of August, at three A. M., we quitted N-Zeland. The beast
I rode being excessively fatigued, I was compelled to perform part
of this day’s journey on foot; and still weak, I walked with
difficulty over the flinty mountain roads, pausing every moment
to recover breath. I was not singular in my misfortune, many of
our people were on foot, for the poor animals could scarcely drag
themselves along. Till eight o’clock we proceeded northward,
then for one hour westward, and afterwards turned again to the
north. The road was so bad that the asses sunk under their burdens;
their haunches were galled by the friction of a girth, which it is
customary here to pass over the rump in the fashion of a crupper,
to prevent the load from slipping forward in descending steep
declivities, while another, which girds the breast, performs the
same service in ascending. The guides without any remorse struck
these poor animals severe blows to quicken their pace. At two P. M.,
overcome with fatigue, we reached L-Eksebi, where we halted: this
pretty village is encompassed by a good wall, and contains about
eight hundred inhabitants; it is situated on an extensive plain,
watered by the windings of the rivulet which I have before mentioned,
and surrounded by high mountains wholly destitute of vegetation. The
plain is well cultivated, and even embellished by some olive-trees.
On our arrival, the inhabitants, all Moors, opened a market,
where we found in abundance bread, meat, raisins, and figs, which
were all sold by weight. Near this market is a kind of caravansera,
where travellers are received on payment of a small remuneration for
the animals only; these are lodged in little galleries constructed
for the purpose, and the men sleep near them on the ground.

As the dates presented to me by my host of Boheim were now exhausted,
and I had nothing whatever to eat, I determined to beg some,
not of the towns-people, for as the palm-trees do not grow in the
vicinity they are dear here, but of a young Moor of our own caravan,
who obligingly gave me some.

On the 9th, we set out at five in the morning, directing our route
to the north; about seven we turned to the W. N. W. ascending hills
from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five feet above the
surface of the plain. In every direction similar eminences meet
the eye, all exhibiting, with the exception of a few cork-trees,
complete sterility. Exhausted with fatigue, I feared that it
would be impossible to continue my journey; my limbs bent under
me, and I was compelled to sit down continually; my courage was
ready to forsake me: this ascent was indeed a terrible task for my
enfeebled powers. By the blessing of God we attained the summit
by nine o’clock; and thence descended into an extensive and
beautiful plain, surrounded by high lands, which were mostly barren
of vegetation. Four times in the course of the day our caravan
was stopped by the Arabs, who had encamped by the road-side, to
obtain payment of the passage dues, which was made in dates, and
bread baked a second time in the oven; I was told that they acted
under the sultan’s orders. Some Berbers as we passed spread a
pagne beside the road, that a few dates might be thrown to them:
this fruit is scarce and dear in this part of the country; and
some of them brought us water in exchange. About three o’clock we
arrived at L-Guim, a small Moorish village, where some cultivation is
visible and some forage may be obtained, but the general aspect of
the country is sterile and dry; not a single tree is to be seen. I
supped upon some pieces of barley bread, baked a second time, and
which I steeped in a little water. This bread Sidi-Moula-Sitec had
sent me as a present, the evening before, by one of his servants.
After this repast I lay down near a field of maize, making my pillow
upon a ridge between its furrows.

At five in the morning of the 10th, we set out again, our route
lying W. N. W.; at seven we turned to the north through defiles of
arid and stony mountains; at ten to the N. N. W. The landscape,
interspersed with lofty eminences, has a most dreary appearance;
on some of them only grows a quantity of box to the height of about
eighteen inches, the leaves of which were dry and yellow. In the
level parts we saw some Arab tents from which at our approach the
children issued to beg dates. About three P.  M. we reached Guigo,
a small Berber village: its environs are naked, without any trace
of cultivation, and the wells are so distant, that it is not easy
to procure water without paying in dates, of which I had no more,
and was obliged to have recourse to charity for a draught; I applied
to several Moors, who all repulsed me like a dog, and bade me slake
my thirst at the fountain.

The heat, which had been intense, moderated towards evening; just
before our arrival a slight thunder-shower fell, which continued
for a quarter of an hour, and greatly cooled the atmosphere. A
sherif, who had long suffered from a bad foot, gave me some water
and a small cake of wheat and aniseed, on condition that I should
furnish him with a remedy; I had still a little diachylon left,
and divided it with him; he then opened before me several rags,
in which his foot was wrapped, and I saw two large white maggots
upon the nearly healed wound.

On the 11th, at three A. M. we quitted Guigo, journeying north upon
a very stony road: many shrubs, however, flourish in this country;
wild roses and mulberry-trees, the hawthorn, olive-tree, dwarf oak,
and others, are watered by the current of a meandering rivulet,[19]
in the transparent and delicious waters of which we found relief from
our thirst. About two P. M. we arrived at Soforo, a walled town,
situated in a fine and extensive plain, very stony but fertile;
maize and the olive are cultivated in this tract. The approach to the
town is ornamented by pretty gardens enclosed by quickset hedges,
and abounding in fruit-trees, round which creep in great numbers
vines loaded with fine grapes. We alighted at a fandac.[20] I walked
through this town which is the finest that I had hitherto seen. It
contains a handsome mosque, built of brick and plastered with mortar;
two fountains appropriated to the purpose of the Mahometan ablutions
conduce to its decoration. Two watermills are the most remarkable
objects in Soforo. The houses are chiefly built of brick and of one
story. The streets are narrow and dirty, nevertheless the vicinity
of several brooks which rise in the mountains, and the many pretty
gardens of the suburbs render this town an agreeable abode. A
market is held here daily, which attracts many strangers, and in
which the Jews have shops. Baked meat is sold in it, and remarkably
fine melons. A clumsy clock in the mosque tower excited my surprise.

In the evening, Moula-Sitec employed a Jew merchant to purchase
some wax candles for him; the poor Jew on his return was stopped
by a sherif, who, detaining him by his cloak, demanded one of
them. In vain he protested with an air of supplication, that he had
no means of making such a present, the Moor vehemently insisted,
and, seizing the Israelite by a lock of his hair, drew his poniard
with an apparent intention of killing him; quaking with fear the
poor wretch cried out with all his might, “Oh! spare me, my lord,
for the love of God.” The Moor at length released him, and the
Jew ran off at his utmost speed.

Moula-Sitec called me to his presence, and inquired, as though he
doubted my sincerity, whether I loved the Musulmans; he then made
me recite some verses of the Koran, and at length informed me that
on the following day we should reach Fez, which town is sometimes
visited by christians.

About nine in the evening, great bowls of couscous were served for
supper. The sherifs, being persons of high distinction, ate first,
and sent us the remainder.

On the 12th of August, at five A. M. we quitted Soforo, and again
observed in its outskirts a long line of pleasing gardens: the
road, shaded by trellises of fig-trees, is paved with flints to the
distance of nearly three or four miles from the town. As we gaily
pursued our route northwards, we fell in with many Jews proceeding
to the market of Fez, which place we also reached about noon. The
road had been good, less stony than that we had previously traversed;
but the ground was little cultivated.

Having neither acquaintance nor letters of recommendation, I took
up my lodging with my muleteer at the fandac. After a short repose
upon a mat, I was desirous of visiting the market. To reach it
I passed through several dirty narrow streets of low buildings.
The market is held in a street under a roof of trellis-work and
straw; the dealers occupy little shops, five or six feet square,
raised about three feet above the surface of the ground. Men keep
these shops and sit there the whole day in the fashion of tailors
on their board. No one took notice of me, and I bought for three
felouses[21] a small loaf and a few grapes upon which I dined;
then returning to the fandac I passed the night there with the
asses and mules.

On the 13th, I went with a negro of Mequinaz to visit the upper
part of the town; this good-natured man took pleasure in shewing me
its curiosities. We inspected several mosques: one in particular
attracted my attention as the finest; it is called by the Moors
Mouladrib.

Wishing to proceed as soon as possible, risked changing two English
crowns, in order to hire a mule to carry me to Rabat, where I hoped
to find a French Consul. I applied first to a Moorish merchant,
who bore the character of being very devout; he weighed my pieces
and offered much less than their value; I was refusing to part
with them on such terms when a Jew blacksmith passed us, and the
Moor proposed to him to purchase them. Notwithstanding the bad
character of his race, he proved less usurious than the Musulman.
After weighing the crowns in scales which he always carried about
him, he offered me a price much above that of the zealous follower
of Mahomet; I therefore treated with him: but having at the moment
no money at hand, to avoid detaining me he requested the Moor
to pay me the price agreed upon. The latter hastened to comply,
but gave me coin which would not pass without a diminution of
one fourth of its value. Such is the charity of these avaricious
hypocrites, who abuse with impunity the ignorance and simplicity
of an unfortunate stranger.

The Moors all questioned me incessantly upon my travels; they pitied
my sufferings, but not one of them invited me to eat; they gave me
no other consolation than the assurance that God would not abandon
me, but that it would please him to restore me to my country and
my friends.

On the 14th, fearing that a longer residence in Fez would
be injurious to my health, I made preparations for removing to
Mequinaz: this, it was observed, was not the road to Algiers, but I
was unwilling to increase my distance from Rabat and Tangier, and
reported my intention in going to Mequinaz to be to throw myself
at the feet of the Emperor, and make known to him my miserable
situation; not doubting that his compassion would furnish me with
the means of proceeding to Algiers, whence I should more easily
obtain a passage to Alexandria. The importance of this application
to the sultan being obvious, no farther observations were made on
my project. I was happy in finding so satisfactory a pretence for
approaching the sea coast, but internally resolved to avoid the
Emperor as solicitously as I affected to seek him.

Fez is the finest town I have seen in Africa; I shall endeavour
to describe it as minutely as the shortness of my stay there
will permit.




CHAPTER XXVII.


Description of el-Fez — Markets, monuments, gardens, police —
Mequinaz — Inhospitality — Arm of the sea called Sbo — Arbata
or Rabat, the ancient Sallee — Visit to the Consular Agent —
The traveller avoids the camp of the Emperor of Morocco — Writes
to the Vice Consul M. Delaporte — Larache — Arrives at Tangier
7th of September, almost dying, emaciated by want, fatigue, and
fever — Generous reception of M. Delaporte — Anxiety of the
traveller — Is introduced by night and concealed by the Consul
— M. Delaporte obtains from the naval commander of the Cadiz
station a vessel to convey him to France.

El-Fez, so called by its inhabitants, but designated on the maps by
the name of Fez, is a large city belonging to the empire of Morocco,
of which it was formerly the capital. It is situated in a species
of natural tunnel formed by lofty well-wooded mountains, whence
spring several considerable rivulets, which, after fertilizing the
valley, supply the city with excellent water. Every mosque contains
_jets d’eau_, and in several streets there are fountains for
the refreshment of the thirsty passenger: here are also several
water-mills for grinding corn. The city extends from east to west
and must be about four miles in circumference, as far as I could
judge from a survey of it from the top of a hill. It is surrounded
by a double brick wall, about twelve or thirteen feet high, well
constructed and ornamented at intervals with raised copings. I was
astonished by the regular architecture of a spacious gateway, in the
form of a triumphal arch, through which the city is entered. Under
this arch were established a number of venders of provisions.

Within the compass of the outer wall are some gardens, and small
low houses, called the suburbs; here I observed some manufactories
of Delft ware and tiles. The houses have terraced roofs like those
of Timbuctoo, and are built of bricks perfectly well formed and
baked in a kiln. Their masonry is not very correct: small, square
and strongly grated windows overlook the streets; and the outsides,
which are lime-washed, are much out of repair; they have generally
a story above the ground-floor, which receives air and light only
from an inner court.

The streets are paved, but narrow, winding, dark, and dirty to the
last degree; I saw in some places, dogs and cats which had been
long dead and emitted a pestilential stench.

These streets are nothing more than galleries covered by trellises
or masonry, which deprive them of a free circulation of air,
concentrate all the disagreeable effluvia of the city, and render
it very unwholesome.

The principal manufactures of Fez are blankets and gunpowder;
ploughs and wooden spades are also made there, and the city contains
locksmiths, cutlers, shoemakers, tailors, masons, blacksmiths,
who likewise act as farriers, and gunsmiths, but the fabrication
of their guns falls far short of the perfection of ours.

Shops may be found in most quarters of the town furnished with all
sorts of provisions, dried or otherwise; as bread, meat, butter,
pastry, fruit, and vegetables. As there are no inns, travellers
without acquaintance in the city have no other resource than to
buy what they want at these shops, and to carry it to the mosque
or to the fandac to eat.

A market is held every day; it is attended by a great concourse of
strangers, who come from great distances to sell their commodities:
great quantities of dates and tanned leather are brought to this
market from Tafilet; the inhabitants of the mountains supply it
with honey and wax, of which last candles are made, not only for
home consumption, but for large consignments to the principal
maritime towns.

For the security of the shops, dogs are every night turned loose into
the streets of the market; these animals, trained for the purpose,
perform their duty so zealously, that, but for the interference of
men who sleep near, they would inevitably devour such passengers
as chance or business attract to the spot confided to their charge.

No monument of departed splendour exists at Fez to awaken curiosity
or recal the former magnificence of the conquerors of Spain: but it
boasts of many mosques, each surmounted by a square tower of about
a hundred feet in height, upon which a white flag is hoisted as
the signal for prayer. I visited several of them, accompanied by
the good-natured negro of Mequinaz; and found them large edifices
of an oblong square form, containing several galleries raised
upon well-built arcades. The only one which appeared to merit
particular attention is called by the Moors Mouladrib, probably
from the name of its founder. It is the chief ornament of the
city. The interior is preserved with the utmost care; it is paved
with small pieces of well varnished Dutch tiles, of various colours
and shapes, tastefully arranged in mosaic; and the whole compass of
the walls, to the height of two feet and a half, is inlaid in the
same manner. The arches which support the roof are of far superior
workmanship to those of the other mosques; two of them are raised on
finely sculptured marble columns, the other pillars are of brick,
covered with plaster. The vaulted ceiling is composed of boards,
painted yellow and red, and adorned by a broad band of gold colour
forming the cornice. Within a sort of sanctuary, in the middle of
the mosque, stands a small altar, covered with a cloth embroidered
with flowers in gold; and around it are placed several glass lamps
and flambeaux, and near it is a handsome lustre hanging from a gilt
cupola; a multitude of suspended lamps are also dispersed throughout
the temple, to enlighten the faithful. The thirsty traveller is
refreshed by a very beautiful fountain which plays in an inner
court and invites numbers to sleep within its cooling influence.

Neither inns nor hotels are to be found in Fez; their place is
supplied only by fandacs similar to those which I have already
described. Here travellers who possess beasts of burden are obliged
to sleep on the ground beside them, and themselves to provide them
with forage. They usually take their meals at the mosque, pass the
greater part of the day there, and would sleep there if permitted.
The proprietors of the fandacs exact six felouses per head for the
cattle, a sum equivalent to two French sous.

Two hills, which command the city are defended each by an
insignificant fortress, having embrasures but no cannon: one is
situated nearly S. E., and the other, in which some prisoners were
confined, is to the N. W.

The immediate environs, for two or three miles round, are highly
cultivated, and produce abundance of vines, and olive, fig, apple
and pear trees; near the wall are mulberry-trees of considerable
height. I have seen flower-gardeners selling in the markets a great
variety of flowers, similar to those which adorn our parterres in
France. At some distance from the town are a great number of little
mausoleums, in which the remains of the most distinguished sherifs
are deposited.

Fez is computed to contain about twenty thousand inhabitants, all
either artificers or traders, who carry on an extensive commerce in
European manufactures, which they export to Tafilet and Timbuctoo
as well as to the adjacent mountainous countries.

The 14th of August, at seven in the morning, I quitted the fandac
and walked through the city with my leathern bag thrown over my
shoulder. A long street conducted me to the western gate, where I
hired a mule to carry me to Mequinaz; and, our provision for the
journey being prepared, we departed, directing our course W. N. W.,
over a smooth soil composed of very good mould but uncultivated. I
remarked several tents of wandering Arabs pitched beside a little
river formed by the junction of the rivulets which water the environs
of Fez. Our road, which was very uneven, lay between two ridges of
barren hills, and crossed several well constructed bridges.

About two o’clock we rested under a bridge which sheltered us
from the sun. We had in our company two women who, being under
no restraint, shewed but little solicitude to conceal their fair
complexions and pretty faces beneath their veils; one of them rode on
my mule behind me; and I presume that my attentions were agreeable
to her, as she offered me a slice of melon and a bit of bread which
I accepted with pleasure. Our pretty fellow-travellers, however,
learning that the Emperor had set out for Rabat, returned to Fez,
and I continued my route with my guide alone; our mules keeping up
so good a pace that I estimated our progress at four miles an hour.

At five in the morning we arrived at Mequinaz, the streets of which
city were as dirty and narrow as those of Fez; and, entering a
fandac, I begged to be allowed to sleep in a stable, a favour which
the master refused in the rudest manner. Turning from a place which
offered so little hospitality to an unfortunate stranger, I sought
refuge in the mosque, the asylum of the indigent: there I hoped to
repose in peace till the morning; but alas! I was disappointed. About
ten at night an old bamâb (porter) came to me, and kicking me,
roughly desired me in a hoarse voice to rise and begone, for he
was about to shut up. In vain I represented myself as a stranger
not knowing whither to go, and implored him to allow me to pass the
night in this retreat: without the least regard to my situation he
compelled me to leave the mosque. Such conduct ought not to have
surprised me, for in this part of Africa, as in some other more
civilized countries, men are distinguished only by their apparel,
and it must be confessed that mine did not plead in my favour; but
I considered that it would be highly imprudent to study my dress:
my rags excited no attention, and this livery of poverty served as a
veil with which prudence required that I should still envelop myself.

I possessed some pieces of silver and four buckles made of gold
from the mines of Bouré; but, as it would have been dangerous to
shew them, I took my bag upon my shoulder, and left the mosque,
uncertain where to find repose for my sick and wearied frame. For
a short time I wandered about the streets meditating on my forlorn
condition, and, oppressed by the recollection of the humiliations,
fatigues, and privations which I had already endured, and by
the chilling sense of those which I still experienced, I could
not altogether suppress my tears. Let me hope this weakness was
excusable in my disastrous situation: it was within sight of the
desired haven that I was most in danger of shipwreck. With a heart
sinking under these reflections, I sought shelter in the shop of a
dealer in vegetables, who, taking me at first for a Berber, would
not suffer my intrusion; when, however, I told him that I was an
Arab, he left me in tranquillity to pass the night on the ground.
Laying my head on the leather bag which contained my notes, I enjoyed
a short forgetfulness of misery, but was soon awakened by the cold,
and sleep solaced me no more during the night.

August the 15th, at six in the morning, hastily quitting this
inhospitable place, I resumed my journey towards Rabat on foot,
carrying my bag, and but scantily provided with food.

Beyond the town I passed some gardens, and several plots of well
cultivated hemp. I soon discovered that it would be impossible for
me to reach Rabat on foot, for my limbs had scarcely strength to
support me, and the pain which I felt in the spleen was aggravated by
fatigue. Resting therefore for a moment against a wall I considered
how I should proceed, and finally determined upon returning to
the town. Taking my purse out of my bag, and observing with sorrow
that its contents were much diminished, I was nevertheless under
the necessity of abstracting a few shillings from what remained,
proposing to change them on my return to Mequinaz, to procure me
a conveyance. Inadvertently I laid my knife and pocket-compass on
the ground beside me and forgot them. Much grieved by their loss,
I returned from the city to seek them, but unhappily in vain. As
I again approached the city I saw several Spaniards, who had been
shipwrecked on the coast, followed by a crowd of Moors, and escorted
by soldiers, armed with sticks for the purpose of preventing the
pressure of the crowd; they were being conducted to the Emperor,
and I remarked with pleasure that they were not ill-treated. A Jew,
who spoke the Spanish language acted as their interpreter. I followed
them a short distance, but, finding it impossible to penetrate to
them, returned towards the market, and seated myself at the door
of a Berber, who, perceiving that I was suffering pain, asked me
who I was and what ailed me: I told him my story, which, like all
his countrymen, he believed.  Having imparted to him my intention
of hiring a conveyance to Rabat, in the hope of seeing the Emperor
and applying to him for assistance to enable me to return to my
own country, this good Berber induced me to place my bag in his
shop and promised himself to negociate with the muleteer for the
fulfilment of my wishes.

In the course of the day, I visited the fandacs, and there met
with a man from Tafilet, who proposed to me to hire an ass for my
conveyance to Rabat. I took him to the Berber, and, having agreed
upon the price, which was fixed at a piastre and three quarters,
I paid him the earnest; we were to set out the following day. In
the evening I bought some fruit and bread for my guide and myself.

On the 16th of August, at six in the morning, I mounted my ass,
not without the assistance of my guide, which on account of my
weakness I was unable to dispense with: we travelled due north for
about an hour, then turned N. W. till nine in the morning. The
route is interrupted by hills, and turns a little to the south.
About two o’clock we halted under the shade of a zizyphus lotus,
to repose during the extreme heat: at three we resumed our route
to the north, till half-past four, and then proceeded N. W. On the
road we met a traveller in the utmost distress on account of the
death of his horse, for, besides the inconvenience of prosecuting
his journey on foot, the poor man was compelled also to carry his
saddle to some inhabited place; my guide took pity upon him and
placed his saddle behind me, which suited me well, for I was so
weak that I could scarcely sit up, and this saddle made a convenient
support for my back.

At six in the evening, we reached a considerable brook, which runs
S. S. W., and afterwards west, and stopped to slake our thirst
at it. I had been suffering from fever nearly the whole day, and
the heat had been overpowering; I now lay down to take a short
repose. During this halt, the Moor, who was not the owner of the
horse he had lost, obtained from a sherif a certificate of its death:
the sherif, having interrogated me in common with the other witnesses
of the event, gave on our evidence the writing which testified that
the horse had died without any fault on the part of its rider.

At sun-set, after having eaten some figs given us by the Berbers,
we proceeded northwards till eight o’clock, when we reached a camp,
provided with a tent that served as a mosque, and was destined also
for the reception of travellers; we took up our quarters in it,
and the inhabitants of the camp brought us supper.  This spot is
covered with prickly shrubs.

At two o’clock in the morning of the 17th, we quitted this
hospitable camp; for half an hour we were followed by a troop of
nearly thirty dogs, which barked incessantly, and even bit our
beasts. At five o’clock, turning to the N. W. we proceeded over
level ground covered with a fine vegetation. Towards eight in the
morning, we halted for an hour beside a well, where we breakfasted
upon fresh bread, and some water-melons which we had found in the
fields. After this rural repast we drank some pretty good water,
which we were able to take up by hand, the wells being shallow. We
continued our route to the N. W., and at eleven o’clock, the heat
being violent, again halted under a beautiful clump of fig-trees,
where several travellers were sleeping; we rested till noon, my
guide, who was sufficiently complaisant, having some consideration
for my illness. After this short repose we proceeded still towards
the N. W. till three P. M. when our direction turned E. S. E.; we
now journeyed over loose sand. At half-past two we stopped before
a camp of soldiers, who were on their march to rejoin the emperor;
they had pitched their tents near an arm of the sea, which my
guide told me was called Sbo.[22] To my great surprise tolerable
order was preserved in this camp: the centinels were placed at
equal distances from each other, but they slept the whole night;
the chiefs were lodged in handsome tents, having a centinel at
the door, and soldiers around them. The women of the neighbouring
districts supplied them with bread.

On the 18th, at three in the morning, we set forward, crossing the
camp, where the soldiers were still all asleep; but one, waking up
with a start, exclaimed: “Who goes there?” This did not however
interrupt our progress. Farther on we encountered the advanced
guard, also asleep, but our noise disturbed them, and waking up
they inquired who we were and whither we were going: upon receiving
our answer they permitted us to pass through the midst of them, for
there was no other road, and it was necessary to cross a bridge. We
proceeded by a fine road to the S. W.; the soil composed of grey
sand is naturally fertile. At eight in the morning we halted to
take a slight repast of bread and some nuts purchased at Mequinaz,
and ate it in peace beside a well. We continued our route to the S.
W. over a soil similar to that which I noticed over-night, and
arrived at an arm of the sea on the opposite shore of which Rabat is
situated; here I saw several Portuguese vessels. The vine flourishes
in the environs of this town, and the fields are well cultivated.

Upon entering Rabat, I proceeded with my guide to the fandac,
where I rested awhile and then set out to walk through the town
in hopes of finding the French consul, for I concluded that there
would be one here. I held some shillings in my hand, by means of
which I proposed without committing myself to find the consular
house. I begged several Moors to change them for me, knowing that
they would not (for they have little complaisance) but I foresaw that
they would refer me to a christian, to whom I hoped by this innocent
stratagem to be enabled to speak without exciting suspicion. In fact,
the first Moor whom I requested to change my shillings for the coin
of the country directed me to the christians; I took advantage of
this circumstance to inquire for the French consul, saying, that
the money was French, and he, having no suspicion of me, immediately
pointed out the consul’s residence. I knocked at the door, and was
thrilled with joy at the thought of being about to see a Frenchman.

A Jew, who spoke tolerable English, opened the door; he told me that
the consul was at this moment with the sultan, but that he would soon
return. I retired for a short time, and on my second application was
by the same Jew presented to the French consul at Rabat. Gracious
God! how was I disconcerted, when I found that he was himself a
Jew! I was so thunderstruck that I remained for a moment speechless;
meanwhile he addressed me in pretty good French, inquiring what I
wanted with him: recovering a little from my stupefying surprise,
I shewed him my shillings and begged him to change them; an English
merchant who chanced to be with him, and to whom I confided my
secret, assured me that I might safely communicate to the Jew
the true cause of my application to him. I then told the consular
agent that I wished to converse with him for a moment in private,
upon which he shewed me into his warehouse and seated me upon the
floor. There I informed him that I was a Frenchman, that I came
from the Soudan, and that, desiring to return to my own country, I
claimed the protection due to a subject of the King of France. The
Jew asked if I had any papers, and if I was travelling by order
of the government: having satisfied him on all these points, he
opened a French book of geography, and pointed out upon a map the
Senegal and other districts, no doubt to display his learning: he
then shewed a letter from M. Sourdeau, consul-general of the King of
France, announcing his nomination to the dignity of consular agent
at Rabat; but he gave me to understand that he received no pay,
and that in consequence I was not to expect much assistance from
him; then dismissing me, he recommended me strongly not to make
myself known if I valued my head; for, added he, the Moors are no
triflers on the subject of religion.

I then returned to the fandac, leaving with the consular agent
ten shillings, which he refused to change; he gave me however on
account, three dragmes (twenty four sous) for the supply of my most
urgent wants during the following days. I made my guide purchase a
piece of roasted mutton and two small loaves, which I divided with
him; resolving however that this should be my last repast in his
company: not that he had been deficient in complaisance to me, but,
convinced that I must be extremely desirous of an interview with
the sultan his master, he was perpetually endeavouring to pursuade
me to solicit one. I had exhausted all my pretences for delaying
this step; and had sufficient reason to beware of presenting myself
before the African monarch, who, more suspicious than his subjects,
would in all probability have proved more clear-sighted.

I quitted the fandac therefore, and passed the day at the corner of
a street; where I hoped to spend the night with equal tranquillity,
and lying down enveloped myself in my large wrapper.  I was invoking
sleep, the friend of the unfortunate, when a dozen dogs began to
bark furiously at me, and I should certainly have fallen a prey to
these animals, had I not been promptly assisted by one of those men,
who are posted in the streets at night expressly to rescue passengers
from their attacks. This man inquired who I was; “I am an Arab,
a stranger here,” replied I, “on my return to Alexandria my
native country.” Upon this he placed me in a small recess near
which he slept himself; arming me with a strong bamboo cane to drive
away the dogs, if they should trouble me again; a very judicious
precaution, for these creatures, apparently conscious that I was a
stranger, never ceased throughout the night annoying me with their
menacing cries. I would gladly have slept at a fandac, but for the
expense of three paras per night, and the risk of insults from the
muleteers. Consulting my poverty, and uncertain when I should be
able to obtain assistance from the French Consul, I determined
to be as saving as possible and to sleep under the canopy of
heaven. Henceforth, I sought repose in a cemetery, situated to the
west of the town on the sea-shore, where, peacefully extended at the
foot of a mausoleum, I was neither tormented by men nor dogs. During
the day I remained at the corners of the streets, sometimes repairing
to the mosques to take my melancholy meals, consisting of a little
bread and a bunch of grapes, to which I occasionally ventured to add
from my scanty resources a small piece of fried fish. As the wells
of Rabat are brackish, I was obliged to beg water from the Moors who
seldom refused me. Such was the kind of life which I led, during the
whole of my residence at Rabat, while waiting for an opportunity to
proceed to Tangier to the French Consul. I now and then saw Ismael,
the Jew agent of the consulate, who gave me some small coins of
the country, on the security of the ten shillings with which I had
entrusted him. One day, finding him at home at breakfast, I was
invited to sit upon the floor and partake of his tea. I entreated
him to procure for me some means of travelling to Tangier; promising
to reimburse him as soon as I should reach the consul; but the Jew,
fearing no doubt that this would be disapproved by his superior,
drily refused. Seeing that nothing was to be gained from this man,
not even permission to embark on board a Portuguese brig, bound for
Gibraltar, I was about to write to M. Sourdeau, Consul-general at
Morocco, when Ismael received a letter from Tangier informing him
of this gentleman’s death; I therefore addressed myself to the
Vice-Consul M. Delaporte, on whom the direction of the consulate had
devolved; but an opportunity of going to Tangier occurring during
the interval, while I awaited his answer, I hired an ass to carry
me thither, for my legs would no longer support me.

On the 2nd of September, I quitted Rabat with the owner my ass, the
most worthless man I had met with in this country. The poor beast
destined to carry me, was already oppressed by a heavy burthen,
and sunk at every step up to his knees in the loose sand of the
sea-shore; I had therefore no alternative but to dismount, and though
I had paid a good price for my conveyance, and was scarcely able to
drag myself along, was obliged to perform half the journey on foot,
while my unworthy guide rode forward with the utmost indifference. On
reaching the place appointed for the halt, I threw myself down under
a tree, and wrapped up in my old blanket, suffered there a violent
attack of fever, produced by fatigue and exhaustion. Towards seven
in the evening, my guide brought me a handful of couscous, which
had been given him by some Arabs near whom we had encamped.

At Larache I saw two vessels cruising, and little thought that
one of them would shortly bear me from this frightful country. I
ascended with difficulty the hills in the vicinity of Tangier,
and at length, ill, and worn out with fatigue, I arrived in that
town on the 7th of September, at nightfall.

As I entered on foot the centinel took no notice of me, and I thus
fortunately escaped an explanation with the governor of the town,
which might have thrown some obstacles in the way of my departure,
or even have involved me in destruction. I deposited my bag at the
fandac, and the same evening explored the town in search of the
French Consulate. I saw many flag-staves, but could not for the
darkness distinguish that of my own nation. The moment was most
critical. I dared not to address myself to a Musulman, who would
infallibly have asked what concern I had with the christians:
and if my intentions had been discovered I should have lost all
hope of restoration to my country. I lay at the fandac, and passed
the night in extreme agitation. In the morning I again repaired to
the street where I had seen the flags, and perceived an open door,
near which stood a christian; looking carefully round, to ascertain
that I was not observed, I accosted him in English, inquiring for
the residence of the British Consul. “This is it,” replied he;
but, fearful of attracting notice, by conversing too long outside
the door, I would have entered the house, to ask a direction to
the French Consulate; but this man, who I supposed was a domestic,
repulsed me with horror, on account of my dirty and disfigured
appearance. I inquired for the residence of the French Consul,
and he bluntly answered, “He is dead,” but at the same time
called a Jew, who directed me to the door of the Vice-Consul, and
with an air of curiosity, asked who I was, and what I wanted with a
Christian; I retreated without answering, trembling with the dread of
detection. When all whose observation I had excited had passed on, I
returned to the Vice-Consul’s door, which, being opened, I entered
the house: a Jewess called M. Delaporte who received me with the
greatest kindness, and conducted me up stairs to an apartment where
I was entirely concealed from view. I comprehended the full extent
of the danger which surrounded me, from the fear which M. Delaporte
expressed of the difficulties which must embarrass my departure from
this country; but, speedily laying aside any uneasiness relative to
my present situation, he gave free vent to the joy with which my
almost miraculous escape from the dangers of so arduous a journey
inspired him, and in his transports even embraced me, pressing
me closely to his arms, notwithstanding the dirty rags in which
I was clad: I cannot indeed speak too warmly of the benevolent
reception which I experienced from this generous man. After enjoying
a breakfast from his hospitality I found myself, with great regret,
obliged to depart, though we had not yet determined on any means for
rescuing me from my present embarrassing situation. No sooner had
I set foot in the street than I most inconveniently encountered my
muleteer, who, seeing me come out of a house, inquired where I had
been; at first I felt a little confused, but quickly recovering I
told him that a charitable priest had given me a breakfast in that
house. I returned to the fandac, and did not leave it again that
day, apprehensive of exciting attention, as those by whom I had
been seen had inquired whether I was a renegado.

I passed the night in contriving means to obtain another interview
with the Vice-Consul In the morning the master of the fandac came
to demand three felusses for my night’s lodging in his stable,
and then, pushing me by the shoulders, sent me to return thanks to
God and the Prophet.

At nightfall I again presented myself at M. Delaporte’s house:
as I was entering, the female servant, not recognizing me, ran back
uttering a loud cry; this brought from the street the Vice-Consul’s
guard who, precipitately entering the house, put his hand upon my
shoulder, and demanded who I was, and what I wanted. I was completely
disconcerted,. M. Delaporte, being brought down by the noise, knew
me, but affected great anger, and spoke very harshly to prevent
suspicion. “Turn out this dog of a beggar,” said he, “what
can he want here? begone!” The soldier still asking what I wanted,
I examined the house as though in doubt; and saying, “What! does
not Sidi-Mohammed reside here? I fear I have made a mistake,” I
retired; the soldier following me a short distance, but by favour
of the night I easily escaped him. On my return to the fandac I
threw myself upon the ground, to recover from the emotion which
this untoward accident had occasioned. After an hour’s repose,
I again repaired to the street where M. Delaporte resided, hoping
that he would send some one to me with a message of encouragement;
but I saw no one. I passed another agitated night, sleeping little;
and at day-break took my station in front of the Vice-Consul’s
house to seek a decisive interview with him, the suspense in which
I continued having become insupportable. I seated myself at the
door of a poor shoemaker, to watch the moment when I might enter
the house without observation. The Jewish maid servant, who had
been so unfortunately alarmed the preceding evening, recognized
me: and, having given notice to M. Delaporte, made me a sign to
come in. The Vice-Consul obligingly expressed his regret for the
unpleasant scene of the preceding evening; he did not dissemble
his apprehensions for me, in case I continued long in my present
situation, but could devise no means for my escape; I was still more
perplexed, as without his assistance I should find it impossible to
quit the country. Seeing me resolved to extricate myself as speedily
as possible from this state of distress and anxiety, M. Delaporte
fixed an hour of the night for my return to the consulate, to quit
it no more till I should be enabled to embark for Europe. I spent the
remainder of the day at the fandac, and that my sudden disappearance
might occasion no surprise amongst its inmates, I apprised them
that I intended to proceed to Taone on my route to Algiers. When
it was quite dark, I rolled my bag in my wrapper to screen it from
observation, and repaired to the appointed spot, where I immediately
saw M. Delaporte and a Jew, who came to conduct me to my destined
asylum. I was admitted to the Consular residence by a back door,
and led to a good chamber, where M. Delaporte presently sent me a
European dress, for which I gladly exchanged the dirty rags I had
so long worn: he then visited me in my new apartment, and expressed
the greatest satisfaction at seeing me in a place of safety.

After returning thanks to Almighty God, I lay down upon a good
bed, rejoicing in my escape from the society of men debased by
ignorance and fanaticism. Though all my wants were relieved, I
found it impossible to close my eyes the whole night, so much was
I agitated by the remembrance of the perils I had passed through.
During my whole residence at the Consulate, M. Delaporte came many
times each day to see and converse with me; he treated me as his own
son, and indeed lavished on me all the cares of the tenderest father.

It would be difficult to describe my sensations on casting off for
ever my Arab costume; I retraced in my memory all the privations
and fatigues I had endured, and the length of route I had traversed
in a wild country, amidst a thousand dangers. I blessed God for
my arrival in port; but I believed myself in a dream, and asked
if it was indeed true that I might soon be restored to my country,
or whether this enchanting hope was but a delusion.

M. Delaporte neglected nothing that could contribute to
the re-establishment of my impaired health, and the wholesome
nourishment he gave me effected a decided improvement; but I was
still frequently attacked by paroxysms of fever which kept me in a
state of extreme weakness. During my abode in the consulate I was
occupied in arranging my notes.

Besides the frequent and agreeable visits of the Vice-Consul,
I received also those of a Jew domestic to whom the secret of my
seclusion was confided: this man, though a Frenchman, was thoroughly
imbued with the principles of his race and had no ideas but for the
advancement of his interests. He undoubtedly believed that my views
were the same, and advised me to carry the fruits of my travels to
England; representing to me that this nation had offered a reward
of twenty-five thousand pounds sterling for the accomplishment of
the journey to Timbuctoo. Instead of listening to so contemptible
a proposition, I replied, that I was a Frenchman, and added:
“The recompence to be derived from the French government would
undoubtedly be less considerable; but I should not hesitate a single
moment to offer to my native country and my king the homage of my
modest labours.”

The excellent M. Delaporte wrote very pressingly to the commander
of the French station off Cadiz, describing in lively colours
the dangers to which I was exposed by a longer residence in this
place. The commander, determined by his solicitations, sent one of
the king’s sloops to Tangier to convey me to Toulon.

On the 27th of September 1828, a little before sunset, a sailor’s
dress was sent me as a more convenient disguise. A Moor inquired who
I was, saying that he had not seen me disembark with the others; the
Jew, who attended me, answered that I was a Frenchman from Tetuan,
returning to France, and the Moor made no farther remark. I embarked
on board the sloop _La Légère_, suffering much from fever, and
the Commander Jolivet supplied me with every thing necessary in
my situation.

On the 28th, at six in the morning, we set sail with a fair
wind, and to my great satisfaction soon lost sight of Tangier. M.
Jolivet’s cares had a beneficial effect upon my health; the fever
left me, and the fine sea-breezes soon completed my recovery. We
arrived at Toulon after a very favourable voyage of ten days.

Those who have been long absent from their native land, and have
good cause to fear that they may never return, can alone form an idea
of my sensations on my restoration to my beloved country.  While in
quarantine I wrote to M. Jomard, President of the central commission
of the Geographical Society, to announce my travels to him. I soon
after received, as the first proof of the benevolent interest of this
learned association, the sum of five hundred francs, to defray the
expenses of my journey to Paris: nor was it long before I enjoyed the
glorious reward of its merited approbation. The society applauded
my zeal, and awarded to me the recompense promised to the first
traveller who should penetrate to the mysterious town of Timbuctoo,
and bring from thence his authentic observations. The government
graciously received the Society’s report upon my travels, and
soon bestowed upon me distinguished marks of its munificence and
honourable protection.

But this flattering success raised adversaries against me: some
alleged that I had never reached Timbuctoo; others, that I had been
shipwrecked on the coast of Barbary, and, having obtained possession
of some vague intelligence respecting the interior of the country,
had imposed it upon the public for the results of my personal
observations. I have been even accused of changing my religion
_at every station_. To this malevolent imputation, I answer:
that I externally adopted the forms of the Mahometan worship as
the only means of penetrating into the countries through which I
have travelled—an achievement which, without this acquiescence,
would have been impracticable, except by encountering at every step
the hazard of death, and inevitably suffering it at last. I must
confess that these unjust attacks have affected me more sensibly
than all the hardships, fatigues, and privations, which I have
encountered in the interior of Africa.




GEOGRAPHICAL
REMARKS AND INQUIRIES
CONCERNING
THE TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIÉ,
IN CENTRAL AFRICA,
BY M. JOMARD, MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE;

COMPRISING AN ANALYSIS OF THE MAP OF THE ROUTE AND THE GENERAL
MAP OF THE TRAVELS, DRAWN UP BY THE SAME; FOLLOWED BY VOCABULARIES
COLLECTED BY M. CAILLlÉ, HIS ITINERARY DAY BY DAY, EXPLANATIONS
OF THE PLATES, AND NOTES ON SEVERAL POINTS OF NATURAL HISTORY AND
GEOGRAPHY; CONCLUDING WITH DOCUMENTS AND OTHER PAPERS.


GEOGRAPHICAL REMARKS AND INQUIRIES
CONCERNING
THE TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIÉ,
IN CENTRAL AFRICA,

* * * * *

CHAPTER I.

§ I.

GENERAL RETROSPECT OF THE PUBLISHED INFORMATION ON THIS SUBJECT
PRIOR TO M. CAILLIÉ’S TRAVELS.

A powerful interest is attached to travels in central Africa: any
attempt, therefore, to explore this part of the world can scarcely
fail to excite curiosity, provided, at least, that it makes some
addition to the knowledge previously acquired and supplies one of
the deficiencies of geographical science; that is to say, if it
furnishes authentic documents concerning the respective situations
of places, their topographical positions, and relative distances;
concerning the natural productions and physical geography of the
country; the population, commerce, interior navigation, industry, and
agriculture; the manners, customs, religious worship, superstitions,
and language of the people, or the physical conformation of the
inhabitants; in short, provided it is calculated to interest the
geographer or the naturalist, the historian or the person engaged
in commerce and manufactures. The merit and usefulness, indeed,
of a narrative of travels consists in these positive results. The
attentive reader will discover in the simple journal before him
more than one such result, especially in matters of geography, the
nomenclature and position of places, the course and importance of
rivers, the situation of mountains, and generally speaking, every
thing relating to the accidents of the soil. The various tribes,
also, visited by M. Caillié, and in the midst of which he lived,
presented so many subjects of observation that it was impossible
he should not attempt, at least, to sketch their portraits. To the
well-informed public it belongs to appreciate whatever is new and
interesting in this simple and inartificial picture of nations and
tribes scarcely known in Europe, even by name. I must not, however,
rest here, but will turn my undivided attention in the first place
to examining and discussing all the points of geography connected
with M. Caillié’s route. Before I proceed, to this discussion,
for which I shall need all the indulgence of the reader, I shall take
leave to cast a glance upon the explorers who preceded him, and the
information we possessed anterior to his travels. Notwithstanding
the advantage which M. Caillié has over all his predecessors, in
having brought to Europe a description of the city of Timbuctoo,
written on the spot, several motives induce me to recapitulate here
the prior attempts which have been made by others, each of which
enterprises has formed an additional step in the career which he
alone has been enabled to pursue to its accomplishment. After this
examination of the discoveries and relations of preceding travellers,
I shall analyse the map of the route annexed to this work. It has
been constructed from the materials furnished in minute detail
by the journal of the French traveller, and which also form the
basis of the general map of the journey. I shall then treat of
the nomenclature of the countries through which he has travelled,
of the course of the great river, which, like Mungo Park, he has
navigated, and of the acquisitions for which science is indebted
to him, without neglecting the questions connected with the theatre
of his discoveries.

Whoever studies the history of the discoveries in the interior
of Africa is obliged to go back to the learned cosmographer
el-Edricy, who may be styled the Prince of Arabian geography. Till
now, an extract only of his description has been known, but a
learned oriental scholar[23] has just discovered a much more
complete manuscript than that which was translated into Latin
at the commencement of the 16th century, and which the learned
Hartmann has commented upon. While waiting for the benefit of the
translation preparing by M. Amédée Jaubert, I shall quote from
the Latin version[24] the description of the countries which M.
Caillié has visited, but which form only a very small portion
of the theatre of his peregrinations. According to el-Edricy,
Segelmassa or Sidjilmessa, a town in the country of Tafilet, is
forty days’ journey from the Soudan, that is to say, from the
inhabited districts and fertile soil of this immense region; it
is also computed to be forty days’ journey to Tocrur or Takrour,
to Salla or Sala, and to Ouhl. Sala is on the northern and Takrour
on the southern bank of a river called Nile. Sala is two days’
journey from Takrour whether by land or water.

The place named Oulil, described as an island properly so called,
is the great mart for salt in those parts, and is situated sixteen
days’ journey from Sala. Eastward of Takrour are several large
towns; Ghana, at a distance of twenty four days, and Berissa of
twelve; from the latter Aoudeghest[25] is twelve days’ journey
towards the north and the district of Lamlem six to the south;
this contains Wangara, Maleb, and Dau, four days’ journey from
each other; to the west is Meczara, to the east, Vancara, to the
north Ghana, and a desert to the south.

Many of these statements agree sufficiently with M. Caillié’s
marches across the desert; I can here only slightly mention this
conformity, because it would be necessary otherwise to enter into
details on the extent of a day’s journey and on the different
kinds of days’ journeys; an important question which shall be
discussed elsewhere. Takrour corresponds perhaps with the locality
which has since become the seat of Timbuctoo[26]: the importance
of this ancient town is proved by the name of Takrour, then given
to the whole of the Soudan, and applied to it by the natives even
to the present time. Sala is a point known to M. Caillié, but to
the right of the route from Timbuctoo to Tafilet, and not to the
west of Timbuctoo; and it must not be confounded with Ain-Salak,
the oasis of Agably.

May not the Oulil of el-Edricy, so long sought, be an island in the
sense understood by the word oasis, as surrounded on all sides by an
ocean of sand? this place would then correspond well with Tychyt,
celebrated for its salt-mines; it is true however that the Arabian
geographer seems to place Oulil upon the sea itself.[27]

With respect to Ghana, which is thought to answer to Kano, visited
by the last English travellers, its position in el-Edricy appears
too much towards the west; unless these travellers (as has been
already suspected) have placed Kano and other points of the Soudan
between Bornou and Saccatoo, too far to the east.

Above two centuries before el-Edricy, Ebn-Haukal, another not
less esteemed Arabian writer, had fixed the relative positions
of Sidjilmassa, Oulil, and Ghana; these equally agree with
the itinerary of our traveller; every well informed reader will
inquire whether the same agreement exists with the marches of the
celebrated Ben-Batouta. His travels are known by the fragments
which Messrs. Kosegarten and Burckhardt have translated from the
extract given by el-Bilouni.[28]

It is known that, in 1352, Ben-Batouta quitted Sidjilmessa for
Timbuctoo and central Africa: in twenty-five days he reached the
salt mines of Teghazza;[29] ten days afterwards, Tas-hal; ten or
twelve days farther on Aboulaten (Ejulat or Eiwelaten);[30] beyond
that, Maly, at a distance of twenty-four days; from Maly to Zaghary
(or Sagher), ten days; and thence to Karsendjou (or Karseckou).

This place is washed by the great river, _which is the Nile_,
and runs to Kabera and Zaghah (or Sagha); from Zaghah, the Nile
flows towards Timbuctoo, Koukou (Kok), Mouly the last place of
the country of Maly and Bowy (or Youy), one of the largest towns
of the Soudan. Thence the Nile descends to the country of Nouba
and passes Dongolah. From Karsendjou, Ben-Batouta proceeded to
the river of Sansarah, ten miles from Maly, which he left after a
residence of two months; some days afterwards he reached Timbuctoo
_on the Nile_, Koukou, Berdammah, and Takadda (or Nekda). On his
return to Sidjilmessa, he visited Touat, Kahor, Dekha, and Bouda;
a journey of more than twenty-eight days or stages.

The obscurity of this recital must be confessed: it arises chiefly
from the different ways of reading proper names, in supplying the
orthographical signs often wanting in manuscripts.  Thus Burckhardt
has read تغاري Tegherry, the same name which Kosegarten had
read تغازا Taghazza, which would bring the traveller into the
country of Fez very far from the Sahara. Tas-hala, a commercial
town is perhaps Tychyt: Aboulaten ابولاتن is confounded with
Eyoulaten ايولاتن or Oualet. Maly or Mala ماي is perhaps
Sala سالي, Nekda نكدا for Tagada تكدا &c.

The places in the neighbourhood of Timbuctoo, according to
Ben-Batouta, are Kabera and Zaghah. We still know Cabra, and the
second of these names reminds us of the Meczara of el-Edricy, and
the Mar-Zaghah or Marzarah of other accounts. Thus the distance
of the places with which M. Caillié became acquainted, and which
in consequence I have placed upon the general map of the Travels,
Tychyt, Oualet, Sala, Cabra, and Timbuctoo, would nearly agree with
the description of Ben-Batouta: I say nothing here respecting the
direction of the rivers.

Few itinerary distances are to be found in the relations compiled
from the discoveries of the Portuguese on this coast of Africa. They
have carefully concealed the positive documents which they may have
collected, lest the other nations of Europe should rival them in
their commerce. We read in the Decades of Barros that they had much
intercourse with the two kingdoms of Toucourof and Timbuctoo. It
is not demonstrated that the first of these names is identical with
Takrour,[31] and consequently this passage will not prove that the
countries of Takrour and Timbuctoo are distinct.

In the time of Leo Africanus, who travelled in the early part of
the sixteenth century, the prosperity of Timbuctoo had declined in
favour of the town of Djenné, which is still, by the report of M.
Caillié, more considerable and commercial than the former city.
According to Leo, the river which runs near Timbuctoo takes a
westerly direction. “We navigated,” says he, “coming from the
kingdom of Tombuto, _to the east_, and following the course of the
stream, towards the kingdom of Ghinea, and as far as the kingdom of
Melli, which are both to the west of Tombo.” This assertion is not
confirmed by the French traveller. Even if we suppose that one of the
two branches, which he saw near that city was a tributary, and not
a derivative branch, and that he had not perceived the distinction,
(which must appear very extraordinary), this hypothesis would be
contradicted, since it was reported to him by the inhabitants that
this arm rejoined the principal stream at some distance.

With the exception of Leo, (who was a Moor born at Grenada), and
the Portuguese, concerning whom we have but uncertain accounts,
transmitted by Marmol and Barros, the first European who reached
Timbuctoo was Francis Paul Imbert, born at Sables-d’Olonne, in
the native province of Réné Caillié; his journey was anterior
to the year 1670. He accompanied his master, a Portuguese renegado,
sent to Timbuctoo by the governor of Tafilet. From the little that
is known of his travels, we learn that the distance from Morocco to
Timbuctoo is four hundred leagues, and that it is considered a two
months’ journey. This route was nearly the same as that followed by
M. Caillié, at least as far as Tafilet: the time also is the same.
Again, the calculation of four hundred leagues agrees very well
with that of M. Caillié. Three other routes have been attempted by
Europeans for penetrating to the centre of Northern Africa; that of
the Senegambia, that of Tripoli, and that of Egypt and the Upper
Nile. The first is certainly the shortest; the second is full of
obstacles; and the last, though the longest, will probably be one day
preferred by the intelligent traveller, as the most instructive, the
most fruitful in discoveries, and for other reasons. I say nothing
of a fourth course, that of the Gulph of Benin, which at this time
engages the attention of England, but which, notwithstanding the
numerous rivers terminating in that part, seems to offer very little
prospect of success. To penetrate into the interior by the Rivers of
Senegal, Gambia, or Sierra-Leone, was the most natural enterprize,
not only on account of the proximity, but also with a view to the
necessity of tracing to its source that vast stream which runs near
Timbuctoo: a question of no less importance than the problem of
the sources of the Nile, and, which is become almost as celebrated
with the moderns, as the other was amongst the ancients. It is also
observable that of forty-two European travellers, twenty-two are
supposed to have taken this route, independently of six Europeans
shipwrecked on that coast, carried into the interior by the Moors,
and who have collected information respecting either Timbuctoo
or other central countries. These travellers not having for the
most part pursued the same track with M. Caillié, and an abridged
history of their discoveries having been already compiled by M.
Walckenaer and other learned geographers, I consider it altogether
superfluous to review them. The reader will have double cause to
rejoice in the curtailment of these observations, and in being at
the same time directed to such excellent sources of information. I
shall only state from these various authorities, the epoch and
extent of the principal journeys, succinctly analyzing those which
present a line of route crossed by that of M. Caillié, or which
have something in common with it. The reader will thus have before
him a striking picture of the several efforts made, with admirable
perseverance, by Europeans, during the last two centuries and a half.


 In 1588,  Thompson       reached Tenda          by the Gambia
    1620,  Robert Jobson     —    idem.          —  idem.
    1670,  Paul Imbert       —    Timbuctoo      —  Morocco
    1698,  De Brué           —    Galam          —  Saint-Louis
    1715,  Compagnon         —    Bambouk        —  idem.
    1723,  Stibbs            —        „          —  Gambia
    1731,  Moore             —    Bambouk        —  the Gambia
    1742,  De Flandre        —        „          —  Saint-Louis
    1749,  Adanson           —        „          —  idem.
    1784,  Follier           —        „          —  Coasts of Nun.
    1785,  Sanguier          —        „          —  idem.
    1785,  Brisson           —        „          —  idem.
    1786,  Ruband            —    Galam          —  Saint-Louis
    1787,  Picard            —    Fouta-Toro     —  idem.
    1791,  Houghton          —     L-Oud-Amar    —  Gambia
    1792,  Browne            —    Darfour        —  Egypt
    1794,  {Watt}            —    Timbo          —  Rio-Nuñez
           {Winterbottom}
    1795,  Mungo Park        —    {Silla on the} —  Gambia
                                  {Dhioliba}
    1798,  Hornemann         —    Nyffé          —  Egypt
    1805,  Mungo Park        —    Boussa         —  Gambia
    1809,  Roentgen          —        „          —  Magador
                                                    {the western
    1810,  Robert Adams      —    Timbuctoo      —  {coast of
                                                    {Africa
    1815,  Riley             —        „          —  idem.
    1817,  Peddie            —    Kakondy        —  Rio-Nuñez
    —      Campbell          —    Pandjicotte    —  idem.
    —      Badia             —        „          —  Egypt
    1818,  Mollien           —    Timbo          —  Saint-Louis
    1818,} Gray              —    Fouladou       —  Gambia
    1819,}
    —      Dochard           —    Yamina         —  idem.
    —      Bowdich           —    Coumassie      —  Gold Coast
    —      Ritchie           —    Fezzan         —  Tripoli
    —      Lyon              —        „          —  idem.
    1820,  Cochelet          —    Ouad-Noun      —  {west coast
                                                    {of Africa
    1822,  Laing             —    Falaba         —  Sierra-Leone
    1823,  {Oudney}          —    {Mandara}      —  Tripoli
           {Denham}               {Saccatoo}
           {Clapperton}

    1827,  {Clapperton}      —    Saccatoo       —  Gulph of Benin
           {Lander}
    1827,  Laing             —    Timbuctoo      —  Tripoli
    1827,} Réné Caillié      —    {Timé}         —  Senegambia
    1828,}                        {Jenné}
                                  {Timbuctoo}


To this list may be added Ledyard and Lucas, in 1788, Nicholls,
in 1805, Seetzen and Tuckey, in 1816, and P. Rouzée, in 1817,
who took different routes, and did not succeed in penetrating into
the interior.

Twenty-five Englishmen figure in this list, with fourteen Frenchmen,
two Americans, and one German: but there are few of them, alas! since
Major Houghton, who have not fallen victims to their heroic devotion,
in the midst of their career.

Before setting out on his great journey M. Caillié had visited
the interior of the deserts frequented by the Brakna and Dowich
Moors; he had also accompanied M. Adrien Partarrieu, attached to
the expedition of Major Gray.

He then followed or traversed the route of Major Houghton,
going to the Ludamar of Mungo Park, (or rather the country of
Eli-Oud-Amar[32]) and those of Major Gray and Surgeon Dochard, the
one to Falimé, the other to Yamina. But, as he kept no regular
notes of his peregrinations in this portion of Africa, I have no
means of comparing them with those of the three former travellers.
It is otherwise with the routes of Watt and Winterbottom, who
in 1794 arrived at Timbo and Labé by the Rio-Nuñez; there they
learnt that a four months’ journey would lead them to Timbuctoo,
by way of Belia, Bouria, Manda, Sego, Sousundou and Genati[33].

On examining the general map of M. Caillié’s travels Baleya,
Bourré, Amana, Sego, Sansanding and Djenné, names very little
differing from the former, will actually be found, in a line,
not indeed perfectly direct, from Labé to Timbuctoo. With regard
to the four months’ distance, it is worthy of remark that
M. Caillié was a hundred and seven days proceeding from Teleouel
(nearly opposite to Labé) to Timbuctoo, following a rather more
easterly course. In several other particulars the narratives of
the two English travellers are in accordance with the observations
of M. Caillié, such as the traffic in salt, and its being carried
on men’s shoulders, the position of Labé and Timbo with respect
to Kakondy,[34] the state of agriculture, and the manners of the
Foulahs.

The first journey of Mungo Park, in 1795, conducted him to Sego on
the Dhioliba, and thence to Silla: these two places were left to the
west of M. Caillié’s route, as may be seen on the general map.
The only doubtful question respecting the line between them arises
from the considerable difference that exists as to the distance of
that line from the ocean: but this question is very comprehensive,
and embraces too many different points to be examined here. It may,
however, be observed that the population assigned by Mr. Park to Sego
(thirty thousand) appears somewhat large as compared with that of
Jenné, Timbuctoo, and other towns visited by M. Caillié.

In his second journey, in 1805, Mungo Park reached the river at
Bamakou; at Sansanding he embarked upon it, in a canoe constructed
under his direction, and followed it to Cabra, Houssa, and Boussa.
Thus, from the branch which runs into it below Jenné to Cabra,
the two travellers followed the same route, and navigated the same
stream. Unfortunately Park’s narrative breaks off at Sansanding, on
the 10th of November, at the moment of his leaving that town. There
is however, a last piece of authentic information on the 19th of
November; this is a note addressed by Mungo Park to his wife. It
is known that the bark which he contrived for descending the river
was a sort of raft or flat boat, formed of two old canoes.

It cannot easily be credited that the traveller advanced upon the
river at the rate of six or seven miles an hour as his journal
indicates: it has been seen that the direct progress of M. Caillié
on the Dhioliba was scarcely more than two miles an hour; in a
different season it is true, and at low water. Mungo Park, according
to his guide, perished at Boussa, four months after his departure
from Sansanding, which account, unless erroneous would infer a
stay either at Timbuctoo, Houssa, or Yaour.[35] It is not possible
here to institute any comparison between the two narratives, and I
think it superfluous to seek other points of resemblance; I confine
myself therefore to the observation, that the map of Park’s
second journey aggravates the error committed in the first map,
in placing the course of the Dhioliba too far eastward of the city
of Timbuctoo.[36] It is not consistent with my subject to enter
into further particulars concerning that unfortunate expedition,
with the commencement and issue of which every one is acquainted;
but of the most essential points of which all are equally ignorant,
namely the navigation of the river above and below Timbuctoo, and
all those observations that were undoubtedly made and written by
the celebrated traveller on papers, that there is yet some hope
of discovering.

Chronological order obliges me to pass from such a man as Mungo Park
to the American sailor Robert Adams.[37] Notwithstanding the efforts
of M. Dupuis, editor of Adams’s narrative, and the real merit of
the notes appended to it by that learned writer, the general opinion
of geographers is opposed to the authenticity of these travels;
and it is a remarkable fact, that it is least credited in his own
country. Critical observations on this subject have appeared in
the North American Review, from which we are compelled to conclude
that the original declaration made at Cadiz by Adams before the
American consul, totally differs from his recital, made in London,
to M. Dupuis. I am far from believing in the reality of Adams’s
travels in all their circumstances as described; but a comparison
of them with those of M. Caillié belongs to my subject. Robert
Adams was wrecked on the coast of Cape Blanco, and was carried to
Timbuctoo, where he says he remained five months.[38] He afterwards
returned through Toudeyni, Oulad-Deleym, el-Thabla, Ouad-Noun,
Mogador, Fez, Mequinaz, and Tangier. Even in his description of
Timbuctoo, a striking contradiction occurs. “The city,” he says,
“is in a very level plain;” and yet two miles beyond the city,
runs the river Marzarah, between two rather high mountains. This
river flows to the south west, and is three quarters of a mile
wide. He repeats elsewhere that there are mountains to the south
of Timbuctoo, and says that sulphur is found there. None of these
circumstances have been noticed by M. Caillié, who walked from
Cabra to Timbuctoo, and who in thirteen days had abundant leisure
to observe them. The city appeared to Adams as extensive, without
being as populous, as Lisbon; but between two hundred and sixty
thousand inhabitants and ten or twelve thousand there is a great
difference. There are no mosques, says he, in Timbuctoo; M. Caillié
saw three large and several smaller ones.[39]

Adams asserts that he saw a palace built of clay mixed with herbage,
and other houses of wood or earth: the greater part of the houses,
according to M. Caillié are of brick, and the king’s palace[40]
is nothing more than a small and extremely simple house.

Adams asserts that _the men are tattooed_; M. Caillié says
nothing of the existence of such a custom at Timbuctoo: that
_there is not a man capable of writing_; the new account frequently
affirms the contrary: that _many elephants are to be seen there_;
M. Caillié scarcely saw traces of one during the whole course of
his travels. Nevertheless these differences which may be partly
attributed to his ignorance, as well as to a want of memory, are
not sufficient motives for absolutely denying the journey of Adams,
or rejecting all the information which he procured. The same may be
said of the words of the language spoken at Timbuctoo, which Robert
Adams has given to the number of sixteen, eight of which are common
to the Kissour vocabulary of M. Caillié,[41] but totally differing
from them.

Was it easy, in a country where so many different languages and
dialects are spoken, to ascertain the genuine words of the Timbuctoo
idiom? The words published by well informed travellers, such as
Lyon, Bowdich and others, do not agree better with those collected
by M. Caillié. If Adams really visited Timbuctoo, it is possible
that he may have interrogated strangers instead of natives.[42]
Major Denham alone till the present day has learnt the true words of
this language. Other features again of Adams’s descriptions are
confirmed by certain Arabian travellers and geographers, even what
he says of the river flowing in the neighbourhood of Timbuctoo. Yet,
supposing him to have seen the river, which is to the south, may
he not have been mistaken as to the direction of the stream? May
it not be the second branch of the river, which M. Caillié saw
at Cabra, and which at first runs towards the north-east? It does
not however run two miles south of Timbuctoo, but five miles. The
river, he says, is called Marzarah: and this name though unknown to
M. Caillié, yet exists; and is the name also of a district cited
above, after el-Edricy.[43]

Robert Adams is not incorrect in his journeys beyond Timbuctoo: 1st
from this city towards the E. N. E., as far as the river mentioned
above, where he arrives after ten days’ journey; 2ndly from
this point to Toudeyni, twelve or thirteen days’ journey N. N.
W. These distances and bearings agree tolerably well with M.
Caillié’s route from Timbuctoo to Telig.

Riley, the American, also wrecked on the west coast of Africa,
and detained in slavery by the Moorish Chief Sidi-Hamet, gathered
from the latter some correct notions relating to the city of
Timbuctoo. According to him _a small river_ (it was then dry) runs
near the walls of Timbuctoo, and a large river flows to the east at
an hour’s distance _on horseback_. This is undoubtedly the same
with that of which he elsewhere speaks as the Zolibib, which is
two hours’ march to the south. The city is five times as large
as Soueyrah, situated in a vast plain, and built of stone, earth,
and reeds. On leaving Timbuctoo, Sidi-Hamet travelled fifty-five
days towards the N. E., and eighteen to the north, before he arrived
at Touat, and afterwards he proceeded to Fez. M. Caillié did not
perceive the little river close under the walls of Timbuctoo; but
what is said by Riley shews that it might be dried up. The great
river at two hours’ distance to the south, is evidently the Cabra
branch, flowing between the east and north. The word Zolibib is
unquestionably the same as Dhioliba. The situation of the oasis of
Agably (or of Touat), is not consistent with the data by which I
was guided in drawing up the general map, namely the astronomical
observations made by Major Laing at Ain-salah.[44]

We have seen above that Major Peddie and Captain Campbell took the
way of the Rio-Nuñez, to penetrate into the interior: the second
alone was able to advance to within a short distance of Timbo; but he
could not reach that place. Both swelled the list of victims to the
climate and martyrs of science. Captain Campbell, and M. Caillié,
as well as Watt and Winterbottom, travelled in nearly parallel lines:
their accounts, far from contradicting, mutually confirm each other;
but the marches of the French traveller present a multitude of
instructive details, and local circumstances which the others had
not the opportunity of observing. The rivers and rivulets crossed
by these travellers, some of which flow northwards and fall into
the Rio-Nuñez, and others south towards the district of Sousou,
are distinguished. By combining the observations of all the four
a complete idea may be formed of the tract which separates Kakondy
from the Fouta-Dhialon and the mountains of Timbo.[45]

We are indebted to the expedition of M. Mollien for some interesting
particulars of the unknown parts of the Senegambia, and of the plain
of the Fouta-Dhialon. Nothing was wanting to this expedition of
discovery but mathematical observations, which it would be unjust
to require from him who traverses, for the first time, unknown
countries, inhabited by a fanatical population.  Geography is a
great gainer when it can obtain any positive information, either
respecting the lines travelled over, with their bearings, or the
relative situation of places, and their nomenclature; or even a view
of the importance and population of the country, and the state of
agriculture, commerce and industry. A learned geographer, M. Eyriés,
has shewn the merit of M. Mollien’s travels, and the acquisitions
for which science is indebted to him; it only remains therefore,
for me to notice that part of his journey, which coincides with that
of M. Caillié. Both crossed the Fouta-Dhialon, but in different
directions. The first went from Labé to Timbo; the second passed
between those two towns. Their lines of route intersected each
other at a point nearer to Timbo than to Labé, but where there is
no village; at least the list given by M. Mollien does not present,
at the point of meeting which results from the construction of the
two routes, any name in common with the much more extended list
of M. Caillié. But the latter, in giving the position of Labé
with regard to Teleouel, and that of Timbo with regard to Dité,
will be found to agree with the itinerary of M. Mollien. In the
list of the latter, we find indeed Cambaya and Bandeia; but Bandeia,
placed far north of Labé, is a totally different place from Bandeya,
which is south west of it.  The same may be observed of Cambaya to
the north and near Labé, while the Cambaya of M. Caillié lies
south-east of that place, and at a considerable distance. The
description of the mountains, the cataracts or falls of rivers,
the physical aspect of places amid those lofty mountains, (which in
some respects may be called the _Central Alps_ of Northern Africa),
are features common to both narratives.[46] This spot, as will be
seen farther on, is a line of division between immense streams which
flow from it in every direction. There is no less analogy between
the observations of the two travellers respecting the Foulahs, the
Mandingoes, and the various tribes inhabiting those countries.[47]

I now come to a traveller whose recent loss is regretted throughout
Europe, the unfortunate Major Laing. A first journey made him
advantageously known to the friends of science; a second rendered
him illustrious; and both are more closely connected with that of
M. Caillié than all the expeditions I have just reviewed.  It is
fortunate for the French traveller, that he has these points of
contact with Major Laing, especially since their discoveries upon
comparison appear in perfect accordance. No one is ignorant that,
in 1822, Major Laing, after having explored the Timmanie, the
Kouranko, and the Soulimana, determined the situation of Timbo and
Falaba, the sources of the Mongo and the Rokelle, and penetrated
nearly to the source of the Dhioliba, or at least but a short
distance from that point so long sought after. He assigned the
position and elevation above the level of the sea of Mount Loma,
whence this great river takes its rise; and he marked on his map
the first part of its course northwards, to the extent of about
twenty-five leagues. Amongst these observations are two which
serve to verify those of the French traveller: the situation of
Timbo and that of the Dhioliba. Now this confirmation, as a single
glance at the general map of the travels will shew, leaves nothing
to be desired. I placed Timbo there from the documents of the
Major, and M. Caillié’s route perfectly coincides. The French
traveller met with the Dhioliba, for the first time, at Couroussa,
and observed its course. This point and this course, from the mere
construction of the new map of the route, are found to continue
that traced by the English traveller. At the point of meeting, there
appears to be a very small interval left, and I have therefore had
no difficulty in supplying this hiatus. Henceforward our knowledge
of the thirty-five or forty first leagues of the course of this
great river may be considered as perfectly established.

The second expedition of Major Laing, as all the world knows,
had for its object the city of Timbuctoo, which he endeavoured
to reach by way of Tripoli, not across the Bornou, like his
immediate predecessors, but by the direct route of the oasis of
Agably. The work, which, in the course of this paper, I have had
frequent occasion to quote, has made the reader acquainted with
_l’Itinéraire de Tripoli, de Barbarie à la ville de Temboctou_,
by the sheik Hagg-Cassem, revised by M. Delaporte, vice-consul
of France; an itinerary which I congratulate myself upon having
submitted, in 1818, to the Institute, since my learned colleague M.
Walckenaer, declares that it induced him to favour the public with
his _Recherches géographiques sur l’Intérieur de l’Afrique
septentrionale_. This document places Timbuctoo at eighty-one
days’ distance from Tripoli, and the oasis of Ain-Salah and
Agably at thirty-three days, or three sevenths of the way. We are
yet ignorant what observations Major Laing made on this route; we
only know that he passed Ghadamès and Ain-Salah, and we possess
his observation made in the latter place. This observation carries
much farther west the position admitted on the maps; but for several
reasons I have felt necessary to make use of it: 1st, Major Laing
proved himself a correct observer, in his travels in the Timannie;
2ndly, the situation of Timbuctoo, being more westerly than it has
hitherto been considered, should carry with it that of the oasis
of Touat, which is in the direct line; 3rdly, there is nothing
in the itinerary of the sheik Hagg-Cassem, in opposition to the
more westerly tendency of this line of route; 4thly and lastly,
the computation of the day’s journey appears to me too low,
when reduced to fifteen geographical miles. The reasons, which
induce me to estimate it at eighteen miles and four tenths, will be
found elsewhere: it follows from this calculation, that the oasis of
Touat should be brought nearer to the ocean. This result agrees with
the more westerly position of the route from Timbuctoo to Tafilet,
as shewn by the journey of M. Caillié. Till some of the papers of
Major Laing are discovered, (and this hope is not altogether lost,
since M. Caillié himself, in traversing the great desert saw a
compass, and heard mention of a sextant which had belonged to him),
it is impossible to make further comparisons between the travels
of the French discoverer and the second expedition of the Major,
although both resided in the city of Timbuctoo, almost in the same
house, and though the latter nearly reached el-Arawan.


§ II.

ANALYSIS OF THE ITINERARY MAP, AND OF THE GENERAL MAP OF THE TRAVELS.

In constructing the maps here submitted to the reader, I was unable
to avail myself of the information procured by our adventurer in
his preceding travels, either in the Bondou, amongst the Brakna
Moors, or amongst the people in the neighbourhood of Kakondy,
the Nalous, the Bagos or the Landamas: these excursions present no
continuous progress susceptible of being traced on a map. The fourth
excursion alone, therefore, can enter into the present discussion,
namely the great journey from the Rio-Nuñez to Tangier, commenced
on the 19th of April 1827, and concluded on the 7th of September
1828; I shall consequently confine myself to a mere glance at the
former travels. The examination of this route will be divided into
three parts.

1st, Journey from Kakondy to Timé, beyond the Dhioliba.

2nd, Journey to Djenné, and navigation of the river thence to
Timbuctoo.

3rd, Journey from Timbuctoo to Arbate, and thence to Tangier.

I shall then devote particular attention to the general map of
the travels.


ART. I.

EARLY TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIÉ.

M. Caillié undertook his first excursion in 1819. From St.  Louis,
he repaired to Goree by the usual route, that is to say, he set
out from Gandiolle, and followed the seashore without finding any
opportunity for making new observations. The whole of this coast
is perfectly well known from surveys by officers of the royal navy.

In 1819, he associated himself with M. Adrien Partarrieu, who was
about to rejoin the expedition of Major Gray: the latter was then
in the Bondou, reduced to grievous extremities, and he sent for
M. Partarrieu, to bring him assistance, of which the expedition
stood in the utmost need.[48] It is to be regretted that M. Caillié
took no notes of his stages during this journey; the line of route
crossed that of M. Mollien, as well as that subsequently followed
by Captain Beaufort. The caravan passed Boulibaba, a town inhabited
by the Foulahs, and the situation of which is unknown. This whole
route indeed, deserves to be determined and traced out on the
maps: M.Caillié is amply justified in not having noted these
particulars, knowing that M. Partarrieu was in possession of more
accurate materials; whatever accounts or geographical observations
the latter traveller has transmitted being every way worthy of
attention. Information is wanting respecting the desert space which
on this side separates Cayor from the Ghiolof, respecting Potaco in
the country of Bondou, and the whole transverse line from Gandiolle
to Boulibané, the capital of that state. M. Caillié left Boulibaba
for Bakel, and returned with his fellow-travellers to St. Louis by
water, without having any new observations to make upon the road.

M. Caillié’s third journey is more important, not only on account
of its object, his initiation into the African manners and customs,
and his preparation for an expedition into the interior and all
its attendant hardships but more particularly for the curious
descriptions which he has given of the journeys of the Moors in the
deserts, of their stations hitherto nearly if not wholly unknown,
and of the running or stagnant waters which he met with. It is to
be wished that it had been possible to trace these positions upon
the map; but I had not the means of fixing them with sufficient
exactness. It will be remarked in reading this relation that the
residence of the King of the Braknas is continually varying; he
frequently dwells in the vicinity of the river Senegal and of the
station known by the name of the Braknas. But in the wet season he
penetrates farther into the desert; and when he removes his camp the
entire population travels with him. The extent of space subject to
this powerful tribe has been hitherto known only from east to west;
but we learn from this account how far it reaches towards the north.

It would be desirable to geographers to learn the precise position
of lake Aleg, that of the mountain called Ziré (a word which
however is a generic term), and the limits of the great tribe
of the Abou-sebas or el-Abou-sebah, the name of which is very
differently and incorrectly written upon the recent maps: those
who have supposed that the article formed part of the word, and
that the termination might be retrenched have made out of it the
word _labos_. Two terminations have been used _sebas_ and _sebah_;
the last only is correct.

I shall confine myself to a remark upon the relative position of
Adar and the lake Aleg. According to our traveller, the distance
from the one to the other is seven days’ journey: how then shall we
reconcile the situation assigned to Adrar, not far from Ouâd-noun,
which is more than thirty days distant from the territory usually
attributed to the Braknas? It would be requisite that this territory
should extend northwards even to the extremity of the Sahara,
which is contrary to our received ideas, but perhaps not to the fact.

M. Caillié, having returned in May 1824 to St. Louis, and despairing
to obtain the means necessary for accomplishing his purposes,
determined to remove to Albreda on the Gambia, and thence to
Sierra-Leone, where he succeeded in collecting some resources, by
availing himself of his already acquired information. On the 22nd
of May, 1827, he embarked at Sierra-Leone for Rio-Nuñez, where
he arrived on the 31st. By the 5th of August he was established
at Rebecca (or Rabougga): where he employed himself at once in
completing the observations and information already extant upon the
neighbouring tribes, the Nalous, the Bacos, and the Landamas[49],
and in making preparations for his great expedition. He soon quitted
this place for Kakondy: his activity, his perseverance, uncommon
intelligence, and finally the fortunate circumstances of which he so
skilfully took advantage, enabled him to set out on the 19th of the
same month for Kankan. Ignorant as the world was of the situation
of this town, it would seem that a happy foresight guided him in
making choice of this direction, as in following it he crossed the
rivers with which it was most important to be acquainted, in such
a manner as to enable us tolerably well to assign their position
and their distance from the ocean.


ART. II.

MAP OF THE TRAVELLER’S ROUTE.

* * * * *

GENERAL OBSERVATION.

Before entering, in somewhat minute detail upon the examination of
M. Caillié’s routes, I should make an observation to warn the
reader against the apparent differences which he may observe between
the journal of the travels and the map of the route. To render
this journal fit for perusal, and not to interrupt perpetually the
description of places and people, it has been found necessary to
retrench the number of distances and bearings, to such an extent
that any one who should attempt to form a plan of the route by the
assistance of the narrative alone would fall into serious errors:
respecting this circumstance however the reader has been already
cautioned in a note in the first volume. The construction of the
lines of route upon the map which I have designed is the result
of all the indications given by the traveller, and which I have
collected in the form of a table. It is also necessary to consult
the following article, respecting the use which I have made of these
materials, to render them accordant with anterior information and
the positions already admitted as incontestable.

The entire journey of M. Caillié, from Kakondy to Tangier occupied
five hundred and eight days: from which, in order to obtain the days
of actual travel, three hundred and one days of stationary residence
in eighteen different places, must be deducted, which will leave
two hundred and seven days’ travel. I shall here subjoin a list
of these places of residence, but it must not be inferred that the
traveller had no convenient means of making observations in other
stations, because it will be observed that when he arrived early at
any place of consequence, the remainder of the day was spent there.


 +-----------------+----------+--------------+----------+
 |PLACES OF ABODE. |DAYS of   |PLACES OF     |DAYS of   |
 |                 |stationary|ABODE.        |stationary|
 |                 |residence.|              |residence.|
 |-----------------+----------+--------------+----------|
 |KAKONDY          |,,        |DJENNÉ        |13        |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |L-Antégué        |1         |Isaca         |1         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Pandéya          |1         |Tircy         |2         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Popoco           |2         |TIMBUCTOO     |13        |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Cambaya          |19        |L-A’raouân    |9         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Boharaya         |1         |Trarzah (or   |1         |
 |                 |          |Teghazza)     |          |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Saraya           |1         |Amoul-Gragim  |1         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Courouman-Cambaya|2         |L-Ekseif      |1         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Couroussa        |1         |El-Harib      |13        |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Kan-kan          |28        |Ghourland     |5         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Youmosso         |1         |Boheim        |4         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Sambatikila      |5         |FEZ           |1         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Timé             |158       |Mequinaz      |1         |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |Douasso          |1         |Arbate        |15        |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |                 |          |              +----------+
 |                 |          |Days of   }   |          |
 |                 |          |stationary}   |301       |
 |                 |          |residence.}   |          |
 |                 |          |              |          |
 |                 |          |Days occupied}|          |
 |                 |          |in the whole }|508       |
 |                 |          |journey.     }|          |
 +-----------------+----------+--------------+----------+


When it is proposed to offer a new map to the public it is an
indispensable duty to submit to inspection the elements which form
its basis, and not to ascribe to the work which results from them
a greater value than appertains to the materials; these again have
no other than what they derive, whether from the instruments and
methods which the traveller has employed, or from the manner in
which he has collected the observations and information which form
the basis of his description. M. Caillié was not provided with any
astronomical instruments; he had no watch, and measured the hour
only by the height of the sun; but he possessed two compasses which
were of great assistance to him. All his bearings were carefully
noted by this instrument during the day, and by the stars at night.
With regard to distances they were estimated according to several
experiments made by himself at Sierra-Leone while preparing for
his enterprise. He made a practice of walking over a certain space
measured exactly in English miles and of observing the time he spent
upon the road. It is thus that he calculated the number of miles in
each of his marches from Kakondy to Djenné at three English miles
an hour, or two geographical miles and six-tenths: as far as Timbo,
however, that is to say during the first days of the journey, this
number must be a little increased; this results from the situation
of Timbo, as determined by Major Laing; and _en passant_ we may
observe that this part of M. Caillié’s journey proves that the
ancient position of Timbo, according to Watt and Winterbottom, is
totally inadmissible. This rate of two geographical miles six-tenths
an hour, or more exactly from two miles four-tenths to two miles
six-tenths, can in general only be ascribed to isolated marches,
and to caravans lightly laden. An hour’s march of a lightly
laden caravan seldom exceeds two geographical miles three-tenths,
and that of a numerous caravan heavily laden does not exceed a mile
and a half, or a mile and three quarters[50].

On quitting Djenné, M. Caillié travelled by water. The current
of the river was slow, the obstacles arising from the faulty
construction of the vessel, the ignorance and unskilfulness of the
pilot, and the islands and sand-banks, reduce an hour’s direct
navigation to two English miles. Different causes producing, however,
similar results determine the same value for an hour’s march in the
deserts between Timbuctoo and Fez. This number of two miles taken
as an average for a long journey[51] admits of almost all possible
differences in the degree of expedition with which a caravan will
move at different times: while it forms also the intermediate length
between the progress of a caravan heavily and of one moderately
laden, which was the case with the caravans which M. Caillié
accompanied from Timbuctoo, as may be seen by his narrative.

This same deficiency of space with a variation in the bearings, has
caused the frequent breaks which I have been obliged to make in the
route on the itinerary map. The scale of a millionth part, adopted
for this map, is perhaps too small to describe the details and all
the angles of the route; I had, accordingly, at first constructed
it upon a scale of double dimensions, but this development would
have required too much space.


FIRST PART OF THE JOURNEY.

The line of route in the first part of the journey depends
essentially upon Timbo. This place is well worthy of attention both
in respect to its physical geography and to the European relations
with Africa. The English have always considered it as an important
station for commerce, but it is not less deserving of study as the
culminating point of this part of the continent. It is fortunate that
several travellers have made efforts to determine its geographical
situation. Major Laing has definitively fixed it in latitude 10°
25’ north, and longitude 12° 54’ west from Paris; its actual
elevation above the sea remains to be correctly ascertained.
I could not establish M. Caillié’s route upon a better basis;
and this I have done, by means of a direction which the traveller
obtained from the village of Dité. There the inhabitants informed
him that Timbo was at two days’ distance in a certain direction,
towards which he immediately applied his compass and found it to bear
S. E. ¼ S. Now, we may observe (and it is a remark common to the
whole interior of Africa), that the inhabitants are scarcely ever
mistaken with respect to the bearings of places; their accuracy
in this respect is surprising; it is the effect of habit and of
a particular tact. Secondly, I subjected this line of route to
the position of the town of Labé, which is tolerably well known
though not so certainly as Timbo. Our traveller, when near Teléouel
learnt that Labé lay N. E. ¼ E. at two days’ distance. Another
confirmation is drawn from the position of Cambaya, in respect to
Timbo, which latter, according to the natives, bears W. S. W. at
two days’ journey from Cambaya. Here, then, are five points well
connected together, Teléouel, Labé, Dité, Timbo, and Cambaya,
forming a whole, the main support of which rests upon Timbo[52].
From the nature of these data I have had no hesitation in subjecting
the route from Kakondy to them; and the result has been that the
hour’s march proves to be a trifle more than three English miles,
which, for the commencement of the journey, is not extraordinary.

But, be this as it may, the construction of this route upon the
itinerary map has undergone no reduction or modification, and I
have confined myself to designing as accurately as the scale would
permit, all the angles of this line, the rivers which the traveller
crossed or had sight of, the different elevations of the soil with
his estimate of them, and in fact all the variations of the ground
which he has carefully noted.

At thirty-two miles from Kakondy is a fine river called Tankilita,
a name which much resembles that of Tingalinta, marked in several
maps at the same distance;[53] and which word is perhaps pronounced
Tenkalita; it is the same, according to the inhabitants, with the
Rio-Nuñez; this stream, which flows to the north, would, in this
case, be only the origin or principal tributary of the Rio-Nuñez.

Other rivulets or rivers, as the Bangala, the Doulinca, and the
Kakiriman, a large river in the neighbourhood of the high mountains
of Antegua, on the contrary flow towards the south. The soil is
chiefly composed of granite in this district and beyond it: the
mountains are very high, steep and pointed; chains still increasing
in elevation succeed each other; and there are among them mountains
two thousand feet in height. All this country, bordering on the
Fouta-Dhialon, presents an accumulation of obstacles, which are
with difficulty surmounted; and yet men and even women, with heavy
loads upon their heads, are continually traversing it. One of these
mountains, the Touma, forms the limit between the Tenanka and the
Fouta, and beyond it are the cataracts of the Cocoulo, a large and
very rapid river. Thence we proceed to the Bâfing, the chief arm
of the Senegal: it appears that its source is to the west of Timbo,
and that its course is to the west and north, (and not to the east);
this, at least, is the inference I draw from the new itinerary;
and the north-easterly course of the Tankisso, which belonged to
the bason of the Dhioliba, confirms this opinion.[54]

We afterwards descend into vast and very fertile plains, watered
by the Tankisso, a large river, with steep banks, the Bandiegue and
others less considerable, till we reach the principal river of this
part of Africa, the Dhioliba.

On leaving the Soulimana the river takes a northerly direction, as
I have said above, on the authority of Major Laing, but afterwards
turns to the east. This bend is precisely given by a distance in
the new itinerary. It may be observed that the river passes at one
day’s journey to the south of Saraya. This bearing is in perfect
agreement with the map of Laing’s journey to the Soulimana,[55]
which will confirm if necessary the position of Saraya, and my
plan of the route. It is known that the actual height of its
source above the level of the sea, is, according to Major Laing,
about sixteen hundred feet, or a hundred and thirty more than the
source of the Rokelle.

It was at Couroussa, in the little country of Amana, that our
traveller crossed it. Though so near to its source, it had already
attained a breadth of nine hundred feet, and the moderate velocity
of two miles and a half. At a short distance from this point,
the Yendan, a large river, falls into it; farther on it receives
the Milo, coming from the town of Kankan, and the Sarano, which
waters the rich plains of the Wassoulo. Proceeding towards the east,
and leaving the Dhioliba to the left, the traveller reached Timé.

The situation of Timé is determined by two data: the one, that the
march, throughout its whole length from Kakondy, was the same; the
caravan was equally numerous, and if the country is less mountainous,
the travellers were more fatigued, which forms a compensation: the
other is furnished by the meridian altitude of the sun, twice taken
at Timé, by means of the length of the shadow.  Imperfect as this
observation probably was, we ought to have some respect for it,
when it coincides with the data of the itinerary; I shall soon
resume this subject.

To conclude the examination of this first part of the itinerary,
I shall make some remarks on the situation of the country, which
appears to be the spot where the waters of this portion of the
African continent separate. The first great line of partition is
that which divides the waters of the Senegambia from those of the
Soudan. The mountains which form it have their nucleus at Timbo,
where their distinction into separate ranges is totally lost.
Thence one range diverges to the north, and another to the east,
and it is remarkable that the divisions of the countries or states
correspond with the physical regions. Thus in the country called
Fouta-Dhialon, Timbo and its mountains are the sources of the
Rio-Grande, the Gambia, the Falemé, the Senegal, &c. The Soulimana
and its fountains are the source of the Dhioliba on the one side,
and the Rokelle and the Mungo take their rise on the other. From the
backs of the mountains of the Fouta-Dhialon spring the tributaries of
the Dhioliba, as the Tankisso (which cannot be an arm of the Senegal,
as M. Caillié was informed): the spot where it rises is not far
from Timbo, and the true point of division between the basons of
the north and the east. Thus we have a proximate acquaintance with
the relief of the country, which presents a satisfactory whole,
where all appears to bear a natural connection. To this result
M. Caillié’s observations have materially contributed.

Besides the line of division of which I have just spoken, there is
another which separates the waters of the Senegambia from those of
the Timannie; it is the result of an attentive examination of M.
Caillié’s route. He crossed in fact two considerable rivers:
the one, the Kakiriman, which is from seventy to eighty paces in
breadth; the other, the Cocoulo, which is forty-five; and both
very rapid. He saw them flowing to his right, that is southward,
towards the bason of the Timannie.[56] Further on, that is after
Popoco, all the rivers which he crossed flow to the left, towards
the north, and into the Senegambia. Thus, between the route of M.
Mollien and that of M. Caillié, there must be a very elevated
mountain crest, running from N. W. to S. E. and passing near the
point of intersection of the two routes.

The names of the countries traversed by M. Caillié, in the first
part of his travels, deserve a particular examination. According
to the circumstantial description of the Baleya, it appears to
me, that Major Laing has placed on his map a village of Beilia,
where he ought to have marked and where in fact is, the country
of Baleya. The Firia of the maps is the same with the Fryia or the
Firya of M. Caillié; the Sangaran is nearly where it has been placed
upon the recent maps, but on both sides of the river. With respect
to the Couranco, if M. Caillié was rightly informed, it extends
considerably towards the N. W., whereas Major Laing confines it
to the interval between the rivers Rokelle and Camaranca, in the
south. This country borders it should seem on the Baleya and the
Soulimana. The true source of the Dhioliba is in the Kissi, to the
south of Couranco, according to M. Caillié (or of the Soulimana,
according to Major Laing). Thus the whole discrepancy between the two
travellers is reduced to the lengthening of the country of Couranco;
but, are the limits of these petty kingdoms well defined, and are
the natives themselves fully agreed as to frontiers which violence is
perpetually changing? On many maps the names of Sangala and Couronia
are to be found not far from Couranco and Sangara. I suspect they are
doing double duty here, as in so many other instances in geography,
either through the difference of the orthography or the negligence of
the transcriptions. Is not Couronia altered from Couronca (Couranco)
and Sangala, by the frequent mutation of the _r_ into _l_, from
Sangara? The Wasselon, or Wassoulo, should be placed much nearer to
the ocean, the incontestable consequence of M. Caillié’s march;
and already this example affords a presentiment of the fact as
relates to the course of the Dhioliba and all the districts which
it traverses. This river having also been supposed too much to the
east by three or four degrees, the result has been the necessity of
lengthening all the distances in order to cover the space between
it and Timbo, and the constructors of maps have scattered over this
space the names of countries and places, made all the positions
too remote from each other, and transformed hamlets into towns
and towns into kingdoms. They have not sufficiently remarked the
custom common to almost all travellers of lengthening distances by
an exaggerated estimate, and have neglected to make allowance for
the frequent curves and inflexions of the line of route: a double
cause for throwing into the interior many countries much nearer to
the sea than they are believed to be.

This want of exactness in the compiling of itineraries, or in laying
down those itineraries upon maps, is no novelty in geography; the
Ancients have furnished many examples of it, and the maps designed
after the positions of Ptolemy are nearly all tainted with this
defect; I shall mention Arabia alone as an example. But I must
here terminate this short digression, the subject of which would
almost furnish matter for a book equally useful and instructive. I
also pass over many names of countries with which M.  Caillié has
made us acquainted, and which will figure for the first time upon
the map of Africa, and many more which are already known, and the
existence of which is now confirmed by authentic testimony.


SECOND PART OF THE TRAVELS.

The largest portion of the space between Kakondy and Timé may be
regarded as an entirely new acquisition for geography; the same
remark applies to that which we are about to run over with our
traveller. We must not regret that he abandoned the banks of the
Dhioliba, and that this circumstance deprived us of information
concerning the banks of that river from Couroussa to Djenné; we are
indemnified for this loss by his discoveries respecting countries
of which we have hitherto been utterly ignorant. Moreover, had he
passed through Bamacou, Sego, and Sansanding, he would not have
had time to sojourn in them so long as Mungo Park did: he might,
perhaps, even have been recognised at Sego, and like Dochard
have been detained. Leaving the river far to the west, he became
acquainted with the tributary streams which traverse the triangular
space comprised between Couroussa, Timé, and Djenné, and with
all the positions of this vast tract. He also acquired information
concerning the positions situated near the rivers, and of all the
towns of any importance, by the attention which he paid to inquire
their distance and direction at different points of his route.

I have already observed that, the route from Timé to Djenné having
been performed under the same circumstances as the preceding, the
estimate of three English miles an hour applies to this line of
road; I have therefore admitted this with M. Caillié, and I have
had the satisfaction to see that, in forming this line, without any
alteration, upon the distances and bearings as he has given them,
the latitude of Sego would remain very nearly the same as that
which results from the observations of Mungo Park, made in this
vicinity.[57] But this point remains for future examination, when
I shall discuss the situation of Timbuctoo. Thus the delineation
of this portion of the itinerary has not presented any great
difficulties. Some topographical circumstances relating to this
extent of country merit observation.

Beyond Timé the traveller proceeds for two days more towards
the east; he then turns to the (magnetic) north, and continues
afterwards in nearly the same direction, which ought to be borne
in mind. There are high mountains of granite at Timé, and again at
four days’ distance, after which the ground subsides and becomes
level. The sand is succeeded by a fertile soil, furrowed by the
frequent streams running westward towards the Dhioliba, amongst
others the Bagoe, a navigable river, and the Couara-ba. Tangrera,
near the commencement of this line, appears to be a large and very
commercial town; this point is placed, according to the journal to
the E. N. E. of Timé, (east by the compass), but not ten days to the
east as appears by the journal.[58] At Tiara a part of the caravan
directed their course upon Sansanding, and to the N. W., according
to M. Caillié (the line traced on the map gives the true N. N. W.);
agreeably to the information which he obtained at Badiarana. Caya
is nine days to the north, and Sego nine days farther on; now
Sego (as it is placed upon the map, as I have elsewhere said)[59]
is situated due north by the compass, with respect to Badiarana;
but the eighteen days’ journey, if they really exist, must be
very short, occasioned probably by the stagnant waters, and other
obstacles, which render a winding course necessary. The situation
of Cayaye is determined by its bearing upon Couara, five days to
the N. N. W., which places it, as it should be, half way upon the
road between Badiarana and Sego. This spot, Couara, doubly merits
our present attention. I have had occasion, in another work, to
remark that this is a generic word, the sense of which is analogous
to that of river. Here we see beside a village of this name a pretty
considerable river called _Couara-ba_, that is to say _river-river_;
we have some examples of a like denomination in _Ba-ba_, and other
names of the same kind; an additional reason for not identifying
rivers and currents on account of the similitude of their names,
because it is above all things necessary to know whether these
names are generic terms, or individual appellations.

In the second place, the Couaraba runs across a country through
which, according to the map of Mungo Park, a river called _Banimma_
passes, parallel with the Dhioliba; this would appear impossible
since the Couaraba falls into the latter stream, if we may believe
the report of the inhabitants.

This portion of the itinerary furnishes data for the site of a
country and even of a town called _Kong_, placed at a considerable
distance in all the maps. The bearing of a line directed thither
from Douasso is between S. S. E. and E. ¼ S. E. by the compass,
which is in fact due south; so much for its longitude: but a
distance of forty-five days’ journey would carry it much too far
to the south; doubtless the soil is very mountainous upon nearly the
whole road, and the journeys very short. If we stop at the seventh
parallel north, we shall make each day’s march but seven or eight
geographical miles, including the windings of the route.

Still proceeding northward, the traveller crosses large open
plains and rich countries, bounded on the left by swamps, lakes,
or ponds, which indicate the neighbourhood of a large river. At
length he reaches its banks at Galia, opposite to Djenné, at ten
miles distance. Before we enter this capital, let us examine some
important geographical positions. Nothing could be more obscure than
the situation of Bouré; we were ignorant whether there existed
a town of this name, and even what was the site of the country of
Bouré: in the maps we shall find differences of several degrees. M.
Caillié did not visit Bouré; but, in throwing together all the
particulars which he collected, I find sufficient data to determine
the situation of this town; for there is a town, and a very
important one, on account of the vicinity of its rich gold mines,
and the commerce of which it is the centre. Bouré stands upon the
left bank of the Tankisso, a large tributary, as I have before said,
of the Dhioliba, and at three quarters of a day’s journey from the
latter in a direct line, or one day’s above the confluence. These
particulars which agree well together, were furnished by various
persons in various places. Moreover the position of Bouré is
given by its distance from Kankan; and its bearing, namely, four
or five days to the north, ¼ N. E., in descending Milo. Finally,
as a fourth testimony, we learn that Bouré was five days’ march
from Couroussa, descending the Dhioliba in a canoe, and _afterwards
ascending the Tankisso_.

Bamakou is known to us from the second journey of Mungo Park; but
its actual situation should be considerably further to the west:
the information obtained by M. Caillié, and the construction of
the map, place this town at about the tenth degree of longitude
west of Paris, and in latitude eleven degrees forty-five minutes.
The idea of forming an establishment there, is founded upon a real
knowledge of the country; it was long ago suggested in memorials
submitted to government, pointing out its advantages. The documents
of M. Caillié confirm the possibility of the scheme at the present
time. He thinks that from this point it is eight or ten days’
journey to the nearest point of the Senegal. Now, it appears, from
the map, that, by ascending the Bâfing, as far as thirty leagues
above the first cataract of Felou, we should be seventy leagues in a
direct line from Bamakou, which agrees very well with what has gone
before; this, however, is not the place for examining that question.


OBSERVATIONS ON THE COURSE OF THE DHIOLIBA AS TRACED FROM COUROUSSA
TO SEGO AND DJENNÉ.

The course of the river, from Couroussa to Sego, as I have traced it,
deviates from the hitherto received opinions;[60] and I am bound to
justify so material a change, when submitting it to the judgment of
geographers. In laying down the routes of M.  Caillié, I was not
prepared for such a result, or rather I was apprehensive of finding
former conjectures relative to the much more westerly position of the
river, and of the towns through which it flows destroyed by actual
observations, as an illusion is dissipated by the clear light of
truth. It has however proved quite otherwise, and this opinion was
far from rash. In fact, beyond Couroussa the river runs due N. E.,
then eastward, and afterwards for a great distance to the north,
instead of pursuing invariably an eastern direction as marked upon
the maps. But on what is this latter direction supported? On what
foundations does it rest? It has no other cause than the position
arbitrarily assigned to Timbuctoo, much too far east, much too far
from the mouth of the Senegal. On the more modern maps attempts
have, it is true, been made to remove this position farther west;
the necessity of bringing it nearer to the ocean has been felt,[61]
but it has not been advanced far enough, and has still been retained
in nearly the same parallel, instead of being brought at the same
time farther north.

If the objection be admitted that M. Caillié has carried his route
by water too far west, the result would then be that his route from
Timbuctoo to Fez must have been carried too far east: now these
two results are opposed to each other, since it is the same line
of route, and the same bearing, which lead from Couroussa to Sego,
from Sego to Timbuctoo, and from Timbuctoo to Fez.

One powerful consideration is that M. Beaufort has fixed and
ascertained the position of the town of Elimané, eastward of Bakel,
by a great number of observations; this is the present capital
of Kaarta. From that place travellers are daily going to Sego;
our unfortunate countryman was himself on the point of proceeding
thither, and would have done so but for the destitution caused
by the pillage of which he was a victim, and which compelled him
to turn back. He was then told that Ségo was only at ten days’
distance; that the bearing of Elimané with regard to Sego was E. S.
E.; and that these days’ journeys were journeys on foot. Let us
work on these data, and see whether they confirm the course of the
river drawn from the itinerary of M. Caillié.

Can these days’ journeys be computed at more than twenty-one
geographical miles? This can scarcely be admitted; but should
they even be extended to twenty-two miles and in a direct line,
it would be on the whole two hundred and twenty miles, which in
the above direction would not reach the ninth meridian west of Paris.

While M. Caillié was at Kiebala, he was told the distances and
bearings of Sego, which differ very little from the position
resulting from that of Elimané in the opposite direction; and
if the river was here carried eastward, as it is found in all the
maps calculated from Park’s travels, there would no longer be any
agreement between these two different sources of information. If,
on the contrary, these respective data are preserved, they naturally
harmonize, and the northerly course of the stream is confirmed.

Besides, the latitude of Sego, although not yet observed, cannot
greatly differ from that of Sami, which is near it: the observation
there made by Mungo Park gives thirteen degrees seventeen minutes,
and this is perhaps, a little too northerly. The approximative
position of Sego, resulting from various data, and which I have
adopted as a medium, would thus be, latitude thirteen degrees;
longitude, nine degrees west.

Sego, according to the itinerary, lies due north by the needle of
Badiarana, that is north seventeen degrees west. This direction
exactly passes through the position which I have assigned to Sego,
from the observation of Sami, by Mungo Park.

The bearing of Sego is likewise precisely indicated by the N. N.
W. line of the compass, drawn from Saraclé.[62]

The course of the Dhioliba, from Sego to Jenné, west and east,
and the position of Sego, are still more strongly confirmed by data
with which the traveller was furnished at Bamba. Sego is three
days’ journey N. W. of that place; and at noon on the fourth,
the city of Sego is reached: these are long days’ journeys. The
proportion of three to four, or rather of three to three and two
thirds, will be actually found as I have traced it.

Lastly, it is elsewhere expressly said, that Sego is five days west
of Jenné; the new map gives W. ¼ S. W. All these data, it is plain,
perfectly coincide; and although they are not authenticated by a
single good celestial observation, yet they agree too well together
to allow one to venture upon deranging the whole itinerary of our
traveller, and carrying the city of Sego and with it the whole course
of the river, two or three degrees farther east, when besides there
exists no observation whatever, either geographical or astronomical,
for carrying the river and its towns farther into the interior of
the continent.

The position of Djenné, the arms of the river by which it is
surrounded, its situation in a large island apart from the Dhioliba,
the stream which branches off in the neighbourhood of Sego, and
rejoins the river at Isaca, four days further on, are so many
circumstances all equally new, and which tend greatly to modify
our previous notions. Looking at this complication of details, the
obscurity and contradictions contained in all the accounts of the
negroes on the subject of Djenné may be easily conceived; but,
upon an attentive study and careful comparison of the different
data, we arrive at a tolerably just idea of these localities:
the reader will judge whether I have attained this object in the
course of these observations and in the drawing here submitted to
him. Unquestionably, there yet remain many circumstances to be
learnt relating to this double branch of the Dhioliba, the true
form and actual extent of the island of Djenné, and its double
or perhaps triple communication with the branches of the river;
for every step yet gained in our acquaintance with this mysterious
river seems to throw us to a greater distance from the ultimate
object: it is, therefore, to confess the truth, nothing more than a
slight sketch that I have presumed to delineate; time will rectify
our yet imperfect notions, and complete the observations of our
indefatigable traveller, when the use that I have made of them
may be judged of. M. Caillié presumes the island of Djenné to
be eighteen miles in circumference; but the construction of the
route and the general appearance of the map induce me to believe
that it is of greater extent: I also suspect, that the junction of
the island with the western branch of the river cannot be seen from
Djenné, but only its junction with the eastern branch; this would
be a natural consequence of the westerly situation of Sego, with
regard to Djenné. For the rest, I refer to the observations in the
following article, that this discussion may not be prolonged here.

I shall not stay to inquire how it happened that Mungo Park knew
nothing of a second branch of the river, when he proceeded from
Sego to Silla. I shall likewise abstain from entering into further
developments respecting the course of the Dhioliba beyond Djenné.
The narrative furnishes ample details, not less instructive than
new, respecting the course of the river, its depth, its immense
width in some parts, to the extent of half or even a whole mile.
One of the most interesting points of this route by water is the
great lake Debo, or Dhiebou, which M. Caillié met with half-way
between Djenné and Timbuctoo. I cannot help thinking that this
lake is the same which figures on the maps under the name of Dibbie,
but with a widely different position, form, and extent.

The enthusiasm of our traveller at the sight of this sea of fresh
water must appear excusable to every one, and his eagerness to take
possession, in a manner, of the spot, on behalf of his country,
by giving names to three islets situated in it, cannot but be
generally approved. Twenty three years earlier, Mungo Park had
accomplished this same navigation, perhaps, had also given names
to these little mediterranean isles. Who, either in France or in
England would have blamed him for this national feeling, had the
account of his discovery reached Europe?.

The lake has two divisions, one eastern, the limits of which may be
seen, the other western, extending beyond the reach of sight. M.
Caillié is ignorant whence this mass of water proceeds; is it
from a tributary, or is it, on the contrary an efflux from the
inundations of the Dhioliba? This geographical question, on many
accounts an important problem, remains then in obscurity; further
on I shall offer a rather probable opinion[63].

To the east of this lake are sands and sterile hills; to the west,
it is lost in vast marshes; the navigation of the latter division
must be extremely difficult. Passing from Djenné to Timbuctoo,
the traveller navigates the eastern division of the lake, keeping
close to the right bank.

Below the lake (on the map) a winding of the river will be observed,
which perhaps appears forced and unnatural; it results from the
lines of route as noted down and the difficulty of substituting any
thing else has alone determined me to retain it, although doubtful
of its accuracy: an error, however, in this tracing will have little
influence on the general result.

In approaching Cabra, the port of Timbuctoo, M. Caillié perceived
to the right a large arm of the river, running E. N. E.  and he
continued to navigate the other, holding a north-west course. He
was informed that the latter rejoined the first at some distance;
but this important fact has not been verified by any European eye;
the traveller could not have ascertained it, without repairing
himself, at considerable risk, to the point of junction.  As for the
inhabitants, perfectly indifferent as to obtaining or transmitting
intelligence of this sort, they spoke very vaguely to him on the
subject. The problem, therefore, of the ulterior direction, and of
the final termination of these branches of the river, is yet to be
resolved; I defer this discussion to a subsequent article[64], as
well as the particular question of the situation of Timbuctoo[65];
and shall conclude this with repeating, that the itinerary from
Timé to Galia, and from Galia to Timbuctoo, has been framed on
the calculation of two miles an hour.


THIRD PART OF THE TRAVELS.

The progress of M. Caillié through the desert has also been
estimated at two miles an hour, at least as far as Tafilet, and
that for reasons explained at the beginning. The principal interest
presented by this part of the route consists in the exact information
it contains of the wells and stations to be met with amidst this
ocean of sand. Science is indebted to M. Caillié for numerous and
correct notions of these vast solitudes, which travellers cannot
confront without consternation. Thus, we knew the spot called
el-Araouan only by the wells found there, as a place at which the
caravans usually fill their water-skins; but our traveller informs
us that it is an important town: seeing it thus surrounded on all
sides by the deserts, we are the less surprized at the situation
of Timbuctoo in the midst of the sands.

The wells of Telig are remarkable for the vicinity of granite
mountains, and for the neighbourhood of Toudeyni, which, in all the
maps, is carried far to the west of the line between Timbuctoo and
Tafilet. M. Caillié’s description leaves no room for supposing
that he is treating of some other place of the same name, since
this city is well known to be a great mart for salt. I pass over in
silence the immense banks of moving sand, and the rare accidents of
the soil, which scarcely vary throughout this long tract of road,
the dreary uniformity of which is interrupted only by the wells.
Beyond the wells of Mayara appear the last branches of the chain
of Mount Atlas. The granite shews itself at first in fragments
and hillocks, afterwards in high hills and steep mountains. Twelve
days’ journey beyond el-Harib, we enter the district of Tafilet.
Here the report of M. Caillié is widely different from the
received opinions: 1st. He heard nothing of any _town of Tafilet_,
it is merely, he says, the name of a country. It is nevertheless
possible that a town may have heretofore existed there, and have
disappeared like so many other towns of central Africa. I observe
in the travels of Ebn-Hassan from Fez to Tafilet, quoted in the
_Recherches sur l’Afrique septentrionale_[66], &c. that the
territory only of Tafilet is mentioned and not the town; which
would support the account of M. Caillié. 2ndly. This country is
much nearer to the meridian of Fez than it is marked on all the
maps[67]. 3rdly. It is farther north[68], Ghourland, M. Caillié
informs us, is the principal place in this territory; near it
is a place called Afilé, and another of the name of Boheim[69],
besides Ressant, the residence of a governor under the Emperor of
Morocco. M. Caillié mentions another position unknown upon the maps;
a large town called Rauguerute or Rogrut, S.  S. E. from Morocco.

The narrative presents but few details concerning the crossing of
Mount Atlas; it is not a matter of surprize that, after so many
fatigues and perils, our adventurer should be impatient to reach
the end of so long a journey. However, I observe in this part the
course of a little river or brook, called the Guigo, flowing from
Soforo (or perhaps from beyond) towards M-Dayara, and probably as
far as Tafilet. Upon carefully examining the traveller’s route,
we perceive that he first saw the Guigo, or had some knowledge of
it, between Rahaba, and L-Eyarac, afterwards at Tamaroc, and Kars;
that he crossed it at L-Eksebi; and that the river fertilizes the
environs of N-Zeland, L-Guim, Guigo, and Soforo. The water-mills
which our traveller saw at Soforo again announce the presence
of the same river. Thus the part of its course with which we are
acquainted will be at least fifty leagues in length and probably
much more. I do not know whether it passes to el-Fez, where however
several different rivulets are seen.

Neither was the journey across the Sahara altogether unprofitable
with regard to our knowledge of the oases and of the stations which
it contains. The distances of these places from the several points
of his route were reported to our traveller; and these distances
are very different from those previously admitted: but are there
two accordant testimonies concerning these positions?  Each caravan
and each tribe makes a different estimate of the intervals; and if,
to the actual mistakes which the Moors and natives may commit,
the errors in which they are interested be added, what a source
of uncertainty will these present! Therefore, though I have fixed
upon the general map the points of Tychyt, Oualet, Ouadan or Hoden,
Ouad-Noun, &c., according to the indications of M. Caillié, combined
with other documents, I consider them as very uncertain. Oualet,
says our traveller is at ten days’ distance from el-Araouan,
to the west, fifteen north from Sego, and eighteen from Ouadan:
this point falls near nineteen degrees of latitude and nine degrees
forty minutes longitude west from Paris: the three lines meeting at
nearly the same point. But if it agrees with the three data given
above, it is at variance with the situation of Oualet, as hitherto
admitted, either from Mungo Park, or the testimony of the natives. It
is perhaps another place named Oualet, not that intended by Mungo
Park. Can it be the Gualata of Leo Africanus? but his description
suits this no better.[70] In this case Gualata would be much farther
to the south than is generally supposed. It is however certain that
geographers cannot confound the Walet of Mungo Park with Gualata.

Although M. Caillié has not mentioned Agably which is believed
to be the chief place of the oasis of the Touats, I have been
obliged to insert it in the map, because the traveller gives a
position called Touat much nearer to the route from Timbuctoo to
the Tafilet. It is not surprising that several places should be
so called, because the wandering tribe bearing this name occupy
a considerable portion of the great desert, from the south of
Morocco to beyond Agably. Besides, the situation of this place,
which could not have been brought within the limits of the map, if
we were to adopt the mere reports of the Arabs, to which geographers
have had recourse, falls there, on the contrary, according to the
astronomical observation of Major Laing, who fixes it much farther
to the west. This observation is published, for the first time;
I owe it to my learned friend Captain Sabine, himself united in
the most affectionate intimacy with the unfortunate traveller,
who transmitted it to him after sustaining a first attack on
leaving this oasis. Nor was it at Agably that Major Laing made
the observation, but at Ain-Salah, belonging to the same canton
and at two days’ journey from it; this place is cited in all the
itineraries between Tripoli and the western Soudan. According to
the Major its situation is twenty nine minutes west of Paris, and
twenty-seven degrees eleven minutes thirty seconds north latitude.
Notwithstanding the difference between this and the situation
allotted to this town upon all the maps, I have thought it right
to enter it in the general map of the travels.

The other places of the Sahara, such as Akka, Tatta, el-Kabla,[71]
for want of new data, have been fixed from a comparison of those
upon which the map of M. Walckenaer, or those of Messrs. Lapie,
Brué, Berghaus, &c., were formed. With respect to the names of
tribes and colonies, I have endeavoured to place them with all
possible exactness, and have been obliged to differ from several
recent maps in other respects very valuable.

To the right of his route, and in front of el-A’raouan, M.
Caillié heard of an important situation, that of Sala; but the
accounts were too vague to be compared with the descriptions of
the Arabs.

I shall finish the examination of this third part of the travels
by the general list of the wells and stations of the desert on
the line from Timbuctoo to Fez; which line appears to be the most
advantageous and the shortest, because it is the most frequented.
It seemed to me that the collection of all these names into a single
table might be of some utility. It will be remarked that Toudeyni
does not appear in this list: may not this place be without water
fit for drinking? and has Telig succeeded it as a more convenient
station for caravans? I submit this doubt to the reader.


  +-------------------+----------+-----+-----------------------+
  |NAMES OF PLACES,   |HOURS of  |DAYS.|DEPTH OF THE WELLS,    |
  |wells and stations.|march[72].|     |and quality of the     |
  |                   |          |     |water.                 |
  +-------------------+----------+-----+-----------------------+
  |From Timbuctoo to  |66        |6    |60 feet in depth;      |
  |el-A’rouan         |          |     |the water brackish,    |
  |                   |          |     |unwholesome, abundant. |
  |                   |          |     |_Station._             |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Mourat             |"         |"    |1 foot; water brackish.|
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Telig[73]          |111[74]   |8    |3 or 4 feet; water     |
  |                   |          |     |brackish and abundant. |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Crames             |32½       |5    |Wells sometimes dry.   |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Trazas or Tghazah  |9         |1    |7 or 8 feet; water     |
  |                   |          |     |very salt and bad.     |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Amoul-Gragim       |27½       |3    |7 or 8 feet; water     |
  |                   |          |     |muddy, salt, but not   |
  |                   |          |     |bad.                   |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Amoul-Taf          |25½       |3    |4 feet; water sweet,   |
  |                   |          |     |but in small quantity. |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |L-Ekseif           |19        |3    |Excellent water.       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Marabouty          |40½       |4    |Shallow.               |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |L-Guedea           |32        |4    |Tolerably good water.  |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Mayara             |45        |4    |4 or 5 feet; water     |
  |                   |          |     |very salt and bad.     |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Sibicia            |21        |2    |7 or 8 feet; water     |
  |                   |          |     |clear and delicious.   |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |El-Harib           |23        |2    |_Station._             |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |El-Hamid           |19        |2    |From 20 to 25 feet;    |
  |                   |          |     |water good.            |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Mimcina            |9         |1    |Large town of the Drah.|
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Yeneguedel         |8         |1    |3 feet; water good and |
  |                   |          |     |abundant.              |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Faratissa          |7         |1    |2½ feet; water very    |
  |                   |          |     |good.                  |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Boharaya           |9         |2    |12 feet; water sweet   |
  |                   |          |     |and excellent.         |
  |Goud-Zenaga        |6         |1    |                       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Zenatyia[75]       |7         |1    |From 20 to 24 feet;    |
  |                   |          |     |water pretty good and  |
  |                   |          |     |abundant.              |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Chanerou           |6         |1    |Wells frequented by    |
  |                   |          |     |the Berbers.           |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Nyela or Ain-Yela  |9         |1    |The water is taken     |
  |                   |          |     |up by hand; it is      |
  |                   |          |     |abundant and good.     |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Ghourland          |6         |1    |_Station._; chief town |
  |                   |          |     |of Tafilet.            |
  |Boheim[76]         |1½        |1    |                       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Afilé              |1½        |1    |                       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Taneyara           |4½        |"    |A village without      |
  |                   |          |     |water.                 |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Marca              |3         |1    |Deep wells; garden.    |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |M-Dayara           |9         |1    |Town.                  |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Rahaba             |3         |1    |A large village.       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |L-Eyarac           |3         |"    |A hamlet.              |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Tamaroc            |5         |"    |A village on the banks |
  |                   |          |     |of the Guigo.          |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Kars               |4         |"    |A village.             |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |N-Zeland or        |8         |1    |A hamlet.              |
  |Ain-Zeland         |          |     |                       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |L-Eksebi           |11        |1    |A large village.       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |L-Guim             |10½       |1    |A small village.       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Guigo              |10        |1    |A Berber village.      |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Soforo             |11        |1    |A handsome town.       |
  |                   |          |     |                       |
  |Fez                |7         |1    |The ancient capital of |
  |                   |          |     |Morocco                |
  +-------------------+----------+-----+-----------------------+


ARTICLE III.

REMARKS ON THE GENERAL MAP OF THE TRAVELS AND THE ELEMENTS WHICH
SERVE FOR ITS BASIS.

Having completed the construction of the itinerary, it remained to
subject all these lines of route to the invariable data of which
geography is already possessed. I first sought among these data for
points common to M. Caillié’s march: they are unfortunately very
few in number. How then could I flatter myself, whatever trouble
I might take, with whatever care I might combine all the data,
hazarding nothing without some authority to support it, that I
should produce any thing beyond a mere essay? If it should be
hereafter confirmed by the observations of travellers furnished
with astronomical instruments, the only merits of this work will
consist in fortunate combinations; if it should be falsified by
future discoveries, still it will have called for the criticism
of geographers, and will consequently not have been useless to
science. In submitting to the reader results differing from those
hitherto admitted, I wish to warn him against an error, too common,
especially in map-making, that of giving the preference to the more
recent publications, and to place confidence in them in proportion
as they are so. I am far from desirous of usurping this species
of interest, to the prejudice of geographical works in general
estimation.

The points common to the route of M. Caillié and to the list of
positions considered by geographers as perfectly or sufficiently
established, are confined to the following: the points of the
Western coast of Africa, Kakondy, Timbo, Sami and Yamina (for
the latitude), Bakel, Elimané, Fez; and I shall add to them the
position of Ain-Salah, though published here for the first time.
With respect to the positions of Djenné, Timbuctoo, and the places
situated in the great desert, the uncertainty is so great, that
there is no resting any solid calculation upon them, and they are
of no use in verifying the exactness of new itineraries.

Thus we are reduced, for a space which comprehends twenty five
degrees of latitude and from ten to twelve degrees of longitude,
to eight points in the interior.[77] Still, the point whence the
traveller set out on the first part of his travels, the position of
Timbo in the middle of this part, and the very probable knowledge of
the parallel of Sego, a town which is connected with the itinerary
and attaches itself to the fixed points of the Senegambia, with the
almost certain situation of Fez, form a first basis, which may serve
to verify as well the inflections of the route as the length of the
lines travelled over. I began by establishing the lines from Kakondy
to Timé, from Timé to Djenné and Timbuctoo, and from Timbuctoo
to el-Araouan; first, by supporting them separately upon Timbo, the
parallel of Sego, and the position of Fez; and secondly, by attending
to the declination of the compass. These lines were at first formed
without any other modification than the necessary substitution of
the true north for the magnetic north, in the night journeys. The
direction of the first line from Fez gave me a very fair position
for Timbuctoo; and that of the second line from Timé furnished
me with another but little different, and which the situation
of the parallel of Sego brought considerably nearer to the first:
whatever uncertainty still remained has been cleared up by new data,
of which it would have been difficult not to have made some use.

Whilst at Timé, the idea struck M. Caillié of observing the length
of the shadow of a style at midday; his long stay there gave him
an opportunity of making the observation twice: the first time,
which was on the 30th of October 1827, the height of the style,
with every reduction, was 0,706 metre; that of the meridian shadow
was equal to 0,2945 metre.[78] The second observation was made on
the 1st of November 1827; but this measurement cannot have been
taken with so much precision. It was the shadow, properly speaking,
which was measured, that is to say, the shadow terminating distinctly
and without the penumbra. The calculation gives for the latitude
as nearly as possible nine degrees.[79]

This being admitted, I perceived that the construction (made in the
manner before explained) of the line which represents the first part
of the journey, gave to the situation of Timé the same latitude
within a few minutes. This agreement convinced me that no change was
required in the construction; so small a difference, considering
the insufficiency of the means employed, might indeed be regarded
as an entire concordance, and I could not but suppose that it was
probably the effect of a fortunate compensation for many errors on
the contrary side. I might therefore look upon Timé as a point
nearly fixed, and leave it to establish the other two lines. The
longitude of Timé, resulting from the preceding operations, is nine
degrees two minutes west of Paris. Thus Timé would be at a nearly
equal distance from the equator and from the meridian of Paris.

The bearing of the line from Kakondy to Timé, according to
the travels of M. Caillié, having been confirmed, has given me
confidence in the bearings of the rest of the route. I have therefore
first laid down the line from Timé to Timbuctoo, and that from
Timbuctoo to Fez, such as they result from the construction of the
map of the route. The point of Fez being fixed, it became necessary
to modify a little the absolute length and the direction of these
lines, to confine myself between the two points of Timé and Fez,
and I have proceeded upon a proportionate reduction. The difference
was nothing extraordinary for so long a route, amongst so many
obstacles and difficulties which the indefatigable traveller had to
overcome. It amounted on the whole, upon near three thousand English
miles,[80] to about one hundred and fifty, or a twentieth part of
the space travelled over, and the total angular difference is less
than six degrees upon the angle between the meridian of Kakondy and
the direction upon Arbate. The latitude of Timbuctoo, obtained by
this means, is near seventeen degrees fifty minutes north.

Possessing upon this latitude no geographical data properly so
called, having only the routes of caravans, and not even the hours
of march, but merely the reckoning of the day’s journey, so that
to the uncertainty of the length of the journeys is added the still
greater uncertainty of the pace of the caravans, according to whether
they were more or less numerous, whether composed of camels more
or less laden, or only of pedestrians; together with our ignorance
as to the number and situation of the forced halts which they make
in the desert, either on account of wells, or of those unforeseen
accidents which will happen in these terrible peregrinations;[81]
in the midst, I say, of so many causes of hesitation, which ought
to warn geographers against the employment of the vague itineraries
of the Arabs and the Moors, could I grant less confidence to the
route of M. Caillié than to the marches of the Africans?

These routes are constantly divided by hours: the rests are noted
with exactness, and they are never undecided with respect to the
length of the marches: it only remains then to estimate the pace,
and we are enlightened on this latter subject by the composition
of the caravan. For these reasons, and others still which it would
occupy too much time to explain; I have not thought it right to
take preceding itineraries into account in combining the elementary
facts necessary for ascertaining the position of Timbuctoo.

I should, however, have still remained in doubt, and have
abstained from offering an opinion had there not been other new
data susceptible of comparison with the itinerary of M. Caillié;
I mean the measure of the meridian shadow which he took at Timbuctoo
itself. This observation was made by the same method as that at
Timé: this proceeding is undoubtedly very imperfect, but, for want
of others I think it should not be entirely neglected. On the 1st
of May 1828 our traveller planted a style of the height of 0,635
metre; he measured, at noon, the shadow of this style and found it
equal to 0,030 metre.[82] The calculation gives seventeen degrees
fifty one minutes north latitude. I must repeat here the reflection
that this agreement may very probably result from contrary errors
which have balanced each other: but as it is impossible to discover
the points in which the errors lie, or the limit of their extent,
the final result is all that can be obtained.

I will add one consideration which will not have escaped those
geographers who have studied the calculation of probabilities. In
a series of observations made under the same circumstances,
and especially by the same observers, the greater the number,
the more probable is it that their amount will approach to the
total quantity required. When there is no reason that the errors
committed should be on one side rather than another, they mutually
destroy each other, and the more so, the more the observations are
multiplied. There is even a rule which teaches us how much the sum
found differs from the truth; its discovery belongs to the learned
geometrician, who is at present the organ of the French Institute for
mathematical science. Knowing the error which may have occurred in an
observation, it must be multiplied by the square root of the total
number of observations. Thus, instead of growing with this number
the total possible error decreases proportionably. For example,
for four observations it would be represented by two, and for a
hundred observations, by ten only. The proportion of total errors
is therefore as ¹⁰⁄₂ whereas the proportion of the number of
observations is as ¹⁰⁰⁄₄: thus the error is but the fifth
part of what it would be proportionally in four observations.[83]
Hence it follows that the more observations are multiplied the more
any imperfection in the processes by which they have been made will
be corrected.

Are we not authorised to apply this principle to the length of
M. Caillié’s stages, since the number of the lines of route
is not less than six hundred and thirty three? I may add that the
same remark applies to the angular deviation. Indeed, considering
the total distance between the meridian of Timé and that of Fez,
or the difference in longitude (which is equal to one degree forty
four minutes) as being the real sum of all the angles of the route
to the east or west of the first, it will follow that the forming
of the lines of bearings noted by the traveller (or the calculation
of the angles, which is more exact) gives a total variation, so much
nearer to the above difference of longitude as the number of bearings
is greater; and this number is also six hundred and thirty three. As
it has been seen above, I have found the deviation equal to less than
six degrees, and it has been easy to divide it over the whole line.


OBSERVATIONS ON THE SITUATION OF TIMBUCTOO, AND PARTICULARLY ON
ITS LONGITUDE.

From the determination of the lines which join Timé, Djenné,
Timbuctoo, and Fez, and from the latitude of Timbuctoo thus fixed
according to the itinerary at seventeen degrees fifty or fifty one
minutes,[84] necessarily results a more westerly longitude of this
city, than has been hitherto supposed, and even than that which I
had formerly admitted, and which brings its position much nearer
to the ocean than any geographer has placed it.

Such is the importance of the situation of Timbuctoo that I deem
it necessary to insist again on the discussion of the elements;
in order, not to establish it with certainty (I am far from
believing that I have accomplished this) but to furnish the
reader with new means of approaching the truth, as nearly as
the state of our knowledge will permit. It is true that a single
astronomical observation made by a skilful observer, furnished
with good instruments, and worthy of confidence, might overthrow
these inductions; but it is equally true that till we are possessed
of such an observation, no geographer can fix this main position
on a map, without deducing all the reasons which determine him,
especially if he dissents from the opinions of his predecessors.

Timbuctoo is placed, on the general map of the travels, in the
latitude resulting from the observation of the shadow and the
length of the route from Timé to Timbuctoo. A great part of this
route, it may be observed, is in a northerly direction, which was
far from being conjectured from the course of the river in this
quarter. If Mungo Park could have acquainted us with the particulars
of his journey beyond Sansanding, we should not have been so long
uncertain of this direction, which has uniformly been carried
easterly, and that because the situation of Timbuctoo was imagined
(as it is still) to be very central in the continent.  Park’s map
(travels in 1805) places it under the meridian of Paris; Clapperton
at 0° 5° west. Rennell at 2° 3°: but the data of which we have
been for ten years in possession oblige us to bring it nearer to the
ocean; M. Walckenaer has done so, in adopting a longitude from nine
to twelve minutes more westerly. I have always proposed to carry
this position much farther west, and even placed it four years
ago four degrees west.[85] M. Brué has since adopted 3° 34’:
perhaps it should have been advanced as far as the sixth degree. For
the reasons I have elsewhere given, the route from Timbuctoo to Fez
cannot be fixed at more than two English miles an hour: to this rate
I have reduced the computation of M. Caillié, who at first estimated
the whole route equally at three miles. Now the line of route thus
constructed and resting upon Arbate, a well known position, carries
Timbuctoo very near the eighteenth degree north; that is to say,
from 17° 50’ to 17° 55’; had not this been shortened a little,
the city would have been carried to 19°, or 20°, a position far
too northerly, and totally inadmissible. Moreover, the line from
Timbuctoo to Arbate would be ten degrees too far west; it would
also be increasing the declination to 27° instead of 17°, which
seems to be its amount for the mean meridian.

But, if the bearing of the line from Timbuctoo to Fez resulting
from the itinerary, and that of the line from Timé to Timbuctoo,
are preserved, these two intersect each other about the parallel
of 17° 50’. This latitude agrees so well with that resulting
from the height of the shadow, 17° 51’ that we derive from
these data a very satisfactory confirmation. Now the line of the
parallel 17° 51’ and the two lines of direction meet, all three,
on nearly the same meridian, the sixth west from Paris.

No positive data are yet known which can better fix the longitude:
not only are the itineraries of the Moors too vague, but they
support themselves upon the Mediterranean, while M. Caillié’s
routes, though they are continued to the Mediterranean, support
themselves upon the ocean; which is much nearer than the former,
and also upon the known positions of Timbo and Fez.

Suppose, however, it were determined, notwithstanding all these
reasons to withdraw Timbuctoo farther to the east by a degree or
more, it would then become necessary greatly to increase the journeys
from Kakondy to Timé. In making them three English miles and three
fifths an hour, the true measure has probably been somewhat exceeded,
but the situation of Timbo compelled this; while, to place Timbuctoo
on the third degree of west longitude, would be to suppose a march
of more than four miles and a half an hour.

Another circumstance here comes to our assistance: it is that
by carrying it farther towards the east, we must suppose the
traveller greatly and constantly deceived in a western direction
on his journey from Timé to Timbuctoo, and, on the contrary, in
going from Timbuctoo to Fez, he must have made a similar and not
less considerable error in all his bearings towards the east. How
should we account for this singularity?

From all these considerations, could I risk changing the result
of M. Caillié’s itinerary and altering the construction of
his route? could I, in short, without sufficient motive, give the
preference to any one map over another? Some judgment may be formed
upon this question from the diversity of situations assigned to
Timbuctoo by different authorities:


  In  1720,  the longitude according to Delile   0°   0’  Wt.of Paris
      1749,  d’Anville                           2    15
      1790,  Major Rennell                       2    30
      1796,  Park’s first map                    1    0
      1805,  Park’s second map                   0    0
      1821,  M. Walckenaer                       2    42
      1821,  M. Lapie                            2    44
      1822,  Clapperton                          0    50
      1828,  M. Brué                             3    34


It is on the English maps, even those of most recent date, that this
town has always been placed the most to the east. The advantage
of a more eastern position relatively to the proximity of a great
river flowing into the Gulf of Guinea would be evident: but this
proximity is nothing less than certain. By a coincidence worthy
of notice the English maps have also brought Timbuctoo farther to
the south than any others except Delile, as will appear from this
table of different latitudes:


                North latitude according to
  Delile              15°   0’ | Park’s second map   16°   27’
  Clapperton          15    0  | M. Walckenaer       17    38
  M. Brué (after               | M. Lapie            17    38
   Clapperton)        15    0  | D’Anville           19    15
  Park’s first map    15    14 | Major Rennel        19    38


I return to the latitude of Timbuctoo. Ain-Salah, in the oasis of
Touat, is usually placed about 1° east of Paris and in 24° 30’
north latitude; but Major Laing’s observation, as communicated
to me by Captain Sabine, is very different, namely: 0° 29’
west of Paris, and 27° 11’ 30". M. Walckenaer has calculated the
distance from this oasis to Timbuctoo at six hundred and seventy five
geographical miles: it is evident that this measure, if admitted,
would advance Timbuctoo towards the north to between the 17th and
18th degree; now, it happens that this distance of six hundred
and seventy five miles is found exactly between the two points
as placed upon the present map. This last coincidence, which I
remarked after my labour was concluded, contributed still farther
to dispel my doubts. I have estimated the day’s journeys at 18’
four tenths and not with M. Walckenaer at 15’; but it was the
medium journeys, not those of the great caravan, which formed the
object of his researches. It appears then that the approximative
situation assigned to Timbuctoo, 6° west and 17° 50’ north,
satisfies the different data, and the best itineraries, that it
agrees with the positions of Timbo and of Fez, and that it is not
contradicted by Mungo Park’s observations on the latitude, taken
at Sami and Yamina; finally, it is confirmed by the particulars
brought from Elimané by Captain Beaufort.

Fifty four days’ journeys will be found on my map from Timbuctoo to
Tatta; an itinerary cited by M. Walckenaer (p. 297) marks fifty.
The fifty four days from Fez to Timbuctoo according to Mr.
Jackson[86] also agree: it is the same with the sixty-four days
from Timbuctoo to Morzouk. Fewer than twenty eight journeys are
reckoned from Houssa to Timbuctoo, according to the itinerary of
Mohammed Ebn-Foul; this distance is too short on our map, and on
all the others, even those in Clapperton’s travels. There are,
besides, other reasons for believing that there may be two towns
or countries called Houssa[87].

I do not compare with the map the distance reckoned between Timbuctoo
and the town of Tafilet, because M. Caillié heard no mention of
a town so called: he affirms that none such exists, in which case
it is not possible to make use of this distance.

I shall add in conclusion of this discussion, that nothing can
authorise us to depart from the observations of latitude taken
by Mungo Park, at Yamina and Sami, namely, 13° 15’ and 13°
17’, and to remove these points much further to the south, as
M. Brué has done upon his map, otherwise so rich in details and
nomenclature. The determination which I propose for the latitude
of Timbuctoo agrees better with these observations, the only ones
we possess in this direction as far as Timbuctoo.

From the whole discussion, it results, first, that the different
lines of route forming the itinerary map have been subjected to
divers conditions resulting from the journal of the traveller, from
anterior observations and from good geographical data; secondly,
that the hour’s journeys, estimated at three English miles,
mean measure, between Kakondy and Galia or Djenné, are a little
increased between Kakondy and Timé, in consequence of the position
of Timbo; thirdly, that, from Djenné to Timbuctoo and thence to
Fez, the average of two miles an hour has been a little modified
by the real difference in latitude of the two extremities. I have
now only to speak of the bearings and measure of the lines of march.


BEARINGS OF M. CAILLIÉ’S ROUTES.

The reduction of the true north of our traveller’s lines of route
was one of the most important points; and to arrive at their actual
bearing, I was assisted by a single new datum only; namely, the
observation of the angle of the meridian shadow with the magnetic
north. The travels furnish two of these observations: the one,
of the 30th of October 1827, gave the N. N. E.; the other of the
1st of November, the N. ¼ N. E., that is to say, the compass
had on these days a declination of 22° 30’ and 11° 15’ to
the east.  I was then obliged to have recourse to other researches
to determine between these two measures, and to avail myself of
several observations taken by Mungo Park and other travellers.

The following are the names of the places and observations; I omit
their geographical situations:


  At Badoo,          Mungo Park[88]        14°   6’   E. declin.
  On the Bâfing,     _idem_                16    30
  On the Dhioliba,   _idem_                16    36
  At Yamina,         _idem_                17    11
  At Sansanding,     _idem_                17    40
  At Bathurst,       Captain Owen[89]      17    56
  At St. Louis,      Maritime Annals[90]   17    32
  At St. Mary,       M. le Prédour[91]     17    25
  At Cape Roxo,      _idem_                17    20


In Mungo Park’s journal of his second expedition, as printed
in London, is a tracing of the Gambia,[92] from which a smaller
declination would result: it appears evident to me, that some error
has crept in here, either in the copying or in the engraving, when
the coincidence of the preceding observations from five different
travellers is considered, and particularly that of Park’s own
observations.[93] To these might be added the declination observed
by Major Laing in his first journey, and that which has been
observed at Sierra-Leone and other places; but this inquiry would be
superfluous. It will be remarked, that the mean term of 16° 55’
declination east, is also the mean between the two observations of
M. Caillié; but, as the observation of Badoo seems hither small
compared with all the others, I have thought myself entitled to adopt
17° as the mean declination and to subject the whole route to it.

I shall here make another remark respecting the situation of places
marked upon the two maps, upon information communicated by others,
and not direct observations; it is that the natives are extremely
clever at indicating the direction of places at a greater or less
distance: they are seldom mistaken in this indication; and they point
out with the finger with great accuracy, the direction which must
be taken to go in a straight line to a given spot. This observation
has been made before. When a certain direction was thus pointed out
to M. Caillié, he remarked some particular object on the line, and
applied his compass to it at the first favourable opportunity. These
bearings have been extremely useful to me for the points situated
beyond the route; without this assistance I should have found it
impossible to trace, even tolerably, the course of the Dhioliba
above Djenné.


COMPUTATION OF THE DAYS’ JOURNEYS.

The geography of countries which have not been explored by observers
furnished with instruments is usually reduced to the calculations
of days’ journeys. What can be more vague or doubtful than such
documents? The most learned discussion (as remarked above), can
only elicit feeble scintillations from them. How are contradictory
accounts to be reconciled? How are common days’ journeys to be
distinguished from double days, or even longer still? It is evident,
that itineraries must be examined and compiled from the number of
the hours journeys, and not by the days, and there would then be a
less degree of uncertainty. Should European travellers themselves
compute their lines of march by the days’ journeys? And how
happens it that it is not an established rule, in exploring distant
and unknown countries, to keep an exact account of the hours and
every fraction of time? The journal of M.  Caillié, although he
has not rigorously complied with this condition, at least presents
an uninterrupted continuity of marches measured by time, generally
by hours, sometimes by half-hours and even quarters. But for this
persevering (and amidst so many fatigues truly laudable) attention,
positive geography would have gained very little by these long and
toilsome peregrinations.

In a memoir inserted in the eighty-first volume of the _Philosophical
Transactions_, Major Rennell has fixed the day’s journey of a
caravan heavily laden at sixteen geographical miles (or minutes of
a degree) and one sixth; and that of a light caravan, at seventeen
miles and one third. It appears to me, that the second of these
results is too small, and especially that an intermediate term should
have been established, between the light and the heavy caravans,
for there is a vast difference between the two extremes. The
former certainly advance more than twenty geographical miles a day,
especially, as they are able to continue their journey longer, that
is to say, for a greater number of hours each day. Then, again,
it would be convenient to fix an intermediate valuation between
sixteen and twenty miles, that is to say, the day’s journey of the
medium caravans, if they may be so called. I find Major Rennell’s
appreciation of the first denomination of days’ journeys confirmed
by the experience of the engineers attached to the French expedition,
in crossing the deserts near Egypt. We estimated the hour’s march
at nineteen hundred toises; eight hours would amount to fifteen miles
two hundred toises, or very nearly sixteen geographical miles; the
hour’s march would thus be established at two miles, or thirty
hours to the degree. In consequence of several calculations much
too long to be reported here, I consider the day’s journey of the
medium caravan to be eighteen geographical miles and four tenths,
the hour being between two miles and two miles and one tenth. I
shall not here take the light caravans into account; these travel
longer, and the progress of each hour is at the same time greater;
but I think it may in many cases be estimated at twenty-two miles,
or ten hours of two miles and two tenths. Persons travelling in small
parties, without reckoning men mounted on horses or dromedaries,
move still quicker.

According to Captain Lyon, the days’ journeys of the caravans
are less than twenty English miles, and above seventeen; that
is to say, more than the short day, and less than the medium. It
is not by the pace either of a pedestrian or of a lightly loaded
camel that the progress of a caravan must be measured, but, on the
contrary, by that of the man or camel bearing the heaviest burden;
for the latter must be waited for by the former, and is perpetually
retarding the march; otherwise the usual pace would be much greater
than that just fixed. Besides, this reduction of the average value
is independent of that which must be allowed for the deviations and
turnings which are often unknown: another source of hesitation and
of error to geographers.

The earlier journeys of M. Caillié on leaving Kakondy afford an
example of the real amount of the day’s journey: the first day,
he advanced twenty-three English miles, the following sixteen miles
and a half; the third eighteen miles; the average rate nineteen miles
and one sixth.[94] The hour’s journey was estimated by him at three
miles only, but the construction of the itinerary proves that this
computation was more than one tenth too small. The result is twenty
one English miles,[95] which is very near eighteen geographical miles
and four tenths; all, by my estimation, medium days, (or days of a
medium caravan). Indeed, the small caravan to which M. Caillié then
belonged may be balanced against these considerations—first, that
though small in number it included a woman; secondly, that all were
on foot; thirdly, that all were loaded. In traversing the desert,
the day’s journeys were of twelve hours and sometimes more;[96]
but exhaustion, thirst, and fatigue, prevented both the travellers
and camels from keeping up the same pace as on their first departure,
and a mile and a half an hour is a large allowance for the march.

I ought here to report the opinion of M. Walckenaer, who
has discussed with much sagacity this important geographical
question:[97] he fixes at fifteen minutes the amount of a day’s
journey of a caravan heavily loaded; this amount falls short by only
one sixth of that which I have adopted, from our own experience in
Egypt, and which further confirms the opinion of Major Rennell.

But M. Walckenaer does not estimate the other two denominations of
days’ journeys, those of the medium and of the light caravans. I
shall only remark that the result of his arguments seems to be,
that the real and effective progress is considerably more than 15’,
and about equal to 18’ or 19’: _the average of a day’s journey
reduced to measures taken in a straight line upon the map_. But will
the diversity of elbows and inflexions, resulting from that of the
obstacles which produce them, allow us to work a uniform reduction,
and to apply a uniform factor to every distance travelled over? Let
us, for instance admit that part of the route amounts to sixty miles,
and that the straight line between these extremities is forty-eight
miles; can the same rule be adopted with regard to the whole route,
which may be three hundred miles or five times as much? would
the total direct line amount to two hundred and forty miles? The
longer the route, the greater should be the variation in the rate
of the reduction. The following table contains a summary of these
observations upon the amount of the hours’ and days’ marches
of caravans, and the different computations which have been made
of them.


  +-------------+--------------------------------------------+
  |AUTHORITIES. |          MARCH OF THE CARAVANS             |
  +-------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+
  |             |HEAVILY laden |MODERATELY    |LIGHTLY laden |
  |             |              |laden         |              |
  +-------------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+--------+
  |             |per  |per day |per  |per day |per  |per day |
  |             |hour.|of 8    |hour.|of 8    |hour.|of 10   |
  |             |     |hours.  |     |hours.  |     |hours.  |
  +-------------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+--------+
  |             |Geograph.     |Geograph.     |Geograph.     |
  |             |miles.        |miles.        |miles.        |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |Egyptian     |2    |„       |„    |„       |„    |„       |
  |expedition.  |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |Major Rennel.|„    |16⅙     |„    |„       |„    |17⅛     |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |Captain Lyon.|„    |„       |„    |above 17|„    |„       |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |M.           |„    |15[98]  |„    |„       |„    |above 22|
  |Walckenaer.  |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |M. Caillié’s |1⁹⁄₂₀|„       |2³⁄₁₀|„       |„    |„       |
  |travels.     |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |Computation  |1¾   |15 to 16|2³⁄₂₀|18⁴⁄₁₀  |2⁴⁄₁₀|24[99]  |
  |from         |     |        |     |        |to   |        |
  |miscellaneous|     |        |     |        |2⁶⁄₁₀|        |
  |data.        |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |             |     |        |     |        |     |        |
  |                                                          |
  |  _N.B_. To reduce these numbers into English miles,      |
  |  they must be worked by the proportion of 60:69.[100]    |
  +----------------------------------------------------------+


I had at first intended to construct separately each of M.
Caillié’s routes, taking into consideration in each particular
case the difficulties of the ground, the composition of the
caravans, and the physical condition of the travellers; but, as it
was impossible to perform this work correctly, it would also have
been useless. Besides, the reflections which I have already made
tend to shew that, by following a uniform plan of reduction from
one end of the route to the other, one must arrive at a result
nearly approaching to the truth.

All that I have hitherto advanced relates solely to that part of
the general map, which represents the space travelled over by M.
Caillié; I have now to speak of the remainder, namely, the extremity
of the map towards the north, and that towards the S. W.  The former
portion, or the country of Morocco, has been chiefly extracted from
the fine map of M. Brué,[101] but reduced to much fewer details;
we know that he sought his data in the best Spanish and English
maps, and in the works of Badia, Jackson, Walckenaer, Ritter,
&c. authorities which furnish excellent materials, but which,
the former especially, must not always be employed without the
assistance of criticism.

The second part, to the south of the Rio-Nuñez, has been drawn
from the _Senegambie_ of M. Dufour, who has skilfully combined the
materials of Major Laing with those of preceding English travellers:
it will be seen by comparing our two maps, that I have been obliged
to differ from him with respect to the situations and names of
several countries. I have also been necessitated, as well for the
sake of perspicuity on a map upon a very small scale, as on account
of uncertainty, to retrench many details. I shall conclude with
the table of geographical positions, forming the foundation of the
general map, independently of the coast of Africa, which is pretty
accurately known.[102]


  +------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+
  |                  |N.       |Longitude|AUTHORITIES.             |
  |                  |Latitude.|W. from  |                         |
  |                  |         |Paris.   |                         |
  |                  +---------+---------+-------------------------+
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Timé              |9° 3’ 0’’|9° 2’ 0’’|Construction of the map. |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Sources of the    |9 25 0   |12 5 0   |Major Laing.             |
  |Dhioliba at Mount |         |         |                         |
  |Loma              |         |         |                         |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Timbo             |10 25 0  |12 54 0  |Major Laing.             |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Kakondy           |11 10 0  |16 17 0  |Construction of the map. |
  |                  |         |         |M. Brué’s map, long. 16° |
  |                  |         |         |24’                      |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Djenné            |13 0 0   |9 0 0    |Park.                    |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Yamina            |13 15 0  |" " "    |_Idem._                  |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Sami              |13 17 0  |" " "    |_Idem._                  |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Bakel             |14 13 30 |14 41 40 |Dussault.                |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Elimané           |15 2 50  |12 36 0  |De Beaufort.             |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Timbuctoo         |17 50 0  |6 0 0    |Construction of the map. |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Ain-Salah         |27 12 30 |0 29 0   |Major Laing.             |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Morocco           |31 37 30 |9 56 0   |Badia.                   |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  |Fez               |34 6 0   |7 18 0   |_Idem._                  |
  |                  |         |         |                         |
  +------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+


§ III

OF THE NOMENCLATURE.

I shall not here offer to the reader a general list of the names of
towns and villages, or of the different nations, states and districts
visited by M. Caillié during his travels; this duplicate labour is
rendered quite unnecessary by the minute list of the Itinerary[103]
contained in this volume, and by the journal itself, both of which I
recommend it to the reader to consult upon this subject. My object
is merely to make some remarks upon the method of retracing these
names and upon a few other relative points. The nomenclature is
so much the more important in the compilation of African maps,
as inattentive travellers frequently confuse generic appellations
with proper names and _vice versa_; or they spell the same name in
several different ways, or in writing various names they lose sight
of the trifling differences by which they are distinguished. Hence
the faulty multiplication upon the maps of places which do not exist,
and on the contrary the suppression of many which do. The difficulty
is great, particularly with respect to countries recently explored
and the language of which is unknown. I have chiefly confined myself
to obtaining the names from the mouth of the traveller as his memory
furnished them, and comparing them in his presence with his journal.

Among other generic terms which have been considered as proper names,
I shall particularize two, on account of the confusion which they
have introduced, and which involves in obscurity some important
geographical questions, namely the situation of a considerable
chain of mountains to the south of the 8th degree of latitude,
and the still unknown outlet of the great central river.  _Kong_,
is the name given, particularly since Mungo Park, to a great chain
of transverse mountains which he reports to have seen at a distance
to his right, when travelling from the Gambia to the Dhioliba. Now,
M. Caillié learnt from the natives that _Kong_ is a generic word,
and that in the Mandingo language it signifies a mountain; the
mountain or chain of mountains in question is accordingly far from
being the only one of its name. I remark also, that the English
traveller in his Mandingo vocabulary explains the word _Kong_ by
_head_; whence perhaps the signification of _Kong_; and himself
translates _Konko_ by _hill_.[104]

When the later English travellers had gained intelligence of a
river called _Couara_, to the west of Saccatou, and of the river
which is near Funda, it was remembered that this name is also
borne by the upper Dhioliba, and these three rivers have been
at once identified; but it appears that _Couara_ is a general
term signifying a river. The inhabitants who in three different
places have been asked the name of the river, not understanding
the question, have answered by the word _river_. Already had this
confusion taken place a hundred times with the words _ba_, _bahr_,
and _nil_, which also mean _river_, _running water_, _great water_.
There is on the road from Timé to Djenné a village named Couara,
and near it a river of moderate breadth, called Coraba (or according
to my idea Couara-ba,[105].) It is easy to perceive from the face
of the country, that it is a tributary of the Dhioliba, which was
also reported to M. Caillié; here then is another river of the
same name, or rather another general denomination which confirms
the import of the word _Couara_, already observed by travellers.

I have noticed that the Arabic, _kha_ غ, is used every where,
even in the countries where the Arabic language and Islamism do not
prevail: the traveller had expressed it by a blank; I have written
it _kh_ according to the general custom. The slightly lisping sound
ﻎ is used in many central districts, as is a liquid sound, common
also in Senegambia, and which may be written _ghi_ or _dhi_. The
name of the town of Jenné has been written Djenné, because the
Arabs of the present day write جنع or جنا; but M. Caillié
remarked that the natives pronounce _dhi_ I am therefore inclined
to prefer Dhienné.[106]

M. Caillié knows nothing of the Island of Jinbala marked upon
Park’s map, but he was not wholly a stranger to the name; he
mentions a tribe of Jinbalas to the north of Timbuctoo.

I entertain doubts, which time alone can remove; respecting the
names of many places, and I have therefore thought it better to
preserve those names without alteration. I have only omitted, upon
consultation with the traveller, letters which appeared useless to
the pronunciation, or which might create difficulties. The names
of such places as Brahihima no doubt require rectification; the
name of Abrahima, or Ibrahima, &c., are met with in some travels.

I have suppressed the letter _q_ and almost always the _k_, except
before _e_ or _i_, confining myself to the use of _c_. The double
_ss_ merely expresses the sound of an initial _S_. The _w_ and _oo_
of the English, which M. Caillié acquired the habit of using at
Sierra-Leone, I have expressed upon the maps by _ou_; the words in
the text have been generally subjected to the same rules.

On the route to the Tafilet such names as Tamaroc and M-dayara,
&c., occur on account of the use of the initial letters T and M
which announce the vicinity of the Berbers. The wells of Trasas or
Trazah should perhaps be pronounced T-ghazah or T-ghazzah, which will
correspond with the Tegasa or Tegazzah of Leo Africanus[107]. In
several words beginning with _L_ as L-Eksebi, L-Guedea, L-Eyarac,
L-Guim, &c., the Arabic article _al_ appears to me to be joined to
the name by contraction, as in the vulgar pronunciation throughout
Northern Africa. The words beginning with the letter _n_ should
perhaps be pronounced _ain_, which signifies a source or fountain. I
hazard this conjecture from the presence of wells at such places,
and from the example of Ain-Salah, in the oasis of Touat, which
is frequently written _Ensalah_, or _Nsalah_, in a single word. It
is difficult for Europeans to pronounce the guttural ع, and they
frequently leave a blank for it, as well as for the ق and the خ. I
presume, therefore that the names Nzeland, Nyela, &c., stand for
Ain-Zeland, Ain-Yela; but this supposition may perhaps be refuted
by the orthography of the name of Hanalak or (Hen-Alak) هنالﻜ
a place situated upon the route from the country of Galam to Morocco.

I shall take this opportunity of giving the Arabian orthography
of the names of several places belonging to the space between St.
Louis, Timbuctoo, and Morocco; I am obliged for them, to the Baron
Roger, formerly governor of the Senegal, and who has lately enhanced,
by important publications, the title he had long since acquired to
general esteem, by the improvements of all kinds which he introduced
into that country.

LIST OF THE NAMES OF SEVERAL PLACES IN NORTHERN AFRICA.

  Ouad-Noun                   وادنون
  Sous                        سوس
  Marakch, or Maroc           مراكش
  El-Rebat, or Arbate         الرباط
  Fes, or Fez                 فاس
  Kalam, or Galam             كّلم
  Takant, or Tajacant[108]    تاكّانت
  El-Zaouat                   الزاوات
  Oualata, or Walet           وَلات
  Ouadan, or Hoden            وأدَان
  Hanalak                     هنالﻜ
  El-A’rousyoun, or el-Ross   العروسيون
  Tychyt                      تيشيت
  Oualata, or Oualyata[109]   ولياتَ
  A’raouan                    عَروَان
  Bouzbeyah                   بوزبيه
  EI-Mabrouk                  المبروك
  Tymboctou[110]              تيمبُكتُ
  Touat                       توَات

This list contains the names of several Moorish tribes and colonies
of different nations, the orthography of which is uncertain. It
would require very laborious research, and assistance which will
be long unsupplied, to write these names more correctly: I have
contented myself with discarding from the names occurring in the
journal all useless letters, and those which do not accord with
the sound as remembered by our traveller.

Science would be much benefited by the careful examination of the
names engraved on the maps of Northern Africa, without excepting
those recently published, and the indication of the duplicates and
false names, which are real blemishes in works otherwise of great
value; but this labour, even as regards the countries which belong
to my subject, would occupy too much time.  The nomenclature is of
more importance than is usually ascribed to it by the compilers of
maps; I consider it one of the fundamental principles of geography:
there are maps which would merit the appellation of classical if
they answered in this respect to their precision and merit in all
others. Two things are wanting to enable us accurately to fix this
nomenclature: the names written by a native, and the pronunciation
collected with great attention[111].


§ IV.

OF SOME RESULTS OF THE TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIÉ.

Of all the results, for which we are indebted to the new travels,
that which most excites curiosity is unquestionably the knowledge
of the city of Timbuctoo; but, perhaps that which is most important
to geography is the course of the great central river.  Although
M. Caillié was unable to give information of it beyond Timbuctoo,
he has conferred a real service on science, since he describes
its banks with circumstantial detail from Djenné to that city,
and gives us an idea of its course above Djenné. By crossing it at
Couroussa, and after advancing more than two hundred English miles
farther east, then travelling as far as Djenné on the right bank,
he has furnished reason for concluding that no river parallel with
the Dhioliba exists there, as traced upon the maps. The river, on
the contrary, receives in this quarter pretty numerous tributaries,
which, from their importance, seem to denote a distant source.[112]
We perceive from the description that both banks of the river, a
little beyond Bamakou, are very open, and their declivity gentle,
which explains the existence of vast accumulations of water, of which
the Lake Debo or Dhiebou is the most considerable. Whatever opinion
may have been previously formed of the existence of a lake in this
part of Africa, we were utterly ignorant of its situation, its true
name, its form, and extent. The islets, on which our countryman
has thought himself entitled to bestow names, will perhaps one day
prove remarkable points. Their occupation would suffice to intercept
the navigation upwards and downwards, and by thus rendering their
possessor master of the river to influence the commerce of interior
Africa; a commerce, comprehending on one hand, the gold extracted
from the rich mines of Bouré, and the productions of Kankan,
Ouassoulo, and Fouta-Dhialon, the merchandise of the Mandingoes,
and all the articles of Djenné; on the other, the productions
which Timbuctoo receives from the northern coast, and every thing
transported thither by the Moors from the north and north east.

The observation of the river near Djenné affords a still more
remarkable modification of received opinions; it must now be
acknowledged that Djenné stands on an island, and that this island
is double; which, let me remark, by the way, may serve to explain
many contradictory accounts both of travellers and natives. The
new narrative itself is, I confess, not free from difficulties,
I have consequently only traced with dotted lines the branches of
the river round Djenné. The following results may, at any rate,
be deduced from M. Caillié’s routes by land and water, along the
eastern part, and from the intelligence which he obtained respecting
the western portion; first, that a large branch diverges near Sego,
about forty leagues, (in a direct line), above Djenné; and that
it rejoins the main stream at Isaca, twenty-seven leagues below,
(forming the first or largest island,. including Djenné); secondly,
that near Galia, (or Cou Galia,) is another communication, having
itself two branches, and forming a second or smaller island, of
which Djenné occupies one extremity; another channel also joins
this island with the eastern branch.

This description appears at first sight rather complicated, but
its perplexity will be removed if the tracing dotted on the map be
admitted. The eastern branch could not have been crossed by Mungo
Park, and he knew nothing of it; the same with Dochard. And, as
for the second journey of Park, its narrative breaks off abruptly:
it is probable that the branch which he followed in the first
instance, on which Silla and six other villages beyond Sansanding
are situated, is the same branch, which, according to M. Caillié,
runs from Sego to Isaca; but Djenné must be carried to the right
bank, whereas in the map of Park’s travels it is placed on the
left. This circumstance was already learned from Baron Roger[113];
but the new discoveries perfectly explain this contradiction,
which is merely apparent; for if Djenné is on the right of the
western branch, it is at the same time on the left of the eastern.

This discussion shews that the immense volume of the waters
of the Dhioliba is still greater than has been supposed. Park,
indeed, who saw only one branch, stood in silent admiration of
this majestic stream; but that which M. Caillié crossed before
Djenné and followed as far as Isaca is not inferior to the other
in importance[114].

The junction of the island with the river, visible from the tops of
the houses in Djenné, was pointed out to M. Caillié. Is it with
the western arm, or with a branch of the eastern? I am disposed to
believe that it is with the latter, the other being at too great
a distance to be within sight. I can say nothing positive of the
island of Jimbala, and which the maps represent between Lake Dibbi
and Cabra, the port of Timbuctoo[115]. There is, however, no reason
for doubting its existence, since M. Caillié could not examine
all the windings of Lake Debo or Dhiébou, from which an arm may
diverge to the right, and rejoin the branch which it runs off to
the east near Cabra.

From the travels of M. Caillié we further learn, on the subject
of commercial communications, that the navigation of the Dhioliba
is almost every where practicable; it is navigable as early
as Couroussa, and no doubt yet nearer to its source; there is
no reason to suppose any serious obstacle at Bamakou, although
there appear to be at this place three principal rapids, but not
cataracts. Park navigated it here; the current, by his account
(but on the 22d of August, the season when the river is full,)
ran at the rate of about five knots an hour. Its bed was a mile in
width, and at the point of the rapids twice as much[116].

The observations which I have made above upon the position of
Timbuctoo[117] apply equally to the course of the river. Ever
since the year 1720, the tracing of this course on the maps
has been progressively moving from east to west, drawing nearer
and nearer to the Senegambia and to the west coast of Africa. It
becomes, also, more and more probable that the mountainous space,
which separates these two basons, will be found shorter and more
practicable for the passage both of men and animals. Who knows but
some large tributary to the Dhioliba may run in the close vicinity
of a similar tributary to the Bâfing, or even to the Senegal below
Galam, such as the Red River, or the Baoulima, or the Kokoro, so
that the communication between these two rivers might be established
without much difficulty? Who knows, in short, whether the progress
of civilization may not one day effect the construction of a canal
between such tributaries, suitable for commercial purposes; and
whether we may not then find a navigable communication opened between
the mouths of the Gambia and Senegal and Sego, Djenné, Timbuctoo,
Houssa, and all the large towns by which the Dhioliba flows?

Even though Europeans should attempt only the land passage between
the two rivers, this would be an enterprise founded on a more
accurate knowledge of the situation and distance of places, and,
if not an immediate consequence, would, at least, be an indirect
result of M. Caillié’s travels on the two banks of the great
river. It is unnecessary for me to add, that if, for want of positive
documents, I should have erred in tracing the itinerary, the fault
will be all my own, and will detract nothing from the merit of our
traveller, or from the gratitude due to him from all friends and
patrons of discoveries.

To continue our examination of the geographical results of M.
Caillié’s travels, I ought not to omit the attention he has
paid to make himself acquainted with the situation and depth of
the wells; a circumstance from which useful inferences may be
drawn relative to the course and distance of the waters: he has
not neglected remarks upon the climate, the periodical rains,[118]
and the state of the atmosphere. The learned will, no doubt, deeply
regret that he was unprovided with instruments for observing and
measuring meteorological phenomena: but it is not on a man’s
first travels that these lights can be obtained; and, besides,
none of our readers have forgotten the perils which attended our
countryman in the execution of his enterprize.

The situations of several known places experience extraordinary
changes in consequence of M. Caillié’s peregrinations, without
mentioning the towns washed by the Dhioliba. Toudeyni, which
was supposed to be 3½ degrees west of the meridian of Timbuctoo,
proves by M. Caillié’s route to be very near the wells of Telig,
only 40’ west of that meridian. Is this another place of the same
name? I doubt it: its importance, proved by the description given
of it by our traveller, repels the supposition. A’raouan[119]
is inscribed in the maps as a mere station, with a well of brackish
water; but M. Caillié found this a considerable place, a commercial
_entrepôt_, in a word, an important town, notwithstanding the
partial decay of its prosperity.

M. Caillié makes us acquainted in the north with a place called
Oualet, at a great distance from the Walet of Mungo Park, and
another of the name of Sala, which confirms the testimony of
Arabic writers; in the south the towns of Teuté, Cagny, or Canny,
and Koung, fifteen days and more south of Timé, that is to say,
near the seventh degree. This account rectifies our notions of the
kingdoms or states east of Fouta-Dhialon, and distinctly points
out the mountainous tracts, the sandy plains, and the fertile
territories enriched by numerous rivers.

We were before uncertain about the district of Bouré; the new
notes enable us to give it on the maps very nearly its true site.

The large towns in which he resided, such as Timbuctoo, Fez,[120]
Djenné, Kankan, are very minutely described, and were I not
unwilling to lengthen this paper, it would be easy to shew how
much he has added in this respect to our information, and also
how many false and exaggerated ideas he has corrected: this is a
merit for which we ought to give him double credit; since he is,
perhaps, of all travellers the one who has dissipated the greatest
number of illusions. Sound minds will feel the more grateful
to him in proportion to the currency formerly gained by these
exaggerations. The lapse of time may, indeed, have effected actual
changes in the importance and population of towns; we must not, for
instance, be surprized at the difference between the description
of Leo and that given at the present day.[121] Who was there but
believed, only a short time since, that Timbuctoo was equal in
extent to one of our large cities, and contained within its walls a
population of a hundred thousand inhabitants, or even from a hundred
and fifty to two hundred thousand? The most moderate computation,
says M.  Walckenaer, gives it a hundred thousand inhabitants.[122]
The exaggerations of the Arabs have constantly held the Europeans
under the same error, and in the itinerary of Mohamed-Ebn-Aly
Ebn-Foul especially it is said: “This is the largest city which
God has created.”[123]

With regard to the account of the mountains of Fouta-Dhialon, and
the means afforded by the descriptions of M. Caillié for forming
an idea of the configuration of the country, or the relations which
exist between the situations of the different basons, I must refer
to what I have said in § II. (articles 2 and 3); I shall also refer
to the same for the positions of various countries, pompously called
kingdoms by travellers or writers.

Although he did not receive either from government, or from any
learned societies, those questions or instructions which might
have guided him in his course, M. Caillié has observed much; if
he has not treated his subject very profoundly, if indeed he has
but glanced at it, he has at least opened the road to his successors.

It is thus that during his travels he has lost no opportunity of
speaking of the manners and customs, of the costume and food,
of the people; of their religious practices and superstitions;
of their commerce and navigation; of their industry, agriculture,
and habitations; of the population of the countries; of the
character, the physiognomy, and the language of the inhabitants;
of their warlike or peaceful habits; in a word, of the whole
state of society amongst these still half barbarous people. The
picture of a flourishing agriculture, a peaceful and industrious
population in the countries of Kankan, Ouassoulo, Baléya, &c.,
will be read with peculiar interest. Could it be expected that he
should penetrate deeply into these subjects, or even that he could
direct his attention to them with benefit?

It would be superfluous here to repeat all the new results for
which we are indebted to him, and which make ample amends for the
frequently minute simplicity of his accounts; they well depict the
difficulties of the journey and the precautions which it requires.
Future travellers will not complain of the multiplicity of his
details, monotonous, it is true, but convenient in pointing
out to them the measures necessary to avoid miscarrying in their
enterprize. On this ground M. Caillié will have contributed usefully
to the progress of discovery.

The physical conformation of the various races, and the colour of
their complexion, are most frequently noticed by our traveller.
This is one means of clearing up some questions still enveloped in
great obscurity, for example, the origin of the Fellatas, as they
are called by the latest English travellers. What relation do they
bear to the great nation of Foulahs? We learn from M. Caillié
that the Touariks are established much farther towards the south
than has hitherto been supposed; their camps are seated upon the
Dhioliba, considerably above Timbuctoo. He has also taught us that
they bear a second name, that of Sorgous; above all, he has given
us some very valuable information respecting the tyranny exercised
by this wandering and predatory tribe against the peaceful natives;
the portrait he has drawn of them bears visible marks of truth.

With regard to idioms, it is vexatious that M. Caillié, although
he visited so many tribes, has been able to collect only two
vocabularies. That of Timbuctoo consists of only a hundred and
twenty words. We must regret that it is not more extensive. I have
already said that the words in Denham’s relation agree with him,
but not those of Adams and of Bowdich.

The particulars respecting commerce have been collected with
care. M. Caillié has scarcely ever omitted to point out the
native or foreign commodities which he saw at every market, their
price, and the kind of coin. He confirms the fact that European
merchandise reaches central Africa; goods of English manufacture
were to be seen at Djenné as well as at Saccatou. Upon the commerce
of Bouré in gold the traveller gives us some information which
appears to be equally new and certain, and fit, probably, to direct
the calculations of speculators, or the efforts of the European
governments. We have yet but a vague knowledge of the actual degree
of the riches of the mines of Bouré, and the quantity of gold now
circulating in commerce; but there can be no doubt that it abounds
in this part of Africa. We know for certain that this rich country
is a hundred and twenty or a hundred and forty leagues in a straight
line from the establishments of the Gambia and the Senegal. If we
could, at some future day, open a direct communication, we should
avoid the journey from Bouré to Ségo, from Ségo to Djenné,
thence to Timbuctoo, and afterwards to Morocco, across the great
desert; not only should we thus shorten the road by at least four
hundred leagues in a direct line[124], but we should escape the
cupidity of the Moors and the Jews, who appropriate the largest
part of the profits, and also the ferocity of the predatory Arabs
of the desert. At a trifling sacrifice, and in a short time this
result might be obtained, if but a small part of those efforts were
consecrated to it, which are absolutely wasted upon less useful
objects. But, whatever the consequence may be, geography and the
genius of discovery will have had the merit of pointing out a source
of wealth to ancient Europe, overcharged with debts and population,
and ready to sink under this double burden, if some new outlets
are not speedily opened to her industry.

* * * * *

If it were possible to doubt the veracity of the traveller; if
it could be supposed that all which has been hitherto said has
still left any uncertainty in the minds of those who, in the first
instance, manifested some incredulity, the results which I have just
recapitulated would remain equally doubtful: it is their importance
which induces me to neglect nothing here which may dispel doubts,
if they still exist. I shall first cite, as a sure testimony of
this veracity, an Arabic manuscript which Lander received two years
ago from the hands of his master Captain Clapperton, and which
M. Salamé translated in London, at the very time that M. Caillié
was completing his enterprise: it is a description of part of the
Soudan. One may read a portion of the African text, with the new
map in one’s hand, for the countries common to this description
and to the itinerary, that is to say, as far as Timbuctoo. I will
even add that it would have been completely unintelligible to me,
without the assistance of this map[125]. The alteration in the names
of places does not prevent their being recognized; for many of the
differences, it appears evident to me, arise only from carelessness
in copying. I have made an extract from this curious document, which
was accompanied by a map of the Kouara, traced by the hand of the
secretary or amanuensis of the Sultan Bello. I place, according
to geographical order, the different parts of the description,
extracted as I have said above.

“The route from Sakkatou to Masera crosses first a tributary to
the Kouara, and afterwards that river itself.

“The Touara flows from south to north, thence to the east, and
afterwards returns to the south.

“It is formed of two arms, the one, called _Balio_, _the black
river_, coming from the Fouta-Djalo; the other, called _Raniou_,
_the white river_, coming from Ségo[126].

“At their junction it takes the name of Couarra, according to
the secretary.

“Upon the first is a large island containing the town of Djeri.

“Many streams fall into the river on the left side.

“Beyond is the lake Djebou.

“Timbuctoo is at the farthest turn of the river: Kabara is half
a day’s journey from that city.

“Masera is beyond the branch which comes from Ségo.

“The Touariks occupy the country adjoining Timbuctoo to the
north, &c.

I pass over in silence the other places unconnected with the route
of M. Caillié, or which he has not mentioned.

This account appeared at first very obscure; but by reading, with
me, Massina instead of Masera, and Djené (or Djenné, instead of
Djeri), every thing is explained.

It is easy to confound a _noun_ without a point ﻥ with a ﺭ _re_.
A similar error, I think, has been committed in the name of _Ba-niou_
which has been read _Raniou_ taking a _be_ without a point ﺑ for
a ﺭ _re_.

The word _Dombari_, a mountain, represented upon the map of the
Fellata writer, ought, upon the principle already laid down, to be
read in two words _Oun-bari_.

M. Caillié having informed us that the situation of Djenné is in
an island, it will be immediately recognised in that of Djéri,
actually situated at seven days’ journey from Ségo. In like
manner, the arm, which separates in the environs of Ségo, says
M. Caillié, and rejoins the western branch at Isaca, explains
the Balio and the Banio, which meet, (according to the Fellata),
below Djéri (or Djenné). Our traveller, not having inquired
the names of these branches of the river, could not be acquainted
with them. Masera is here, like Massina, to the west of Djenné:
I remarked that, in travelling from Timé to Djenné, M. Caillié
neither saw nor heard of the mountain or the town of Ounbari,
nor of the road leading to Saccatou.

The lake Debo or Debou is here placed as it was seen by M.  Caillié,
between Timbuctoo and the confluence of the two branches (at Isaca);
it is called in the Arabic description Djebou. The name of this great
lake is doubtless written جبو, and I suppose that in this word,
the ﺟ is pronounced _dhi_, as at the Senegal. On this subject,
I remark that, according to M. Caillié, the name of the town
of Djenné is pronounced, in that country, in a peculiar manner,
expressed here by _Dhienné_.

The same is the case with the name of Fouta-Dhialon which the
English translator, after the Fellata, writes Fouta-Djalo[127]. In
studying the Arabic nomenclature of the places bordering on the
Senegal, this observation has appeared to me to be more and more
confirmed; and it must by analogy be applicable to the neighbouring
countries. The Marabouts had only the letter _djim_ ﺝ at their
disposal for expressing this liquid sound, which is of a peculiar
nature, intermediate between the English _th_ and the Arabic _dj_.

The _marigots_ observed by M. Caillié on the left bank of the
stream, correspond with the four rivers or canals belonging to
Masera or Masina.

Kabera appears here to be placed beyond Timbuctoo (coming from
Djenné): the place in question is perhaps distinct from Cabra;
or Timbuctoo may be a little farther west of Cabra than has been
supposed. M. Caillié in going to this city went due north by the
compass, which places it only 17° west of Cabra.

With regard to _Baniou_, _White River_, it should be remembered that
M. Caillié also translates in the same manner the word _Bagoé_,
the name of a considerable tributary of the river running from
_Teuté_, very far south, but falling in on the right bank, whereas
the Baniou is on the left: there is therefore a difference both
in the name and situation. _Goé_ (and _koué_, according to Mungo
Park) certainly signify _white_ in Mandingo. But the words _niou_ and
_lio_, I cannot find in any vocabulary of Northern Africa, with the
meaning of _white_ and _black_. In Wolof, _moul_ signifies _black_.

The Banimma of the maps cannot flow parallel with the great river,
as I have explained above[128].

It would not be uninteresting to compare with this draught the
pretended map of Bello himself, which Clapperton has given in his
first travels[129]. Five or six sites only are connected with my
subject; Djenné is here, as in the other, placed between two
branches of the river, (a fresh point of conformity with our
traveller) and the Massina is separated from it by the western
branch. There again the _r_ is substituted for the _n_; (and I
presume for the same reason) for it is there spelt Jesni or Jenri,
and Mashira[130].

For want of room, Bello has placed Sego and Masina, much too near
together, as well as Fouta and Djenné. The city of Timbuctoo
(written Tonbaktou) is not less misplaced by the august geographer;
but he has marked between it and Mashira (Massina) a large tributary
or off-branch: this is probably one of the four rivers which his
secretary has indicated in the same space, and one of the _marigots_,
the outlet of which was seen by M. Caillié[131]. Thus the only two
_native maps_ (if they may be so called) which we possess, and the
recent descriptions of two Africans, all confirm the discoveries
of M. Caillié, who was entirely unacquainted with them.

A corroborative testimony is that of Park himself. Similar names will
be found in the two narratives for certain indigenous productions
and for several instruments employed in the arts. The Mandingo words
and names are either the same or analogous in the two narratives.

In a preceding article, I think I have sufficiently shewn the
agreement of M. Caillié’s observations with those of other
distinguished travellers, Mollien, Watt, and Winterbottom, and
Major Laing. The particulars of Major Laing’s death collected by
our traveller at Timbuctoo, and afterwards on the very theatre of
the catastrophe, so far from contradicting those obtained either by
the English Consul at Tripoli, or by the governor of the Senegal,
confirm all the important circumstances of both[132].

We did not learn from the first travels of Clapperton the name of
the prince reigning at Timbuctoo; it was even imagined that the
supreme authority resided at that period in a female; and when M.
Caillié informed us that the supreme chief of Timbuctoo was named
_Osman_, we could not reconcile this report with those which had
preceded it: but we have now letters from Major Laing himself,
received since the return of our countryman, one of which dated
from Timbuctoo, the 21st of September, 1826, reveals the name of
the prince then reigning, and this name is also _Osman_[133].

In the same letter, Major Laing states the circumference of the city
at four miles; this account confirms the small population assigned
to it by M. Caillié. He adds that he has collected documents in
abundance relating to Timbuctoo. If we may rely on the account of a
Moor from Saint Louis, the _books_ of the Major are at the disposal
of a certain Saleh, son of the Iman of Timbuctoo; and according to
another they are in the hands of the Touariks. Time will in all
probability produce some of the documents, the only consolation
for so deplorable a loss.

The same accuracy appears in M. Caillié’s observations respecting
the journeys, if we admit as a fair specimen those which concern
countries whose geography is known; thus the distance from Fez
to Arbate by Mequinaz agrees with the itinerary of M. Caillié,
at the rate of three miles an hour.

So many motives of confidence and interest sufficiently recommend the
accuracy of the travels, and consequently authenticate the results
I have above deduced; yet the history of the enterprize itself
will, if possible, increase this effect. The inclination of Réné
Caillié for travels of discovery early announced his vocation. From
the moment of his second landing at Senegal, he employed himself
in acquiring a familiarity with the language of the Moors.[134]
He talked of nothing but penetrating into the interior of Africa,
the object of all his thoughts; his resources became exhausted, yet
he refused every other occupation, every other mission. This fixed
impression was regarded as a mania; nothing could shake his purpose,
not even the insults which his Moorish costume drew upon him from
the negroes; he was content to be considered by them as an idiot, and
almost an object of derision. The want of sufficient support having
obliged him to take another course, he set out for Sierra-Leone;
there he remained the period necessary for collecting some resources,
and soon quitted it for Rio-Nuñez: thence he announced to a friend
at St. Louis (in April 1827) his departure for the interior. He was
supposed to be lost, and nearly forgotten like so many other victims,
when, at the expiration of eighteen months, he suddenly appeared
at the further extremity of Africa, triumphant over every obstacle;
like an expert swimmer, who, having plunged into the bosom of a broad
stream, after a long interval unexpectedly appears on the opposite
bank, while his friends are already lamenting his loss as certain.

Scarcely had he quitted the banks of the Rio-Nuñez and entered
upon this new career of difficulty and danger, when he at once
displayed a consummate prudence, and far above his years: as
skilful in appreciating obstacles as he was firm in encountering
them, his embarrassments increased at every step; but his sagacity
constantly suggested the means of extricating himself from every
new perplexity. Had he not possessed this just estimate of his
difficulties and resources, united with a fortitude not to be
shaken, he could not have concluded, perhaps not have commenced,
his enterprize. How ingenious was the fiction he invented to obtain
the confidence of these numerous tribes! This thread, slender as it
was, served every where for his guidance and protection. He rightly
supposed that the fame of the French expedition to Egypt had spread
over Northern Africa: it was natural that a child carried off from
its parents at the age of three years, and transported into the
heart of France, should be but ill versed in his mother-tongue;
equally so that good Musulmans should congratulate him on his return
to his country by the most direct line, although he was supposed to
be destitute of resources. Now this line must inevitably conduct him
beyond the great river: afterwards manifesting a desire of repairing
to Alexandria by sea, it was necessary to return to the river and
embark on it, and thus his arrival at Timbuctoo was accomplished
with certainty; having attained this object, he must naturally seek
the readiest and surest means of reaching some place occupied by
Europeans, and the caravan of Tafilet offered an opportunity that
he could not hesitate to seize.

I shall not advert to all his misfortunes at Timé, and during the
journey, nor to his perils at Tangier, when already within sight
of his haven; but with what intelligence and courage must he have
been endowed to resist and triumph over so many enemies. It was
necessary to avoid the most trifling error; a single one would have
infallibly proved his destruction.

Few are acquainted with the history of the unfortunate Antonio
Piloti, a Spaniard, who took refuge in Morocco in consequence of
the political events of 1811. After having assumed the Moorish
dress, and habituated himself to the language, he succeeded in
enrolling himself amongst the Emperor of Morocco’s guards.
Incessantly occupied with the project of going by this means to
Timbuctoo, he secretly offered his services to the French consul,
M. Sourdeau; he solicited the protection of the French government:
the Consul had ascertained that he combined all the qualifications
essential to success, yet his offers were rejected. Neverthless
Piloti daily prosecuted his preparations for the journey: nothing it
should seem could have prevented his success, since he would have
set out under the disguise of a Moor, and returned with a caravan
of Moors. In the absence of direct assistance from France, he was
furnished with instructions by M. Delaporte, our vice-consul,
and from a member of the Geographical Society, who was on the
point of sending to him some instruments, when he was suddenly
implicated in the political movements of the court of Morocco. The
Moors and Jews, always intriguing, suspected some secret designs on
his part, and denounced him as belonging to the party opposed to
the prince. His trial was summary, and Piloti was beheaded. Such
is the jealous distrust manifested by the mercenary race, against
any stranger, who, making himself acquainted with the localities,
should attempt to deprive them of any portion of their commerce
with the interior. M. Caillié, ignorant of this adventure, was more
fortunate; he did not continue long enough exposed to the suspicions
of the Moors, or by prudence and sacrifices he contrived to escape
the effects of them.

On the first arrival of the letters which I received from M.
Delaporte and M. Caillié himself, I entertained some doubts of
the authenticity of his narrative, and I immediately arranged some
questions by way of trial, on the language spoken at Timbuctoo, the
customs of the country, its natural productions, the nomenclature
and distance of places, &c.: but meanwhile I attentively compared
the two letters, and found the result so conformable to the most
established notions of science, that I determined to publish on that
very day the news of the journey to Timbuctoo. Many were incredulous;
I expected it. I requested the traveller, who in the interval had
landed at Toulon, to commit to paper without delay his recollections
respecting the questions which I held in readiness for his arrival,
but to which he had beforehand in a great measure replied. The
very day of his arrival he submitted to my inspection a journal of
his travels complete, and continued from the 19th of April 1827 to
the 21st of September 1828, modestly observing: “I do not know
whether I can answer all your questions, but here are my notes.”
He then shewed me part of the original notes, written in pencil,
on the spot, and the narrative written and completed during his
residence at Tangier and in quarantine, though suffering under a
high fever. He also shewed me the pieces of cord with which he had
measured the meridian shadow at Timbuctoo and in other places, some
fragments of plants brought from the interior, the vocabularies,
and some simple sketches of the town of Timbuctoo. If after such
testimony I could retain any doubts, the construction of all the
routes of the traveller, which I drew up on the following day,
would have effectually dispelled them, for I discovered that the
observations were continued without any interruption, and that the
whole produced a result agreeing with the data already acquired.

It remained that the learned Geographical Society should share my
conviction, an additional success for which M. Caillié had not
long to wait;[135] and he obtained a brilliant recompense which he
had amply merited. This example will restore confidence to minds
discouraged by so many fatal catastrophes; and will inflame the zeal
of those who are actuated by a desire for glory and the advancement
of geographical science.


§ V.

OF THE COURSE OF THE DHIOLIBA ABOVE AND BELOW TIMBUCTOO.

The attentive reader who may have patiently followed me through the
preceding pages, will, no doubt, have remarked the new and principal
fact which results from M. Caillié’s observations; the division
of the Dhioliba in the environs of Sego into two branches equally
broad and deep, and the existence of a large island. It elucidates
the description of Mungo Park, and reconciles him with our traveller;
it explains the contradictions between the situations assigned to
the same towns by different travellers, sometimes on the right,
and sometimes on the left of the river, and finally it enlarges
our ideas of the advantages of navigation in the interior of the
Soudan. This fact also accounts for the great collection of waters
which forms the lake Dhiebou or Debo, because many considerable
branches which separate from the western arm unite again with the
main stream beyond the tributary which falls into it at Isaca;
and the want of declivity in the direction of this junction is the
cause of the stagnation of the waters.

It would appear that the river has different names which change with
its course. Called at its source _Tombia_, _Ba_, _Dhioliba_, &c., it
retains the latter name as far as Sego, where or in the environs it
divides; if we may trust the description of the amanuensis of Bello,
the left arm is called _Baniou_, and the right _Balio_, and after
the junction it is called only _Couara_. But M.  Caillié never once
heard that the river, which he reached at Galia, and upon which he
navigated thirty days, had different names; perhaps because he did
not inquire. He only saw a river, Couaraba, which falls into the
right branch, but very far to the south. I think then that if the
stream is called _Couara_ below Isaca, it is only because the term
is generic and signifies a _river_.

I might stop here and leave it to the reader to draw other
consequences from the new observations. But the question of the
outlet of this stream is so closely connected with my subject, that
the reader would have a right to complain if in this work he found
neither information nor opinion upon it. It is universally inquired
what becomes of this immense collection of water below Timbuctoo;
it is at least necessary to exhibit in a few words the different
opinions at present current upon this subject.

The most ancient identifies this river with the Nile of Egypt.
It does not appear that the partisans of this opinion had any other
foundation than the pretended unanimous reports of blacks, Arabs,
and natives. Thus without considering the physical conditions,
or taking account of insurmountable obstacles, they maintained
as a fact, that the waters which had their rise in the heights of
the Soulimana, that is to say at an elevation of from fourteen to
fifteen hundred feet, reached the Mediterranean after a course of
two thousand leagues. But, what is perhaps still more strange, this
notion rested wholly upon the equivocal interpretation of a word,
or as we may express it in plain English upon a pun; the word _Nile_
or _Nil_ is generic. In saying that the Dhioliba joins the Nile,
the Africans mean no more than it communicates with some other
_great water_, whether it falls into it, or whether it receives it,
(for this distinction of arm or tributary is very important). When
therefore the Arabs say that the Dhioliba communicates with the
_Nile_ or the _Bahi_, they understand thereby either a great river,
or a sea, and this may be an inland sea as well as the Ocean. This
opinion that the Dhioliba empties itself into the _Nile_ of Egypt,
though it was supported only a few years since by a learned writer,
appears to be now altogether abandoned.

But this is not the case with the opinion of those who, like Major
Rennell, consider the central lake as the outlet of the river. Before
the discovery of the lake Tchâd by the English travellers, the
existence of this inland sea might have been doubted, the evidence
of it was so vaguely attested. This opinion, however supported by
probability, is nevertheless liable to two objections: first, that
upon the whole western coast of the lake is found the mouth of only
one inconsiderable river, the source of which is at no great distance
in the E. S. E.; secondly, that the town of Boussa, to which Park
navigated upon the Dhioliba, is now known by the second journey of
Clapperton, and that it is very far to the S. E. of Timbuctoo.

With regard to the first objection, it may not prove a serious
difficulty, because recent travellers have not followed the river
Yéou, which falls into lake Tchad; they have left it at a certain
distance from the lake, and it is very possible, that that which
they have seen farther on may have been only a tributary to the
former. As to the second objection, it might be more important
if it were certain that the Dhioliba runs in _a single bed_ from
Timbuctoo to Saccatou and to Boussa; but there is nothing to prove
this. Continuing eastwards, towards the central lake, it may send
out a branch to Boussa; and this division would account for the
Yéou consisting of but an inconsiderable body of water.[136]

Reichard was one of the first who imagined that the Dhioliba may
run into the Gulf of Guinea. This hypothesis has for some time
past assumed a certain degree of probability, to which the opinions
of the later English travellers, Clapperton and Major Laing,[137]
have added much weight. They differ, however, respecting the outlet
of the river: the one preferring the river Benin (or Formosa),
with Reichard[138]; the other, but with much less probability, the
Rio-Volta. The objection always raised to this hypothesis is the
great height of the mountains called _Kong_. To reach the sea, the
river must cross them; but it may not be absolutely impossible that
there should exist an opening in them deep enough to admit of its
passage. Another difficulty arises from the small declivity of these
waters: but I will here make an observation on this subject. The
actually known course of the Dhioliba, from its source as far as
Timbuctoo, is about three hundred and sixty leagues: it issues from
Mount Loma, at a height of nearly sixteen hundred English feet above
the sea, or less than five hundred metres. The velocity observed
by M. Caillié leads to the belief, that the average inclination
from Djenné and also from Bamakou to Timbuctoo is two thirds of a
metre to a league: Timbuctoo would stand, according to this datum
only, at a height of two hundred and sixty metres; but it is very
probable, that the inclination is much greater from Mount Loma to
Bamakou than it is below this latter point, which would lower the
position of Timbuctoo at least to two hundred and thirty metres,
taking the fall of the first part at only a metre for a league. But
this quantity would greatly exceed that supposed by Capt. Beaufort,
who, after having observed the elevation of Elimané, conceived
Timbuctoo to be upon the same level, that is to say, eighty-four
metres above the sea.[139]

Now, from Timbuctoo to the mouth of the river of Benin, following
the course of the waters (as it is traced by the partisans of this
opinion), the distance is not less than four hundred and sixty
leagues. Thus, in the second part of its course, the river would
have a total declivity of 230 metres, or 0,51 metre to a league. It
is known that the Seine has an inclination of 0,72 metre to a league;
the Mississipi, 0,84 metre; the Rio-Apure, 0,92 metre, &c. but others
have a much less fall, such as the Wolga, the Missouri, the Senegal,
&c., which have one of 0,50 only;[140] so that, strictly speaking,
the above inclination is sufficient.

According to a fourth opinion, the river, on reaching the _Kong_
mountains, makes an elbow to the left and runs eastward, by
Djacoba and Adamowa to Chary, and thence to lake Tchad into which
it discharges itself. It is here that the objection of the want
of sufficient inclination applies: how can it be admitted, that
the river, after passing Funda, where it would scarcely have an
elevation of fifty metres[141] above the sea, (supposing it to be
the river of Timbuctoo which flows to Funda), can run on to lake
Tchad, three hundred and fifty leagues farther, through a country
represented by all accounts as mountainous? But this, even, is not
the greatest difficulty.

It is hardly conceivable that any geographer should have admitted an
hypothesis, the absurdity of which must have been manifest upon the
slightest reflection. The height of lake Tchad has been ascertained:
it is nine hundred and twenty French feet above the level of the sea,
or something less than three hundred metres; it cannot, therefore,
receive the waters which flow to Funda.

The course of this river east of Funda must be reversed, and the
supposed elbow converted into a tributary: we shall then probably
approach the truth. Major Denham was the first to conceive this
easterly turn of the river, running north of the great chain of
mountains, and falling at a great distance into the central lake;
he had been assured that a communication existed between this
river and lake Tchad by the Chary. How is it that the physical
impossibility of this course did not occur to him?

A very simple consideration appears to afford a solution of this
difficulty, namely, the existence of a lake in an elevated point
of the Mandara chain, giving rise both to the Chary and the river
which flows by Adamowa and Djacoba. The reports made to Major Denham
demonstrate the importance of this stream, which is sufficiently
proved by its extent; but, why, without ocular testimony, did he
imagine its course to be easterly? If the negroes did not inform him
that it ran to the west, neither did they state the contrary. Let
us admit the westerly direction: a certain communication will then
exist also between the Couara and the Chary; only, after having
descended a current southwards, we must ascend another eastward,
and thence redescend northwards, into the central lake. This is the
most plausible theory I can devise upon Major Denham’s opinion;
this is nearly the case with the White Nile and the Misselad, both
taking their rise in one of the lakes of Gebel-Koumri. Upon this
system, the Couara will continue, after the confluence, to flow
southwards, and fall into the sea near the coast of Benin.

A fifth opinion has been recently broached by the English General Sir
Rufane Donkin;[142] the summary of which is that the Niger crosses
the Wangarah, enters the valley of Ouadi-el-Ghazel, formed by the
continuation of the Misselad, and thence runs into the Mediterranean
(in the great Syrtis) by a subterranean channel under the sands of
Bilmah; and moreover that the Niger rises near the Gulph of Guinea,
instead of running towards it. This rather extraordinary opinion has
met with adversaries, at which we need not be surprised, even after
having read the arguments on which the dissertation is founded. I
do not therefore think it necessary to discuss it here; neither
shall I enter into the complicated notions, upon the courses of
the central river, hazarded by the English traveller Bowdich on
very vague information; and I shall be cautious not to offer an
additional hypothesis of my own respecting this problem, still full
of obscurity. On what basis can an entire and complete system be
founded while even the names of the central regions are unknown
to us, and our researches into the physical geography of these
vast tracts are yet in their infancy; when, in short, the papers
of Major Laing, should they be recovered, may at once throw strong
light on these chasms in science?[143] It may however be affirmed,
and I think with certainty, that the rivers called Dhioliba and
Couara neither join the Egyptian Nile, nor contribute one drop to
its waters; I think besides that, if the Couara of Funda actually
is the continuation of the Dhioliba, flowing to Sego and Timbuctoo,
and falls into the Gulph of Guinea, there is nothing to hinder it
from throwing off a branch to the east, which may have its outlet
in the Yeou and the central lake: this would be the branch seen by
M. Caillié before he reached Timbuctoo, and which our traveller
followed, the other being on his right flowing east-south-east;
and there is no proof that the whole of the former rejoins the
latter. The great lake Tchad, or central sea, would then not be
the general receptacle of the Dhioliba, but only one of its outlets.




CHAPTER II.

VOCABULARIES COLLECTED BY M. CAILLIÉ.

Compared with those of Mungo Park, Bowdich, Jackson, Denham, &c.


1.

ENGLISH AND MANDINGO VOCABULARY.

N. B. These words are in use from Timé to Jenné, as well as in
the Western districts.

   NUMERALS[144]

   One,                          Kili (killin).[145]

   Two,                          Fila (foula).

   Threei                        Saba (sabba).

   Four,                         Nani (nani).

   Five,                         Loulou (loulo).

   Six,                          Ouaro (ouoro).

   Seven,                        Ouaro oula (oronglo; in
                                 Bambara, ouoloula)[146].

   Eight,                        Segui (sie; in Bambara,
                                 seguey).

   Nine,                         Kenando (konounta).

   Ten,                          Tan (tang).

   Eleven,                       Tan ni kili (tan-ning killin).

   Twelve,                       Tan ni fila.

   Thirteen,                     Tan ni saba.

   Fourteen,                     Tan ni nani.

   Fifteen,                      Tan ni loulou.

   Sixteen,                      Tan ni ouaro.

   Seventeen,                    Tan ni ouaro oula.

   Eighteen,                     Tan ni segui.

   Nineteen,                     Tan ni konando.

   Twenty,                       Mouga.

   Twenty-one,                   Mouga ni kili.

   Twenty-two,                   Mouga ni fila.

   Twenty-three,                 Mouga ni saba.

   Twenty-four,                  Mouga ni nani.

   Twenty-five,                  Mouga ni loulou.

   Twenty-six,                   Mouga ni ouaro.

   Twenty-seven,                 Mouga ni ouaro oula.

   Twenty-eight,                 Mouga ni segui.

   Twenty-nine,                  Mouga ni konando.

   Thirty,                       Bi-saba.

   Forty,                        Bi-nani _or_ débé.

   Fifty,                        Bi-loulou _or_ débé ni tan.

   Sixty,                        Bi-ouaro _or_ débé ni mouga.

   Seventy,                      Bi ouaro oula _or_ débé mouga
                                 ni tan.

   Eighty[147],                  Bi segui _or_ kemmé.

   Ninety,                       Kemmé ni tan.

   A hundred,                    Kemmé ni mouga.

   One hundred,                  Kemmé kili.

   Two hundred,                  Kemmé fila.

   Three hundred,                Kemmé saba.

   Four hundred,                 Kemmé nani.

   Five hundred,                 Kemmé loulou.

   A thousand,                   Ba kili.

   Two thousand,                 Ba fila.

   A hundred thousand,           Ba kemmé.

   A.

   All,                          Abé (bee).

   Amber,                        Doucan.

   And,                          Ni (ning).

   Ant,                          Magnan.

   Ass,                          Soféri.

   B.

   Bad,                          Adiougou, amagne (jou).

   Baked,                        Amo _or_ amoe.

   Beginning,                    Folo, folou.

   Belly,                        Kono, (kouno).

   Black,                        Fin (fing).

   Body,                         Moho _or_ Mojo.

   Break (to),                   Teguet.

   Breeches,                     Kourouci.

   Bridge,                       Salan _or_ Ceou.

   Broom,                        Sira.

   Brother,                      Dahokai (badingkea).

   Bruise,                       Sousou.

   Butter,                       Toulou.

   Butter (vegetable),           Cé toulou.

   Buy (to),                     Soro (saun).

   C.

   Carrier,                      Donita.

   Cassava,                      Balancou.

   Cat,                          Sou-horo _or_ soujou
                                 (neancou).

   Cataract,                     Souroudo.

   Chief,                        Mansa _or_ tigui.

   Child,                        Din-din (ding-ding).

   Colats (fruit),               Ourau.

   Cold,                         Nene (nino).

   Cold (a cold, having a cold), Soȷ̈o-soȷ̈o.

   Come here,                    Ana yan.

   Cotton,                       Koroni.

   Cotton thread,                Koroni-kina (ouorondi).

   Country,                      Dougou (dou).

   Country of the whites,        Forto dougou.

   Coussabe (part of the dress), Dourequi.

   Cow,                          Nici mouso (nessie mousa)

   Cow-grass (species of),       Fogni _or_ faini.

   Cowries,                      Kolo.

   Crowd _or_ support,           Adigui.

   Cultivation,                  Senekai.

   Cut (to),                     Teguet (tegi).

   D.

   Dance,                        Doukai.

   Day,                          Tele (tie-lie),

   Death,                        Faȷ̈a (asuta).

   Dispute,                      Kailai (degama).

   Dog,                          Ourou (ououla).

   Door,                         Da (da).

   Draw (to),                    Afouare.

   Drink (to),                   Mi (aniean).

   Duck,                         Toucono.

   E.

   Ear,                          Da.

   Earth,                        Dougou (banko, koungo- koulo).

   East,                         Tilibo (tie-lie-bo).

   End,                          Atto.

   Enough,                       Ateuté (keyento).

   European,                     Forto, _or_ Christian-nassara.

   Evening,                      Oula.

   Eye,                          Ya (nea, guiè).

   F.

   Far,                          Adiau (jangfata).

   Fat,                          Abo (aouarata).

   Father,                       Fa (fa).

   Fear,                         Kissi.

   Female,                       Mouso (mousa).

   Festival,                     Douno.

   Fight (to),                   Bouga (agossi).

   Fought,

   Finish,                       Lodé _or_ tadé.

   Fire,                         Ta (tassema, diemba).

   Flint,                        Caba.

   Fly,                          Simo-ho, _or_ simoȷ̈o

   Following,                    Sicin, diaun.

   Foot,                         Cé, (lee sing).

   Forest,                       Cong _or_ oula.

   Full,                         Fada.

   G.

   Girl,                         Mousa (ding-mousa).

   Give,                         So.

   Give me,                      Adiamau.

   Glass-ware, beads, &c.        Kouo.

   Go away,                      Yaoua.

   Go below,                     Tahata _or_ taȷ̈ata.

   God,                          Alla, (alla)

   Going (I am),                 Bedaoua.

   Gold,                         Sanou (sanou).

   Gourd,                        Fia.

   Grain,                        Din.

   Grass,                        Binoung (jambo).

   Gun,                          Metfa, _cannon in Arabic_.

   Gunpowder,                    Metfa moucou.

   H.

   Hair,                         Cé.

   Hand,                         Bron _or_ Brou (boutou).

   Have (I have some),           Abéfé.

   Have not (I have none),       Atéfé.

   Head,                         Cou (koung, koun).

   Heat (of the atmosphere),     Atara.

   Heat (from fire),             Akala.

   Heavy,                        Kadiougou.

   Hen,                          Cice (sousie mousa)

   Hole,                         Dâ[148] (dinka)

   Honey,                        Ly (lee).

   Horse,                        So (sou).

   Hot,                          Kala (candiata).

   House,                        Bon, bon (boung).

   How much,                     Diougue.

   Hungry (I am),                Kong abefé (konkola).

   K.

   Kidney-beans,                 Soso.

   Knife,                        Mourou (Mouro).

   Know (I)                      Akai _or_ abelo.

   Know (I do not)               Amantoyolo _or_ amanlo.

   L.

   Leap,                         Broue.

   Leaf of baobab,               Sila broue.

   Leather _or_ skin,            Boulo.

   Leather bag,                  Sourgo _or_ sassa.

   Liar,                         Kadoȷ̈o.

   Little boy,                   Dindin.

   Little girl,                  Din mouso.

   Load,                         Doni.

   Lost,                         Fry.

   M.

   Male,                         Kai (kea).

   Man,                          Kai (mo, fato).

   Market,                       Lo-ho _or_ loȷ̈o (loe).

   Master,                       Yatgui.

   Mat,                          Débé (basso).

   Me,                           Né.

   Meal,                         Moucou, _dust_.

   Meat (fresh),                 Sobo kienday (_meat_, soubou).

   Medicines,                    Baci _or_ fila.

   Merchandise,                  Naufoulo.

   Mercy,                        Barka.

   Milk,                         Nono (nounno).

   Millet (_holcus sorghum_),    Nion _or_ niou.

   Mine,                         Neta (_my_, talem).

   Minor,                        Douari.

   Month,                        ——— (korro).

   Moon,                         Caro (kalo, korro).

   More,                         Ablaro.

   Morning,                      Sojoman (somo).

   Mother,                       Na _or_ ba (ba, mba).

   Mountain,                     Kong (_hill_ konko).[149]

   Mouth,                        Da (ba, da).

   Much,                         Siéman (sitimata).

   Mutton,                       Saha _or_ saya.

   N.

   Needle,                       Méséri.

   Night,                        Soudo (soutou).

   No,                           Té or até (inta).

   North,                        —— (saheel).

   Nose,                         Nou (nou, noung).

   O.

   Oil,                          Toulou (toulou)

   Opening,                      Dâ[150].

   Overflow (of a river)         Abo.

   Ox,                           Nici.

   P.

   Padlock,                      Boro.

   Pannier,                      Seigui.

   Paper,                        Caïda (coïtou).

   Part, (let us),               Yaoua.

   Path,                         Sila.

   Pirogue, (a boat),            Ba counou,

   Pistachio nuts,               Tiga.

   Pot                           Da-ha _or_ Daja.

   Powder, dust,                 Moucou.

   Q.

   Quarrel,                      Lailai (quiata)

   Rain,                         Sangui (sangie _water from
                                 above_).

   R.

   Razor,                        Lila.

   Read (to),                    Garan (toulima).

   Rice,                         Maro.

   Rice (baked)                  Baya,

   Rich, rich person,            Nanfoula tigui.

   River,                        Bâ (ba).

   River overflowed,             Ba abo.

   Rivulet,                      Coua.

   Road,                         Sila.

   Route,                        Sila (seelo).

   S.

   Salt,                         Noyo (coo, ko).

   Sand,                         Fri (kini-kini).

   Sandals,                      Sabata (samata).

   Sangleh(food in use in        Tau.
   Senegal).

   Sauce,                        Na.

   Says (he)                     Ko.

   Scarlet,                      Morofi.

   Scissors,                     Mécécou _or_ ticera.

   Scrape (to),                  Siim.

   See (to)                      Ye (eagie).

   Seen (I have),                Akabéyé.

   Seen (I have not)             Aman Yéba.

   Sell (to),                    San.

   Sensible,                     Kadojo.

   Sew (to)                      Kara.

   Sewing thread,                Kari (bori).

   Shadow,                       Douran.

   Short,                        Doc ho (sutto).

   Sick,                         Ademi (meun kinde).

   Silver,                       Ouari (cody).

   Sister,                       Coro (ba ding mousa).

   Sit down,                     Sigui (sie).

   Skin,                         Boulo (goulo).

   Slave,                        Yug _or_ youg (joung).

   Slave (female,)               Youg mouso.

   Slave (male),                 Youg kai.

   Sleep (to),                   Sino-ho _or_ sinoȷ̈o (sinou).

   Small,                        Ado-ho _or_ dine (miessa).

   Softly,                       Doi-doi.

   Song,                         Soucou.

   Source,                       Folo (_origin_).

   South,                        —— (boulla ba).

   Speak (to),                   Coma _or_ couma (akoummo).

   Spoon,                        Kausora (dosa).

   Stones,                       Courou (bino).

   Stuff,                        Fany.

   Sun,                          Télé (tlé _or_ tie lie).

   Sweep, (come and)             Anabou sira.

   T.

   Take (to),                    Ta.

   Thief,                        Suinlikai (soun).

   Thine,                        Heta.

   Thou _or_ you,                Ilai.

   Thou art called,              Bedacrila.

   Throw,                        Fry.

   Throw (to),                   Fry (fi).

   To-day,                       Bi (bie).

   To-morrow,                    Sini (sinni).

   To-morrow (the day after),    Sim kindé.

   Tooth,                        Gui.

   Travelling (he is),           Abesilafé.

   U.

   Understand (I do not),        Amamé _or_ Atemé.

   V.

   Village,                      So.

   W.

   Walk, to walk,                Ta-ha _or_ taȷ̈a (tama).

   War (dispute),                Kailai (killi).

   Wash (to),                    Kaw (kou).

   Water,                        Gui _or_ ghi, dhy, gie[151].

   Water, (fresh,)               Gui sema.

   Wax,                          Cagnan.

   Weaver,                       Dari.

   Weight,                       Ka diougou (akouliata)

   Well,                         Ba.

   West,                         —— (tie lie gie).

   Where are you going?          Taja menez?

   Where is it?                  Menez?

   White,                        Goé (koui).

   White, (complexion),          Goé.

   White man,                    Forto (_or_ nosaro _Arabic_).

   Wind,                         Foignan (feunnio).

   Woman,                        Mouso (mousa).

   Wood,                         Lo-ho _or_ loȷ̈o[152].

   Wooden dish or bowl,          Goïng, (the _i_ pronounced
                                 hard and through the nose.)

   Writing,                      Siberi.

   Y.

   Yams,                         Cou.

   Year,                         San.

   Yes,                          Naime, (aoua, _Arabic_).

   Yesterday,                    Counou (kouna).

   Yesterday (day before).       Counaucini.

   You _or_ thou,                Ilai, (eeta, ee)[153].

   SHORT PHRASES IN MANDINGO.

   Is the country of the            Mandingua dougou a kadiau?
   Mandingoes far off?

   It is not far off.               Amadiau.

   Give me fire,                    Ata diamau.

   Give me sandals,                 Assabata diamau.

   What does he say?                Kodit?

   To kill an ox,                   Nici faya or faja.

   I will come to-morrow,           Adina cini.

   My heart aches,                  Cou ademino.

   Have you nothing to give me      Até fin diamaubi.
   to-day.

   I am going to wash some linen,   Ataȷ̈a fany kau.

   I am hungry,                     Koug abéfé.

   I am satisfied,                  Afada.

   Come with me,                    Ana néfé.

   Stay here,                       Asigui yan.

   Go and sit down in the house,    Ataȷ̈a sigui so kono[154].

   Will you come with me into the   Abégue taȷ̈a néfé Mandinga
   Mandingo country?                dougou?

   The road is bad, it is very      Sila adiougou dé, courou, gui;
   stony, and there is much water,  abefef.

   Come and eat some rice,          Ana maro doume.

   I can eat nothing now, I am not  Até fin fin doume, cuin afada.
   hungry,

   All the slaves are gone to till  Youg abé taȷ̈a sénéké.
   the ground,

   Warm the water; _ word for       Ablagui tafé.
   word_, put the water upon the
   fire,

   When it is warm you may give it  Akakala kadiaman.
   to me,

   I will wash my body,             Abégue moȷ̈o kau.

   The value of a piastre.          Lankons.

   I am fatigued,                   Aségué.

   Let us rest ourselves,           Asigui doudine.

   The dinner is upon the fire,     Tau abétafé.

   There is nothing here,           Fin fen até yan.

   Something,                       Fin fen (fouké).

   Give me some water,              A gui diaman.

   Bring me some warm water,        Ana gui kala.

   Do you speak Mandingo?           Ka Mandinga kou?

   Is that to be sold?              Adi san.

   How do you do?                   Enekiendaï?

   Very well, I thank you,          Baraba.

   Take care,                       Akaitou.

   Get out of the way,              Agoé sila.

   Come and eat some meat,          Aua sobo doume.

   Put it upon the fire,            Abla tafé boudou.

   I am going into the village,     A taja so fé.

   What do you call that?           Tiez toȷ̈o di.

   I do not know,                   Aman toȷ̈o lo[155].

   That is called ——                Atoȷ̈o ——

   It is true,                      Okai.

   It is not true,                  Até kai.

   Seek it,                         Fouré.

   It is short,                     Kadoȷ̈o.

   Blow your nose,                  Enoukai.

   It is done,                      Abinda.

   That will heal it,               Adiba.

   It is healed,                    Abinda.

   It is not dressed,               Amamoéba.

   Are you well?                    Akiendai?

   Do not cry,                      Amaukou.

   It is ready,                     Bedacé.

   It is not ready,                 Amancéba.


II.

ENGLISH AND KISSOUR VOCABULARY.

Spoken at Timbuctoo, and upon the Banks of the Dhioliba, as far
as Djenné.

* * * * *

   NUMERALS.

   One,                           Afau, (affoo, D.)[156]

   Two,                           Ainka, (nakinka, D.)

   Three,                         Aindhia, (nahinza, D.)

   Four,                          Ataki (attakee, D.)

   Five,                          Tgou, norgou (aggoo D.)

   Six,                           Tgou (iddoo, D.)

   Seven,                         Yé (ea, D.)

   Eight,                         Ya-a (yaha, D.)

   Nine,                          Yaga (yagga, D.)

   Ten,                           Oué, noroué (auwy, D.)

   Eleven,                        Oué kindi fau (auwy kind ofoo,
                                  D.)

   Twelve,                        Oué kindi inka (—— linka, D.)

   Thirteen,                      Oué kindi indice (—— linza, D.)

   Fourteen.                      Oué kindi taki (—— takee, D.)

   Fifteen,                       Oué kindi igou (—— aggoo, D.)

   Sixteen,                       Oué kindi idou, (—— iddoo, D.)

   Seventeen,                     Oué kindi yé (—— ea D.)

   Eighteen,                      Oué kindi ya-a (—— yaha, D.)

   Nineteen,                      Oué kidda yaga, (—— yagga, D.)

   Twenty,                        Ouaranca-fossi _or_ tobee
                                  (warunka, D.)

   Thirty,                        Ouarandia (warunza, D.)

   Forty,                         Oué taki (woytakkee, D.)

   Fifty,                         Oué gou (way oggoo, D.)

   Sixty,                         Oué dou.

   Seventy,                       Oué yé.

   Eighty,                        Oué ya-a.

   Ninety,                        Oué yaga.

   A hundred,                     Yangoufou.

   A thousand,                    Yangoué.

   A.

   Amber,                         Saca.

   And,                           Kindi (kind, D.)

   Ass,                           Forka (furka, D., chaïd).

   B.

   Bad,                           Fante (affootoo, D.; ferri).

   Beard,                         Kabi (kabi, D; heti).

   Breeches,                      Sibi, (seeby, D.)

   Bring (to),                    Kati (kata, D.)

   Butter,                        Gui.

   Buy (to),                      Daye.

   C.

   Camel,                         Vio (Yeo, D.; _so_, B.[157]);
                                  elgimmo.

   City,                          Koyera (agherri)

   Come,                          Ka (kaa, D.; ka).

   Coussabe,                      Darbi.

   Cowries,[158]                  Kolo.

   D.

   Dates,                         Garbi.

   Drink (to),                    Nine (ushti)

   E.

   Earth,                         Ganda (gunda, D.)

   Eat (to),                      Lem-lem[159] (ngha, D.)

   Evening,                       Kiki (keegee, D., _night_).

   Eye,                           Nemodé (_eye_: aiti, D. _the
                                  eyes_: Moh-inka, D., aiti)

   F.

   Fire,                          Nonnez (jarrec, D.; ofi).

   Fish,                          Harihau.

   Foot,                          Nakidi (kay, D.; odthi).

   Full,                          Acongo.

   G.

   Give,                          Néau.

   Glass-ware, beads, &c.,        Hiri.

   Go (to),                       Koyé (koey, D.)

   God,                           Yalloye (Allah).

   Gold,                          Hora (oora, D.; agreef; do­di).

   Good,                          Agouman (aboree, D.)

   Gourd,                         Tio.

   Grass,                         Sobo.

   H.

   Hand,                          Lamba (kambah, D.; akood[160]).

   Handsome,                      Koro, tienta(belle).

   Head,                          Homo (bongo, D.; agodi).

   Heaven,                        Bini (engi).

   Hen,                           Grougo.

   Honey,                         Yiho.

   Horse,                         Bari (barree, D; aïs).

   House,                         Ho (hoo, D, dah, B; bactoo.

   How much,                      Morgue.

   K.

   King,                          Tigini.

   Knife,                         Simi (hoorie, D).

   L.

   Little,                        Kini-kini.

   Look (to),                     Emagouno.

   M.

   Man,                           Harre (harree, D; _jungo_,
                                  abinda, B).

   Meat,                          Ham (hum, D; taasoo).

   Merchandise,                   Almane.

   Milk,                          Oi (wah, D; alebsi).

   Millet,                        Haine.

   Moon,                          Idou (hitte).

   Morning,                       Soubah (_Arabic_),

   Mortar,                        Popo tondi.

   Mouth,                         Mi (mey, D; fetti).

   Much,                          Abeau.

   Mutton,                        Firgui (fagee, D; taili).

   N.

   Nose,                          Nini (hoshti[161]).

   Not,                           Aci.

   O.

   Ox,                            Haou (hou, D).

   P.

   Pagne (a piece of cotton       Thiugo.
   cloth worn over the dress).

   Pestle,                        Tendi.

   Pirogue,                       Heï.

   Pot,                           Cousso.

   R.

   Rain,                          Bana.

   Rice,                          Mau.

   Rich,                          Almankoye.

   Rise,                          Teune.

   River,                         Hissa (issa, D; bori).

   S.

   Sabre,                         Takeba.

   Salt,                          Kiri.

   Sangleh, (see the Mandingo     Tasso.
   vocabulary),

   Sell (to),                     Nira.

   See (to),                      Emagouno.

   Shadow,                        Sa sa.

   Shoe,                          Tamo[162] (tarno, D).

   Silver,                        —— (n’surfa, D).

   Sit down,                      Gro.

   Slave,                         Banïa.

   Slave (female),                Coumou (kongo, D).

   Slave (male),                  —— (Bunneea, D).

   Sleep (to),                    Kani (anti).

   Small,                         Kini-kini (katch).

   Snuff box,                     Bata.

   Stone,                         Toudi.

   Sun,                           Ouena (offitti, D).

   T.

   Tobacco,                       Sira.

   To-day,                        Hau.

   W.

   Water,                         Hari, (bary, D; _boca_) ami B.

   Well,                          Bangou (bungo, D).

   Wind,                          Héou.

   Woman,                         Honi (weey, D, _jumpsa_,
                                  afintoo, B.)

   Wood,                          Toucouri (togoolee, D; es­heri).

   SHORT PHRASES IN THE KISSOUR LANGUAGE.

   How do you do?                 Ouandagare?

   I am well,                     Delanfia.

   What is your name?             Makin néure?

   What is this?                  Makin-makin?

   What do you wish?              Neouri makin?

   I wish nothing,                Eno ouri méné yaya.

   Go away, run,                  Koyé.

   Open the door,                 Fère.

   Who is there?                  Main nono?

   Kindle some fire,              Dem nounez.

   Bring some water,              Kati hari.

   There is none there.           Acibara.

   There is some there,           Abara.

   I am not satisfied,            Aci congo.

   Go fetch _or_ bring some fire, Koyé hati nounez.

   Go to bed,                     Gro.

   Go to bed, and to sleep,       Grokani.

   How do you do this morning?    Ene soubah? (_Arabic_.)

   I am well,                     A lanfia sidi.

   I will,                        Abegué.



OBSERVATIONS ON THE MANDINGO AND THE KISSOUR.

* * * * *

Note.1.—_Upon the Mandingo._

It appears that the syllable _fé_ is the sign of the preposition
_upon_, _in_, or _with_, and that this preposition follows the
substantive; examples _tafé_, on the fire; _nefé_, with me;
_sofé_, in the village; _silafé_, on the road, &c.

Negation is expressed by _até_ or _té_; yet there are many words
of a negative sense, preceded only by _a_ or _am_.

The syllable _ka_ seems to be used for the purpose of expressing
_to be_, whether positively or interrogatively.

The word _will_ or _to will_ is not in the vocabulary; but the
phrases present an example of the use of the word _abegue_ in
this sense. Besides, the vocabulary of Timbuctoo gives _abegue_
for I will.

The relatives _who_, _which_, _what_, are neither indicated in
the vocabulary nor in the phrases; but _tiez_ stands for _what_,
in the phrase, _what do you call that?_

I have added the word _name_, which was not in the vocabulary, from
the three phrases, _tiez tokhodi_, _aman tokholo_, _atokho_. .  . .

Note 2.—_On the Kissour._

It appears, by several short phrases in Kissour, that the word
_makin_ corresponds with the relative _who_, or _what_; _neare_
with the word _name_; _ouri_ or _neouri_, with to _desire_. I have
inserted in the vocabulary some other words furnished by the phrases.

The vocabulary of Major Denham is composed of sixty-seven words,
without the numbers; M. Caillié’s of ninety. Forty words only
are common to both; but the two correspond almost throughout;
it is the same with the numerals: this fact is remarkable. On the
contrary, as I have said, the words of Adams, Bowdich and Lyon,
differ entirely from those of M. Caillié.




CHAPTER III.

M. CAILLIÉ’S ITINERARY.

* * * * *

FROM KAKONDY TO TANGIER BY TIMBUCTOO

PART THE FIRST; FROM KAKONDY TO TIMÉ

  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |DATES  |DIRECTION|Number   |NAMES OF PLACES.|OBSERVATIONS.       |
  |       |of the   |of miles |                |                    |
  |       |route    |travelled|                |                    |
  |       |according|[163]    |                |                    |
  |       |to the   |         |                |                    |
  |       |magnetic |         |                |                    |
  |       |north.   |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |1827.  |         |         |KAKONDY         |Departed from       |
  |19     |         |         |                |Kakondy at 9 A.     |
  |April  |         |         |                |M. with a small     |
  |       |         |         |                |caravan of eighteen |
  |       |         |         |                |persons (one being  |
  |       |         |         |                |a woman) all on     |
  |       |         |         |                |foot and laden.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ S.  |12       |                |Halt about 1        |
  |       |E.       |         |                |o’clock.            |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |then E.  |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |7        |                |Halt and rest for   |
  |       |         |         |                |the night.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |E. S. E. |1        |                |Set off at 5 A. M.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ N.  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |1        |Tankilita       |Halt at 11 o’clock. |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1½       |Near Oreous     |Set out at 2        |
  |       |         |         |                |o’clock.            |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |                |Halt at sun-set.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |½        |Near            |                    |
  |       |         |         |Sancoubadialé   |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |Halt at 10 o’clock. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |Set out at noon.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. ¼ S.  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2¼       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |¾        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1½       |Daourkiouar.    |Halt at 3 o’clock.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |E. S. E. |½        |                |Set out at 6 A. M.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |Perceived Lumbar,   |
  |       |         |         |                |at a short distance |
  |       |         |         |                |to the right.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ S.  |½        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |¼        |Daourkiouarat.  |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |¾        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |¾        |                |Halt at 11 o’clock; |
  |       |         |         |                |set out at half     |
  |       |         |         |                |past twelve.        |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |¾        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ S.  |½        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |Coussotami.     |At 5 P. M.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |Mountains from 5 to |
  |       |         |         |                |600 feet in height. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |Halt; arrived at    |
  |       |         |         |                |the summit of the   |
  |       |         |         |                |mountain.           |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |Passed near     |                    |
  |       |         |         |Dougué.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |E. N. E. |1        |Mirayé          |1 mile from Dougué  |
  |       |         |         |                |S. E.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |1½       |Dongol.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |“        |“        |L-Antegué.      |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |S. E.    |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |and E.   |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Pandeya.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |Volcanic stones.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |                |Climbed a mountain  |
  |       |         |         |                |from 5 to 600 feet  |
  |       |         |         |                |in height called    |
  |       |         |         |                |Touma, separating   |
  |       |         |         |                |the country of      |
  |       |         |         |                |Irnanka from        |
  |       |         |         |                |Fouta-Dhialon.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |Courgin.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Comi-Sourignan. |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |30     |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |Teleouel.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |The road to Labé,   |
  |       |         |         |                |which is two days’  |
  |       |         |         |                |march to the N. E.  |
  |       |         |         |                |¼ E.                |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2½       |Bouma-Filasso.  |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Marca.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1½       |Gueré-Temilé.   |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1 May. |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |Bourouel.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.,      |2        |                |                    |
  |       |S.S.E.,  |         |                |                    |
  |       |and S. E.|         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |3        |Popoco.         |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |“        |“        |                |Two miles N. E.     |
  |       |         |         |                |from Popoco, is     |
  |       |         |         |                |Tieleri.            |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1½       |Gotébourel.     |One mile south of   |
  |       |         |         |                |the road.           |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |4        |Dité            |Two days to the S.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E. ¼ S. of Dité is  |
  |       |         |         |                |the town of Timbo.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |S. S. E. |1        |Foucouba.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |Digui.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |Courou.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2½       |Bady.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1½       |Doudé.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |E. S. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Couraco.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |Coulinco.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |½        |Cagnola.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |3        |Bafila.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |Near the        |The Ba-fing is      |
  |       |         |         |Ba-fing.        |the source of the   |
  |       |         |         |                |Senegal.            |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |Langoué.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |4½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |Foudédia.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |E. S. E. |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Dimayara.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Fela.           |A Mandingo town.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2½       |Foramanca.      |A little to the     |
  |       |         |         |                |left of the road.   |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |5        |Sanguessa.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |S. E.    |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Cambaya.        |Plain of            |
  |       |         |         |                |Kankan-Fodea.       |
  |       |         |         |                |Here the caravan    |
  |       |         |         |                |divides. Stay.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |30     |E.       |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |31     |“        |“        |Bagaraya.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1 June.|S. E.    |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Socodatakha.    |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |10       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |10       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |9        |Saraya.         |The first village   |
  |       |         |         |                |of the Baleya.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Forimanlaya     |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |Sancougnan.     |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |E. and   |1        |                |                    |
  |       |S.E.     |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Corouman-Cambaya|Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |E.       |3        |Siralea.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |9        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |3        |Bacocouda.      |This village is the |
  |       |         |         |                |last of the Baleya. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |S. E.    |14       |Couroussa.      |A village of the    |
  |       |         |         |                |country of Amana,   |
  |       |         |         |                |on the Dhioliba.    |
  |       |         |         |                |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |6        |Sembarala.      |On the river        |
  |       |         |         |                |Dhioliba.           |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |“        |Kunancodo.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |                |Passed near the     |
  |       |         |         |                |river.              |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |½        |Fessadougou.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |S. E.    |4        |Farancou-Mabata.|                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |S. S. E. |9        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |S. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |7        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |2½       |KAN-KAN         |Residence of a      |
  |       |         |         |                |month.              |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |July.  |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |Departure.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |12       |                |Night march, one    |
  |       |         |         |                |hour.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |E.       |24       |Dié.            |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |6        |Diécoura.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |E. S. E. |2        |Kimba.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |S.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |10       |Morocé.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |9        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |3        |Codiba.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |E.       |2        |Sigala.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |S. E.    |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |Siladougou.     |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |E. S. E. |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |3        |Banancodo.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |Youmousso.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |4        |Manegnan.       |A village of the    |
  |       |         |         |                |Folou.              |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E. ¼  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. ¼ S.  |4        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |2        |Nougouda.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |March rather forced.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |“        |Tangouroman.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |S. S. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |Sambatikila.    |Stay of five days.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |E. S. E. |2        |Cagnanso        |Departure—Village   |
  |August.|         |         |                |of the Bambaras.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |4        |Coro.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |6        |Tinicoro.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |S.       |4        |Yangofiré.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |1        |Brokhosso.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |3        |Timé.           |Residence of five   |
  |       |         |         |                |months.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+


SECOND PART.  FROM TIMÉ TO TIMBUCTOO.

  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |DATES  |DIRECTION|Number   |NAMES OF PLACES.|OBSERVATIONS.       |
  |       |of the   |of miles |                |                    |
  |       |route    |travelled|                |                    |
  |       |according|         |                |                    |
  |       |to the   |         |                |                    |
  |       |magnetic |         |                |                    |
  |       |north.   |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |1828.  |S. S. E. |2        |                |Departure from Timé.|
  |9      |         |         |                |                    |
  |January|         |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |3        |Dsagoé.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |S. E.    |3        |Kienba.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |2        |Zangoériré.     |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |Dioumiegué      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |E.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Sinisso.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |N. E.    |4        |Salasso.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |2        |Loubakho.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |N. E.    |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |5        |Cacorou.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |E.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |5        |Tisso-Soman.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |6        |Sananso.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ N.  |4        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Dhio.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |Niourot.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |6        |Talé.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |N. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |Borando.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |Syenso.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |6        |Tangrera.       |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |3        |Fara.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |N. W.    |9        |Bangoro.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |N. W.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |2        |Debena.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |Tiara.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |½        |Douasso.        |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |N. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Siracana.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |E. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |1        |Sounibara.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Fara.           |The Bagoé, a river  |
  |       |         |         |                |running to the W.   |
  |       |         |         |                |S. W.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |N. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |2        |Courounina.     |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |Missabougou.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |3        |Badiarana.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N.       |1        |Timbala.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |30     |N. ¼ N.  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |8        |Touriat.        |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |31     |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |1        |Magna, or       |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |         |Magnan-Gnounan. |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |“        |Khoukhola.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1      |N. ¼ N.  |1        |                |                    |
  |Febry. |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |3        |Kiébala         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |3        |Serasso.        |The river Coua.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |E.       |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2        |                |The journal says E  |
  |       |         |         |                |N. E.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |2        |Mouriosso.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |¼        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3¼       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |N. E. ¼  |1        |Oulasso.        |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Faciberisso.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |E. S. E. |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |2½       |Toumané.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |E.       |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |2        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |1        |Golasso.        |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |E. ¼ N.  |3        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |3        |Chesso.         |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |N. E. ¼  |3        |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |1        |Pala.           |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |N. E.    |4        |Macono.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |N. ¼ N.  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |3        |Couara.         |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |E. N. E. |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1½       |Douasso.        |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |“        |“        |                |The river Couaraba. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |N.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |2        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |1½       |Sanasso.        |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |N. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |2        |Garo.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |N.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |4        |Nibakhasso.     |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N. ¼ N.  |3        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |1        |Ouattouro.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N.       |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |4        |Saraclé.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |Bamba.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N. E.    |1½       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |1        |Sanso.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N. E. ¼  |2½       |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |3        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |½        |Saga.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |N. E. ¼  |½        |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |Coloni.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |S. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |5        |Bancousso.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |Gniapé.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |E. S. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |Couriban-Sanso. |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |E. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |4        |Kimpana.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |N. E.    |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |N. N. E. |2        |Carabara.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |1        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |N. N. W. |4        |Nenesso.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |2        |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |2        |Nomou.          |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N. E. ¼  |2        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |Tamero.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1      |N. ¼ N.  |½        |                |                    |
  |March. |W.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |5        |Syenso.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |N. N. E. |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. E.    |½        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |6        |Somou.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |N. E.    |1        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |4        |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |7        |Kinina.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |N. N. E. |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |5        |Kirina.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |E. ¼ N.  |½        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |Fodouca.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |N. E. ¼  |9        |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |1        |Medina.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |N. E.    |8        |Counignan.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |9        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |6        |Toumadioman.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |5        |Manianan.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |N.       |3        |Tomga.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |N.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |3        |Galia, or       |                    |
  |       |         |         |Cougalia.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |W. N. W. |6        |                |Cross a ford.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |4        |DJENNÉ          |Residence of        |
  |       |         |         |                |thirteen days.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |Towards  |“        |A great arm of  |Departure.          |
  |       |the E.   |         |the Dhioliba    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |3        |Galia, or       |                    |
  |       |         |         |Cougalia.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. E. |7        |Kera.[164]      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |12       |                |The true N.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |“        |6        |Soufara.        |4 miles true N. E.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |7        |Cabia.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |Taco.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Couma           |2 miles true N.     |
  |       |         |         |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |N.       |5        |Tagnetya.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |10       |Sankhaguibila.  |8 miles true N.     |
  |       |         |         |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |N.       |6        |                |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |20       |Diébé           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |Isaca.          |True north. Halt.   |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |N.       |6        |                |Set out at 4 A. M.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N.       |12       |                |True north.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |Ouanda-Cora.    |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Ouanza.         |4 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |30     |N.       |10       |                |True north.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |Sansan.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |9        |                |True N. E.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |31     |N.       |2        |Coro-Coïla      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |Cobi.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |Cona.           |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |                |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1      |N.       |8        |                |                    |
  |April. |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |1        |Toï.            |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |N.       |22       |                |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |14       |Lake Debo.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |Gabibi.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W. N. W. |10       |Didhiover.      |True W. N. W.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |N.       |14       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |N. and W.|4        |                |Moujo half way.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |1        |Co.             |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |9        |Do.             |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |4        |Sa.             |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |N. W.    |10       |Baraconga.      |                    |
  |       |and N. E.|         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |Tantala.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |10       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |Couma.          |True N. E.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |E.       |20       |Lelel.          |2 miles true E.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |3        |Garfola.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |5        |Dobou.          |2 miles true E.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |N. E.    |2        |Filinsa.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |1        |Baracondié      |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |W.       |12       |Tircy           |2 miles true W. Two |
  |       |         |         |                |days stay.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |N. W.    |2        |Talbocaïla.     |Set out at 6 A. M.  |
  |       |and E.   |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W. and E.|4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |2 miles true N.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |E. and S.|6        |                |2 miles true E. and |
  |       |         |         |                |S.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |2        |Salacoïla.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |12       |                |8 miles true N. E.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |E.       |10       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |6        |                |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |N. and   |4        |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |10       |Diré.           |On the left bank of |
  |       |         |         |                |the river.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |8        |                |4 miles true E.     |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |E.       |5        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |14       |Khokhoula.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |8        |Cora.           |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N. E.    |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E.       |8        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Camp of the     |True N. On the left |
  |       |         |         |Touariks.       |bank of the river.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N.       |4 to 5   |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. then  |8        |Coratou.        |2 miles true N.     |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |True N.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |N. E.    |4        |                |2 miles true N. E.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |True N. E. Halt.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N. E.    |2        |                |A considerable      |
  |       |         |         |                |marigot on the left |
  |       |         |         |                |bank of the river.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |Camp of the     |                    |
  |       |         |         |Chief of the    |                    |
  |       |         |         |Touariks.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |2        |                |Opposite the        |
  |       |         |         |                |island. Halt.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ N.  |2        |                |The river divides   |
  |       |E.       |         |                |into two branches,  |
  |       |         |         |                |which make an angle |
  |       |         |         |                |of about 80 degrees.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. ¼ N.  |6        |Port of Cabra.  |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |“        |4        |Cabra.          |Three miles to the  |
  |       |         |         |                |north of the port.  |
  |       |         |         |                |It takes two hours  |
  |       |         |         |                |to go this distance.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N.       |5        |TIMBUCTOO       |Residence of        |
  |       |         |         |                |fourteen days.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+


THIRD PART.  FROM TIMBUCTOO TO TANGIER.

  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |DATES  |DIRECTION|Number   |NAMES OF PLACES.|OBSERVATIONS.       |
  |       |of the   |of miles |                |                    |
  |       |route    |travelled|                |                    |
  |       |according|         |                |                    |
  |       |to the   |         |                |                    |
  |       |magnetic |         |                |                    |
  |       |north.   |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+
  |4 May. |N.       |18       |                |Set out at half     |
  |       |         |         |                |past 8 A. M. with   |
  |       |         |         |                |a caravan of from   |
  |       |         |         |                |7 to 800 camels,    |
  |       |         |         |                |each bearing a load |
  |       |         |         |                |of from 4 to 500    |
  |       |         |         |                |pounds weight.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |N.       |20       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |N.       |14       |                |4 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |N.       |24       |                |14 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |16       |                |14 miles true N. N. |
  |       |         |         |                |W.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |N. N. W. |8        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |N.       |27       |                |23 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |5        |L-A’raouan.     |True north.         |
  |       |         |         |                |Residence of 9 days.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N. E.    |3        |                |Set out at ½ past   |
  |       |         |         |                |7 A. M. Caravan of  |
  |       |         |         |                |1,400 camels, each  |
  |       |         |         |                |bearing a load of   |
  |       |         |         |                |500 pounds, and     |
  |       |         |         |                |composed of 250     |
  |       |         |         |                |men on foot. The    |
  |       |         |         |                |drivers of the      |
  |       |         |         |                |camels relieve each |
  |       |         |         |                |other every 2 or 3  |
  |       |         |         |                |hours.              |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |17       |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N.       |11       |                |2 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |N.       |26       |                |18 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |N.       |32       |                |24 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |N.       |34       |                |24 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |N.       |33       |                |24 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |N.       |34       |                |24 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |12       |                |8 miles true north, |
  |       |         |         |                |and 3 east.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |E.       |20       |Telig.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |N. W.    |24       |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |N. W.    |9        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N.       |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |30     |N. W.    |26       |                |16 miles true N. W. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |31     |N. W.    |20       |Cramès.         |8 miles true N. W.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |1 June.|N.       |18       |Trasah.         |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |“        |“        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |N. W.    |13       |                |Set out at 5 A. M.  |
  |       |         |         |                |2 miles true N. W.  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |N. N. W. |18       |                |8 miles true N. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |W.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |N.       |18       |Amoul-Gragim.   |6 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |“        |“        |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |N. N. E. |15       |                |4 miles true N. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |N.       |16       |                |4 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |N.       |20       |Amoul-Taf.      |10 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |N.       |10       |                |4 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |N.       |12       |                |4 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |N.       |16       |L-Ekseif.       |8 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |“        |“        |                |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |N.       |8        |                |2 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |N.       |24       |                |14 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N.       |33       |                |25 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N.       |16       |Marabouty       |8 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |N. N. E. |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N.       |22       |                |10 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N.       |18       |                |10 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |N.       |18       |El-Guedea.      |12 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |N.       |10       |                |2 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |N.       |22       |                |16 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |6        |                |True N. N. W.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |24     |N. N. W. |28       |                |18 miles true N. N. |
  |       |         |         |                |W.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |25     |N.       |16       |                |True north. Halt.   |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Mayara.         |True north. Halt.   |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |26     |N. ¼ N.  |20       |                |10 miles true       |
  |       |E.       |         |                |north, ¼ N. E.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |27     |N. ¼ N.  |22       |Sibicia.        |16 miles true       |
  |       |E.       |         |                |north, ¼ N. E.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |28     |N.       |24       |                |16 miles true north.|
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. W.    |6        |                |True N. W.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N. N. E. |10       |                |True N. N. E.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |6        |El-Harib.       |Residence of 13     |
  |       |W.       |         |                |days.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |E.       |18       |                |2 miles true east.  |
  |July.  |         |         |                |Set out at 5 A.     |
  |       |         |         |                |M. The caravan of   |
  |       |         |         |                |Tafilet divides:    |
  |       |         |         |                |some go to the      |
  |       |         |         |                |Drah, some to       |
  |       |         |         |                |Soueyrah, and       |
  |       |         |         |                |others to Touat.    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |13     |E. ¼ N.  |20       |El-Hamid.       |8 miles true E. ¼   |
  |       |E.       |         |                |N. E. Halt. The     |
  |       |         |         |                |Drah.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |E. N. E. |10       |Bounou.         |6 miles true E. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |E. N. E. |8        |Mimcina.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |E. N. E. |16       |Yeneguedel.     |6 miles true E. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N. N. E. |10       |                |6 miles true N. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Faratissa.      |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N.       |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |N. ¼ N.  |12       |Bohayara.       |6 miles true north, |
  |       |E.       |         |                |¼ N. E.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |19     |N. N. E. |12       |Goud-Zenaga.    |4 miles true N. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |20     |N. ¼ N.  |14       |Zenatyia.       |4 miles true north, |
  |       |E.       |         |                |¼ N. E.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |21     |N. N. E. |12       |Chanerou.       |4 miles true N. N.  |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |22     |N. N. E. |18       |Nyela.          |10 miles true N. N. |
  |       |         |         |                |E.                  |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |23     |N. N. E. |2        |                |True N. N. E.       |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E.    |4        |                |True N. E.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. E. ¼  |6        |Ghourland.      |Province of         |
  |       |E.       |         |                |Tafilet. Residence  |
  |       |         |         |                |of 6 days.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |29     |N.       |3        |Boheim.         |Departure from      |
  |       |         |         |                |Ghourland.          |
  |       |         |         |                |Residence of 4 days |
  |       |         |         |                |at Boheim.          |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2      |N. N. W. |3        |Afilé.          |Set out at half     |
  |August.|         |         |                |past 4 P. M. 1      |
  |       |         |         |                |mile true north.    |
  |       |         |         |                |Another caravan of  |
  |       |         |         |                |200 mules, nearly   |
  |       |         |         |                |as heavily laden    |
  |       |         |         |                |as the camels. The  |
  |       |         |         |                |pace of the mules   |
  |       |         |         |                |is considered equal |
  |       |         |         |                |to that of the      |
  |       |         |         |                |camels.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |3      |N. ¼ N.  |9        |Tanneyara.      |1 mile true north,  |
  |       |E.       |         |                |¼ N. E.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |6        |Marca.          |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |4      |N. N. W. |18       |M-Dayara.       |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |5      |N. W. ¼  |6        |Rahaba.         |                    |
  |       |N.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |6      |N.       |6        |L-Eyarac.       |2 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |10       |Tamaroc.        |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |8        |Kars.           |2 miles true north, |
  |       |         |         |                |3 miles west to     |
  |       |         |         |                |Kars.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |W. then  |16       |N-Zeland.       |4 miles true west.  |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |         |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |8      |N.       |10       |                |6 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W.       |2        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. ¼ N.  |10       |L-Eksebi.       |                    |
  |       |E.       |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |9      |N.       |4        |                |2 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W. N. W. |17       |L-Guim.         |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |10     |N. ¼ N.  |4        |                |2 miles true north  |
  |       |W.       |         |                |¼ N. W.             |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. N. W. |10       |Guigo.          |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |11     |N.       |22       |Soforo.         |6 miles true north. |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |12     |N. ¼ N.  |14       |FEZ, or EL-FEZ. |2 miles true north, |
  |       |W.       |         |                |¼ N. W. Stay of one |
  |       |         |         |                |day.                |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |14     |W. N. W. |20       |Mequinaz.       |Set out from Fez    |
  |       |         |         |                |at 7 A. M. riding   |
  |       |         |         |                |an ass and with a   |
  |       |         |         |                |guide. The march is |
  |       |         |         |                |estimated at two    |
  |       |         |         |                |miles an hour.      |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |15     |“        |“        |                |Stay.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |16     |N. and   |2        |                |Set out at 6 A. M.  |
  |       |N. W.    |         |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |10       |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. W.    |3        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N.       |4        |Camp.           |True north.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |17     |N.       |6        |                |True north.         |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. W.    |6        |                |3 miles true N. W.  |
  |       |         |         |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. W.    |4        |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |N. W.    |6        |                |                    |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |W. S. W. |5        |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |18     |S. W.    |10       |                |6 miles true S. W.  |
  |       |         |         |                |Halt.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |       |S. W.    |7        |Arbate, or      |Residence of 15     |
  |       |         |         |Rabat.          |days.               |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |2 Sept.|“        |“        |                |Departure for       |
  |       |         |         |                |Tangier with a      |
  |       |         |         |                |guide and an ass.   |
  |       |         |         |                |Passed through      |
  |       |         |         |                |Larache.            |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  |7      |“        |“        |TANGIER         |Arrived at          |
  |       |         |         |                |night-fall, after   |
  |       |         |         |                |five days journey   |
  |       |         |         |                |on the sea shore.   |
  |       |         |         |                |                    |
  +-------+---------+---------+----------------+--------------------+




CHAPTER IV.

* * * * *

EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES,

Followed by Notes on the Fragments of Plants brought over by M.
Caillié, on some natural productions of the countries he has
traversed, and on several points of geography.

* * * * *

  Pl. I. Portrait of the Traveller.

  Pl. II. A woman of Timbuctoo.

  Pl.III. M. Caillié meditating upon the Koran and taking his
  notes.

  Pl. IV. Plan of the great mosque of Timbuctoo, and a view
  of it taken from the E. N. E.[165]

      Fig. 1.Plan of the mosque on a scale of a thou­sandth.

        _a._Niche or recess for the ceremonies of reli­gious
          worship; it is formed in a very ancient wall. See pl. V.
          fig. 1.

        _b._The great tower.

        _c._Niche, having the same destination as that marked _a_.

        _d._Turrets.

        _e, e, e._Buttresses.

        _f._Principal door of the mosque.

        _g, g, g._Small doors of the mosque.

        _h, h._Limit of the examined parts.

        _i, i, i._Pillars decorated with a particular kind of
          ornament. See pl. V. fig. 2.

        _k, k._Interior façade, with an ornament _en chevron_,
          represented in pl. V. fig. 3.

        _l._Very ancient part of the mosque; the arcades supported
          by these pillars are smaller than the new arcades on the
          east.

        _m._Traces of the ancient inclosure.

      Fig. 2.View of the mosque taken from the E. N. E., on a
        double scale.

  Pl. V. 1, 2, 3. _Details of the great mosque of Timbuctoo_.

        4, 5._Plan and front of the house of Sidi-Abdallah-Chebir,
          in which M. Caillié re­sided_.

      Fig. 1. A wall forming part of the ancient mosque. See the
        point _a_, pl. IV. fig. 1.

      Fig. 2.Interior decorations, attached to the pillars. See
        the points _i, i, i_, pl. IV.

      Fig. 3.Ornament of the wall. See points _k, k_, pl. IV.

      Fig. 4.Plan of Sidi-Abdallah-Chebir’s house.

        _a._Principal entrance.

        _b._Situation of the staircase.

        _c, c, c._Warehouses.

        _d._First court.

        _e._Second court.

        _f._Stables.

        _g._Kitchen of the slaves.

        _h._Lodging of the slaves.

        _i._Privies.

      Fig. 5.The front elevation of the house. Over the door is a
        chamber, the window of which is closed by a wooden lattice,
        as in the towns of the Levant; and above are some earthen
        vessels for the use of the pigeons. Upon the wall are seen
        small gutters of earthenware, to carry off the water.

  Pl. VI. View of part of the town of Timbuctoo, taken from
  the summit of a hill to the E. N. E.

        1.The great mosque, or western mosque.

        2.East, or east north east mosque.

        3.Third mosque.

        4.House of Osman, the chief who governs at Timbuctoo.

        5.House of Sidi-Abdallah-Chebir.

        6.The market.

        7.Caravan coming from the Tafilet.

  Pl. VII. Itinerary map, and general map of the travels.

        The scale of the first map is of one to a million; that of
        the other is one-eight millionth, or the eighth part of
        the former. It is to be regretted that these scales could
        not be enlarged, and that, consequently the details of
        the routes could not be more clearly laid down. The first
        chapter of the supplement will spare me the necessity of
        explaining this plate more at length.


PLANTS.

In addition to the explanation of the engravings, I will say a
few words respecting several fragments of plants collected in the
environs of Kakondy (Rio-Nuñez), which botanists have considered
either too ill-preserved or too incomplete for engraving. M.
Caillié made sketches of some which appeared equally unfit to be
committed to the graver.

1. _Native name_. SAULÉ-KÉMÉ. The blossom has ten stamina, two
of them large and of a deep yellow, and three smaller supported
by a very fine and twisted fibre; the flower deserves attention
for its beauty; it appears fit to adorn a garden; it emits a sweet
and agreeable odour; its colour is a light yellow; the pistil is
green. The shrub which produces it, grows on a bush to the height
of eight or ten feet. It has not been seen in fruit.

The sketch traced by M. Caillié, and the little sample which he
gathered, shew the nature of the foliage; it is of the leguminous
kind: the leaves are oval, rounded; the flower in bunches, the
pedicle furnished with stipulæ, the anthers bifid, the style long
and filiform.

According to the learned M. Kunth, who has obligingly examined
this and the two following specimens, this plant is no other than
acassi a _Cassia fistula_, of a species of which, it is well known,
there are very lofty trees.

2. _Name unknown_. The newly opened blossom is white; it turns
afterwards yellow: the perfume it exhales is extremely agreeable.
The shrub is nine or ten feet high; I at first took this flower
for that of an American gourd. (_M. Caillié’s notes._)

The leaf is lanceolated and pointed; the corolla is large,
monopetalous, funnel-shaped, with a long tube, having seven great
divisions, oval and very deep; the calyx appears to have eight
divisions; the fruit is ovoid; the stalk is furnished with long
blunt thorns. This plant appears to belong to the _rubia_ family.

M. Kunth considers it as a species resembling the _gardenia
thunbergia_, but differing in having rough and smaller leaves.

3. _Name unknown_.—The blossoms and leaves are hairy; the petals
blue; the plant is herbaceous. It is with its root that the Landamas
make the purgative drink which they call _jinjindhi_; this root
resembles the small cassava. (_M. Caillié’s notes._)

The fruit and stalk are also hairy. The leaves are pointed oval, of a
beautiful green, marked with four longitudinal borders, and covered
on one side with flat short and very glossy hairs. The flowers have
five petals, the form of which is oval and pointed; the hairs of the
calyx are long. This plant belongs to the _melastomæa_. This genus
is known to be very numerous in America; but it had not previously
been found in Africa.

M. Kunth considers it as a species of _rhexia_, differing from those
of Africa, published by M. de Beauvoir; but it is too incomplete
to admit of its species being determined.


MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.

A. _Hibiscus_.—In the environs of Djenné, the traveller saw an
_hibiscus_, of which cords are made as with hemp; these cords serve
for the construction of the canoes. At the Senegal there is also an
_hibiscus_ fit for this operation. It was found, I believe, on the
banks of the Gambia, where it is known by the name of _hibiscus
cannabinus_. In the construction of canoes, two trunks of trees
are united and firmly bound together with the cords in question.

B. _Cotton plant_.—M. Caillié observed, on the road from Djenné,
a species of cotton plant which he believes to be annual. This
statement has been doubted: yet in Egypt there is also an herbaceous
cotton-plant, and there is no reason against the admission of
the fact.

C. _The Bombax_ is a tree known in Senegambia; its fruit produces
a very fine and glossy silk, capable of being manufactured. M. de
Beaufort sent over samples of it. The narrative shews that this
beautiful tree is also very common south of Senegambia.

D. _Bark_, yielding a beautiful red dye. M. Caillié has not made
us acquainted with the nature of the tree that bears this bark,
which on being merely washed yields a red colour. But the discovery
would be easily made, since the tree grows not far from the French
possessions.

E. _Mimosa_.—M. Caillié saw several large species of mimosas;
it is a subject of regret that he has not described each. One
of the most spreading is the _nédé_, a beautiful tree, with
a globular flower of a red colour borne on a very long pedicle;
the foliage is very delicate. The natives eat the pulp by which
the seed is surrounded.

F. _Balanites_.—This tree is one of the most common along the whole
of M. Caillié’s route, from Kakondy to Djenné. The inhabitants
extract an oil from it.

The _Balanites Ægyptiaca_. (DELILE)[166] is not the only tree common
to this country and Egypt; the same may be said of many other natural
productions, and of plants and animals in general. This remark
has been frequently made since the publication of the travels of
the French in Egypt, and the discoveries in natural history made in
Senegambia. The similarity of the two countries in certain respects,
a great river annually overflowing, a very high temperature, the
vicinity of the desert, and other circumstances seem, at the first
glance, sufficiently to explain this identity.

But I do not believe that in this case the difference of the latitude
has been observed. The mean parallel of Egypt is about 27°½.;
that of Senegambia 13; difference 14°½. If the height of the
temperature is important, as it undoubtedly is, amongst the causes
which encourage to a certain extent some species of vegetables
and animals, it must be concluded that Egypt is the warmest
region of northern Africa in proportion to its latitude. The mean
temperature of Egypt is, actually higher than that of the Senegal:
this was far from being suspected prior to the observations of the
Egyptian Institute; and Baron Humboldt did not introduce his Memoir
on the isothermal lines till after having long retained doubts,
which the tables of Messrs. Nouet and Coutelle dispelled. Thus, the
isothermal line of Egypt would make a large angle with the equator.
Mount Atlas is too far distant to explain the fact; the mountains
of Senegambia are not sufficiently elevated; we are, therefore,
led to seek the cause in the vicinity of the Sahara, the vast
radiation of which must incessantly attract the lower strata of a
warmer atmosphere, such as that of Senegal and of the more remote
districts, on account of their nearly juxta-equatorial position: so
that the mean temperature of Senegambia would, but for this cause,
be much higher than it is, and far higher than that of Egypt.

These considerations leave room to regret that we have no
meteorological observations made at Timbuctoo, not only on the
thermometer and barometer, but also upon the state of the heavens
and the prevailing winds; such no doubt exist among the papers
of Major Laing, as may be concluded from the terms of his letter,
written from that city, the 21st of September, 1826[167].

G. _Doum_.—The Doum Palm-tree, (_corypha thebaica_ DELILE); belongs
to Upper Egypt. It is remarkable that a tree of this species exists
in the city of Timbuctoo; it is the only one, the other trees of
the place being all _balanites_.

H. _Lotus_ (_nymphæa_.).—This again is a plant common to Egypt. In
the latter country the root only is now eaten; but the negroes,
like the ancient Egyptians, use both the root and the fruit.

I. _Thistle of the Desert_.—This, according to the description
given of it by M. Caillié, appears to be the _hedysarum alhagi_,
(LINN.) a well known plant, and which constitutes the provender of
the famished camels; in spite of its rough prickles, they eat it
with delight in traversing the desert.

J. _Butter-tree_, _ce_, _ché_ or _shea_.—Mungo Park describes this
tree under the latter name of _shea_ and _shea-toulou_. M. Caillié
met with it all over Senegambia as far as Djenné. The _nédé_
and the _ché_ are the most common trees. Samples of this vegetable
butter were sent to France by M. de Beaufort, and M. Vauquelin was
commissioned by the Academy of Sciences, to analyse it. This tree
would be a most valuable acquisition in our colonies.

We owe to M. Caillié the knowledge of a second vegetable butter
called _taman-toulou_, preferable, he thinks, to the former. It is
derived from a second tree, which appears to be different. Its name,
or that of the fruit, is _taman_. The word _toulou_ means butter
or a fat substance in Mandingo. The oil palm-tree renders nearly
the same service to the inhabitants as the foregoing.

K _Colat-nut_.—The fruit known to Europeans by this name is very
common in the interior of Africa, as well as on the banks of the
Rio-Nuñez. The Mandingo name is _ourou_. According to M. Caillié
this is the same fruit with that called _gour_ by Major Denham: but,
in reading the work entitled _Narrative of Travels and Discoveries
in Northern and Central Africa_, &c., London, 1826, I found this
name neither in the description, nor in the annotations added to
this important work by the learned botanist, Robert Brown.

_N.B._ I pass over in silence several vegetables obtained by M.
Caillié, and mentioned in the journal of the travels, having
nothing to add to what he has reported, and regretting that his
description is insufficient to shew their nature: for example, that
of the _caura_, which our traveller compares to a plum-tree. It
will be seen by the narrative that orange-trees are indigenous in
the northern part of Senegambia[168].

L. _Carrier Oxen_. In the early part of his journal, M. Caillié
mentions, by name only, this species of oxen. It is a question
worthy of the attention of future travellers, both as regards
commerce and expeditions of discovery.

M. _Elephants and Lions_. Several persons have testified surprise
that M. Caillié during so long a journey, met with neither lions,
elephants, giraffes, nor any wild beast. I am far from disputing
the testimony of those travellers, who affirm that such have been
seen in inhabited places; but, it is certain, that any one meeting
with such animals on his way cannot have any motive for passing
over the circumstance in silence, and that all travellers are
rather partial to adorning their narratives with encounters of this
kind. It may, therefore, be legitimately inferred that elephants
and lions are more scarce in those regions than the narratives
and descriptions would lead us to believe. M. Caillié, however,
in one or two passages, mentions the traces of elephants’ feet;
but no tragic adventures befel him, (or any individual of the
numerous caravans which he accompanied for the space of a year,)
by encounters with these monsters, with wild beasts, or with
any other dangerous animals. The same may be said of crocodiles,
which were supposed to abound in the Dhioliba. Scarcely was he once
incommoded, and that by the neighbourhood of an enormous serpent,
during his whole journey across the great desert.

N. _Tanning_. The preparation of leather is frequently mentioned
in the Journal. It is known that the Africans, and the Moors
particularly, are very successful in this operation. Some persons
have thought that desiccation is the means they principally use;
but this seems improbable, because both in Nubia and Egypt the
true process of tanning is in use, and is quite as good as ours,
though shorter. The natives are also skilful in working the leather;
they cut and embroider it with great success.

O. _Beer_. M. Caillié sometimes speaks of the use of beer; but
he has neglected to tell us how and with what it is made. Is it
the beverage which in Egypt is called _hachich_? The Egyptians
prepare this with hemp-seed. It is an inebriating liquor, of which
the common people drink to excess, notwithstanding the rules of
Mahometan abstinence.

P. _The Tankisso_. We read at page 204, in the first volume of
this work, that, according to the Mandingoes, this river _issues
from the Bafing, and flows into the Dhioliba_. It is difficult,
if not impossible, to admit this representation of the Mandingoes:
it must be understood, I think, that the Tankisso _has its source
in the same mountain with the Bafing_; otherwise the bason of the
Senegambia would communicate with that of Nigritia or the Soudan.

Q. _The route from the Fouta-Toro to Mecca_. The author was told
(see vol. I page 259) that the pilgrims of the Fouta travelled by
the Bondou, the Baleya, Kankan, Sambatikila, and Djenné, instead of
by Kaarta and Sego. The former road, however, is much the longer. I
believe that the real motive of these travellers is to trade in
the gold of Bouré, in passing through Kankan; but why go still
farther to the south, by Sambatikila? I do not see the reason.

R. _The Milo_. It is said, vol. I page 280, that the Milo flows N.
E. The first part of the course of this river is nearly N. E. by
the compass; but it afterwards inclines to the north and west,
to fall into the Dhioliba.

S. _Kong_ or _Koung_. The country of this name, being situated
between the magnetic S. S. E. and S. ¼ S. E. from the village of
Douasso, (vol. I p. 417) lies to the true south of that village.
Our, traveller was informed by a Kong-man, that the journey required
a month and a half. Part of this journey is through a mountainous
country. The position, therefore, of Kong cannot be far from the
seventh degree north, or its longitude far from that of Douasso,
7° 45’ west.

T._Direction of the river near Djenné_. The Journal states,
page 444, vol. I, that the island is formed by an arm of the
western branch, which comes from the west-north-west. The island
of Djenné, according to the author, is about twelve or fifteen
miles in circumference; but he admits that he did not go round it,
and it appears to be much larger.

U. _Distance from Djenné to Isaca_. The text states it at a day
and a half’s journey; but even in a straight line it proves to
be more than three and a half. The traveller has reckoned it at
four days by water; so that this passage requires correction.

V. _Bousbeyah_. The word _Bousbehey_ in the text, (pages 58 and 101,
vol. II) must be thus written, according to the orthography of the
foregoing Arabic list.

There is a contradiction between pages 58 and 101: this place must
necessarily be at more than two days’ distance from el-Araouan,
if it is only two days from Timbuctoo; I have adopted this latter
distance.

W. _Oualet_. The town of this name is placed, according to the
Journal, (vol. I page 301) ten days distance from el-A’raouan, W.
N. W.; but it is farther from Sego than stated in the text (the
same page), which is fifteen days south: the interval is nearly
double. This confirms the conjecture I have raised, viz: 1st, that
there are two places of this name; 2nd, that this is different from
the one placed in Mungo Park’s first map north of Sego, _but
under the parallel of Lake Dibbie_; and the other N. W. of Sego,
a little _north of Timbuctoo_. This is not the place for discussing
the situation of Oualet and comparing it with the Gualata of Leo
Africanus, which he states[169] to be three hundred miles south
of _Nun_, five hundred north of _Tumbut_, and a hundred from the
ocean. It may suffice to say, that a single point cannot possibly
fulfil these different conditions.

I think, however, that there is a very easy solution of the
difficulty. Park and his editors having fallen into the error of
imagining Timbuctoo much more south than it really is, have made a
corresponding change in the position of Oualet: in short, the place
noticed by M. Caillié is situated _relatively to Timbuctoo_, very
nearly as it is placed in the second map of the English traveller,
and both must be carried much farther north than they there appear.

* * * * *

It would be easy to extend these geographical remarks by a number
of scientific deductions, more or less interesting to some readers;
but it is time to bring this volume to a close, and in conclusion
to claim the public indulgence in behalf of a work hastily drawn
up, and whose only substantial recommendation to attention is the
importance of its subject, and the influence which the discovery
itself must sooner or later exercise over future enterprizes.[170]




CHAPTER V.


DOCUMENTS AND MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

We shall place at the close of our remarks several papers which
the reader will perhaps be well pleased to peruse. In 1824,
the Geographical Society published a _programme_ of a premium to
be decreed to the first French, or foreign, traveller who should
arrive at Timbuctoo by the way of Senegambia. It is known that this
_programme_ was distributed throughout Europe and in Africa, and
that it powerfully influenced the efforts or the projects of many
travellers, and especially the resolution adopted by M. Caillié. We
shall give this _programme_ as published; and afterwards, the report
made to the same Society by the committee which it appointed four
years afterwards to judge of the merit of the discoveries made by
the French traveller. These two papers will be followed by extracts
from the correspondence relative to his return to Europe.


SOCIETY OF GEOGRAPHY 1824.

_Premium for a Journey to Timbuctoo and the Interior of Africa._

The fortunate attempt of the English travellers who penetrated into
Central Africa in 1823 has lately attracted the attention of Europe
towards the interior of that continent, which now divides public
curiosity equally with the polar regions, the centre of Asia, and
the new countries of Australia. It was natural that the Society
of Geography should direct its attention to this quarter also,
pointing out as preferable the route already attempted by Mungo Park,
and which touches upon the French establishments in the Senegal;
with it therefore originated the idea of a subscription for the
encouragement of travels to Timbuctoo. It proposes to offer a premium
to any traveller who shall be fortunate enough to surmount all the
perils incident to this enterprise, and who shall at the same time
obtain some certain information and positive results respecting the
geography, the productions, and the commerce of that country and
the regions lying to the east of it. France was the first country
of Europe which formed permanent establishments on the Senegal,
and her honour is interested in assisting those travellers who seek
to penetrate into the interior of Africa, by the route approaching
nearest to her settlements. Such an enterprise, if successful would
not be without profit to our commercial industry; and, considering
it with respect to the sciences, what an inexhaustible source of
discovery would it not open to natural history, natural philosophy,
climatology, physical geography, and mathematics! What an immense
field for a knowledge of the races of mankind, for the history of
the civilization of nations, for that of their language, of their
manners, and of their religious opinions!

The intention of the donors is not precisely to propose a prize for
competition; the lure of a sum of money could not be offered for
an attempt which might be attended with the loss of life: but they
hold in reserve a just and honourable indemnity for him who shall
happily overcome all the obstacles, to which so many others have,
up to the present time, succumbed.

As the judge and dispenser of this recompense, the Society of
Geography will duly appreciate the merit, the courage, and the
devotedness, of travellers, as well as the real services they
may have rendered to science. It does not expect from a single
individual all the results which would require the concurrence of
several observers and many years peaceable residence in the country;
but it demands precise information, such as may be expected from
a man provided with instruments, and who is no stranger either to
natural or mathematical science. At the present moment several
travellers, both French and English, are proceeding towards the
banks of the Dhioliba, and the Society has reason to hope that the
encouragements held out by it will not prove unprofitable.

At the meeting of the Central Committee of the 3rd of December 1824,
an anonymous donor, a member of the Society, presented a thousand
francs, to be offered as a reward to the first traveller who shall
have penetrated as far as Timbuctoo by the way of the Senegal,
and fulfilled the following conditions pointed out in the minutes
of the said meeting: “To furnish 1st., some positive and exact
observations upon the situation of this city, the course of the
rivers which run in the neighbourhood, and the commerce of which it
is the centre; 2ndly, the most satisfactory and precise information
respecting the country comprised between Timbuctoo and the lake
Tsad, as well as concerning the direction and the height of the
mountains which form the bason of the Soudan.” Immediately upon
being made acquainted with this offer, Count Orloff, Senator of
Russia, consented that the donation of a thousand francs, which he
had made of the sum at the general meeting of the 26th of November
1824, for the encouragement of geographical discoveries, should be
applied to the same purpose.

On being informed of the object of these donations, his Excellency
the Count Chabrol de Crousol subscribed, on the 15th of December
following, the sum of two thousand francs, in the name of the
Ministry of the Marine, for the same undertaking; by his letter,
dated the 22nd of January last, his Excellency the Baron de Damas
subscribed also, in the name of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
the sum of two thousand francs; and by another letter dated the
19th of March his Excellency the Count de. Corbière subscribed,
in the name of the Ministry of the interior the sum of one thousand
francs. Many other subscriptions have been received or announced
for the same object.

The Society of Geography, charged by the donors to decree the
reward, and wishing to take a direct part in the encouragement of
so important a discovery, has resolved moreover to offer a gold
medal of the value of _two thousand francs_ to the traveller who,
independently of the conditions already declared, shall have
satisfied, as far as possible those which are explained below.

The Society demands a manuscript narrative, with a geographical map,
founded upon celestial observations. The author shall endeavour to
study the country with reference to the principal points of its
physical geography. He shall observe the nature of the soil, the
depth of the wells, their temperature and that of their sources, the
width and the rapidity of the rivers, the colour and the clearness
of their waters, and the productions of the countries which they
irrigate. He shall make remarks upon the climate, and determine
in various places, if possible, the declination and inclination
of the magnetic needle. He shall strive to observe the different
breeds of animals, and to make some collections in natural history,
such as fossils, shells, and plants.

When he shall have arrived at Timbuctoo, if he cannot go further,
he shall acquaint himself with the routes leading to Kachnah,
Haoussa, Bournou, and lake Tsaad, to Walet, Tischit, and even the
coast of Guinea. He shall collect the most accurate itineraries he
can procure, and consult the best informed inhabitants upon that
part of the course of the Dhioliba which he cannot see for himself.

In observing the people, he shall take care to examine their manners,
ceremonies, customs, weapons, laws, religion, food, diseases,
the colour of their skin, the form of their face, the nature of
their hair, and also the different articles of their commerce. It
is desirable that he should form vocabularies of their idioms,
compared with the French language; finally, that he should make
drawings of the details of their habitations, and take plans of
the towns wherever it is possible to do so.


REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO INVESTIGATE
M. CAILLIÉ’S TRAVELS TO TIMBUCTOO AND IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

GENTLEMEN,

You have appointed a committee, consisting of Messrs. Eyriés,
Cadet de Metz, Amédée Jaubert, Larenaudière, Baron Roger, and
myself, to ascertain the facts resulting from the travels of M.
Auguste Caillié in the interior of Africa. This committee has
assembled, and I am charged by it to make you the following report.
Our first care was to satisfy ourselves on the points of the
traveller’s departure, the routes which he had followed, and the
countries and places which he had visited. Interrogated on these
various questions, and on all the circumstances of his travels, he
replied in the clearest and most satisfactory manner. The committee
is struck with the tone of simplicity and sincerity which reigns
throughout his narrative, and which will not admit a doubt of the
reality and authenticity of his different excursions; namely the
crossing of the Dhioliba, his route to the east of the districts
of Soulimana and Kissi, his navigation on the great river, his
residence at Timbuctoo, and his journey across the great desert
to the empire of Morocco. Baron Roger had positive information of
his departure from St. Louis, and of his arrival the following
year at Kakondy, whence he sent intelligence to the Senegal of
his departure for the interior. Thus the point of his departure
is proved: it is the same with the point of his arrival, since he
was received, almost immediately on issuing from the desert, by our
colleague M. Delaporte, vice-consul-general at Tangier. With regard
to Timbuctoo, besides the very circumstantial details related by
our traveller, and the sketches which he took during his stay, we
have a guarantee of another kind in his account of the catastrophe
of the unfortunate Major Laing, who had reached this city in 1826.
Notwithstanding the variety of rumours relative to this melancholy
event, M. Caillié’s story agrees with that of a Moor who arrived
at Saint-Louis in March last, coming from Timbuctoo, and who saw
amongst the Touariks the books which had belonged to the Major.
Moreover, our countryman resided in a neighbouring house to that
which had been occupied by the English traveller, and there obtained
exact information, the source of which seems to be incontestable.

The committee is enabled to add further reasons for confidence to
the preceding. During the earlier part of his travels, that is,
while advancing eastward across the mountains of Fouta-Dhialon, he
passed between the towns of Timbo and Labey, and consequently must
have intersected the route followed in 1818 by our colleague M.
Mollien. Now, such is his description of the mountains, the
villages, the aspect of the country, and all the localities, that
M. Mollien perfectly recognised them in the picture drawn of them by
M. Caillié. These two travellers then mutually confirm each other;
and the result, by the way, is not unimportant to geography.

Our countryman has with so much attention and perseverance recorded
his routes, their direction, and the hours of march, that one
of our associates has found it easy to form, from his journal, a
continued and complete itinerary from Kakondy to the port of Rabat,
in the states of Morocco, in which the nature and various accidents
of the soil are indicated, such as the mountains, plains, ravines,
and forests, the villages and all inhabited places, the rivulets,
lakes, and morasses, the torrents, cataracts, fords, wells, and every
thing relating both to the running and stagnant waters. Such minute
details complete our confidence in the genuineness of this narrative.

We will add that, having interrogated him as to the manner in
which he made himself understood by the inhabitants, he told
us it was principally through the medium of the Moorish-Arabic,
spoken in Senegal, and which he had enjoyed the opportunity of
learning in that country ever since 1816. And he replied in fact
in this dialect to the questions proposed to him by the committee;
he moreover pronounced several words in Mandingo, in a manner
conformable to the existing vocabularies.

We were sensible, gentlemen, that it was our duty to lay before you
all these consideration, and to insist upon them. It now remains
for us to make known some of the results obtained, in order that
the Society may appreciate the acquisitions that have accrued to
science. We are not at liberty here to enter into minute detail;
that would be anticipating the publication. A general retrospect
is all that the committee consider themselves called upon to offer
at present to the public curiosity.

The travels of M. Caillié are connected, in a manner the most
useful for perfecting and confirming our geographical knowledge,
with those of Watt and Winterbottom to Timbo, in 1794; of Major
Laing in the countries of Kouranko and Soulimana, in 1822; of M.
Mollien in Fouta-Dhialon, in 1818; of Mungo Park to the Dhioliba,
in 1795 and 1805, of Dochard to Yamina and Bamakou, in 1819;
and lastly with the itineraries of the caravans, travelling from
Timbuctoo to Tafilet.

No doubts can now remain of the very elevated sources of the Bafing,
the principal tributary of the Senegal. Setting out on the 19th of
April 1827 from Kakondy, the tomb of Majors Peddie and Campbell,
M. Caillié crossed this river at Bafila; he crossed also the
main stream of the Dhioliba at a point which very naturally
connects itself with the situation assigned by Major Laing to
its source. Thence he proceeded to Kankan, a large town in the
district so named, enriched by the gold mines of Bourré, and after
some residence there, he continued his journey two hundred miles
farther east, beyond Soulimana, to the village of Timé, where
he arrived on the 3rd of August. He had till then accompanied a
caravan of Mandingo merchants, travelling on foot. In this village,
he was detained by sickness for five whole months, and attacked by
a scorbutic affection, which for a long time endangered his life,
and which was induced by the intemperance of the climate and by the
violent fatigue he had undergone in traversing the steep mountains
of Fouta-Dhialon. This great chain appears to be composed of several
stages, and full of torrents and precipices. In this interesting
portion of his route, he carefully collected intelligence of the
situation of Bamakou, and of its intercourse with the Senegambia,
which, it is hoped, will not prove unprofitable.

At Timé commenced another journey northwards; this is the second
part of the travels. M. Caillié wished to return to the Dhioliba;
he set out on the 9th of January, 1829, and after having seen or
passed through more than a hundred villages, and acquainted himself
pretty accurately with the situation of Sego, he again saw the river
on the 10th of March, at Galia, flowing from the west, and crossed
an arm of it to repair to Djenné. All this part is entirely new,
as well as the route from the environs of Timbo to Timé.

The third part of the travels is on the great river; M. Caillié
embarked on it on the 23rd of March, after a residence of thirteen
days at Jenné. He ascended it in a large boat, forming part of a
flotilla of merchant vessels.

It was the season of low water: in some places the river is a mile
in width, and in others much narrower; its depth and rapidity are
variable. He noted and described, as he went along, the branches
and islands, and especially lake Debo (the same which is known and
designed upon the maps under the name of Dibbie, but misplaced),
and he furnishes particulars, as certain as they are new, concerning
the whole course of the stream.

At length he arrived at Cabra, the port of Timbuctoo, on the
19th of April, and the next day entered the town. After he had
taken sketches of the dwellings and other edifices of this city,
remarked every thing worthy of observation, and acquainted himself
with the course of the neighbouring waters, he joined a caravan
setting out for Morocco. On the 4th of May he commenced his journey,
with eight hundred camels, loaded with all sorts of merchandise
from the interior, and in six days arrived at el-Araouan: there the
caravan was increased by six hundred camels, and in eight days more
it reached the wells of Télig. All the wells, whether of sweet
or brackish water, and all the stations, are carefully noted by
M. Caillié, in this journey across the great desert. The season
of the burning east winds aggravated the toils and privations
of this painful journey. On the 19th of May he left el-Araouan,
and it was not till the 29th of June that he reached el-Harib,
where the caravan split into several divisions, and on the 23rd
of July he entered Tafilet. He rested at length, on the 12th
of August, in the very spot where, in the fourteenth century,
Ben-Batouta cast away the pilgrim’s staff, in the city of Fez;
he afterwards continued his route with a guide, reached the sea,
and on the 17th of the same month, September, arrived at Tangier,
where the Consul of France received him, provided for his safety,
and succeeded in preserving him from the dangers which he would
have incurred, had he been recognized through his disguise.

M. Caillié had provided himself, before his departure, with two
compasses, which he used during his travels, and by their aid he
was enabled to mark the directions of his route. However imperfect
such a method may be, in comparison with geometrical operations and
astronomical observations, we must yet congratulate ourselves on
having obtained a tracing of the route, and the information of an
eye-witness respecting countries, of which we previously possessed
only Arab itineraries, reckoned by days’ journeys, and for the
most part contradictory, vague, and confused. A further proof that
he has correctly noted the length of his journeys is, that they
perfectly correspond with those distances of places in the empire
of Morocco which are the most accurately known.

The success of M. Caillié’s enterprize is the more worthy of
interest for having been accomplished solely by his own resources,
without either participation or assistance from any one. He
sacrificed every thing he possessed to supply his wants on these
travels. He has achieved every thing possible, and more than could
have been hoped for with such resources, and he has the satisfaction
of having completely succeeded.

If such services are calculated to ensure to M. Caillié the favour
of the public and of the government, how powerfully ought they to
excite the interest and gratitude of the Geographical Society! It
was by the Society’s _programme_, published in 1824, that he was
finally determined to penetrate into the interior of an unknown
continent. One of our members, being then resident in Senegal, and
finding that he had been for several years animated by a passion
for travels, communicated to him a copy of this _programme_; during
the three succeeding years M. Caillié incessantly exerted every
possible effort, till he had discovered the means of accomplishing
his adventurous design. This is attested by a witness most worthy
of credit, our colleague Baron Roger, at that time governor of
Senegal. During this period M. Caillié quitted Saint Louis, visited
several neighbouring districts, and then fixed on the Rio-Nuñez as
the point for his departure; at Kakondy he was fortunate enough to
meet with a caravan setting out for the interior, and he skilfully
seized the favourable opportunity.

The _programme_ published by the Society in 1824 consists of two
parts. The first principally requires accurate particulars respecting
Timbuctoo, and the rivers near it, with notices of the eastern
countries. M. Caillié has performed most of these conditions. The
second part, for which the Society offered a special prize, exacted,
is true, astronomical observations; but it is questionable, whether
any one penetrating for the first time into this country, even
if provided with the necessary instruments, could possibly fulfil
conditions so difficult and dangerous. Who is there but is acquainted
with the savage jealousy which the Moors and all those in possession
of the commerce of this part of Africa, have from the earliest ages
conceived against Europeans; the resistance experienced by Belzoni,
when he attempted to pursue this direction; the tragic end of Antonio
Piloti, and the sad termination of Major Laing’s enterprise?

A. Caillié penetrated as far as Timbuctoo; he went thither by way
of Senegambia, as required by the Society. If he has not executed
all that it was desirable to have accomplished, he has, on the
other hand, made many new and valuable observations, which were not
required, upon Fouta-Dhialon, the eastern districts, and the upper
part of the course of the Dhioliba; he navigated the river for a
month; gleaned intelligence respecting the mines of Bourré, and
made other researches that were not required; all which constitutes
a sort of equivalent. The discovery of these countries, and the
description given of the regions of Baleya, Kankan, and Ouassoulo,
are so great an acquisition to geography, that, had he even failed
to reach Timbuctoo, he would have deserved a signal recompense. He
has the additional merit of having collected a vocabulary of the
Mandingo language, and another of the Kissour, spoken at Timbuctoo
concurrently with the Moorish, as well as of having taken notes of
what relates to the customs, ceremonies, productions, and commerce,
of the several countries. On the other hand, our _programme_ contains
conditions which have been partly fulfilled, since its publication,
by the celebrated English travellers, Oudney, Clapperton, and Denham;
namely, those which relate to the districts east and E. S. E. of
Timbuctoo: we had, therefore, no longer the same motives for
requiring their accomplishment.

In awarding, therefore, to M. Caillié the recompense promised to any
one who should reach the city of Timbuctoo, and furnish a description
of it, the Society will satisfy the general expectation, and be
assured of possessing accurate information concerning countries
nearly or wholly unknown; it will grant its honourable suffrage to
a man who speaks of them, not upon hearsay, but upon the evidence
of his own eyes; who, in his simple and unaffected narrative,
relates, without any exaggeration, what he has observed, and does
not endeavour to excite attention by extraordinary adventures. This
is precisely the kind of interest which the Geographical Society
attaches to discoveries—that of truth.

It is no small achievement for a man to have broken through the
species of enchantment, with which every European appears to have
been struck on reaching the mysterious point of the Dhioliba. It is
now certain that four or five months are sufficient for a traveller
to arrive in Europe from Timbuctoo. Now that the possibility of
the journey and return is proved by the event, and not left to
conjecture, all men devoted to African researches, who may have
been diverted from their design by such repeated catastrophes
following one another, will take fresh courage and prosecute the
enterprize. This constitutes an additional important service,
rendered to Science by A. R. Caillié, and for which she will hold
herself his debtor, though his success may not entirely console
her for the lamented loss of Major Laing.

On a subject so fertile in geographical and scientific developments,
it would be easy to expatiate; but the committee feel the propriety
of confining themselves within the limits of their mission; their
end is attained if they have produced conviction.  They, therefore,
feel it necessary equally to pass over in silence the accounts of
J. Leon, Ben-Batouta, and el-Adrisi; and the intercourse of the
Portuguese with Timbuctoo in the fifteenth century; the travels
of Paul Imbert in the seventeenth; the still contested journey of
Robert Adams in 1810, and so many other travels which, within the
last forty years, have succeeded each other. To act otherwise would
be to forget that we address an auditory, who are masters of the
principles of every problem in African geography, which, gentlemen
is sufficiently attested by the subjects of your three prizes in
favour of men determined upon braving every danger to explore this
vast continent for the common benefit of science and humanity.

It will be easy, from these premises, to conjecture the propositions
which the committee has the honour of laying before you; first,
that you should grant to M. Auguste Caillié the prize which you
have offered to the first traveller who should reach Timbuctoo by
way of Senegambia; secondly, that this report should be communicated
to their Excellencies the Ministers of the Interior, of the Marine,
and of Foreign Affairs.

We cannot conclude this report without paying a just tribute of
gratitude to M. Delaporte, Vice-Consul-General at Tangier, for the
generous and zealous care which he lavished on our countryman; the
Society owes him a particular testimonial of gratitude for having
preserved the traveller and his papers.

              BARON ROGER, LARENAUDIÈRE, AMÉDÉE JAUBERT, CADET DE METZ,
                                      J. B. EYRIÉS, JOMARD, _Reporter_.


CORRESPONDENCE.

* * * * *

[The following letter is an answer to the first letter written by
M. Caillié, on his arrival at Arbate, to the Consul of France.]

GENERAL CONSULATE OF FRANCE AT MOROCCO,

TO M. CAILLIÉ, AT ARBATE.

                                            Tangier, 28th August, 1828.

SIR,

I have the honour to be a member of the Geographical Society;
you will therefore believe with what pleasure I must have perused
the letter which you addressed to me, dated the 21st of this
month, through the medium of the agent of France at Rabat, and
how satisfactory to me must be the arrival in safety of such a
traveller as yourself, Sir, who may have solved the great problem
of the possibility of traversing Africa. It gives me pleasure
to believe that you have visited the towns you mention in your
interesting letter, and particularly the city of Timbuctoo, the rock
upon which, for two or three generations past, so many intrepid
travellers have been lost; but the proofs which you furnish are
not sufficient to confirm my faith: you know how far impostors
are capable of deceiving us. Have the goodness, then, to supply me
with more ample and precise information, that I may make use of it
with our government, the patron of great enterprises, and with the
Geographical Society, to the gratitude and admiration of which you
will have acquired such unexceptionable titles.

I shall write to the agent of France at the place where you have so
miraculously arrived, desiring him to give you all the assistance
which your situation demands, to receive such declarations as you may
wish to make, respecting the difficult and interesting journey you
have just completed, and to furnish you with the means of conveyance
to Gibraltar, or to me, if you should prefer coming hither.

If, however, you should fear being compromised by a declaration,
a report, or other legal statement, address to me a letter for the
president of the Geographical Society, which I will convey to him
through his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

If you should decide to come to Tangier, undertake the journey
in such a manner as not to commit yourself, and above all, be
circumspect in regard to the religion you have embraced, for the
Moors are no triflers on this subject; they are inexorable. Have the
goodness, also, to form into a single packet all the daily notes you
may have taken during the sixteen months of your arduous journey,
and the information you may have collected; request the French
agent at Rabat to seal it with his seal, and to send it to me by a
courier, according to the directions which the agent will receive
from me, in order that these valuable and interesting documents,
which shall be preserved for you, may not be lost.

I should think myself happy, Sir, to be the first member of the
Geographical Society who should enjoy the advantage of embracing an
associate who has successfully passed through all the variety of
fortune, hazards, and perils of a journey, in which so many have
failed; and to give assistance to a countryman under the numerous
sufferings which so much exertion and fatigue must have produced.

I shall wait further intelligence from you before I communicate
your arrival to those interested in it.

I request you to believe me, with admiration, Sir, your very humble
and obedient servant.

           _Signed_ DELAPORTE, _Vice-Consul of France, charged with the
        provisional administration of the general consulate of his Most
                                         Christian Majesty in Morocco._


_Extract of a Letter from_ M.  DELAPORTE, _Vice-Consul administering
the General Consulate of France at Tangier, to the Commander of
the French naval station off Cadiz._

                                         Tangier, 15th September, 1828,

M. Caillié, (Réné-Auguste) has undertaken the painful and
dangerous journey from the Senegal and Sierra-Leone to Tangier,
passing through the city of Timbuctoo, and has had the good fortune
to surmount all the difficulties, which, as you will judge, are
inseparable from such an enterprise.

Chance has thrown him upon an agent of his majesty’s government,
and a member of the Geographical Society, upon me: I take the
best possible care of him; and feel pride in receiving a suffering
fellow-citizen, the first European who has acquired for our country
a knowledge of the city of Timbuctoo, the search after which has
cost so many lives, and so much treasure.

M. Caillié presented himself to me under the costume of a mendicant
Dervish, a character which I assure you he did not belie: during his
journey he feigned himself a follower of Mahomet. If the Moors had
suspected him of being with me, or at the consulate, he would have
been a lost man; I entreat then, from your humanity, your love and
admiration of great enterprises, assistance in saving this intrepid
traveller, whose name will soon become celebrated, by sending to me,
if at present disposable, one of the vessels under your command,
or if you think it preferable, by coming hither yourself. You
would land here. M. Caillié would adopt the accoutrements of a
sailor, or personate an officer; he would mix with the attendants
on the equipage, or with the staff; he would reach your ship,
and be saved. It would be grateful to you and to myself to have
co-operated in the protection of this remarkable traveller.

The English would not hesitate an instant to receive on board one of
their sovereign’s ships of the line a countryman of such merit. It
was lately published at Gibraltar, that Major Laing had arrived there
in the costume of an Arab; a king’s cutter was immediately placed
at his disposal, to transport him to London; instead of Major Laing,
it proved to be M. Linc; the similarity of name caused the mistake,
but the cutter had been dispatched to its destination.

Will you oblige me by an answer, and by informing me whether it will
be in your power to render to France, if I may so express myself,
and to the Geographical Society of France, the service which I
request of you in their name, on behalf of M. Caillié; that if
necessary I may seek other means of restoring him to his country.

I am, &c.

                                                    _Signed_ DELAPORTE.


_Extract of a Letter from_ M.  DELAPORTE _Vice Consul of France
to_ M.  JOMARD _Member of the Institute._

                                         Tangier, 27th September, 1828.

M. Caillié whose name I have read in one of the numbers of the
Bulletins of the Geographical Society, has traversed Africa, from
Rio-Nuñez to Tangier, passing, on his route, through Timbuctoo. He
will embark to-day on board a king’s schooner for Toulon, where he
will arrive without resources. I hope the Geographical Society will
take charge of this traveller, who, I believe will do it honour. He
has crossed Africa as a mendicant; as such he appeared at my door:
but I received him, I paid him every possible attention, and think
myself happy in being the first Frenchman who has embraced him.

He will present himself to you, and will communicate to you the
materials of which he is the bearer: he proposes to intrust you
with the task of editing them[171].

He deplores the want of means which deprived him of the advantages
of a brilliant and distinguished education; but he consoles himself
under this misfortune, in the happiness of being the only European
who has conquered the great difficulty, and of having enriched the
reign of his Majesty Charles X with an enterprise which has baffled
so many travellers and scientific men.

Have the goodness to present him to the President of the Society,
to recommend him to all its members, and to pay him the attention
which he deserves.

I embrace you with all my heart and subscribe myself with affection,
esteem, and consideration, &c.

                                                    _Signed_ DELAPORTE.

* * * * *

_Extract of a Letter from_ M.  DELAPORTE _to_ M. JOMARD.

                                            Tangier, October 3rd, 1828.

I have introduced to you the French traveller Caillié, who has
crossed the burning deserts of Africa, and there contracted the
scurvy, which has eaten into the bones of his palate. If God, who
has been his protector as far as Tangier, should preserve his health,
he will reach you two or three months’ hence. Instead, of confused
itineraries, put together from hearsay, and taken by stealth, such
as those which for several years past I have furnished, he will
present himself to you with authentic labours, with documents,
and materials taken on the spot, of which he will request you to
superintend the compilation. Do not refuse your assistance.

This traveller has deserved the prize for the journey to Timbuctoo
by the route of Senegal, because he set out from St.  Louis to
reach Tangier; he is also entitled to that for the most important
discovery in geography, as he will prove by his work: they cannot
be refused to him.

                                                    _Signed_ DELAPORTE.


_Extract of a Letter from_ M.  CAILLIÉ _to_ M. JOMARD.

                               Lazaretto at Toulon, October 10th, 1828.

SIR,

My zeal for geographical discoveries induced me to undertake,
in 1827, a journey into the interior of Africa, to visit the city
of Timbuctoo, the object of anxious research to Europe, and which
has proved fatal to so many illustrious travellers. Being unable
to obtain a mission from the French Government of the Senegal, I
determined to undertake the journey with my private resources: for
this purpose then I realized all my effects and made preparations
for my expedition.

On the 19th of April 1827, I quitted Kakondy upon the Rio-Nuñez,
in company with Mandingo merchants going to the Niger: the Arab
costume and the religion of the Prophet, which I adopted, smoothed
all difficulties; I traversed without obstacle the elevated mountains
of the Fouta-Dhialon, the Kankan and the Ouassoulo. I resided
five months at Timé on account of severe illness. This village is
inhabited by Mahometan Mandingoes; and is situated in the southern
part of the Bambara. Early in January 1828, I continued my route; I
visited the island and town of Jenné, and embarked on the Niger for
Timbuctoo, where I arrived after a difficult navigation of a month:
I resided in that town fourteen days, acquired all the information
in my power respecting it; studied the manners and customs of the
inhabitants, and the commerce and resources of the country; and
thence travelled northwards to accomplish my return by the great
desert. I passed through el-Araouan; after two months of the most
painful privations, I arrived in the Tafilet, and continued my
route by Fez and Rabat to Tangier, where M. Delaporte, the French
Vice-Consul in that town, lavished upon me all the assistance
of which I stood so much in need. I soon after embarked on board
the king’s schooner _La Légère_, which conveyed me to Toulon,
where I now am, convalescent, and without means of support, having
exhausted my all in a journey of sixteen months.

I am, &c.

                                                   _Signed_ A. CAILLIÉ.

* * * * *

_Extract of a Letter from_ M. A.  CAILLIÉ _to the President of
the Geographical Society._

                                            Toulon, 10th October, 1828.

SIR,

I had the good fortune, in 1824, to take a journey among the people
who inhabit the smiling banks of the Senegal: from that period I
projected an attempt to explore central Africa, to visit the towns
of Jenné and Timbuctoo, in hopes if possible to surpass the English
who had so far outstripped us in this career. Having been unable to
obtain a mission from the Government of the Senegal, I determined
to part with all my resources, convinced that on my return, the
services I might have rendered would be recognized by Government;
I realized then the small means which I possessed, the fruits of
economy, and made preparations for my departure. On the 19th of
April, 1827, I quitted Kakondy upon the Rio-Nuñez, in company with
a caravan of Mandingo merchants going to the Niger.  Thanks to the
Arab costume and to the religion of the country which I outwardly
embraced, the numerous difficulties attendant on this laborious
journey were overcome; and to this disguise I owe the success of my
expedition. I crossed without obstacle the high mountains of the
Senegambia, the countries of Baleya, Kankan, and Ouassoulo. I was
compelled to reside five months at Timé, a village of Mahometan
Mandingoes, situated in the southern part of Bambara, being detained
by a severe illness which had nearly proved fatal.  On the 9th of
January, 1828, I was able to proceed on my journey. I visited the
island and town of Jenné; and afterwards embarked upon the Niger,
on board a vessel of sixty tons burden going to Timbuctoo, where I
arrived after a month’s tedious navigation. This town is situated
five miles to the north of Cabra, in a plain of quicksand, where
nothing grows but stunted shrubs: I resided there fourteen days. I
inspected the town and took a sketch of it; I studied the manners
and customs of the inhabitants, and the commerce and resources of
the country; then taking a northern direction to cross the great
desert, I arrived at el-Araouan. This town is six days’ journey
north of Timbuctoo: it is the emporium of salt which is exported
thence to Sansanding and Yamina, and is situated in a country
still more sterile than even that about Timbuctoo. Not a shrub is
to be seen; and camel dung is used for fuel. The burning east wind
which constantly prevails renders this a very disagreeable abode. I
continued my route northwards, and reached the Wells of Telig, after
eight days’ journey from el-Araouan. Here we quenched our thirst
and proceeded north north west into the heart of the desert: here
the soil is most barren, composed of moving sand and rocks of grey
quartz veined with white; there is also a little granite. After two
months’ journey in this horrible country, I reached the Tafilet,
a small district forming part of the empire of Marocco, and passed
through Fez, Mequinaz, Rabat, and Tangier, where I was received by
M. Delaporte, Vice-Consul of France, who lavished upon me all the
assistance of which I stood so much in need. I soon after embarked
in the king’s schooner La Légère, which conveyed me to Toulon,
where I have been twenty-two days in quarantine. I am convalescent
and without means of support, having exhausted all in an arduous
journey of sixteen months.

I am, etc.

                                                   _Signed_ A. CAILLIÉ.

After having heard the preceding communications at the meeting
of the 17th of October, the central committee of the Geographical
Society decided unanimously, that a first pecuniary indemnity should
be immediately sent to M. Auguste Caillié, and that extracts from
these letters should be printed in a supplement to the 66th Bulletin.


_Letter of_ M. DELAPORTE _to the President of the Geographical
Society._

                                             Tangier, 3rd October 1828.

MR. PRESIDENT,

To communicate to you that a European has just conquered in Africa,
for the Geographical Society, a vast extent of territory, is to
impart good news both to you and the Society; but the announcement
that this European is a Frenchman will render it still more
agreeable.

One of our countrymen, M. Auguste Caillié, has acquired for
the Society all the territories situated between Rio-Nuñez,
(Sierra Leone) and Tangier, that is to say between the Ocean and
the Mediterranean. He has visited the towns of Kankan, Jenné,
Timbuctoo, and Araouan. He sojourned fourteen days at Timbuctoo.
His house was within a few doors of that which had been inhabited by
the unfortunate Major Laing. He has employed sixteen months upon this
labour and in collecting the materials with which he has enriched
his wallet. Nothing disheartened him, neither refusal, nor disgust,
nor fatigue, nor danger; his vocation, as he has frequently repeated
to me, demanded that he should cross Africa; he followed it and has
solved the problem that a European may traverse this continent, a
problem, the impossibility of which appeared all but demonstrated. He
travelled without ostentation; and I saw a mendicant Dervish,
with his leathern wallet at his back, seated at the threshold of my
door, and extending to me, not the hand of indigence, not the hand
of that misery of which he bore the livery, but of a compatriot,
addressing himself to a servant of the King of France, and requiring
his protection. He obtained it, Sir; it was afforded to him by me,
in the character of temporary administrator of the General Consulate
of France, to the utmost of my power; and thanks to the co-operation
of the Chevalier de Luneau, commander of the French naval station
off Cadiz, who had the complaisance to send me a king’s ship,
I have saved the traveller and his papers.  Lieutenant Jollivet
received M. Caillié on board the king’s schooner La Légère,
which he commands; and on the 28th of last September he set sail
for Toulon where he will perform his quarantine.

Two departments, those of Foreign Affairs and of the Marine, have
contributed to restore a Frenchman to his native country, and to
acquire for the Society over which you preside a modest traveller,
whose enterprise will reflect lustre upon it.

M. Caillié, whose health has been affected by the fatigue and
labour he has undergone, embarked with a fever. It is to be hoped
that it will have no ill consequences, and that he will land at
Toulon in health and safety.

If M. Caillié does not possess the brilliant qualifications or the
education of our modern travellers, he has the ingenuousness and
frankness of the honest traveller of the olden time who has given
us so much interesting information concerning India; if he is not
the Amédée Jaubert of Asia, he will be the Marco-Polo of Africa;
and he will have had the merit of achieving, at his own expense
and without assistance, what others have been unable to effect with
ample treasures.

After his quarantine, he will repair to Paris, where he proposes to
request the assistance of the Chevalier Jomard, vice-president of
the Central Committee, of the Society, in editing the rich materials
in which alone his fortune consists. To bespeak, Sir, your interest
in favor of this traveller, is to recommend him to all the members
of the Geographical Society, to which I have the honour to belong.

I am, &c.

                                                    _Signed_ DELAPORTE.

* * * * *

_Letter from_ M. JOMARD _to_ M. CAILLIÉ.

                                             Paris, 18th October, 1828.

SIR,

I have received, with all the interest it deserves, the letter
which you have addressed to me respecting your Travels in the
interior of Africa. You have justly thought that no one could be
more deeply concerned than myself in the success of your journey,
and I have not lost a moment in communicating to the Geographical
Society the contents of your letters and those of M. Delaporte.

After attending to the reading of them with marks of the most
lively satisfaction, the Society decided that, while the effect
of the representations I am about to make to the government is
in suspense, the sum of five hundred francs should be transmitted
to you to relieve your immediate wants, and to assist you in your
journey to Paris.

We think, Sir, that it will conduce to your interest to make the
best use of your time which your situation and health will permit,
in committing to paper all your recollections while still fresh in
your memory; and particularly that you should note, with exactness,
the hours or the days of march, the bearings you followed, and
whatever from its nature is liable to be forgotten, as the names
of places and proper names in general.

I offer you, Sir, all the service in my power; dispose of my feeble
interest; and, above all, take the repose which is so necessary
to the re-establishment of your health after such long continued
fatigue.

I have the honour to be, &c.

                                                       _Signed_ JOMARD.

* * * * *

_Extract of a Letter to the President of the Academy of Sciences._

                                             Paris, 18th October, 1828.

MR. PRESIDENT,

I have the honour to communicate to the Academy of Sciences
the contents of the letters which I yesterday received from M.
Delaporte, Vice-Consul of France, administering the general
Consulate at Tangier. A Frenchman has accomplished the journey
to Timbuctoo. He has been fortunate enough to traverse almost
the whole of Africa, north of the Equator, from the Rio-Nuñez,
in about 10° 15’ north latitude, to the Straits of Gibraltar,
and is arrived in health and safety at the Consulate at Tangier,
after having crossed the Atlas between Tafilet and Fez, and travelled
during sixteen consecutive months.

As he is the first European who has succeeded in the journey to
Timbuctoo, and returned from that place, I doubt not, whatever the
results may prove for which the sciences may be indebted to him,
that the Academy will learn the news with a lively interest.

On the 19th of April, 1827, M. Caillié set out from Kakondy on
the Rio-Nuñez, whence he travelled easterly nearly three hundred
leagues, to Timé, beyond the great river Dhioliba. He embarked upon
it near Jenné, and after a month’s navigation reached Timbuctoo,
in April last. After a residence there of several weeks he pursued
his route to the north and N. N. W. Seventy-five days were occupied
by his journey from this capital to the Tafilet, across the Sahara,
or Great Desert, amidst the severest fatigues and most painful
privations.

The first part of his journey coincides with that of some English
travellers[172]. He subsequently crossed the different stages of
the chain of mountains of the Fouta-Dhialon, in the midst of which
he crossed the route taken by Mollien, and perhaps the Senegal near
its source.

As he travelled little more than twelve geographical miles a day,
he had time for attentive observation. He traversed the countries
of Belia, Kankan, and Ouassoulo, which we barely know by name; and
finally, before arriving at Jenné, had an opportunity of seeing
Bamakou, Yamina, Sego, and Sansanding[173].

Such is a sketch of the journey which M. Caillié has just completed,
extending to about fifteen hundred leagues, a thousand of them
through regions almost unknown. We may at once infer from it, that
Timbuctoo lies much nearer to the ocean than it is marked upon all
the maps. His marches confirm the conjecture which I have already
brought forward that this great town is not far from the seventeenth
degree of north latitude.

I have the honour to be, &c.

                                                       _Signed_ JOMARD.

* * * * *

_Letter of the Presidents and Secretary of the Geographical Society,
to His Excellency the Minister of the Interior._

                                             Paris, 20th October, 1828.

MONSEIGNEUR,

By the letter which Your Excellency did us the honour to address to
us, dated the 2nd of April last, you manifest a desire to receive
information of any intelligence which may reach us upon the subject
of the enterprises formed by the Society, and especially upon the
discoveries which relate to the interior of Africa.

We consider it our duty to communicate, without delay, to Your
Excellency, the news which we have received within the last two
days. A Frenchman has been fortunate enough to penetrate into
central Africa. He even appears to have resided for some time in
the city of Timbuctoo. Having quitted in 1827 the banks of the
Rio-Nuñez, he travelled eastwards to beyond the Dhioliba, crossing
the high mountains of the upper Senegambia. He afterwards followed
the course of that great river, and embarked upon it opposite
to Jenné. After a month’s navigation he landed at Cabra, the
port of Timbuctoo. Having made all the observations in his power,
he entered the great desert of Sahara, across which two months and
fourteen days toilsome travel brought him to the Tafilet, whence
he proceeded to Tangier. There, M. Delaporte, his Majesty’s
Vice-Consul, administering the general Consulate, received him,
relieved his immediate necessities, and procured him a passage to
France on board one of the vessels of the state.

This interesting traveller is named Caillié. He had been at the
Senegal since 1824: it was in the month of April 1827, that he
repaired to Kakondy upon the Rio-Nuñez; where he joined a caravan of
Mandingo merchants. This situation is the more deserving of notice,
as before his embarkation he had undergone a serious illness which
detained him five months to the south of Jenné. The total length
of his route is from twelve to fourteen hundred leagues, a thousand
of them through regions nearly unknown.

Such is the substance of the letters we have just received from
the traveller. The reception he experienced from the Vice-Consul,
a gentleman well versed in the languages and relations of Northern
Africa, has determined that of the Geographical Society, which has
hastened to present him with marks of encouragement.

We hope, Monseigneur, that this news will interest Your Excellency,
that you will honour this traveller with marks of your approbation,
and that you will recommend him to the Minister of the Marine,
that he may obtain from him the assistance of which he stands in
need to facilitate his journey to Paris. All his resources have
been exhausted in a laborious journey of sixteen months. He is
the first European, who, after having penetrated into this part of
central Africa, has returned in health and safety. The Geographical
Society takes credit to itself for having directed the attention of
travellers of all countries to the interior of this continent; but
it rejoices to find that it is a Frenchman, who has first attained
the glory of success.

We are &c.

    _Signed Baron_ CUVIER, _President of the Society; Viscount_ SIMÉON,
   _Vice-president;_ JOMARD, _Vice-president of the Central Committee;_
                                          DE LARENAUDIÈRE, _Secretary_.

* * * * *

_Letter of the Presidents and Secretary of the Geographical Society,
to his Excellency the Minister of the Marine._

                                              Paris, 20th October 1828.

MONSEIGNEUR,

A French traveller, M. A. Caillié has just arrived at Toulon on
board the king’s schooner _La Légère_, after having brought
to a happy termination a difficult and painful journey in the
interior of Africa, from Rio-Nuñez to Tangier. It appears that he
has resided for some time in the town of Timbuctoo. This arduous
journey has exhausted all his resources, and his health is impaired
by long continued fatigue. His Majesty’s Vice-Consul at Tangier
recommends him to the Geographical Society, that it may procure for
him from the government the means to proceed to Paris. As this is
the first European traveller who has accomplished such an enterprise,
we think ourselves entitled, Monseigneur, with confidence to solicit
your interest in his behalf, and to request for him the support of
your benevolence. The Society entreats you to have the goodness to
procure for him the means of conveyance to Paris.

We are, &c.

    _Signed Baron_ CUVIER, _President of the Society; Viscount_ SIMEON,
   _Vice-president;_ JOMARD, _Vice-president of the Central Committee;_
                                          DE LARENAUDIÈRE, _Secretary_.

* * * * *

Mr. JOHN BARROW, _to_ M. JOMARD.

SIR,

I have the honour to address myself to you on a subject in which
I am persuaded you take as much interest as myself—the progress
of the discoveries in Africa.

I see by the supplement to the 66th Bulletin published by the
Geographical Society of Paris, that a Frenchman, of the name
of Caillié, has succeeded in reaching the city of Timbuctoo;
and that M. Delaporte, Vice-Consul at Tangier, observes in his
letter to you, announcing the arrival of M. Caillié, that that
traveller consoles himself for the fatigues which he has endured
by the reflection that he is the only European who has hitherto
succeeded in happily accomplishing an enterprise in which so many
brave travellers have fallen.

Far be it from me to conceive the idea of detracting from the
merit of this bold and adventurous traveller, or to blame the just
pride which he feels at having brought his enterprise to a happy
termination; but the justice which is due to the memory of another
traveller, who has perished by the barbarous hand of an assassin,
calls upon me to shew you, Sir, that M. Caillié is neither the only,
nor the first European who has visited Timbuctoo.

The late Major Laing was the first who reached Timbuctoo, as I
shall prove by the most indisputable authority—namely his own
hand-writing, and that of his servant, who is now at Tripoli. In a
letter, dated Timbuctoo, September 21, 1826, addressed to the Consul,
Mr. Warrington, now lying before me, the Major says that he arrived
in this city on the 18th of the preceding month; that he intended to
quit it the day following the date of his letter, that is to say,
on the 22nd September and to proceed on the road to Ségo: he then
enters into many details relative to this city, and gives a great
number of curious documents which he had collected on the subject,
and other materials, which will without doubt be one day published.

He accordingly left Timbuctoo, on the 22nd September, with a small
caravan, having only one Arab servant; on the third evening he was
joined by several Arabs belonging to the caravan, and afterwards
basely massacred. It happened that the above-mentioned letter,
written from Timbuctoo, was in the possession of his servant. His
baggage was entirely pillaged, and his journal and numerous papers
carried off; but we have still hopes that they will be recovered. The
servant has undergone the most rigorous examination; he is firm
and consistent in all his answers; and I regret to say that there
is great reason to suppose that this enterprising traveller fell
a victim to the traitorous and barbarous Bello, who behaved so
scandalously to Captain Clapperton.

I therefore hope from your justice, as a man devoted to the
sciences, and particularly to geography, and as President of the
Central Committee, that you will give the same publicity to this
communication as has been given to the fortunate result of the
meritorious enterprise of M. Caillié.

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your very obedient servant,

                                                           JOHN BARROW.

* * * * *

_Extract from the Answer of_ M.  JOMARD _to_ MR. BARROW.

                                               Paris, 31 October, 1828.

SIR,

Although a stranger to the letter which forms the subject of your
appeal, I should never consent to participate, even indirectly,
in an assertion contrary to truth, or to the reputation of the
courageous traveller, whose interests you justly defend. No one is
less accessible than myself to impressions exclusively national,
and it is on behalf of humanity in general that I am devoted to the
cause of science and its indefinite progress. I should, therefore,
have sincerely rejoiced in being the first to make known in France
the return and success of Major Laing, as I was fortunate enough
to do in regard to Captain Clapperton and Major Denham on their
arrival. You must be aware, Sir, that it was I who announced to the
French public the labours of these intrepid adventurers, who first
published their valuable Discoveries in Central Africa, and paid
legitimate homage to the memory of Dr.  Oudney. With respect to
Major Laing, I long questioned and withstood the premature rumours
of his death, and exerted myself to point out the contradictions that
pervaded the accounts circulated both in Africa and Europe; nothing,
indeed, had yet persuaded me of the reality of this catastrophe,
and your letter alone, Sir, could oblige me to give entire credit
to this distressing intelligence, so ardently did I desire to be
informed of Major Laing’s success, and to have the pleasure
of proclaiming it, and of contributing, however feebly, to his
renown. Major Denham may have acquainted you with the reception
which he experienced from me at Paris; and told you how happy I
esteemed myself in embracing this brave officer, and in conversing
with a man who had ten times courageously hazarded his life, in
order to penetrate as far as possible in an unknown continent.

Now, Sir, these are the very expressions which form the subject of
your appeal: “He (M. A. Caillié) is the only European who has
hitherto succeeded in happily accomplishing an enterprize in which
so many brave travellers have fallen.”

You see, Sir, that the matter in question is the fortunate
return of the traveller to his country, and not the discovery of
Timbuctoo. The merit of having first visited that city is not
ascribed to him. Thus, after the death of Dr. Oudney, his more
fortunate companions, Clapperton and Denham, again reached their
native land: it might then be said, on their return to England,
that they were the first Europeans who had come back from Bornou,
and brought this enterprise to a successful termination, and that
without detracting in the least from the Doctor’s wreath of glory.
You will then do justice, Sir, I make no doubt, not only to me,
but to M. Delaporte, Vice-Consul of France; and you will have no
difficulty in acknowledging, that no one has had any intention of
depriving your countrymen of the honour due to them. I take credit
to myself for having contributed to establish it as a principle
in the Geographical Society, that travellers of all nations are
equally entitled to its attention, that its rewards belong to all,
whatever may be their nation; in short, that there is no distinction
in the feelings of this Society towards foreigners and denizens.

Permit me, Sir, to deplore with yourself the sad event related in
your letter; however, several circumstances appear still to leave
some small room for doubt; I hope my incredulity may be justified by
the event. But, if the catastrophe is certain, it is yet devoutly
to be wished that the journal of his travels may be recovered,
or that his servant may be able to furnish some information that
can be depended upon; also, that the curious documents, which you
mention as being in your possession, may be published as soon as
possible. We shall soon, I hope, be favoured with the documents
brought home by Clapperton’s servant, Lander, and I shall not
then be behind-hand in appreciating the merit of this new victim
to the cause of science. Allow me here, Sir, to add one remark:
had it devolved upon me to make a catalogue of the Europeans who
have reached the city of Timbuctoo, I should not have overlooked
several individuals who appear to have visited it; I should even
probably have mentioned Robert Adams, though his travels have been
called in question, and opinions, as you know, are still divided
upon them. Neither would M. Delaporte have failed to cite them, had
this been his object: but his intention was simply to announce the
fortunate return of the traveller, after having crossed the Great
Desert; a happiness neither reserved for Hornemann, Park, Oudney,
the unfortunate Laing, nor for so many other lamented victims.

It only remains for me, Sir, to congratulate myself on the
opportunity you have afforded me for expressing my real sentiments as
to what should constitute the object of all geographical discoveries,
that is to say, usefulness and the increase of human happiness. I
am equally gratified in the opportunity of expressing to you,
individually, the high esteem which I profess for scientific men
and travellers of your nation. With these sentiments I beg you to
believe me, &c.

                                                       _Signed_ JOMARD.

* * * * *

_Letter from His Excellency the Minister of the Interior to the
Presidents and Secretary of the Geographical Society._

                                             Paris, 28th October, 1828.

SIR,

I have received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me,
and in which, in answer to that which I had addressed to you on
the second of April last, you communicate to me the most recent
intelligence that has reached you from the interior of Africa. I
have read with real interest the details relative to the travels
of the Sieur Caillié, the first French traveller, you observe,
who has returned without danger and even with success, from such
an enterprise. I see with pleasure that the Geographical Society
has conferred on him marks of satisfaction; for my part, Gentlemen,
in compliance, with the wishes you conveyed to me, I have written in
his favour to His Exc. the Minister of the Marine. I have requested
that minister will have the goodness to provide the Sieur Caillié,
with the means of repairing to Paris; and the better to ensure his
attention, I transmitted to him a copy of the succinct narrative
with which you favoured me, and for which I thank you.

Please to accept, &c.

                                                    _Signed_ MARTIGNAC.

* * * * *

_Letter from the Presidents and Secretary of the Society to
M. Delaporte._

                                               Paris, 3rd October 1828.

M. VICE CONSUL,

In a letter from Toulon, dated 10th October, M. Auguste Caillié
informs us of a journey he had just accomplished in the interior of
Africa, and pays you a just tribute of gratitude for the generous
manner in which you received him. In answer to your letter of
the 3d instant, confirming the circumstances of this journey, we
hasten to address to you the thanks of the Geographical Society
for the additional particulars it contains, and especially for the
attention which you paid to our countryman. In thus fulfilling the
duties of humanity, you have saved the life of an estimable and
courageous traveller, the first amongst Europeans who has returned
from Central Africa by way of Morocco.

The Society has already strongly recommended M. Caillié to the
Ministers of the Marine and the Interior, and immediately forwarded
to him at Toulon a first indemnity, to supply his urgent necessities.

We have the honour to be, &c.

                        _Signed_ Baron CUVIER, JOMARD, DE LARENAUDIÈRE.

* * * * *

_Letter of His Exc. the Minister of the Marine._

                                             Paris, 11th November 1828.

GENTLEMEN,

You have done me the honour of recommending to me the Sieur Caillié
who has just accomplished a journey to Timbuctoo and several other
parts of Central Africa, and is recently arrived at Toulon.

The Minister of the Interior has also written to me in favour
of M. Caillié. My answer to His Exc. is that it belongs to his
office to provide this traveller with the assistance which seems
to be most necessary to him, and that I shall with pleasure concur
in any ulterior measures that may be adopted by the department of
the interior, to make a suitable compensation for the labours and
zeal of M. Caillié, whose claims upon the favour of government I
fully appreciate.

Permit me, &c.

                                       _Signed_ Baron HYDE DE NEUVILLE.


_Extracts from the Minutes of the Meeting of the 21st November 1828._

M. Jomard gave notice that M. Auguste Caillié, present at the
meeting, wished to offer his thanks to the Society; he then gave some
account of the information derived from the travels, and announced
that he had been able from the journal to draw a complete itinerary
from Rio-Nuñez to Tangier, by Timé, Jenné, Timbuctoo, Tafilet,
and Fez. He proposed that a committee of five members should be
appointed to take the papers into consideration and make their
report before the general meeting, in order that the public may be
speedily enabled to appreciate the labours and observations of this
interesting traveller. The proposition was unanimously adopted,
and a special commission composed of Messrs. Eyriès, Amédée
Jaubert, Larenaudière, baron Roger, Cadet de Metz, and Jomard,
appointed to report to the meeting upon the travels and papers
of M. Caillié. The central commission will hold an extraordinary
meeting to receive this report.


_Letter from the President and Secretary of the Society, to their
Excellencies the Ministers of the Marine, of the Interior, and of
Foreign Affairs._

                                            Paris, 28th November, 1828.

MONSEIGNEUR,

The Geographical Society, after having attentively investigated
the efforts and observations of M. A. Caillié in the interior
of Africa, has aknowledged him deserving of the reward promised
_to the first traveller who should reach the city of Timbuctoo,
setting out from Senegambia_, and has decided that the annexed
report should be communicated to Your Excellency. We hasten,
Monseigneur, to address to you a copy[174] in behalf of M. Caillié,
and we deem it superfluous to recommend him again to your favour.
Perhaps Your Excellency may think it advisable to lay before His
Majesty a statement of his services.

We are, &c.

             _Signed Baron_ CUVIER, _President; Viscount_ SIMEON, _Vice
      president;_ GIRARD, _President of the Central Committee;_ JOMARD,
                _Vice-President;_ DE LARENAUDIÈRE, _General Secretary_.


_Letter from_ MR. JOHN BARROW _to_ M. JOMARD.

                                            London, 1st December, 1828.

SIR,

I have received your obliging letter of the first of November and
that of the 20th, to which you have had the goodness to add printed
copies of our correspondence on the subject of the two African
travellers therein mentioned. I beg you to accept my very hearty
thanks. The explanation you have kindly given in your first letter
is perfectly satisfactory, and of a nature to convince me that
I was under a mistake, and that I had confounded M. Caillié’s
happy return with the successful accomplishment of his enterprise.
I have long delayed thanking you, that I might be enabled at the
same time to send you a copy of the map, &c.

                                                  _Signed_ JOHN BARROW.

* * * * *

_Letter of His Excellency the Minister of the Marine to_ M. JOMARD.

                                             Paris, 2nd December, 1828.

While the definitive recompense which M. Caillié may be entitled to
expect, on account of the courageous enterprise which he has recently
accomplished, remains in suspense, I have proposed to the King to
grant to this traveller a provisional indemnity of three thousand
francs, payable from the funds of the Senegal. His Majesty has
been graciously pleased, by a decision of the 30th of November, to
accede to my proposition. I have thought that it would be agreeable
to you to be informed of this act of royal beneficence, which I
congratulate myself as having been the instrument of obtaining.

Receive, &c.

                                       _Signed_ Baron HYDE DE NEUVILLE.

* * * * *

_Letter of His Excellency the Minister of the Marine to_ M. JOMARD.

                                            Paris, 10th December, 1828.

I hasten to announce to you that upon my proposition, the King
has deigned, by an ordinance of this day, to create M. Caillié a
Knight of the Legion of Honour: I request you will have the goodness
to announce it to him. I shall be happy to see him to-morrow,
Thursday the 11th of December, between the hours of eleven and one,
to communicate this intelligence to him personally.

Be pleased to accept, &c.,

                                       _Signed_ BARON HYDE DE NEUVILLE.


_Letter of His Excellency the Minister of the Marine, to Baron_
CUVIER, _President of the Geographical Society_.

                                            Paris, 11th December, 1828.

You have transmitted to me, in the name of the Geographical Society,
a copy of the report of the special commission charged to draw
up for the society an account of the travels of M. A. Caillié to
Timbuctoo and in the interior of Africa. I have the honour to thank
you for the communication of this interesting report.

I have learned with pleasure that the Society has judged M.
Caillié deserving of the recompense proposed to the traveller who,
setting out from Senegambia, should penetrate to Timbuctoo.

Considerably as my department has already contributed to the
formation of the fund appropriated to this object, I have proposed
to the King to grant to M. Caillié, from the colonial funds,
a special indemnity of three thousand francs, the allowance of
which I have directly announced to M. Caillié.

A favour of still higher value has since been decreed to this
traveller; by an ordinance of the 10th of December, issued upon my
report, the King has named him a Knight of the royal order of the
Legion of Honour.

I congratulate myself in having to acquaint the Geographical Society
with these acts of royal beneficence, which I have joyfully seized
the opportunity of recommending in recompense for M.  Caillié’s
devotedness.

Be pleased to accept, &c.

                                       _Signed_ Baron HYDE DE NEUVILLE.

* * * * *

_Extract from the Minutes of the General Meeting of the 5th of
December, 1828._

M. Jomard, the organ of the Committee charged to draw up an
account of the results of M. Caillié’s travels, read the report,
which was listened to with the most lively and intense attention.
After having successively explained all the reasons upon which
the conviction of the Committee was founded, and especially the
agreement which subsists between the accounts of this traveller
and those published by such of his predecessors as are the most
accurate and most deserving of credit; after having announced that
M. Caillié’s journal contains an itinerary continued without
interruption from Rio-Nuñez to Tangier; the reporter delivered a
sketch of the results of the Travels sufficient to excite, but not to
satisfy the curiosity of the audience. He enumerated the principal
places which our countryman visited during a journey of seventeen
months, and of about three thousand miles. We shall only cite his
embarkation at Jenné on the Dhioliba (vulgarly called the Niger),
his navigation from thence to Timbuctoo, during an entire month in
the season of shallow water; his residence in this town, and his
subsequent journey across the great desert, during two months and a
half, to the kingdom of Morocco and to Tangier. There M. Delaporte,
Consul of France and a member of the Geographical Society, received
our countryman, lavished upon him all the attentions which his
ill-health and exhaustion demanded, after his escape from the dangers
of the climate and the perils of so long and arduous a journey.

The report was warmly applauded; and, in conformity to the
conclusions of the Committee, M. Caillié was introduced, and
received from the hands of the President the recompense offered
to his generous self-devotion, that is to say, the produce of a
subscription opened by the Society in behalf of the person who should
first succeed in penetrating to Timbuctoo by the way of Senegambia,
and in furnishing a description of that town.

* * * * *

_Letter from His Excellency the Minister of the Interior._

                                             Paris, 5th December, 1828.

GENTLEMEN,

I have received the letter which you did me the honour to write on
the 29th of November last, and with it a copy of the report made
to the Society upon the travels of M. A. Caillié in the interior
of Africa.

I shall examine with interest what it may be in my power to do
towards fulfilling the wishes you express in favour of a traveller,
who has executed an enterprise of the great importance of which,
in its relation to science, and our intercourse with countries,
hitherto, and even still, so imperfectly known, I fully appreciate,
as the Minister of the Marine has done.

Be pleased to accept, &c.

                                                    _Signed_ MARTIGNAC.

* * * * *

_Death of Major_ LAING.—_Literal translation of a Letter written
at St.  Louis by a Moor of Timbuctoo, and addressed to M._ JOMARD
_by M. Prosper_ GERARDIN.

                                                       St. Louis, 1828.

Know that Chems, chief of the tribe of Darmancours, has told me
that he has received a letter from Saleh, son of our Iman and of
our Cheyhkh (at Tischit), relating to the christian who went to
Gadamès. From this town he went towards Touat, then he proceded
towards the tribe of the Cheykh Moctar (chief of the Kountas, to
the east of the kingdom of the Dowiches). In consideration of a
thousand drachms of gold, the people of this tribe accompanied him
to Timbuctoo, where they arrived after a journey which continued
seven days; afterwards they left him. This white man remained some
days at Timbuctoo; then he quitted it. He was met by the Moors who
are called Berabiches. These killed him, stole his money, and left
behind the books which he possessed.

Saleh says that, if the christians wish for these books, they have
only to send some one to him, and that he will restore them.

The Berabiches are the Moors who inhabit the environs of Timbuctoo
and Arawane.

The King of Timbuctoo is named الخاش (el-Khâch).

* * * * *

_Narrative of a Moor from Timbuctoo (communicated by the Baron_
ROGER.

                                            St. Louis, September, 1828.

On my way hither from my own country, I passed through Timbuctoo,
when I learnt that a white man, who had resided there some days,
had been murdered on his way to Ségo; and the circumstances of that
unfortunate event, as related to me, in that town, are as follows:

This European, who came from Tripoli, and expressed a desire to
proceed to the Senegambia, travelled with a Jew of Barbary, who
acted as interpreter; he was attended by four black servants, and
possessed nine camels laden with provisions and merchandise. He
had arrived within a few days’ journey of Timbuctoo with his
caravan, when he was joined by another, composed of Moors of Tuat
or _Tuaris_. They first demanded presents of him, and then invited
him to barter. The Englishman (who is supposed to be Major Laing)
consented, and trafficked with this tribe: but, during the night,
they burst into his tent and attacked him. The white man and his
servants defended themselves bravely: though wounded in the arm,
the traveller succeeded in escaping on one of his camels: he was
rejoined soon after by one of the blacks, who brought back two
others; they fortunately reached Timbuctoo and took refuge there.
But the Tuaris pursued them, and required of the King to surrender
to them the white man who had killed several of their companions.
The unfortunate man was obliged to flee from his persecutors: in
vain he took a contrary course to deceive his pursuers and escape
to Ségo; he was overtaken by the villains and put to death.

I could have easily obtained from the Tuaris the books which belonged
to this European; but I durst not, lest I should be suspected of
having been concerned in his murder.


THE END.




FOOTNOTES:


[Footnote 1: These planks are sawed; of this, at least, I think I
am certain. The natives are indebted to the Moors for the knowledge
of the saw. Wood is so scarce in this country that it is necessary
to make a tree produce as many planks as possible.]

[Footnote 2: An abbreviation of Moubark.]

[Footnote 3: This custom also prevails on the Senegal.]

[Footnote 4: The word _Nile_ is generic, as are also the terms
_Bahr’Bâ_, _Kouara_, and many similar names.]

[Footnote 5: Like the shields of the ancient Egyptians.]

[Footnote 6: When I wrote in the desert, I sat down and placed
on my knees some leaves of the Koran, which I was supposed to be
copying and studying. See plate 3.]

[Footnote 7: Of about two feet.]

[Footnote 8: See plates 4 and 5.]

[Footnote 9: See plate 3.]

[Footnote 10: See plate 6.]

[Footnote 11: I have already observed that Nile is a generic term
and does not necessarily apply to the Egyptian river.]

[Footnote 12: Wooden locks and keys are also used in Egypt and
Nubia.]

[Footnote 13: See the plan of a private house. Plate 5, Figs. 4. 5.]

[Footnote 14: It is doubtful whether the English traveller would
have expressed himself in this manner.]

[Footnote 15: The value of the gold mitkhal is about twelve francs,
and the silver mitkhal about four.]

[Footnote 16: It was the Moors of the tribe of Zawât, who
assassinated Major Laing.]

[Footnote 17: The Hoden of the maps.]

[Footnote 18: Hedysarum alhagi.]

[Footnote 19: The Guigo without doubt.]

[Footnote 20: A kind of inn.]

[Footnote 21: Felous is a generic word signifying coined money. At
Fez this name is also given to a copper coin resembling the _gu_
of Egypt.]

[Footnote 22: This is the river which on the maps is called Sebou,
and into which the sea ascends.]

[Footnote 23: M. Amédée Jaubert has already presented to the
Geographical Society a translation of the _first climate_ of the
geography of el-Edricy, from the manuscript which he has discovered:
the entire work will be printed in the collection of this society’s
memoirs. The Rev. M. Renouard is also preparing in London, a
translation of another inedited manuscript of the same geographer.]

[Footnote 24: See _Geogr. Nubiens_, by Gabriel Sionit., p. 7, 9,
Paris, 1619, in-4to, and Hartmann, _Edrisii Africa_, p. 28 to 55
and _pass_. Gotting. 1795, 8vo.]

[Footnote 25: Agadez, according to M. Walckenaer. See his learned
_Recherches géographiques sur l’Intérieur de l’Afrique
Septentr._ p. 11, in which work almost all the materials which
should be consulted by those who are studying the history of African
discoveries are quoted and collected.]

[Footnote 26: M. Walckenaer has already remarked that on the
ancient map on wood in the King’s library (of the middle of the
14th century) Timbuctoo is indicated by the name of Tenbuch. Its
foundation dated about a century and a half earlier. _Rech. sur
l’Afr. Septentr. &c._, p. 14.]

[Footnote 27: _Insula verò Ulil in mare sita est, etc_.
_Geograph. Nubiens_ p. 7. But _bahr_ signifies both river and sea.]

[Footnote 28: This same extract more complete has just been published
in an English translation by Mr. S. Lee, under the title of Travels
of Ibn Batuta, etc. London, 1829.—During my abode at Cairo, I
heard mention of a complete manuscript, the work of Ben-Batouta,
deposited in the library of the Mosque el-Azhar.]

[Footnote 29: Perhaps تغازي and not تغاري Teghary as read
by Burckhardt, or Tegherry, which would conduct him to the centre
of the kingdom of Fez: M. Kosegarten read تغازا and Mr. Lee
ثغازي in one of the manuscripts.]

[Footnote 30: Oualet, according to M. Walckenaer.]

[Footnote 31: This opinion is adopted by M. Walckenaer (_Recherches
sur l’Afrique sept._ &c. p. 32).]

[Footnote 32: According to the traveller Adrien Partarrieu, a man
of colour, resident at Senegal, who was well acquainted with the
languages both of Africa and Europe, and capable of making good
geographical observations.]

[Footnote 33: See _Histoire complète des Voyages et Découvertes
en Afrique_, by Dr. Leyden, and H. Murray, French translation,
vol. 3, page 173 and the following.]

[Footnote 34: The position of Timbo should first be corrected from
the observations of Major Laing.]

[Footnote 35: It has already been remarked (if an author may be
permitted to quote himself) in the _Réflexions sur l’état
des connaissances relatives au cours du Dhiolibâ_ (page 23) that
the catastrophe appears to have occurred about the 4th of January
1806. He set out from Sansanding about the 19th of November, his
voyage therefore could only have lasted about forty seven days.]

[Footnote 36: Compare the map of Park’s second journey, in
the “Journal of a Mission to the Interior of Africa,” etc.
London, 1815.]

[Footnote 37: Otherwise Benjamin Rose.]

[Footnote 38: _Nouveau Voyage dans l’Intérieur de l’Afrique,
fait en 1820_, etc. translated from the English by the Chevalier
de Frasans, Paris, 1817.]

[Footnote 39: Such a change cannot have taken place in eighteen
years.]

[Footnote 40: See plate 6, in this volume, and the explanation.]

[Footnote 41: See below, Chapter II, and _Nouveau Voyage_,
&c. p. 79.]

[Footnote 42: It has been already observed, that he gave five Arabic
words, as those of Timbuctoo. _Nouveau Voyage_, page 175.]

[Footnote 43: The substitution of Bahr zahara (river of the desert)
for Marzarah, as proposed by M. Dupuis, appears improbable. See
_Rel. d’Adams_, page 136.]

[Footnote 44: See below, page 217, the analysis of the general map,
§ II, Art. 3.]

[Footnote 45: See further on for what relates to the basins of the
different rivers.]

[Footnote 46: From this lofty range the Rio-Grande and the rivers
of the Timannie flow to the west and south-west; the Gambia, the
Falemé, the Bâfing or Senegal, to the north; and the Dhioliba
and its tributaries, to the east. It is probably connected with the
mountains vulgarly called _Kong_, a word the true signification of
which is _mountain_.]

[Footnote 47: Several points however of these narratives, which I
cannot here pretend to reconcile, yet remain to be elucidated.]

[Footnote 48: See the _Voyage dans l’Afrique occidentale de 1818
à 1821_, by Major William Gray, and the late Surgeon Dochard,
Paris, 1826, translated by Mme. Ch. Huguet. Every one is acquainted
with the unhappy issue of this mission, during which, however,
interesting observations were made, equally worthy the attention
of geographers and of philanthropists.]

[Footnote 49: See on this subject, the _Nouvelle Histoire générale
des voyages_, &c. published by M. Walckenaer.]

[Footnote 50: See below, Art. 3, remarks on the extent of an hour’s
and a day’s journey in Northern Africa.]

[Footnote 51: Ninety-six days exclusive of those of rest.]

[Footnote 52: The two days’ journey in a mountainous country must
necessarily be valued at less than eighteen geographical miles each.]

[Footnote 53: See amongst others _La Sénégambie pour servir à
la nouvelle Histoire générale des Voyages de M. Walckenaer &c._
par M. Dufour, 1828.]

[Footnote 54: It appears to me that M. Dufour, in his estimable work
on Senegambia, restricts himself too scrupulously to the details
of M. Mollien’s route, which nevertheless are very valuable.]

[Footnote 55: The Mandingoes place the Couranco, where Major Laing
places the Soulimana, that is to say they prolong the Couranco to
the N. W., towards the sources of the Dhioliba.]

[Footnote 56: All the rivulets near Kakondy nevertheless flow to the
north into the Rio-Nuñez; but their course is short; perhaps also,
some of the succeeding ones fall into the Rio-Grande.]

[Footnote 57: Sami to the west of Sego, 13° 17’ north, second
journey of Mungo Park, _Journal of a Mission_, &c.  London, 1815,
page 149 and 150.]

[Footnote 58: It is nearly due N. E.]

[Footnote 59: See, farther on, the tracing of the course of the
river.]

[Footnote 60: It is the same with that from Djenné to Timbuctoo.]

[Footnote 61: M. Walckenaer, as I have elsewhere said, was among
the first to acknowledge the necessity of this alteration. See
_Recherches_, &c. See also Vol. II, of the _Mémoires de la Société
de Géographie_, and its _Bulletin_ or _Recueil périodique_.]

[Footnote 62: The journal shows four days’ distance; these must
be days of twelve leagues: there are actually eight ordinary days’
journeys with the windings.]

[Footnote 63: See § V below.]

[Footnote 64: See § V. farther on.]

[Footnote 65: See Art. 3.]

[Footnote 66: See pages 457 and 464.]

[Footnote 67: In the map which accompanies his work, M.  Walckenaer
places Tafilet about 5° east of Morocco; but M. Lapie, in the
map to M. Cochelet’s travels makes it only 3 degrees and a half
distant. This is also the difference of longitude which results from
the route of M. Caillié as traced by me, the positions of Morocco
and Fez being moreover precisly known. The whole eastern part however
of the empire of Morocco presents difficulties and uncertainties,
which cause the necessity of new observations to be sensibly felt.]

[Footnote 68: May not the too great remoteness of Tafilet from
Fez arise from the custom of which I have spoken, which always
exaggerates itinerary distances?]

[Footnote 69: May not the word _beheim_ which in Arabic signifies
cattle be here mistaken for the name of a place?]

[Footnote 70: About 300 miles south of Nun, 500 north of Tumbut,
and 100 from the Ocean: it is evident that no point can fulfil all
these conditions.]

[Footnote 71: Perhaps el-Quebly ال قبلي improperly pronounced;
this word, signifying _which is to the south_, should, it is
probable, be erased front the maps.]

[Footnote 72: For caravans moderately laden, see observations below.]

[Footnote 73: Toudeyni is at the distance of one day’s journey.]

[Footnote 74: There is reason to believe that the caravan rested
several times during marches of more than twelve hours.]

[Footnote 75: El-Yabo a Berber town, is one day’s journey N. W. of
Zenatyia.]

[Footnote 76: Afilé is near this place.]

[Footnote 77: I am not speaking of points more or less in the
neighbourhood of the route, as Labé, or of the first part of the
course of the Dhioliba.]

[Footnote 78: The lengths of the style and of the shadow were taken
with cords, which have been brought back to France, and which I
have measured with the utmost possible care, comparing them with
a good copper metre.

The style was a very straight stick, placed quite vertically,
by means of a plummet, which the traveller brought away with him,
and which is deposited at the vice-consulate at Tangier, in the
hands of M. Delaporte.]

[Footnote 79: I am indebted for this calculation, and for the
following obliging notice to Lieut. Col. Corabœuf, of the corps
of royal geographical engineers.  

  Zenithal distance of the superior edge of ⊙   22°   22’
  Semi-diameter of  ⊙                            0°   16’
                                                ---------
                                                22°   38’
  Southern declination of  ⊙                    13°   38’
                                                ---------
                            North latitude       9     0
]

[Footnote 80: Two thousand, eight hundred and forty nine miles and
a quarter.]

[Footnote 81: I say nothing of the false information, which the
natives, and especially the Moors, have wilfully given to Europeans,
to keep them away from the centre of Africa; some out of fanaticism,
others for fear of losing the advantages of commerce.]

[Footnote 82:

  Zenithal distance of the superior edge of ⊙    2°   26’
  Semidiameter of  ⊙                             0°   16’
                                                ---------
                                                  2   42
  Northern declination of  ⊙                     15    9’
                                                ---------
                            North latitude       17    51

I must not conceal the fact that M. Caillié made four similar
observations in different places, which are too inconsistent with
the itinerary to be made any use of.]

[Footnote 83: I have formerly given a rather remarkable example
of an analogous application, in the height of the great pyramid of
Memphis, measured by the assistance of mathematical instruments, and
afterwards by the addition of the partial measures of the degrees,
worked by imperfect processes. The results differ very little,
but the number of the partial measures was 203.]

[Footnote 84: The latitude as determined by M. Walckenaer approaches
very near to this result.]

[Footnote 85: See the Bulletin of the Geographical Society, the
second volume of its memoirs, and the map of the Course of the
Gambia beyond Coussaye etc.]

[Footnote 86: “An Account of the Empire of Morocco,” p.  240.]

[Footnote 87: In his letter dated from Timbuctoo, Major Laing
speaks of a distance of fifteen days’ journeys between Sego and
Timbuctoo; I find upon the map about three hundred and fifty-four
miles in a direct line; the days’ journeys are of twenty four
miles, or those of a light caravan.]

[Footnote 88: _The Journal of a Mission to the Interior of Africa_,
&c. p. 164.]

[Footnote 89: _A Chart of the River Gambia_, &c.]

[Footnote 90: _Annales Maritimes_ for the year 1827, second part,
vol. ii, p. 276.]

[Footnote 91: _Ann. Marit._ for the year 1828; second part, vol. i,
pages 933 and 941.]

[Footnote 92: _The Journal_, &c. p. 21.]

[Footnote 93: M. de Beaufort has made, at Senegal, two observations
which differ from the above by more than 5°, and others which
exceed from 2 to 5 degrees: this variation is, no doubt, owing to
local circumstances.]

[Footnote 94: The journeys of the subsequent days were shorter.]

[Footnote 95: It is the same with the route from Timbuctoo to
Arbate.]

[Footnote 96: Impatience to arrive, and above all, the imperious
necessity of reaching the wells, sufficiently account for these
long journeys through the desert.]

[Footnote 97: _Recherches sur l’Afrique septentrionale_, &c.,
page 266.]

[Footnote 98: After all deductions.]

[Footnote 99: Or from 24 to 26, on account of a ten hours’ march
of two miles and six-tenths an hour.]

[Footnote 100: The learned M. Eyriès in his _Geographical
Observations_ on the discoveries of M. Mollien, confines the
day’s journey to five leagues, or twelve geographical miles;
this estimate applies only to certain cases, for example the long
extended journeys of pedestrians, but not to the days’ journeys
of ordinary caravans.]

[Footnote 101: _Carte générale des Etats du Nord de l’Afrique,
&c._]

[Footnote 102: The data and calculations exhibited above, being the
basis upon which I have reduced the itinerary map and used it for
the general map, it is superfluous here to explain more at length
the necessary differences between the two; but I have considered it
equally my duty to give the first without modification, that is to
say constructed solely upon the estimate of the journeys. I shall
here give the general result of M.  Caillié’s days’ journeys,
which, as a whole, deserve attention for their continuity and extent.


 +----------+-------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-----------+
 |          |Number |Number |Estimated|Number |Estimated|Number of  |
 |          |of     |of     |number   |of     |number of|geographic.|
 |          |days   |hours  |of       |hours  |English  |miles.     |
 |JOURNEYS  |of     |of     |English  |journey|miles.   |           |
 |          |actual |travel.|miles.   |daily. +----+----+-----+-----+
 |          |travel.|       |         |       |per |per |per  |per  |
 |          |       |       |         |       |hour|day |hour |day  |
 +----------+-------+-------+---------+-------+----+----+-----+-----+
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |From      |48     |176½   |529¼     |3,7    |3   |11,0|2,14 |9,43 |
 |Kakondy   |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |to Timé   |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |„ Timé to |62     |148    |444      |2,4    |3   |7,2 |2,14 |6,17 |
 |Galia     |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |„ Galia   |26     |262    |524      |10     |2   |20  |1,43 |17,2 |
 |to        |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |Timbuctoo |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |by water  |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |„         |67     |630    |1260     |9,3    |2   |18,8|1,43 |16,1 |
 |Timbuctoo |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |to Fez    |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |„ Fez to  |4      |45     |90       |11,2   |2   |22,5|1,43 |19,3 |
 |Arbate    |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 |          +-------+-------+---------+-------+----+----+-----+-----+
 |Totals    |207    |1261½  |2849¼    | „     |„   |„   |„    |„    |
 |          |       |       |         |       |    |    |     |     |
 +----------+-------+-------+---------+-------+----+----+-----+-----+
 |                                                                  |
 | Progress of caravans heavily laden, by the hour in               |
 | geographical miles: from 1⁹⁄₂₀ to 1½                             |
 |                                                                  |
 | „ moderately laden, by the hour in ditto.                        |
 |                    .from 2 to ³⁄₂₀                               |
 +------------------------------------------------------------------+
 ]

[Footnote 103: See Chapter 3.]

[Footnote 104: See Chapter 2 below.]

[Footnote 105: _Couaraba_, or _River-River_; thus the Africans call
the Nile _Ba-ba_.]

[Footnote 106: See below § V.]

[Footnote 107: “This place,” says Leo, “is a very abundant
mine of salt, whiter than marble, at the distance of about twenty
days’ journey from any inhabited spot, and having wells of very
salt water only.” The author does not give its exact situation. See
_Descrip. Africæ_, 1. 6, p. 425, Figur. 1559.]

[Footnote 108: I apprehend this word to be corrupted by the Europeans
because Kount, the same perhaps as Kant, is actually the name of
a tribe of the Sahara, according to M. Caillié’s Itinerary.]

[Footnote 109: Perhaps a different place from Walet, as I have
conjectured above.]

[Footnote 110: When properly written, I do not think that this
word contains a ي _ye_. We may be satisfied, however, with the
orthography تمبكتُ Temboctou, and the word is perhaps composed
of the Berber particle _te_ or _ta_, as Tamaroc, Takant, Tarekne,
T-rarzas, T-razah, etc., and of _m-boctou_, formed like M-dayara. I
know that Ben Batouta writes Tenboctou, تنبكتوا The only
doubt remaining is relative to the use of the _m_ or _n_. See _The
Travels of Ibn Batouta_, English translation by Mr. Lee, London 1829,
p. 237.]

[Footnote 111: See in § V further on, several remarks upon the
nomenclature.]

[Footnote 112: On the left bank the Tankisso, and several others;
on the right bank the Couaraba, the Bagoé, &c.]

[Footnote 113: Volume II of the Memoirs of the Geographical Society,
page 54.]

[Footnote 114: Speaking of the sight of the river, which he obtained
from the heights of Toniba, at four leagues distance, Park exclaims:
“I once more saw the Niger rolling its immense stream along the
plain.” (_The Journal of a Mission_, &c.  London, 1815, page 143).]

[Footnote 115: See Section III below.]

[Footnote 116: _Journal of a Mission, &c._, 144, and following
pages.]

[Footnote 117: I have already called the reader’s attention to
the fact that M. Walckenaer had carried this position at least two
degrees farther west than the old maps. Subsequent observations,
which I have employed myself in collecting, have proved that a
change in this direction was necessary. To judge of its extent it was
essential to have good observations taken at Galam, (or at Bakel),
as well as a new itinerary between Senegambia and the Dhioliba. It
is on these more accurate data that I have endeavoured to work.]

[Footnote 118: On occasion of the rains, the useful assistance he
derived from his English umbrella may be remarked, not only for the
shelter it afforded him, but for the importance which the natives
attached to it, the admiration it produced, and the advantage he
derived from that admiration. This narrative shews that this is one
of the portable articles which Europeans would be most certain of
exporting with success to Africa.]

[Footnote 119: The Marabouts write this word عَراَوَان]

[Footnote 120: See the description of this city in Mr.  Jackson’s
work, quoted above, and that of Timbuctoo, in the Travels of Robert
Adams and of Riley, in Leo Africanus, and in the _Recherches_
of M. Walckenaer, &c.]

[Footnote 121: The king of Tombuto, according to Leo, had three
thousand horsemen under his command, and an almost innumerable
multitude of archers. One very remarkable circumstance is that fire
destroyed, according to this author, (if we read _oppidi pars_)
_almost half the city in the space of five hours_.  Leo’s recital
is the most important, and perhaps the most authentic, of any we
have hitherto possessed. These motives induce me to place it entire
before the reader, in order that he may compare it with the new
narrative. I shall quote the Latin version made from the Italian of
Leo (2nd edition), though it is not quite so accurate as might be
wished: it is well known that Leo wrote it originally in Arabic. See
Joannis Leonis Africani de totius Africæ Descriptione lib, Tiguri,
1559. 431 and following pages.

  TUMBUTUM REGNUM.

  Hujus regni nomen nostris ferè temporibus ab
  ejusdem nominis oppido desumptum volunt, cujus conditorem fuisse
  dicunt quemdam Mensè-Suleiman, hegiræ anno sexcentesimo decimo:
  in duodecimo milliario à quodam fluviolo situm fuit, _quod_
  è Nigro flumine effluebat; cujus domus omnes in tuguriola
  cretacea[A] stramineis tectis sunt mutatæ. Visitur tamen
  elegantissimum quoddam templum, cujus murus ex lapidibus atque
  calce vivo est fabricatus: deindè et palatium quoddam regium à
  quodam Granatæ viro artificiosissimo conditum. Frequentissimæ
  hìc sunt artificum, mercatorum, præcipuè autem telæ atque
  gossypii textorum, officinæ. Hùc mercatores barbari pannum ex
  Europâ afferunt. Hujus quoque regionis mulieres faciem tegunt,
  ancillis tamen exceptis, iisque quæ omnia ad victum necessaria
  vendunt. Incolæ, ac inter hos exteri præsertim, sunt ditissimi,
  adeò ut qui jam regem agit, utramque filiam duobus mercatoribus
  ditissimis in uxores dederit. Frequentissimi hìc putei, qui
  aquam præbent dulcissimam; ac quoties Niger flumen excrescit,
  ejus aquam ductibus quibusdam in urbem trahunt. Regio est
  frumentis, pecudibus, lacte atque butyro copiosissima: salis
  verò summa est penuria; hùc enim à Tegasa, quod oppidum in
  quingentesimo abest milliario, adferri solet. Ego cùm hìc
  essem, vidi salis sarcinam unam, quantùm camelus ferre potuit,
  octoginta emi aureis. Tumbuti rex opulentissimus bracteas aliquot
  atque sceptra habet, quorum nonnulla mille et trecentarum sunt
  librarum. Magnificam optimèque instructam alit aulam: quoties
  aliquò proficiscitur, camelo insidet, qui à nobilibus duci
  solet; idem evenit quoties ad bellum proficiscitur; milites
  verò omnes equites sunt. Hunc si quis regem alloqui velit,
  ad pedes primùm procidit, deindè terram sumens in caput atque
  humeros sternit: soletque hic fère mos ab illis servari, qui
  nunquam anteà regi sunt locuti, aut qui ab alio principe hùc
  legati sunt missi. Equitum semper tria millia habet, pedites
  propemodùm innumeros, qui arcubus sagittas emittunt veneno
  infectas. Frequentissimè cum his belligerantur, qui tributum
  persolvere recusant, et quotquot prælio capere possunt, Tumbuti
  mercatoribus vendunt. Magna hìc est equorum paucitas; mercatores
  atque aulici pusillos quosdam alunt, quibus in itinere peragendo
  uti solent; præstantissimi autem equi à Barbaria adducuntur;
  Rex verò simul atque audit mercatores cum equis appulisse,
  mox numerum sibi adferri jubet, deindè omnium præstantissimum
  sibi deligit, pretiumque liberalissime persolvit. Judæis omnibus
  adeò se hostem atrocem præbet, ut nullos omninò in ea civitate
  admittat: si quos Barbaros aliquid cum Judæis commercii habere
  intelligit, statim illorum bona proscribere jubet. Magna hìc
  est judicum, doctorum, sacerdotum, atque virorum doctissimorum,
  copia, qui liberalissimis regiis aluntur stipendiis. Infiniti
  hìc libri manuscripti ex Barbaria adferuntur; è quibus
  multò plures pecuniæ quàm ex reliquiis omnibus mercibus
  colliguntur. Horum moneta aurea est, nullis figuris insignita:
  in rebus autem minutioribus cochleis quibusdam utuntur quæ hùc
  ex Persarum regione convehi solent, harum quadringentæ aureo
  æquivalent: aureorum autem sex, cum duabus unius aurei tertiis,
  unciam unam pendent. Homines naturâ sunt mites atque placidi;
  à vigesimâ quartâ in primam usque noctis horam cantando atque
  saltando omnes ferè civitatis partes ambiunt. Mancipia utriusque
  sexûs quàm plurima alunt: estque oppidum ignis injuriæ maximè
  obnoxium; ubi jàm secundùm ad hos venissem dimidia ferè
  _oppida_ pars quinque horarum spatio igne deleta fuit. Nullum
  in suburbio hortum aut fructibus consitum locum reperies.

  CABRA OPPIDUM.

  Cabra sic satis amplum absque muris ad
  pagi modum compositum oppidum, distat à Tumbuto ad flumen
  Nigrum in duodecimo ferè milliario; hìc mercatores ad Gineæ
  aut Melli regnum navigare cupientes, naves conscendunt. Hujus
  tàm cives quàm ædificia Tumbuti ædificiis atque civibus non
  admodùm sunt inferiora: hùc Nigritæ navigio undique confluere
  solent. In hac civitate Tumbuti rex judicem quemdam constituit,
  qui lites inter eos componeret: molestum enim erat toties
  in anno eam ob causam eò proficisci. Ego hìc regis fratrem
  Abu-Bacr, cognomine Pargama, novi hominem, colore quidem nigrum,
  cæterùm animo atque ingenio candidissimum. Frequentissimi hìc
  exoriuntur morbi, qui rempublicam mirum in modum minuunt. Idque
  propter ciborum ineptissimam commixtionem: pisces enim lacte,
  butyro atque carnibus commiscent; estque hic præcipuus ferè
  Tumbuti cibus.
]

[Footnote A: These words are not a translation of _capanne fatte
di pali, coperte di creta_, in the Italian text.]

[Footnote 122: _Recherches sur l’Afrique Sept. &c._, page 184.]

[Footnote 123: _Recherches sur l’Afrique Sept. &c._, page
184. It is true that this itinerary is less worthy of credit than
that of Sheik Haggy-Cassem, translated by M. Delaporte, the date
of which seems to be 1805, and which agrees on many points with
M. Caillié. Those who have made this part of Africa the object of
their studies will perceive some evident fiction in the former work.]

[Footnote 124: From Tangier to Timbuctoo, 450 leagues in a direct
line; from Timbuctoo to Bouré 200 leagues, total 650 leagues;
with the return 1300. From St. Louis to Caignon 110 leagues;
from Caignon to Bouré 120; total 230, and with the return 460:
difference in a direct line, 420, and with the return 840.]

[Footnote 125: See the French translation, by Messrs.  Eyriès and
de la Renaudière, tome II, supplement, pages 298, etc.]

[Footnote 126: The English translation of this document has here
joined the countries of _Fouta-Torou_ and _Darboz_; the latter
cannot be San-Salvador, as the translator imagines.]

[Footnote 127: Similar instances have induced me long since to
adopt the _dh_ or _gh_ in transcribing several African names,
particularly in the word _Dhioliba_, independently of the meaning
of the word _Dhioli_, which the natives would probably write جلي.]

[Footnote 128: I have however somewhere seen this name translated
by _Black River_; the Banimma is marked on the eastern side, as
well as the Balio.]

[Footnote 129: _The Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern
and Central Africa, by Major Denham and C. H.  Clapperton._ London,
1826, page 109 of Clapperton’s journal.]

[Footnote 130: I perceive also the name of Jerry amongst those
of the districts subject to Mohammed-Labou: (Massina, Temboctou,
Jerry) does this name stand for Jenné?]

[Footnote 131: The comparison of these two African maps with
the accounts of Isaaco and Amadi-Fatouma, Mungo Park’s guides,
affords results not unworthy of attention: but I have not room to
deduce them.]

[Footnote 132: See “_Quarterly Review_.” See also _Réflexions
sur l’état des Connaissances relatives au Cours du Dhioliba_,
page 27.]

[Footnote 133: _Ibidem_, page 25.]

[Footnote 134: See above, Vol. I, the account of his first travels.]

[Footnote 135: On the 8th of October he arrived in France, five
months after his departure from Timbuctoo; from this time the
period of his compulsory residence in Morocco must be deducted. The
Geographical Society awarded to him its highest premium at its
general meeting on the 26th of December 1828, only seven months
after he quitted Timbuctoo.]

[Footnote 136: It was during the dry season that the English
travellers found it to be a hundred yards wide; but it is very
broad at other times.]

[Footnote 137: The late Malte-Brun adopted this opinion immediately
after the publication of the English travels to Saccatoo.]

[Footnote 138: See _Ephémérid. Géogr._ for the year 1803.]

[Footnote 139: Is it possible to quote this estimable traveller,
who united so many extraordinary qualities, without offering a
tribute of regret to his memory? His loss has deprived science of
more than one discovery: all, however, has not perished with him;
the account of his travels has been preserved; and it is to be hoped
that it will speedily be published, with his maps and drawings.]

[Footnote 140: See _Mémoire sur la Communication du Nil des Noirs
avec le Nil d’Egypte_, p. 9.]

[Footnote 141: Funda appears to be less than a hundred leagues from
the sea, measuring the distance by the current.]

[Footnote 142: A Dissertation on the Course and probable Termination
of the Niger, London, 1829.]

[Footnote 143: M. Chauvet, however has just published a conjecture
coinciding with several different accounts, and possessing the
advantage of embracing the whole question of the rivers which
traverse Northern Africa in every direction: his opinion is developed
at great length, and I should here insist upon the merit of this
explanation, had not the author prevented me, by quoting my opinion
as an authority. (_Revue Encycl._ October 1829).]

[Footnote 144: The numerals are the same as in Bambara.]

[Footnote 145: I have added within parentheses the words given by
Mungo Park to shew the frequent agreement between the two travellers,
the differences arise from the diversity of the countries through
which they travelled.

It is to be regretted that travellers, when collecting the words
of an unknown language, do not select peculiar and characteristic
terms: it would be easier, by following this method of comparing
the different idioms, to discover their family resemblance or
their original dissimilarity. With this view, I have formed a
rather extended specimen of a vocabulary principally for the use
of travellers in Africa, with a methodic mode of interrogation
(See _Atlas Ethn. de M. Ad. Balbi_, page xlviij).

I have also formed a collection of vocabularies of more than thirty
idioms of Northern Africa, which may serve as a second part of the
_Vocabulaire des Voyageurs_.—E. J.]

[Footnote 146: The _r_ is changed into _l_ in this word and many
others see below.—E. J.]

[Footnote 147: The third numeral order of the Mandingoes, called
_kemmé_, and which answers to a hundred, is composed of only
eight tens; so that our hundred is equal to their hundred and
twenty, which they express by _kemmé_ ni mouga (_a hundred_ and
twenty). Their hundred being only eighty, their thousand is equal
to eight of our hundreds.]

[Footnote 148: An opening in general. See the note, page 384.]

[Footnote 149: M. Caillié has observed that the word _mountain_ is
expressed by _kong_. Mungo Park has taken a generic term for the name
of a particular mountain; Park himself here confirms my observations,
by giving the word _konko_. I may add that the term for head is
_koung_ in Mandingo; and there is an analogy in the sense.—E. J.]

[Footnote 150: This word also signifies mouth, no doubt because it
expresses that which opens, the ear, the mouth, the door, or any
other opening.]

[Footnote 151: The _gu_, _gh_, or _dh_, has here a guttural sound.]

[Footnote 152: The ȷ̈ is used here, and in all the words that
should have a strong guttural pronunciation; it is in the Spanish
_j_, and the Arabic خ, kha.]

[Footnote 153: _Inta_, in Arabic, thou.]

[Footnote 154: _So_ signifies village.]

[Footnote 155: I do not know the name of that.]

[Footnote 156: I have added between parentheses many words of the
language spoken at Timbuctoo, according to Captain Lyon and Major
Denham: these last are accompanied by the letter D.; it is remarkable
that they are all confirmed by M. Caillié, and at the same time
scarcely one of the others. The words given by Robert Adams to
M. Dupuis are in the same predicament as those of Captain Lyon. This
disagreement alone cannot prove the falsity of the travels of Adams;
but it is at least well worthy of attention. See above Chap. 1. §
1.—E. J.]

[Footnote 157: According to Bowdich.]

[Footnote 158: A shell which passes for money.]

[Footnote 159: This word is perhaps meat in Arabic, taken for the
act of eating, in consequence of an error similar to that noticed
at the word hand.]

[Footnote 160: Or _akhod_. This is an Arabic word which signifies
take; the motion of the hand has doubtless been taken for the
hand itself.]

[Footnote 161: The resemblance of this word to _ushti_, _to drink_
cannot fail to be here remarked. Is it not the position of the
hand in the act of drinking which has caused the confusion made by
Capt. Lyon?—E. J.]

[Footnote 162: This should, no doubt be the same word, _tarno_
or _tamo_.]

[Footnote 163: The English mile is intended; the traveller having,
before he quitted Sierra-Leone, acquired the habit of estimating
his march, in a given time, according to a space measured in
English miles.

All the other details of the route, and those which relate to the
accidents of the soil, are noted in the journal of the travels
to which it will be necessary to have recourse in order fully to
understand the circumstances of the march.]

[Footnote 164: Beyond Kera, the journeys were noted by hours,
which have been here turned into miles at the rate of two miles an
hour. The night marches, directed by the true north are summarily
mentioned in the column of observations.]

[Footnote 165: This is the mosque called in the description the
Western Mosque, and which is situated to the W. S.  W. of the town.]

[Footnote 166: My learned friend M. Delile, author of the _Flore
d’Egypte_, considers this tree as the _persea_ of the ancients;
but this opinion is disputed.]

[Footnote 167: See “_Réflexions sur l’état des Connoissances
relatives au Dhioliba_,” page 25.]

[Footnote 168: M. Caillié has brought away some seeds and fragments
of gramineous and leguminous plants, collected between Timé and
Djenné, and on the banks of the Dhioliba, now deposited at the
vice-consulate of Tangier, with some white stone from the wells of
El-Araouan, some minerals, and the plummet of which I have spoken.]

[Footnote 169: _Descript. Afric._ &c. page 429, Tigur. 1559.]

[Footnote 170: Consult the interesting work entitled _Naufrage du
brig français la Sophie_, par M. Charles Cochelet, (Paris, 1821,
in 8vo) where the author affirms that Sidi-Hamet did not visit
Timbuctoo, and raises doubts upon the travels of Adams.  (Tom. 2,
chap. XV.)]

[Footnote 171: M. Jomard’s share in the publication is confined
to the itinerary, the maps and the geographical discussions, the
division, and the general superintendence of the work.]

[Footnote 172: It is the line which Watt and Winterbottom took
in 1794.]

[Footnote 173: He passed considerably to the east of these towns.]

[Footnote 174: See the report page 451.]

[Transcriber's note:

Only evident typographical errors have been corrected; other
inconsistencies or mistakes have been kept in.

To see the General map and Itinerary map in full detail, the reader
is referred to the _Carte itinéraire du voyage de M. Caillié
à Jenné et à Temboctou_ (E.M. Jomard, 1829), digitized and
available at the _Bibliothèque nationale de France_. Similarly,
the plate elements listed in the Explanation of the Plates that do
not appear in "View of the city of Timbuctoo" (also named "View of
part of the town of Timbuctoo, taken from the summit of a hill to
the E. N. E.") can be found in the French original.]



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